J 
 
University of California Berkeley 
 
 1 CLASS OF 1900 
 
A HISTORY OF THE NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 IN 
 
 THE WAR OF THE REBELLION 
 
 1861-1865 
 
 PRECEDED BY 
 
 A REVIEW OF THE MILITARY SERVICES OF NEGROES 
 IN ANCIENT AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 BY 
 GEOEGE W. WILLIAMS^ LL.D. 
 
 COLONEL AND LATE JUDGE ADVOCATE IN THK GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC 
 AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF THE NEGRO RACE IN AMERICA" 
 
 NEW YORK 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 
 
 1888 
 
Copyright, 1887, by HARPER & BROTHERS. 
 
 All rightt rtttned. 
 
TO 
 THE NEGRO SOLDIERS 
 
 WHO HEROICALLY SERVED THEIR COUNTRY 
 
 IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION 
 
 THIS RECORD OF THEIR VALOR 
 
 3 s Jnscribeb 
 
 BY THEIR COMRADE IN ARMS 
 
 THE AUTHOR 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 I HAVE undertaken to write a military history of Negro 
 troops in the War of the Kebellion. I have written only 
 of the military services of Negro troops ; and I have used 
 the generic word Negro because, while many mulattoes 
 were in the service, the Negroes preponderated to an 
 overwhelming degree. 
 
 In writing of the remote past, the historian has the ben- 
 efit of the sifting and winnowing to which time subjects 
 historical data; but in writing of events within living 
 memory it requires both fortitude and skill to resist the 
 insidious influence of interested friends and actors, to sep- 
 arate error from truth with an even and steady hand, to 
 master the sources of historical information to know 
 where the material is, to collect and classify it, although 
 scattered through an almost endless maze of books, news- 
 papers, diaries, pamphlets, etc. and to avoid partisan 
 feeling and maintain a spirit of judicial candor. How far 
 I have succeeded is left to the considerate judgment of 
 the reader. 
 
 Myself a soldier in the volunteer and regular army of 
 the United States, in infantry and cavalry, an officer of 
 artillery in the Eepublican forces of the Mexican army, 
 and recently an officer of the Sixth Regiment of Massa- 
 chusetts Volunteer Militia, I may claim some military ex- 
 perience. I participated in many of the battles herein 
 described, including some of the most severe conflicts of 
 Negro troops with the enemy in Virginia. Bat I have re- 
 
x PREFACE. 
 
 lied very little on personal knowledge, preferring always 
 to follow the official record. 
 
 For years an active member of the Grand Army of the 
 Republic, I have heard with deep interest, at camp-fires 
 and encampments, many narratives of the heroic conduct 
 of Negro soldiers, but my enthusiasm has never led me 
 away from the record. I have been intrusted with the 
 journals and orderly -books of officers from the rank of 
 lieutenant to that of major-general, and have been person- 
 ally acquainted with six major-generals who at one time 
 or another commanded Negro troops. 
 
 The data upon which I have relied for the historical 
 trustworthiness of this work are divisible into two classes, 
 official and unofficial. The official class contains the fol- 
 lowing documents : 
 
 " Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," edited 
 by Lieutenant-colonel Robert N. Scott ; Confederate Of- 
 ficial Records; Army and Navy Official Gazette; Con- 
 gressional Record and Congressional Globe; Journal of 
 the Confederate Congress; Executive Documents of the 
 several States; Official Despatches of the War Depart- 
 ment ; manuscript information furnished me by the Secre- 
 tary of War, through the courtesy of the Adjutant-general 
 of the army ; manuscript information furnished by the 
 Adjutant-generals of the several States ; manuscript infor- 
 mation furnished by war offices of foreign governments 
 through their ambassadors in Washington; and orderly- 
 books of general officers who commanded Negro troops in 
 the field. 
 
 The unofficial class contains the following material : 
 
 " The Rebellion Record," edited by Frank Moore ; the 
 annuals of the " American Encyclopaedia " for the period 
 of the War ; the principal histories of the War, including 
 the works of Pollard, Stephens, and Davis for the Confed- 
 
PREFACE. xi 
 
 eracy ; " The Campaigns of the Civil War " entire series 
 published by the Messrs. Scribner ; " The Army of the 
 Potomac," by John Swinton ; the History of the War, by 
 the Comte de Paris ; Grant's Military History, by Gener- 
 al Adam Badeau ; the Proceedings of the Society of the 
 Army of the Potomac and of the Army of the Cumber- 
 land; the Soldiers' and Sailors' Historical Society pub- 
 lications of Ehode Island; Townshend's War Library; 
 numerous books published by Confederate and Union offi- 
 cers ; pamphlets, patriotic speeches, and the files of the 
 Boston Journal, the New York Herald, World, Times, 
 and Tribune, and many other newspapers, both Confeder- 
 ate and Union. 
 
 I have availed myself of as much of this material as 
 could advantageously be used in writing a popular history, 
 and have been careful to make due acknowledgment to 
 my authorities. 
 
 I am under deep obligations to the Hon. Ainsworth R. 
 Spofford, the librarian of the Library of Congress, for his 
 kindness in placing before me his large manuscript collec- 
 tions, from which I have derived valuable facts. I am 
 happy to return thanks to the Secretary of War and the 
 Adjutant-general of the army for access to sources of in- 
 formation. General Drum is an indefatigable worker, and 
 with his excellent method he will soon place the records of 
 the War Department in a most convenient and accessible 
 shape. I found Colonel Robert N. Scott, who is in charge 
 of the publication of the War records, a most genial and ac- 
 commodating gentleman. I have enjoyed and appreciated 
 his literary sympathy, and have profited by his wide, va- 
 ried, and accurate knowledge of the records. I cheerfully 
 acknowledge receipt of personal information from Major- 
 generals B. F. Butler, A. L. Chetlain, James B. Steedman, 
 Thomas J. Morgan, Daniel Ullmann, David Hunter, Majors 
 
x - PREFACE. 
 
 William C. Manning and Luis F. Emilio, and many other 
 officers. Of the officers who led the movement to employ 
 Negroes as soldiers or commanded them in battle, the 
 following are still living : Saxton, Terry, Butler, Ullmann, 
 Hinks, Banks, Morgan, Doubleday, Wild, Ferrero, Ames, 
 Thomas, Jackson, Auger, Andrews, and Birney; while 
 Phelps, Weitzel, Ord, Burnside, Hunter, Steedman, D. B. 
 Birney, and Draper are dead. Of these twenty-four, nine 
 were graduates of West Point. And that noble spirit 
 another Sidney Adjutant -general Lorenzo Thomas, has 
 entered into his well-earned rest ; while Stanton, who was 
 always firm in the conviction that the Negro was capable as 
 a soldier, and the venerable General Casey, who wrote a 
 system of tactics for these troops, are also dead. These 
 names, of the living as well as the dead, with others not 
 mentioned here, will always be held in grateful remem- 
 brance by the Negro race. 
 
 I judged it proper to give a summary of the military 
 services of Negro soldiers in ancient and modern times, 
 and thus to bring together in one work the necessary 
 facts to understand their military capacity. The chapter 
 on Negro soldiers in ancient times I have prepared with 
 great pains, after carefully weighing all the evidence I 
 could obtain. 
 
 In the chapter on Negro soldiers in modern times I have 
 sought, with succinct brevity, to glean the essential facts 
 of the Negro's military services throughout modern Eu- 
 rope, without overshadowing or detracting from his rec- 
 ord in the late Rebellion. I personally examined the fields 
 on which Negroes fought in Mexico ; and while in Eng- 
 land, Germany, and France, I heard from those who had 
 led them in conflicts, and from those who had contended 
 with their valor, but one story of their matchless courage. 
 The Germans have not forgotten the Negro's desperate 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 fighting, and the French will always remember that in 
 their army in 1870 he was " the bravest of the brave." 
 
 I have told the story of the Negro's exploits in Hayti 
 from the record, and I have gone for my facts to French- 
 men as well as to Englishmen, to foe as well as to friend. 
 In recording what he did in the war of the Revolution, I 
 have gone to the orderly - books in the State House at 
 Boston, the Department of State, and the Library of 
 Congress at Washington, D. C. ; I have examined the de- 
 scriptive lists of the army under Washington and Ward at 
 Cambridge, Massachusetts. I have found it necessary, in 
 the interest of history and science, to prick some bubbles 
 of alleged history, and to correct the record. Negro sol- 
 diers were not in the battle of Red Bank, as many school 
 histories declare; nor were the free Negroes of the colo- 
 nies enrolled as a part of the established militia. They en- 
 tered many of the companies in the towns, but not with 
 the approval of either public sentiment or law ; it was by 
 tacit consent of local authorities against provincial inhibi- 
 tion. 
 
 On the other hand, justice, in many instances, has been 
 denied the Negro soldier of the war of the Revolution, as in 
 the case of the Rhode Island regiment. I have neverthe- 
 less kept to the record, hewing to the line, regardless of 
 the direction the flying chips take. 
 
 The part enacted by the Negro soldier in the war of the 
 Rebellion is the romance of North American history. It 
 was midnight and noonday without a space between ; from 
 the Egyptian darkness of bondage to the lurid glare of 
 civil war; from clanking chains to clashing arms; from 
 passive submission to the cruel curse of slavery to the brill- 
 iant aggressiveness of a free soldier ; from a chattel to a 
 person; from the shame of degradation to the glory of 
 military exaltation ; and from deep obscurity to fame and 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 martial immortality. No one in tins era of fraternity and 
 Christian civilization will grudge the Negro soldier these 
 simple annals of his trials and triumphs in a holy struggle 
 for human liberty. Whatever praise is bestowed upon his 
 noble acts will be sincerely appreciated, whether from for- 
 mer foes or comrades in arms. For by withholding just 
 praise they are not enriched, nor by giving are they there- 
 by impoverished. 
 
 Nor will the reader find reason for complaint at the 
 spirit of the historian. I have spoken plainly, it is true, 
 but I have not extenuated nor set down aught in malice. 
 My language is not plainer than the truth, my philippic is 
 not more cruel than the crimes exposed, my rhetoric is 
 not more fiery than the trials through which these black 
 troops passed, nor my conclusions without warrant of 
 truth or justification of evidence. 
 
 I trust that Congress will adopt my suggestion and 
 name the park in front of Howard University for the 
 brave and beautiful young colonel, Robert Gould Shaw, 
 and there erect a monument to the Negro soldiers who fell 
 in the service of their country. It would be a deserved 
 and fitting tribute to the valor of the Negro soldier, and 
 would have a beneficent influence upon the entire people 
 for all time to come. 
 
 I commit this story of the Negro's martial prowess to 
 my countrymen, regardless of section or race, creed or par- 
 ty; entertaining the belief that neither sectional malice 
 nor party rancor can ever obliterate a record that is now, 
 happily in the progress of events, not only the proud and 
 priceless heritage of a race, but the glory of a nation. 
 
 GEORGE W. WILLIAMS. 
 ETONIA, WASHINGTON, D. C., 
 July 31, 1886. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTORY: NEGRO SOLDIERS IN ANCIENT TIMES .... 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 NEGRO SOLDIERS IN MODERN TIMES 10 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ANTECEDENT FACTS. FORESHADOWING EVENTS 58 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MILITARY RENDITION OF SLAVES 66 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE NEGRO VOLUNTEER. MILITARY EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES . 81 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MILITARY STATUS OF NEGRO TROOPS 145 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 NEGRO IDIOSYNCRACIES 167 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE OUTLOOK 170 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 NEGRO TROOPS IN BATTLE. DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH (1S62- 
 
 1865) 181 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY (1863) 214 
 
xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. PAGE 
 
 IN THE ARMY OP THE POTOMAC (1864) . 231 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE FORT PILLOW MASSACRE (1S64) t 257 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 IN THE ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND (1S64) 273 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 IN THE ARMY OF THE JAMES (1865) 291 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 AS PRISONERS OF WAR 304 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE CLOUD OF WITNESSES 320 
 
 INDEX 343 
 
THE GILLMORE MEDAL, 
 
 GRAND ARMY BADGE, 
 
 THE BUTLER MEDAL. 
 
A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 IN 
 
 THE WAR OF THE REBELLION, 
 
 1861-1865. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY: NEGRO SOLDIERS LN ANCIENT TIMES. 
 
 THE Negro appears in the military history of Egypt 
 for the first time in the Inscriptions of Una, who was 
 crown-bearer, or Secretary of State, under King Pepi dur- 
 ing the Sixth Dynasty. 1 Down to this time the Egyptian 
 Empire had enjoyed comparative quiet, but the Sixth Dy- 
 nasty clearly marks the beginning of the military epoch. 
 A large army had always been in existence in Egypt, but 
 it was seldom called into the field. The military class 
 always ranked high, coming next in order to the priest- 
 hood," and was divided into two distinct parts. Herod- 
 
 1 The Inscription of Una was found by M. Marietta, and subse- 
 quently placed in the Museum of Boulaq, at Cairo. It was translated 
 by the late Vicomte Em de Rouge "Recherches sur les Monuments : 
 Six Premieres Dynasties," 4to, p. 117, and following, pi. 7, 8. Paris, 
 1866; Brugsch-Bey, "Histoire d'Egypte," 8vo, p. 70, and following. 
 Leipzig, 1875. 
 
 9 The Egyptians were famous for classes ; and in order to show the 
 important position of the soldiers the subjoined table is given. The 
 
2 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 otus estimates the strength of the Egyptian army at 
 410,000.' On an average of five persons to a family, his 
 figures would bring the military class up to 2,050,000. 
 But Diodorus places the strength of the army at 692,000. a 
 The same family average brings these figures up to 
 3,460,000. This constituted the entire military class. The 
 two great divisions of the army were the Hermotybies 
 and Calasiries. The latter were archers, and inhabited 
 the cantons of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, 
 Sebennytus, Athribis, Pharbsethus, Thmuis, Onuphis, 
 Anysis, and Myecphoris. With the single exception of 
 Thebes, these districts all lay within the Delta. These 
 Calasiries numbered about 250,000. The Hermotybies 
 were not so numerous, and inhabited only six cantons : 
 Busiris, Sai's, Papremis, Prosopitis, and Natho, also in the 
 region of the Delta, with Chemmis, which was in Upper 
 Egypt. These troops were spearmen and chariot-riders, 
 and numbered about 160,000. The population of Egypt 
 (3000 B.C.) was about 7,500,000. The army, when on war 
 footing, was about one-fourth the population ; but after 
 it was recruited, the archers or infantry were disbanded 
 and sent into agricultural districts. But the largest em- 
 pires of modern Europe, with five times the population 
 of Egypt, find a standing army of 400,000 or 500,000 
 men an enormous burden. An army of large proportions 
 
 evidence in favor of the position of the soldiers is absolute. The 
 Negroes must have obtained great favor as soldiers. 
 
 Classes of Herodotus. 
 
 Classes of Plato. 
 
 Classes of Diodorus. 
 
 1. Priests. 
 2. Soldiers. 
 3. Cow-herds. 
 4. Swine-herds. 
 6. Traders. 
 6. Boatmen. 
 
 1. Priests. 
 2. Soldiers. 
 3. Herdsmen. 
 4. Husbandmen. 
 5. Artificers. 
 
 1. Priests. 
 2. Soldiers. 
 3. Herdsmen. 
 4. Husbandmen. 
 5. Artificers. 
 
 7. Interpreters. 
 
 
 
 1 Herodotus, book ii., pp. 165, 166. * Diodorus, book i., p. 54. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 3 
 
 was always necessary under the Egyptian monarchy, and 
 a cheap army became a matter of grave concern. 
 
 At a period unknown to history prior to the Sixth 
 Dynasty, the Negro tribes to the south of King Pepi be- 
 came tributary to the Egyptian Empire. In the second 
 year of Pepi's reign he put his army into the field, and 
 his troops were successful against the Mentu. 1 Elated 
 with this success, he turned his victorious arms against 
 the Amu and Herusha, two peaceable tribes inhabiting 
 the desert to the east of Lower Egypt. The King en- 
 countered stout fighting from these children of the des- 
 ert, and fearing their vengeful spirit, collected and drilled 
 a numerous army. The nucleus of his army was from the 
 native Egyptians in the north ; but he soon turned his at- 
 tention to the Negro tribes to the south, from among which 
 he secured thousands of black levies. " His Majesty made 
 soldiers of numerous ten thousands in the land of the 
 South. . . . The Negroes from Nam, the Negroes from 
 Aman, the Negroes from Uauat, the Negroes from Kau, 
 the Negroes from the land of Takam. His Majesty placed 
 me at head of that army," 2 says Una. 
 
 It was natural that, having honored these Negroes with 
 the Egyptian uniform, King Pepi should place Egyptian 
 officers over them. It does not follow either that the 
 Negroes were degraded, or that there were none of their 
 number capable of a command. The high and important 
 position of the Egyptian army, the severe requirements 
 of its drill and discipline, and the exalted social position 
 of the men who were appointed by his Majesty as officers 
 in this vast Negro army, are creditable to the rank and 
 file. The " nomarchs, the chancellors, the sole friends of 
 
 1 Birch's "Ancient Egypt, "p. 52. 
 
 8 " Records of the Past," vol. ii., pp. 4, 5. 
 
4 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the palace, the superintendents, the rulers of the nomes 
 of the North and South, the friends, superintendents of 
 gold, the superintendent of the priests of the South and 
 North, the superintendents of the register and at the head 
 officers of the South and the land of the North, and of the 
 cities, [drilled] the Negroes of these lands." 1 
 
 These Negroes evidently had won a reputation for sol- 
 dierly qualities, else they would not have been recruited 
 for service in the Egyptian army. If this contingent were 
 a "wild and disorderly crew," 3 as Professor Rawlinson as- 
 serts, why were they not enslaved and sent into the Delta 
 to perform agricultural labor ? No modern writer on an- 
 cient Egypt has a stronger claim upon the confidence and 
 respect of the student of history than Professor Rawlinson, 
 and it is from his own works that this argument is derived. 
 Several things are patent. The eleventh chapter of the 
 first volume of "Ancient Egypt" gives a minute and 
 graphic account of the constitution of the Egyptian army. 
 He deals with its social rank, its divisions, numbers, weap- 
 ons, and drill. Thus we are led to regard superior phys- 
 ical qualifications and high intelligence as necessary to se- 
 cure admission to the Egyptian army. The professor 
 will no doubt concede that the captor in Eastern wars had 
 a right in fee-simple to his captive. He could dispose of 
 his labor, sell him, or take his life. Professor Rawlinson 
 says, " In war many cruel and barbarous customs prevailed. 
 Captives were either reduced to slavery or put to death." 3 
 This is strong and conclusive. These Negroes could not 
 have been captives. Professor Rawlinson must find an ex- 
 planation, however, for the employment of tens of thou- 
 sands of Negroes by King Pepi. 
 
 1 "Records of the Past," vol. ii., p. 5. 
 9 "Ancient Egypt," vol. ii., p. 108. 
 1 Ibid., vol. ii., p. 372. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 5 
 
 He says, " It is remarkable that we find the negro races 
 of the South already subdued, without any previous notice 
 in any of the Egyptian remains of the time or circum- 
 stances of their subjugation. . . . We find the negroes 
 already obedient subjects of Pepi when they are first men- 
 tioned as coming into contact with him ; and his enlistment 
 of them as soldiers to fight his battles would seem to im- 
 ply that their subjugation had not been very recent. It 
 is necessary to suppose that some monarch of the Fourth or 
 Fifth Dynasty had made them Egyptian subjects, without 
 leaving behind him any record of the fact, or, at any rate, 
 without leaving any record that has escaped destruction." * 
 
 But such an inference disregards the custom universal 
 in ancient times of reducing subjugated nations or tribes 
 to slavery. 3 Yet there is no reference to the enslavement 
 of Negroes up to this time, nor are they depicted as cap- 
 tives in the monuments or pictures connected with the 
 military campaigns of the five preceding dynasties. If 
 these Negroes were a "wild and disorderly crew," why 
 should " nomarchs and chancellors, the sole friends of the 
 palace," aspire to commissions as their officers ? Evident- 
 ly because their valor and prowess were well known, and 
 it was esteemed an honor to lead them in battle. And 
 this conclusion is borne out by the deportment of these 
 troops in the campaigns through which they subsequently 
 passed. 
 
 "When the work of drilling this vast Negro army was 
 completed, it was moved into the enemy's country. The 
 precise location of the country invaded is not certain. 
 Some Egyptologists locate it in Syria, and others think it 
 was in Arabia Petrsea. The latest researches indicate the 
 region about Lake Menzaleh. In any case, the country 
 
 1 "Ancient Egypt," vol. ii., p. 110. 
 
 8 Kurd's "Laws of Bondage and Freedom." 
 
(J A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 was distant and the marching difficult. It must have been 
 an inspiring spectacle to behold a large and imposing army 
 of Negroes, officered and drilled by the most accomplished 
 native Egyptians, marching out from the imperial metrop- 
 olis ! These troops went out from the imperial presence 
 to battle for a venerable government whose potency the 
 Orient had long ago felt and acknowledged. The black 
 army must have felt the enthusiasm of the occasion. 
 These black soldiers spoke another language, were from 
 another land, and had felt the influence of another and 
 widely different civilization. No doubt the Nile and the 
 Delta had resounded with the exploits of the veterans that 
 formed the strength of this Negro army, and new perils 
 and new glories awaited them. Five battles were fought 
 during this campaign, in all of which the Negro troops 
 were victorious. Una, the historian of the campaign, fur- 
 nishes the following account : 
 
 " The warriors came and destroyed the land of the He- 
 rusha, and returned fortunately home ; and they came 
 again, and took possession of the land of the Herusha, and 
 returned fortunately home ; and they came and demol- 
 ished the fortresses of the Herusha, and returned fortu- 
 nately home ; and they cut down the vines and fig-trees, 
 and returned fortunately home ; and they set fire to the 
 houses, and returned fortunately home ; and they killed 
 the chief men by tens of thousands, and returned fortu- 
 nately home. And the warriors brought back with them 
 a great number of living captives, which pleased the King 
 more than all the rest. Five times did the King send me 
 out to set things right in the land of the Herusha, and to 
 subdue their revolt by force; each time I acted so that 
 the King was pleased with me." l 
 
 1 Vicomtede Rouge's "Recherches,"p. 125. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 7 
 
 It would seem that after so thorough a campaign, in 
 which fields, forts, and houses were destroyed, in addition 
 to the frightful slaughter the Herusha sustained, there 
 would be no necessity for a renewal of hostilities. But an- 
 other expedition was made by water. Una says, " Safe- 
 ly to Takhisa I sailed again in boats with this force. I 
 subdued this country from the extreme frontier on the 
 North of the land of Herusha." 1 The troops were landed, 
 and the fighting was pushed with vigor and skill. The 
 enemy was defeated and subdued to the extreme border 
 towards the North. 
 
 This had not been a constructive period ; but now that 
 a successful war had been waged against King Pepi's ene- 
 mies, the Negro troops were recalled, and arts and archi- 
 tecture revived. What became of this enormous Negro 
 army is not known. It appears suddenly upon the page 
 of Egyptian history, achieves signal success for the an- 
 cient empire, and then disappears from view. This may 
 or may not have been the first time Negroes were largely 
 employed as soldiers by the Egyptians. Like many an- 
 other important event, the record of an earlier employ- 
 ment of troops of this character may have perished. 
 
 The military paintings connected with the campaigns 
 of the Egyptians during the Eighteenth Dynasty represent 
 Negro soldiers as numerous. They formed the strength 
 of the army of Shishak, king of Egypt, in 971 B.C., when 
 that intrepid monarch marched against Rehoboam. King 
 Shishak's tomb was opened in 1849, and his depicted army, 
 including an exact representation of the genuine Negro 
 race, in color, physiognomy, and hair. Negroes were also 
 found in large numbers in the armies under Sesostris and 
 Xerxes. 
 
 1 "Records of the Past," vol. ii., p. 6. 
 
8 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 There is ample and trustworthy evidence of the stable 
 national government and high social organization attained 
 by the Negro tribes in the East before the Christian era. 
 
 Mr. Wilkinson, the famous Egyptologist, opened a re- 
 markable Theban tomb, and in 1840 Harris and Gliddon 
 made a very careful examination of it. It abounds in 
 Negro scenes, one of which is described as follows : " A 
 negress, apparently a princess, arrives at Thebes, drawn 
 in a plaustrnm by a pair of humped oxen the driver 
 and groom being red-colored Egyptians, and, one might 
 almost infer, eunuchs. Following her are multitudes of 
 negroes and Nubians, bringing tribute from the upper 
 country, as well as black slaves of both sexes and all ages, 
 among which are some Ted children, whose fathers were 
 Egyptians. The cause of her advent seems to have been 
 to make offering in this tomb of a ' royal son of Ke Sh- 
 Amunoph,' who may have been her husband." 3 
 
 It is evident that the Negro government whose repre- 
 sentative this princess was maintained a military establish- 
 ment. 
 
 During the reign of Rameses III., a Negro king appears 
 at the head of fourteen captured princes in the sculptures 
 of Medinet-Abou. a 
 
 From about three thousand years before the Christian 
 era, until the birth and establishment of Christianity, there 
 is an unbroken chain of historical evidence of the military 
 employment of Negroes. Christianity came breathing its 
 spirit of hope and charity into the dead and empty for- 
 malisms of the period, and the clash of arms was suc- 
 ceeded by the fierce controversial spirit of the theologians. 
 The dreadful carnage of war did not cease, but the thea- 
 
 1 " Types of Mankind," p. 262. 1854. 
 8 Brugsch-Bey's "Hist. d'Egypte," vol. L, 
 
 pp. 150, 151. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 9 
 
 tre of strife was transferred from the Orient to the Occi- 
 dent. The Eastern world had fought its way to the front 
 line of martial fame. Its colossal civilization had risen 
 gradually through centuries of painful effort. It had 
 reached the danger-line ; and then the effulgent morning 
 of its primal glory was succeeded by the gloaming of its 
 barbarous and costly wars, and yet later by the starless 
 night of its irreparable decay. Christianity turned her 
 radiant face to the West, and all behind her was darkness, 
 silence, and death. For more than sixteen hundred years 
 the Negro's hands were empty of his weapons. Western 
 and north-western Europe were the scene of the struggle 
 for Christian civilization. The Negro was not needed in 
 such a struggle, in such a climate. During all these cen- 
 turies no facile pen traces the history of the Negro nations 
 in the East. They were left entirely to themselves for 
 sixteen centuries. The problems propounded by Chris- 
 tianity discovery, empire, letters, and liberty could well 
 dispense with the remorseless military audacity of the 
 Negro. 
 
10 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 NEGRO SOLDIERS IN MODERN TIMES. 
 
 IT was about fifteen centuries from the time the Negro 
 disappeared from the page of the world's history until his 
 reappearance. The Gospel of Peace had rendered the po- 
 tent arms of his victorious warfare impotent and obsolete. 
 The spirit of geography and discovery which thrilled the 
 continents in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries revived 
 interest in the Negro. But it was interest/*?/ 9 him and not 
 interest in him. Spain and Portugal, France and Italy, 
 Germany and England, either by discovery or conquest, 
 had extended their landed domains. The great distances 
 of the new possessions from the seat of these European 
 empires gave rise to problems of vast meaning and diffi- 
 cult of solution. The contiguity of these great States ren- 
 dered necessary enormous standing armies to watch each 
 other at all times, and this state of affairs made labor 
 dear and laborers scarce. The distant possessions, at a 
 time when steam was unknown, could be reached only by 
 officials or the opulent. Avarice and necessity seized upon 
 Caucasian convicts and Negro slaves to solve the labor 
 problem in North America. 
 
 During the three hundred years in which the Latin, 
 Germanic, and English speaking races were engaged in 
 robbing Africa of Negroes for the nefarious traffic in hu- 
 man flesh, the Negro was a non-combatant. He not only 
 did not fight, he scarcely ever offered a protest. To him 
 war was a lost art, and the word resistance had no place 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 11 
 
 in his scanty vocabulary. Three centuries of servitude to 
 the dominant races of the world were not without their 
 lessons to the docile Negro. From the dark night of sav- 
 agehood he moved into the gray dawn of civilization. He 
 occasionally felt the influence of some great impulse tow- 
 ards humanity, and was doubtless conscious, to a certain 
 degree, of the great civilizing forces that were turning the 
 flood-tides in the affairs of the nations he was serving. 
 The tendencies towards republican government in France, 
 and the struggle for independence in America, like a great 
 magnetic current, electrified the Negro's heart, and the 
 old love of valor and liberty went singing through his 
 soul. 
 
 In his place upon the cotton, rice, and tobacco planta- 
 tions of the British colonies in North America, he heard 
 the sullen complaint of Americans against magisterial au- 
 tocracy and parliamentary encroachments ; and from his 
 insular home in the Antilles he heard the low reverbera- 
 tion of the French Revolution, and later, the shock of em- 
 battled arms. Here in America he aided the colonies to 
 achieve independent autonomy ; there in the Antilles he 
 fought his way to freedom through the veteran ranks of 
 Spanish and French soldiery, and made his way to self- 
 government over the avarice and personal ambition of 
 slave-holding planters. 
 
 In the vast system of militia and " minute-men " that 
 guarded the young colonies in America against the savage 
 depredations of the aborigines, the Negro bore an honora- 
 ble part. 1 In the southern colonies he was assigned to fa- 
 tigue duty chiefly, although compelled "to train" with 
 his company. In Massachusetts he was found upon the 
 foremost wave of popular indignation at the quartering of 
 
 1 Palfrey's " History of New England," vol. ii., p. 30, note. 
 
12 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 soldiers upon the colonists ; and " the shot that was heard 
 around the world" felled the stalwart form of the patriot 
 Negro, Crispus Attacks. 1 When the Kevolutionary war 
 began, the Negro was alert. Ministerial and Continental 
 authorities appealed to his courage as a man and his valor 
 as a soldier. He was found under the standards of both 
 armies ; but his idiosyncratic instinct led him into sympa- 
 thy with the American cause. His power of assimilation 
 made him intensely American, and gave him, in his new 
 home, his alphabet of thought. He did not reason about 
 British aggression, he read the cabalistic meaning in stir- 
 ring events ; and his patriotism outran all the reasoning 
 of the colonists, arid was early in the breach between lib- 
 erty and tyranny. He was conspicuous at the first great 
 battle of the Revolutionary War, and by deeds of valor 
 inscribed his name high up upon the scroll of fame. 3 One 
 of the most decisive events of the battle of Bunker Hill, 
 June 17, 1775, was the death of the British major, Pit- 
 cairn, at the hands of private Peter Salem, of Colonel Nix- 
 on's regiment of the Continental army. 8 No one has ever 
 disputed the claim of the Negro soldier to this deed of 
 valor ; and the silvern lips of the most polished orator of 
 Massachusetts have spoken his praise in measured sen- 
 tences and rounded periods. 4 Nor was this all. Another 
 Negro soldier distinguished himself ; and so great was the 
 impression that he created that fourteen American officers 
 commended his valor to the Congress. The memorial was 
 dated at Cambridge, December 5, 1775, and recited " that, 
 under our own observation, we declare that a negro man 
 called Salem Poor, of Colonel Frye's regiment, Captain 
 
 1 Adams's Works, vol. ii., p. 322. 
 
 9 Bancroft, vol. vii. , p. 421. Sixth edition. 
 
 3 Washburn's "History of Leicester, "p. 267. 
 
 4 "Orations and Speeches of Everett," vol. iii., p. 529. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 13 
 
 Ame's company, in the late battle at Charlestown, behaved 
 like an experienced officer, as well as an excellent soldier. 
 To set forth particulars of his conduct would be tedious. 
 We would only beg leave to say, in the person of this said 
 negro centres a brave and gallant soldier. The reward 
 due to so great and distinguished a character we submit 
 to the Congress." * 
 
 The random shots at Lexington, in April, 1775, had 
 brought the eastern colonies to their feet. In the grand 
 rally for the protection of their homes and personal rights, 
 the colonists paid little regard to the Negroes who rallied 
 also in great numbers and with patriotic spirit. In the 
 initial battles they had shared the perils of the Continental 
 militia and pastoral minute-men. Most of them were free- 
 men, and naturally felt it their duty to share the perils of 
 freemen, and consequently were scattered throughout the 
 American forces. 
 
 But when the smoke of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker 
 Hill had cleared away, and the presence of Negroes was ob- 
 served in the army, considerable feeling prevailed against 
 them. On the 29th of May, 1775, the " Committee of 
 Safety " for the Province of Massachusetts Bay deemed 
 the question of the employment of Negroes as soldiers of 
 great importance. A resolve 3 was passed reciting that the 
 contest was between Great Britain and the colonies, and 
 concerned the liberties of the latter ; and that the admis- 
 sion into the army of any persons as soldiers except free- 
 men would reflect dishonor on the colony; "and that no 
 slaves be admitted into this army upon any consideration 
 whatever." On the 6th of June the committee enter- 
 tained a resolve for the admission of slaves into the army, 
 
 1 "MS. Archives of Massachusetts," vol. clxxx., p. 241. 
 
 2 "Journal of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, " p. 553. 
 
14- A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 but it was finally " ordered to lie on tlie table for further 
 consideration." 1 The majority of the committee opposed 
 the employment of Negroes, and public sentiment did not 
 condemn this action. The army at Cambridge was great- 
 ly influenced by the attitude of the people of the province. 
 On the 10th of July, General Gates, in his instructions to 
 recruiting officers, forbade the enlistment of " any stroller, 
 negro, or vagabond." 4 But the fact remains that many 
 Negroes had secured a place in the army, and honorably 
 kept it until the close of the war. Bancroft records the 
 fact that " the roll of the army at Cambridge had from its 
 first formation borne the names of men of color." 5 He 
 adds, " Free negroes stood in the ranks by the side of 
 white men. In the beginning of the war they entered the 
 Provincial army ; the first general order which was issued 
 by Ward had required a return, 4 among other things, of 
 the ' complexion ' of the soldiers, and black men like oth- 
 ers were retained in the service after the troops were 
 adopted by the continent." 5 In the mean while this ques- 
 tion of the military status of the Negro, which had begun 
 as a local matter, had grown to Continental proportions. 
 On the 29th of September the Continental Congress was 
 the scene of an animated debate over a draft of a letter to 
 General Washington, reported by Lynch, Lee, and Adams. 
 Mr. Eutledge, of South Carolina, offered an amendment 
 instructing the commander-in-chief to discharge all free 
 Negroes and slaves in the army. The southern delegates 
 
 "Journal of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts," p. 302. 
 
 Moore's " Diary of the American Revolution," vol. L, p. 110. 
 
 Bancroft, vol. viii., p. 110. 1860. 
 
 Ibid. , vol. viii. , pp. 232, 233. I860. 
 
 I examined the muster-rolls or descriptive lists of the army at Cam- 
 bridge, and found this statement correct. I have now a large list of 
 Negro soldiers of the army at Cambridge, Massachusetts. G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 15 
 
 supported the amendment with spirit ; but it was defeated. 
 On the 8th of October a council of war was held at Gen- 
 eral Washington's headquarters. General Washington pre- 
 sided. There were three Major-generals Ward, Lee, and 
 Putman and six Brigadier -generals Thomas, Spencer, 
 Heath, Sullivan, Greene, and Gates. The arming of 'Ne- 
 groes was canvassed with the deepest concern. Two ques- 
 tions were considered ; first, whether any Negroes ought to 
 be enlisted " in the new army ;" second, whether a distinc- 
 tion should be made " between such as are slaves and those 
 who are free." The record of this " council of war " upon 
 the employment of Negroes as soldiers is explicit. "It 
 was agreed unanimously to reject all slaves, and by a great 
 majority to reject negroes altogether." 
 
 When the action of this council of war became known 
 it had a depressing influence upon the Negro population of 
 the eastern colonies. The free Negroes began to discuss 
 the situation, and a spirit of unrest pervaded the slave 
 class. The Negro was seriously discussed as a subject of 
 public interest. Although the Provincial Congress of 
 Massachusetts and the council of war at Cambridge had 
 voted the Negro unworthy of the Continental uniform, 
 there was still a disposition to consider the matter further. 
 On the 18th of October a committee of conference was 
 convened at Cambridge to take into consideration the ren- 
 ovation and reorganization of the army. Benjamin Frank- 
 lin, Thomas Lynch, and Benjamin Harrison, with the dep- 
 uty governors of Connecticut and Rhode Island, General 
 Washington, and the Committee of Safety for Massachu- 
 setts, constituted the conference. The Negro question en- 
 tered into their deliberations, and fared as it had on pre- 
 vious occasions both free and slave Negroes were "re- 
 jected altogether." 
 
 The adverse action of three distinct bodies, each of them 
 
16 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 authoritative in its way, seemed to settle the fate of the 
 Negroes who stood waiting to bear arms in the public de- 
 fence. It might be imagined that this action was the ex- 
 pression of public sentiment upon the military employment 
 of the Negro, but it was not. The masses had scarcely had 
 time to recover from the shock of an unexpected and un- 
 provoked assault upon their liberties. There had been no 
 adequate expression of public opinion upon the employ- 
 ment of Negroes as soldiers. The most influential jour- 
 nals of the colonies were issued weekly or semi-monthly. 
 Their columns were ablaze with patriotic appeals to the 
 people to stand for the rights guaranteed to them by the 
 British Magna Charta. They had not considered the 
 subject of placing arms in the hands of black allies, but 
 the discontent of the Negroes themselves forced the ques- 
 tion to popular consideration. 
 
 On the other hand, the Eoyalists were awake to all that 
 occurred within the lines of their enemy. The Earl of 
 Dunmore, who was Governor-general of the colony of Vir- 
 ginia, saw the dangerous policy of the Continental author- 
 ities, and grasped the situation. On the 7th of November 
 he issued a proclamation to the slaves of Virginia from on 
 board the ship William, off Norfolk. He declared "all 
 indented servants, negroes or others (appertaining to Keb- 
 els), free, that are able and willing to bear arms, they join- 
 ing his Majestie's troops as soon as may be." 1 
 
 This coup de maitre arrested the opposition to the em- 
 ployment of Negroes as Continental troops, and threw the 
 entire Negro population into violent excitement. No civil 
 or military official could be found now to oppose the en- 
 listment of Negroes in the army at Cambridge. Large 
 bodies of Negroes sought the towns, and agricultural work 
 
 1 "American Archives," vol. iii., p. 1385. Fourth Series. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 17 
 
 was generally abandoned. Little effort was made to keep 
 the Xegro within the narrow limits of the old slave code. 
 He was the most difficult and dangerous problem of the 
 hour. On the 12th of November, before hearing of Lord 
 Dumnore's proclamation, General Washington issued in- 
 structions to recruiting officers forbidding the enlistment 
 of Negroes. 1 From the 1st of July to the late autumn of 
 1775 there had been constant and unremitting opposition 
 in official circles to the enlistment of Negroes beside those 
 who had served at Bunker Hill on the 17th of June. 
 There was even loud complaint against the retention of 
 those already in the army not, indeed, in the eastern col- 
 onies, but from the South. In a letter to John Adams, 
 then in Congress, dated October 24, 1775, General Thomas 
 wrote : " I am sorry to hear that any prejudice should take 
 place in any southern colony with respect to the troops 
 raised in this. . . . We have some negroes, but 1 look on 
 them in general equally serviceable with other men for 
 fatigue, and in action many of them have proved them- 
 selves brave." 
 
 But notwithstanding the feeling in the southern colo- 
 nies, where the Tory element was strongest, and where 
 slaves were most numerous, the gravity of the situation 
 had greatly tempered public sentiment on this question. 
 In the early autumn, on the evening of the 2-ith of Sep- 
 tember, John Adams wrote an account of an interview 
 with Messrs. Bullock and Houston, from Georgia. He 
 thus reports them : " They say that if one thousand regu- 
 lar troops should land in Georgia, and their commander be 
 provided with arms and clothes enough, and proclaim free- 
 dom to all the negroes who would join his camp, twenty 
 thousand negroes would join it from the two provinces in 
 
 1 Sparks's "Washington," vol. iii., p. 155, note. 
 2 
 
18 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 a fortnight. The Negroes have a wonderful art of com- 
 municating intelligence among themselves; it will run 
 several hundreds of miles in a week or fortnight." 1 
 
 Lord Dunmore's proclamation was working most effect- 
 ually. The Negroes were flocking to the ministerial stand- 
 ards. The planters and Federalists were in consternation. 
 On the 23d of November a Williamsburg (Va.) paper is- 
 sued a carefully drafted proclamation of " Caution to the 
 Negroes," intended to stop the stampede and win them 
 back to the Federalists. " They " [the negroes], ran the 
 proclamation, " have been flattered with their freedom if 
 they be able to bear arms, and will speedily join Lord 
 Dunmore's troops. To none, then, is freedom prom- 
 ised but to such as are able to do Lord Dunmore serv- 
 ice," 3 etc. 
 
 Lord Dunmore had by this time gathered quite a large 
 number of Negroes into his army, and at the battle of 
 Kemp's Landing they behaved like veterans. They met 
 three companies of white troops and delivered battle ; 
 when one of the companies broke, the ex-slaves pursued 
 and captured it. 8 
 
 Every day increased the peril of the colonial cause. 
 The Virginia Convention issued an answer to Lord Dun- 
 more's proclamation on the 13th of December, and on the 
 day following published a proclamation " offering pardon 
 to such slaves as shall return to their duty within ten days 
 after the publication thereof." * 
 
 Only one month had passed since General Washington, 
 on November 12th, had officially forbidden the enlistment 
 
 1 Adams's Works, vol. ii., p. 428. 
 
 1 Force's " American Archives," vol. in., p. 1387. Fourth Series. 
 
 3 Ibid., vol. iv., p. 202. Fourth Series. 
 
 4 Ibid., vol. iv., pp. 84, 85. Fourth Series. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 19 
 
 of Negroes. The events of five weeks had changed his 
 mind. On the 15th of December he wrote to Joseph 
 Reed : " If the Virginians are wise, that arch-traitor to the 
 rights of humanity, Lord Dunmore, should be instantly 
 crushed, if it takes the force of the whole army to do it. 
 . . . But that which renders the measure indispensably 
 necessary is the negroes, for, if he gets formidable, num- 
 bers of them will be tempted to join who will be afraid to 
 do it without." 1 
 
 But the commander- in -chief of the Continental army 
 did not know that numbers of Negroes had already joined 
 Lord Duninore's forces. All of the disastrous news from 
 Virginia was kept from the army at Cambridge, as far as 
 possible. Two weeks after this letter to Joseph Reed, on 
 the 30th of December, Washington, in General Orders, au- 
 thorized the enlistment of " free negroes." On the follow- 
 ing day he wrote a letter to Congress announcing that he 
 had ordered the enlistment of free Negroes against the de- 
 cision of that august body, adding, however, that he would 
 "put a stop to it" if objection were made. 8 Fas est ab 
 hoste doceri ! Congress took no further action ; and near- 
 ly every one of the colonies secured legislation by which 
 slaves were encouraged to enlist by the offer of emancipa- 
 tion. This new policy met with instant success ; and the 
 masters, receiving a handsome sum for the enlistment of 
 their slaves, turned recruiting officers. Considering the 
 numerical strength of the united colonies, one half million 
 slaves were not to be disregarded. At the commencement 
 of the war the slave population in the colonies was esti- 
 mated as follows : 
 
 1 " Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed," vol. i., p. 135. 
 
 2 Sparks's "Washington," vol. Hi., p. 218. 
 
20 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Negroes. 
 
 Massachusetts 3 > 500 
 
 Rhode Island 4 > 373 
 
 Connecticut 5 > 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 New York 15,000 
 
 New Jersey 7.600 
 
 Pennsylvania 10,000 
 
 Delaware 9,000 
 
 Maryland 80,000 
 
 Virginia 165,000 
 
 North Carolina 75,000 
 
 South Carolina 110,000 
 
 Georgia 16,000 
 
 Total 501,102 
 
 besides a considerable population of free Negroes. And, 
 whatever the feeling may have been, and wherever it may 
 have been manifested, the free Negroes who entered the 
 Continental army at tke commencement of hostilities re- 
 mained, and by various ways, and under peculiar circum- 
 stances, others enlisted from time to time. Many free Ne- 
 groes, scattered through New England towns, who had 
 won by upright, industrious lives a secure place in public 
 confidence, joined local companies without remonstrance 
 or remark. When those companies were accepted at the 
 headquarters of the army at Cambridge, the Negro patriots 
 were not excluded. " The negro can take the field," wrote 
 a Hessian officer, October 23, 1777, " instead of his master; 
 and therefore no regiment is to be seen in which there are 
 not negroes in abundance, and among them there are able- 
 bodied, strong, and brave fellows. Here, too, there are 
 many families of free negroes, who live in good houses, 
 have property, and live just like the rest of the inhabit- 
 ants." 1 
 
 Schloezer's " Brief wechsel," vol. iv., p. 365. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 21 
 
 The time came when slaves were solicited to don the 
 Continental uniform. Lord Dunmore's influence with the 
 Negroes began to wane. His proclamation had had more 
 influence upon the Continental authorities than upon the 
 slaves. It constrained the former to act in order to coun- 
 ter its influence ; and its narrow provisions, giving free- 
 dom only to such as would enter his Majesty's service, led 
 the latter to doubt its genuineness, or the motive that in- 
 spired it. On the 30th of March, 1776, nearly five months 
 after the issuance of his proclamation, Lord Dunmore re- 
 ported his failure to raise a black regiment in Virginia to 
 the home government. " A fever crept in amongst them 
 which carried off a great many very fine fellows," he wrote 
 the home secretary. And on the 26th of June he wrote : 
 " Had it not been for this horrid disorder, I am satisfied 
 I should have had two thousand blacks, with whom I 
 should have had no doubt of penetrating into the heart of 
 this colony." * 
 
 But Dunmore was not the only royalist pursuing a pa- 
 cific policy towards the Negroes. On the 21st of July, 1776, 
 Brigadier - general Nathaniel Greene, from his camp on 
 Long Island, notified General Washington that his latest 
 advice from the enemy's lines was that he was about or- 
 ganizing a regiment of Negroes "eight hundred" strong. 3 
 At the siege of Augusta, in 1781, Fort Cornwallis "was 
 garrisoned by four hundred men in addition to two hun- 
 dred negroes." On the 28th of February, 1781, General 
 Greene wrote General Washington from North Carolina : 
 " The enemy have ordered two regiments of negroes to be 
 immediately embodied." 8 But the great majority of Negro 
 soldiers fought on the side of independence. Negro levies 
 
 1 Force's " American Archives," vol. ii., pp. 160, 162. Fifth Series. 
 
 9 Ibid., vol. i., p. 486. Fifth Series. 
 
 8 "Journals of Congress," vol. ii., p. 26. 
 
22 
 
 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 for the Continental army were sought with intelligent zeal 
 in all the colonies. Congress left the matter of raising troops 
 to fill the quota of each colony with the local authorities. 
 On the 16th of January, 1776, Congress gave permission to 
 the free Negroes of Massachusetts, whose first term of en- 
 listment had expired, to re-enlist in the army at Cam- 
 bridge. 1 But even before a general policy of emancipa- 
 tion and military employment of Negroes as soldiers had 
 been adopted, a large number had enlisted in the Eastern 
 army. The following official return gives the number of 
 Negroes in the main army under "Washington's command 
 two months after the battle of Monmouth : 
 
 RETURN OF NEGROES IN THE ARMY, 24TH OF AUGUST, 1778. 
 
 BRIGADES. 
 
 Present. 
 
 Sick. 
 Absent. 
 
 On 
 
 command. 
 
 Total. 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 42 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 58 
 
 Woodford 
 
 36 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 40 
 
 Muhlenburg 
 
 64 
 
 26 
 
 8 
 
 98 
 
 Smallwood 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 24 
 
 Second Maryland 
 
 43 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 60 
 
 Wayne 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Second Pennsylvania 
 
 T331 
 
 rn 
 
 rn 
 
 F351 
 
 
 33 
 
 2 
 
 L X J 
 4 
 
 L OU J 
 39 
 
 Parsons 
 
 117 
 
 12 
 
 19 
 
 148 
 
 Huntington 
 
 56 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 62 
 
 Nixon 
 
 26 
 
 
 1 
 
 27 
 
 Patterson 
 
 64 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 89 
 
 Late Learned 
 
 34 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 46 
 
 Poor 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 586 
 
 98 
 
 71 
 
 755 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ALEX. SCAMMELL, Adjutant -General 
 
 The above return does not include the Ehode Island 
 regiment, which had already been organized, nor the 
 troops from Connecticut. Nevertheless, this is a strong 
 
 1 Sparks'e "Correspondence of the American Revolution," vol. iii. 
 p. 246. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 23 
 
 representation of Negro soldiers at so early a period of the 
 war. 
 
 On the 29th of March, 1779, Congress enacted a law to 
 enable the colony of South Carolina to raise " three thou- 
 sand able-bodied negroes," and made provisions for pay- 
 ing the masters of such slaves as might enlist. 1 Shortly 
 after this, Congress commissioned John Laurens, whose fa- 
 ther was in Congress from South Carolina, as a lieutenant- 
 colonel, and despatched him to the South to recruit black 
 levies. These are the only two instances in which Con- 
 gress took any action respecting the military employment 
 of Negroes ; and it is the duty of history to record the 
 failure of so noble an enterprise. "But the single voice 
 of reason," wrote Colonel Laurens, May 19, 1782, " was 
 drowned by the howlings of a triple -headed monster, 
 in which prejudice, avarice, and pusillanimity were unit- 
 ed." 3 
 
 Moved by the pressing necessities of war, and admon- 
 ished by the celerity of an insidious enemy, the colonies 
 seized upon the policy of arming their slaves. In the 
 month of May, 1777, the General Assembly of Connecticut 
 passed an act for the enlistment of Negroes ; but it was put 
 over one session, and finally defeated by a committee hos- 
 tile to the project. 3 But, in addition to the free Negroes 
 scattered through the Connecticut regiments, a company 
 of slaves was raised, and assigned to Meigs's, afterwards 
 Butler's, regiment. 4 On the 2d of January, 1778, General 
 J. M. Yarn urn, of Khode Island, wrote General Washing- 
 ton concerning a plan he had conceived for the raising of 
 
 1 " Secret Journals of Congress," vol. i., pp. 107-110. 
 
 2 Sparks's " Correspondence of the American Revolution," vol. iii., 
 p. 506. 
 
 3 " An Historical Research," pp. 114-116. 
 
 4 "National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans." 
 
24 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 troops in Khode Island. " It is imagined that a battalion 
 of negroes can be raised there," 1 he wrote. His letter was 
 enclosed by General Washington to Nicholas Cooke, gov- 
 ernor of Khode Island. When the General Assembly 
 convened in February, the correspondence was laid before 
 it, and after some debate an act embodying General Yar- 
 num's plan was passed. It provided "that every able- 
 bodied negro, mulatto, or Indian man slave" might enlist, 
 and "that every slave so enlisting ... be immediately 
 discharged from the service of his master or mistress, and 
 be absolutely FREE." The act provided that the owner of 
 each slave enlisting should be allowed " a price not exceed- 
 ing 120 for the most valuable slave ; and in proportion 
 for a slave of less value." a This legislation, so radical and 
 costly, was not secured without violent opposition. There 
 were four reasons for its rejection set forth in a protest 
 signed by six members of the Assembly. They thought that 
 there were not enough Negroes in the Province to justify 
 the scheme of a separate battalion ; that slaves ought not to 
 be purchased to fight the battles of freemen ; that the ex- 
 pense of such an organization would be much greater than 
 of an organization of white men of the same number ; and 
 that both difficulties and dissatisfaction would arise among 
 the masters in reference to the purchase - money . 3 The 
 plan, however, went into operation, and four companies of 
 emancipated slaves were enrolled as soldiers, 4 at a cost of 
 10,437 Is. Id. This sum was audited and sworn to at 
 Providence on February 23, 1781. 
 
 But the enlistment of slaves in this colony was only 
 
 1 "Rhode Island Colonial Records," vol. viii., p. 641. Vide General 
 Washington's letter, p. 640, also p. 524. 
 5 Ibid., vol. viii., pp. 358-360. 
 8 Ibid., vol. viii., p. 361. 
 * " Spirit of 76 in Rhode Island, "pp. 186-188. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 25 
 
 permitted for four months. In May, 1778, the General 
 Assembly declared in a resolution that the act of Febru- 
 ary was intended to be temporary only, and " voted and 
 resolved, that no negro, mulatto, or Indian slave be per- 
 mitted to enlist into said battalion from and after the 
 tenth day of June next, and that the said act then expire 
 and be no longer in force." But the little colony had 
 exhausted all the military material among the Negroes, 
 and the above resolve had little or no effect. 
 
 On the 3d of April, 1778, Thomas Kench, a member of 
 an artillery regiment stationed on Castle Island, presented 
 an elaborate plan for raising Negro troops to the Council 
 of the Province of Massachusetts Bay. "We have di- 
 vers of them," he explained, " in our service, mixed with 
 white men. But I think it would be more proper to 
 raise a body by themselves." He thought that in a sep- 
 arate organization the Negroes would have the esprit de 
 corps, and said that no patriot could oppose " this plan, or 
 be against his negroes enlisting into the service to maintain 
 the cause of freedom.'' 1 But the Council did not feel 
 called upon to amend its record and invite "slaves" to 
 "help fight the battles of freemen." On the other hand 
 the question of the emancipation and enlistment of the 
 slaves had occasioned deep concern and sharp discussion. 
 Several altercations resulting in blows had taken place in 
 the coffee-houses in the lower part of Boston, and the pub- 
 lic temper was dangerously excited. Mr. Kench, receiv- 
 ing no reply to his communication, addressed a brief note 
 calling attention to disturbances that had occurred in Bos- 
 ton, adding that he would be brief lest he might give 
 offence. He seems to have realized the temper of the 
 Council. 
 
 1 "MS. Archives of Massachusetts," vol. cxcix., p. 80. 
 
26 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 " To the Honorable Council in Boston : 
 
 "The letter I wrote before I heard of the disturbance with Colonel 
 Scares, Mr. Spear, and a number of other gentleman, concerning the free- 
 dom of negroes, in Congress Street. It is a pity that riots should be 
 committed on the occasion, as it is justifiable that negroes should have 
 their freedom, and none amongst us be held as slaves, as freedom and 
 liberty is the grand controversy that we are contending for; and I 
 trust, under the smiles of Divine Providence, we shall obtain it, if all 
 our minds can be united; and putting the negroes into the service will 
 prevent much uneasiness, and give more satisfaction to those that are 
 offended at the thoughts of their servants being free. 
 
 "I will not enlarge, for fear I should give offence; but subscribe 
 
 myself 
 
 "Your faithful servant, 
 
 "THOMAS KENCH. 
 "CASTLE ISLAND, April 7, 1778. " 
 
 From 1652 to 1656 the free Negroes of Massachusetts 
 were permitted to join the militia by law, but in 1656 a 
 law was passed excluding them. " Henceforth," the law 
 declared, "no negroes or Indians . . . shall be armed or 
 permitted to trayne." 8 And in May, 1680, Governor Brad- 
 street wrote to the " Committee for Trade," " We account 
 all generally from sixteen to sixty that are healthful and 
 strong bodys, both House-holders and servants, fit to beare 
 Armes, except Negroes and Slaves, whom wee arme not." 3 
 In the Militia Act of 1775, " negroes, Indians, and mulat- 
 toes " were excepted. And by the act of May, 1776, provid- 
 ing for the reinforcement of the American army, it was 
 declared that " Indians, negroes, and mulattoes shall not be 
 held to take up arms or procure any person to do it in 
 their room." On the 14th of November, 1776, contem- 
 plating an improvement of the army, " negroes, Indians, 
 and mulattoes were excluded." And in an order issued dur- 
 
 1 "MS. Archives of Massachusetts," vol. cxcix., p. 84. 
 
 8 Moore's " History of Slavery in Massachusetts," App., p. 243. 
 
 1 ' ' Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. , " vol. viii. , p. 336. Third Series. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 27 
 
 ing this year, to take the census of all males above the age 
 of sixteen, "negroes, Indians, and mulattoes" were except- 
 ed. But the gravity of the situation led the General Court 
 to pass a resolve on the 6th of January, 1777, " for the 
 raising of every seventh man to complete our quota," 
 " without any exceptions, save the people called Quakers." 
 As late as the 5th of March, 1778, Benjamin Goddard, rep- 
 resenting the selectmen, Committee of Safety, and militia 
 officers of the town of Grafton, protested against the en- 
 listment of the Negroes of that place. 
 
 On the llth of April, 1778, the first letter of Thomas 
 Kench, dated April 3, was read and referred to a joint 
 committee, with instructions " to consider the same, and 
 report." On the 17th of April a copy of the Rhode Isl- 
 and act " for enlisting negroes in the public service " was 
 referred to the same committee ; and on the 28th of April 
 an act was passed for the military employment of Negroes, 
 almost in the words of the Rhode Island law of February, 
 1778. But there is no record of a separate Negro organ- 
 ization in Massachusetts, and, being allowed to enter the 
 service, they enlisted in the white organizations already in 
 the field. 
 
 The New England colonies had at length accepted the 
 policy of arming Negroes as inevitable. The Negroes would 
 make powerful allies ; their great natural strength, their 
 power of endurance and enthusiasm, made them welcome 
 comrades everywhere. Within three years after the bat- 
 tle of Bunker Hill they were scattered through the east- 
 ern army, and their intelligence and valor had been se- 
 verely tested. But the middle and southern colonies had 
 manifested more conservatism. There were 15,000 slaves 
 in the colony of New York, and most of them in the city 
 of New York. There were 7,600 in New Jersey, 10,000 
 in Pennsylvania, and 9,000 in Delaware. Sir Henry Clin- 
 
28 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ton was in command of His majesty's forces on the At- 
 lantic seaboard from Nova Scotia to West Florida. He 
 saw that the policy of the Continental authorities in em- 
 ploying Negroes was ruinous to his Majesty's cause, and 
 in order to discourage the military employment of Ne- 
 groes, Sir Henry issued a proclamation. It was pub- 
 lished in The Royal Gazette, of New York City, July 3d, 
 
 1T79. 
 
 " PROCLAMATION. 
 
 "Whereas the enemy have adopted a practice of enrolling NE- 
 GROES among their Troops, I do hereby give notice That all NEGROES 
 taken in arms, or upon any military Duty, shall be purchased for [the 
 public service at] a stated Price; the money to be paid to the Captors. 
 
 "But I do most strictly forbid any Person to sell or claim Right 
 over any NEGROE, the property of a Rebel, who may take Refuge with 
 any part of this Army: And I do promise to every NEGROE who shall 
 desert the Rebel Standard full security to follow within these Lines 
 any Occupation which he shall think proper. 
 
 " Given under my Hand, at Headquarters, PHILLIPSBURGH, the 30th 
 day of June, 1779. H. CLINTON. 
 
 "By his Excellency's command. 
 
 " JOHN SMITH, Secretary." 
 
 While Sir Henry's proclamation had little or no effect 
 at the North, many Negroes joined his forces at the South. 
 In the spring of the following year, Colonel Laurens wrote 
 General Washington from Charleston, South Carolina, 
 February 14th : " Private accounts say that General Pre- 
 vost is left to command at Savannah ; that his troops con- 
 sist of the Hessians and Loyalists that were there before, 
 reinforced by a corps of blacks and a detachment of sav- 
 ages. It is generally reported that Sir Henry Clinton 
 commands the present expedition." ' 
 
 This news seems to have had the effect of convincing the 
 
 1 Sparks's "Correspondence of the American Revolution," vol. ii., 
 p. 403. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 29 
 
 brave General Lincoln of the importance of raising Negro 
 troops in the South. On the 13th of March, 1780, he 
 wrote Governor Eutledge, of South Carolina : 
 
 " Give me leave to add once more, that I think the 
 measure of raising a black corps a necessary one ; that I 
 have great reason to believe, if permission be given for it, 
 that many men would soon be obtained. I have repeated- 
 ly urged this matter, not only because Congress have rec- 
 ommended it, and because it thereby becomes my duty to 
 attempt to have it executed, but because my own mind 
 suggests the utility and importance of the measure, as the 
 safety of the town [Charleston] makes it necessary." And 
 on the 16th of March, 1779, the Hon. Henry Laurens, of 
 South Carolina, wrote General Washington : " Had we 
 arms for three thousand such black men as I could select 
 in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success in driving 
 the British out of Georgia, and subduing East Florida be- 
 fore the end of July." 1 Free Negroes had enlisted in the 
 Yirginia regiments, although there was no law accepting 
 their services. It appears that several slaves deserted 
 their masters, and under the pretence of being free per- 
 sons, enlisted. And to prevent such enlistments the fol- 
 lowing law was enacted : 
 
 "Be it enacted, that it shall not be lawful for any recruiting officer 
 within this commonwealth to enlist any negro or mulatto into the serv- 
 ice of this or either of the United States, until such negro or mulatto 
 shall produce a certificate frome some Justice of the Peace for the coun- 
 ty wherein he resides that he is a freeman." 3 
 
 There is no record of a separate battalion or regiment 
 of Negroes in the colony of Virginia ; but the above act 
 very clearly indicates that there were Negroes in the army, 
 
 1 Sparks's "Washington, "vol. vi., p. 204. 
 
 2 Henig's "Statutes," vol. ix., p. 280. 
 
30 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 and that free Negroes could enter if they chose. On the 
 20th of November, 1780, the Hon. James Madison wrote 
 to Joseph Jones, of Virginia: "Would it not be as well to 
 liberate and make soldiers at once of the blacks them- 
 selves? . . . And with white officers and a majority of 
 white soldiers, no imaginable danger could be feared from 
 themselves." ' Virginia did nobly ; for in 1783 the Gen- 
 eral Assembly passed a law entitled " An Act directing the 
 emancipation of certain slaves who have served as soldiers 
 in this State, and for the emancipation of the slave Aber- 
 deen.'- a On the 20th of March, 1781, the General Assem- 
 bly of New York enacted a law for the embodiment of 
 two regiments of Negro slaves, who, after a term of three 
 years, were to be freemen of the State. 8 And in June, 
 1781, Maryland was entertaining a project to raise seven 
 hundred and fifty Negro soldiers, to be incorporated with 
 the white troops from that colony. 4 
 
 And so the work went forward, until it was the excep- 
 tion, not the rule, to find no Negro soldiers in any brigade 
 of the army. Everywhere they won the confidence and 
 applause of their white compatriots ; and they did their 
 duty so naturally and faithfully that their color was lost 
 sight of. Towards the close of the war their presence 
 was no more a matter of comment than that there were 
 Continental troops from the eastern colonies, or that lib- 
 erty had votaries among the colonists. 
 
 While there were no special engagements in which Ne- 
 gro soldiers bore the brunt, nevertheless they participated 
 
 1 "Madison Papers," p. 68. 
 
 9 Henig's " Statutes of Virginia," vol. xi., pp. 308, 309. 
 8 "Laws of the State of New York," chap, xxxii. Fourth Session. 
 4 Sparks's " Correspondence of the American Revolution," vol. iii., 
 p. 331. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 31 
 
 in most of the battles of the Kevolution. There were but 
 few separate organizations of Negro troops , and even then 
 their personality was swallowed up in some brigade of 
 white troops. But. side by side with their white compatri- 
 ots, they fought gallantly for American in dependence, from 
 Bunker Hill to Brandywine, from Yalley Forge to Mon- 
 mouth, and from Saratoga to Yorktown. They were rep- 
 resented in ten of the fourteen brigades in the main army 
 under General Washington during the first three years of 
 the war ; and after the battle of Monmouth (June 28, 1778) 
 they were to be found in eighteen brigades. 1 These 
 gallant black soldiers extended their military exploits 
 from Massachusetts Bay to Lake Ontario; from the bat- 
 tle of Rhode Island to the surrender of Cornwallis. At 
 Bunker Hill they set an example of valor and soldiership 
 admirable to white officers, and which won the applause 
 of the Provincial Congress. In the battle of Rhode Isl- 
 and they shared, with unwavering devotion, the perils of 
 the conflict and the glory of the victory.* As early as 
 
 1 I have gone over the muster-rolls, as well as the descriptive lists, of 
 the Continental army, and have been rewarded by the discovery that 
 nearly all the regiments from the eastern colonies contained negro sol- 
 diers. This I found true, also, of many regiments from the southern 
 colonies. G. W. W. 
 
 2 One Sidney S. Rider, author of " An Historical Tract " (No. 10) in 
 the Rhode Island series, has striven to ridicule and cast into oblivion 
 the black regiment of Rhode Island during the Revolutionary War. 
 Mr. Rider's tract was published at Providence in 1880. He seeks to dis- 
 prove the fact that "a regiment" existed; although it is carried on the 
 rolls of the army as a " regiment, " and is designated as a regiment by 
 all historians. He seeks to belittle the services of this regiment at the 
 battle of Rhode Island, August 29, 1778, and to show that there was 
 only a handful of insubordinate Negroes in that engagement. Mr. 
 Rider is lacking in judicial temper; and his literary workmanship is 
 very imperfect. He gives a list of the names of the privates eighty- 
 eight in all while only nine of these names tally with the roll as it ap- 
 
32 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 1776, when the main army from the east was mobilized 
 at New York, there were many Negroes in the regiments. 
 Graydon (p. 147) wrote of Colonel Glover's regiment, 
 from Marblehead, Massachusetts : " But even in this regi- 
 ment (a fine one) there were a number of Negroes." They 
 
 peared on the 1st of May, 1779 (vide Saffell's " Revolutionary Records," 
 pp. 153, 154). In Cowell's ' ' Spirit of '76 in Rhode Island " (pp. 186-188), 
 the number of these black soldiers is given (January, 1780) as one hun- 
 dred and forty-four. All that history claims for this regiment is just 
 as well as true. The troops fought well; and Major-general Greene 
 wrote the next day after the engagement: "The enemy repeated the 
 attempt three times [tried to carry his position], and were as often re- 
 pulsed with great bravery." The black regiment was one of three 
 that prevented the enemy from turning the flank of the American 
 army. These black troops were doubtless regarded as the weak point 
 of the line, but they were not. 
 
 On the 5th of January, 1781, the Marquis de Chastellux ("Travels," 
 vol. i., p. 454, London, 1789) wrote: "At the passage to the ferry, I met 
 a detachment of the Rhode Island regiment, the same corps we had with 
 us all the last summer, but they have since been recruited and clothed. 
 The greatest part of them are Negroes or mulattoes ; but they are 
 strong, robust men, and those I have seen had a very good appear- 
 ance." 
 
 Mr. Rider says (p. 37) that "they were in no engagement after the 
 battle of Rhode Island ;" forgetting that he had recorded (p. 29) their 
 engagement at Point Bridge. He says that while here Colonel Greene 
 "was surprised and attacked in the rear by a party of two hundred 
 and sixty of the enemy's light-horse during the night of May 14, 1781. 
 Colonel Greene and Major Flagg were killed, and about forty of the 
 regiment were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners." 
 
 Several facts are clearly admitted here : (1) It was a surprise (2) at night 
 in the (3) rear; and by (4) two hundred and sixty (5) light-horse upon 
 Mr. Rider's "eighty-eight Negroes," who sustained a loss of about (6) forty 
 men!" Let military students and critics draw their own conclusions, 
 and then read the sneering comments of Mr. Rider (p. 47 sg.) in his 
 tract. 
 
 As late as 1783 this black regiment was still in the service, and from 
 it General Washington ordered a detail to effect a forced march to, 
 and surprise of, the enemy's post at Oswego (vide Sparks's " Washing- 
 ton," vol. viii., p. 385). G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 33 
 
 were numerous in the regiments that were despatched 
 to the northward, and so readily adjusted themselves to 
 the profession of arms that no objections were offered to 
 them anywhere. Their splendid feats of valor covered 
 their dark visage as with a halo of glory ; and the only 
 way to distinguish them from their white compatriots, so 
 close was the comradeship, is to go over the rolls of the 
 army patiently, name by name. The following partial 
 roll shows that nearly every town in Massachusetts had 
 its Negro representative in the army : 
 
 NEGRO SOLDIERS. 
 
 Age. 
 
 
 Height 
 
 Where from. 
 
 Scipio Witt 
 
 19 
 
 5 
 
 ft. 6 in. 
 
 Brooktield. 
 
 Abner Hibray 
 
 31 
 
 5 
 
 " 6 " 
 
 
 Ozias Fletcher .... 
 
 18 
 
 B 
 
 44 JQ 44 
 
 W. Springfield. 
 
 Frederick W^ay 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 " 10 " 
 
 
 Peter Lovejov . . 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 44 IT 44 
 
 Andover. 
 
 Winham Carrey 
 
 40 
 
 5 
 
 44 3 44 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Isaac Mitchel 
 
 36 
 
 5 
 
 44 5 44 
 
 
 Bristol Pratt 
 
 35 
 
 B 
 
 " 10 " 
 
 44 
 
 Newport Deblois 
 
 45 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 44 
 
 Boston Foster 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 44 g 44 
 
 44 
 
 Cromwel Barnes. 
 
 16 
 
 B 
 
 4 
 
 44 
 
 Cvrus Kent 
 
 30 
 
 B 
 
 i 4 U 
 
 44 
 
 Bristol Ballard 
 
 25 
 
 5 
 
 4 g 44 
 
 44 
 
 Abs'm Northgate ... 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 i 4 
 
 44 
 
 Titus Freeman 
 
 37 
 
 5 
 
 4 2 " 
 
 44 
 
 James Thomas 
 
 22 
 
 B 
 
 4 g 44 
 
 Ne \vburvport. 
 
 Caesar Mills . . . 
 
 19 
 
 5 
 
 4 g 44 
 
 Watertown. 
 
 Charles Hendrick (Indian) 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 4 g 44 
 
 Westminster. 
 
 Caesar Sweeten 
 
 17 
 
 B 
 
 4 3 44 
 
 Bellingham. 
 
 Prince Brewster (mulatto) 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 4 6 44 
 
 Medway. 
 
 
 40 
 
 B 
 
 44 n 44 
 
 44 
 
 Thomas Gibbs 
 
 28 
 
 B 
 
 44 3 U 
 
 Sunderland. 
 
 Richard Demmon 
 
 59 
 
 5 
 
 44 7 44 
 
 Sutton. 
 
 Prince Brown 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 44 H 44 
 
 Newburv. 
 
 Cuff Dowrev 
 
 22 
 
 5 
 
 44 ^ 44 
 
 44 
 
 Charlestown Edes 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 " 8 " 
 
 Groton. 
 
 Cambridge Moor 
 
 25 
 
 B 
 
 44 g 44 
 
 Bedford. 
 
 Cornwallis Negro 
 
 18 
 
 B 
 
 
 Brain tree. 
 
 Charles Pane 
 
 27 
 
 5 
 
 44 tj 44 
 
 Franklin. 
 
 James Holland (mulatto) 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 U 4 44 
 
 Brain tree. 
 
 Jeremiah Crocker .... 
 
 29 
 
 5 
 
 44 g 44 
 
 Medway. 
 
 Cammel R. Gould 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 44 g 44 
 
 Wareham. 
 
 Benj Gould . . . 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 44 2 " 
 
 
 Joseph Warwick (mulatto). . . . 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 44 7 44 
 
 Marshfield. 
 
 Peter Bannister . . 
 
 19 
 
 5 
 
 44 g 44 
 
 Rehoboth. 
 
A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 NEGRO SOLDIERS. 
 
 Age. 
 
 Height 
 
 Where from. 
 
 Pompey Wallis . 
 
 45 
 
 5 ft. 6 in. 
 
 Stoughton. 
 
 Beuoni Williams . . 
 
 17 
 
 5 " 5 " 
 
 Dighton. 
 
 
 19 
 
 6 " 10 " 
 
 u 
 
 Peter Winslow 
 
 18 
 
 5 " 5 " 
 
 U 
 
 Uriah Tew (mulatto) 
 
 17 
 
 5 ' 7 " 
 
 u 
 
 John Waben 
 
 16 
 
 5 4 " 
 
 Petersham. 
 
 Peter Haskall . . 
 
 30 
 
 5 9 " 
 
 Rochester. 
 
 Peter Gunn 
 
 28 
 
 5*5" 
 
 Paxton. 
 
 Prince Almev 
 
 18 
 
 5 ' 9 " 
 
 Dartmouth. 
 
 Eben r Prince (Indian) 
 
 17 
 
 5 " 11 " 
 
 u 
 
 Solomon Dick (Negro) . . . 
 
 17 
 
 5 " 4 " 
 
 u 
 
 Pompey Peckum 
 
 28 
 
 5 " 8 " 
 
 II 
 
 London Ro^er 
 
 24 
 
 5 " 1 " 
 
 \ewbury 
 
 Cuff Mitchel 
 
 33 
 
 5 " 7 " 
 
 Bridgewater 
 
 Calvin Jotham 
 
 20 
 
 5 " 8 " 
 
 u 
 
 Samuel Min^o ... 
 
 30 
 
 5 " 4 " 
 
 u 
 
 Benj* Oliver 
 
 23 
 
 5 " 4 " 
 
 Salem. 
 
 Benj a Thomas (Indian) 
 
 22 
 
 5 " 8 * 
 
 Natick 
 
 Phillip Barrett 
 
 19 
 
 5 " 9 ' 
 
 Concord 
 
 Lancaster Bick 
 
 20 
 
 5 " 9 ' 
 
 Newbury. 
 
 Primus Cobus. . 
 
 16 
 
 5 " 4 ' 
 
 Abington 
 
 Peter Sherron .... 
 
 17 
 
 5 " 9 ' 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Plato Turner 
 
 28 
 
 5 " 7 " 
 
 Plymouth. 
 
 Obadiah Wicket (Indian) 
 
 26 
 
 5 " 9 " 
 
 Sandwich 
 
 Jack Rand 
 
 27 
 
 5 " 9 " 
 
 Woburn 
 
 Caesar Prescott 
 
 47 
 
 5 " 6 " 
 
 Bedford 
 
 Peter Hazard 
 
 22 
 
 5 " 9 " 
 
 Sandwich 
 
 Fortune Holland .... 
 
 19 
 
 5 " 8 " 
 
 u 
 
 Abraham Demus (Indian) 
 
 27 
 
 5 " 10 " 
 
 H 
 
 James Heater (Indian) 
 
 16 
 
 5 " 6 " 
 
 l| 
 
 Joseph Conant (mulatto) 
 
 16 
 
 5 " 8 " 
 
 U 
 
 Peter Warren (mulatto) 
 
 39 
 
 5 ' 6 " 
 
 Medfield 
 
 Warwick Green 
 
 29 
 
 5 4 
 
 
 Newport Green 
 
 42 
 
 5 ' 5 " 
 
 M 
 
 Paul Cuffee 
 
 26 
 
 5 ' 10 " 
 
 Falmouth 
 
 Joshua Robbins (Indian) . 
 
 20 
 
 5 ' 5 " 
 
 u 
 
 Peter Oliver 
 
 23 
 
 5 9 " 
 
 Littleton 
 
 Briton Nichols 
 
 40 
 
 5 ' 11 " 
 
 Cohasset 
 
 Mark Negro 
 
 48 
 
 5 ' 3 " 
 
 Sandwich 
 
 James Crook (Indian) 
 
 16 
 
 5 ' 2 " 
 
 Harwich. 
 
 Absalom Toby (mulatto) . . 
 
 16 
 
 5 ' 2 " 
 
 
 Robert Pegin (Indian) 
 
 36 
 
 5 ' 9 " 
 
 Bridge water 
 
 Tobe Tarbil (Negro) . . 
 
 45 
 
 5 ' 6 " 
 
 M 
 
 Quark Martrick 
 
 24 
 
 5 " 5 " 
 
 M 
 
 John Fov 
 
 21 
 
 5 " 10 " 
 
 M 
 
 Charles Mingo 
 
 18 
 
 5 " 9 " 
 
 W" Dentil am 
 
 Peter Buxton 
 
 44 
 
 6 " 1 " 
 
 Danvers 
 
 Zuchariah Bray . 
 
 27 
 
 5 " 6 " 
 
 u 
 
 Jeffery Hemmingway . . 
 
 40 
 
 5 " 4 " 
 
 Worcester 
 
 Prince Brown 
 
 21 
 
 5 " 5 " 
 
 Falmouth 
 
 James London (mulatto) 
 
 19 
 
 5 " 2 " 
 
 
 Asher Freeman 
 
 23 
 
 5 " 9 " 
 
 Scituate 
 
 Nehemiah Sampson (mulatto) 
 
 16 
 
 5 " 
 
 H 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 35 
 
 NEGRO SOLDIERS. 
 
 Age. 
 
 
 Height. 
 
 
 Where from. 
 
 Toney Rose 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 ft. 10 i 
 
 i 
 
 Middlebo rough. 
 
 Jack Ne'To 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 " 2 
 
 
 Sandwich. 
 
 Adam Tuttle 
 
 22 
 
 5 
 
 " 7 
 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Caeser Thatcher 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 " 5 
 
 
 Dorchester 
 
 Ishraael Cutler 
 
 36 
 
 5 
 
 " 6 
 
 
 Cambridge 
 
 Prince Cutler 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 " 10 
 
 
 
 Prince Darby 
 
 27 
 
 5 
 
 " 5 
 
 
 Dorchester 
 
 Sharper Freeman 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 " 9 
 
 
 Stoneham. 
 
 Cato Tudor 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 " 4 
 
 
 Lexington. 
 
 Peter Da^o 
 
 25 
 
 5 
 
 " 11 
 
 
 Natick. 
 
 Jacob Spean 
 
 26 
 
 5 
 
 " 8 
 
 
 
 Jeremiah Job (mulatto) 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 " 11 
 
 
 Chesterfield 
 
 Peter Price (mulatto) 
 
 26 
 
 5 
 
 " 4 
 
 
 (i 
 
 Cato Hunt 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 " 8 
 
 
 Rehoboth. 
 
 David XCTO 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 " 11 
 
 
 H 
 
 Edward Samms 
 
 31 
 
 5 
 
 " 1 
 
 
 Kittery. 
 
 Cuff Dole 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 " 10 
 
 
 Rowley. 
 
 Prince Easterb rooks 
 
 39 
 
 5 
 
 "11 
 
 
 Lexington 
 
 Simeon Reed 
 
 25 
 
 5 
 
 " 10 
 
 
 Freetown. 
 
 Caesar Elsberrv 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 " 5 
 
 
 H 
 
 Cicero Haskell .... 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 " 3 
 
 
 Xewburyport 
 
 Oxford Task 
 
 26 
 
 B 
 
 " 7 
 
 
 u 
 
 Uriah Williams 
 
 28 
 
 5 
 
 " 7 
 
 
 Berwick 
 
 Samuel Royal 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 " 8 
 
 
 Salem 
 
 Samuel Craft 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 " 9 
 
 
 Lexington. 
 
 All through this roll of honor we find the word " Negro," 
 or "black." But for this fact, history would have been si- 
 lent on this important point, which is now, for the first time, 
 established by the record that Negro soldiers participated 
 in nearly every battle of the Revolutionary War. 1 They 
 witnessed the first flash of war that marked the severance 
 
 1 It required two winter seasons to complete an examination of the 
 rolls of the American army of the Revolutionary War. Taking sixty- 
 seven (67) regiments from the entire army, and giving an average of 
 thirty-five (35) Negroes to each of these regiments, the result is two 
 thousand three hundred and forty-five (2345) Negroes. Allowing six 
 hundred and fifty-five (655) for separate organizations, and those in regi- 
 ments from the Southern States, there were, at the lowest calculation, 
 three thousand (3000) Negro soldiers in the American army of the Revo- 
 lutionary War. It is not known how many were among the ministe- 
 rial troops. Quite a number went to England at the close of the war 
 with General Sir Guy Carleton ; some settled in Nova Scotia, and others 
 went to Sierra Leone, West Africa. G. W. W. 
 
36 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 of the colonies from the British Empire, and they beheld 
 Cornwallis's banners go down before the victorious stand- 
 ards of the American army. They were modest, patient, 
 heroic, and efficient from the gray dawn of the struggle 
 until the bright noontide of victory. Their sufferings, 
 sacrifices, and triumphs are now the priceless heritage of 
 a grateful nation. 
 
 FRANCE, under the empire and as a republic, never pro- 
 scribed the Negro in her laws regulating the army. Ne- 
 groes speaking the French language, and being French 
 subjects, have been admitted to the army at all times. 
 Their presence in the French army has never been com- 
 mented upon by military writers, because it has always 
 been regarded as natural and normal. 
 
 There was no involuntary servitude in France, and the 
 color of the skin was never regarded as a badge of inferior- 
 ity. In the sea-coast districts and in the large cities of 
 France the Negroes have resided in considerable numbers, 
 and have always contributed their small proportion to the 
 military quota. 
 
 The mulattoes soon lose their racial identity, and speak- 
 ing the French language, and copying French manners, 
 are easily merged in the general population. No one ad- 
 dresses them as Negroes, and a reference to their nation- 
 ality is always unwelcome. Being few in number, and 
 retaining no Negro characteristics, there is no obstruction 
 to their ambition. A Negro may pass all the grades of 
 the army and reach the rank of a field -marshal if he 
 have military talents. 
 
 France has honored herself in recognizing the military 
 services of a brave Negro, Alexander Davy Dumas, who 
 was born at Jeremie, Hayti, March 25, 1762. His father 
 was the Marquis de la Pailleterie, and his mother a Negro 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 37 
 
 girl. He was sent to France to be educated, but, being of 
 a romantic and vivacious temperament, he ran away and 
 joined a French cavalry regiment at the age of fourteen. 
 After two years of service, he reached the rank of a non- 
 commissioned officer. In 1762 the Minister of War, Mon- 
 sieur De Choiseul, formed a system of promotion for non- 
 commissioned and lower officers. In 1782 the Committee 
 of War manifested a desire to extend a larger opportunity 
 for promotion, but it was not carried into effect until 1790. 
 Nearly all the offices were monopolized by the privileged 
 classes. But three years later this intrepid Negro soldier 
 had won the rank of division commander. Now came a 
 sudden and radical change in his military career. From 
 the monotonous routine of the garrison he was transferred 
 to the active theatre of war. His aptitude for the profes- 
 sion of arms began to be manifest, and by deeds of desperate 
 valor he won the applause of the army and the praise of his 
 commander, Durnouriez. His promotions were rapid, and 
 by September, 1793, he had passed through every grade 
 to the rank of general of division. 1 He served in Italy un- 
 der Bonaparte, and at the battle of Brixen, single-handed 
 and alone, defended a bridge against the enemy, thus af- 
 fording the French time to arrive. This feat rendered 
 him quite famous in the French army, and Bonaparte 
 presented him to the Directory as " the Horatius Codes 
 of the Tyrol." He was ordered to Egypt, where he served 
 with distinction. He died at Yillers-Cotterets, France, 
 February 26, 1806. He attained the highest rank and 
 won the greatest distinction as a soldier of any Negro in 
 the world with the exception of Toussaint 1'Ouverture. 
 The French nation employs an army of Negroes in Al- 
 
 1 A general of division is one "who may be charged with the com- 
 mand of armies, corps of the army, active divisions, or special func- 
 tions " (vide Thackeray on the Military of France, vol. i., p. 23). G. W. W. 
 
38 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 giers, but never stations them in France. There are two 
 regiments of these black soldiers, and each regiment is 
 composed of four battalions of one thousand men. "When 
 on a war footing, these regiments contain sixteen thousand 
 Negroes. They are commonly called Turcos, on account 
 of their desperate fighting qualities, but are carried upon 
 the muster-rolls of the French army ^"Tirailleurs Al- 
 geriens" They are commanded by French officers, and 
 have attained a high degree of discipline. They are all 
 Mohammedan in religious belief, and rather court death 
 as the beginning of a more desirable life. They are fa- 
 natically brave. 1 They served in Mexico in 1865 and 1866, 
 and were justly distinguished by splendid fighting in the 
 war between France and Germany in 1870. They are now 
 winning fresh laurels in the campaign in Tonquin. 3 
 
 THE BRITISH AKMY has employed Negro troops for a cen- 
 tury, 8 but on account of dealing with numerous tribes of 
 heathen people, has never commissioned Negroes as offi- 
 cers. This policy has not been directed against the Negro 
 as such, but is general. No foreigner is ever intrusted 
 with a commission in the British army. Several Negroes 
 have, indeed, held commissions as surgeons, but only on 
 the west coast of Africa. 
 
 Immediately after the abolition of the slave-trade on 
 
 1 During a recent visit to Munich, Germany, the author saw a great 
 military painting in which these troops are represented as conspicuous 
 in the Franco-German war. G. W. W. 
 
 5 MS. Letter of Commandant De la Chere, of the French Army, to 
 the author. 
 
 3 In reply to a letter of the author, the Secretary of State for War 
 wrote from the Horse Guards, War Office, London, 8. W., under date 
 of January 11, 1886: "At the present time there are two regiments of 
 these troops on the Establishment of her Majesty's land-forces, and that 
 negroes have been so employed for the last hundred years." G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 39 
 
 the west coast of Africa, in 1807, a local military establish- 
 ment was constituted. The rank and file of this organiza- 
 tion were recruited from recaptures of the British fleet 
 that was policing the coast. As fast as slave-vessels were 
 captured, their living cargo was unloaded at Sierra Leone. 
 Mean as this material may seem, it furnished a splendid 
 corps of soldiers for the British Government. The men 
 were proud of the service, and took the drill and duties of 
 their new employment with intelligent zeal. Seven years 
 after the colony of Sierra Leone had been adopted by the 
 Crown, Mr. Park, the African traveller, wrote : " In the 
 Royal African Corps now [1814] serving at Sierra Leone 
 there are three companies of black men, enlisted from the 
 slaves obtained from numerous slave-trading vessels which 
 have at different times been condemned as prize upon that 
 coast. . . . 
 
 " These men, having been trained and disciplined with 
 great care, are become excellent soldiers, and are spoken 
 of by the Governor of Sierra Leone in the highest terms of 
 approbation for their obedience, steadiness, and general 
 good conduct. They are, of course, inured to the climate, 
 are accustomed to hardships and fatigues, and capable of 
 the greatest exertions. They are, at the same time, coura- 
 geous and high-spirited, feeling a pride and elevation from 
 the advantages which they enjoy, and the comparative 
 rank to which they have attained ; and they are warmly 
 attached to the British Government." * 
 
 "Her Majesty's Government do now actually employ 
 colored regiments in the British West Indies, known as 
 the West Indian regiments, composed of West African Ne- 
 groes ;" a and they are reputed to be excellent soldiers. 
 
 1 Park's "Travels," vol. ii., pp. 142, 143. London edition, 1816. 
 
 8 MS. Letter of the British Minister at Washington to the author. 
 See also Major A. B. Ellis's "History of the First West Indian Regi- 
 ment." 
 
40 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 And while tlieir services are local, these troops have at- 
 tained a remarkable proficiency in the manual of arms and 
 field manoeuvres. And here the Negro is included in a 
 general policy, as it has been noted he was excluded from 
 being an officer by a general policy. It is a general pol- 
 icy of the British Government to use native troops in the 
 colonies, and the Negro is thus included in this policy on 
 the west coast of Africa and in the British West Indies. 
 
 In modern as well as in ancient NUBIA Negro troops are 
 employed in large numbers. " The Sultan of Wara, or 
 fasher, as he is likewise called (fasher being the term ap- 
 plied to the open place where he gives audience), has 
 among his troops many Negroes.'' 1 At Mocha Negroes 
 were " highly esteemed as soldiers, and as such were kept 
 in numbers by some of the more powerful chiefs of south- 
 ern Arabia." 3 In BRAZIL many Negroes are employed in 
 the police and military, while a few have obtained rank 
 and distinction. And in PERU dead Negro priests have not 
 only been canonized, but among the military Negroes may 
 be found, "together with a much larger proportion of per- 
 sons of mixed origin, zamboes and mulattoes." ! 
 
 But the scene of modern Negro soldiership is HAYTI. 
 Here, during the last century, an army of Negroes, with 
 officers from their own class, met in the field and succes- 
 sively and successfully fought the Spanish, French, and 
 English ; and by their own unaided efforts established a 
 Negro republic. Several black generals came to the front 
 in this memorable struggle, but the most commanding char- 
 acter was Toussaint 1'Ouverture. He was born May 20, 
 
 1 Burckhardt's "Travels in Nubia, "p. 441. Second Edition. Lon- 
 don, 1822. 
 
 2 Pickering's "Races of Men," vol. ix., p. 186. 
 
 3 Ibid., vol. ix., p. 184 sg. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 41 
 
 1743, on the Island of Santo Domingo, and died April 27, 
 1803, in the damp, dark, and earless dungeon of Joux, on 
 the Jura Mountains, in France. 
 
 When the French throne was rocking amid the angry 
 waves of the Revolution of 1789, the mulattoes of the Isl- 
 and of Santo Domingo a considerable element in the 
 population intelligent and wealthy, took advantage of 
 the movement for justice and humanity, and asked for man- 
 hood suffrage. They despatched a deputation to Paris, 
 headed by Lieutenant-colonel Yincent Oge, to lay at the 
 foot of the French throne six million francs to help liqui- 
 date the national debt. The deputation pledged the mu- 
 latto population to the payment of an annual sum towards 
 the reduction of the French debt, and asked in return that 
 they might not be taxed without representation. 
 
 The French Assembly enacted a law making all free 
 men, regardless of complexion, eligible to office. On Oc- 
 tober 17, 1790, Colonel Oge landed at Cape Haytien, and 
 marched at the head of two hundred men to La Grande 
 Reviere, where he went into camp. He wrote a letter to 
 the Assembly of the Island, requesting them to put into 
 execution the French act making free men of color eligi- 
 ble to office. His letter was read and laid upon the table. 
 A planter seized it and tore it into atoms, and then threw 
 it upon the floor. The excitement was so great that the 
 Assembly broke up in uncontrolled confusion, the mem- 
 bers exclaiming, " We will every one die before we will 
 consent to share our political rights with a bastard and de- 
 generate race !" 
 
 Oge was attacked and defeated, and subsequently capt- 
 ured. His trial was most memorable in the annals of the 
 island. It continued three months, when he and his lieu- 
 tenant, Shevanne, were sentenced to be broken alive upon 
 the wheel. The four quarters of the palpitating body 
 
42 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 were hung up at the four principal cities of the island. 
 This was intended to menace the mulattoes, and suppress 
 any desire for the enforcement of their newly acquired 
 rights. But its effect was to arouse their indignation. On 
 the night of August 21, 1791, the mulattoes aroused the 
 plantation Negroes, and within thirty hours reduced the 
 island, by torch and sword, to a smouldering heap of ruin. 
 Every city of the island was now in ruins, and property 
 and human life were little prized and in great peril. The 
 slaves left the plantations in large groups, and were every- 
 where insolent and threatening. 
 
 Although the war began in the interest of the mulat- 
 toes, and is known to history as the " Mulatto War," it 
 was now transferred to the hands of the hardy Negroes. 
 They organized an army, and placed Jean FranQois, Bias- 
 sou, and Jeannot, three black brigadier -generals, in com- 
 mand. Toussaint made his appearance in the army as 
 brigade-surgeon on the staff of General Frangois. Being 
 a man of understanding and some education, he proved 
 himself an apt student in this practical school of war. 
 He attracted wide-spread attention, and his talents gave 
 promise of large usefulness. 
 
 The planters rallied under the British flag, and the As- 
 sembly formally requested the aid of his Majesty's troops 
 stationed at Kingston, British West Indies. The Negroes 
 espoused the cause of Spain, and King Charles IY. con- 
 ferred upon Toussaint the commission of a brigadier-gen- 
 eral. He gathered these black brigands with a firm hand, 
 and organized them for victory. On May 27, 1795, he 
 fought and won his first battle, taking Marmelade after 
 eight hours of stubborn resistance. While his troops 
 were flushed, he marched upon Dondon, and caused the 
 place to capitulate. He fortified these commanding posi- 
 tions, assumed the defensive, and subjected his troops to 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 43 
 
 the severest discipline and drill. As soon as his forces 
 yielded to military law, and began to desire the honor of 
 the military profession, he made a forced march to the 
 mountains, and fell upon Ennery like a bolt of thunder. 
 The garrison yielded to his summons, and another point 
 of commanding importance was now under his control. 
 Surely, if slowly, he was moulding his Negro army with 
 a master -hand. He was a student during times of inac- 
 tion, and his military books were Claison's "History of 
 Alexander and Caesar," Marshal Saxe's "Military Rever- 
 ies," Guischardt's "Military Memoirs of the Greeks and 
 Romans," Lloyd's "Military and Political Memoirs," 
 Caesar's "Commentaries," etc. He always kept a Bible 
 at headquarters for he could pray as well as fight. 
 
 When he was ready he set his army in motion, and be- 
 gan to attack the enemy in his intrenched positions. He 
 was possessed with wonderful military intuition. He 
 could sweep a line of battle with a glance, and detect a 
 weak point. He could steady a wavering column by his 
 presence, and by his peerless example could inspire his 
 troops to the most desperate fighting against the greatest 
 odds. He drove the British troops at the point of the 
 bayonet, and those who were fortunate enough to escape 
 the fury of the Negro army hastened back to Jamaica. 
 
 The French troops in the island had revolted against 
 their commander, General Laveaux, and had caused him 
 to be cast into prison. Toussaint defeated the French in 
 a pitched battle, took Laveaux out of prison, and installed 
 him at the head of the French troops. In his admiration of 
 this brilliant performance, a French officer exclaimed, " Cet 
 homme fait ouverture partout /" From this incident he 
 received the affix to his name, L'Ouverture (the opening). 
 
 General Toussaint 1' Ouverture had administrative abil- 
 ity as well as the talents of a fighter. He was capable of 
 
44 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 broad plans and successful execution, and knew that skil- 
 ful planning is one-half of military success. He won the 
 sympathy of Europe by issuing a military proclamation 
 declaring all slaves within range of his bayonets forever 
 free, and thereby secured to himself an enthusiastic sup- 
 port equal to an army corps. The diplomacy of his mili- 
 tary orders was not less effective than his manoeuvres in 
 the field. While wearing the uniform of a brigadier- 
 general in the service of his Majesty the King of Spain, he 
 learned that his royal master was friendly to the slave- 
 trade. The English had rendered aid and comfort to the 
 planters, and the mulattoes had formed an unnatural alli- 
 ance with the men who had not only disputed their 
 rights but had murdered their leaders. The French As- 
 sembly had not only enfranchised the mulattoes, but had, 
 on February 4, 1794, declared the island free. The black 
 general knew that the Revolution in France had done 
 much for liberty, and that the government of the French 
 nation would not be likely to go backward. He had the 
 island in his control, and finally, with great deliberation, 
 gave it to France. This bold, strategic stroke of policy 
 was as hurtful to Spain as it was helpful to France. The 
 news of the coup de grace kindled Paris into a blaze of 
 enthusiasm. The name of the Negro general was pro- 
 nounced with honor in the rounded periods of orators, 
 while in military circles he was hailed as Le noir Napo- 
 leon. In Santo Domingo the English feared him, the 
 Spanish hated him, the planters respected him, and the 
 populace trusted him. 
 
 As a reward for his distinguished services, the French 
 Government appointed him commander -in -chief of the 
 army of Santo Domingo. By order of the governor he 
 was inaugurated by a magnificent civic and military dis- 
 play, and before the army made the following speech : 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 45 
 
 " CITIZEN COMMISSIONERS : I accept the eminent rank to 
 which you have just raised me, only in the hope of more 
 surely succeeding in entirely extirpating the enemies of 
 Saint Domingo, of contributing to its speedy restoration to 
 prosperity, and of securing the happiness of its inhabitants. 
 If to fulfil the difficult task which it imposes, it sufficed 
 to wish the good of the island, and to effect it, is all that 
 depends upon me, I hope that, with the aid of the Divine 
 Being, I shall succeed. The tyrants are cast down upon 
 the earth ; they will no more defile the places where the 
 standard of liberty and equality ought to float alone, and 
 where the sacred rights of men ought to be recognized. 
 Officers and soldiers, if there is a compensation in the se- 
 vere labors which I am about to enter on, I shall find it in 
 the satisfaction of commanding brave soldiers. Let the 
 sacred fire of liberty animate us, and let us never take re- 
 pose until we have prostrated our foes !" 
 
 
 
 Although a soldier, he felt that the true mission of the 
 sword is to conquer peace ; and in time of peace he rec- 
 ognized that true prosperity reposes upon the industry of 
 all the people. Consequently he issued a general amnesty, 
 and encouraged the blacks to cultivate the fields. Agri- 
 culture and commerce were of great moment, and busi- 
 ness prosperity came as the sequence of a general confi- 
 dence in Toussaint. His proclamation of amnesty was 
 published at Cayes, August 1, 1800, and from their hiding- 
 places Frenchmen and Englishmen, Spaniards and mulat- 
 toes, hurried back home to enjoy the security of a 'Ne- 
 gro's protection. Prejudices and grudges, distinctions and 
 differences, disappeared amid the general prosperity that 
 healed the wounds of the past. The great JS"egro soldier 
 called about him able advisers of both races, and made a 
 constitution and built a republic. 
 
46 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Restrained by his powerful hand, the Negro regiments 
 left in garrison did little harm ; and the distinctive ele- 
 ments of French administrative policy diffused a feeling 
 of security throughout the entire island. By his strik- 
 ing individuality and marvellous executive ability he had 
 organized an army out of a mob; and with his splendid 
 talents he saw that the ends of victory were freedom and 
 republicanism. In building a republic he adhered to cer- 
 tain fundamental principles. Santo Domingo had been 
 monopolized by a few planters who had enjoyed enor- 
 mous gains from the unrequited toil of slave labor. The 
 island had had little or no communication with the out- 
 side world. .Now that slavery and the slave-trade were 
 gone, Toussaint saw the necessity of building up trade 
 with the outside world. With no industries to compete 
 with the manufactured goods of other countries, his con- 
 stitution declared in favor of "free-trade" Citizenship 
 was broad as the island ; and the passport to political 
 station was the possession of character and competency. 
 History records him a Catholic ; and some have held this to 
 be a synonyme for bigotry and intolerance. And yet this 
 " intolerant bigot " makes his critics look small in placing 
 these noble sentiments in his constitution : " I would not 
 jeopardize the sacred rights of conscience, so dear to every 
 man, but grant all the privilege of worshipping God ac- 
 cording to the dictates of their conscience." 
 
 The nineteenth century opened auspiciously for the 
 great Negro soldier and the cause he represented. Under 
 his military administration new roads had been con- 
 structed, streams had been bridged, carriages had been in- 
 troduced for the first time, and increasing confidence and 
 growing trade had led to large expenditures in magnifi- 
 cent private residences and commodious public buildings. 
 The transition from bondage to freedom was effected 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLIOX. 47 
 
 without arrogance, pomp, or social convulsion. With 
 gratitude restrained by humility, the ex - slave turned to 
 his new relations, duties, and responsibilities. Everything 
 was changed for the better. Treason and rebellion had 
 been buried in the bloody and inhospitable trenches of an 
 internecine war. The after-thought of the planters made 
 them the advocates of free labor, the friends of freedom, 
 and the supporters of republican government. -"Well- 
 mounted forts policed the bay, and slave-vessels found no 
 market here for their human chattels. France, England, 
 Spain, and Holland found a ready market for their manu- 
 factured goods ; while the raw products of the island were 
 eagerly sought. Peace and prosperity prevailed through- 
 out the Spanish and French portions of the island, and 
 an era of gladness and good feeling had dawned upon all 
 the people. 
 
 But the greatest soldier of modern times was upon the 
 French throne. Bonaparte was a soldier by nature, art, 
 and practice. However, he was a stranger to the impulses 
 of humanity, the dictates of reason, and the principles of 
 justice. The fame of the Negro general of Santo Domin- 
 go excited his jealousy, and from his throne he plotted 
 for his destruction. On the 20th of May, 1801, Napoleon 
 issued a decree abrogating all the laws of Santo Domingo 
 conferring freedom upon the slaves and extending man- 
 hood suffrage to the island. Rightly measuring the 
 strength of the Negro commander-in-chief, an expedition 
 was ordered to reduce the island to submission. An army 
 of thirty-five thousand men was sent forward in sixty of 
 the best vessels of the world. Spain and Holland hired 
 their ships to the arch-enemy of human liberty. The 
 troops were the flower of the French army. The snowy 
 Alps of northern Europe, the arid sands of southern 
 Egypt, the Rhine and the Nile, had witnessed their ex- 
 
48 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ploits and resounded with their triumphs. These famous 
 veterans now left homes and government and lands that 
 boasted of high civilization to bear chains to another peo- 
 ple in their little insular home. The ocean was covered 
 with a magnificent armament to punish a contumacious 
 slave, and to put back the hands upon the clock of civili- 
 zation because, forsooth, a Negro soldier had set them for- 
 ward by his sword. General Leclerc, a fine soldier, and 
 brother-in-law to Bonaparte, commanded this extraordinary 
 expedition. 
 
 In due time the French troops reached the scene of a 
 most remarkable struggle to turn a revolution backward. 
 Toussaint was absent in the Spanish portion of the island 
 when Leclerc sent word ashore that he intended to land. 
 His message came to the hands of a brave black brigadier- 
 general named Christophe, who was in command at the 
 Cape. " Tell General Leclerc," responded the Negro gen- 
 eral, "that I cannot permit him to land without orders 
 from the commander-in-chief." 
 
 "But the French are about to land," rejoined the officer 
 from the expedition. 
 
 "In that case tell General Leclerc that if he attempts 
 to land his troops on this island I will fight him on the 
 ashes of a burning city !" exclaimed the black Spartan. 
 
 The French army began to land towards the end of the 
 day. General Christophe took a torch, and with his own 
 hands first fired his beautiful residence recently completed 
 by Parisian decorative artists. He ordered his troops to 
 fire the city, and fought falling back towards the hill-coun- 
 try. The scenes that followed defy description. 
 
 In every house in Santo Domingo there were peace and 
 plenty the sweet angels of domestic charity. Fathers 
 were just home from toil that was lightened and sweet- 
 ened by the love that waited and watched for them at the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 49 
 
 door or gate ; mothers were lifting high their babes to 
 the plodding churl in the mountains, whose wife and chil- 
 dren were his rulers, and his home their throne. Little 
 lights were beginning to blink along the streets of the 
 Cape, and over many an evening meal there were healthy 
 laughter and good cheer. The whole scene was admira- 
 ble. No news of invasion or conquest had reached these 
 simple islanders ; no treaty negotiations had been inau- 
 gurated ; no insult had been offered to France by her in- 
 sular subjects. No principal of law, no sentiment of jus- 
 tice, no interest of humanity had been violated. And, 
 without warning or knowledge, the remorseless mailed 
 hand of military power was at the throat of human liberty. 
 The roar of cannon, the rattle of musketry, the rush- 
 ing, devouring flame of fire, was the prelude to this mon- 
 strous military tragedy. General Leclerc sent forward his 
 troops in four columns of echelon ; but these columns 
 were penetrated and thrown into confusion by the bound- 
 less fury and matchless bravery of Christophe's black sol- 
 diers. The men who but a few hours before were as gen- 
 tle as lambs in the imagined security of their homes, were 
 now like wild beasts stirred for the life of their young. 
 The pets of the Imperial household never encountered 
 fiercer fighting. The old, infirm, and helpless children 
 were hurried to the mountains, and women turned Ama- 
 zons and fought with perfect abandon. The wounded 
 refused to yield their place in battle, and most of them 
 fought while strength endured. The dying scornfully de- 
 clined to be succored by the invader, and died pronounc- 
 ing curses and imprecations upon the French. Negro 
 soldiership wrote its certificate for valor in the prodigal 
 blood that dyed the streets of the city of the Cape on 
 that eventful night. When the battle was at its height, 
 Toussaint 1'Ouverture appeared upon the scene. He 
 4 
 
50 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 gazed a moment at the carnage and destruction, and 
 then, rising in his stirrups, reined in his horse, and, above 
 the tumult of battle, cried, " Burn the city, children 1 poi- 
 son the wells ! fly to the mountains ! and make this island 
 the hell the white man comes to !" He had taken in the 
 situation at a glance, and his heroic order at first checked 
 the pulse of battle ; but in a moment the magnetic shock 
 of his presence and words flew like lightning to the heart 
 of every Negro soldier. The fainting, wavering, tugging 
 columns of his brave troops that were staggering heroic- 
 ally against the veterans of the French army took cour- 
 age. New life flowed through the Negro columns like a 
 gift from the gods. Toussaint's voice was as new wine to 
 their fainting hearts, and his inspiring presence was now 
 their glorious ensign of battle. 
 
 The Negro army fell back gradually from the charred 
 and burning city, but rallied on the plains under the 
 mountains. They threw themselves with desperation upon 
 the wavering columns of Leclerc, and hung upon his 
 flanks. The whole scene had deeply affected the French 
 troops, and their fighting was little more than self-defence. 
 The hollow square was ordered to save the veterans from 
 being routed, but the Negro troops formed and struck the 
 squares on three sides with dauntless valor and crushing 
 effect. Back went the Negro column to form again. This 
 time the black troops charged, singing " La Marseillaise :" 
 
 " Allons, enfants de la Patrie: 
 Le jour de gloire est arrive! 
 Centre nous de la tyrannic 
 L'etendard sanglant est leve!" etc. 
 
 And as they reached the trembling squares of the in- 
 vaders, they sang aloud : 
 
 "Auxarmes! Citoyens; formez vos bataillons ; 
 Marchez! marchez! qu'un sang impur abreuve nos sillons 1" 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 51 
 
 Doubtless French soldiers could fight ex-slaves, but they 
 could not fight their national hymn. Many French sol- 
 diers cheered, others wept, and the entire command, ex- 
 hausted and shattered, staggered back to the coast. The 
 Negro troops retired to the mountains, fortified every de- 
 file, and subsequently defended them like the Spartans at 
 Thermopylae. 
 
 Nature seemed to abhor the invasion, for she became 
 the ally of the Negro forces. A destructive fever attacked 
 the French troops. The Negroes were fed by nature from 
 spontaneous vegetation, and was as good a commissariat 
 as these hardy soldiers could wish for. Thirty thousand 
 French soldiers fell in battle, and died of wounds and 
 fever. The French contingent was recruited again and 
 again, but could not conquer the Negro troops and a tropi- 
 cal fever. 
 
 Leclerc sent proposals of peace to Toussaint, but he 
 spurned any peace that denied his compatriots the boon 
 of liberty. At the council, where he appeared in the uni- 
 form of a French general, Leclerc asked him, in rather a 
 factious spirit, "What would you have done for arms if I 
 had continued the war?" "I would have taken yours," 
 was Toussaint's sharp reply. 1 
 
 An honorable peace was concluded, and the black army 
 melted back among the populace, and began to repair the 
 prodigal waste of war. No plotter or hireling of the 
 French Empire could influence Toussaint's serenity. He 
 declined the offer of the governorship of the island that 
 came to him from Paris with high-sounding phrases of 
 adulation. He preferred to retire to private life after 
 having accomplished the object of his public endeav- 
 
 1 It is estimated that the losses in this war reached 30,000 men, 1,500 
 officers of all grades, among whom were 14 generals, and 700 physicians 
 and surgeons. G. W. W. 
 
52 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ors the freedom of his race and the pacification of the 
 island. 
 
 In Paris, where Bonaparte was either hated or feared, 
 there was much feeling respecting this costly expedition 
 that came to grief by falling into the hands of an accom- 
 plished Negro soldier. But everywhere, among all classes 
 of the people, there were respect, admiration, and sympa- 
 thy for Toussaint. The soldiers of the great Napoleon 
 had scratched the Negro only to find the Frenchman there. 
 The Negro army spoke French, and was characteristically 
 French in its enthusiasm and fighting. These facts were 
 more formidable than bullets, and the end of the cam- 
 paign was hailed by the French people and their army 
 with tumultuous acclamations of joy. 
 
 Pauline Bonaparte, sister to the First Consul and wife 
 of General Leclerc, a lady of surpassing beauty, engaging 
 manners, and rare accomplishments, had perished of fever 
 in Santo Domingo. Thus had Bonaparte recklessly laid 
 the most costly treasures upon the altar of his cruel ambi- 
 tion. 
 
 The expedition against the Negro soldier of Santo Do- 
 mingo increased the French debt several million francs, 
 but added no territory or revenue to the empire. The 
 Negro government was not built of untempered mortar. 
 It was not erected upon the shifting sands of political am- 
 bition. It was built upon the impregnable foundations of 
 Justice, Equality, and Liberty. The guns of Bonaparte 
 could not destroy such a government. 
 
 Reflections upon his failure to destroy the Negro repub- 
 lic and to reduce its citizens to involuntary servitude ex- 
 cited the wrath of Bonaparte. He determined to secure 
 Toussaint by fair or foul means, and a dinner-party was 
 the trap in which the Negro general was caught. Un- 
 warned and unattended, he was seized by French officers, 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 53 
 
 and hurried from the festivities held in his honor to a ves- 
 sel awaiting his arrival. As it sailed out of the harbor, 
 he said, as he gazed upon the theatre of his active life, 
 " They have only felled the tree of the freedom of the 
 blacks ; branches will sprout, for the roots are numerous 
 and deep." 
 
 He was landed at Brest, August 13, 1802, and hurried 
 across the empire to the Jura Mountains, on the line be- 
 tween France and Switzerland. He was incarcerated in 
 the dungeon at Joux. Bonaparte made no explanation of 
 this kidnapping, and Toussaint was never arraigned upon 
 any charge. Letter after letter was sent from this living 
 tomb to the cruel monster on the French throne, but no 
 sentiment of justice, mercy, or humanity could be found 
 in the heart of Bonaparte. The distinguished Negro pris- 
 oner courted an early, impartial, and searching investiga- 
 tion into every act of his official life. If he had been 
 guilty of even a technical violation of the law, he was 
 willing to suffer the penalty. But no word of compas- 
 sion reached his dungeon, no ray of hope penetrated its 
 gloom, and no recognition of his consummate services to 
 France, or his rank in her service, was made. He was the 
 victim of studied neglect and a murderous plot. His dun- 
 geon was always damp, and had ice on the floor and walls 
 for at least five months of the year. The eternal snows 
 looked down upon his prison, and the piercing gales from 
 the north swept it with relentless fury. He was kept in 
 close confinement, and even the coarse food allotted him 
 was reduced in quantity. It was tossed to him as if he 
 were a dog; and the inhuman keeper was not slow in 
 discovering that the way to the royal favor was over the 
 dead body of his prisoner. With the key to Toussaint's 
 dungeon, it was only necessary for this keeper to absent 
 himself in Switzerland for four days. Upon his return, 
 
54 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 he found that his work had been well done. The great 
 Negro soldier had succumbed to hunger and cold, and his 
 solitary but vicious companions, the rats, had gnawed his 
 body. He expired on the 27th of April, 1803, after 
 nearly a twelve-month of hunger, cold, and neglect. This 
 tragedy was commemorated in song and story, and civ- 
 ilized Europe thrilled with passionate grief at the news 
 of Toussaint's death. And the wail that swept from the 
 Antilles told the world how the great Negro soldier had 
 attached himself to the cause of humanity. 
 
 The Nemesis of retribution is the divine ingredient in 
 history. The Negro general was kidnapped at the instance 
 of the First Consul, and was transported from the warm 
 climate of the south to the cold climate of the north. 
 He was then left to perish from cold, hunger, and neglect. 
 Time swept apace ; the mutations of political fortune at 
 length made Bonaparte a national prisoner. The man 
 from the north was then transported to the south ; and 
 amid the heat and thunder and lightning of St. Helena, 
 Toussaint's imperial murderer died far from kindred and 
 friends. 
 
 Let the muse of history behold the damp dungeon floor 
 of Joux, where the virtuous Negro soldier died in loneli- 
 ness and want ; next gaze at the magnificent tomb of Na- 
 poleon Bonaparte at Paris, and then look upon the exqui- 
 site tomb of the Prince Napoleon at Windsor Castle. 
 There is no monumental marble or brass to commemorate 
 the noble acts of the Negro soldier; but in his island 
 home the little republic he built still stands a monument 
 to his valor as a soldier and sagacity as a statesman ; while 
 his deeds, like stars, illumine the page of history, and his 
 Christian character and shining example have an immortal 
 place in the literature of the world. Magnificent as is the 
 tomb of the First Consul, nothing that he accomplished 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 55 
 
 while alive remains. Not only did the idea he entertained 
 of universal empire fail, but the monarchy for which he 
 fought so many famous battles has long since been sup- 
 planted by a republic; and the tendency of the State 
 he strove to coerce is now strongly republican. The 
 Prince Napoleon was killed by Zulus in Africa, and thus 
 the last representative of the French military empire was 
 cut off by the very race from which Toussaint's grandfa- 
 ther sprang for the blood of kings flowed in the veins 
 of Toussaint ! 
 
 "Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceeding 
 
 small; 
 
 Though with patience He stands waiting, with exactness grinds He 
 all." 
 
 MEXICO never discriminated against or proscribed any 
 of its citizens on account of race or complexion. Negroes 
 have carried the musket and worn shoulder-straps in the 
 Mexican army ; and in the war for the independence of 
 that country many Negroes distinguished themselves upon 
 the battle-field. 1 
 
 In the "War of 1812 in the United States of America 
 free Negroes participated in the land and naval forces. 
 On the 21st of September, 1814, Major-general Andrew 
 Jackson, commanding the seventh military district, with 
 headquarters at Mobile, Alabama, issued an appeal to the 
 free Negroes of Louisiana to join his army. He confessed 
 that " a mistaken policy " had hitherto excluded them from 
 the army, but declared that it should be so " no longer." 
 Every free Negro volunteering to serve during the " con- 
 test with Great Britain " was to " be paid the same bounty 
 in money and lands " that were given to " white soldiers of 
 the United States ;" and this consisted of one hundred and 
 
 1 Manuscript letter of the Mexican Minister to the author. 
 
56 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 twenty-four dollars " and one hundred and sixty acres of 
 land." The General reserved the right to appoint their 
 officers, but the non-commissioned officers were to be taken 
 from among the troops. These Negro soldiers were to be 
 formed into a separate regiment, and " pursuing the path 
 of glory," were to " receive the applause and gratitude " of 
 their countrymen. 1 
 
 The enlistment of the free Negroes of Louisiana was be- 
 gun towards the end of September, 1814, under the super- 
 vision of the Governor of the State. The recruits came 
 forward in large numbers and with patriotic enthusiasm. 
 The great majority of them were educated freeholders, 
 capable of speedy discipline. Within sixty days they 
 were organized and drilled, and ready for the field. On 
 Sunday, December 18, 1814, General Jackson reviewed the 
 American army in front of New Orleans. The British 
 forces were pushing their way up the Mississippi River 
 from the Gulf of Mexico. A battle was impending, and 
 New Orleans was in a state of feverish excitement. Gen- 
 eral Jackson had written an address to the army, and a 
 portion of it was addressed to the Negro troops. Adju- 
 tant-general Edward Livingston rode to the head of the 
 troops, and read, in rich, sonorous tones, an address to the 
 Negro soldiers. They were praised for the possession of 
 all physical qualities necessary to the profession of arms, 
 and assured that they had surpassed the General's hopes. 
 " I have found in you," continued the General, " united to 
 these qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to 
 great deeds." 2 
 
 On the battle-field these troops justified the expectations 
 of the Government and fulfilled the hopes of General Jack- 
 
 1 Niles's "Register, "vol. vii., p. 205. 
 
 2 Ibid., vol. vii., pp. 345, 346. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 57 
 
 son. They were found to be brave and steady, perform- 
 ing with cheerfulness and celerity every order that was 
 given them. 
 
 On the 24th of October, 1814, one month after the call 
 for Negro volunteers in Louisiana, the Legislature of New 
 York enacted a law for the incorporation of two regiments 
 of free Negroes. The men were to receive the same pay 
 and bounty as white soldiers, and were to be placed upon 
 a regular army footing. They were to be stationed with- 
 in and for the defence of the State ; but if the United 
 States would furnish pay and subsistence they might be 
 transferred from state to national service. Even slaves, 
 obtaining written permission from their master or mis- 
 tress, could enlist in either of these two regiments. But 
 at the end of three years' faithful service, or upon honor- 
 able discharge, such slaves as had enlisted were emanci- 
 pated. If such manumitted persons became infirm after 
 being in the service, they were to be maintained by the 
 town where they were registered. 1 
 
 By an order promulgated by the War Department, Cap- 
 tain William Bezeau, Twenty-sixth United States Infan- 
 try, was ordered to take charge of the recruiting station at 
 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He served in this capacity 
 from July, 1814, till the spring of 1815. From the 30th 
 of August, 1814, till the 15th of February, 1815, he re- 
 cruited and mustered into the United States Army two 
 hundred and forty-seven Negroes. 
 
 During this war the recruiting officers of the United 
 States Army accepted Negro recruits, and by July, 1815, 
 over three hundred had been mustered into the service. 
 
 1 "Laws of the State of New York," chap, xviii. Thirty-eighth Session. 
 
58 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ANTECEDENT FACTS. FORESHADOWING EVENTS. 
 
 THE two years immediately preceding the Rebellion 
 were teeming with unprecedented events. Almost every 
 question of public interest was directly or indirectly con- 
 nected with one phase or another of the slavery problem. 
 Thirty years of vigorous anti-slavery agitation had forced 
 men into or out of parties ; had made them declare for 
 the restriction or extension of slavery its nationalization 
 or extinction. Slavery was like a dangerous coast with 
 hidden reefs, where wild gales and stormy breakers blow 
 and dash. It overshadowed every other question of na- 
 tional importance, and against its hidden reefs and treach- 
 erous currents the fierce gales of public events seemed 
 driving the Ship of State. Two great political parties 
 were confronting each other on the vital question Free- 
 dom national and slavery sectional. The Democratic par- 
 ty had administered the Government for a longer period 
 of time than any other party in modern times in the West- 
 ern world. It had degenerated in leadership, was pover- 
 ty-stricken for issues, and was now unworthy of its found- 
 ers. Having been long kept together by the cohesiveness 
 of public plunder, it was in a state of senility. 
 
 The Republican party was young, but had recruited its 
 ranks from a dozen different detachments, which, although 
 fighting on their own responsibility, were nevertheless 
 seeking the preservation of the union of the States against 
 the menaces of the slave power. This new political or- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 59 
 
 ganization, with the ardor of youth and the zeal of truth, 
 was united upon the question of the restriction of the 
 slave power. The opposing party was divided upon a 
 number of vital questions. On the llth of May, 1859, a 
 Southern convention at Yicksburg, Mississippi, represent- 
 ing eight States, passed resolutions favoring the reopening 
 of the African slave-trade. This had a bewildering effect 
 upon many Northern Democrats, and threw anti-slavery 
 men and Republicans into violent unrest. On the 8th 
 of June the slave-holders of Maryland met in convention 
 at Baltimore, with county representation, and at the same 
 time there was a wide -spread feeling in favor of mak- 
 ing slave property more secure throughout the Southern 
 States. But the concern respecting slavery was not all on 
 one side. Already the mild Quaker views of Lundy were 
 giving away to the stalwart opinions of the aggressive 
 party under the leadership of Captain John Brown. The 
 South had startled the North by insolence and brutality 
 in the National Congress, and by its offensive assertions 
 of its right to carry slave property into any State, and of 
 its intention to leave the family of States. But Captain 
 John Brown gave the South the most tremendous fright 
 it had ever had, until the embattled guns of a victorious 
 army put the Confederacy and the slave-power in the dust 
 of defeat. On Sunday night, October 16, 1859, Captain 
 John Brown, at the head of twenty-one men, took posses- 
 sion of the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry, Vir- 
 ginia, and held it against the military forces of Virginia 
 and Maryland until the morning of the 18th, when it was 
 stormed by the United States Marines. A mail-train was 
 detained six hours ; Colonel Lewis Washington, a descend- 
 ant of George Washington, was arrested, and the quiet 
 town of Harper's Ferry thrown into intense excitement. 
 The news of this remarkable occurrence struck terror to 
 
60 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the heart of the South, and was the event of absorbing in- 
 terest for months. On the 19th of November the village 
 of Charlestown, Virginia, was excited by the rumor of an 
 attempt to rescue John Brown ; and on the 30th of the 
 same month a resolution was offered in the South Caro- 
 lina Legislature declaring in favor of secession with oth- 
 er slave - holding States. On the 2d of December John 
 Brown was hanged ; and on the 20th the medical students 
 from the South, in Philadelphia, resolved to secede and 
 join Southern colleges. 
 
 The year 1860 opened amid the greatest excitement. 
 The John Brown tragedy had dragged its ghastly length 
 into the new year, and on the 16th of March Hazlitt and 
 Stevens, compatriots of John Brown, were publicly exe- 
 cuted at Charlestown, Yirginia. The National House of 
 Representatives was in great excitement over the slavery 
 question. Messrs. Potter and Pryor made a scene on the 
 floor of the House on the 5th of April, and the Southern 
 press was impatient, insolent, and impulsive. On the 23d 
 of April the National Democratic party met at Charles- 
 ton, South Carolina. There were delegates from thirty 
 States in the Union, numbering three hundred and three 
 (303). This venerable organization, that had moved steadi- 
 ly to battle in other days like a Roman phalanx, was now 
 rent by schism and weakened by conflicting interests. The 
 question of slavery in the Territories, the Dred Scott de- 
 cision, the validity of slave property under the Constitu- 
 tion, the Douglas theory of popular sovereignty, and other 
 lesser questions were pressing for solution. After many 
 ballots, boisterous sessions, and much fruitless labor, the 
 convention adjourned on the 4th of May having sat for 
 ten days to convene again at Baltimore on the 18th of 
 June. 
 
 Meanwhile a Constitutional Union Convention met at 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 61 
 
 Baltimore on the 9th of May, representing twenty States, 
 and nominated for President John Bell, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent Edward Everett. On the 16th of May the National 
 Republican Convention convened at Chicago, and on the 
 18th nominated for President Abraham Lincoln, of Illi- 
 nois, for Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. The 
 proceedings were harmonious; the platform report was 
 received without debate, and on the third ballot Mr. Lin- 
 coln received 354: votes out of 446. On the 1st of June 
 the Maryland House of Delegates prohibited the manu- 
 mission of slaves in that State ; and on the 23d of June 
 the National Democratic party nominated Stephen A. 
 Douglas, of Illinois, for President, by a vote of 173^, and 
 for Yice-President Senator Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Ala- 
 bama, by acclamation. On the same day and in the same 
 city the seceding delegates from the Charleston convention 
 met and nominated for President John C. Breckinridge, 
 of Kentucky, for Yice-President General Joseph Lane. 
 
 The canvass that followed these conventions was the 
 most remarkable in the annals of political parties. The 
 meetings were numerous and largely attended, and the 
 speeches of the orators rang with fiery earnestness from 
 one end of the country to the other. The Republican 
 party was making its second contest and it was the Re- 
 publican party against the field. It proved itself worthy 
 of admiration and support. It had the courage to assert 
 its convictions and principles upon the political arena. It 
 boldly opposed the extension of slavery into the Territo- 
 ries, and maintained that slavery could exist only by local 
 positive law. Slavery was regarded as an evil threatening 
 the national life, and it was urged that its ultimate ex- 
 tinction should be contemplated by the Government. The 
 Southern wing of the Democratic party, under the lead of 
 Breckinridge, boldly asserted the moral and legal right to 
 
62 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 buy, sell, own, and transport slaves into the Territories, and 
 maintained that there could be no judicial interference 
 with slavery outside of the States, except by prescription 
 of the Constitution. The Douglas wing of the Demo- 
 cratic party adhered to the doctrine of State sovereignty, 
 and evaded all other issues. The American party, led by 
 Mr. Bell, kept before the people its ideas of emigration 
 and naturalization, but would not commit itself upon the 
 slavery question. 
 
 On the 6th of November, 1860, Lincoln and Hamlin 
 were elected by a popular vote of 1,866,452, securing 180 
 electoral votes. Mr. Douglas secured 1,375,157 ballots 
 from the people, but only 12 votes in the Electoral Col- 
 lege. Mr. Breckinridge obtained 847,953 votes at the 
 polls, and secured 76 electoral votes. Mr. Bell's vote 
 reached 570,631, securing for him 39 electors. 
 
 Unfortunately, the South regarded the election of Mr. 
 Lincoln as a casus belli. The wildest confusion and dis- 
 gust prevailed at the South, while the North hailed the 
 result as friendly to the country. On the 22d of Novem- 
 ber the banks of Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington 
 suspended specie payment, and the business of the coun- 
 try was almost paralyzed. And as if to shock business 
 confidence all over the country, the United States Treas- 
 ury suspended specie payment on the 5th of December. 
 
 The Republic seemed trembling on the verge of some 
 impending catastrophe. A committee of thirty-three mem- 
 bers of the National House of Representatives was ap- 
 pointed and charged to take into consideration measures 
 for the preservation of the Government on the 6th of De- 
 cember, and on the llth Howell Cobb, Secretary of the 
 Treasury, resigned. On the day following, General Win- 
 field Scott arrived in Washington and conferred with the 
 President. The country was excited and anxious, but no 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 63 
 
 one could tell what a day would bring forth. On the 14th 
 of December Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, resigned, and 
 the next day President Buchanan appointed January 4th 
 as a day of fasting and prayer. A Secession Convention 
 at Charleston, South Carolina, passed an ordinance to with- 
 draw that State from the Union on the 20th, and thence- 
 forward there was little doubt in the public mind that 
 the South would attempt to dissolve the Union. On the 
 24th an effort to remove the ordnance from the Pittsburg, 
 Pennsylvania, arsenal was successfully resisted by patriot- 
 ic citizens. Two days later Major Robert Anderson was 
 compelled to evacuate Fort Moultrie and retire to Fort 
 Suinter. John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, resigned his 
 portfolio on the 29th, and the next day the citizens of 
 Charleston seized the Government arsenal at that place. 
 And so the year ended in excitement, and amid efforts to 
 dissolve the Union. 
 
 On the 4th day of January, 1861, Fort Morgan, in Mo- 
 bile harbor, was seized by Alabama troops, and four days 
 later two more forts, Johnson and Caswell, in North Caro- 
 lina, were seized by State troops. On the same day Ja- 
 cob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, resigned. Mis- 
 sissippi voted herself out of the Union on the 9th, and the 
 first guns of the Rebellion were fired from the forts on 
 Morris Island, South Carolina, upon the Star of the West, 
 and she was driven to sea. Florida seceded on the 10th, 
 and Alabama on the llth ; and on the 12th the revenue- 
 cutter, Lewis Cass, was captured by State authorities at 
 New Orleans ; the Pensacola, Florida, navy-yard was seized 
 on the same day. The United States Senators from 
 Mississippi resigned their seats on the 14th, and on the 
 21st the Alabama delegation in Congress withdrew. Con- 
 gress was in a state bordering on panic, and the press of 
 the North was impotent to restore public confidence. On 
 
64 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the 26th Louisiana seceded, and the news created deeper 
 concern for the safety of the Union. The month of Feb- 
 ruary was ushered in by an organized attempt on the part 
 of the people of Charleston to besiege Fort Sumter, and 
 Texas voted herself out of the Union. On the 2d of Feb- 
 ruary the gold in the United States mint at New Orleans 
 was seized by the State authorities. This action swept 
 the country with a wave of indignant excitement, and the 
 Senators from Louisiana Slidell and Benjamin with- 
 drew from the Senate four days later. But at last an 
 incredulous North was forced to believe that the nation 
 was on the eve of a great civil struggle. On the 9th of 
 February, 1861, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected 
 President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice- 
 President, of the Southern Confederacy, by a convention 
 representing the seceding States, at Montgomery, Alaba- 
 ma. On the 13th the Electoral College formally declared 
 the result of the national election, viz., that Abraham Lin- 
 coln and Hannibal Hamlin had been duly elected Presi- 
 dent and Yice-President of the United States. Five days 
 later Messrs. Davis and Stephens were inaugurated at 
 Montgomery, Alabama. Thus perished the last hope of 
 averting a rupture of the Union. 
 
 A feeling of melancholy pervaded the minds of North- 
 ern leaders as they saw the Southern States place them- 
 selves outside the sisterhood of States. But when, on the 
 22d, the birthday of George Washington, a plot to assassi- 
 nate President-elect Lincoln was discovered in Baltimore, 
 a feeling of horror and anger stirred the heart of the 
 entire North. Men who had felt like exhausting everv 
 measure of pacification and concession were now eager 
 for war. The patience of peace-men was subject to the 
 most provoking strains almost daily. On the 4th of 
 March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was duly inaugurated Pres- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 65 
 
 ident of the United States for four years; and thus the 
 National Republican party accepted from the American 
 people a government rent by a sectional feud, and soon 
 to be drenched in fraternal blood. 
 
 On the llth of April General G. T. Beauregard de- 
 manded the surrender of Fort Sumter ; and the demand 
 not having been complied with, he began a bombardment 
 on the next day. This lasted during the night of the 
 12th, and on the morning of the 13th Major Robert An- 
 derson surrendered. On the 14th he marched hi& garri- 
 son out with arms, field-music, and flying colors, receiving 
 a salute with the honors of war. The war of the Rebel- 
 lion was thus formally opened by the South ; and on the 
 15th of April, 1861, the President of the United States 
 issued a call for 75,000 troops. On the 29th the Presi- 
 dent issued another call for an additional volunteer force, 
 making 158,000 in all, and raising the force of the regu- 
 lar army to 85,000 officers and enlisted men. 
 
 The curtain was rung up, and the civilized world be- 
 held the first act of the bloody tragedy of war. Neither 
 the South nor the North admitted the Negro into the 
 army. Negro slavery was the evil genius that was rend- 
 ing the Republic. From the forum of political debate 
 and the courts of law this question of Negro slavery was 
 appealed to the Court of Civil "War ; and the argument 
 begun at Surnter was to be concluded at Appomattox, 
 with a decision in favor of UNION, LIBERTY, EQUALITY, AND 
 FRATERNITY. 
 
66 ' A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MILITARY RENDITION OF SLAVES. 
 
 AT first the faintest intimation that Negroes should be 
 employed as soldiers in the Union Army was met with 
 derision. By many it was regarded as a joke. The idea 
 of arming the ex-slaves seemed ridiculous to most civil 
 and military officers. From the period of the introduc- 
 tion of this people into the British colonies in North 
 America down to the breaking out of the Rebellion in 
 the South, they had been subjected to a most rigorous 
 system of bondage to the white race. Transported from 
 his wild African home, the barbarian, without language, 
 tradition, memorials, or monuments, was kept in a lowly 
 condition of servitude. Every lesson of obedience was 
 enforced and illustrated by the lash. He was fenced in 
 by the laws met by force at every point. His whole 
 existence was a struggle with force in nature and in 
 man. Eventually the wild, free, and impetuous spirit of 
 the African became pliable, docile, and submissive. 
 
 The first generation of Africans in America were more 
 tractable than their fathers. Having been reduced to 
 chattels by a code of laws enacted by the white race, 
 which claimed that it was Christian charity to enslave 
 the African under the influence of civilization rather 
 than leave him to barbarism, he was to be kept in this 
 state. The slave code presupposed the natural and native 
 spirit, the aptitude and intelligence of the slave. It was 
 not enough that he was bound with chains, because he 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 67 
 
 was less to be feared physically than mentally. In his 
 abject ignorance his enslavers thought they should find 
 security. That portion of the slave code which denied 
 the Negro slave facilities and privileges of learning was a 
 compliment to his natural ability to acquire knowledge. 
 
 The Negro slave was excluded by law from printing- 
 offices, libraries, drug-stores, and from all places and em- 
 ployments where a knowledge of letters and figures was 
 required. 1 He was sedulously kept in ignorance from the 
 first, until ignorance had almost become a second nature 
 to him. He was reduced to a machine. Calm and ap- 
 parent contentment followed resistance and unrest. The 
 affections, once so instinct with life, scarcely quivered 
 with emotion at the sound of the auctioneer's voice or the 
 crack of the whip. Only the sharp cry of the slave moth- 
 er, whose famishing child was torn from her withered 
 bosom, or the deep sobs of the wife separated from her 
 husband, indicated that a nerve of sensation or sentiment 
 of affection was yet alive. They were callosed and hard- 
 ened fyy cruel blows and barbarous treatment But they 
 were not dead ; they needed only the salve of human sym- 
 pathy and kindness to call them into action. 
 
 Most observing and thoughtful people concluded that 
 centuries of servitude had rendered the Negro slave inca- 
 pable of any civil or military service. When the Civil 
 War commenced, the Negro was not regarded as a help 
 in preserving the American Union, although the unknown 
 quantity in the problem of war. His flight from South- 
 ern bondage was often arrested under the Union flag, and 
 his way back to the hell of slavery lighted by the gleam 
 of Federal bayonets. Every attempt to gain his freedom 
 
 1 Many slaves were taught the trades of machinists and carpenters 
 for economic reasons, but their skill was utilized on the plantation 
 where they belonged. G. W. W. 
 
OS A HISTORY Of NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 by reaching the Union lines was met bj levelled muskets 
 in the hands of the defenders of a free republic ! 
 
 The war found the United States Government without 
 a settled policy respecting the slavery question. There 
 were, however, two well-defined views before the civil and 
 military leaders. The President had announced to the 
 army that the real object of its service was u to restore 
 the seceding States" to their constitutional relation to the 
 Union. It was thought that the truant States would come 
 back into the Union within three months at the point of 
 the bayonet. Another period was fixed upon, and nine 
 months was thought to be, ample time in which to "re- 
 store" the rebel States. The slavery question had no place 
 in the early military policy of the Union Army. Slave 
 property was regarded as recognised and sustained by the 
 Constitution. It was necessary, therefore, to prescribe a 
 more definite object for the army. 
 
 The Southern States were guilty of treason, and the 
 moment they levied war against the United States their 
 slaves were ipso facto free. But a conservative, vacillat- 
 ing, hand-to-mouth policy held sway for nearly two years, 
 with but one exception. Major-general B. F. Butler, com- 
 manding the Union forces at Fortress Monroe, inaugu- 
 rated a new policy. It was operative in his department, 
 received the approval of the Secretary of War, but was 
 rendered inoperative within less than a month. In the 
 month of April 1861, Flag-officer G. J. Pendergrast, in 
 command of the frigate Cumberland* at that time on block- 
 ading service in the Boads, captured and restored to their 
 masters, at Norfolk, several fugitive slaves. A few days 
 after this occurrence, the flag-officer. General Butler, Cap- 
 tain Grier Tallmadge, and the correspondent of the New 
 York Times chanced to meet on the ramparts of Fortran 
 Monroe. Captain Tallmadge referred to the action of the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 69 
 
 flag -officer, and disapproved his course in returning the 
 slaves. Turning to General Butler, Captain Tallmadge 
 continued : " General, it is a question you will nave to de- 
 cide, and that, too, very soon ; for in less than twenty-four 
 hours deserting slaves will commence swarming to your 
 lines. The rebels are employing their slaves in thousands 
 in constructing batteries all around us. And, in my judg- 
 ment, in view of this fact, not only slaves who take refuge 
 within our lines are contraband, but I hold it as much our 
 duty to seize and capture those employed, or intended to 
 be employed, in constructing batteries, as it is to destroy 
 the arsenals or any other war-making element of the reb- 
 els, or to capture and destroy the batteries themselves." 
 It is interesting in this connection to know that General 
 Butler himself, on the 23d of April, 1861, had written to 
 Governor Thomas H. Hicks, of Maryland, as follows : " I 
 have understood within the last hour that some apprehen- 
 sions are entertained of an insurrection of the Kegro pop- 
 ulation of this neighborhood. I am anxious to convince 
 all classes of persons that the forces under my command 
 are not here in any way to interfere with, or countenance 
 an interference with, the laws of the State. I am there- 
 fore ready to co-operate with your Excellency in suppress- 
 ing most promptly and effectually any insurrection to the 
 laws of the State of Maryland." The patriotic governor 
 of Massachusetts, John A. Andrew, wrote General Butler 
 as follows : " If I rightly understand the telegraphic de- 
 spatch, I think that your action in tendering to Governor 
 Hicks the assistance of our Massachusetts troops to sup- 
 press a threatened servile insurrection among the hostile 
 people of Maryland was unnecessary." 
 
 This declaration was made in the early part of the 
 month of May, and within two days General Butler put 
 the views of Captain Tallmadge into practical operation. 
 
70 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Three slaves, the property of one Colonel Mallory, of the 
 Confederate forces in front of the Union lines at Fortress 
 Monroe, came in. They told the officer of the picket-line 
 that their master was about to send them to the North 
 Carolina seaboard to work on rebel fortifications, and that 
 the fortifications were intended to bar that coast against 
 the advance of the Union forces. General Butler, having 
 heard the statement of the fugitives, said, " These men are 
 contraband of war ; set them at work." 
 
 On the 27th of May, 1861, General Butler wrote to 
 Lieutenant-general Scott that the question of slave prop- 
 erty was becoming more embarrassing; that the enemy 
 was using large numbers of Negroes in the work of con- 
 structing batteries on his front ; and that the women and 
 children of these laborers were to be sent South by the 
 rebel authorities. However, many slaves were escaping 
 within his lines, and women and children in large num- 
 bers were coming in also. General Butler employed the 
 effective at fair wages, caused rations to be issued to them, 
 and charged the support of the non-laborers against the 
 wages of the laborers. The General maintained that by 
 this action he was depriving the enemy of the services of 
 these slaves, delaying the construction of his fortifications, 
 and securing valuable aid to the Union forces. He sub- 
 mitted the entire matter to his chief, and forwarded a 
 duplicate despatch to the Secretary of War. 1 
 
 The Secretary of War responded : " Your action in re- 
 spect to the Negroes who came within your lines from 
 the service of the rebels is approved." But the Secretary, 
 after some explanations, hastened to qualify: "While, 
 therefore, you will permit no interference, by persons un- 
 der your command, with the relations of persons held to 
 
 1 Greeley's "American Conflict," vol. ii., p. 238. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 71 
 
 service under the laws of any State, you will, on the other 
 hand, so long as any State within which your military 
 operations are conducted remains under the control of 
 such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to 
 alleged masters any persons who come within your 
 lines." 
 
 The War Department was careful to employ the exact 
 language of the Constitution "any person;" and the 
 words slave and slavery were avoided. Not only the De- 
 partment of War, but the entire Administration, was scru- 
 pulously following that portion of the Constitution that 
 recognized property in man; that gave legal sanction to 
 the cruel curse of human slavery but always couched in 
 cowardly phraseology it calls no names ! 
 
 There was considerable comment in the press, in the 
 pulpit, and in political as well as in military circles, re- 
 specting General Butler's order making fugitive slaves 
 contraband of war. Most Union leaders approved his 
 action ; but the Government kept to its slow-coach ideas. 
 There was no doubt of the novelty of General Butler's 
 view and action ; and in truth it was startling and revo- 
 lutionary. The doctrine of property in man had long 
 since been expurgated from the jurisprudence of West- 
 ern Europe, and the brave and patriotic men on this 
 continent who had espoused the cause of stolen Africans 
 forcibly held to bondage maintained that there could be 
 no property in man. All branches of the anti-slavery 
 party maintained that the slaves were illegally held, and 
 that in view of the enlightened sentiment of Europe 
 our laws on the subject were barbarous and without moral 
 support. To have acknowledged the right and fact of 
 property in man would have changed the history of the 
 anti - slavery movement ; would have made a holy band 
 of philanthropists a mob of law-breakers. Slavery was 
 
72 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 wrong both morally and legally, and upon this ground 
 the New England anti-slavery movement stood. 
 
 General Butler was born and educated in New Eng- 
 land ; and with a commission from Massachusetts, in the 
 second month of the Rebellion, reversed " the New Eng- 
 land idea" by recognizing property in man! He rated 
 Negroes with mules, wagons, muskets, and stands of col- 
 ors. He decided that Negroes were property, and that he 
 could, under the rules of modern warfare, appropriate any 
 property of the enemy he could secure. But while this 
 false idea was adopted by the Secretary of War, it died 
 almost before the country was certain it ever had official 
 countenance. 
 
 The Army kept at its work of returning fugitive slaves 
 to their rebel masters. Even free Negroes were often 
 arrested on suspicion of being slaves. Two free Negroes 
 from Frederick, Maryland, boarded the train that conveyed 
 Colonel A. E. Burnside's regiment from Baltimore to 
 Washington. When they reached Washington, Colonel 
 Burnside, supposing them to be runaway slaves, returned 
 them in charge of a detail, and had them cast into prison 
 at Baltimore. 1 On the 4th of July, 1861, a day hallowed 
 by Revolutionary memories, Colonel Tyler, of the Sev- 
 enth Ohio Regiment, made a speech to an audience of 
 West Virginia rebels, to assure the slave-holders of the 
 security of their property. " As our enemies have belied 
 our mission," said Colonel Tyler, " and represented us as 
 a band of Abolitionists, I desire to assure you that the 
 relation of master and servant as recognized in your 
 State shall be respected. Your authority over that spe- 
 cies of property shall not in the least be interfered with. 
 To this end I assure you those under my command have 
 
 1 Baltimore American, June 22, 1861. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 73 
 
 peremptory orders to take up and bold any Negroes 
 found running about tbe camp witbout passes from tbeir 
 masters." 
 
 Tbe monotony of tbe military slave-bunt was relieved 
 by a bold move on tbe part of General John C. Fremont, 
 commanding tbe "Western Department." On tbe 6th of 
 August, 1861, Congress passed a law entitled "An Act to 
 Confiscate Property Used for Insurrectionary Purposes" 
 An examination of its text, as well as tbe fiery debate 
 through which it passed, prove that it was not intended to 
 apply to slave property ; nor was it intended to supple- 
 ment General Butler's action. On tbe 31st of August 
 General Fremont, taking advantage of the new law, is- 
 sued a military proclamation from his headquarters in 
 St. Louis declaring Missouri under martial law. All per- 
 sons found with arms in their hands were to be tried by 
 court-martial, and if found guilty were to be shot. 
 
 "The property," recited the proclamation, "real and 
 personal, of all persons in tbe State of Missouri who shall 
 take up arms against the United States, or shall be direct- 
 ly proven to have taken active part with their enemies in 
 the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use ; 
 and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared 
 free men." ' 
 
 It was gratifying that General Fremont's proclamation 
 did not deal with Negroes as contraband ; they were not 
 mixed with personal or real property, but were " declared 
 free men" This was one of the most effective measures 
 of the war. It was the heroic treatment demanded by 
 the condition of affairs at the time. It wrought great 
 good within twenty-four hours; was exerting excellent 
 and moral influence throughout the South. But tbe Presi- 
 
 1 Greeley's "American Conflict," vol i., p. 585. 
 
74 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 dent was not pleased with that portion of the proclama- 
 tion that emancipated the slaves of the men who were 
 endeavoring to destroy the Government. He requested 
 General Fremont to modify that portion of the proclama- 
 tion liberating the slaves. This the General declined to 
 do, and wisely left the President to take the responsibil- 
 ity in an Executive proclamation. Accordingly, on the 
 llth of September, the President, in an open letter, cut 
 out the heart of the Fremont proclamation, and General 
 Fremont was subsequently removed, and the good work 
 of subduing rebels and freeing Negroes was suspended. 
 
 In the month of October, 1861, General Thomas "W. 
 Sherman, occupying the defences of Port Royal, issued a 
 proclamation to the people of South Carolina. He an- 
 nounced that he had landed a small force on their shores ; 
 that his mission was one of good- will and peace ; that he 
 recalled many pleasant days spent among them, and as- 
 sured them that their " local institution " would not be 
 disturbed. 1 Fugitive slaves found no refuge in his camps, 
 and the Rebellion received no serious check at his hands. 
 
 On the 13th of November, 1861, General John A. Dix, 
 upon entering the counties of Accomac and Northampton, 
 Virginia, issued a proclamation declaring to the people the 
 nature of his advent. He assured the people that he came 
 as their friend, and consequently would " invade no right 
 of person or property." The laws and institutions of the 
 people were to be respected, -and special orders were is- 
 sued to the troops "not to interfere with the condition 
 of any person held to domestic servitude." All fugitive 
 slaves were to be excluded from the Union lines. 3 Gen- 
 eral Halleck's famous " Order No. 3," November 20, 1861, 3 
 
 1 Greeley's "American Conflict," vol. ii., p. 240. 
 
 8 "Rebellion Record," vol. iii., Doc., p. 376. 
 
 3 " Official Record of the War of the Rebellion," vol. viii. t p. 370. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 75 
 
 excluded fugitive slaves from his lines in Missouri ; and on 
 the 23d of February, 1862, he issued " Order No. 13," di- 
 recting among other things that " fugitive slaves " should 
 not " be admitted " within his " lines or camps, except when 
 specially ordered by the General commanding." A few 
 days before this (18th of February), an order was issued 
 by General A. E. Burnside, declaring (in a proclamation) 
 that the Government simply required recognition of " its 
 authority," and that all laws, usages, and local institutions 
 would be respected. This action was not the exception, 
 but the rule, among Department commanders. 
 
 General Grant early set an example which ought to 
 have been emulated by other commanders. His action 
 was not only in accord with the highest military wisdom 
 and law, but was consonant with the dictates of humanity. 
 The order given below was the first of its kind issued 
 during the war, and, therefore, entitles General Grant to 
 high consideration in connection with this phase of the 
 war. 
 
 " Headquarters District of West Tennessee, 
 
 " Fort Donelson, February 26, 1862. 
 ' ' General Orders No. 14. 
 
 "I. General Order No. 3, series 1861, from headquarters Department 
 of Missouri, is still in force and must be observed. The necessity of 
 its strict enforcement is made apparent by the numerous applications 
 from citizens for permission to pass through the camps to look for 
 fugitive slaves. In no case whatever will permission be granted to 
 citizens for this purpose. 
 
 " II. All slaves at Fort Donelson at the time of its capture, and all 
 slaves within the line of military occupation that have been used by 
 the enemy in building fortifications, or in any manner hostile to the 
 Government, will be employed by the quartermaster's department for 
 the benefit of the Government, and will under no circumstances be 
 permitted to return to their masters. 
 
 " III. It is made the duty of all officers of this command to see that 
 all slaves above indicated are promptly delivered to the chief quarter- 
 master of the district. 
 
 " By order of Brigadier-general U. S. Grant. 
 
 " JNO. A. RAWLEKS, A. A. G." 
 
76 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 General D. C. Buell, commanding the Department of 
 the Ohio, with headquarters at J^ashville, Tennessee, 
 wrote, on the 6th of March, 1862, to Mr. J. E. Under- 
 wood, of Frankfort, Kentucky, that fugitive slaves did 
 " sometimes make their way improperly into " his lines. 
 He said that " in every instance . . . the master has recov- 
 ered his servant and taken him away." He characterized 
 the men who harbored fugitive slaves in his camps as 
 "lawless and mischievous," and declared that it was not 
 the policy of his troops to invade the rights of slave- 
 holders. 
 
 On the 26th of March, 1862, General Joseph Hooker, 
 while in command of the " Upper Potomac," issued the 
 following order : 
 
 " To Brigade and Regimental Commanders of this Division : 
 
 " Messrs. Nally, Gray, Dunnington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Po- 
 sey, and Coby, citizens of Maryland, have Negroes supposed to be with 
 some of the regiments of this division. The Brigadier-general com- 
 manding directs that they be permitted to visit all the camps of his 
 command in search of their property; and if found, that they be allowed 
 to take possession of the same, without any interference whatever." 
 
 On the 23d of June, 1862, one Benjamin Bronson, a rebel 
 of New Orleans, was walking in the street, when he saw, 
 in the uniform of a United States soldier, "something 
 
 7 O 
 
 which appeared to be dressed like a man," but which was 
 simply a chattel in men's clothes, whereupon he wrote the 
 following letter : 
 
 "New Orleans, June 23, 1862. 
 
 " Colonel F. 8. Nicker son, Fourteenth Maine Regiment, U. S. A., La- 
 fayette Square : 
 
 "DEAR SIR, My slave Calvin, a light mulatto, absconded last Fri- 
 day, 16th inst. On Saturday, as I was passing by Lafayette Square, I 
 found the said slave, with a United States uniform on, standing guard 
 just above the Brooks House on Camp Street, enlisted as a United 
 States soldier, assuming to be a white man ; and I have the documents 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 77 
 
 to prove him a slave. I lay these facts before you, trusting you will 
 give ine every assistance to recover my lawful property. 
 
 " Very respectfully, 
 (Signed) "B. BRONSON, 
 
 "Per E. W. HERRICK, 
 " Carriage Repository, 74 Carondelet Street. 
 
 "The above slave being a very light color, it would be difficult mat- 
 ter for a stranger to recognize him as a colored man. 
 
 (Signed) "B. BRONSON, 
 
 "Per E. W. HERRICK." 
 
 Having examined the case, General Butler issued the 
 subjoined order : 
 
 " Headquarters Department of the Gulf, 
 
 " New Orleans, July 7, 1862. 
 " Colonel Nickerson, Fourteenth Maine Regiment : 
 
 " SIR, It having been represented to the General Commanding that 
 you have enlisted a slave (nearly white) by the name of Calvin, the 
 property of B. Bronson, Esq., who will be recognized and pointed out 
 by Mr. E. W. Herrick, you will forthwith discharge him. This by 
 order of the General Commanding. By order of 
 
 (Signed) "MAJOR-GENERAL B. F. BUTLER. 
 
 "G. WEITZEL, 
 "Lieut. U. S. Eng. and Asst. Military Commander." 
 
 The rebel slave-holders, armed with General Hooker's 
 order, went under the American flag, and dragged their 
 human chattels from before the guns of the Union army ! 
 But the truckling subserviency of the army to slave-hold- 
 ers had not yet come to an end. Major-general George 
 B. McClellan issued a proclamation from " Headquarters 
 Army of the Potomac, July 7, 1862," in which he declared 
 that the " Rebellion has assumed the character of a war." 
 He concluded by announcing: "Neither confiscation of 
 property, political executions of persons, territorial organi- 
 zation of States, nor forcible abolition of slavery, should / 
 be contemplated for a moment." 
 
 General McClellan was in command of the Union army 
 at this time, and this declaration respecting slavery did 
 
78 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 great harm to the humane and patriotic sentiment of 
 the troops. But the most remarkable fact about General 
 McClellan's utterances on the slavery question is, that on 
 the 4th of December, 1861, William H. Seward, Secretary 
 of State, called his attention, by direction of the Presi- 
 dent, to the fact of the arrest of fugitive slaves in the city 
 of Washington, part of his military district. " Persons," 
 wrote the Secretary, " claimed to be held to service or la- 
 bor under the laws of the State of Virginia, and actually 
 employed in hostile service against the Government of 
 the United States, frequently escape from the lines of the 
 enemy's forces, and are received within the lines of the 
 Army of the Potomac. This Department understands 
 that such persons, afterwards coming into the city of 
 Washington, are liable to be arrested by the city police, 
 upon presumption, arising from color, that they are fugi- 
 tives from service or labor." 
 
 Mr. Seward then goes on to cite the " Act to Confiscate 
 Property used for Insurrectionary Purposes," approved 
 August 6, 1861. Continuing, he said : "Persons thus em- 
 ployed and escaping are received into the military pro- 
 tection of the United States, and their arrest as fugitives 
 from service or labor should be immediately followed by 
 the military arrest of the parties making the seizure." 
 
 Notwithstanding this order, General McClellan, nearly 
 a year later, was still opposed to freeing fugitive slaves. 
 All that General Fremont had done was consonant with 
 the Act of August 6, 1861, alluded to before. He had 
 confiscated the property of persons who were engaged in 
 insurrection, and the slaves of such persons " were declared 
 free men." 
 
 Major-general David Hunter assumed command of the 
 "Department of the South" on the 31st of March, 1862. 
 His military district comprised the States of Georgia, 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 79 
 
 Florida, and South Carolina. On the 25th of April he 
 declared those States under martial law ; and on the 9th 
 of May, in " General Order No. 11," declared that " Slav- 
 ery and martial law in a free country are altogether in- 
 compatible." He therefore proclaimed that the slaves of 
 those States were " forever free." * 
 
 But on the 19th of May, 1862, the President abrogated 
 the order of General Hunter in a long proclamation. In 
 sixty days from this time public sentiment had under- 
 gone a change for the better. The Army had caught 
 many slaves who had sought its protection ; had fought 
 a few battles, and sustained defeat. On the 19th of 
 August, 1862, Horace Greeley, editor of the New York 
 Tribune, published an editorial entitled " The Prayer of 
 Twenty Millions." It was addressed to the President; 
 but while it did not seem to move that dignitary, it 
 thrilled the popular heart, and went through the army 
 like a battle order. The first sentence, like a Damascus 
 blade, struck at the dangerous and suicidal policy of using 
 the army to catch slaves. Mr. Greeley wrote : " On the 
 face of this wide earth, Mr. President, there is not one dis- 
 interested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union 
 cause who does not feel that all attempts to put down the 
 Rebellion, and at the same time uphold its inciting cause, 
 are preposterous and futile ; that the Rebellion, if crushed 
 out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year if slavery 
 were left in full vigor; that army officers who remain to 
 this day devoted to slavery can at best be but half-way 
 loyal to the Union ; and that every hour of deference to 
 slavery is an hour of added and deepened peril to the 
 Union." 
 
 Even the " Confiscation Act " had remained a dead let- 
 
 1 Greeley 's "American Conflict," vol. ii., p. 246. 
 
80 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ter to most general officers in the army ; and Mr. Greeley 
 urged its enforcement. "What an immense majority," 
 continued Mr. Greeley, "of the loyal millions of your 
 countrymen require of you is a frank, declared, unquali- 
 fied, ungrudging execution of the laws of the land, more 
 especially the Confiscation Act. That Act gives freedom 
 to the slaves of rebels coming within our lines, or whom 
 those lines may at any time enclose ; we ask you to ren- 
 der it due obedience by publicly requiring all your sub- 
 ordinates to recognize and obey it." 
 
 This " prayer of twenty millions " was worth millions 
 of dollars to the Government, and fired the heart of many 
 good and honest men who had been halting between two 
 opinions. It set in motion a strong current of public sen- 
 timent friendly to the slave, and in favor of a vigorous 
 prosecution of the war. This current of sentiment gath- 
 ered strength every day, and the President and his Cabi- 
 net were borne along in the right course. Many officers 
 who had entertained strong opinions in favor of non-in- 
 terference with slavery began to see that, from behind this 
 dark institution, the rebels were aiming at the life of 
 the republic. Changes of opinion were numerous and 
 sudden. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 81 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 THE NEGKO VOLUNTEER. MILITARY EMPLOYMENT OF 
 NEGROES. 
 
 THE South took the initiative in employing Negroes 
 as soldiers; but they were free Negroes, and many of 
 them owned large interests in Louisiana and South Caro- 
 lina. During the latter part of April, 1861, a Negro 
 company at Nashville, Tennessee, offered its services to 
 the Confederate Government. 1 A recruiting - office was 
 opened for free Negroes at Memphis, and the following 
 notice was issued : 
 
 "ATTENTION, VOLUNTEERS t 
 
 "fiesolved by the Committee of Safety, That C. Deloach, D. R. Cook, 
 and William B. Greenlaw, be authorized to organize a volunteer com- 
 pany, composed of our patriotic free men of color, of the city of 
 Memphis, for the service of our common defence. All who have not 
 enrolled their names will call at the office of W. B. Greenlaw & Co. 
 
 " F. W. FORSYTHE, Secretary. P. TITUS, President." 
 
 Louisiana had the largest population of free Negroes 
 in the South ; many of them were men of large means, 
 and some of them actually owned slaves. 
 
 The first law enacted by any State, whether in or out 
 of the Union, and before the United States Congress or 
 the Confederate Congress had entertained any proposition 
 contemplating the military employment of Negroes, con- 
 
 1 Charleston Mercury, April 30, 1861. 
 
 9 Memphis Avalanche and Memphis Appeal, May 9, 10, and 11, 1861. 
 
 6 
 
82 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ferring upon the black man military privileges and duties, 
 was the following : 
 
 "An Act for the Relief of Volunteers. 
 
 " SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of 
 Tennessee, That from and after the passage of this act, the Governor 
 shall be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to receive into 
 the military service of the State all male free persons of color between 
 the ages of fifteen (15) and fifty (50) years or such number as may 
 be necessary, who may be sound in his mind and body, and capable of 
 actual service. 
 
 "SEC. 2. Be it further enacted, That all such free persons of color 
 shall be required to do all such menial service for the relief of the 
 volunteers as is incident to camp life, and necessary to the efficiency 
 of the service, and of which they are capable of performing. 
 
 " SEC. 3. Be it further enacted, That such free persons of color shall 
 receive, each, eight dollars per month as pay, for such person shall be 
 entitled to draw, each, one ration per day, and shall be entitled to a 
 yearly allowance, each, of clothing. 
 
 "SEC. 4. Be it further enacted, That in order to carry out the pro- 
 visions of this act, it shall be the duty of the Sheriffs of the several 
 counties in this State to collect accurate information as to the number 
 and condition, with the names of free persons of color subject to the 
 provisions of this act, being and situated within the limits of their re- 
 spective counties, and shall, as soon as practicable, report the same in 
 writing to the Governor. 
 
 " SEC. 5. Be it further enacted, That a failure or refusal of the Sher- 
 iffs, or any one or more of them, to perform the duties required by the 
 fourth section of this act, shall be deemed an offence, and on convic- 
 tion thereof shall be punished for misdemeanor, at the discretion of 
 the Judge of the Circuit or Criminal courts having cognizance of the 
 same. 
 
 " SEC. 6. Be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of officers 
 in command to see that the class of persons who may enter the service 
 under the provisions of this act do not suffer from neglect or mal- 
 treatment. 
 
 " SEC. 7. Be it further enacted, That in the event of a sufficient num- 
 ber of free persons of color to meet the wants of the State shall not 
 tender their services, then the Governor is empowered, through the 
 Sheriffs of the different counties, to impress such persons until the re- 
 quired number is obtained ; in doing so, he will have regard to the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 83 
 
 population of such persons in the several counties, and shall direct the 
 Sheriffs to determine by lot those that are required to serve. 
 
 " SEC. 8. Be it further enacted, That the expenses incurred in this 
 branch of the service shall be regarded as a part of the army expenses, 
 and provided for accordingly. 
 
 "SEC. 9. Be it further enacted, That when any mess of volunteers 
 shall keep a servant to wait on the members of the mess, each servant 
 shall be allowed to draw one ration. 
 
 "SEC. 10. Be it further enacted, That the Adjutants of Regiments 
 may be selected from the private soldiers in the line of the service, as 
 well as from the officers in the service. 
 
 " SEC. 11. Be it further enacted, That this act take effect from and 
 after its passage. 
 
 " W. C. WHTTTHORNE, 
 " Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 " B. L. STOVALL, 
 
 " Speaker of the Senate. 
 " Passed June 28, 1861." 
 
 While this law did not provide for the incorporation 
 of Negroes in regiments, the first section brings them into 
 the military service. 
 
 On the 23d of November, 1861, there was a grand review 
 of the Confederate troops stationed at New Orleans. An 
 associated press despatch announced that the line was seven 
 miles long. The feature of the review, however, was "one 
 regiment "'of " fourteen hundred free colored men." An- 
 other grand review followed the next spring, and on the 
 appearance of rebel Negroes a local paper made the fol- 
 lowing comment : " We must also pay a deserved compli- 
 ment to the companies of free colored men, all very well 
 drilled and comfortably uniformed. Most of these com- 
 panies, quite unaided by the administration, have supplied 
 themselves with arms without regard to cost or trouble." a 
 On the same day one of these Negro companies was pre- 
 
 1 " Public Acts of Tennessee," 1861, pp. 49, 50. 
 8 The New Orleans Picayune, February 9, 1862. 
 
84: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 sented with a flag, and every evidence of public approba- 
 tion was manifested. It was intended to use troops of this 
 character for garrison, but the first victories of the Con- 
 federate troops quite turned the head of the rebel gov- 
 ernment. Negro troops were soon dispensed with, al- 
 though a few were retained for a brief period. On the 
 4th of February, 1862, the Baltimore Traveller announced 
 that several regiments of Negroes were forming at Rich- 
 mond for the defence of the Confederate capital. On 
 the 24th of May, 1862, The Nashville Union printed the 
 following editorial note from The Intelligencer and Con- 
 federacy, published in Georgia : " We must ' fight the 
 devil with fire' by arming our negroes to fight the Yan- 
 kees. There is no doubt that in Georgia alone we could 
 pick up ten thousand negroes that would rejoice in meet- 
 ing fifteen thousand Yankees in deadly conflict. "We 
 would be willing almost to risk the fate of the South 
 upon such an encounter in an open field." ' 
 
 But while Negroes were not used by the Confederate 
 States to any great extent, the following Act shows that 
 they had learned the value of the Negro in time of war 
 as well as in time of peace. 
 
 " Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, 
 "Richmond, Virginia, March 11, 1864. 
 " General Orders No. 32. 
 
 "I. The Act of Congress relative to the employment of Free Ne- 
 groes and slaves in certain capacities, and the Instructions of the War 
 Department relative to its Execution, are published for the informa- 
 tion of those concerned. 
 
 " An Act to increase the Efficiency of the Army by the Employment of 
 
 Free Negroes and Slaves in certain Capacities. 
 
 "Whereas, the efficiency of the army is greatly diminished by the 
 withdrawal from the ranks of able-bodied soldiers to act as teamsters, 
 
 1 " Rebellion Record," vol. v., p. 22. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 85 
 
 and in various other capacities in which free Negroes and slaves might 
 be advantageously employed; 
 
 " Therefore, the Congress of the Confederate States of America do 
 enact, that all male free Negroes, and other free persons of color, not 
 including those who are free under the treaty of Paris, 1803, or under 
 the treaty of Spain of 1819, resident in the Confederate States, between 
 the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall be held liable to perform 
 such duties with the army, or in connection with the military defenses 
 of the country, in the way of work upon fortifications, or in govern- 
 ment works for the production or preparation of materials of war, 
 or in military hospitals, as the Secretary of War or the commanding 
 General of the Trans - Mississippi Department may, from time to 
 time, prescribe ; and while engaged in such duties shall receive 
 rations and clothing, and compensation at the rate of eleven dollars 
 a month, under such rules and regulations as the said Secretary may 
 establish : 
 
 " Provided, that the Secretary of War or commanding General of the 
 Trans-Mississippi Department, with the approval of the President, may 
 exempt from the operations of this act such free Negroes as the inter- 
 est of the country may require should be exempted, or such as he may 
 think proper to exempt, on grounds of Justice, equity, or necessity. . . . 
 (Signed) "THOMAS S. BABCOCK, 
 
 " Speaker House of Representatives. 
 "RM. T. HUNTER, 
 
 " President pro tern, of the Senate. 
 "Approved February 17,1864. 
 
 (Signed) "JEFFERSON DAVIS." 
 
 The order of the Inspector-general following this act 
 directed in detail the carrying out of its provisions, 
 A regularly established Bureau for Conscriptions was 
 charged with seizing such number of slaves as was re- 
 quired by the exigencies of the public service, making 
 compensation therefor. If such slaves were killed or 
 died in the public service their owners were paid the 
 market value of their chattels. 
 
 Fortunately for the future of the republic, the people 
 were far in advance of the generals in the field and the 
 statesmen at Washington. If the Administration of 
 
86 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 President Lincoln had a policy beyond upholding the 
 rebels by preventing their slaves from entering the Union 
 lines it was the result of evolution ; it was forced upon 
 it by the potent voice of public sentiment. There were 
 here and there patriotic and humane men who saw, from 
 the opening of civil war, that the quickest way to win 
 victory and conquer peace was to employ in the military 
 service all loyal men. During the national campaign 
 in the summer of 1860, General J. "Watts De Peyster, 
 anticipating a war between the Government and South- 
 ern States, wrote a letter to a journal of Hudson, New 
 York, advocating the arming of Negroes. In a speech 
 made at Worcester, Massachusetts, in the early days of 
 the war, Charles Sumner said, " I do not say carry the 
 war into Africa; but carry Africa into the war." His 
 colleague in the United States Senate, Henry Wilson, 
 urged similar views upon the country. 
 
 Governor Yates, of Illinois, had written, on the llth of 
 July, 1863, an eloquent letter urging the President to ac- 
 cept all loyal men, regardless of color, to aid in suppress- 
 ing the Rebellion. Once in a while an influential and 
 courageous clergyman would urge the military employ- 
 ment of Negroes. Excellent work was done for the Ne- 
 gro in sections of the country friendly to his emancipa- 
 tion and enlistment in the Union army. Congress was 
 in advance of the President. That body had passed laws 
 sufficient to enable the President to employ as many per- 
 sons of African descent as he saw fit in any capacity for 
 which they should be found qualified. The Confiscation 
 Act, approved August 6, 1861, empowered the President 
 to receive into the service of the United States as many 
 persons of African descent as he might deem proper for 
 the suppression of the Rebellion. And the Secretary of 
 War, in his letter of instructions to General Thomas W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 87 
 
 Sherman, who assumed command of the Union forces at 
 Port Royal, South Carolina, in October, 1861, gave per- 
 mission " to employ all loyal persons offering their serv- 
 ices for the defense of the Union." General Sherman 
 did not avail himself of this order to secure fugitive 
 slaves, but General Hunter, who relieved him on the 
 31st of March, 1862, did employ Negroes in the capacity 
 of soldiers. 
 
 The indiscriminate return of fugitive slaves to their 
 rebel masters aroused a public sentiment that almost 
 amounted to indignation. On the 10th of March, 1862, 
 the House of Representatives enacted a law providing a 
 new "Article of War," prohibiting army officers to re- 
 turn fugitive slaves. It passed the Senate without 
 amendment, by a vote of 29 to 9. On the 17th of July, 
 1862, an act passed Congress emancipating the slaves of 
 rebels, and public feeling towards the Negro was greatly 
 mollified. 
 
 Although the Confiscation Act of August 6, 1861, and 
 the order of the War Department to the commanding 
 general at Port Royal, warranted and justified the em- 
 ployment of fugitive slaves in a military capacity, no di- 
 rect legislation had been secured to enroll the Negro as a 
 soldier. Only the fugitive slaves of persons in actual re- 
 bellion against the United States had been contemplated 
 thus far. No attention was paid to the free Negro popu- 
 lation of the Northern States, that could have supplied 
 twenty-five thousand able-bodied, patriotic Negro soldiers. 
 In nearly every Northern city meetings were held by 
 the Negro citizens ; patriotic speeches were made ; reso- 
 lutions pledging themselves to support the Government, 
 and tendering the services of their military organiza- 
 tions, were passed. But their offers were unnoticed or 
 contemptuously declined. In fact, many peace - demo- 
 
88 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 crats looked upon the Negro as the cause of the war, 
 and quiet Negro populations were threatened with mob 
 violence. 
 
 The first direct legislation that sought the Negroes' 
 military assistance was merely an enabling act. On the 
 16th of July, 1862, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, in- 
 troduced a bill in the United States Senate, amending 
 the Act of 1795, prescribing the manner of calling out 
 the militia to suppress insurrections. It empowered the 
 President to accept " persons of African descent, for the 
 purpose of constructing intrenchments or performing camp 
 service, or any war service for which they may be found 
 competent." This was a half-hearted measure. General 
 Wilson found that his bill could not be passed without 
 many obnoxious amendments, so he accepted it in an emas- 
 culated form. It was hurried over to the House, where 
 Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, took charge of it. He 
 skilfully parried every attempt to strike it down with 
 deadly amendments, and under call of " the previous ques- 
 tion " passed it. On the day following, the 17th of July, 
 1862, the President signed it, and thus it became a law. 
 But the President was still opposed to the employment 
 of Negroes as soldiers. No one could put the new law in 
 operation but the President. 
 
 On the 4th of August, 1862, the New York Herald 
 published an editorial on an " Important Decision of the 
 President." " The efforts," said the Herald, " of those 
 who love the Negro more than the Union to induce the 
 President to swerve from his established policy are una- 
 vailing. He will neither be persuaded by promises nor 
 intimidated by threats. To-day he was called upon by 
 two United States Senators, and rather peremptorily re- 
 quested to accept the services of two Negro regiments. 
 They were flatly and unequivocally rejected. The Presi- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 89 
 
 dent did not appreciate the necessity of employing the 
 Negroes to fight the battles of the country, and take the 
 positions which white men of the nation, the voters, and 
 sons of patriotic sires, should be proud to occupy ; there 
 were employments in which the Negroes of rebel masters 
 might well be engaged, but he was not willing to place 
 them upon an equality with our volunteers, who had left 
 home and family and lucrative occupations to defend the 
 Union and the Constitution, while there were volunteers 
 or militia enough in the loyal States to maintain the Gov- 
 ernment without resort to this expedient." 
 
 The President was not only explicit in his views in op- 
 position to the military employment of Negroes, but the 
 editorial continues to inform the country that the Presi- 
 dent was willing to resign, and one of the Senators told 
 him that " he wished to God he would resign !" 
 
 A strong feeling was now manifested all over the coun- 
 try in favor of a vigorous war policy, and in many quar- 
 ters the arming of the Negroes was regarded with favor. 
 In the largely populated cities of the North the clergy 
 took a deep interest in the affairs of the Union. A large 
 and enthusiastic meeting of the evangelical denominations 
 of Chicago sent two delegates to present a strong and pa- 
 triotic address to the President. The Rev. William W. 
 Patton, D.D., and his colleague, the Rev. Dr. John Demp- 
 ster, on the 13th of September, 1862, urged upon the 
 President the emancipation of the slaves and the arming 
 of the Negroes. "If we were to arm them," said the 
 President, " I fear that in a few weeks the arms would 
 be in the hands of the rebels." 1 
 
 No people grow so rapidly in the right direction as 
 Americans. The reverses that the Union arms had suf- 
 
 1 Greeley's " American Conflict," vol. ii., pp. 251, 252. 
 
90 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 fered, the peril that threatened the republic, had a salu- 
 tary effect upon the public mind. Army officers in active 
 service, who were more loyal to the Union than to the 
 idea of the inviolability of slave property, could see the 
 necessity and utility of employing Negroes as soldiers. 
 In the extreme South the mortality among the Union 
 troops was very great. The high temperature, the mala- 
 ria, local fevers, and ague crowded the hospitals with hap- 
 less victims. The Government had reluctantly accepted 
 the services of the fugitive slaves of its enemy to con- 
 struct fortifications and to furnish the muscle for the 
 army. Why not put a musket in the same potent hands ? 
 asked several general officers. 
 
 In May, 1 1862, General David Hunter, in command of 
 / the Department of the South, issued orders from Port 
 Royal, South Carolina, for the recruitment of a regiment 
 of Negroes. A detail of patriotic and competent white 
 officers was made from the regiments of Union soldiers in 
 the Department, to take charge of and drill the black lev- 
 ies. The Negroes were eager to enter the armed service, 
 and they responded to General Hunter's proclamation 
 with spirit and alacrity. "Within a few months the "First 
 South Carolina Volunteer Regiment " was full, armed and 
 uniformed. This was the first regiment of Negroes or- 
 ganized during the Civil War. It was a bold move ; and 
 while it was approved by many officers in the army and 
 patriots in Congress, it was denounced by many of the 
 enemies of the Negro in official station. Some officers 
 talked of resigning if Negroes were to be called upon to 
 fight the battles of a free republic. The privates in regi- 
 ments from large cities and border States were bitter and 
 
 1 Sergeant C. T. Trowbridge was detailed to recruit Negroes May 
 7, 1862, in S. 0. 84. G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 91 
 
 demonstrative in their opposition. The Negro volunteers 
 themselves were subjected to indignities from rebel civil- 
 ians within the Union lines, and obtained no protection 
 from the white troops. 
 
 A large portion of the Press of the North condemned 
 General Hunter's action, and general apprehension was 
 felt in Congress. On the 9th of June, 1862, Hon. C. A. 
 Wickliffe, a member of the House from Kentucky, intro- 
 duced a resolution calling upon the Secretary of War for 
 information respecting General Hunter's Negro regiment. 
 Mr. Wickliife desired to know, first, whether General 
 Hunter had raised " a regiment of South Carolina volun- 
 teers for the defense of the Union composed of black 
 men (fugitive slaves), and appointed the Colonel and offi- 
 cers to command them ;" second, Mr. Wickliffe was anx- 
 ious to know whether the War Department had author- 
 ized General Hunter " to organize and muster into the 
 army of the United States, as soldiers, the fugitive or cap- 
 tive slaves ;" third, whether he had "been furnished with 
 clothing, uniform, etc., for such force;" fourth, whether he 
 had "been furnished, by order of the Department of 
 War, with arms to be placed in the hands of the slaves ;" 
 and, in the fifth instance, Mr. Wickliffe desired the corre- 
 spondence between General Hunter and the War De- 
 partment. 
 
 The Secretary of War promptly, on the 14th of June, 
 replied to Mr. Wickliffe's resolution. He informed Mr. 
 Wickliffe that the War Department was not aware that 
 any regiment of Negroes had been constituted by Gen- 
 eral Hunter; that the commanding officer of the "De- 
 partment of the South" had not been instructed to 
 " muster into the army of the United States the fugitive 
 or captive slave;" that General Hunter had "been fur- 
 nished with clothing and arms for the force under his 
 
92 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 command, without instructions as to how they should be 
 used ;" and that General Hunter had " not been fur- 
 nished by order of the Department of War with arms to 
 be placed within the hands of l those slaves.' " The cor- 
 respondence between General Hunter and the Depart- 
 ment of War was denied Mr. Wickliffe, because the Pres- 
 ident believed it would " be incompatible with the public 
 welfare." 
 
 The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, had 
 forwarded Mr. Wickliffe's resolution to General Hunter, 
 and requested a categorical reply to the questions of the 
 resolve. On the 23d of June General Hunter received 
 the Secretary's letter with its enclosure. It was late Sat- 
 urday when the communication reached the General's 
 headquarters, but he hastened forward his reply so that it 
 went by Monday's steamer for New York. This letter 
 has no parallel in the military correspondence of the war. 
 It was terse, piquant, and brilliant. In the first place, 
 General Hunter informed the Secretary of War that no 
 regiment of "fugitive slaves" had been organized in his 
 Department. He said that there was, " however, a fine 
 regiment of persons whose late masters are ' fugitive reb- 
 els ' men who everywhere fly before the appearance of 
 the national flag, leaving their servants behind them to 
 shift as best they can for themselves. So far, indeed, 
 are the loyal persons composing this regiment from seek- 
 ing to avoid the presence of their late owners, that they 
 are now, one and all, working with remarkable industry 
 to place themselves in a position to go in full and effec- 
 tive pursuit of their fugacious and traitorous proprietors." 
 General Hunter then explained that the instructions is- 
 sued by the Hon. Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, 
 to Brigadier - general Thomas W. Sherman, were turned 
 over to him for his instruction and guidance; that the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 93 
 
 instructions authorized him " to employ all loyal persons 
 offering their services in defense of the Union and 
 the suppression of this Rebellion." There was "no re- 
 striction as to the character or color of the persons to be 
 employed," continued General Hunter, " or the nature of 
 the employment, whether civil or military, in which their 
 services should be used." He thought the instructions 
 warranted his enlistment of Negroes as well as whites, so 
 that they were loyal; and that he was equally empow- 
 ered "to enlist ' fugitive slaves' as soldiers, could any 
 such be found" in^the Department of the South. "No 
 such characters, however," he continued, "have yet ap- 
 peared within view of our most advanced pickets, the 
 loyal slaves everywhere remaining on their plantations to 
 welcome us, aid us, and supply us with food, labor, and 
 information. It is the masters who have in every in- 
 stance been the ' fugitives,' running away from loyal, 
 slaves as well as loyal soldiers, and whom we have only] 
 partially been able to see chiefly their heads over ram- 
 parts, or, rifle in hand, dodging behind trees in the ex- 
 treme distance. In the absence of any ' fugitive- master 
 law,' the deserted slaves would be wholly without rem- 
 edy, had not the crime of treason given them the right to 
 pursue, capture, and bring back those persons of whose 
 protection they have been thus suddenly bereft." The 
 closing paragraph of General Hunter's admirable let- 
 ter was the most concise statement on the question of 
 making the Negro a soldier uttered during the war. It is 
 splendid : 
 
 "I must say, in vindication of my own conduct, that 
 had it not been for the many other diversified and imper- 
 ative claims on my time and attention, a much more sat- 
 isfactory result might have been hoped for; and that in 
 place of only one, as at present, at least five or six well- 
 
94- A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 drilled, brave, and thoroughly acclimated regiments should 
 by this time have been added to the loyal forces of the 
 Union. The experiment of arming the blacks, so far as I 
 have made it, has been a complete and even marvellous 
 success. They are sober, docile, attentive, and enthusi- 
 astic ; displaying great natural capacities for acquiring 
 the duties of the soldier. They are eager, beyond all 
 things, to take the field and be led into action ; and it 
 is the unanimous opinion of the officers who have had 
 charge of them, that, in the peculiarities of this climate 
 and country, they will prove invaluable auxiliaries fully 
 equal to the similar regiments so long and successfully 
 used by the British authorities in the West India islands." l 
 General Hunter's communication was sent to the Hon. 
 G. A. Grow, Speaker of the House, and by that officer 
 ordered to be read. It created the wildest merriment 
 and entire satisfaction among the members who earnestly 
 desired the suppression of the Kebellion ; but it was a 
 severe blow to those members who thought to catch 
 General Hunter violating the law. Mr. "Wickliffe was 
 morally prostrated by the reply of the General ; but his 
 colleague, Mr. Dunlap, introduced a resolution, the day 
 following, declaring that General Hunter's letter was 
 " clothed in discourteous language ;" that he had insult- 
 ed the Congress and people of America and the " brave 
 soldiers in arms," and thought the General deserved to 
 be censured. But the resolution was never acted upon. 
 General Hunter deserves well of history. He inaugu- 
 rated a bold policy, and conducted it with consummate 
 skill. He won the confidence of the slaves in his Depart- 
 ment, and excited the fear of the enemies of his country. 
 His work was conducted with a masterly hand. Every 
 
 1 Executive Document, 37th Congress, 2d Session, No. 143. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 95 
 
 slave who enlisted was given his freedom papers. This 
 policy put new life and zeal into the hearts of his Negro 
 soldiers, and made them feel that they were fighting for 
 something. The following is a copy of a " free paper." 
 
 " Headquarters Department of the South, 
 " Port Royal, South Carolina, August 1, 1862. 
 
 "The bearer, Prince Rivers, a sergeant in First Regiment South 
 Carolina Volunteers, lately claimed as a slave, having been employed 
 in hostility to the United States, is hereby, agreeably to the law of the 
 6th August, 1861, declared free forever. His wife and children are 
 also free. D. HUNTER, 
 
 "Major-general Commanding." 
 
 The entire work that General Hunter had done in his 
 Department was in accord with law, common - sense, and 
 patriotism. Moreover, there could have been no more 
 effective measure adopted than to deplete the vast Xegro 
 population of his Department that were bread-winners for 
 a hostile army. He not only offered the Negro the Amer- 
 ican uniform and the protection of the Union flag, but 
 each soldier was to have the pay and rations of a United 
 States soldier, and his wife and children were to be free. 
 
 But this policy was not in accord with the ideas of Mr. 
 Lincoln, and General Hunter was not supported by the 
 Administration in his noble effort to place arms in the 
 hands of the blacks. 1 He asked to be relieved rather than 
 remain inactive. A correspondent of the New York 
 Times, in a letter to that journal dated September 4, 
 1862, said, " There is little doubt that the next mail from 
 the North will bring an order from the War Department 
 
 1 From the 7th of May until the first week in August this " Hunter's 
 Regiment," as it was called, was kept at drill. It was disbanded, how- 
 ever, all but one company. This company was sent to garrison St. 
 Simon's Island, August 5, 1862, under Sergeant Trowbridge, as acting 
 captain. This company was the first, and was in continuous service 
 longer than any other company of Negro soldiers. G. W. W. 
 
96 "A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 recalling Major-general Hunter to a field of greater activi- 
 ty. The Government had not lent him a hearty support 
 in carrying out his policy of arming the blacks, by which 
 alone he could make himself useful in this Department to 
 the national cause ; and, therefore, more than two months 
 since he applied to be relieved, rather than to sit supinely 
 with folded hands when his military abilities might be 
 found of service elsewhere." The regiment was reorgan- 
 ized and the first company mustered November 7, 1862. 
 
 While to General Hunter belongs the honor of placing 
 muskets in the hands of Negroes, there were, nevertheless, 
 other officers who shared his views with earnestness and 
 zeal. General J. W. Phelps,, of Vermont, a graduate of 
 West Point and a practical man, was in command of the 
 Union forces occupying Carrollton, Louisiana. General B. 
 F. Butler was in command of the forces in the State, and 
 had issued orders forbidding too many fugitives to crowd 
 his camps, as they consumed rations that he needed for 
 his effective force. General Phelps saw that he could 
 utilize the Negroes who flocked to his lines seeking free- 
 dom and labor. On the 16th of June, 1862, General 
 Phelps communicated the following views to General But- 
 ler, who had established his headquarters at New Orleans : 
 " The enfranchisement of the people of Europe has been, 
 and is still going on, through the instrumentality of mili- 
 tary service ; and by this means our slaves might be 
 raised in the scale of civilization and prepared for free- 
 dom. Fifty regiments might be raised among them at 
 once, which could be employed in this climate to pre- 
 serve order, and thus prevent the necessity of retrenching 
 our liberties, as we should do by a large army exclusively 
 of whites ; for it is evident that a considerable army of 
 whites would give stringency to our Government ; while 
 an army partly of blacks would naturally operate in favor 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 97 
 
 of freedom and against those influences which at present 
 must endanger our liberties." ' 
 
 General Butler made no reply, and after waiting a 
 while General Phelps wrote his chief, July &0, 1862, an- 
 other letter upon the subject of arming Negroes to help 
 subdue the Rebellion : " I think that, with the proper 
 facilities, I could raise the three regiments proposed in a 
 short time. Without holding out any inducements, or 
 offering any reward, I have now upward of 300 Africans 
 organized into five companies, who are willing and ready 
 to show their devotion to our cause in any way that it 
 may be put to the test. They are willing to submit to 
 anything rather than to slavery. ... If we reject his serv- 
 ices, any petty military chieftain, by offering him free- 
 dom, can have them for the purpose of robbery and plun- 
 der. It is for the interests of the South, as well as for 
 the North, that the African should be permitted to offer 
 his block for the temple of freedom. Sentiments un- 
 worthy of the man of the present day worthy only of 
 another Cain could prevent such an offer from being 
 accepted." * 
 
 General Phelps suggested that the cadets from West 
 Point graduating that month (June) should be sent into 
 South Carolina and Louisiana to drill Negro recruits, and 
 that non-commissioned officers and privates already in the 
 service should be appointed as line officers in such organ- 
 izations. He concluded by giving it as his opinion that, 
 if the policy of arming Negroes was adopted, " an early 
 restoration of peace and unity " 3 would be secured. 
 
 At length General Butler replied to General Phelps ; 
 
 1 "Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xv., p. 489. 
 
 * Ibid., vol. xv., p. 535. 
 
 3 Greeley's "American Conflict," vol. ii., pp. 517, 518. 
 
 7 
 
98 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 and while he was willing to acknowledge the Negro as 
 contraband of war, he was unwilling to accept his services 
 as a soldier. Therefore, he instructed General Phelps to 
 use the Negro as a laborer, but not as a soldier. 
 
 Thwarted and discouraged, General Phelps felt it his 
 duty to resign ; and on the 31st of July, 1862, wrote 
 General Butler: "I am not willing to become the mere 
 slave-driver you propose, having no qualifications that 
 way." 1 He tendered his resignation and went back to 
 Vermont, that had given him convictions of duty and 
 right as firm as the mountains of his native State. 
 
 But the Northern people in sympathy with freedom wel- 
 comed the clarion notes of Generals Hunter and Phelps. 
 Time was needed to turn the strong tide of public opinion 
 that had set against the military employment of the Ne- 
 gro. It was slowly but surely turning ; and there was an 
 occasional plea made for the policy which General Hunter 
 had inaugurated and General Phelps had urged. 
 
 On the 4th of August, 1862, Governor Sprague, of 
 Rhode Island, officially appealed to the Negro citizens of 
 the State to enlist as soldiers. This was the first call for 
 Negro troops at the North. 2 General Butler saw, from 
 his headquarters in New Orleans, that there was evident 
 feeling at the North on account of his rejection of Gen- 
 eral Phelps's plan to organize Negro troops. He saw that 
 it was but a question that would, sooner or later, be set- 
 tled by receiving Negroes into the service. Accordingly, 
 in less than three weeks after General Phelps had left 
 the Department, General Butler, on the 22d of August, 
 1862, issued an appeal 8 to the free Negroes of New Or- 
 
 1 "Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xv., p. 535. 
 
 2 " Rebellion Record," vol. v., D., p. 53. 
 
 3 " Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xv.,pp. 556, 
 557. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 99 
 
 leans to volunteer their services in a military capacity in 
 defence of the union* of the United States. Under the 
 treaty of 1803, between France and the United States, 
 the rights and immunities of citizenship had been guar- 
 anteed to "free colored Creoles." There was a large 
 number of this class in the city of New Orleans. Many 
 of them were descendants of the Negroes who fought 
 under General Jackson in 1815. By their uniform good 
 behavior the free Negro population of New Orleans had 
 won public favor. In April, 1861, they had formed a 
 part of the State militia ; and when General Butler occu- 
 pied the city these organizations still had a nominal ex- 
 istence. The free Negroes read General Butler's appeal 
 with pleasure, and by the 27th of September, 1862, a 
 full regiment of free Negroes was mustered into the 
 service of the United States Government. It was consti- 
 tuted as the " First Kegiment Louisiana Native Guards," 
 but its designation was changed to the " First Kegiment 
 Infantry Corps d'Afrique," June 6, 1863. Another regi- 
 ment of Negroes was accepted on the 12th of October, 
 1862, under the designation of the " Second Regiment 
 Louisiana Native Guards ;" changed, however, to the " Sec- 
 ond Regiment Infantry Corps d'Afrique," June 6, 1863. 
 On the 29th of November, 1862, a Negro regiment of 
 heavy artillery was mustered into the service. It was 
 designated as the " First Regiment Louisiana Heavy Artil- 
 lery." On the 19th of November, 1863, it was changed to 
 the "First Regiment Heavy Artillery Corps d'Afrique." 
 On the 24th of November, 1862, the fourth regiment of 
 Negroes was mustered into the service of the Govern- 
 ment as the " Third Regiment Louisiana Native Guards ;" 
 but on the 6th of June, 1863, with the other regiments, 
 it was designated as the " Third Regiment Infantry Corps 
 d'Afrique." 
 
100 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 From the date of General Butler's appeal to the free 
 Negroes of New Orleans, August 22d, till the date of the 
 muster in of the fourth regiment, November 24th, was 
 three months. During this brief period three regiments 
 of infantry and one of heavy artillery, all composed of 
 Negroes, had volunteered and been organized and accept- 
 ed by the United States. The enthusiasm of the men 
 and the short time in which they prepared themselves for 
 service was unprecedented. The news of this work in 
 the city of New Orleans revived the hopes of those who 
 had advocated the policy of arming the Negroes. It is 
 a remarkable fact that on the very day that General But- 
 ler's call for Negro troops appeared the 25th (it was dated 
 the 22d) of August, 1862 the Secretary of War sent Gen- 
 eral Rufus Saxton, who had relieved General Hunter at 
 Port Royal, South Carolina, the following order : l 
 
 "3. In view of the small force under your command, and the ina- 
 bility of the Government at the present time to increase it in order to 
 guard the plantations and settlements occupied by the United States 
 from invasion, and protect the inhabitants thereof from captivity and 
 murder by the enemy, you are also authorized to arm, uniform, equip, 
 and receive into the service of the United States such number of Vol- 
 unteers of African descent as you may deem expedient, not exceeding 
 five thousand; and may detail officers to instruct them in military drill, 
 discipline, and duty, and to command them. The persons so received 
 into service, and their officers, to be entitled to and receive the same 
 pay and rations as are allowed by law to Volunteers in the service. 
 
 "4. You will reoccupy, if possible, all the islands and plantations 
 heretofore occupied by the Government, and secure and harvest the 
 crops, and cultivate and improve plantations. 
 
 "5. The population of African descent that cultivate the lands and 
 perform the labor of the rebels, constitute a large share of their mili- 
 tary strength, and enable the white masters to fill the rebel armies 
 and wage a cruel and murderous war against the people of the North- 
 
 1 Captain Robert Smalls, of the steamer Planter, carried the order 
 from Washington to South Carolina. G.W.W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 101 
 
 era States. By reducing the laboring strength of the rebels their mil- 
 itary power will be reduced. You are therefore authorized by every 
 means in your power to withdraw from the enemy their laboring 
 force and population, and to spare no effort consistent with civilized 
 warfare to weaken, harass, and annoy them, and to establish the author- 
 ity of the Government of the United States within your Department." 1 
 
 Notwithstanding the official and stubborn opposition to 
 the military employment of Negroes, before the closing 
 days of 1862 the army of the United States Government 
 bore upon its rolls four regiments of Negroes. Much 
 hatred of the Negro, and opposition to a policy seeking 
 his aid as a soldier, expired with the old year, and the 
 opposing armies in winter-quarters gave the country that 
 repose so necessary to reflection. 
 
 The question of the military employment of Negroes 
 came before the country early in January, 1863, as if it 
 were unfinished business pressing for attention. Kansas, 
 the child of many prayers and tears, the youngest in the 
 sisterhood of States, consecrated by the blood of freemen 
 to the cause of freedom she had not yet accomplished 
 her days of mourning for the martyrdom of John Brown 
 took the initiative of raising troops in the North. " The 
 First Regiment Kansas Colored Volunteers " was recruited 
 from July to October, 1862, and was organized on the 4th 
 of January, 1863, at Fort Scott, Kansas, by the indefati- 
 gable Colonel James M.Williams. On the 2d of May, 1863, 
 its organization was completed, and it was ready to take 
 the field. 2 And to the State of Kansas belongs the honor 
 of organizing the first regiment of Northern Negro troops 
 during the Civil War. 
 
 1 "Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xiv., pp. 
 377, 378. 
 
 2 The first recruits were obtained on the 6th of August, 1862, but the 
 organization was not completed until January, 1863. G. W. W. 
 
102 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 In October, 1862, Brigadier - general Daniel Ullmann, 
 upon being released from Libby prison, called upon Presi- 
 dent Lincoln and urged the military employment of Ne- 
 groes. His views were not at once accepted, but doubtless 
 made an indelible impression upon the President's mind. 
 As soon as the Emancipation Proclamation had been is- 
 sued, on January 1, 1863, the President instructed the 
 Secretary of "War to authorize General Ullmann to or- 
 ganize regiments of Negro troops. Authority was issued 
 to him by Secretary Stanton on the 13th of January. 
 General Ullmann was instructed to raise four regiments 
 of infantry and a battalion of six companies of mounted 
 scouts. He was to officer these troops ; and from the en- 
 tire army he was to make the selection of men who had 
 distinguished themselves as soldiers. He established his 
 headquarters in New York City, and at his suggestion 
 several of the loyal governors furnished him with a roll 
 of honor "the bravest of the brave" containing the 
 names of privates and officers of white regiments who had 
 already proved themselves heroic in battle and deserving 
 of promotion. He secured a large number of officers 
 with exceptional records who were willing to engage in 
 the difficult and perilous service of commanding Negro 
 soldiers in the field. It was a brave and brilliant com- 
 pany of gentlemen. General Ullmann says of them : 
 
 " I transferred the Cadre of my command to the desig- 
 nated field of duty in the Department of the Gulf. I 
 had with me more than two hundred officers, a large ma- 
 jority from the Army of the Potomac, who had seen near- 
 ly two years' service in the field, and many of whom bore 
 the scars of honorable wounds ; some were officers of the 
 Regular Army ; one was a son of the Vice-President ; one 
 an European prince ; several nephews of Kossuth ; others 
 officers who had served with distinction in the armies 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 103 
 
 of Europe ; and all, with few exceptions, educated gentle- 
 men." 
 
 General Ullmann established his headquarters at New 
 Orleans, and entered upon the discharge of his peculiar 
 duties with intelligence, zeal, and patriotism. On the 10th 
 of June, 1863, in General Orders No. 7, he pointed out to 
 his officers the nature of their delicate duties, and made a 
 touching appeal to the Negroes to rally under the Union 
 standards. 
 
 Governor Andrew secured permission for the employ- 
 ment of Negro troops by the Commonwealth of Massa- 
 chusetts. The following order was issued by the Secre- 
 tary of War : 
 
 "War Department, Washington City, 
 
 "January 26, 1863. 
 
 "Ordered, that Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, is authorized, 
 until further orders, to raise such number of volunteer companies of 
 artillery for duty in the forts of Massachusetts and elsewhere, and such 
 corps of infantry for the volunteer military service as he may find con- 
 venient. Such volunteers to be enlisted for three years, unless sooner 
 discharged, and may include persons of African descent, organized into 
 separate corps. He will make the usual needful requisitions on the ap- 
 propriate Staff Bureaus, and officers for proper transportation, organ- 
 ization, supplies, subsistence, arms, and equipments of such volunteers. 
 (Signed) " EDWIN M. STANTON, 
 
 "Secretary of War." 
 
 The Commonwealth of Massachusetts was now the thea- 
 tre of a new and, some thought, difficult experiment. But 
 Governor Andrew, and the people who had clothed his 
 official action with the majesty of " executive authority," 
 had an unfaltering faith in the Negro. Massachusetts 
 had been the storm-line of the anti-slavery agitation move- 
 ment for thirty years, and the people were well-informed 
 upon the questions that had excited the fratricidal con- 
 flict. If any State could solve the problem of raising 
 black levies, Massachusetts could. Governor Andrew has- 
 
104 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 tened home from Washington, and threw all the energies 
 of his great personality into the work of arming Negro 
 volunteers in Massachusetts. The following is the first 
 order for their recruitment : 
 
 " Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
 " Headquarters Boston, February 9, 1863. 
 " Ex-Special Order No. 68. 
 
 "Mr. Philip Backus, of Lenox, is hereby authorized to enlist a com- 
 pany of colored men in Massachusetts for service of the United States 
 in the regiments of the Massachusetts volunteers. 
 
 "A premium of two dollars for each recruit obtained is offered by 
 the United States. This may be expended by the person authorized 
 from these headquarters to recruit, in the employment of agents. 
 
 "By order of his Excellency, 
 
 " JOHN A. ANDREW, 
 ' ' Governor and Commander-in-chief. 
 (Signed) "WILLIAM SCHOULAR, 
 
 "Adjutant-general." 
 
 The Governor authorized John "W". M. Appleton to su- 
 perintend the recruiting of a regiment to be designated 
 as the " Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry," 
 composed of " persons of African descent." A rendezvous 
 was established at " Camp Meigs," Readville, Massachu- 
 setts, February 21, 1863. It began with a squad of twen- 
 ty-seven, and afterwards the recruits arrived almost daily. 
 The greatest enthusiasm prevailed among the Negro citi-' 
 zens, and many patriotic meetings were held in their 
 churches or places of public convenience. On the 12th 
 of April following the Fifty-fourth Kegiment was full to 
 overflowing. Two other regiments were constituted of 
 " persons of African descent," the Fifty-fifth Infantry and 
 the Fifth Cavalry. The small Negro population of Mas- 
 sachusetts was soon depleted, and Governor Andrew de- 
 spatched his recruiting agents to other States to secure 
 levies to complete the new organizations. The work was 
 carried forward with patriotic enthusiasm, and the results 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 105 
 
 were grateful to the hearts of the courageous few who 
 had stood for the Negro in other and less enlightened 
 days. 
 
 The year 1862 was a period of great peril to the Re- 
 public. The Administration was endeavoring to secure 
 the return of the seceding States with as little effusion of 
 blood as possible. It was endeavoring to please the Dem- 
 ocratic party at the North, and to conciliate the rebels 
 at the South, by employing the army to return fugitive 
 slaves. This service was not applauded at the North nor 
 appreciated at the South. This policy had failed. In the 
 autumn of 1862 there was to be an election of Congress- 
 men. The Administration had to look for its support- 
 ers from the New England, Middle, and Western States. 
 What policy could it appeal to the people to sustain? 
 Certainly not a slave-catching policy, for the men in the 
 North who would be most likely to approve such a policy 
 were uncompromisingly opposed to the Administration. 
 Nothing that the Administration might do or forbear to 
 do would mollify the malice of its enemies and traducers. 
 So, on the 22d of September, 1862, the President took a 
 bold step. He issued an emancipation proclamation. It 
 was an extreme change on the eve of the election, and to 
 many it seemed a bid for political support, and not the 
 result of an expanding and generous sentiment. Even 
 the men who had urged a policy of emancipation were in 
 doubt how to regard the proclamation, while anti- Admin- 
 istration men cried, it is " the Negro and not the Union 
 that Lincoln is endeavoring to save." It was too near the 
 autumn elections to have a fair expression of opinion on 
 the proclamation, and thus the Administration was loser 
 in the contest. There were now seventy-eight Republi- 
 cans to thirty-seven Democrats, but the election resulted 
 in giving the opposition a majority of ten in the new Con- 
 
106 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 gress. There were many evidences of a bitter feeling 
 towards the Administration on the part of the people and 
 their journals. But progressing public sentiment soon 
 broke the opposition in Congress, and the Administration 
 secured the support of the majority for an earnest and 
 radical policy. 
 
 On the 1st of January, 1863, the President signalized 
 " New-year's-day " by another proclamation declaring the 
 slaves forever free' and thus 1863 was inaugurated by a 
 vigorous and humane policy. It is apparent, therefore, 
 that the policy of arming Negroes was both logical and 
 inevitable. While Kansas and Massachusetts were re- 
 cruiting Negro soldiers, the Administration decided not 
 only to receive fugitives within its military lines, but to 
 seize them men, women, and children and bring them 
 in. The object was to deplete the labor force of the en- 
 emy and to put the American uniform upon the Negro. 
 
 General Halleck, who was at the head of the army, in 
 the following letter to Grant clearly outlined the policy of 
 the Government in receiving and arming all Negroes capa- 
 ble of military service who came within the Union lines. 
 
 " Headquarters of the Array, Washington, 
 
 "J/arc/i31,1863. 
 " Maj.-gen'l U. S. Grant, 
 
 " Commd'g Dept. of the Tenn. near Vicksburg. 
 
 "GEN'L It is the policy of the Government to withdraw from the 
 enemy as much productive labor as possible. So long as the rebels re- 
 tain and employ their slaves in producing grains, etc., they can em- 
 ploy all the whites in the field. Every slave withdrawn from the 
 enemy is equivalent to a white put hors de combat. 
 
 "Again: it is the policy of the Government to use the Negroes of 
 the South, as far as practicable, as a military force for the defense of 
 forts, depots, etc. If the experience of General Banks near New Or- 
 leans should be satisfactory, a much larger force will be organized 
 during the coming summer; and if they can be used to hold points on 
 the Mississippi during the sickly season, it will afford much relief to 
 our armies. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 10T 
 
 " They certainly can be used with advantage as laborers, teamsters, 
 cooks, etc. And it is the opinion of many who have examined the 
 question without passion or prejudice, that they can also be used as a 
 military force. It certainly is good policy to use them to the very best 
 advantage we can. Like almost anything else, they may be made in- 
 struments of good or evil ; in the hands of the enemy they are used 
 with much effect against us, in our hands we must try to use them 
 with the best possible effect against the rebels. 
 
 " It has been reported to the Secretary of War that many of the offi- 
 cers of your command not only discourage the Negroes from coming 
 under our protection, but by ill-treatment force them to return to their 
 masters; this is not only bad policy in itself, but is directly opposed 
 to the policy adopted by the Government. Whatever may be the in- 
 dividual opinion of an officer in regard to the wisdom of measures 
 adopted and announced by the Government, it is the duty of every 
 one to cheerfully and honestly endeavor to carry out the measures so 
 adopted. 
 
 "Their good or bad policy is a matter of opinion before they are 
 tried; their real character can only be determined by a fair trial, when 
 adopted by the Government it is the duty of every officer to give them 
 such a trial, and to do everything in his power to carry the orders of 
 his Government into execution. 
 
 " It is expected that you. will use your official and personal influence 
 to remove prejudices on this subject, and to fully and thoroughly carry 
 out the policy now adopted and ordered by the Government. That 
 policy is, to withdraw from the use of the enemy all the slaves you 
 can, and to employ those so withdrawn to the best possible advantage 
 against the enemy. 
 
 " The character of the war has very much changed within, the last 
 year. There is now no possible hope of reconciliation with the rebels. 
 The Union party in the South is virtually destroyed. There can be 
 no peace but that which is forced by the sword. We must conquer 
 the rebels or be conquered by them. The North must conquer the 
 Slave Oligarchy or become skves themselves, the manufacturers mere 
 hewers of wood and drawers of water to Southern aristocrats. 
 
 " This is the phase which the rebellion has now assumed. We must 
 take things as they are. The Government, looking at the subject in all 
 its aspects, has adopted a policy, and we must cheerfully and faithfully 
 carry out that policy 
 
 " I write you this unofficial letter simply as a personal friend, and 
 as a matter of friendly advice. From my position here, where I can 
 survey the entire field, perhaps I may be better able to understand the 
 
108 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 tone of public opinion, and the intentions of the Government, than you 
 can from merely consulting the officers of your own army. 
 
 ' ' Very respectfully, your ob't serv't, 
 
 "H. W. HALLECK." 
 
 On the 19th of April, 1863, General Grant wrote to 
 General Halleck from Milliken's Bend, Louisiana, and, 
 among other things, refers to the policy of the military 
 employment of Negroes as follows : 
 
 " At least three of my Army Corps commanders take hold of the 
 new policy of arming the Negroes, and using them against the enemy 
 with a will. They, at least, are so much of soldiers as to feel them- 
 selves under obligations to carry out a policy (which they would not 
 inaugurate) in the same good faith and with the same zeal as if it was 
 of their own choosing. You may rely on me carrying out any policy 
 ordered by proper authority, to the best of my ability." 
 
 His promise to Halleck was no mere lip service, and a 
 few days later he issued the following order to facilitate 
 the organization of colored troops in his department : 
 
 "Headquarters Department of the Tennessee, 
 
 " Milliken's Bend, Louisiana, April 22, 1863. 
 " General Orders, No. 25 [Extract]. 
 
 " I. Corps, division, and post commanders will afford all facilities for 
 the completion of the negro regiments now organizing in this depart- 
 ment. Commissaries will issue supplies and quartermasters will fur- 
 nish stores on the same requisitions and returns as are required from 
 other troops. 
 
 "It is expected that all commanders will especially exert them- 
 selves in carrying out the policy of the administration, not only in 
 organizing colored regiments and rendering them efficient, but also in 
 removing prejudice against them. * * * 
 " By order of Major-general U. S. Grant. 
 
 ' ' JNO. A. RAWLENS, A. A. G. " 
 
 In order to put this policy into immediate and effective 
 operation, General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-general of 
 the United States Army, was despatched to the Missis- 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 109 
 
 sippi Valley. He was clothed with plenary powers to 
 enforce the new policy of the Administration. He was 
 ordered to dismiss and to commission officers according 
 as they were against or for the new policy without refer- 
 ring their cases to Washington. On the 8th of April, 
 1863, at Lake Providence, Louisiana, he addressed the 
 United States Army, and expounded the policy of the 
 Administration. " You know full well," said General 
 Thomas, " for you have been over this country, that the 
 rebels have sent into the field all their available fighting 
 men every man capable of bearing arms and you know 
 they have kept at home all their slaves for the raising of 
 subsistence for their armies in the field. In this way 
 they can bring to bear against us all the strength of their 
 so-called Confederate States, while we at the North can 
 only send a portion of our fighting force, being compelled 
 to have behind another portion to cultivate our fields and 
 supply the wants of an immense army. The Administra- 
 tion has determined to take from the rebels this source 
 of supply to take their Negroes, and compel them to 
 send back a portion of their whites to cultivate their de- 
 serted plantations ; and very poor persons they would be 
 to fill the place of the dark-hued laborer. They must do 
 this or their armies will starve." 
 
 This was the first clear official announcement of the 
 new policy of the Administration. The old enterprise of 
 turning the fugitive away compelling him at the point 
 of the bayonet to go back to the "service and labor " from 
 which he had flown was abandoned at last. Instead of 
 being turned out of the Union lines he was to be taken 
 in ; and the black arms of iron and fingers of steel that 
 had lifted the burdens and held the hoe for the Confed- 
 eracy were to be converted to the service of the United 
 States Government. " On the first day of January last 
 
110 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the President issued his Proclamation," continued Gen- 
 eral Thomas, "declaring that from that day forward all 
 the slaves in the States then in rebellion should be free. 
 You know that vast numbers of these slaves are within 
 your borders, inside of the lines of this army. They came 
 into your camps, and you cannot but receive them. The 
 authorities in Washington are very much pained to hear, 
 and I fear with truth in many cases, that some of these 
 poor unfortunates have, on different occasions, been turned 
 away from us, and their applications for admission within 
 our lines have been refused by our officers and soldiers. 
 This is not the way to use freedmen." Speaking of the 
 practical operation of the new policy, he said, " All of you 
 will some day be on picket duty, and I charge you all if 
 any of this unfortunate race come within your lines that 
 you do not turn them away, but receive them kindly and 
 cordially. They are to be encouraged to come to us. 
 They are to be received with open arms ; they are to be 
 fed and clothed ; they are to be armed. 
 
 "This is the policy that has been fully determined 
 upon. I am here to say that I am authorized to raise as 
 many regiments of Blacks as I can. I am authorized to 
 give commissions, from the highest to the lowest, and I 
 desire those persons who are in earnest in this work to 
 take hold of it. I desire only those whose hearts are in 
 it, and to them alone will I give commissions. I don't 
 care who they are or what their present rank may be. I 
 do not hesitate to say that all proper persons will receive 
 commissions. 
 
 " While I am authorized thus, in the name of the Sec- 
 retary of War, I have the fullest authority to dismiss from 
 the army any man, be his rank what it may, whom I find 
 maltreating the freedmen. This part of my duty I will 
 most assuredly perform if any case comes before me. I 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. Ill 
 
 would rather do that than give commissions, because such 
 men are unworthy the name of soldiers." 
 
 In recapitulating the policy of the Administration, Gen- 
 eral Thomas concluded : 
 
 "I would like to raise on this river twenty regiments 
 at least before I go back. I shall take all the women and 
 children, and all the men unfit for our military organiza- 
 tions, and place them on these plantations; then take 
 these regiments and put them in the rear. They will 
 guard the rear effectually. Knowing the country well, 
 and familiar with all the roads and swamps, they will be 
 able to track out the accursed guerilla and run them from 
 the land. When I get regiments raised you may sweep 
 out into the interior with impunity. 
 
 " Recollect, for every regiment of Blacks I raise, I raise 
 a regiment of whites to face the foe in the field. This, 
 fellow-soldiers, is the determined policy of the Adminis- 
 tration. You all know full well when the President of 
 the United States, though said to be slow in coming to a 
 determination when he once puts his foot down, it is 
 there, and he is not going to take it up. He has put his 
 foot down ; I am here to assure you that my official influ- 
 ence shall be given that he shall not raise it." 
 
 The entire speech of the Adjutant-general of the Army 
 of the United States was telegraphed to the North, and 
 the enthusiasm over this new business-like policy made 
 many friends for the Administration. It was scarcely 
 less a surprise to the North than it was to the South to 
 learn that a change so sweeping had taken place in the 
 policy of the Government. The magnificent sentiment 
 of the speech of Adjutant-general Thomas touched the 
 heart of the Christian world, and the horrors of civil 
 war were mitigated by the noble idea of practical eman- 
 cipation. The question of property was definitely settled 
 
112 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 so far as the slaves of persons and States in actual rebel- 
 lion against the authority of the United States Govern- 
 ment were concerned. The Negroes of such States were 
 absolutely free, and their services were sought by the 
 Government. The grand policy of emancipation and the 
 military employment of the American slave having been 
 officially proclaimed, it swept forward with the force and 
 majesty of its importance. General Thomas was unre- 
 mitting in his labors in this behalf, and visited Memphis, 
 Helena, and Yicksburg. The prejudice of white troops 
 was melting away every day, and the experiment was win- 
 ning favor everywhere. 
 
 General Thomas reported to the Secretary of War from 
 Lake Providence in the following despatch : 
 
 "Lake Providence, Louisiana, April 9, 
 
 <, TT -a o, " Via Cairo > Illinois, April 15, 1863. 
 
 ' ' Ron. E. M. Stanton : 
 
 "I arrived at this place early yesterday morning, and made arrange- 
 ments for addressing Generals McArthur's and Logan's divisions of 
 General McPherson's army corps. I announced to the former divis- 
 ion in the morning, four thousand being present, the policy of the Gov- 
 ernment respecting the black race, and in the afternoon to General 
 Logan's division, some seven thousand. The troops received it with 
 great enthusiasm, and many speeches were made by officers of differ- 
 ent rank, fully indorsing the policy. I must refer to the eloquent 
 remarks of General Logan, who not only fully indorsed my own re- 
 marks, but went far beyond them, stating most emphatically that he 
 would never return to his home, from which his wife and child had 
 been driven by an unnatural father, until this wicked rebellion shall 
 be utterly crushed. I asked from each of these divisions officers to 
 raise two Negro regiments, but the difficulty will be to restrict them to 
 that number, for at least ten regiments can be obtained. My first ar- 
 rangements are for ten regiments, and after these shall have been raised 
 further arrangements will be made for others. Ten thousand pairs 
 of Negro shoes of large size should at once be forwarded to Memphis. 
 Also, arms for that number, including those that may be in the depot 
 at that place. I shall write to Captain Eddy to make requisition for 
 clothing for ten thousand men. I have overtaxed my strength, and am 
 far from well, but hope a day or two rest may recruit my energies. 
 
 "L. THOMAS, Adjt.-gen." 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 113 
 
 General N. P. Banks was now in command at New Or- 
 leans. Upon his assumption of the command of the " De- 
 partment of the Gulf," he found the Negro regiments 
 that had been organized by General Butler. He was so 
 much pleased with their appearance and drill that he is- 
 sued an order (No. 40) for " the organization of a Corps 
 d'Armee of colored troops, to be designated as the Corps 
 d'Afrique." l The order was issued on the 1st of May, 
 1863, and contemplated "eighteen regiments, representing 
 all arms infantry, artillery, cavalry making three bri- 
 gades of two regiments each, and three divisions of three 
 brigades each, with appropriate corps of engineers, and 
 flying hospitals for each division." The general went on 
 to remark in his order that the efficiency of troops de- 
 pended largely upon the character of the officers ; that 
 small regiments of troops of this character were more ea- 
 sily disciplined ; and that details of officers of the highest 
 standing would be made to instruct the black levies. 
 General Banks brought rare patriotism, high intelligence, 
 and splendid tact to the work of organization ; while the 
 freedmen responded to his call an.d complied with his 
 terms with enthusiasm. 
 
 The enterprise of recruiting and organizing Negro 
 troops grew to such proportions that competent and ap- 
 propriate machinery had to be constituted at Washing- 
 ton. In General Orders No. 143, dated Washington, May 
 22, 1863, a bureau was established for the conduct of all 
 matters referring to the organization of Negro troops. A 
 detail of clerks was made, and a competent officer placed 
 at the head of the new bureau. Three or four field- 
 officers were detailed to inspect the work of recruiting at 
 different points where stations were to be maintained by 
 
 1 "Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xv., pp. 716, 
 
 717. 
 
114 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 order of the War Department. Boards were to be con- 
 vened, at such points as the War Department might des- 
 ignate, to examine applicants for commissions in Negro 
 regiments, the applicants first receiving permission from 
 the Adjutant-general to appear before such boards. Per- 
 sons who desired to recruit Negroes for the army w r ere 
 required to pass an examination before a board, and the 
 maximum of such service was one regiment to each per- 
 son specially authorized by the War Department. Each 
 candidate was given rank according to the character of 
 his examination. An applicant for a colonelcy might 
 only get a captaincy. Negro troops were to be accepted 
 by companies, the regiments formed from time to time 
 taking their number according to the date of muster. All 
 matters respecting " United States Colored Troops " were 
 to be referred to the Adjutant-general in care of the War 
 Department. 
 
 With efficient methods and a matchless head like Adju- 
 tant-general Thomas, the work >f employing Negroes as 
 soldiers was soon systematized, and worked out the best 
 results both for the Negro and the Government. The 
 former was proud of the generous invitation to aid in 
 destroying slavery and in preserving the Union, and the 
 latter was pleased with the efforts of its new policy upon 
 the country and the progress of the war. In August, 
 1863, the Administration despatched Adjutant - general 
 Thomas to the South-west, still further to enlarge the 
 scope of the enlistment of Negroes. He was empowered 
 to continue the work of " organization into the military 
 service of the United States of all able-bodied male per- 
 sons of African descent who may come within our lines, 
 or who may be brought in by our troops, or who may 
 have already placed themselves under the protection of 
 the Federal Government." 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 115 
 
 The Administration was so earnestly committed to the 
 work of the organization of Negro troops that the Secre- 
 tary of War sent the following telegram to the command- 
 ing officer at Memphis, requiring the removal of Colonel 
 Martin, who had opposed the policy of the Government : 
 
 " War Department, September 25, 1863. 
 " Major-general Hurlburt, Comma' g at Memphis : 
 
 "This Department is satisfied that the good of the service requires 
 the removal of Colonel Martin from command at Paducha, and the 
 assignment of some officer there who will not permit the surrender of 
 slaves to rebel masters, nor oppose the policy of the Government in 
 organizing Colored troops. If Paducha is within your command, you 
 will please relieve Colonel Martin and assign some officer of active 
 loyalty, who may be intrusted with the duty of organizing a Colored 
 regiment for the service. EDWIN M. STANTON, 
 
 "Secretary of War." 
 
 Thus far the Negro recruits had been taken from States 
 where the slave-holders were engaged in armed rebellion. 
 The Administration now began to look about for new 
 fields in which to recruit Negroes. The border slave 
 States and portions of the seceded States were exempted 
 from the provisions of the Emancipation Proclamation, 
 and the slaves could not be taken without compensation 
 to loyal masters. On the 13th of October, 1863, in Gen- 
 eral Orders No. 329, the War Department established re- 
 cruiting stations in Maryland, Tennessee, and Missouri ; 
 Delaware was included October 26th, and the methods 
 were carefully prescribed. "All able-bodied free Ne- 
 groes, slaves of disloyal persons, and slaves of loyal persons, 
 with the consent of their owners," were declared to be eli- 
 gible for military employment. The county and State fur- 
 nishing Negro recruits were to be credited with them, and 
 loyal masters consenting to the enlistment of their slaves 
 were to receive three hundred dollars for each one, after 
 
116 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 filing proof of ownership and furnishing a deed of manu- 
 mission. It was required, however, that a sufficient num- 
 ber of recruits should be obtained within thirty days from 
 the date of opening the recruiting station, otherwise the 
 slaves could be taken without obtaining the consent of 
 the loyal owners. They were to be compensated, never- 
 theless, as in the former case. Special boards were cre- 
 ated in these States to determine the claims of owners 
 and to facilitate the work of obtaining black levies. 
 
 The feeling in New York State, and especially in the 
 city, was not friendly to the Negro. The State Gov- 
 ernment was Democratic, and the foreign element in the 
 large cities was restless and threatening. But there were 
 many patriotic men in New York who were in hearty 
 accord with the Administration in placing arms in the 
 hands of the Negroes. The Union League Club, of New 
 York City, finding that the State authorities would not 
 entertain the proposition to employ Negroes as soldiers, 
 on the 12th of November, 1863, appointed a committee to 
 devise means for raising Negro troops. Colonel George 
 Bliss, Jr., was chosen chairman, and the committee entered 
 at once upon the discharge of its duties. The War De- 
 partment preferred to have the concurrence of the State 
 Government when it extended its authority to individuals 
 to raise Negro troops. On the 23d of November, 1863, the 
 committee addressed a letter to the Governor of New 
 York Horatio Seymour stating that as he could not 
 grant the committee authority to enlist Negroes as sol- 
 diers, and in view of the desire of the War Department 
 to have the committee's work indorsed by the State, they 
 would be greatly obliged if his excellency would grant 
 the committee his official approval. 
 
 The Secretary of War addressed the following telegram 
 to General Strong, of New York City : 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 117 
 
 "War Department, November 24, 1863. 
 44 General William K. Strong, New York: 
 
 " On application by suitable persons special authority will be granted 
 to raise Colored troops in New York, according to the rules and regu- 
 lations relative to organizing and raising Colored troops. The troops 
 so raised will be credited to the State. Until Congress shall authorize 
 it no bounty can be paid, and the pay is limited by the act of Congress 
 to ten dollars a month. The Department will recommend that in this 
 respect the act be amended so as to make the pay the same as other 
 soldiers. They will be enrolled as United States Volunteers, and the 
 officers be appointed and commissioned by the President. 
 
 "EDWIN M. STANTON, 
 "Secretary of War." 
 
 On the 27th of November the Governor wrote the com- 
 mittee that he was entirely without authority to grant 
 them permission to employ Negroes as soldiers, and that 
 they must apply to the authorities at Washington. The 
 committee knew all of this before^ but were now thor- 
 oughly convinced that they would look in vain for sym- 
 pathy in this quarter. On the 3d of December, 1863, the 
 War Department granted the committee George Bliss, 
 Jr., and his associates authority to recruit and organ- 
 ize the "Twenty -fifth Eegiment United States Colored 
 Troops." Having been armed with proper authority to 
 recruit a regiment of Negroes, the committee indulged the 
 hope that the Governor would be disposed to countenance 
 and aid the committee in their patriotic labors. The com- 
 mittee accordingly wrote to Governor Seymour : " We ex- 
 press the hope that, so far as in your power, you will give 
 the movement your aid and countenance." The Govern- 
 or never answered this most reasonable request, but the 
 committee went forward in its noble work. Its zeal was 
 equalled only by the enthusiasm of the Negro volunteers, 
 who responded to their country's call for defenders. 
 
 On the 4th of January, 1864, Colonel George Bliss, Jr., 
 wrote a letter to Secretary Stanton from the headquarters 
 
118 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 of the Twentieth Regiment United States Colored Troops, 
 No. 350 Fourth Street, New York, announcing that the 
 regiment had reached its maximum strength 1,000 men. 
 He requested the Secretary to allow the regiment to remain 
 in camp for thirty days or more, that the men might have 
 an opportunity to perfect themselves in tactics and the 
 general duties of soldiers. The officers had been selected 
 from the army in the field ; the men were physically the 
 equals of any ; and he predicted that when the regiment 
 should depart for the seat of war it would be better drilled 
 than any thus far sent from the State of New York. He 
 spoke of the men as being intelligently enthusiastic in the 
 performance of their duties. He suggested that when the 
 regiment should leave its camp on the Island for the city, 
 on its way to the front, it should be landed up-town and 
 march down Broadway. He told the Secretary it was his 
 desire to have the men armed with Springfield muskets 
 of the pattern of 1861, and expressed the belief that the 
 Government would thus convince the Negroes of the 
 North that it was ready to put the best arms into their 
 hands. 
 
 This letter was taken to the War Office by ex-Governor 
 E. D. Morgan, and, being unable to see the Secretary, he 
 wrote a letter on a sheet of paper with the official head- 
 ing of the Department printed upon it. The letter was 
 dated at " War Department, Washington, D. C., Wednes- 
 day, January 6, 1864." He indorsed the letter of Colonel 
 Bliss, and urged Mr. Stanton to grant the requests made. 
 
 The wives of the members of the Union League Club 
 were deeply interested in the work of the Club's Commit- 
 tee on the Recruiting of Negroes, and issued a circular 
 calling a meeting in the club-house, January 5, 1864, at 
 2 P.M., to appoint a committee to secure a stand of colors 
 for the Twentieth Regiment. Among the signers of the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 119 
 
 call were the following ladies : Mrs. Charles King, Mrs. 
 Henry Yan Rennselaer, Mrs. Samuel Wetmore, Mrs. George 
 B. De Forrest, Mrs. John Jay, Mrs. U. A. Murdock, Mrs. 
 Richard M. Hunt, Mrs. J. J. Astor, Mrs. D'Oremieux, Mrs. 
 Samuel Bridgham, Mrs. William Dodge, Jr., Mrs. Jackson 
 S. Schultz, Mrs. Frank E. Howe, Mrs. George Bliss, Jr., 
 Mrs. L. G. B. Cannon. 
 
 There were 9,000 men in the Negro population of New 
 York eligible by age from eighteen to forty-five and 
 2,300 of them enlisted in less than sixty days. The com- 
 mittee raised their first regiment in two weeks, and by 
 the 27th of January, 1864, another regiment, which was 
 also accepted by the Government and mustered into the 
 service. This was the extent of the recruitment of Ne- 
 groes in New York, but many left the State and enlisted 
 elsewhere. The State of New York never enlisted Ne- 
 groes, as the following statement from Major-general John 
 G. Farns worth shows : 
 
 "Adjutant-general's Office, Albany, 
 
 " December 17, 1885. 
 
 " This State did not organize any colored troops. Three regiments 
 were recruited by authority of the United States in this State. The 
 State received credit for enlistments made, but the credit was given 
 by the United States, and how many of that class were received is not 
 known here, as no detailed accounts are on file. 
 
 "There are no records of these regiments in this office from which 
 the information you desire could be obtained." 
 
 In Pennsylvania there was deep interest manifested in 
 the employment of Negroes as soldiers. Soon after the 
 Government had committed itself to the policy of arming 
 Negroes, a committee of patriotic gentlemen of Philadel- 
 phia secured authority to recruit Negroes for the army. 
 The committee was organized, with Thomas Webster as 
 chairman, Cadwalader Biddle as secretary, and S. A. Mer- 
 cer as treasurer. The sum of $33,388 was speedily raised 
 
120 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 to promote the work. The two regiments of Negroes 
 raised in Massachusetts had cost about $60,000, but the 
 committee intended to raise three or four regiments at 
 $10,000 each. A camp was laid out at Shelton Hill, near 
 to the city, and named " Camp William Penn." On the 
 26th of June, 1863, the camp was inaugurated by a squad 
 of eighty men. On the 3d of February the committee 
 made the following statement respecting its work : 
 
 "On the 24th July, 1863, the first (Third United States) regiment 
 was full. 
 
 " On the 13th September, 1863, the second (Sixth United States) regi- 
 ment was full. 
 
 " On the 4th December, 1863, the third (Eighth United States) regi- 
 ment was full. 
 
 " On the 6th January, 1864, the fourth (Twenty-second United States) 
 regiment was full. 
 
 "On the 3d February, 1864, the fifth (Twenty-fifth United States) 
 regiment was full. 
 
 " August 13, 1863, the Third United States Regiment left Camp Will- 
 iam Penn, and was in front of Fort Wagner when it surrendered. 
 
 " October 14, 1863, the Sixth United States Regiment left for York- 
 town. 
 
 "January 16, 1864, the Eighth United States Regiment left for Hil- 
 ton Head. 
 
 "The Twenty-second and Twenty-fifth regiments are now at Camp 
 William Penn, awaiting orders from the Government." 
 
 The regiments that went from this camp were among 
 the best in the army. Their officers had been carefully 
 selected and specially trained in a military school under 
 competent teachers, and the troops themselves were noted 
 for intelligence, proficiency, and pluck. 
 
 In accordance with the order establishing recruiting 
 stations in Tennessee, published on the 13th of Octo- 
 ber, 1863, an office was opened at Nashville. George L. 
 Stearns, Esq., of Medford, Massachusetts, was chosen by 
 the War Department " Commissioner for the Organiza- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 121 
 
 tion of United States Colored Troops." His commission 
 was issued June 6, 1863. He was given the rank of ma- 
 jor with the powers of an assistant-adjutant-general. He 
 was independent of the general in command of the Army 
 of the Cumberland, and received his orders direct from 
 the War Department. The selection of Major Stearns was 
 a very happy one. He was an abolitionist of the most 
 pronounced type. He had laid a large fortune on the al- 
 tar of liberty, and consecrated himself to the disinthral- 
 ment of bleeding Kansas. He had furnished John Brown 
 with Sharp's rifles in the " Border Kuffian War," and his 
 heart was in the war that he believed would inevitably 
 put an end to slavery. He knew the Negro, believed in 
 his manhood, and was proud to place muskets in his wait- 
 ing and willing hands. He began his work with charac- 
 teristic vigor and business skill. The few months he gave 
 to the work were memorable. It is seldom the Govern- 
 ment can command such talents and experience, such pa- 
 triotism and patience, as Major Stearns brought to bear in 
 his peculiarly trying and unique work. 
 
 The first work that Major Stearns did in raising col- 
 ored troops was for Massachusetts ; but he subsequently 
 extended his labors into Pennsylvania and New York, at 
 the same time despatching agents through nearly all of 
 the free States. General Couch was in charge of all the 
 troops in the State of Pennsylvania, and when Major 
 Stearns offered him colored troops he refused to accept 
 them. The Major immediately appealed to the War De- 
 partment, and the Secretary sent the following telegram : 
 
 " War Department, June 18, 1863. 
 " Major George L. Stearns, 
 
 " Continental Hotel, Philadelphia : 
 
 " This morning I saw the despatch referred to in your telegram, and 
 immediately telegraphed General Couch that he was authorized to re- 
 
122 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ceive troops without regard to color ; but if there is likely to be any 
 dispute about the matter, it will be better to send no more. It is well 
 to avoid all controversy in the present juncture, as the troops can be 
 used elsewhere. EDWIN M. STANTON, 
 
 " Secretary of War." 
 
 He took in the situation at Nashville at once, and met 
 the exigencies of every day. He found that the men 
 whom he was enlisting were being sent out to the front 
 to perform fatigue duty. He felt that his honor was in- 
 volved in this matter, since he had enlisted them to be sol- 
 diers, not laborers. He expressed some plain truths to 
 the War Department about this matter. He suggested 
 that Negro troops should be put in camps of instruction 
 and prepared for the duties of the field. He felt that it 
 was only justice to troops of this character to give them 
 fair opportunities to compete with their white compatri- 
 ots in camp, and successfully contend with the enemy in 
 the field. Major-general George H. Thomas had ordered 
 six companies of the Fourteenth Regiment of Negro 
 troops from Gallatin, Tennessee, to Bridgeport, Alabama, 
 to do fatigue duty. This was on the 20th of November, 
 1863. Major Stearns felt that he could not endure this, 
 and remonstrated against it. 
 
 Major Stearns was a man of strong personality. He 
 could not endure shams, and on all occasions and in all 
 places spoke the truth without wincing. The wholesale 
 system of impressment of Negroes in Nashville was de- 
 moralizing, and he threw himself at once into the breach. 
 He called a meeting of the Negroes of the city in one of 
 the largest churches. He told this people that rather 
 than be dragged into the trenches and fortifications, they 
 had better volunteer, and he pledged himself to pay their 
 wages out of his private funds. The Negroes believed 
 him, and the next day three hundred responded to his 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 123 
 
 call for volunteers. It is not necessary to state that he 
 kept his promise with these men. 
 
 Kentucky was not included in the Emancipation edict, 
 and the Secretary of War had repeatedly requested Major 
 Stearns to return fugitive slaves. To such a request this 
 stalwart "New England abolitionist turned a deaf ear. He 
 could give his money and his energy ; he could conse- 
 crate his talents, and even immolate his life upon the altar 
 of humanity in the interest of the JS"egro, but he could 
 not turn slave-catcher. The conservatism of the War De- 
 partment was trembling lest Major Stearns should come 
 in conflict with the military governor of Tennessee, An- 
 drew Johnson, and day after day telegrams poured in upon 
 him urging him not to quarrel with Governor Johnson. 
 With characteristic dash and boldness he took a bundle of 
 these telegrams, and walking into the presence of An- 
 drew Johnson, asked him what quarrel he had with him. 
 He was so intensely earnest, charged with such wonderful 
 personal magnetism, that to know him was to love him, 
 and Johnson found himself confronted by a friend and 
 not a foe. Thenceforward these two men worked in har- 
 mony while Stearns remained. He was too radical for 
 executive work of this character. 
 
 The following telegrams show the mind of the Secre- 
 tary of War respecting Major Stearns's authority in the 
 organization of Negro troops in this Department : 
 
 " War Department, September 18, 1863. 
 "Brigadier-general Andrew Johnson, 
 
 " Military Governor, NashmUe : 
 
 " Your telegram just received. Major Stearns was sent to Nashville 
 to aid in the organization of Colored troops under your directions and 
 the directions of General Rosecrans. To prevent any possible misun- 
 derstanding, he was directed to report to you and the Commanding 
 General. He is, while in your State, your subordinate, bound to follow 
 your directions, and may be relieved by you whenever his action is 
 
124 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 deemed by you prejudicial. Upon your judgment in matters relating 
 to the State of which you are Governor the Department relies in re- 
 spect to whatever relates to the people, whether white or black, bond 
 or free. No officers of Colored troops will be appointed but in accord- 
 ance with your views as the Chief State Executive. If Major Stearns 
 can be of no aid, and his presence is obnoxious, he will of course be 
 removed, whether relieved by you or not. 
 
 "EDWIN M. STANTON, 
 
 " Secretary of War." 
 
 " War Department, September 18, 1863. 
 " Major Stearns, Nashville : 
 
 " If any difference of opinion exists or shall arise between Governor 
 Johnson and yourself respecting the organization and employment of 
 Colored men in the State of Tennessee, he being the State Executive, 
 you will conform your action to his views. All dissension is to be 
 avoided, and if there is any want of harmony between you, you had 
 better leave Nashville and proceed to Cairo to await orders, reporting 
 by telegraph your departure from Nashville and your arrival at Cairo. 
 
 "EowiN M. STANTON, 
 
 " Secretary of War." 
 
 He was not sustained by the War Department in his 
 methods, and in December, 1863, resigned. The work 
 was continued under the temporary care of Captain R. 
 D. Mussey, who was subsequently June 14, 1864 ap- 
 pointed colonel of the One Hundredth Regiment of 
 " United States Colored Troops." 
 
 In December, 1863, Colonel Augustus L. Chetlain was 
 promoted to the rank of brigadier-general of volunteers. 
 Colonel Chetlain had entered the war as captain of a 
 company which he had assisted in raising at Galena, Il- 
 linois. On the 2d of May, 1861, he was appointed lieu- 
 tenant-colonel of the Twelfth Illinois Infantry, and " won 
 his spurs" and the command of the regiment at Fort 
 Donelson. General Grant had known him well, and upon 
 his promotion to a brigadier-generalship, urged his ap- 
 pointment, upon the ground of his special fitness, as chief 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 125 
 
 of the recruitment and organization of Kegro troops in 
 Tennessee. 
 
 The following order from the War Department as- 
 signed him to special work : 
 
 " Nashville, Tennessee, February 6, 1864. 
 " Special Orders No. 14 [Extract]. 
 
 "II. ... Brigadier-general Augustus L. Chetlain, United States Vol- 
 unteers, is hereby assigned to the command of all the Colored Troops 
 now in the State of Tennessee, and that may hereafter be raised and 
 stationed in that State. He will locate. his Headquarters in the city of 
 Memphis. 
 
 " The Officers superintending the organization of Colored Troops in 
 Tennessee will report to Brigadier-general Chetlain, weekly, the result 
 of their operations. Commanders of Regiments and Detachments of 
 Troops of African Descent will furnish the General regular Regimental 
 returns of their commands on the last day of every month, and in 
 like manner General Chetlain will forward a complete return of his 
 command monthly to Brigadier-general L. Thomas, U.S.A., at Vicks- 
 burg, Mississippi. Nominations for appointments in Regiments already 
 organized will be forwarded through General Chetlain to the above- 
 named officer. . . . 
 
 "By order of the Secretary of War. 
 
 " L. THOMAS, 
 
 " Adjutant-general." 
 
 In a conversation with General Grant, just before the 
 publication of the above order, General Chetlain was given 
 to understand that the work he was about to undertake 
 would be arduous, and in some respects unpleasant. " But," 
 continued General Grant, " if you mcike a success of it, as 
 YOU can, it will be greatly to your credit." 
 
 General Grant had not made a mistake in the selection 
 of General Chetlain for a work that was not only novel, 
 but by some considered odious a work that demanded 
 patriotism, zeal, large humanity, and an unfaltering confi- 
 dence in the Kegro. 
 
 General Chetlain established his headquarters at Mem- 
 
126 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 phis, and began the recruiting of Negro troops with con- 
 spicuous ability. On the 13th of June, 1864, in General 
 Orders No. 20, the sphere of his influence was extended 
 in some proportion to his abilities, and he was charged 
 with similar work in the State of Kentucky. The order 
 concluded as follows : 
 
 " Brigadier - general A. L. Chetlain, United States Volunteers, is 
 charged with the immediate supervision of the organization of Colored 
 Troops in Kentucky, as authorized herein, subject to such instructions 
 as he may receive from Brigadier-general L. Thomas, Adjutant-gen- 
 eral United States Army. 
 
 "The assignment of Brigadier-general Chetlain to this duty will in 
 no way interfere with his present position as commander of the Col- 
 ored Troops in West Tennessee. 
 
 "General Chetlain will establish his headquarters without delay at 
 Louisville, Kentucky. 
 
 "All commanders in Kentucky will afford General Chetlain every 
 facility for carrying out the instructions contained in this order. 
 
 ' ' As early as possible, Colored Troops will be used by General Chet- 
 lain for recruiting purposes, and will be distributed among the differ- 
 ent camps of reception. 
 
 "By order of the Secretary of War. 
 
 "L. THOMAS, 
 
 ' ' Adjutant-general. " 
 
 A high standard of physical, mental, and moral excel- 
 lence was required of persons seeking commands in or- 
 ganizations of this character. The records show that not 
 more than one-third of the applicants before the boards 
 charged with examination of candidates for commissions 
 in Negro regiments w r ere passed. In General Orders 
 No. 24, published at Memphis, December 12, 1864, among 
 many excellent things were the following : 
 
 " No person is wanted as an officer in a Colored Regiment who feels 
 that in accepting the position he is making a sacrifice, or who desires 
 appointment simply for higher rank and pay it being the aim of those 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 127 
 
 having charge of the organization of Colored Troops to have them offi- 
 cered, drilled, and disciplined equal to the best of white troops. 
 
 "Colored troops will, without doubt, form a large portion of the 
 permanent army of the United States, and it should be the aim of 
 every officer to fit himself and men for such an honorable position. 
 
 "Up to the date of this order the record of Colored Troops in battle 
 and campaign is untarnished. Their stubborn bravery and gallant 
 conduct has gained for them the respect even of bitter and prejudiced 
 enemies, and given to their organization that dignity and stability which 
 the faithful and fearless performance of duty will never fail to secure. 
 
 "It can but be an honor to any man to command in a service which, 
 while it gives liberty to slaves and manhood to chattels, furnishes reli- 
 able and efficient soldiers for the Union. 
 
 " By order of Brigadier-general A. L. Chetlain. 
 
 "CHARLES P. BROWN, 
 
 Official. ' ' Assistant Ad j utant-general. " 
 
 Eight months of the most heroic and indefatigable la- 
 bor were bestowed upon the great enterprise of securing 
 black levies for the United States Army. 
 
 General Chetlain made a tour of inspection in which 
 he must have found great satisfaction in examining the 
 work which he had inaugurated. The regiments organ- 
 ized and inspected by General Chetlain were as follows : 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 At Loui&mlle. 
 
 Fourth Regiment Heavy Artillery : from June 16 to April 19, 1863; 
 Colonel James N. McArthur. 
 
 One Hundredth Regiment Infantry [at large]: from May 3 to June 1, 
 
 1864; Colonel Reuben D. Mussey. 
 
 One Hundred and Seventh Regiment Infantry : from May 3 to Sep- 
 tember 15, 1864; Colonel William H. Revere, Jr. 
 
 One Hundred and Eighth Regiment Infantry: from June 20 to Au- 
 gust 22, 1864; Colonel John S. Bishop. 
 
 One Hundred and Ninth Regiment Infantry: on July 5, 1864; Colonel 
 Orion A. Bartholomew. 
 
 [Besides the above regiments there were nearly three thousand sol- 
 diers partly organized whose officers had not yet been appointed.] 
 
128 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 At Nashville. 
 
 Twelfth Regiment Infantry: from July 24 to August 14, 1863; Colonel 
 Charles R. Thompson. 
 
 Thirteenth Regiment Infantry: on November 19, 1863; Colonel John 
 A. Hottenstein. 
 
 Fifteenth Regiment Infantry : from December 2, 1863, to March 11, 
 
 1864; Colonel William Innes. 
 Sixteenth Regiment Infantry: from December 4, 1863, to February 13, 
 
 1864; Colonel William B. Gaw. 
 
 Seventeenth Regiment Infantry: from December 12 to 21, 1863; Colo- 
 nel William R. Shaf ter. 
 
 At Chattanooga. 
 Forty-second Regiment Infantry: from April 20, 1864, to July 6, 1865; 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel J. R. Putnam. 
 Forty-fourth Regiment Infantry: from April 7 to September 16, 1864; 
 
 Colonel Lewis Johnson. 
 
 At Pulaski. 
 One Hundred and Tenth Regiment Infantry: from November 20, 1863, 
 
 to January 14, 1864; Lieutenant-colonel Dedrick F.Tiedemann. 
 One Hundred and Eleventh Regiment Infantry : from January 13 to 
 
 April 5, 1864; Lieutenant-colonel William H. Scroggs. 
 
 At Gallatin. 
 
 Fourteenth Regiment Infantry: from November 16, 1863, to January 
 8, 1864; Colonel Thomas J. Morgan. 
 
 At La Grange. 
 
 Fifty-ninth Regiment Infantry: from June 6 to 27, 1863; Colonel Ed- 
 ward Bouton. 
 
 In January, 1865, General Chetlain had under his com- 
 mand 17,000 Negro troops, while his tour of inspection 
 was not entirely confined to troops of this character in 
 Tennessee and Kentucky. His work in the organization 
 of Negro troops is without parallel in the late war, and 
 his services were rewarded by a brevet major-generalship. 
 The Adjutant -general of the Army, in his report to the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 129 
 
 War Department in the summer of 1865, made the fol- 
 lowing recognition of the services of General Chetlain : 
 
 "Brigadier-general Chetlain reported to me, and I as- 
 signed him as superintendent of the recruiting service 
 in Tennessee. He proved a most valuable officer, for I 
 found him to possess both intelligence and zeal, with a 
 rare qualification for the organization of troops. He never 
 failed in any duty he was assigned, either as superintend- 
 ent or as an inspector, to which latter duty I assigned him, 
 and I am gratified that he was subsequently rewarded by 
 a brevet major-general." 
 
 On the 22d of January, 1864, in Special Orders No. 18, 
 Lieutenant-colonel Thomas J. Morgan, of the Fourteenth 
 United States Colored Troops, stationed at Gallatin, Ten- 
 nessee, was ordered to Knoxville to consult with General 
 Davis Tillson as to raising a regiment of heavy artillery. 
 Under date of February 3, 1864, from Chattanooga, Colo- 
 nel Morgan reported the result of his visit; and referring 
 to the feeling in the army respecting the military employ- 
 ment of Negroes, he wrote : 
 
 " There is an excellent state of feeling in the Depart- 
 ment of the Ohio touching colored troops. General Till- 
 son and staff, General Cox, commanding Twenty -third 
 North Carolina, General Haskell, commanding divisions 
 in Twenty-third Artillery Corps, and others high in rank, 
 are warm friends of the move. The officers and men of 
 the Xinth Artillery Corps look with favor upon it, and 
 many excellent men are asking positions in the regiments 
 now being formed. Commissioned officers of old regi- 
 ments are asking to be transferred with same rank from 
 white regiments to the black ones." 
 
 Perhaps there was not a finer specimen of a Christian 
 soldier in the Western army than Thomas J. Morgan. He 
 had enjoyed academic training, was deeply religious, and 
 9 
 
130 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 entertained positive ideas respecting the war and the Ne- 
 gro. A sort of spiritual valor marked all his actions. He 
 reversed the Napoleonic idea that soldiers should be sim- 
 ply machines, and that the officers should do all the think- 
 ing. He cared for the moral and intellectual growth as 
 well as the improvement his men made in drill and the 
 duties of soldiership. He strove to make every man an 
 intelligent unit. His views were grateful to the men un- 
 der his immediate command, and were highly appreciated 
 by such general officers as at that time comprehended the 
 questions involved in the war. It was natural that, in 
 looking for an officer to gather, by truth and personal 
 magnetism, Negro recruits about the standards of the 
 Union, General George H. Thomas should choose Colonel 
 Morgan. The following order was issued placing him in 
 charge of the recruiting of Negro troops in the Depart- 
 ment of the Cumberland : 
 
 " Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, 
 
 " Chattanooga, Tennessee, February 29, 1864. 
 " General Orders No. 39. 
 
 " The raising of two Regiments of Infantry of African descent will be 
 commenced at this place without delay, under the direction of Colonel 
 T. J. Morgan, commanding Fourteenth United States Colored Troops. 
 
 "Colonel Morgan will receive all recruits enlisted by Mr. J. A. 
 Spooner, agent for recruiting of Colored Troops, as well as those re- 
 cruited at such other stations as he may establish, and organize them 
 into companies under command of the officers of his regiment, until 
 officers are appointed. 
 
 " One of these Regiments will be composed of such men only as can 
 pass the physical examination required of all men enlisting in the mili- 
 tary service of the United States. The other will be composed of the 
 classes of colored men capable of performing the ordinary fatigue du- 
 ties of a military depot; and as soon as companies are organized they 
 will be subject to such details for fatigue duty as the Commanding 
 General of the Department may direct. 
 
 "William W. Wright, Chief Engineer United States Military Rail- 
 road Division of Mississippi, has been appointed Colonel of the second 
 regiment named above. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 131 
 
 " The Major-general commanding the Department will nominate for 
 appointment the additional field and staff officers, selecting such as he 
 may deem best fitted for the service. Their names will be reported to 
 the Bureau of Colored Troops at Washington, D. C., through Captain 
 R. D. Mussey, Nineteenth United States Infantry, Acting Commis- 
 sioner Organizing United States Colored Troops, when the appoint- 
 ments will be forwarded and the regiments receive their designations. 
 " The Quartermaster's Commissary and Ordnance Departments will 
 fill Colonel Morgan's requisitions for necessary stores. 
 ' ' By command of Major-general Thomas. 
 
 (Signed) " WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE, 
 
 "Ass't Adjutant-general. 
 " Headquarters Org'n U. S. Colored Troops, 
 
 "Chattanooga, Teun., March 4, 1864. 
 Official. " THOMAS J. MORGAN, 
 
 " Colonel 14th U. S. C. T., Com'r for Org'n'g C. T." 
 
 Colonel Morgan's service in this new sphere was valua- 
 ble, and the Department commander made appropriate 
 recognition of it. 
 
 Henry Barnes, Esq., an intelligent and patriotic citizen 
 of Detroit, Michigan, was an early and enthusiastic advo- 
 cate of the military employment of Negroes. He wrote 
 Secretary Stanton upon the subject in July, 1863, and the 
 following letter was addressed to the Governor of Michi- 
 gan. Its spirit shows how deeply interested in this mat- 
 ter was the great War Secretary : 
 
 " War Department, Washington, July 24, 1863. 
 
 "GOVERNOR, H. Barnes, Esq., of Detroit, has applied to this De- 
 partment for authority to raise a regiment of Colored troops in your 
 State. The Department is very anxious that such regiments should be 
 raised, and authorizes you to raise them by volunteering under the 
 regulations of the Department, a copy of which is transmitted to you 
 by the Chief of the Bureau, and it would be gratifying if you should 
 give such authority to Mr. Barnes. It seems to me that there has been 
 some misunderstanding upon this subject, and I am informed that you 
 were under the impression that the Department would not authorize 
 it. Until suitable arrangements could be made for the organization of 
 a Bureau, it was not deemed advisable to raise such troops, but the or- 
 ganization of Colored troops is now a distinct Bureau in the Depart- 
 
132 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 inent, and as fully recognized as any other branch of the military serv- 
 ice\ and every encouragement is given by the Department to the 
 raising of such troops. Yours truly, 
 
 "EDWIN M. ST ANTON, 
 
 "Secretary of War. 
 "His Excellency, AUSTIN BLAIR, Governor of Michigan, Jackson." 
 
 The following letter of authority for the enlistment of 
 Negro troops was sent to the governors of Michigan, Il- 
 linois, and to other governors who desired to raise regi- 
 ments of this character : 
 
 "War Department, Adjutant-general's Office, 
 
 " Washington, D. C.,July 25, 1863. 
 "His Excellency, Austin Blair, Governor of Micfiigan, Jackson, Mich. : 
 
 " SIR, I am instructed by the Secretary of War to inform you that 
 you are hereby authorized to raise one regiment of infantry, to be com- 
 posed of Colored men, to be mustered into the United States service 
 for three years or during the war. 
 
 "To these troops no bounties will be paid. They will receive ten 
 dollars per month and one ration per day, three dollars of which 
 monthly pay may be in clothing. 
 
 "The organization of the regiment must conform in all respects 
 with the requirements of General Orders No. 110, War Department, 
 1863, a copy of which is herewith. 
 
 "The prescribed number of commissioned officers will be appointed 
 in accordance with the provisions of General Orders Nos. 143 and 144, 
 War Department, current series, copies of which please find inclosed. 
 The officers thus appointed will be mustered into service on the pres- 
 entation to the mustering officer of their appointments, signed by the 
 Secretary of War. The appointments will be made to keep pace 
 with the muster into service of the several companies. Thus, on in- 
 formation being received from you that the first has been mustered 
 into service, the necessary appointments for that company will be 
 made. When four companies have been mustered in, the Lieutenant- 
 colonel of the regiment will be appointed, and so on in accordance 
 with the 'Revised Mustering Regulations.' 
 
 "To facilitate the appointment of the officers, it is respectfully sug- 
 gested that it would be well to forward to the Adjutant-general of the 
 army, as early as practicable, the names of such persons as you wish to 
 have examined for appointment, and permission will be immediately 
 given them to appear before the examining board now in session in 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 133 
 
 Cincinnati, or the board in session in Washington, if more convenient 
 for the parties. 
 " I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 " C. W. FOSTER, 
 "Assistant Adjutant-general." 
 
 Mr. Barnes was duly authorized to raise a regiment of 
 Negro volunteers on the 12th of August, 1863, and on 
 the 17th of February, 1864, a regiment, 895 strong, was 
 mustered into the service of the United States. From 
 the " First Michigan Colored Infantry " its designation 
 was changed to the "One Hundred and Second United 
 States Colored Troops." 
 
 On the 24th of September, 1863, the "War Department 
 authorized Governor Richard Yates, of Illinois, to raise 
 "one regiment infantry," to be composed of Negroes; 
 and on the 26th of October, 1863, he issued General Or- 
 der No. 44, setting forth the fact that he had received 
 authority to raise a regiment of Negro volunteers, and 
 giving information respecting the modus operandi. Six 
 companies were mustered into the United States Army 
 on the 24th of April, 1864; the other four companies 
 were raised in the field from the 22d of October, 1864, 
 to the month of January, 1865. This was the only regi- 
 ment of Negro troops raised by Illinois. Its first desig- 
 nation was " First Eegiment Illinois Volunteers ;" but it 
 was subsequently changed to the " Twenty-ninth United 
 States Colored Troops." 
 
 Governor David Tod, of Ohio, had insisted from the 
 first that Negro troops should receive the same pay and 
 bounty as other troops, and waited for the Government 
 to change its attitude on this matter. In the mean time, 
 however, he encouraged the recruitment of colored 
 troops in Ohio for Massachusetts. Mr. O. S. B. Wall, a 
 citizen of Oberlin, had recruited colored troops in Ohio 
 
134 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 under the direction of Major Stearns, who had his head- 
 quarters at Buffalo, N. Y. On the morning of the 15th 
 of June, 1863, a squad of forty-eight recruits, headed by 
 Powhatan Beaty, arrived at Columbus, Ohio, and reported 
 to Mr. Wall to be forwarded to Boston, Massachusetts. 
 Just before the men arrived he received a telegram from 
 Major Stearns announcing that the Massachusetts regi- 
 ments were full, and instructed him to send forward no 
 more recruits. He distributed his recruits among the hos- 
 pitable colored citizens of Columbus, and immediately re- 
 paired to the State House to secure an interview with the 
 Governor. He explained his dilemma ; that he had forty- 
 eight recruits on his hands whom he had promised to put 
 in Massachusetts regiments, and besought the Governor to 
 accept them as a nucleus of a colored regiment to be raised 
 by the State of Ohio. The Governor explained that he 
 had urged Stanton to accept a regiment of soldiers of this 
 character from Ohio, but that thus far his efforts had been 
 unavailing. However, he promised Wall to try the De- 
 partment once more, and requested him to call the next 
 morning for an answer. 
 
 On the morning of June 16th the War Department 
 telegraphed its consent and authority for the raising of 
 a regiment of colored troops by the State of Ohio, and 
 Governor Tod communicated this good news to Mr. Wall, 
 and sent him forward at the head of his recruits to locate 
 them in the rendezvous known as Camp Delaware, but 
 which, at this time, was not occupied by white troops. 
 Two days later the Governor issued the following letter of 
 instructions respecting the recruitment of colored troops : 
 
 " Columbus, Ohio, Jum 18, 1863. 
 " To Capt. Lewis McCoy, Present: 
 
 " SIB, Having been assigned to me for duty by General Mason, I 
 direct that you proceed without delay to Camp Delaware, and there 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 135 
 
 take the general charge and supervision of the recruits for the One 
 Hundred and Twenty - seventh O. V. I. (colored) until further or- 
 dered. You will make such requisitions upon Quartermaster Burr 
 and Commissioner Harrington as may be necessary for the effi- 
 ciency and comfort of the troops. Report to me from time to 
 time the progress you make. 
 
 ' ' Respectfully yours, 
 
 " DAVID TOD, Governor." 
 
 The work^of recruiting colored troops in Ohio went 
 forward with great intelligence and zeal, until two regi- 
 ments had been recruited and forwarded to the field. 
 
 On the 19th of November, 1863, the War Department 
 authorized the Governor of Connecticut to raise a regi- 
 ment to be designated as the "Twenty-ninth Regiment 
 Connecticut Volunteers " (colored), to serve three years, 
 or during the war ; on the 23d of November, in General 
 Orders No. 17, the work of recruiting this regiment was 
 officially begun at Hartford. 
 
 This regiment made a splendid reputation, losing nine- 
 teen enlisted men killed, two officers wounded, one hun- 
 dred and twenty-one enlisted men wounded, one enlisted 
 man missing, making the total casualties one hundred and 
 forty-three. 
 
 On the 12th of January, 1864, in General Orders No. 1, 
 the Governor of Connecticut began the organization of 
 another regiment of Negro troops, designated as the 
 " Thirtieth Regiment Connecticut Volunteers " (colored). 
 This regiment lost in the field one officer killed ; enlisted 
 men, thirteen ; wounded, one officer ; wounded, enlisted 
 men, thirty-five ; missing, one officer ; missing, enlisted 
 men, twenty-five, making the total casualties seventy-six. 
 The whole number of colored volunteers furnished by 
 Connecticut was 1,664, although the War Department 
 makes it a thousand more. 
 
 The War Department gave authority to the Governor 
 
136 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 of Indiana to raise a regiment composed of Negroes on 
 the 30th of November, 1863. The regiment raised was 
 designated as the "Twenty-eighth Eegiment," and was 
 complete by the 31st of March, 1864. It served with 
 distinction in the Army of the James. 
 
 In Maryland and Virginia, North and South Carolina, 
 and throughout the entire South, wherever the Union 
 arms had penetrated, the indefatigable Adjutant-general 
 of the Army had his agents welcoming the Negroes with- 
 in the Federal lines, and offering them the uniform of a 
 Union soldier. From the time the Bureau for the Organ- 
 ization of Colored Troops was opened, in May, until 
 December, 1863, over 100,000 Negroes had been recruit- 
 ed, and it was estimated that a force of 50,000 of them 
 was armed, equipped, and in the field. Two noble spirits 
 triumphed in this great work, and the American people 
 owe them a debt of imperishable gratitude. It matters 
 not who doubted, faltered, or fell back, Edwin M. Stanton, 
 Secretary of War, and Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-general 
 of the Army, kept their faces to the front. They never 
 turned aside for doubters, but held to the policy of arm- 
 ing Negroes, until it was crowned with glorious suc- 
 cess. These Negro troops were General Thomas's pets, 
 his children, and whenever the shock of their embat- 
 tled arms leaped o'er the wires his heart thrilled with 
 pride. 
 
 Not only had Negroes been accepted as volunteers, they 
 had been included under the " Enrolment Act," and were 
 accordingly drafted. Of course, Negroes were not includ- 
 ed in the first call for volunteers on the 15th of April, 
 1861, nor in the other calls that preceded the Conscrip- 
 tion Act of March 3, 1863. The Negro was not men- 
 tioned in this Act, but the War Department held that he 
 was included in its provisions. On the 17th of October, 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 137 
 
 1863, a call was made for 300,000 volunteers, to serve for 
 three years, or to the end of the war. They were to take 
 the places of troops whose term of service was draw- 
 ing to a close; and this was supplemental to the draft 
 that was in operation at the time. In all States that should 
 fail to furnish their quota of men by the 5th of January, 
 
 1864, a draft was ordered for that day. Under this Act 
 the Negro was liable to be called into military service. 
 On the first of February, 1864, a draft for 500,000 men, 
 to serve three years, was ordered for March 10, 1864 ; 
 and on the 14th of March, 1864, a draft for 200,000 men 
 additional for the army and marine corps was ordered for 
 the 15th of April, 1864. Under both of these drafts the 
 Negro was apparently included. But the Act of February 
 24, 1864, equalizing the draft by calculating the quota 
 of each district or precinct, and counting the number pre- 
 viously furnished by it, made special provisions for en- 
 rolment of Negroes. It provided that "All able-bodied 
 male Colored persons, between the ages of twenty and 
 forty-five years, resident in the United States, shall be en- 
 rolled according to the provisions of this act, and of the 
 act to which this is an amendment, and form part of the 
 national forces ; and when a slave of a loyal master shall 
 be drafted and mustered into the service of the United 
 States, his master shall have a certificate therefor ; and 
 thereupon such slaves shall be free, and the bounty of 
 one hundred dollars, now payable by law for each drafted 
 man, shall be paid to the person to whom such drafted 
 person was owing service or labor at the time of his mus- 
 ter into the service of the United States. The Secretary 
 of War shall appoint a commission in each of the slave 
 States represented in Congress, charged to award to each 
 loyal person to whom a Colored volunteer may owe serv- 
 ice a just compensation, not exceeding three hundred 
 
138 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 dollars, for each such Colored volunteer, payable out of 
 the fund derived from commutations, and every such Col- 
 ored volunteer, on being mustered into the service, shall 
 l)e free. And in all cases where men of color have been 
 enlisted, or have volunteered in the military service of 
 the United States, all the provisions of this Act, so far 
 as the payment of bounty and compensation are provid- 
 ed, shall be equally applicable as to those who may be 
 hereafter recruited. But men of color, drafted or enlist- 
 ed, or who may volunteer into the military service, while 
 they shall be credited on the quotas of the several States, 
 or subdivisions of States, wherein they are respectively 
 drafted, enlisted, or shall volunteer, shall not be assigned 
 as State troops, but shall be mustered into regiments or 
 companies as United States Colored Troops." 
 
 Long before the above Act became a law, on the 20th 
 of August, 1863, Judge Advocate Holt, in an elaborate 
 and able opinion upon the legality of the employment of 
 the Negro as a soldier, said : " In the interpretation given 
 to the Enrolment Act, free citizens of African Descent 
 are treated as citizens of the United States, in the sense 
 of the law, and are everywhere being drafted into the 
 military service." 
 
 As far as the enlistment of slaves was concerned, the 
 Judge Advocate held that the Government could accept 
 them upon two grounds : First, as property ; and second, 
 as persons. He cited the fact that both the organic law 
 and usages of the Government justified the appropriation 
 of private property to the public use on making compen- 
 sation therefor. As to the second ground, he held that 
 while persons of African descent were, under the laws of 
 several States, recognized as property, nevertheless, under 
 the Constitution and on the floor of Congress, they were 
 regarded as " persons." 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 139 
 
 " The obligations of all persons irrespective of creed 
 or color to bear arms," the Judge Advocate maintained, 
 " if physically capable of doing so, in defence of the Gov- 
 ernment under which they live and by which they are 
 protected, is onexthat is universally acknowledged and en- 
 forced. Corresponding to this obligation is the duty rest- 
 ing on those charged with the administration of the Gov- 
 ernment to employ such persons in the military service 
 whenever the public safety may demand it." 
 
 But there was already, as has been shown, ample law 
 for the military employment of Negroes under the Act 
 of July 17, 1862, which empowered the President to 
 receive into the military and naval service "persons of 
 African Descent." The Negroes, both bond and free, 
 had been invited by the Government to share the perils 
 and honors of civil war; it was now seen to be a war 
 about them, and was gradually becoming a war for them. 
 The policy of arming the Negroes was now fully estab- 
 lished, and the earnestness of the Government was only 
 equalled by the enthusiasm of the host of Negro volun- 
 teers that rallied to the call for defenders of the Amer- 
 ican republic. The following corrected return exhibits 
 the number of Negro troops in the Union Army during 
 the Civil War : 
 
 Number of Negro Troops furnished by the States and Territories dur- 
 ing the Civil War. 
 
 Connecticut 1,764 
 
 Delaware 954 
 
 District of Columbia 3,269 
 
 Illinois 1,811 
 
 Indiana 1,537 
 
 Iowa 440 
 
 Kansas 2,080 
 
 Kentucky 23,703 
 
 Carried forward 35,558 
 
140 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Brought forward. 35,558 
 
 Maine 104 
 
 Maryland 8,718 
 
 Massachusetts 3,966 
 
 Michigan 1,387 
 
 Minnesota 104 
 
 Missouri 8,344 
 
 New Hampshire 125 
 
 New Jersey 1,185 
 
 New York 4, 125 
 
 Ohio 5,092 
 
 Pennsylvania 8,612 
 
 Rhode Island 1,837 
 
 Vermont 120 
 
 West Virginia 196 
 
 Wisconsin 165 
 
 Not credited to any State 99,337 
 
 Total 178,975 
 
 The Negro Soldiers organized under the direct Authority of the General 
 Government, and not credited to any State, were recruited as follows : 
 
 Alabama 4,969 
 
 Arkansas 5,526 
 
 Colorado 95 
 
 Florida 1,044 
 
 Georgia 3,486 
 
 Louisiana 24,052 
 
 Mississippi 17,869 
 
 North Carolina 5,035 
 
 South Carolina 5,462 
 
 Tennessee 20,133 
 
 Texas 47 
 
 Virginia 5,723 
 
 Enlisted at large 5,896 
 
 Total 99,337 
 
 Grand total 178,975 
 
 Of the number of colored troops credited to the States, 
 
 5,052 were obtained under the provisions of section 3 Act 
 of Congress approved July 4, 1864, from the States that 
 had seceded. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 141 
 
 This was the largest force of civilized Negroes ever 
 armed and marshalled for the field. It was without par- 
 allel in the world's history ancient or modern, Pagan or 
 Christian ; it was\unique. There was a touch of poetic 
 justice in the sight this army of ex-slaves who were 
 eager to establish their freedom and vindicate their man- 
 hood. 
 
 The number of Negroes who held commissions as offi- 
 cers in the United States Volunteer Army during the 
 War of the Rebellion was not considerable. The strong 
 doubt that existed as to the Negro's qualifications for mil- 
 itary life made it difficult for persons of that race to se- 
 cure commissions. But Massachusetts took the initiative, 
 and commissioned at least ten colored officers, and Kansas 
 three, while two regiments of the Corps d'Afrique, raised 
 by Generals Butler and Banks, were almost entirely offi- 
 cered by colored men. The precise number is not even 
 known by the War Department, but there were at least 
 seventy-five colored men who bore commissions in the 
 Department of the Gulf for a short period of time. 
 Lieutenant-colonel William N. Heed, of the First North 
 Carolina (Thirty - fifth), was supposed by the officers of 
 his regiment and other persons to be of Negro blood. 
 He was educated in Germany, and was a splendid soldier. 
 He commanded his regiment at the battle of Olustee, 
 Florida, and he is reported as having led it into action in 
 a most gallant manner; so great was the impression of 
 his soldiership made in this engagement that those who 
 witnessed the inspiring scene say that a regiment was 
 never put into action with greater skill. He received 
 mortal wounds in this conflict, and died a few days later 
 at Beaufort, South Carolina. 
 
 An independent battery raised at Leavenworth, Kansas, 
 December 23, 1864, to serve three years, was officered by 
 
142 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 colored men, as follows : H. Ford Douglass, Captain ; W. 
 D. Matthews, First Lieutenant ; Patrick H. Minor, Second 
 Lieutenant. Of the One Hundred and Fourth Regiment 
 (U. S. C. T.), the major, Martin R. De Laney, and the cap- 
 tain of Company K, O. S. B. Wall, were colored men, 
 but both were detailed in the Quartermaster's Depart- 
 ment. Major De Laney had made something of a reputa- 
 tion before the war as an anti-slavery orator, as an African 
 explorer, and as an editor, and Captain Wall had, without 
 noise or ostentation, done noble service as a recruiting 
 officer in Ohio, where he had been a resident for a num- 
 ber of years. He had been a successful boot and shoe 
 merchant at Oberlin, Lorain County, Ohio, but as soon as 
 colored troops were accepted he was one of the first men 
 to take the field and secure their enlistment. 
 
 Being in Washington just after the two colored regi- 
 ments had been raised in Ohio, at Camp Delaware, he 
 called upon the Postmaster -general, William Dennison, 
 and expressed his desire to serve his country in any capac- 
 ity. At a subsequent Cabinet meeting the subject of 
 commissioning colored officers was under discussion, when 
 ex-Governor Dennison turned to Secretary Stanton, and 
 said that he had a colored man that he could recommend 
 for a commission in the army. Secretary Stanton said 
 that if he had a competent man he would certainly com- 
 mission him. Mr. Wall was sent for and directed to call 
 upon the Secretary. As soon as he had reached the Sec- 
 retary's office at the War Department, Stanton turned to 
 him and said, " Now, sir, I propose to make you a cap- 
 tain in the United States Army by all the powers of this 
 Government, and you shall be entitled to and enjoy all 
 the emoluments and dignity of that position." Mr. Wall 
 was directed to call upon Colonel Foster, and ask an ex- 
 amination for the position of captain. This was an un- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 143 
 
 usual proceeding, and Colonel Foster refused to examine 
 him. On learning this fact, the Secretary sent for Colo- 
 nel Foster, and asked, in the presence of Mr. Wall, " Sir, 
 did you get my order?" Colonel Foster: "I did, sir." 
 The Secretary: " Do you intend to obey it?" Colonel 
 Foster : " I do, sir." The Secretary : " Yery well, sir ; see 
 then that you do, and let Mr. Wall be examined at once." 
 
 After some reflection Colonel Foster thought that it 
 would be well to have Mr. Wall appointed a major in- 
 stead of a captain, but Mr. Wall was content to have the 
 orders of the Secretary carried out. His appointment 
 was received with acclamations of joy by his neighbors in 
 Oberlin, where, later, he was, at a public meeting, presented 
 with an elegant sword. He served for nearly two years 
 as quartermaster in the Bureau for Freedmen Refugees 
 and Abandoned Lands, with headquarters at Charleston, 
 South Carolina, where he displayed executive ability and 
 business habits. He heard disputes and unravelled the 
 feuds of refugees and freedmen ; and having had charge 
 of the abandoned property of the Government at that 
 point, when he was mustered out he was able to give a 
 clean report of every dollar's worth of it. 
 
 There were a number of Negro surgeons and chaplains 
 commissioned during the war. Alexander T. Augusta 
 was surgeon of the Seventh Regiment (U. S. C. T.), his 
 commission dating from the 2d of October, 1863, and was 
 made Brevet Lieutenant-colonel on the 13th of March, 
 1865. John Y. De Grassee was Assistant Surgeon of the 
 Thirty-fifth Regiment (U. S. C. T.), but was cashiered on 
 November 1, 1864. Charles B. Purvis, Alpheus Tucker, 
 John Rapier, William Ellis, Anderson R. Abbott, and Will- 
 iam Powell were Hospital Surgeons at Washington, D. C. 
 
 Of colored chaplains, the following list is as complete 
 as possible, the nationality of men in that position not be- 
 
144 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ing easy to trace : Henry M. Turner, First Regiment In- 
 fantry (U. S. C. T.) ; William Hunter, Fourth Regiment 
 Infantry (U. S. C. T.) ; James Underdue, Thirty-ninth 
 Regiment Infantry (U. S. C. T.) ; William Warring, One 
 Hundred and Second Regiment Infantry (U. S. C. T.) ; 
 Samuel Harrison, Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment 
 Infantry (Colored); William Jackson, Fifty -fifth Massa- 
 chusetts Regiment Infantry (Colored); John R. Bowles, 
 Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Regiment Infantry (Colored). 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 145 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MILITARY STATUS OF NEGRO TROOPS. 
 
 THE legal status of the Negro soldier ought never to 
 have been a mooted question. Ancient and modern his- 
 tory furnished safe and noteworthy precedents for the 
 guidance of the Government in the War of the Rebellion. 
 Two distinct questions were forced upon the Govern- 
 ment : First, the legal right to employ free persons of 
 African descent in the military service ; second, the Con- 
 stitutional power of the Government to emancipate and 
 arm the slaves of its enemies. 
 
 "While the Constitutions of the several States excluded 
 free Negroes from the militia establishment, there was, 
 nevertheless, no inhibition against their enlistment in the 
 Volunteer and Regular Army of the United States. The 
 words of the Constitution descriptive of persons eligible 
 to military service are clear. On April 30, 1790, the 
 words were : " able-bodied, of at least five feet six inches 
 in height, and not under the age of eighteen, nor above 
 the age of forty-six years." On March 3, 1795, the same 
 description was adopted. March 3, 1799 : " able-bodied, 
 and of a size 'and age suitable for the public service, ac- 
 cording to the directions which the President of the Unit- 
 ed States shall and may establish." March 16, 1802 : " ef- 
 fective, able-bodied citizens of the United States, of at 
 least five feet six inches high and between the ages of 
 eighteen and forty-five years." In the Acts of December 
 24, 1811, January 11, 1812, January 20, 1813, and January 
 10 
 
146 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 27, 1814: "effective, able-bodied men." In the Act of 
 December 14, 1814 : "free, effective, able-bodied men, be- 
 tween the ages of eighteen and forty-five years." June 
 12, 1847 : " able-bodied men." 
 
 It is unnecessary to cite the law in support of the claim 
 of free Negroes to citizenship since the adoption of the 
 Constitution. During the war with Great Britain offi- 
 cers of the United States Army were regularly detailed by 
 the War Department to recruit Negroes for military serv- 
 ice. On the 21st of September, 1814, the free Negroes 
 of Louisiana were invited to enlist in the United States 
 Army by Andrew Jackson in special orders. There was 
 no legal bar to the employment of troops of this char- 
 acter, and the right to incorporate them in the national 
 military service was never challenged. But when the 
 War of the Rebellion confronted the Government the 
 question of arming free Negroes was opposed on pruden- 
 tial and political rather than upon legal grounds. Race 
 prejudice proved to be more potent than law, and the 
 war was well advanced before the military employment 
 of Negroes received serious official consideration. 
 
 It was not the free Negro, however, who presented a 
 problem so difficult of solution, but his brother in South- 
 ern bondage. 
 
 As to the second question, involving the Constitutional 
 right of Congress to emancipate and arm the slaves of the 
 enemies of the United States, there were grave doubts ex- 
 pressed. And yet a thousand facts of history for five 
 thousand years were flashing their certain light on the 
 path of a bewildered nation. Abraham had armed his 
 own slaves in his war with the herdsmen. Greece and 
 Rome had armed their slaves and rewarded their valor 
 with citizenship. England had armed the slaves of her 
 North American colonies, and henceforth they were free 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 147 
 
 British subjects. France, finding that Spain was about to 
 wrest from her Hayti, converted her insurgent slaves into 
 French soldiers. During the Revolutionary "War the 
 military commanders of the British forces and the leaders 
 of the Continental troops appealed to the slaves to take 
 up arms in their cause, offering them freedom as a re- 
 ward. Each cause secured black levies, and the pledges 
 of the military commanders in each case were ratified by 
 their respective governments. 
 
 But it must not be overlooked that during the War of 
 the Rebellion the case was somewhat different from any 
 thus far cited. Slavery occupied an unique position in 
 the United States ; for while it existed perforce of cus- 
 tom in other countries, the foundations of the institution 
 in America rested upon Constitutional law. And in the 
 seat of Government slaves were bought and sold under 
 the dome of the Capitol. This crime, this national dis- 
 grace, embarrassed every attempt of the Government to 
 deal with slavery. 
 
 However, there was ample power under the Constitu- 
 tion to abolish the institution the moment the slave-hold- 
 ers' rebellion was begun. On the 26th of May, 1836, John 
 Quincy Adams delivered a speech in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, in which he ably set forth the war powers of 
 the Government : " There are, then, Mr. Chairman, in the 
 authority of Congress and of the Executive, two classes 
 of powers, altogether different in their nature, and often 
 incompatible with each other the war power and the 
 peace power. The peace power is limited by regulations 
 and restricted by provisions prescribed within the Consti- 
 tution itself. The war power is limited only by the laws 
 and usages of nations. This power is tremendous ; it is 
 strictly constitutional, but it breaks down every barrier so 
 anxiously erected for the protection of liberty, of property, 
 
148 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 and of life. This, sir, is the power which authorizes you 
 to pass the resolutions now before you, and, in my opin- 
 ion, no other. 
 
 " But the war power of Congress over the institution 
 of slavery in the States is yet far more extensive. Sup- 
 pose the case of a servile war, complicated, as to some ex- 
 tent it is even now with an Indian War ; suppose Con- 
 gress were called to raise armies, to supply money from 
 the whole union to suppress a servile insurrection would 
 they have no authority to interfere with the institution of 
 slavery? The issue of a servile war may be disastrous; 
 it may become necessary for the master of the slave to 
 recognize his emancipation by a treaty of peace ; can it 
 for an instant be pretended that Congress, in such a con- 
 tingency, would have no authority to interfere with the 
 institution of slavery in any way in the States ? Why, it 
 would be equivalent to saying the Congress has no Consti- 
 tutional authority to make peace. I suppose a more por- 
 tentous case, certainly within the bounds of possibility 
 I would to God I could say, not within the bounds of 
 probability. 
 
 "Do you imagine that your Congress will have no Con- 
 stitutional authority to interfere with the institution of 
 slavery, in any way, in the States of this Confederacy? 
 Sir, they must and will interfere with it perhaps to sus- 
 tain it by war, perhaps to abolish it by treaties of peace ; 
 and they will not only possess the Constitutional power so 
 to interfere, but they will be bound in duty to do it by 
 the express provisions of the Constitution itself. From 
 the instant that your slave-holding States become the thea- 
 tre of a war, civil, servile, or foreign war, from that instant 
 the war powers of Congress extend to interference with 
 the institution of slavery, in every way by which it can be 
 interfered with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 14:9 
 
 or destroyed, to the cession of States burdened with slav- 
 ery to a foreign power." 
 
 In the annals of this young nation were just such prece- 
 dents as the statesmen of the time needed for citation ; 
 but few thought of them. In December, 1814, General 
 Jackson impressed a large number of slaves for the con- 
 struction of fortifications, behind which he won the battle 
 of New Orleans on the 8th of January, 1815. Many of 
 these slaves were killed by the enemy's guns, and the 
 owners, being loyal, applied to General Jackson for com- 
 pensation. He would not recognize the claim, and the 
 masters went before Congress; but the President and 
 Congress sustained the decision of General Jackson. 
 
 During the Seminole War in Florida General T. S. 
 Jesup secured the services of several Negro slaves as 
 guides upon the condition that if they were faithful he 
 would set them and their families at liberty. This was on 
 the 25th of September, 1837. He kept faith with the 
 slaves, and the War Department, the President, and Con- 
 gress sustained his action. During the following year 
 General Z. Taylor captured some Negroes near Tampa, 
 Florida. The masters came to his camp to secure their 
 slaves, and General Taylor told them that he had only 
 prisoners of war. The masters desired to enter his camp 
 for the purpose of identifying their property, but General 
 Taylor ordered them away, with the observation that no 
 citizens should ever search his camp for alleged prop- 
 erty. He subsequently sent the Negroes to the West 
 and gave them their liberty. The owners appealed to the 
 War Department, and the President sustained General 
 Taylor. 
 
 However, no man is so blind as the man who will not 
 see. Few men cared to know the truth of history during 
 the early part of the war. If there had been no warrant 
 
150 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 of law for the employment of the Negro as a soldier at the 
 beginning of the war, sufficient authority was guaranteed 
 by the several Acts of Congress and orders of the War De- 
 partment. There were the Confiscation Act, August 6, 
 1861, and the following order of the War Department to 
 General W. T. Sherman, October 14, 1861 : " You will, 
 however, in general, avail yourself of the services of any 
 persons, whether fugitives from labor or not, who may 
 offer themselves to the National Government. You will 
 employ such persons in such services as they may be fitted 
 for, either as ordinary employes, or, if i special ' [the word 
 special interlined by President Lincoln, and in his own 
 handwriting] circumstances seem to require it, in any other 
 capacity, with such organization in squads, companies, or 
 otherwise as you may deem most beneficial to the service. 
 This, however, not to mean a general arming of them for 
 military service. 1 You will assure all loyal masters that 
 Congress will provide just compensation to them for the 
 loss of the services of the persons so employed. And you 
 will assure all persons held to involuntary labor, who may 
 be thus received into the service of the Government, that 
 they will under no circumstances be again reduced to 
 their former condition, unless, at the expiration of their 
 respective terms of service, they freely choose to return to 
 the service of their former masters. 
 
 "It is believed that the course thus indicated will best 
 secure the substantial rights of loyal masters, and the 
 proper benefits to the United States of the services of all 
 disposed to support the Government, while it will avoid 
 all interference with the social systems or local institutions 
 of every State, beyond that which insurrection makes un- 
 avoidable, and which a restoration of peaceful relations to 
 
 1 This sentence interlined by the President. G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. . 151 
 
 the Union under the Constitution will immediately re- 
 move." 1 
 
 Then followed the amended Militia Law of July 17, 
 1862, the Confiscation and Emancipation Act of July 17, 
 1862, the War Department order to General Rufus Sax- 
 ton, August 25, 1862, and the opinion of Judge Advocate 
 Holt, August 20, 1863. 
 
 In the matter of the pay and bounty of Negro soldiers 
 the action of the Government was manifestly unwise and 
 unjust. In every army the Negro had served in ancient 
 and modern, Christian and Pagan he had always received 
 the same pay and allowances awarded to other soldiers. 
 In the Revolutionary War it was sometimes said that 
 slaves made expensive soldiers because they were pur- 
 chased at public expense, and were then paid the same as 
 white soldiers. General Jackson promised, "To every 
 noble-hearted, generous freeman of color volunteering to 
 serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and 
 no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in money 
 and lands now received by the white soldiers of the United 
 States, viz., one hundred and twenty-four dollars in money 
 and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-com- 
 missioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the 
 same monthly pay and daily rations and clothes furnished 
 to any American soldier." 
 
 When the war was over, these Negro soldiers applied for 
 their bounty, and the matter was referred to the Attorney- 
 general for his opinion. The Hon. William Wirt, of Vir- 
 ginia, was at the head of the Department of Justice, and 
 he promptly rendered an opinion allowing that " colored 
 troops were entitled to bounty and land." ! 
 
 1 Taken from the original draft, with the President's interlineation, 
 in possession of the Hon. Simon Cameron. G. W. W. 
 9 "Opinions of Attorneys-general," vol. i., pp. 602, 603. 
 
152 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Two important decisions were rendered by Attorney- 
 general Bates, one on the 23d of April, 1864, in the case 
 of the Rev. Samuel Harrison, chaplain of the Fifty-fourth 
 Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, in which the question 
 of his pay was raised on the ground of his nationality ; the 
 other opinion was rendered on the 14th of July, 1864, on 
 the pay and bounty of colored soldiers. Both opinions 
 were in favor of equal pay and bounty. 1 
 
 On the 15th of June, 1864, the Army Appropriation 
 Bill passed, with amendments, designed to do tardy justice 
 to the Negro volunteer in the matter of pay and subsist- 
 ence. The following are the sections of the bill relating 
 to the matter : 
 
 " 2. All persons of color who have been, or may be, 
 mustered into the military service of the United States, 
 shall receive the same uniform, clothing, arms, equipments, 
 camp equipage, rations, medical and hospital attendance, 
 pay, and emoluments, other than bounty, as other soldiers 
 of the regular or volunteer forces of the United States of 
 a like arm of the service, from and after the 1st of Janu- 
 ary, 1864. And every person of color who shall hereafter 
 be mustered into the service shall receive such sums in 
 bounty as the President shall order in the different States, 
 not exceeding one hundred dollars. 
 
 "3. All persons enlisted and mustered into the service 
 as volunteers under the call dated October IT, 1863, for 
 three hundred thousand volunteers, who were at the time 
 of enlistment actually enrolled and subject to draft in the 
 State in which they volunteered, shall receive from the 
 United States the same amount of bounty, without regard 
 to color. 
 
 " 4. All persons of color who were free on the 19th day 
 
 1 "Opinions of Attorneys-general," vol. xi., pp. 37-43, 53-57. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 153 
 
 of April, 1861, and who have been enlisted and mustered 
 into the military service of the United States, shall from 
 the time of their enlistment be entitled to receive the pay, 
 bounty, and clothing allowed to such persons by the laws 
 existing at the time of their enlistment ; and the Attorney- 
 general of the United States is hereby authorized to de- 
 termine any question of law arising under this provision ; 
 and if the Attorney-general aforesaid shall determine that 
 any such enlisted persons are entitled to receive any pay, 
 bounty, or clothing, in addition to what they have already 
 received, the Secretary of War shall make all necessary 
 regulations to enable the pay department to make payment 
 in accordance with such determination." l 
 
 Shortly after the above Act became a law, the Secretary 
 of War issued an order to have Negro soldiers paid six 
 months' full wages for the period embraced between Janu- 
 ary 1 and July 1, 1864. In August the Attorney-general 
 rendered a decision in accordance with Section 4 of the 
 above Act, that all Negroes volunteering prior to 1864 
 were entitled to the same pay, bounty, and clothing as oth- 
 er volunteers. By an Act of July 4, 1864, the widows and 
 children of Negro soldiers dying in battle, or of wounds, or 
 disease contracted in the military service, were declared en- 
 titled to pensions, provided such widows and children were 
 free persons. The status of the Negro soldier up to this 
 time had been equivocal. He had been called upon as 
 a volunteer to defend the National Government against 
 armed rebellion. He had been drafted into the army of 
 
 1 Adjutant-general Thomas had repeatedly urged the increase of the 
 compensation allowed Negro soldiers, and the Secretary of War rec- 
 ommended it in his report to Congress in October, 1863. "As sol- 
 diers of the Union," he wrote, "fighting under its banner, exposing 
 their lives to uphold the Government, Colored Troops are entitled to 
 enjoy its justice and beneficence." G. W. W. 
 
154 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the United States. His obligations, responsibilities, and 
 duties to, as well as his perils for, the Government were 
 equal to those of his white comrade in arms. But his valor 
 was doubted, and his right to bear arms in the public de- 
 fence was sharply disputed. He was an experiment. The 
 Act of the 17th of July, 1862, amending the Act of 1795, 
 prescribing the manner of calling forth the militia, empow- 
 ered the President to employ " persons of African Descent 
 for the purpose of constructing intrenchments or perform- 
 ing camp service, or any war service for which they may 
 be found competent." These persons of "African De- 
 scent " were to be enrolled and organized under regulations 
 not inconsistent with the Constitution and the laws. They 
 were to be compensated at the rate of ten dollars per month, 
 with one ration per day, of which monthly pay three dol- 
 lars might be in clothing. A stereotyped phrase in all orders 
 issued by the War Department for the recruitment of Negro 
 troops ran, " To these troops no bounties will le paid. They 
 will receive ten dollars per month and one ration per day, 
 three dollars of which monthly pay may le in clothing" 
 The War Department had employed the Negro as a soldier 
 under the Act of the 17th of July, 1862, and was compelled 
 to pay him according to the provisions of the same law. 
 There was at the time no other way out of this difficulty. 
 And while it was true that the proper interpretation of the 
 law gave contrabands ten dollars per month, the Negro regi- 
 ments for Massachusetts had the promise of the Govern- 
 ment that they should receive the same pay as other troops. 
 Major Geo. L. Stearns, accidentally learning that the Gov- 
 ernment had failed to keep faith with the Negro volun- 
 teers, hastened to Boston. Secretary Stanton had said, in 
 his letter of the 26th January, 1863, granting Governor 
 Andrew permission to raise these troops, that they should 
 be included with other troops. Major Stearns headed a 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 155 
 
 subscription list with two thousand dollars, and within 
 three days raised fifty thousand dollars to make good the 
 dishonored faith of the Government. His energy and 
 skill, his humanity and benevolence, were positively with- 
 out a parallel during the struggle for human liberty. He 
 was almost ubiquitous in space, and with marvellous in- 
 stinct knew every weak place along the lines of the cause 
 of freedom. Wherever and whenever there was a gap in 
 the line he was there, and from his marvellous resources 
 commanded such remedies as were necessary for the exi- 
 gencies of the case. 
 
 The enemies of the Negro and the obstructionists in Con- 
 gress sought by every means and upon all occasions to pre- 
 vent the passage of every appropriation bill that contained 
 an item for the maintenance of the Negro troops already 
 accepted by and in the service of the Government. And 
 so the friends of the Negro had to be patient until a lag- 
 ging public sentiment came up to a sense of the obligation 
 of a great government to its loyal defenders. 
 
 Under date of the War Department, 25th of August, 1862, 
 General Saxton was authorized and instructed to raise Ne- 
 gro troops. He was " to instruct them in military drill, 
 discipline, and duty, and to command them." As to their 
 compensation, the Secretary of War said : " The persons 
 so received into the service and their officers to be entitled 
 to and receive the same pay and rations as are allowed by 
 law to volunteers in the service." ' The regiment recently 
 disbanded, and another one soon entered the service under 
 this agreement of the War Department. Colonel T. W. 
 Higginson, of the First South Carolina Volunteers, says : 
 " The story of the attempt to cut down the pay of the Col- 
 
 1 "Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xiv., pp. 377, 
 378. 
 
156 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ored Troops is too long, too complicated, and too humiliat- 
 ing to be here narrated. In the case of my regiment, there 
 stood on record the direct pledge of the War Department 
 to General Saxton that their pay should be the same as that 
 of whites. So clear was this that our kind paymaster, Ma- 
 jor W. J. Wood, of New Jersey, took upon himself the re- 
 sponsibility of paying the price agreed upon for five months, 
 till he was compelled by express orders to reduce it from 
 thirteen dollars per month to ten dollars, and from that to 
 seven dollars, the pay of quartermaster's men and day- 
 laborers. At the same time the l stoppages' from the pay- 
 rolls for the loss of all equipments and articles of clothing 
 remained the same as for all other soldiers ; so that it placed 
 the men in the most painful and humiliating condition. 
 Many of them had families to provide for ; and between 
 the actual distress, the sense of wrong, the taunts of those 
 who had refused to enlist from the fear of being cheated, 
 and the doubt how much further the cheat might be car- 
 ried, the poor fellows were goaded to the utmost. In the 
 Third South Carolina Eegiment, Sergeant William Walker 
 was shot, by order of court-martial, for leading his company 
 to stack arms before their captain's tent, on the avowed 
 ground that they were released from duty by the refusal 
 of the Government to fulfil its share of the contract. The 
 fear of such tragedies spread a cloud of solicitude over 
 every camp of colored soldiers for more than a year ; and 
 the following series of letters will show through what weari- 
 some labors the final triumph of justice was secured. In 
 these labors the chief credit must be given to my admira- 
 ble adjutant, Lieutenant G. W. Dewhurst. In the matter 
 of bounty, justice is not yet obtained ; there is a discrimi- 
 nation against those colored soldiers who were slaves on 
 April 19, 1861. Every officer who, through indolence or 
 benevolent design, claimed on his muster-rolls that all his 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 157 
 
 men had been free on that day, secured for them the boun- 
 ty ; while every officer who, like myself, obeyed orders and 
 told the truth in each case, saw his men and their families 
 suffer for it, as I have done. A bill to abolish this distinc- 
 tion was introduced by Mr. Wilson at the last session, but 
 failed to pass the House. It is hoped that next winter may 
 remove this last vestige of the weary contest. 
 
 "To show how persistently and for how long a period 
 these claims had to be urged on Congress, I reprint such of 
 my own printed letters on the subject as are now in my 
 possession. There are one or two of which I have no cop- 
 ies. It was especially in the Senate that it was so difficult 
 to get justice done ; and our thanks will always be espe- 
 cially due to Hon. Charles Sumner and Hon. Henry Wil- 
 son for their advocacy of our simple rights. The records 
 of those sessions will show who advocated the fraud : 
 
 "*Tothe Editor of the New York Tribune : 
 
 " ' SIR, No one can overstate the intense anxiety with which the 
 officers of Colored regiments in this Department are awaiting action 
 from Congress in regard to arrears of pay of their men. 
 
 '"It is not a matter of dollars and cents only, it is a question of 
 common honesty, whether the United States Government has suffi- 
 cient integrity for the fulfilment of an explicit business contract. 
 
 " ' The public seems to suppose that all required justice will be done 
 by the passage of a bill equalizing the pay of all soldiers for the future. 
 But, so far as my own regiment is concerned, this is but half the ques- 
 tion. My men have been nearly sixteen months in service, and for 
 them the immediate issue is the question of arrears. 
 
 " ' They understand the matter thoroughly, if the public do not. 
 Every one of them knows that he volunteered under an explicit writ- 
 ten assurance from the War Department that he should have the pay 
 of a white soldier. He knows that for five months ftie regiment re- 
 ceived that pay, after which it was cut down from the promised thir- 
 teen dollars per month to ten dollars, for some reason to him inscru- 
 table. 
 
 " ' He does not know for I have not yet dared tell the men that the 
 Paymaster has been already reproved by the Pay Department for f ul- 
 
158 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 filling even in part the pledges of the War Department; that at the 
 next payment the ten dollars are to be further reduced to seven; and 
 that, to crown the whole, all the previous overpay is to be again de- 
 ducted or "stopped " from the future wages, thus leaving them a little 
 more than a dollar a month for six months to come, unless Congress 
 interfere ! 
 
 " ' Yet so clear were the terms of the contract that Mr. Solicitor 
 Whiting, having examined the original instructions from the War 
 Department issued to Brigadier- general Saxton, Military Governor, 
 admits to me (under date of December 4, 1863) that ' ' the faith of the 
 Government was thereby pledged to every officer and soldier enlisted 
 under that call." 
 
 " 'He goes on to express the generous confidence that "the pledge 
 will be honorably fulfilled." I observe that every one at the North 
 seems to feel the same confidence, but that, meanwhile, the pledge is 
 unfulfilled. Nothing is said in Congress about fulfilling it. I have 
 not seen even a proposition in Congress to pay the Colored soldiers, 
 from date of enlistment, the same pay with white soldiers ; and yet 
 anything short of this is an unequivocal breach of contract, so far as 
 this regiment is concerned. 
 
 " 'Meanwhile, the land sales are beginning, and there is danger of 
 every foot of land being sold from beneath my soldiers' feet, because 
 they have not the petty sum which Government first promised, and 
 then refused to pay. 
 
 " ' The officers' pay comes promptly and fully enough, and this 
 makes the position more embarrassing. For how are we to explain 
 to the men the mystery that Government can afford us a hundred or 
 two dollars a month, and yet must keep back six of the poor thirteen 
 which it promised them? Does it not naturally suggest the most cruel 
 suspicions in regard to us? And yet nothing but their childlike faith 
 in their officers, and in that incarnate soul of honor, General Saxton, 
 has sustained their faith, or kept them patient, thus far. 
 
 " ' There is nothing mean or mercenary about these men in general. 
 Convince them that the Government actually needs their money, and 
 they would serve it barefooted and on half rations, and without a dol- 
 lar for a time. But, unfortunately, they see white soldiers beside 
 them whom they know to be in no way their superiors for any mili- 
 tary service, receiving hundreds of dollars for re-enlisting from this 
 impoverished Government, which can only pay seven dollars out of 
 thirteen to its black regiments. And they see, on the other hand, 
 those Colored men who refuse to volunteer as soldiers, and who have 
 found more honest paymasters than the United States Government, 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 159 
 
 now exulting in well-filled pockets, and able to buy the little home- 
 steads the soldiers need, and to turn the soldiers' families into the 
 streets. Is this a school for self-sacrificing patriotism? 
 
 '"I should not speak thus urgently were it not becoming manifest 
 that there is to be no promptness of action in Congress, even as re- 
 gards the future pay of Colored soldiers and that there is especial 
 danger of the whole matter of arrears going by default. Should it be 
 so, it will be a repudiation more ungenerous than any which Jefferson 
 Davis advocated or Sydney Smith denounced. It will sully with dis- 
 honor all the nobleness of this opening page of history, and fix upon 
 the North a brand of meanness worse than either Southerner or Eng- 
 lishman has yet dared to impute. The mere delay in the fulfilment 
 of this contract has already inflicted untold suffering, has impaired 
 discipline, has relaxed loyalty, and has begun to implant a feeling of 
 sullen distrust in the very regiments whose early career solved the 
 problem of the nation, created a new army, and made peaceful eman- 
 cipation possible. T. W. HIGGINSON, 
 
 " ' Colonel commanding First South Carolina Volunteers. 
 " 'Beaufort, South Carolina, January 22, 1864.' " 
 
 " ' Headquarters First South Carolina Volunteers, 
 " 4 Beaufort, South Carolina, Sunday, February 14, 1864. 
 " ' To the, Editor of the New York Times: 
 
 " 'May I venture to call your attention to the great and cruel injus- 
 tice which is impending over the brave men of this regiment? 
 
 " ' They have been in military service for over a year, having volun- 
 teered, every man, without a cent of bounty, on the written pledge of 
 the War Department that they should receive the same pay and rations 
 with white soldiers. 
 
 " ' This pledge is contained in the written instructions of Brigadier- 
 general Saxton, Military Governor, dated August 25, 1862. Mr. Solici- 
 tor Whiting, having examined those instructions, admits to me that 
 ''the faith of the Government was thereby pledged to every oflicer and 
 soldier under that call." 
 
 " ' Surely, if this fact were understood, every man in the nation 
 would see that the Government is degraded by using for a year the 
 services of the brave soldiers, and then repudiating the contract under 
 which they were enlisted. This is what will be done should Mr. Wil- 
 son's bill, legalizing the back pay of the army, be defeated. 
 
 " ' We presume too much on the supposed ignorance of these men. 
 I have never yet found a man in my regiment so stupid as not to know 
 when he was cheated. If fraud proceeds from Government itself, so 
 
160 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 much the worse, for this strikes at the foundation of all rectitude, all 
 honor, all obligation. 
 
 " ' Mr. Senator Fessenden said, in the debate on Mr. Wilson's bill, Jan- 
 uary 4, that the Government was not bound by the unauthorized prom- 
 ises of irresponsible recruiting officers. But is the Government itself 
 an irresponsible recruiting officer? and if men have volunteered in 
 good faith on the written assurances of the Secretary of War, is not 
 Congress bound, in all decency, either to fulfil those pledges or to dis- 
 band the regiments? 
 
 " 'Mr. Senator Doolittle argued in the same debate that white sol- 
 diers should receive higher pay than black ones, because the families 
 of the latter were often supported by Government. What an astound- 
 ing statement of fact is this! In the white regiment in which I was 
 formerly an officer (the Massachusetts Fifty-first) nine-tenths of the 
 soldiers' families, in addition to the pay and bounties, drew regularly 
 their "State aid." Among my black soldiers, with half -pay and no 
 bounty, not a family receives any aid. Is there to be no limit, no end 
 to the injustice we heap upon this unfortunate people? Cannot even 
 the fact of their being in arms for the nation, liable to die any day in 
 its defence, secure them ordinary justice? Is the nation so poor, and 
 so utterly demoralized by its pauperism, that after it has had the lives 
 of these men, it must turn round to filch six dollars of the monthly 
 pay which the Secretary of War promised to their widows ? It is 
 even so, if the excuses of Mr. Fessenden and Mr. Doolittle are to be 
 accepted by Congress and by the people. 
 
 " ' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "'T. W. HlGGINSON, 
 
 " ' Colonel commanding First South Carolina Volunteers.' " 
 
 But there was another phase of this question of inequali- 
 ty between white and black troops. The policy of arming 
 Negroes was never contemplated by the Government until 
 military necessity lifted her stern voice, and political evolu- 
 tion brought the Negro forward as the problem of the war. 
 General Hunter's idea in organizing Negro troops was to 
 use them in taking possession of the island plantations in 
 South Carolina, and holding these as a basis of supply for 
 an operating army. Nevertheless, it is due to the memory 
 of this grand military character to record that from the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 161 
 
 first he entertained the highest ideas of the Negro, both 
 as a man and a soldier. The authority granted Governor 
 Andrew, of Massachusetts, to raise companies of troops, 
 including Negroes, contemplated using such troops to gar- 
 rison " the forts of Massachusetts and elsewhere." Adju- 
 tant-general Thomas, in a speech to the army in Missis- 
 sippi, April 8, 1863, said he would take the Negro " regi- 
 ments and put them in the rear." In concluding his speech 
 he emphasized his plan. " Recollect," he said, u for every 
 regiment of blacks I raise, I raise a regiment of whites to 
 face the foe in the field." This seemed to be the policy of 
 the Government, and General Thomas was fully authorized 
 to speak and act for both the Secretary of War and the 
 President. This was after the battles of Port Hudson and 
 Milliken's Bend ; and this was practically the end of the 
 fighting of Negro troops in the Department of the Gulf. 
 These troops, both under Generals Butler and Banks, were 
 consigned to garrison duty. In the army of the Cumber- 
 land Negro troops had the same misfortune ; they were 
 used in garrison and upon fatigue duty almost exclusively. 
 The parent of this policy was the cruel doubt that lurked 
 in every quarter lest the Negro would not fight in the open 
 field. His military employment was apologized for in some 
 quarters upon the ground that he was to be the merest serv- 
 ant to the white soldier. The idea was dangerous and de- 
 grading from the first. The difference in pay between the 
 white and black troops was no less damaging to the Gov- 
 ernment than it was unjust to the Negro. It made an un- 
 natural distinction among patriots enlisted in the same 
 sacred cause, and it impaired the usefulness of a class of 
 troops who were on trial before a doubting, sneering world. 
 The extraordinary amount of fatigue duty required of these 
 troops seriously detracted from their military character. 
 Frequently entire regiments were excused from drill, and 
 11 
 
162 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 were abandoned to almost total ignorance of tlie simplest 
 duties of a soldier. In a letter to the officer in charge of 
 the organization of Negro troops at Nashville, Tennessee, 
 Colonel Thomas J. Morgan, of the Fourteenth United States 
 Colored Troops, said, under date of December 6, 1863, from 
 Gallatin, Tennessee, " I feel so great an interest in the suc- 
 cess of the regiment which I have the honor to command, 
 and of the entire corps ' d' Af rique,' that I cannot refrain 
 from making another effort to secure the return of the 
 Fourteenth Regiment to this point. I send you a commu- 
 nication which I desire to be forwarded to Major-general 
 Thomas, asking that the regiment be ordered back to Gal- 
 latin. And I would most earnestly ask that Major /Stearns 
 be urged to use his influence with the Secretary of War to 
 secure this point. The raising of Negro Regiments in this 
 Department is an experiment as yet, and its success depends 
 largely upon the impression made upon the public mind 
 by those Regiments now formed and organizing during the 
 present winter." After making some observations about 
 public sentiment concerning troops of this character, he 
 continued : " It behooves the friends of this movement to 
 secure a favorable decision from the great tribunal pub- 
 lic opinion. This cannot be done by making laborers of 
 these Troops. The best of soldiers must needs work ; and 
 commanders of Negro Regiments are willing that the 
 Troops under their command shall do their part in all 
 Army labor incident to Camp life, or required by the exi- 
 gencies of the hour. But they feel it to be degrading to 
 single out Colored Troops for fatigue duty, while white 
 soldiers stand idly by. Such treatment savors too much 
 of the old regime, and if persisted in will utterly ruin the 
 prospects of the work of here making soldiers of black 
 men. Negroes will not enlist for this purpose, nor will 
 efficient officers enter the service. The class of men who 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 163 
 
 are willing to take hold, with all their energies, to drill 
 and discipline a body of soldiers will not, for any con- 
 sideration, consent to become overseers for black men. 
 Rather would they carry their rifles in the ranks of fight- 
 ing men." 
 
 No response came, and Colonel Morgan, nothing daunted, 
 wrote a letter to Major-general Eeynolds, at Washington, 
 D. C., bearing date of December 6, 1863 : 
 
 " Allow me to ask that, if not inconsistent with the pub- 
 lic service, the six companies of the Regiment I have the 
 honor to command, which are now at Bridgeport, Alabama, 
 doing fatigue duty, be ordered back to Gallatin for the pur- 
 pose of drill, discipline, and the legitimate duties of the sol- 
 dier, for the work which the Government expects the sol- 
 dier to perform. 
 
 " The Government, through its executive, has said that 
 it knows no distinction among its soldiers arising from 
 Color. It was with the clear understanding that the offi- 
 cers and men of Colored Regiments were to be treated in 
 every respect as white soldiers that I and those officers 
 with me accepted the positions we now hold. We are 
 proud of such places, and are willing to devote all our 
 energies to drill, discipline, and instruct Colored men in 
 their duty as soldiers ; but rather would I carry my rifle 
 in the ranks of fighting men than hold any position as 
 overseer of black laborers. 
 
 " I will very cheerfully perform my proportion of the 
 labor required by the exigencies of the hour, but I do not 
 feel that it is just, either to officers or men, to require 
 Colored Regiments to perform fatigue duty for other 
 troops. 
 
 " The Government is in need of fighting men, and it pro- 
 poses to form Regiments of such out of the numerous able- 
 bodied black men in the enemy's land. To make these 
 
164 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 men efficient soldiers will require rigid discipline, careful 
 instruction, and untiring drill. This will be impossible so 
 long as they are used as common laborers." 
 
 No officer of Negro troops ever entertained loftier sen- 
 timents or sounder views of their military status than Colo- 
 nel Morgan. He had sounded the key-note ; and other 
 white officers in these organizations, although lacking his 
 moral and intellectual breadth, saw at once that the brave 
 men they commanded were not fairly dealt with. The dis- 
 crimination became notorious in every department where 
 Negro troops were stationed, and the newspaper corre- 
 spondents joined in an earnest protest against the injustice. 
 Public sentiment was changing all the time. Adjutant- 
 general Thomas became convinced at last that the policy 
 of converting Negro regiments into squads of laborers was 
 
 unjust and detrimental, and issued the following order : 
 
 
 
 "The incorporation into the army of the United States of Colored 
 Troops renders it necessary that they should be brought as speedily as 
 possible to the highest state of discipline. 
 
 "Accordingly, the practice which has hitherto prevailed, no doubt 
 from necessity, of requiring these troops to perform most of the labor 
 on fortifications, and the labor and fatigue duties of permanent sta- 
 tions and camps, will cease, and they will be only required to take 
 their fair share of fatigue duty with white troops. This is necessary 
 to prepare them for the higher duties of conflicts with the enemy. 
 
 "By order of the Secretary of War. 
 
 "L. THOMAS, 
 
 " Adjutant-general." 
 
 In the Department of the South the Negro soldier was 
 often used to do fatigue duty for white troops, and this 
 became so notorious that it called forth the following 
 order : 
 
 "Department of the South, Headquarters in the Field, 
 
 41 Morris Island, South Carolina, September 17, 1863. 
 "General Orders No. 77. 
 
 "I. It has come to the knowledge of the Brigadier-general Com- 
 manding that detachments of colored troops, detailed for fatigue duty, 
 
TN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 165 
 
 have been employed, in one instance at least, to prepare camps and 
 perform menial duty for white troops. Such use of these details is 
 unauthorized and improper, and is hereafter expressly prohibited. 
 Commanding Officers of colored regiments are directed to report 
 promptly to these Headquarters any violations of this order which 
 may come to their knowledge." 
 
 And the following order was subsequently issued, show- 
 ing that General Gillmore intended to put a stop to this 
 abuse of colored troops : 
 
 " Department of the South, Headquarters in the Field, 
 
 " Folly Island, South Carolina, November 25, 1863. 
 " General Orders No. 105. 
 
 "I. The Major-general Commanding has heretofore had occasion 
 to rebuke officers of this command for imposing improper labors upon 
 colored troops. He is now informed that the abuses sought to be cor- 
 rected still exist. Attention is called to General Order No. 77, current 
 series, from these Headquarters, and commanding officers are enjoined 
 to its strict enforcement. Colored troops will not be required to per- 
 form any labor which is not shared by the white troops, but will re- 
 ceive in all respects the same treatment, and be allowed the same op- 
 portunities for drill and instruction." 
 
 On the 1st of January, 1863, Horace Greeley wrote the 
 following admirable views respecting the use of Negro 
 troops in garrison : 
 
 " It has been supposed that these black troops would 
 prove fitter for garrison duty than active service in the 
 field. No impression could be more mistaken. Their 
 fidelity as sentinels adapts them especially, no doubt, to 
 garrison duty, but their natural place is in the advance. 
 There is an inherent dash and fire about them which 
 white troops of more sluggish Northern blood do not 
 emulate, and their hearty enthusiasm shows itself in all 
 ways. Such qualities are betrayed even in drill, as any- 
 body may know who has witnessed the dull, mechanical 
 way in which ordinary troops make a bayonet charge on 
 the parade-ground, and contrasts it with the spirit of 
 
166 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 those Negro troops in the same movement. They are to 
 be used, moreover, in a country which they know per- 
 fectly. Merely from their knowledge of wood-craft and 
 water-craft, it would be a sheer waste of material to keep 
 them in garrison. It is scarcely the knowledge which is 
 at once indispensable and impossible to be acquired by 
 our troops. See these men, and it is easier to understand 
 the material of which the famous Chasseurs d'Afrique are 
 composed." 
 
 Garrison life is trying and tempting to the best troops, 
 and it is not infrequently positively demoralizing. The 
 largest portion of these troops had been recruited from 
 the plantations ; they were enthusiastic arid eager to en- 
 ter upon the active service and practical duties of mili- 
 tary life. It was natural, therefore, that they should be 
 restive, sullen, and sometimes insubordinate for their 
 officers were not exempt from the insidious influences 
 of the permanent camp. It is a mournful fact that the 
 Fourth Regiment of the Corps d'Afriqne, garrisoning 
 Fort Jackson, on the Mississippi River, was guilty of 
 many a wide breach of military discipline. But even in 
 this most notable case the cause was the inefficiency of 
 officers. There were other cases of lax discipline among 
 these troops, but the order of the Adjutant-general sent 
 them to the drill - ground, and within one hundred days 
 they were absolutely transformed. Elevated by the maj- 
 esty of law to the actual position of soldiers of a proud 
 republic, receiving the same amount of remuneration in 
 bounty, wages, rations, and clothing, and equally and un- 
 reservedly intrusted with the national honor and charged 
 with the public defence, the heart of the Negro army was 
 instinct with gratitude, pride, and martial valor. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 167 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 NEGRO LDIOSYNCRACIES. 
 
 THE Negro is a strong man physically ; Nature has en- 
 dowed him with marvellous strength of limb and constitu- 
 tion. The color of skin, texture of hair, solidity of cra- 
 nium, and perfect teeth are his safeguards against the 
 malignant forces of the climate of Africa. Transplanted, 
 he bears well the semi-tropical climate of the Southern 
 United States. 
 
 Generations of servitude did not impair his physical 
 virtues, but rather enhanced them. He was proof against 
 the intensest heat and most deadly fevers, and could en- 
 dure the pangs of hunger and thirst with peerless forti- 
 tude. His teeth were representative of unusually sound 
 bones throughout a massive body. Nature gave him clear 
 and sharp eyes for nature. His acute hearing warned him 
 of danger and devoured every strain of music, whether in 
 the sublime disturbance of the elements or in the touch- 
 ing, pathetic song or story of his fellows. 
 
 To the physical perfections of the Negro were added 
 mental endowments not to be despised. The Negro has an 
 amiable disposition, a sunny nature, and a happy-go-lucky 
 spirit under the most trying circumstances. He is gentle, 
 submissive, teachable, and strongly attached to those who 
 treat him with kindness. But he is no coward. He is not 
 easily provoked into violent exhibitions of temper, but 
 when aroused cannot easily be soothed. He is thoroughly 
 unselfish, and is constant as a friend. He is patient and 
 
168 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 docile in suffering and in loss, and his spirit is one of res- 
 ignation and contentment. His domesticity is proverbial, 
 and his affection for persons and places has often worn the 
 charm of genuine poetry. His bright fancy and romantic 
 thoughts lead him to the enjoyment of fiction and poetry ; 
 and if to his rare native ability had been added the culture 
 of the academy, both fiction and poetry would have been his 
 debtors. His devotion to an interest he espouses is abso- 
 lute. His service to a sentiment, whether of friendship, 
 love, or religion, is enthusiastic and noble. He is senti- 
 mental in the best sense. Like all unlettered races, the 
 Negro as a slave was very superstitious, especially in 
 matters which philosophy and science explain to educated 
 races. In religious matters he was the trustful child, 
 grasping eagerly the great primal truths man a sinner, 
 Christ a savior. His orthodoxy may not have been up to 
 the standard of the schools, but he believed unhesitatingly 
 in the impotency of man and the omnipotence of God. 
 
 Unable to harness his thoughts to the polished and bal- 
 anced phrases of refined expression, the Negro turned the 
 impetuous current of his feeling into rhyme. He did not 
 speak, he gurgled, cried, and sang out of his soul. A pe- 
 culiar intonation held fellowship with his verse pleading, 
 tender, pathetic, heroic, and sometimes sublime always 
 interesting. His rich voice could mount the highest scale 
 and reach the deepest note. It had a tremulous sweetness 
 in it that revealed its kinship to sorrow, but at times it 
 rang with a hope and spiritual valiancy. His unique 
 proverbs and quaint sayings are pregnant with meaning, 
 wit, and philosophy ; they will occupy a curious and in- 
 teresting place in the folk-lore of the world. 
 
 The Negro's love of music and song taught him the 
 poetry of movement, and his grace, under the influence of 
 music, was quite captivating in a laborer. His movement 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 169 
 
 in field or cabin, at toil or in recreation, marked him as 
 alert and full of fine spirit. 
 
 That the Negro had blemishes upon his body and char- 
 acter history does not assume to deny. Overworked, 
 poorly fed, partially clothed, wretchedly housed, and cruel- 
 ly treated, his body grew ill-shaped. 
 
 Petty stealing and persistent prevarication were prompt- 
 ed by hunger and fear, and not by the Negro's normal 
 moral nature. The apparent wanton violation of the sev- 
 enth commandment was traceable to the demolition of the 
 family altar by the slave-holders. If he were cruel to 
 his offspring at times, it was but under the occasional in- 
 fluence of the organized cruelty of a most cruel institution. 
 It was sporadic, not generic ; the exception and not the 
 rule of his conduct. But his genuine religious bias helped 
 him over many difficult places, stayed his hand, checked 
 his temper, and turned his feet from temptation when, 
 otherwise, he would have succumbed to his trials and 
 dangers. His obedience to law was unquestioning and 
 uncomplaining. 
 
 Taken for all in all, the Negro slave was a remarkable 
 personage. His powerful physique, his celerity and po- 
 etry of movement, his sentiment and love of music, his 
 firm attachment to friends, his deep longing for freedom, 
 his splendid courage and power of endurance, his patience 
 in suffering and hope in despair, his trust in God and in- 
 stinct for the right, his cunning aptitude and perfect obe- 
 dience eminently qualified him for military service in the 
 imperilled cause of the Union in the "War of the Rebel- 
 lion. 
 
170 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE O UTLOOK. 
 
 EVEN after the Negro had obtained the uniform and 
 musket of a Union soldier he was persistently denied pub- 
 lic confidence. His enslavement bj the dominant race 
 for centuries furnished no illustration of racial valor. A 
 few irascible Negroes had inaugurated puny insurrections, 
 but they were destitute of that element of enlightened 
 courage which invests revolutions for liberty with invinci- 
 ble power. It was asked if the Negro have courage why 
 has he not shown it during the last two centuries ? There 
 was no room for defence, little for apology. It was true 
 that their numbers were inconsiderable arid their leaders 
 few. As rapidly as leaders developed they disappeared. 
 The Underground Railroad was the safety-valve to the in- 
 stitution of slavery, else it would have been blown into 
 atoms. These fugitive slaves became agitators at the 
 North, and assisted in bringing about the condition of af- 
 fairs in which bullets took the place of books, and cannon 
 supplanted counsel. 
 
 Even the most advanced leaders on the Union side, the 
 antislavery friends of the Negro, were neither willing to 
 affirm nor deny the Negro's courage in a military encoun- 
 ter. A very few well-informed persons felt quite sure of 
 the Negro's fighting qualities under any circumstance. 
 They knew the past, and were enabled to predicate their 
 belief upon incontestable historical data. But the Negro 
 was a soldier now, and there was but one thing left to do, 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 171 
 
 and that was to try his mettle under fire. On the 16th of 
 February, 1863, the New York Times, in a careful and 
 conservative editorial, expressed the doubt that seemed to 
 oppress the public mind : 
 
 " Whether they are or are not, by nature, by law, or by 
 usage, the equals of the white man, makes not the slight- 
 est difference in this respect. Even those at the North 
 who are so terribly shocked at the prospect of their being 
 thus employed confine their objections to grounds of ex- 
 pediency. They urge, 
 
 " 1st. That the Negroes will not fight. This, if true, 
 is conclusive against their being used as soldiers. But we 
 see no way of testing the question except by trying the 
 experiment. It will take but a very short time and but 
 very few battles to determine whether they have courage, 
 steadiness, subjection to military discipline, and the other 
 qualities essential to good soldiership or not. If they have, 
 this objection will fall ; if not, then beyond all question 
 they will cease to be employed. 
 
 " 2d. It is said that the whites will not fight with them, 
 that the prejudice against them is so strong that our 
 citizens will not enlist, or will quit the service if com- 
 pelled to fight by their side, and that we shall thus lose 
 two white soldiers for one black one that we gain. If 
 this is true they ought not to be employed. The object 
 of using them is to strengthen our military force, and if 
 the project does not accomplish this it is a failure. The 
 question, moreover, is one of fact, not of theory. It mat- 
 ters nothing to say that it ought not to have this effect, 
 that the prejudice is absurd and should not be consulted. 
 The point is not what men ought to do, but what they 
 will do. We have to deal with human nature, with prej- 
 udice, with passion, with habits of thought and feeling, as 
 well as with reason and sober judgment and the moral 
 
172 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 sense. Possibly the Government may have made a mis- 
 take in its estimate of the effect of this measure on the 
 public mind. The use of Negroes as soldiers may have a 
 worse effect on the army and on the people than they have 
 supposed. 
 
 " But this is matter of opinion upon which men have 
 differed. Yery prominent and influential persons Gov- 
 ernors of States, Senators, popular editors, and others 
 have predicted the best results from such a measure, while 
 others have anticipated the worst. The President has re- 
 solved to try the experiment. If it works well, the coun- 
 try will be the gainer. If not, we have no doubt it will 
 be abandoned. If the effect of using Negroes as soldiers 
 upon the army and the country proves to be depressing 
 and demoralizing, so as to weaken rather than strengthen 
 our military operations, they will cease to be employed. 
 The President is a practical man, not at all disposed to sac- 
 rifice practical results to abstract theories. 
 
 " 3d. It is said we shall get no Negroes or not enough 
 to prove of any service. In the free States very few will 
 volunteer, and in the slave States we can get but few, be- 
 cause the Rebels will push them southward as fast as we 
 advance upon them. This may be so ; we confess we 
 share with many others the opinion that it will. 
 
 " But we may as well wait patiently the short time re- 
 quired to settle the point. When we hear more definitely 
 from Governor Sprague's black battalions, and Governor 
 Andrew's Negro brigades, we shall know more accurately 
 what to think of the measure as one for the free States; 
 and when we hear further of the success of General 
 Banks and General Saxton in enlisting them at the South, 
 we can form a better judgment of the movement there. 
 If we get very few, or even none, the worst that can be 
 said will be that the project is a failure, and the demon- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 173 
 
 stration that it is so will have dissipated another of the 
 many delusions which dreamy people have cherished about 
 this war. 
 
 "4th. The use of Negroes will exasperate the South, 
 and some of our Peace Democrats make that an objection 
 to the measure. We presume it will ; but so will any 
 other scheme we may adopt which is warlike and effective 
 in its character and results. If that consideration is to 
 govern us, we must follow Mr. Yallandigham's advice and 
 stop the war entirely, or, as Mr. McMasters puts it in his 
 Newark speech, go ' for an immediate and unconditional 
 peace.' We are not quite ready for that yet. 
 
 " The very best thing that can be done under existing 
 circumstances, in our judgment, is to possess our souls in 
 patience while the experiment is being tried. The problem 
 will probably speedily solve itself much more speedily 
 than heated discussion or harsh criminations can solve it." 
 
 But this was not all this cold, silent doubt that con- 
 fronted the Negro. This was but the negative side of 
 the obstacles that obstructed his way to the battle-fields 
 of the Republic. The mobocratic element in the larger 
 cities was always at the service of Negro-haters who vio- 
 lently opposed the military employment of Negroes. Up 
 to the breaking out of the Rebellion, Negroes had not 
 only been sold at the South, but freely mobbed in the 
 North ; along with Abolitionists they were despised, 
 proscribed, and assaulted. So when the exigencies of a 
 great civil war seemed to call the Negro from obscurity 
 and the dark places assigned him by race prejudice, he 
 was confronted by intense malevolence. It was indeed a 
 strange spectacle to see a regiment of Negro soldiers 
 guarded by a municipal police force ! When the Fifty- 
 fourth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry was ready to 
 leave the Commonwealth for the seat of war, it was de- 
 
174: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 termined to have it pass through New York City ; but 
 the " Chief of the Metropolitan Police Force" telegraphed 
 Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, that he would be un- 
 able to protect this regiment of loyal Negroes against 
 mob violence. The regiment did not pass through New 
 York City, but went from Boston to the scene of war in 
 South Carolina by water. 
 
 The Draft Riots had occurred in New York and else- 
 where while the recruitment of Negro troops was in a 
 tentative form in the Eastern and Middle States, and the 
 objects of the rioters' special wrath were inoffensive Ne- 
 gro men, defenceless women, and helpless children. The 
 Draft Kiots in New York City began on Monday morn- 
 ing, July 13, 1863. There will be no attempt here to de- 
 scribe the infuriated mobs that destroyed human life and 
 property in their resistance to the draft, but only so much 
 of the bloody drama must be told as affects the Negro 
 martyrs. Nowhere did the fury of the mob flame more 
 furiously than in the abodes of Negroes. Restaurants 
 and hotels and other places where this unhappy people 
 were employed were visited with fell destruction. The 
 furniture and tableware were destroyed, while the Negroes 
 were driven before a storm of oaths, bludgeons, and brick- 
 bats. From place to place where Negroes were known to 
 be employed the mob swayed and swaggered with increas- 
 ing insolence and cruelty. Negroes were constrained to 
 run for their lives, leap into the river, and cast themselves 
 from their hiding-places on roofs of houses. A Negro 
 residing in Carmine Street was seized by a mob of above 
 four hundred persons as he was leaving his stables on 
 Clarkson Street. He was beaten and kicked upon the 
 ground until life was almost extinct; he was then hung 
 upon a tree, and a fire was built under him, which revived 
 his consciousness, while the smoke strangled him. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 175 
 
 In the afternoon an lip-town mob was destroying every 
 building where Negroes were known to be employed. In 
 the midst of their diabolical work some human fiend 
 cried, " To the Colored Orphan Asylum !" Celtic malice 
 and religious intolerance led the way with frantic glee. 
 The asylum was a handsome and substantial structure, 
 having been erected in 1858. It was located on Fifth 
 Avenue, between Forty-third and Forty-fourth streets, 
 and gave shelter to nearly eight hundred children. The 
 mob fell upon this building with fury untempered by 
 mercy. The rooms were sacked, the spoils thrown out to 
 a multitude of Irishwomen, who, amid wild cheers, bore 
 them away in triumph. The inmates were beaten most 
 cruelly, and even the little children were kicked and ruth- 
 lessly trampled upon. To crown this inhuman crime, ar- 
 son was added to murder, and the building was fired. The 
 gallant Chief Decker resisted the mob with martial spirit. 
 He extinguished the flames and threw his stalwart person 
 into the door-way to check the mob. His noble remon- 
 strance was in vain ; he was overpowered, and again the 
 fire-fiends applied the torch, and the building perished in 
 the flames. 
 
 Among the ignorant and prejudiced whites the Negro 
 was regarded as the real cause of the draft, and this dem- 
 onstration of murderous violence against him was as 
 hurtful to a patriotic war sentiment as it was perilous to 
 the Negro himself; and it was especially unfortunate 
 that it came at a time when the Negro had just been 
 called to the bar of public sentiment. The Emancipation 
 Proclamation of September 22, 1862, which was prelim- 
 inary in character, had made the Negro problem more 
 prominent than ever, and provoked public criticisms. The 
 probationary period had elapsed, and the final Emancipation 
 Proclamation had been issued on the 1st of January, 1863. 
 
176 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 It was midsummer now, and these bloody riots told 
 how deeply rooted and inveterate were race malice, and 
 party grudges. These were not manifested exclusively by 
 the mobs, not alone by the ignorant, foreign-born popula- 
 tion. Men born and educated under the influence of the 
 beneficent institutions of the great republic here and in the 
 West ; men who owed their preferment and commanding 
 positions to the simplicity and genuine democracy of the 
 Government, were either the hired enemies of the Union 
 or the willing assassins of the national life. Too coward- 
 ly to stake their convictions upon the chances of honora- 
 ble warfare, they lurked in the rear to plot. They hissed 
 the Union soldier, despised the Union flag, and, as copper- 
 heads, crawled upon their stomachs, hissing and biting at 
 the heels of Union men and Union measures. No lan- 
 guage was too strong to express their hatred of the Negro 
 and their opposition to his enrolment in the army of the 
 United States. These men, like the serpent in Eden, were 
 very plausible, and the field in which they operated was at 
 a safe distance from the contending armies. Even the 
 home of the President contained many of these plotters. 
 In responding to an invitation of unconditional Union men 
 of Illinois, the President made the following reference to 
 the enemies of the Negro : " You say you will not fight to 
 free Negroes. Some of them seem to be willing enough to 
 fight for you. But no matter ; they fight, then, exclusively 
 to save the Union. I issued the Proclamation on purpose 
 to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have 
 conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge upon 
 you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for 
 you to declare that you will not fight to free Negroes. I 
 thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever 
 extent the Negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that 
 extent it weakened the enemy in their resistance to you. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 177 
 
 " Do you think differently ? I thought that whatever 
 Negroes can be got to do as soldiers leaves just so much 
 less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it 
 appear otherwise to you ? But Negroes, like other people, 
 act upon motive. Why should they do anything for us, 
 if we will do nothing for them ? If they stake their lives 
 for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive, 
 even the promise of freedom, and the promise being made, 
 must be kept." 
 
 This was written on the 26th of August, 1863, just after 
 the Draft Riots. The President goes on in his letter to 
 recount the victories of the Union arms in the Mississippi y 
 and makes felicitous mention of the glorious part borne 
 by Negro soldiers who were severely tested at Port Hud- 
 son. The President then concludes in this homely man- 
 ner, referring to the early restoration of peace : 
 
 "It will then have been proved that among freemen 
 there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the 
 bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose 
 their case and pay the costs ; and then there will be some 
 black men who can remember that, with silent tongue, and 
 with clinched teeth, and with steady eye and well-poised 
 bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great con- 
 summation, while I fear that there will be some white 
 men unable to forget that, with malignant heart and de- 
 ceitful speech, they have striven to hinder it." 
 
 But the feeling against the Negro as a man and a sol- 
 dier was not confined to the blatant assistant rebels in the 
 rear. There was a bitter feeling in the Border State regi- 
 ments and among troops from the populous Atlantic sea- 
 board cities. Complexion al prejudice and social caste were 
 eating like cankers into the good-sense and patriotism of 
 the rank and file of the army ; and it was not a cheerful 
 outlook for the Negro volunteer to feel that his white 
 12 
 
178 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 comrades in arms looked down upon him, distrusted him, 
 disliked him. The cold fact was there, however, and the 
 Negro sometimes encountered it to his hurt. But the Negro 
 soldier was patient ; all he asked was safe passage to the 
 battle-field, and once in conflict with the enemy he would 
 win for himself a new name by desperate deeds of valor. 
 
 On the 8th of December, 1863, in a message to the Con- 
 gress, the President referred to the Negro question in his 
 usual solemn manner : " The preliminary emancipation 
 proclamation issued in September was running its assigned 
 period to the beginning of the new year. A month later 
 the final proclamation came, including the announcement 
 that colored men of suitable condition would be received 
 into the war service. The policy of emaifcipation and of 
 employing black soldiers gave to the future a new aspect, 
 about which hope and fear and doubt contended in un- 
 certain conflict. According to our political system, as a 
 matter of civil administration, the General Government had 
 no lawful power to effect emancipation in any State, and 
 for a long time it had been hoped that the rebellion could 
 be suppressed without resorting to it as a military measure. 
 It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for 
 it might come, and that, if it should, the crisis of the con- 
 test would then be presented. It came, and, as we antici- 
 pated, it was followed by dark and doubtful days." 
 
 But there was a gradual change all the time for the bet- 
 ter in public sentiment regarding the Negro. Even New 
 York City was susceptible to the widening influences of 
 humanity and patriotism. A short time after the riots Ne- 
 groes were recruited in the metropolis, and by the spring 
 of 1864 were quite tolerable to the late rioters. When the 
 Twentieth Regiment United States Colored Troops was 
 ready to leave its rendezvous on Hiker's Island, it was pro- 
 posed by its friends chiefly members of the Union League 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 179 
 
 Club to tender it a public reception in New York City. 
 Some members of the committee on recruitment of Negro 
 troops were unwilling to expose the regiment to the ran- 
 corous hate of the mobocratic element of New York City, 
 and protested against any demonstration. The committee 
 wrote the commander of the regiment, Colonel Nelson B. 
 Bartram, asking if he thought his regiment could get 
 through all right. Colonel Bartram sent back a soldierly 
 answer : " Give me room to land my regiment, and if it can- 
 not march through New York it is not fit to go into the 
 field." The question of the regiment coming was settled. 
 The police cleared a space for it to disembark at Thirty- 
 sixth Street, and with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, 
 with company front and martial music, the first regiment 
 of Negro soldiers marched through New York City. The 
 magnificent bearing of the men extorted the wildest en- 
 thusiasm and cheers among the very persons who had 
 participated in the Draft Riots. 
 
 " The scene of yesterday," says a New York paper, " was 
 one which marks an era of progress in the political and 
 social history of New York. A thousand men with black 
 skins, and clad and equipped with the uniforms and arras 
 of the United States Government, marched from their camp 
 through the most aristocratic and busy streets, received a 
 grand ovation at the hands of the wealthiest and most re- 
 spectable ladies and gentlemen of New York, and then 
 moved down Broadway to the steamer which bears them 
 to their destination all amid the enthusiastic cheers, the 
 encouraging plaudits, the waving handkerchiefs, the show- 
 ering bouquets, and other approving manifestations of a 
 hundred thousand of the most loyal of our people. 
 
 " In the month of July last the homes of these people 
 were burned and pillaged by an infuriated political mob ; 
 they and their families were hunted down and murdered 
 
180 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 in the public streets of this city, and the force and maj- 
 esty of the law were powerless to protect them. Seven 
 brief months have passed, and a thousand of these despised 
 and persecuted men march through the city in the garb of 
 United States soldiers, in vindication of their own man- 
 hood, and with the approval of a countless multitude in 
 effect, saving from inevitable and distasteful conscription 
 the same number of those who hunted their persons and 
 destroyed their homes during those days of humiliation and 
 disgrace. This is noble vengeance a vengeance taught by 
 Him who commanded, ' Love them that hate you ; do good 
 to them that persecute you.' " 
 
 But the most appalling fact that stared the Negro sol- 
 dier in the face was an Act of the Confederate Congress 
 denying him the immunity of a prisoner of war. He was 
 threatened with summary vengeance. He had enemies in 
 his rear and enemies in his front. When asked if, in their 
 opinion, the Negro soldier would fight, the men who were 
 forced to accept his enlistment as a heroic war measure 
 damned him with faint praise with elevated eyebrows and 
 elaborate pantomime. The good words of the conscien- 
 tious few who felt all the time that he would fight were 
 drowned by a babel of wrathful depreciation of him as a 
 man and as a soldier. The outlook for the Negro soldier 
 was certainly unpromising at first blush ; but he knew how 
 to be patient, and with intensest longing listened for the 
 call to battle, where he hoped to command the respect of 
 the enemy and the admiration of the Government. The 
 days of hope and fear, of distrust and discontent, of dis- 
 cussion and detraction, soon swept by in the wild current 
 of war events ; the hour for the trial of the Negro volunteer 
 in the fire of civil war came. No one welcomed it more sin- 
 cerely than the Negro himself, and history shall record his 
 splendid bearing, his heroic deeds, his proud achievements. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 181 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 NEGRO TROOPS IN BATTLE. DEPARTMENT 'OF THE 
 SOUTH (1862-1865). 
 
 SOUTH CABOLINA had set the other States a dangerous 
 example in her attempts at nullification under President 
 Jackson's administration, and was not only first in seced- 
 ing, but fired the first shot of the slave-holders' rebellion 
 against the laws and authority of the United States Gov- 
 ernment. It was eminently fitting, then, that the first 
 shot fired at slavery by Negro soldiers should be aimed 
 by the ex -slaves of the haughty South Carolina rebels. 
 It was poetic justice that South Carolina Negroes should 
 have the priority of obtaining the Union uniform, and 
 enjoy the distinction of being the first Negro soldiers to 
 encounter the enemy in battle. And the honor belongs 
 to Massachusetts in furnishing a graduate of Harvard 
 College, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, as the first colo- 
 nel to lead the First South Carolina Negro Regiment of 
 Volunteers. 
 
 Before Colonel Higginson assumed command of this 
 regiment, in fact before it was organized as a regiment, 
 Company A did its first fighting on Saint Helena Island. 1 
 From the 3d to the 10th of November, 1862, Company A, 
 under Captain Trowbridge, participated in the expedition 
 along the coasts of Georgia and East Florida. The ex- 
 pedition was under the command of Lieutenant-colonel 
 
 1 " Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xiv., p. 189. 
 
182 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Oliver T. Beard, of the Forty-eighth New York Infantry. 
 Of their fighting quality Colonel Beard in his report 
 
 "The colored men fought with astonishing coolness 
 and bravery. For alacrity in effecting landings, for deter- 
 mination, and for bush-fighting I found them all I could 
 desire more than I had hoped. They, behaved bravely, 
 gloriously, and deserve all praise." ' 
 
 From the 13th to the 18th of November three compa- 
 nies of the First South Carolina Colored Volunteers par- 
 ticipated in- an expedition from Beaufort, South Carolina, 
 to Doboy River, Georgia. In his report of the expedi- 
 tion General Ruf us Saxton says : 
 
 " It gives me pleasure to bear witness to the good con- 
 duct of the Negro troops. They fought with the most 
 determined bravery. Although scarcely one month since 
 the organization of this regiment was commenced, in that 
 short period these untrained soldiers have captured from 
 the enemy an amount of property equal in value to the 
 cost of the regiment for a year. They have driven back 
 equal numbers of rebel troops, and have destroyed the 
 salt-works along the whole line of this coast." a 
 
 On the 23d of January, 1863, by order of Major-gen- 
 eral Hunter, Colonel Higginson sailed in transports from 
 Beaufort, South Carolina, to make a raid into Georgia and 
 Florida. No strategic blow was to be struck, no impor- 
 tant manoeuvre was to be executed. But there were two 
 objects in view. Negro regiments were to be recruited 
 in the Department, but the enemy, in retiring before the 
 Union forces, had taken with him all effective Negroes. 
 It was one of the objects of the expedition to secure Ne- 
 
 1 " Official Kecords of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xiv., pp. 189, 
 190, 191, 192. 
 8 Ibid., vol. xiv., p. 192. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 183 
 
 gro recruits in the enemy's country. The second object 
 of the expedition was to obtain the far-famed lumber 
 which was to be had by a bold dash into the enemy's 
 "country. These two objects were of sufficient impor- 
 tance to justify the expedition, but Colonel Higginson 
 cherished another idea that had not been canvassed at 
 headquarters. This First South Carolina Volunteers was 
 the only organized regiment of Negro troops in the army 
 of the United States at this time. The tentative effort of 
 General Hunter in raising this regiment the year before 
 had met the inexorable disapproval of the President, and 
 had drawn the fierce fire of the enemies of the Negro. 
 Colonel Higginson knew that if he could get his black 
 soldiers in battle once, the question of their employment 
 in unlimited numbers would be finally settled. So, while 
 he went ostensibly for recruits and lumber, his main aim 
 was to find the enemy and engage him. His force con- 
 sisted of four hundred and sixty -two officers and men. 
 The vessels that bore the expedition were the Ben d# 
 Ford, Captain Hallet, carrying several six -pound guns; 
 the John Adams, an army gun -boat, carrying a thirty- 
 pound Parrott gun, two ten-pound Parrotts, and an eight- 
 inch howitzer; the Planter, carrying a ten -pound Par- 
 rott gun and two howitzers. The Ben de Ford was the 
 largest, and carried most of the troops. It was the " flag- 
 ship " of the expedition, in a manner. Major John D. 
 Strong was in command on the John Adams, and Cap- 
 tain Charles T. Trowbridge commanded the troops on the 
 Planter. For prudential reasons, each vessel sailed at a 
 different hour for St. Simon's, on the coast of Georgia. 
 
 On the night of the 26th of January Colonel Higgin- 
 son found himself on the right track ; the enemy he was 
 looking for was not far away. Of his purpose Colonel 
 Higginson says : " That night I proposed to make a sort of 
 
184 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 trial trip up stream as far as Township Landing, some fif- 
 teen miles, there to pay our respects to Captain Clark's 
 company of cavalry, whose camp was reported to lie near 
 by. This was included in Corporal Button's programme, 
 and seemed to me more inviting and far more useful to 
 the men than any amount of mere foraging. The thing 
 really desirable appeared to be to get them under fire 
 as soon as possible, and to teach them, by a few small 
 successes, the application of what they had learned in 
 camp." ' 
 
 Back from the river and five miles from Township Land- 
 ing the much-desired enemy was bivouacked. A troop of 
 skirmishers was landed behind the bend below the landing, 
 with orders to march upon the town and surround it. 
 When the troops arrived by water the town was in posses- 
 sion of the force that had proceeded by land. Colonel 
 Higginson had brought along a good supply of the Eman- 
 cipation Proclamation to distribute among the Negroes, 
 and these were rather assuring to many who had been 
 led to believe that the " Yankees would sell them into 
 Cuba." 
 
 After making a selection of one hundred of the best sol- 
 diers in the expedition, Colonel Higginson took up his line 
 of march for the enemy's camp shortly after midnight. 
 The moon shone brightly, but the command soon reached 
 the resinous pines, and clouds of shadows hid it. The col- 
 umn moved on in silence until, when about two miles from 
 its base, the advance-guard came suddenly upon the rebel 
 cavalry and exchanged shots. Colonel Higginson gave or- 
 ders to fix bayonets, and prepared to receive the enemy 
 kneeling, and the enemy delivered his fire over the heads 
 of the intrepid black soldiers. " My soldiers," says Colonel 
 
 1 " Army Life in a Black Regiment," p. 70. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 185 
 
 Higginson, " in turn fired rapidly too rapidly, being yet 
 beginners and it was evident that, dim as it was, both sides 
 had opportunity to do some execution. 
 
 " I could hardly tell whether the fight had lasted ten 
 minutes or an hour, when, as the enemy's fire had evidently 
 ceased or slackened, I gave the order to cease firing. But 
 it was very difficult at first to make them desist : the taste of 
 gunpowder was too intoxicating. One of them was heard 
 to mutter indignantly, i Why de cunnel order cease firing, 
 when de Secesh blazin' away at de rate of ten dollar a 
 day?'" 
 
 The enemy beat a precipitate retreat, and left Colonel 
 Higginson's Negro troops in undisputed possession of the 
 field. The dead and wounded were tenderly taken up by 
 their more fortunate comrades, and the command returned 
 to Township Landing without being again assailed by the 
 enemy. Of the wounded, Surgeon Seth Rogers wrote : 
 " One man killed instantly by a ball through the heart and 
 seven wounded, one of whom will die. Braver men never 
 lived. One man with two bullet-holes through the large 
 muscles of the shoulders and neck brought off from the 
 scene of action, two miles distant, two muskets, and not a 
 murmur has escaped his lips. Another, Robert Sutton, 
 with three wounds one of which, being on the skull, may 
 cost him his life would not report himself till compelled 
 to do so by his officers. While dressing his wounds he 
 quietly talked of what they had done and of what they yet 
 could do. To-day I have had the colonel order him to 
 obey me. He is perfectly quiet and cool, but takes this 
 whole affair with the religious bearing of a man who re- 
 alizes that freedom is sweeter than life. Yet another 
 soldier did not report himself at all, but remained all 
 night on guard, and possibly I should not have known of 
 his having had a buckshot in his shoulder if some duty 
 
186 ' A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 requiring a sound shoulder had not been required of him 
 today." l 
 
 The engagement in which Colonel Higginson's Negro 
 soldiers had courageously and unflinchingly met and re- 
 turned the enemy's fire was called the "Battle of the 
 Hundred Pines" It decided no important military ques- 
 tion, but, under the circumstances, it was of great impor- 
 tance to Negro soldiership throughout the entire country. 
 It was one of the first stand-up fights that ex-slaves had 
 had with their late masters, and their splendid bravery was 
 at once a vindication and a prophecy of valor upon other 
 fields that were yet to be fought for freedom. 
 
 But this was not the end of the practical military expe- 
 riences of this Negro regiment during the expedition up 
 the St. Mary's River. The coveted lumber was secured, 
 brick and railroad iron were obtained, and some "contra- 
 bands." The return trip of the expedition was signalized 
 by a number of sharp contests with the enemy. The cap 
 tain of the John Adams was killed in the first river engage- 
 ment, but there was not the least demoralization among the 
 troops. A Negro corporal took the wheel and guided the 
 vessel through a hail-storm of bullets, occasionally taking 
 a shot at the enemy from the pilot-house. The men who 
 were detailed to man the guns fought them with the cool- 
 est courage, although they were exposed to the musket and 
 artillery fire of the enemy. 
 
 As musketry service was valueless against the enemy 
 upon the high bluffs, most of the troops were confined in 
 the hot arid disagreeable hold of the vessel. When the 
 firing began it required great firmness on the part of the 
 officers to keep the men from rushing on deck. A safety- 
 valve to their overflowing martial zeal was permitted by 
 
 1 "Army Life in a Black Regiment," pp. 76, 77. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 187 
 
 the use of the port-holes under deck, through which they 
 discharged their pieces at will. So eager were they to do 
 service that they fought each other to secure control of 
 the port-holes. Others begged to be put ashore, and ex- 
 claimed that it was " mighty mean " to be shut down in 
 the hold when they might be " fightin' de Secesh in de 
 clar field" 
 
 The expedition was in every way a success ; and while 
 it reflected great credit upon the commanding officer, it 
 demonstrated the fact that Negroes well led make capable 
 and reliable soldiers. The country was waiting for just 
 such evidence, and Colonel Higginson's Negro soldiers fur- 
 nished it. War correspondents who accompanied the ex- 
 pedition or received their information from the officers 
 hurried the news to the rear, and the country was thrilled 
 at learning that its Negro defenders had justified its hopes 
 and disarmed all fear. 
 
 During the same week that this expedition was testing 
 the Negro's valor another expedition from the same regi- 
 ment was performing a perilous march into Georgia. On 
 the 30th of January, 1863, Captain Charles T. Trowbridge, 
 with the small force of thirty men, set out to destroy a rebel 
 salt-works on the coast of Georgia. His Negro troops were 
 familiar with the country and delighted with their military 
 mission. The swamps were numerous and almost impas- 
 sable, but they heroically dragged a boat over the country 
 in order to cross them, and endured the fatigue, privations, 
 and perils of the undertaking with the fortitude of veter- 
 ans. They finally reached their objective point, and found 
 thirty-two large boilers, two store-houses, and a large quan- 
 tity of salt. Captain Trowbridge was a 'good engineer offi- 
 cer, and the work of destruction 1 was complete. The com- 
 
 1 " Rebellion Record," vol. vi., D, p. 41. 
 
188 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 manding officer of the Department of the South was high- 
 ly gratified with the results of the expedition under Colonel 
 Higginson and that under Captain Trowbridge. Although 
 of no great military moment, the war correspondents were 
 easily impressed with the value of the whole affair. The 
 New York Times said concerning the expedition : 
 
 "THE NEGROES IN BATTLE. 
 
 "Colonel Higginson, of the First South Carolina Volunteers, fur- 
 nishes an entertaining official report of the exploits of his black regi- 
 ment in Florida. He seems to think it necessary to put his case strongly 
 and in rather exalted language, as well as in such a way as to convince 
 the public that Negroes will fight. In this expedition his battalion was 
 repeatedly under fire had rebel cavalry, infantry, and, says he, ' even 
 artillery' arrayed against them, yet in every instance came off with un- 
 blemished honor and undisputed triumph. His men made the most 
 urgent appeals to him to be allowed to press the flying enemy. They 
 exhibited the most fiery energy, beyond anything of which Colonel Hig- 
 ginson ever read, unless it may be in the case of the French Zouaves. 
 He even says that ' it would have been madness to attempt with the 
 bravest white troops what he successfully accomplished with black 
 ones.' No wanton destruction was permitted, no personal outrages de- 
 sired, during the expedition. The regiment, besides the victories which 
 it achieved, and the large amount of valuable property which it secured, 
 obtained a cannon and a flag, which the Colonel very properly asks per- 
 mission for the regiment to retain. The officers and men desire to re- 
 main permanently in Florida, and obtain supplies of lumber, iron, etc., 
 for the Government. The Colonel puts forth a very good suggestion, 
 to the effect that a ' chain of such posts would completely alter the 
 whole aspect of the war in the seaboard slave States, and would ac- 
 complish what no accumulation of Northern regiments can so easily 
 effect.' This is the very use for Negro soldiers suggested in the proc- 
 lamation of the President. We have no doubt that the whole State of 
 Florida might easily be held for the Government in this way by a dozen 
 Negro regiments." 1 
 
 The official account is excellent. 9 
 
 198. 
 
 1 Times, February 10, 1863. 
 
 2 "Official Records of the War of the Rebellion," vol. xiv., pp. 194- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 189 
 
 In March, 1863, Colonel Higginson was in command of 
 an expedition up the St. John's River, consisting of the 
 First and Second South Carolina Volunteer Negro regi- 
 ments. He reoccupied Jacksonville, and held it against 
 the enemy until ordered to evacuate the place. In July, 
 1863, Colonel Higginson was placed in command of an- 
 other expedition, this time ordered up the South Edisto. 
 Like the previous expeditions, this one was composed of 
 Negro troops ; and this one, while less imposing in num- 
 bers, was charged with a most arduous and perilous un- 
 dertaking. The infantry force consisted of two hundred 
 and fifty men of Colonel Higginson's First South Caro- 
 lina Regiment ; and besides these there was one section of 
 the First Connecticut Battery, Lieutenant Clinton. There 
 were two twelve-pound Armstrong guns, three Parrott 
 guns, and one of twenty and two of ten pound calibre, 
 and several howitzers. The war correspondent with the 
 expedition gave a most graphic and succinct account of 
 the fighting, and he may relate the affair again : 
 
 "A NATIONAL ACCOUNT. 
 
 " Camp First Regiment South Carolina Volunteers, 
 "Beaufort, South Carolina, July 16, 1863. 
 
 "Thinking, perhaps, that you would like to hear of an expedition 
 made by a detachment of the First South Carolina Volunteers, I will 
 proceed to give you a few items. 
 
 "The expedition left Beaufort on the 9th of July, at 4 P.M., and 
 arrived at AViltown Bluff next morning about 3 A.M. The expedition 
 was composed of four companies of the First Regiment South Caro- 
 lina Volunteers Companies A, B, G, and K with a detachment of 
 twenty men from Company C, who nobly and fearlessly worked the 
 guns on board the gun-boat Enoch Dean. The little steamer Governor 
 Milton, commanded by Major Strong, First South Carolina Volunteers, 
 was armed with two brass twelve-pounder Armstrongs from the Con- 
 necticut Battery, commanded by Lieutenant Clinton, First Connecticut 
 Battery. The John Adams had on board two twenty-four pounder rifles 
 and two twenty-four pounder howitzers, commanded by Mr. Edward 
 
190 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Herron and Lieutenant Walker, First South Carolina Volunteers. The 
 Enoch Dean had two guns, one ten-pounder Parrott and one six-pounder 
 howitzer, commanded by Captain George Dally, First South Carolina 
 Volunteers. On arriving near the bluff a contraband was seen on shore, 
 and a boat sent for him. He reported a battery of three guns on the 
 bluff. The John Adams fired one gun, and was answered by one gun 
 from the bluff, when the rebels retired. Companies K, Captain Whit- 
 ney, and G, Lieutenant Sampson, landed at the bluff and deployed their 
 companies as skirmishers. After marching about one mile they en- 
 countered about one company of cavalry and a company of sharpshoot- 
 ers, when they had a brisk skirmish, and succeeded in driving the rebel 
 cavalry and infantry, capturing one lieutenant and one private belong- 
 ing to the Sixth South Carolina. While the skirmishing was going on, 
 the John Adams was employed in removing some spiling that extended 
 across the river. The work was done under the supervision and engi- 
 neering of Captain Trowbridge, First South Carolina Volunteers, and 
 was done with despatch opening a breach wide enough for the boats 
 to pass up the river. The little Milton and the Dean passed through 
 the breach, and proceeded up the river for about a mile and a half, and 
 encountered a battery of two guns. The Dean exchanged a few shots 
 with the battery, when the battery retired. The Milton meanwhile got 
 aground, when the rebels posted a battery of two guns on the opposite 
 bank and commenced a brisk fire on the Milton. A few well-directed 
 shots from Lieutenant Clinton's guns on board the Milton caused them 
 to retire. The Dean went on about a mile farther, and encountered 
 two more rebel guns, one on each side of the river. A few shots drove 
 them back. Owing to the draft of the Dean she was obliged to re- 
 turn to the spiling. I almost forgot to mention a detachment of Cap- 
 tain Rogers's company (F) who accompanied the expedition, and were 
 landed below the bluff, and proceeded about a mile to some extensive 
 rice-mills, containing about fifteen thousand bushels of rice, and burned 
 them all. We were detained about two hours for the tide to rise, so 
 that we could fulfil the object of our mission. We then weighed an- 
 chor, and the Milton and the Dean proceeded up the river to burn the 
 bridge, about fifteen miles from the spiling. When about six miles 
 from the spiling the Dean got aground, and Colonel Higginson ordered 
 the Milton to proceed up the river; but when about twenty rods from 
 the Dean the Milton was fired at from the shore by a three-gun battery. 
 One shell hit the Milton about amidships, and exploded, injuring her 
 machinery and killing her engineer. The Milton was obliged to turn 
 back, leaving the Dean aground and exposed to two batteries one on 
 each side of the river. The Dean was hit with eleven shots from the 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 191 
 
 rebels while aground. One shell burst quite near Colonel Higginson, 
 injuring him severely by the concussion; another shell passed through 
 the bows of the Dean, killing one gunner and injuring three deck- 
 hands severely. Captain Dolly expended all his ammunition for his 
 ten-pounder rifle, and had only his six- pounder howitzer to fight with. 
 The Dean managed to get afloat by using tar to get up steam, and 
 proceeded down the river and encountered a battery of five guns 
 about four miles from the piles, which riddled the Dean completely 
 with shot and canister. The Milton had meanwhile run down the river, 
 and by mistake run headlong on the spiles. Being unable to get her 
 off, she was abandoned and burned. The machinery of the Dean was 
 now disabled, and she was taken in tow by the John Adams. 
 
 "We then proceeded down the river; but it would be well to men- 
 tion another brisk skirmish which occurred before embarking, between 
 the rebels and Company K, Captain Whitney, and Company G, Lieu- 
 tenant Sampson, with a detachment of Company B, under Lieutenant 
 Parker, and a detachment of Company A, under Lieutenant Trow- 
 bridge. As they were about to embark, the rebels dashed down upon 
 them with a force five hundred strong, consisting of cavalry and in- 
 fantry. A brisk skirmish ensued, and braver men never used a mus- 
 ket than our boys proved themselves to be on that occasion. They 
 fought with admirable bravery, and the rebels fled before them. The 
 extent of the damage to the rebel side is not yet known. Our troops 
 then embarked, and we proceeded down the river about a mile and a 
 half, and then encountered another battery of four guns, which opened 
 a brisk fire upon us. Two balls struck the John Adams, one of 
 which killed two men. The Enoch Dean was struck seventeen times 
 with shot and shell, beside the grape and canister. The boats then 
 proceeded back to Beaufort. The rebel lieutenant who was captured 
 was taken by a Negro, who, after firing his gun without effect, seized the 
 horse by the bridle, and with his other hand grasped firmly the rebel, 
 who was armed with sabre and carbine, and pulled him off his horse." 
 
 While Colonel Higginson's South Carolina Negro 
 troops were fighting their way among the rebel batter- 
 ies which lined the banks of the Edisto, a regiment of 
 ^Northern ^Negroes was learning its first lessons in the 
 practical school of war. The Fifty-fourth Massachusetts 
 Volunteer Infantry had already joined General A. H. 
 Terry on James Island, and on the 16th of July, 1863, 
 
192 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 while on picket, was surprised by the enemy and hurled 
 back upon Terry's main line. The enemy, a body of Geor- 
 gians, more numerous than the Union force, was never- 
 theless driven off. Although the attack was a morning 
 surprise, the black soldiers had what Napoleon styled 
 "Two-o'clock-in-the-morning courage." Although con- 
 fronted by a superior force, the Negro regiment re- 
 coiled in good order, delivering a deliberate fire. After 
 this engagement the Fifty-fourth Regiment started the 
 same day for Morris Island, in order to participate in a 
 meditated assault upon Fort Wagner. 
 
 The Department of the South up to this time had done 
 little effective military service. Most of the Sea Islands 
 had fallen into the control of the Union forces, but the 
 way to Charleston, both by land and water, was guarded 
 by forts, fortifications, and torpedoes. Fort Wagner was 
 a strongly mounted and thoroughly garrisoned earthwork 
 extending across the north end of the island ; it was within 
 twenty-six hundred yards of Fort Sumter. The reduction 
 of this fortress left but little work to subdue Cumming's 
 Point, and thus siege guns could be brought within one 
 mile of Fort Sumter, and the city of Charleston the 
 heart of the rebellion would be within extreme shelling 
 distance. In this assault the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts 
 was to participate. It had sustained a loss of fourteen 
 killed, seventeen wounded, and thirteen missing while on 
 James Island, and having had a taste of war, was eager 
 for more. It was eminently proper, too, that this North- 
 ern Negro regiment from stalwart old Massachusetts 
 should have its fighting qualities tested in South Caro- 
 lina before a haughty and formidable fortress, from under 
 whose guns the most splendid valor of white troops had 
 recoiled. Before the trying hour they had been subject- 
 ed to tests not only of martial pluck, but of endurance, 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 193 
 
 hunger, heat, and thirst. At the close of the engagement 
 on the morning of the 16th these Negro soldiers were set 
 in motion from James to Morris Island. The first shock 
 of battle had burst upon them in the ominous silence of 
 the early morning. All day they marched over the isl- 
 and under the exhausting heat of a July sun in Carolina, 
 with the uncertain sand slipping under their weary tread. 
 All night the march was continued through darkness and 
 rain, amid thunder and lightning, over swollen streams, 
 broken dikes, and feeble, shuddering, narrow causeways. 
 Now a halt for no apparent reason, and then the column 
 moved forward to lead in the dance of death. This 
 dreary, weary, and exhausting march was continued till 
 six o'clock in the morning of the 18th, when the Fifty- 
 fourth reached Morris Island. 
 
 General Quincy A. Gillmore, an excellent engineer offi- 
 cer, had carefully matured his plans for the proposed 
 assault upon Fort Wagner. It was intended to open a 
 preliminary bombardment at daylight on the 18th, and 
 having by heavy ordnance tranquillized Wagner, to ef- 
 fect its reduction by the bayonet. But a tempest came 
 on suddenly and delayed the cruel ingenuity of war. The 
 thunder roared, the lightning flashed, and the rain fell 
 in torrents. The military operations were suspended in 
 the presence of Nature's awful spectacle. About eleven 
 o'clock aides-de-camp and mounted couriers sped in differ- 
 ent directions, and the force on land and its naval sup- 
 port upon the sea began to exhibit signs of preparation 
 for the impending conflict. The pale face and steady 
 look of officers as they transmitted their weighty orders 
 told the nature of their mission here and there on the 
 island. At 12.30 P.M. a flash of fire leaped from the 
 mouths of batteries that were ranged in semicircle for a 
 mile across the island, and the bombardment was formally 
 13 
 
194: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 opened. The naval vessels came into action also, within a 
 few hundred yards of the fortress, and the enemy replied 
 promptly from Wagner, Sumter, and Cumming's Point. 
 A storm of fire and whirring missiles was kept up all the 
 afternoon. The enemy did not serve all his guns in Wag- 
 ner, but the two operated were fought with admirable 
 skill and daring. The infantry support clung to the 
 bomb-proofs all the afternoon, for the commanding officer 
 evidently knew what the Union troops would attempt at 
 nightfall. At least one hundred great guns were engaged 
 in an attempt to batter down this rebel fortress, and the 
 work of destruction went on all the afternoon. Great 
 clouds of sand were thrown into the air by the tons of 
 metal that struck inside. A shot cut the halyards on the 
 flag-staff, and the rebel banner went fluttering to the earth 
 like a stricken bird. 
 
 Some of the Union officers thought the garrison was 
 about to capitulate, but Sumter fired a shot over the fort, 
 as much as to say, " I protest." Out from their bombs 
 rushed a squad of men, and, with the rebel yell, hauled 
 their colors to their place again. 
 
 As the day wore away it seemed certain, from the 
 Union stand-point, that the garrison must yield or perish. 
 Through a field-glass Wagner seemed little less than an 
 unrecognizable mass of ruins, a mere heap of sand. It 
 seemed as if the approaches to the bomb-proofs were 
 choked with sand, and that most of the heavy guns were 
 disabled and the fort practically dismantled. Its reduc- 
 tion seemed now near at hand, and the bombardment had 
 facilitated the work of the infantry who were to consum- 
 mate its redaction by a dash at the point of the bayonet. 
 Towards evening the breaching siege guns and monitors 
 slacked their fire. Soon the beach was filled with life. 
 Couriers dashed in every direction, and the troops were 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 195 
 
 now being disposed for an assault. At 6 P.M. the Fifty- 
 fourth Regiment reached General Geo. C. Strong's head- 
 quarters, about the middle of the island, wet and weary, 
 hungry and thirsty ; but there was no time for rest or re- 
 freshments. Onward the Negro regiment marched several 
 hundred yards farther, and proudly took its place at the 
 head of the assaulting column. General Strong and Colo- 
 nel Shaw addressed it briefly, and with burning words of 
 eloquent patriotic sentiment urged the men to valorous 
 conduct in the approaching assault. Both officers were 
 inspired ; the siren of martial glory was sedulously luring 
 them to the bloody and inhospitable trenches of Wagner. 
 There was a tremor in Colonel Shaw's voice and an im- 
 pressiveness in his manner. He was young and beautiful, 
 wealthy and refined, and his heroic words soon flowered 
 into action bravest of the brave, leader of men! The 
 random shot and shell that screamed through the ranks 
 gave the troops little annoyance. The first brigade con- 
 sisted of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts, Colonel Robert 
 Gould Shaw ; the Sixth Connecticut, Colonel Chatfield ; 
 the Forty-eighth New York, Colonel Barton ; the Third 
 New Hampshire, Colonel Jackson ; the Seventy - sixth 
 Pennsylvania, Colonel Strawbridge ; and the Ninth Maine, 
 Colonel Emory. After about thirty minutes' halt, Gen- 
 eral Strong gave the order for the charge, and the col- 
 umn advanced quickly to its perilous work. The ram- 
 parts of Wagner flashed with small-arms, and all the large 
 shotted guns roared with defiance. Sumter and Cum- 
 ming's Point delivered a destructive cross-fire, while the 
 howitzers in the bastions raked the ditch ; but the gallant 
 Negro regiment swept across it and gained the parapet. 
 Here the flag of this regiment was planted ; here General 
 Strong fell mortally wounded ; and here the brave, beau- 
 tiful, and heroic Colonel Shaw was saluted by death and 
 
196 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 kissed by immortality. The regiment lost heavily, but 
 held its ground under the most discouraging circum- 
 stances. The men had actually gained the inside of the 
 fort, where they bravely contended with a desperate and 
 determined enemy. The contest endured for about an 
 hour, when the regiment, shattered and torn, with nearly 
 all of its officers dead or wounded, was withdrawn under 
 the command 1 of Captain Luis F. Emilio. He formed a 
 new line of battle about seven hundred yards from the 
 fort, and awaited orders for another charge. He de- 
 spatched a courier to the commanding officer of the sec- 
 ond brigade that had gone to the front, stating that he was 
 in supporting position, and was ready and willing to do 
 what he could. Word came that the enemy was quiet 
 and that the Fifty-fourth was not needed. Captain Emi- 
 lio then occupied the rifle-pits flanking the Union ar- 
 tillery which he found unoccupied, and being out of 
 musket range, organized his men as best he could. The 
 national colors of the regiment which he had brought 
 back from the scene of the battle he sent to the rear with 
 the wounded color-sergeant, William H. Carney, as they 
 could not serve as a rallying point in the deep darkness. 
 The following extracts from a letter written by a late ser- 
 geant of the Fifty-fourth to Captain Luis F. Emilio gives 
 personal observations during this action that are not with- 
 out their value : 
 
 " Regarding the assault on Fort Wagner, I recollect dis- 
 tinctly that when our column had charged the fort, passed 
 the half-filled moat, and mounted to the parapet, many of 
 
 1 Several histories of the war have given Lieutenant Higginson the 
 honor of leading the regiment from the parapets of Wagner. This is 
 an error. Lieutenant Higginson was not in this action, but on detail 
 at the other end of the island. Captain Luis F. Emilio was the officer 
 who commanded at the close of the battle. G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 197 
 
 the men clambered over and some entered by the large 
 embrasure in which one of the big guns was mounted, the 
 firing substantially ceased there by the beach, and the rebel 
 musketry firing steadily grew hotter on our left. An offi- 
 cer of our regiment called out, ' Spike that gun.' Whether 
 this was done I do not know, for we fired our rifles and 
 fought as hard as we could to return the fire on our right. 
 
 "But the rebel fire grew hotter on our right, and a 
 field-piece every few seconds seemed to sweep along our 
 rapidly thinning ranks. Men all around me would fall 
 and roll down the scarp into the ditch. Just at the very 
 hottest moment of the struggle a battalion or regiment 
 charged up to the moat and halted, and did not attempt 
 to cross it and join us, but from their position commenced 
 to fire upon us. I was one of the men who shouted from 
 where I stood, ' Don't fire on us! We are the Fifty- 
 fourth!' I have heard it was a Maine regiment. This 
 is God's living truth ! Immediately after I heard an or- 
 der, ' Retreat !' Some twelve or fifteen of us slid down 
 from our position on the parapet of the fort. 
 
 " The men-of-war seemed to have turned their guns on 
 the fort, and the fire of the Confederates on the right 
 seemed to increase in power. The line of retreat seemed 
 lit with infernal fire ; the hissing bullets and bursting 
 shells seemed angry demons. 
 
 " I was with Hooker's division, cooking for Colonel B. 
 C. Tilghman, of the Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania Regiment, 
 in the battle of Fredericksburg, when General Burnside 
 commanded. I traversed the Hazel Dell Marr, the Stone 
 House, when all the enemy's artillery was turned upon it ; 
 but hot as the fire was there, it did not compare to the 
 terrific fire which blazed along the narrow approach to 
 Wagner. 
 
 " I care not who the man is who denies the fact, our 
 
198 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 regiment did charge the fort and drove the rebels from 
 their guns. Many of our men will join me in saying that 
 in the early stages of the fight we had possession of the 
 sea end of Battery Wagner. Indeed, most of the colored 
 prisoners taken there were captured inside the battery. 
 
 " When we reached the Gatling Battery drawn up to 
 repel the counter-attack, I remember you were the only 
 commissioned officer present, and you placed us indis- 
 criminately that is, without any regard to companies 
 in line, and prepared to renew the charge. The com- 
 manding officer, whom I do not know, ordered us to the 
 flanking rifle-pits, and we there awaited the expected 
 counter-charge the enemy did not make." 
 
 Captain Emdlio, who was an intelligent and experienced 
 officer, thought that in all probability the enemy would 
 make a counter - assault, having driven the Negro troops 
 from the fort, and in forming a new line of battle, he 
 was preparing for such a contingency. Fortunately for 
 the Union forces no counter - assault was delivered, al- 
 though a desultory firing was maintained nearly all night. 
 Some time after midnight General Thomas G. Stevenson 
 called upon Captain Emilio, where he held the front line, 
 and personally thanked him for the dispositions he had 
 made, and promised to relieve his gallant but weary com- 
 mand. Accordingly, the Tenth Connecticut relieved the 
 Fifty-fourth Massachusetts at two o'clock the next morn- 
 ing, July 19th. Captain Emilio had rallied the stragglers 
 of other regiments on the front line, and now that he was 
 relieved he sent these men to the rear by detachments 
 to join their regiments. With the remnant of the Fifty- 
 fourth he went into bivouac for the night a short distance 
 to the rear, where also some officers and men of this regi- 
 ment had been swept by the tide of battle, which unfort- 
 unately had gone the wrong way that night. On the fol- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 199 
 
 lowing morning Captain Emilio, still being in command 
 of the regiment, led it to an old camp formerly occupied 
 by the command near the south end of Morris Island. 
 
 The appalling list of casualties shows how bravely this 
 Negro regiment had done its duty, and the unusually 
 large number of men missing proves that the regiment 
 had fought its way into the fort, and if properly sup- 
 ported, Wagner would have been captured. Colonel Shaw 
 led about six hundred enlisted men and twenty-two offi- 
 cers into this action. Of the enlisted men thirty-one were 
 killed, one hundred and thirty -five wounded, and ninety- 
 two missing. Of the twenty -two officers participating 
 three were killed and eleven were wounded. Nearly half 
 of the enlisted men were killed, wounded, or missing, 
 while more than one-half of the officers were either killed 
 or wounded. 
 
 From a purely military stand-point the assault upon 
 Fort Wagner was a failure, but it furnished the severest 
 test of Negro valor and soldiership. It was a mournful 
 satisfaction to the advocates of Negro soldiers to point 
 the doubting, sneering, stay-at-home Negro -haters to the 
 murderous trenches of Wagner. The Negro soldier had 
 seen his red-letter day, and his title to patriotic courage 
 was written in his own blood. Pleased with the splendid 
 behavior of the regiment in particular and the special 
 courage of several enlisted men, General Gillmore award- 
 ed a medal to the following soldiers of the Fifty-fourth : 
 Sergeant Eobert J. Simmons, Company B ; Sergeant Will- 
 iam H. Carney, Company C ; Corporal Henry F. Peal, 
 Company F ; and Private George Wilson, Company A. 
 
 But it would be unjust to forget the gallant color- 
 sergeant John Wall who fell in the outer trench. He 
 was a brave and competent soldier, but after the United 
 States colors had been taken up and borne to the top of 
 
200 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the parapet, henceforth history seems to have kept her 
 jealous eye upon Sergeant William H. Carney, the heroic 
 self -appointed successor to Sergeant John Wall. Sergeant 
 Carney planted his flag upon the ramparts of the rebel 
 fort, and after having received three severe wounds, 
 brought it to the rear stained with his own blood 
 
 "Glares tbe volcanic breath, 
 Breaks the red sea of death, 
 From Wagner's yawning hold, 
 On the besiegers bold. 
 Twice vain the wild attack, 
 Inch by inch, sadly slow, 
 Fights the torn remnant back, 
 Face to the foe. 
 
 " Yet free the colors wave, 
 Borne by yon Afric brave, 
 In the fierce storm wind higher; 
 But, ah ! one flashing fire : 
 He sinks! the banner falls 
 
 From the faint, mangled limb, 
 And droop to mocking walls 
 Those star-folds dim. 
 
 " Stay, stay the taunting laugh! 
 See! now he lifts the staff, 
 Clinched in his close-set teeth, 
 Crawls from dead heaps beneath. 
 Crowned with his starry robe, 
 Till he the ranks has found : 
 ' Comrades, the dear old flag 
 Ne'er touched the ground.' 
 
 " O man so pure, so grand, 
 Sidney might clasp thy hand! 
 O brother! black thy skin, 
 But white the pearl within! 
 Man, who to lift thy race 
 
 Worthy, thrice worthy art, 
 Clasps thee, in warm embrace 
 A Nation's heart." 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 201 
 
 The State colors were lost in the unequal struggle at 
 the beach end of the fort. The rebel general Ripley 
 took them to England with him, saying that whenever 
 Massachusetts should elect a Democrat as governor he 
 would return the flag. Twelve years later William Gas- 
 ton, the candidate of the Democratic party of the Com- 
 monwealth, was chosen governor. True to his resolve, 
 General Ripley returned the flag to the State Govern- 
 ment, accompanied by a polite note, and after an absence 
 of nearly thirteen years the beautiful banner came back 
 to Boston, that had witnessed its presentation on the 
 Common; and on the 17th of June, 1875, on the Cen- 
 tennial celebration of the battle of Bunker Hill, it was 
 borne in the imposing procession by an ex-member of the 
 Fifty-fourth who had fought under its folds Saturday 
 night, July 18, 1863 ! Its wanderings are ended forever, 
 and now it hangs permanently in its appointed place 
 among the regimental flags of the troops of Massachu- 
 setts. Like many of the other flags it is rent by bullets 
 and faded by a Southern sun, but it will tell to genera- 
 tion after generation the matchless story of Negro patri- 
 otism and valor. 
 
 General Ripley's generous and noble letter deserves a 
 place in history : 
 
 "8 Stanhope Terrace, Gloster Road, South Kensington, 
 
 " London, January 12, 1875. 
 ' ' To his Excellency the Governor of Massachusetts : 
 
 "I have the honor to forward to your Excellency the Regimental 
 color for the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Volunteers, which was taken 
 in action on the evening of the 18th of July, 1863, by the garrison of 
 Battery Wagner, under General Taliaferro, being a part of the forces 
 defending Charleston, South Carolina, under my command, when that 
 work was assaulted by the Federal troops under General Gillmore. 
 
 " Since the close of the Civil War in America I have been generally 
 absent from the country, and I have seen with regret the failure of ex- 
 
202 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 pedients attempted to restore peace and content to the Southern 
 States. 
 
 " It seems to me, however, that the lapse of time and the course of 
 events have produced a less imbittered state of public feeling than that 
 which existed just after the close of the strife. Under the existing 
 state of things I deem it decorous, if not a positive duty, to promote 
 the oblivion of the animosities which led to and were engendered by 
 the war. 
 
 " Such being the case, I prefer to look upon trophies of the character 
 of the color in question as mementos of the gallant conduct of men 
 who like Shaw, Putnam, and other sons of Massachusetts sealed their 
 devotion to the cause which the^ adopted with their lives, rather than 
 as evidences of prowess on the one side or the other. The custodians 
 of such a memento, I think, should be the authorities of the State 
 served by these gallant men, and I therefore transmit the flag to your 
 Excellency for such disposition as the authorities of Massachusetts 
 shall determine. Very respectfully, 
 
 "Your obedient servant, 
 (Signed) "R. S. RIPLEY." 
 
 At the battle of Thermopylae three hundred Spartans 
 held the pass against an enormous army, and yet history 
 has made Leonidas representative of them all. Many 
 brave soldiers fell in the forlorn assault upon Fort Wag- 
 ner, but when some great painter has patriotic inspira- 
 tion to give this battle an immortal representation, Colonel 
 Shaw will be the central figure ; and America will only 
 remember one name in this conflict for all time to come 
 Colonel Robert Gould Shaw ! This was a noble and 
 precious life, but it was cheerfully consecrated to human 
 freedom and the regeneration of the nation. He had 
 good blood, splendid training, wide experience for one 
 so young, and had inherited strong antislavery senti- 
 ments. When he had fallen, a flag of truce called for his 
 body. A rebel officer responded, k< We have buried him 
 with his niggers." It was thought thus to cast indignity 
 upon the hero dead, but it was a failure. The colonel 
 and his men were united in life, and it was fitting that 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 203 
 
 they should not be separated in death. In this idea his 
 father joined, and the following letter exhibits his feel- 
 ings: 
 
 "Brigadier-general GiUmore, commanding Department of the South : 
 
 " SIR, I take the liberty to address you because I am informed 
 that efforts are to be made to recover the body of my son, Colonel 
 Shaw, of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment, which was buried 
 at Fort Wagner. My object in writing is to say that such efforts are 
 not authorized by me or any of my family, and that they are not ap- 
 proved by us. We hold that a soldier's most appropriate burial-place 
 is on the field where he has fallen. I shall therefore be much obliged, 
 General, if, in case the matter is brought to your cognizance, you will 
 forbid the desecration of my son's grave, and prevent the disturbance 
 of his remains or those buried with him. With most earnest wishes 
 for your success, I am, sir, with respect and esteem, 
 
 " Your most obedient servant, 
 
 "FRANCIS GEORGE SHAW. 
 " New York, August 34, 1863." 
 
 Instead of dishonoring the remains of Colonel Shaw 
 by burying him with his brave black soldiers, the intend- 
 ed ignominy was transformed into a beautiful bow of 
 promise that was to span forever the future of the race 
 for which he gave his life. He was representative of all 
 that was good in American life ; he had wealth, high 
 social position, and the broadest culture. From his ex- 
 alted station he chose to fight with and for Negro troops 
 not only to lead them in conflict, but to die for them 
 and the Republic ; and although separated from them in 
 civil life, nevertheless he united the rich and the poor, 
 the learned and the unlearned, the white and black, in 
 his military apotheosis. 
 
 " ' They buried him with his niggers!' 
 
 Together they fought and died; 
 There was room for them all where they laid him 
 (The grave was deep and wide), 
 
204: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 For his beauty and youth and valor, 
 
 Their patience and love and pain; 
 And at the last day together 
 
 They shall all be found again. 
 
 " ' They buried him with his niggers!' 
 
 Earth holds no prouder grave; 
 There is not a mausoleum 
 
 In the world beyond the wave 
 That a nobler tale has hallowed 
 
 Or a purer glory crowned, 
 Than the nameless trench where they buried 
 
 The brave so faithful found. 
 
 " ' They buried him with his niggers!' 
 
 A wide grave should it be. 
 They buried more in that shallow trench 
 
 Than human eye could see. 
 Ay, all the shames and sorrows 
 
 Of more than a hundred years 
 Lie under the weight of that Southern soil 
 
 Despite those cruel sneers. 
 
 " ' They buried him with his niggers!' 
 
 But the glorious souls set free 
 Are leading the van of the army 
 
 That fights for liberty. 
 Brothers in death, in glory 
 
 The same palm-branches bear, 
 And the crown is as bright o'er the sable brows 
 
 As over the golden hair. " 
 
 In the recklessly fought battle of Olustee the left wing of 
 General Seymour's little army was composed of three Ne- 
 gro regiments the Eighth United States Colored Troops, 
 the First North Carolina, 1 and the Fifty-fourth Massachu- 
 setts Volunteers. This battle, fought on the 20th of Feb- 
 
 1 Subsequently the Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops. G. 
 W.W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 205 
 
 ruary, 1864, was one of the severest of the war ; and had 
 it not been for the stubborn fighting of these Negro 
 troops Seymour would have been routed and annihilated. 
 
 During the closing weeks of 1863 the Government was 
 somewhat moved by rumors that Florida might be restored 
 to the Union under certain contingencies. General Q. A. 
 Gillmore proposed an expedition into that State, and the 
 President approving it, sent one of his secretaries to join 
 it. It was placed under the command of General Truman 
 Seymour, and set sail from Hilton Head February 6, 
 1864. Jacksonville was occupied the next afternoon, 
 and two days later a small cavalry force under Colonel 
 Guy Y. Henry, Fortieth Massachusetts, moved westward 
 along a road running parallel to the railroad, with the in- 
 tention of surprising a force of the enemy. The move- 
 ment was successful, resulting in the capture of a large 
 amount of stores and four guns. Emboldened by this 
 success, Henry pushed forward to Baldwin, where he beat 
 off the enemy and captured valuable property. Gillmore 
 had accompanied Seymour thus far, and having cautioned 
 him not to make any hostile demonstration for the pres- 
 ent, returned thence to Hilton Head. 
 
 On the 17th he received a despatch from Seymour that 
 he was proposing to push forward to the Suwannee Kiver. 
 Gillmore sent a despatch of even date disapproving the 
 proposed expedition, but the next news he received was 
 of the disaster at Olustee. 
 
 With a force short of five thousand men, of all arms, 
 Seymour broke camp at Barber's Station at 7 A.M. Sat- 
 urday, February 20, 1864, and moved westward towards 
 Lake City, parallel to the railroad. The force consisted of 
 two brigades. Colonel J. R. Hawley commanded the First 
 Brigade, with his own regiment, the Seventh Connecticut ; 
 Eighth United States Colored Troops, Colonel Charles W. 
 
206 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Friblej ; Fortieth Massachusetts Mounted Infantry, Colo- 
 nel Guj Y. Henry; and the Seventh New Hampshire, 
 Colonel Joseph C. Abbott ; Independent Battalion of Mas- 
 sachusetts Cavalry, Major Atherton H. Stevens ; and the 
 Artillery, twenty guns, being Captain Hamilton's, Captain 
 Langdon's, Captain Elder's batteries, and one section of 
 the Third Rhode Island Artillery. The Second Brigade 
 was commanded by Colonel William H. Barton, and con- 
 sisted of the Forty-seventh, Forty-eighth, and One Hun- 
 dred and Fifteenth New York, the Fifty-fourth Massa- 
 chusetts, and First North Carolina Volunteers. Of this 
 force three regiments were Negroes the Eighth, Fifty- 
 fourth Massachusetts, and First North Carolina. 
 
 The column moved steadily forward, with the cavalry 
 in front and the artillery distributed along the line of in- 
 fantry, from 7 A.M. till 2 P.M., when an outpost of the ene- 
 my was encountered. For some reason not revealed in 
 his report Seymour used no flankers, and the enemy drew 
 him into ambush before he was aware of his immediate 
 presence. Besides, the Union force was weary and hun- 
 gry, having marched sixteen miles over heavy roads and 
 through numerous swamps. The enemy was quietly await- 
 ing the assault, confident of success, behind earthworks 
 extending through heavy timber and his flanks covered 
 by impassable swamps. 
 
 One section of Elder's battery was brought into action 
 right, but the enemy made no response. The Seventh 
 Connecticut and the Seventh New Hampshire were or- 
 dered to assault the enemy's right, and moved into action 
 with spirit and gallantry. The enemy now opened a ter- 
 rific fire. It was soon discovered that the enemy's right 
 lapped Seymour's left, and that an engagement was in 
 progress wherein the Union forces were outnumbered by 
 about five to one. The remainder of Hawley's brigade 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 207 
 
 was at once brought into action. The enemy held his fire 
 in the centre and on the left until Hamilton's battery was 
 brought into action, when the musketry fire was severe ; 
 many men and horses were killed or disabled before the 
 guns could be unlimbered and served. Langdon's battery 
 now came into action on the extreme left amid a shower 
 of rebel rnusket-balls, and four guns were fought with 
 skill within about one hundred yards of the enemy's lines. 
 Amid the roar of battle Seymour gave an order contract- 
 ing the left flank of his infantry line, which left the artil- 
 lery without support. In about thirty minutes forty-five 
 of the eighty-two men in the artillery, and forty out of 
 the fifty battery horses, were killed and wounded. The 
 two regiments on the right began to give way, recoiling 
 slowly and stubbornly before a fierce fire. They were or- 
 dered to the rear, and the Eighth United States Colored 
 Troops charged in on the right, led by that gallant officer 
 Colonel Charles W. Fribley. Next came Barton's brigade, 
 splendidly led to the conflict ; but the enemy was yet un- 
 moved behind his cover, whence he delivered a destructive 
 fire. 
 
 Seymour now ordered the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts to 
 relieve Colonel Fribley's regiment, and the men double- 
 quicked to their work with hearty cheers. 
 
 The First North Carolina Yolunteers was ordered into 
 action on the extreme right, and Barton's brigade, march- 
 ing in columns en echelon, moved steadily to the assault. 
 Lieutenant-colonel William N. Reed, splendidly mounted, 
 with drawn sword, led the First North Carolina against 
 the enemy's left. It was reported of Reed that he was 
 bound to both races by the ties of consanguinity ; that he 
 was educated in Germany, and that in the army of that 
 empire he had reached the Mat-major, having graduated 
 from the military school at Keil. He was an able officer, 
 
208 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 whose conspicuous gallantry attracted the attention of the 
 officers of other troops who saw the First North Carolina 
 led thus splendidly to battle. 
 
 However, unable to drive back the enemy's left, Sey- 
 mour's right recoiled ; but the centre held its ground until 
 the troops were withdrawn in excellent order. 
 
 Seymour was almost recklessly brave, exposing himself 
 at every point along his entire line of battle, but his troops 
 could not successfully contend with such an enemy in such 
 a place. Colonel Fribley was now dead on the field ; Cap- 
 tain Hamilton, with a broken arm and a bullet in his 
 thigh, was still the inspiring presence on the left. Lieu- 
 tenant - colonel Reed, already wounded, and his major, 
 Archibald Bogle, now stretched upon the field severely 
 injured, hearing that his brave and accomplished adju- 
 tant, William C. Manning, had been struck, embraced the 
 young lieutenant and implored him to leave the field ; 
 but Manning, a born soldier, with all the noble instincts 
 of an educated New England gentleman, would not leave 
 his regiment at such a critical moment, and in remain- 
 ing he fell wounded again at the moment Colonel Reed 
 received a mortal hurt. 
 
 Taking advantage of a slight diversion, Seymour, almost 
 with superhuman energy and tact, re-established his bat- 
 teries in the centre, and in withdrawing his decimated 
 forces delivered some effective parting shots at the victo- 
 rious enemy. 
 
 Had the advance been conducted with the same cau- 
 tious, soldierly calculations which characterized the retreat 
 the conflict would have ended in a victory for the Union. 
 However, when he reached Baldwin and Jacksonville, Sey- 
 mour again lost his head ; for having lost about 250 killed 
 and 1,200 wounded, he now destroyed over one million 
 dollars' worth of Government stores. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 209 
 
 Although the battle of Olustee was not a victory, yet it 
 furnished an opportunity for martial valor of the highest 
 order, and the opportunity was fully appreciated and em- 
 ployed by all the troops, but by none more than the gal- 
 lant Negro regiments. 
 
 It seemed to be the fate of the Negro troops in the De- 
 partment of the South to lead a forlorn hope. First came 
 the bold and perilous stroke of the South Edisto Expedi- 
 tion to burn a bridge fifteen miles above Wiltown Bluff to 
 aid General Sherman; then came the assault upon Fort 
 Wagner, next the bloody and fruitless action at Olustee; 
 and on the 30th of November, 1864, came the battle of 
 Honey Hill, in which several regiments of Negroes added 
 to the laurels they had won on other fields. General Hal- 
 leek had instructed General J. G. Foster, commanding the 
 Sea Islands, to make a demonstration by land to aid Gen- 
 eral Sherman, who was expected to make his appearance 
 near Pocotaligo towards the close of November. General 
 Foster found that he could spare about five thousand men 
 for this purpose, and at the head of this force he ascended 
 Broad River by transports and landed at Boyd's Neck. 
 General J. P. Hatch was pushed forward to seize and de- 
 stroy the Charleston and Savannah railroad near Grahams- 
 ville, in the Beaufort district. General Hatch missed his 
 way and failed to reach the railroad that day, and on the 
 following morning, November 30th, he found himself con- 
 fronted by a powerful enemy intrenched upon Honey Hill. 
 His advance-guard felt the foe and drew his fire, but he 
 warily fell back, leading the Union troops into a very 
 death-trap. The fortified position of the enemy was about 
 two miles and a half from Grahamsville. There was a 
 semicircular line of light earthworks forming the centre 
 of the enemy's lines ; his left extended far out into pine 
 lands and his right along a substantial fence that skirted 
 
210 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 a swamp. His batteries commanded a narrow road, and 
 even this was overflowed at times for many yards by the 
 swamp that was swollen by an overflowing creek near by. 
 A few yards beyond the swamp the main road turned off 
 to the left, making an obtuse angle, and a smaller and less 
 frequented road turned off to the right. By a happy co- 
 incidence the Negro brigade under Colonel A. S. Hartwell 
 was singing a magnificent song when the enemy made his 
 presence known by a destructive fire. 
 
 " Ho, boys, chains are breaking, 
 Bondsmen fast awaking, 
 Tyrant hearts are quaking, 
 Southward we are making. 
 
 Huzza! huzza! 
 
 Our song shall be 
 
 Huzza! huzza! 
 
 That we are free! 
 
 # # * # 
 "Our flag's Red, White, and Blue; 
 
 We'll bear it marching through, 
 With rifles swift and true, 
 And bayonets gleam iug too. 
 Huzza! huzza! etc. 
 
 * * * * 
 
 "No more for trader's gold 
 Shall those we love be sold ; 
 Nor crushed be manhood bold 
 In slavery's dreaded fold. 
 Huzza! huzza! etc. 
 
 "But each and all be free 
 As singing-bird in tree, 
 Or winds that whistling flee 
 O'er mountain, vale, and sea. 
 Huzza! huzza! etc." 
 
 As soon as the first line of battle could be formed the 
 Thirty-second Negro Infantry was ordered to carry the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 211 
 
 enemy's earthworks with the bayonet; but the marsh 
 was found to be impassable at the designated point of as- 
 sault. This regiment was withdrawn and the Thirty- 
 fifth Negro Infantry was gallantly led to the assault ; 
 but it was impossible to reach within effective assaulting 
 position, and under a terrific concentric fire the regiment 
 recoiled upon the reserve. At last the Fifty-fourth Mas- 
 sachusetts, holding the right of Colonel Hartwell's bri- 
 gade, was ordered forward. It moved as if on dress parade, 
 while the enemy's guns and musketry swept the narrow 
 gap. It did not recoil, the lines merely quivered under 
 the raking fire. In a moment the gallant Colonel Hart- 
 well rode up and gave the order " Follow your colors !" 
 and led the regiment to desperate fighting. The colonel 
 was wounded in the hand, yet he refused to leave the field ; 
 but the fighting effected nothing. Finally the Fifty-fifth 
 was formed in line of battle, with close column on com- 
 pany front. These troops fought with almost reckless 
 bravery, but it was impossible to reach the enemy's bat- 
 teries. "While in the midst of the swamp Colonel Hart- 
 well's horse was torn to pieces by the explosion of a 
 shell, and the gallant horseman vas again wounded. In 
 the fall both became involved, and it was only by the 
 most desperate exertions that he was extricated and borne 
 to the rear in the strong and tender arms of his own 
 men. In this service one was killed and another severely 
 wounded, while the colonel was again struck before he 
 was beyond the range of the enemy's guns. A Confeder- 
 ate account of this engagement does not overlook or ig- 
 nore the splendid fighting of the Negro troops. Early 
 in December, 1864, The Savannah Republican (Confeder- 
 ate) gave the following account of the battle of Honey 
 Hill: 
 
 " The Negroes, as usual, formed the advance, and had 
 
212 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 nearly reached the creek when our batteries opened upon 
 them down the road with a terrible volley of special case. 
 This threw them into temporary confusion, but the en- 
 tire force, estimated at five thousand, was quickly restored 
 to order, and thrown into a line of battle parallel with our 
 own, up and down the margin of the swamp. Thus the 
 battle raged from eleven in the morning till dark. The 
 enemy's centre and left were most exposed and suffered 
 terribly. Their right was posted behind an old dam that 
 ran through the swamp, and it maintained its position till 
 the close of the fight. Our left was very much exposed, 
 and an attempt was once or twice made by the enemy to 
 turn it by advancing through the swamp and up the hill, 
 but they were driven back without a prolonged struggle. 
 
 " The centre and left of the enemy fought with a des- 
 perate earnestness. Several attempts were made to charge 
 our batteries, and many got nearly across the swamp, but 
 were in every instance forced back by the galling fire 
 poured into them from our lines. We made a visit to the 
 field the day following, and found the road literally strewn 
 with their dead. Some eight or ten bodies were floating 
 in the water where the road crosses, and in a ditch on the 
 roadside just beyond we saw six Negroes piled one on 
 top of the other. A colonel of one of the Negro regi- 
 ments, with his horse, was killed while fearlessly leading 
 his men across the creek in a charge. With that excep- 
 tion, all the dead and wounded officers were carried off by 
 the enemy during the night. Many traces were left where 
 they were dragged from the woods to the road and thrown 
 into ambulances or carts. We counted some sixty or sev- 
 enty bodies in the space of about an acre, many of which 
 were horribly mutilated by shells, some with half their 
 heads shot off, and others completely disembowelled. The 
 artillery was served with great accuracy, and we doubt if 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 213 
 
 any battle-field of the war presents such havoc among the 
 trees and shrubbery. Immense pines and other growth 
 were cut short off or torn into shreds." 
 
 In many other engagements in the Department of the 
 South Negro troops maintained their reputation for steadi- 
 ness and courage so dearly earned at Wagner and Olustee. 
 Their officers had unbounded confidence in them, and the 
 white troops, who at first shrank from their comradeship, 
 soon esteemed it an honor to be associated with them in 
 camp and in battle. Every duty was discharged joyfully, 
 every privation and pain endured heroically, and but one 
 thought animated them from first to last, the preserva- 
 tion of the national life with the death of slavery. To 
 compass this end there were no trials too severe, no duties 
 too arduous, no death too bitter. In all the engagements 
 in which they participated, as far as it was possible, their 
 officers sought for them the posts of danger and honor. 
 Danger never awed them and honor never spoiled them. 
 They were equal to every military contingency, and nei- 
 ther General Hunter nor the Government ever had occa- 
 sion to regret the military employment of Negroes in the 
 Department of the South. 
 
214 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY (1863). 
 
 BY some fateful fortuitous circumstance the first fight- 
 ing of Negro troops in the Mississippi Valley was as severe 
 and fruitless as that of their brethren and comrades in the 
 Department of the South. Port Hudson and Fort Wag- 
 ner, where the Negro soldier earned his reputation for 
 valor, were much alike. Both were strongly fortified ; 
 one was protected by a bayou under its very guns, the 
 other had made captive the ocean in its treacherous 
 trenches ; and in each instance the service to be per- 
 formed demanded the highest qualities of courage, steadi- 
 ness, endurance, and prompt obedience. 
 
 General Grant was busy with the work of reducing 
 Vicksburg. He had proposed to General N. P. Banks, 
 who held the lower Mississippi, to join their forces for 
 the reduction of Port Hudson or Vicksburg first, and then 
 to assault the other position vigorously. General Banks 
 could not well leave New Orleans to the mercy of Gen- 
 eral Richard Taylor, who, the moment he should learn of 
 Banks's absence up the river, would move into Louisiana 
 from Texas with a fresh army. On the 12th of May, 
 1863, General Grant had crossed the Mississippi and en- 
 tered upon his siege against Vicksburg. General Banks, 
 who had been on the Atchafalaya, landed at Bayou Sara 
 at two o'clock on the morning of the 21st of May, and 
 immediately proceeded to embark a portion of his force 
 on steamers, and the remainder moved up the west bank 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 215 
 
 of the river. On the 23d he formed a junction with the 
 forces under Major-general Auger and Brigadier-general 
 Sherman, who had advanced within five miles of Port 
 Hudson. General Gardner, commanding the rebel forces 
 at Port Hudson, despatched Colonel Miles to defeat the 
 proposed junction of Union troops behind his fastness. 
 Colonel Miles attempted to strike Anger's flank while on 
 the march, but was assaulted vigorously and driven back 
 with severe loss. The right wing of General Banks's 
 army, consisting of the troops under Generals "Weitzel, 
 Grover, and D wight, struck the enemy with vigor, and 
 compelled him to contract his outer lines and retire with- 
 in his intrenchments on the 25th. The investment of 
 Port Hudson was now complete, and on the morning of 
 the 27th a grand assault was ordered upon the enemy's 
 position. During the previous night the First and Third 
 regiments of Louisiana Native Guards, the only Negro 
 troops under General Banks, had been on the march. 
 They had been some months in garrison, but this was 
 their first movement towards active military service. The 
 dust was thick, the air heavy, and the heat oppressive. 
 The morning of the 27th dawned upon these Negro 
 troops with a sort of sullen silence. The sky was flushed, 
 and Nature seemed to hold her breath in horror at the 
 terrible slaughter that was soon to take place. The ene- 
 my's works had been constructed with skill and delibera- 
 tion, at a time when the slave labor of that vicinity was 
 placed at the disposal of the military commander. The 
 works formed a semicircle, and both ends extended tow- 
 ards the river. In the disposition of the troops the two 
 Negro regiments were posted upon the right, immediately 
 in front of two large forts. The presence of these troops 
 in the Mississippi Valley had caused much speculation 
 and considerable feeling. It was coldly proposed now to 
 
216 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 subject them to the severest test ; and the men them- 
 selves were not less anxious to win a name than the white 
 soldiers were desirous to see them tried in the fires of bat- 
 tle. The assault was intended to be simultaneous all along 
 the line. At 5.40 A.M. General Banks's artillery opened 
 upon the rebel works, but the attack on the right was not 
 ordered until ten o'clock, and the left did not assault un- 
 til two o'clock in the afternoon. The First Regiment of 
 Native Guards was composed of free Negroes of means 
 and intelligence, and all their line officers were- Negroes : 
 the regiment was under the command of Lieutenant-colo- 
 nel Chauncy J. Bassett ; while the Third Regiment Na- 
 tive Guards, mostly ex-slaves, had white line officers, and 
 was commanded by Colonel John A. Nelson. Colonel 
 Nelson was placed in the position of Brigadier -general, 
 and Lieutenant -colonel Henry Finnegas assumed com- 
 mand of the regiment. This Negro force numbered 
 1,080, and was formed in four lines. The first two lines 
 were led by Lieutenant-colonel Bassett. When the order 
 for the assault was given, the men moved forward in quick 
 time, and then changed it into double-quick. The line 
 was almost perfect, and the movement was executed with 
 spirit and dash. The enemy held his fire until the as- 
 saulting column was within four hundred yards of the 
 point of attack. Suddenly the earth quaked, and a sheet 
 of fire flashed along the forts ; a cloud of smoke rose over 
 the ramparts, and the air was filled with demons of de- 
 struction and death hissing, screaming, howling, and leap- 
 ing at their. black victims with the rapidity of lightning. 
 The slaughter was dreadful, but the shattered, quivering, 
 bleeding columns only wheeled by companies to the rear, 
 reformed at a short distance from the foe, and again gal- 
 lantly dashed down through the Valley of Death and 
 charged for the guns on the bluff. But the sixty -two 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 217 
 
 pound shot, the shell, canister, and minie-ball were more 
 than infantry could contend with in the open field ; the 
 pierced and thinned columns recoiled before such terrible 
 odds. Lieutenant-colonel Henry Finnegas fearlessly led 
 his columns to the assault over the same crimson path, 
 obstructed by the dead and wounded, ploughed by shell, 
 but lighted forever by fadeless deeds of martial valor. 
 The mill of death was now grinding with rapacious greed. 
 The enemy was serving his guns with rapidity and accu- 
 racy; the Union gunboats were hurling monstrous shot 
 and shell into the river side of the enemy's work ; but all 
 eyes, of friend and foe, were turned towards the remorse- 
 less hell of conflict, bristling with bayonets and glinting 
 with the red flash of shotted cannon, into which Negro 
 troops were being hurled by the inexorable orders of 
 Brigadier - general William D wight. It was of no avail 
 that these troops fought like white veterans. A deep 
 bayou ran under the guns on the bluff, and although the 
 troops reached its edge, some fifty yards from the ene- 
 my's guns, they could not cross it. After Colonel Nelson 
 had become convinced that his men could not carry the 
 forts, he despatched an aide to General D wight to report 
 the difficulties he had to contend with. " Tell Colonel 
 Nelson," he sternly said, " I shall consider that he has 
 accomplished nothing unless he takes those guns !" 
 
 "Theirs not to make reply, 
 Theirs not to reason why, 
 Theirs but to do and die." 
 
 Not a man faltered when the torn and decimated lines 
 were reformed and led over the same field to the same 
 terrible fate. Shell and solid shot severed limbs from 
 trees, tore off tops, and, in falling, these caused the men 
 much annoyance. The colors of the First Louisiana were 
 
218 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 pierced by bullets and almost severed from the staff. The 
 color-sergeant, Anselraas Planciancois, was gallantly bear- 
 ing the colors in front of the enemy's works when a shell 
 cut the flag in two and carried away part of the sergeant's 
 head. His brains and blood stained the beautiful banner, 
 which fell over him as he embraced it in death. In a 
 struggle for the flag the generous rivalry of two corporals 
 was ended by the shot of a sharp-shooter which felled one 
 of them. He dropped upon the lifeless body of the color- 
 sergeant, while his successful rival carried the colors proud- 
 ly through the conflict. Captain Andre Cailloux, of Com- 
 pany E, First Regiment Native Guards, won for himself a 
 proud place among the military heroes of the Negro race 
 for all time. He was of pure Negro blood, but his feat- 
 ures showed the result of generations of freedom and cult- 
 ure among his ancestry. He was a man of fine presence, 
 a leader by instinct and education. He was possessed of 
 ample means, and yet was not alienated from his race in 
 any interest. He loved to boast of genuine blackness, 
 and his race pride made him an acceptable, successful, and 
 formidable leader. It was the magnetic thrill of his pa- 
 triotic utterances that rallied a company for the service of 
 his country the previous year. Upon all occasions he had 
 displayed talents as a commander, and gave promise of 
 rare courage when the trying hour should come. It had 
 come at length : not too soon for this eager soldier, if un- 
 happily too early for the cause he loved! During the 
 early part of this action the enemy had trained his guns 
 upon the colors of these Negro troops, and they especial- 
 ly received the closest attention of the sharp-shooters. 
 Captain Cailloux commanded the color company. It had 
 suffered severely from the first, but- the gallant captain 
 was seen all along the line encouraging his men by brave 
 words and inspiring them by his noble example. His left 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 219 
 
 arm was shattered, but he refused to leave the field. Now 
 in English and then in French, with his voice faint from 
 exhaustion, he urged his men to the fullest measure of 
 duty. In one heroic effort he rushed to the front of his 
 company and exclaimed, " Follow me !" When within 
 about fifty yards of the fort a shell smote him to his death, 
 and he fell, like the brave soldier he was, in the advance 
 with his face to the foe. It was a soldier's death, and just 
 what he would have chosen. 
 
 " ' Still forward and charge for the guns!' said Cailloux, 
 And liis shattered sword-arm was the guidon they knew. 
 But a fire rakes the flanks and a fire rakes the van; 
 He is down with the ranks that go down as one man." 
 
 Six desperate charges were made by these Negro troops, 
 and after it was evident that it was by no lack of courage 
 on their part that the guns were not taken, they were re- 
 called from the scene of their fierce trial. The correspond- 
 ent of the New York Times gave the following account of 
 the conduct of these regiments : 
 
 "During this time they rallied, and were ordered to 
 make six distinct charges^ losing thirty-seven killed, and 
 one hundred and fifty-five wounded, and sixteen missing, 
 the majority, if not all, of these being in all probability 
 now lying dead on the gory field, and without the rites of 
 sepulture ; for when by flag of truce our forces in other 
 directions were permitted to reclaim their dead, the bene- 
 fit, through some neglect, was not extended to these black 
 regiments. 
 
 " The deeds of heroism performed by these colored men 
 were such as the proudest white men might emulate. 
 Their colors are torn to pieces by shot, and literally be- 
 spattered by blood and brains. The color-sergeant of the 
 First Louisiana, on being mortally wounded, hugged the 
 
220 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between the 
 two color-corporals on each side of him as to who should 
 have the honor of bearing the sacred standard, and during 
 this generous contention one was seriously wounded. One 
 black lieutenant actually mounted the enemy's works three 
 or four times, and in one charge the assaulting party came 
 within fifty paces of them. Indeed, if only ordinarily 
 supported by artillery and reserve, no one can convince us 
 that they would not have opened a passage through the 
 enemy's works. 
 
 "Captain Cailloux, of the First Louisiana, a man so 
 black that he actually prided himself upon his blackness, 
 died the death of a hero, leading on his men in the thick- 
 est of the fight. One poor wounded fellow came along 
 with his arm shattered by a shell, and jauntily swinging 
 it with the other, as he said to a friend of mine, ' Massa, 
 guess I can fight no more.' I was with one of the cap- 
 tains, looking after the wounded going in the rear of the 
 hospital, when we met one limping along towards the 
 front. On being asked where he was going, he said, ' I 
 been shot bad in the leg, captain, and dey want me to go 
 to de hospital, but I guess I can gib 'em some more yet.' 
 I could go on filling your columns with startling facts of 
 this kind, but I hope I have told enough to prove that we 
 can hereafter rely upon black arms as well as white in 
 crushing this infernal rebellion. I long ago told you there 
 was an army of 250,000 men ready to leap forward in de- 
 fence of freedom at the first call. You know where to 
 find them, and what they are worth. 
 
 " Although repulsed in an attempt which, situated as 
 things were, was all but impossible, these regiments, 
 though badly cut up, are still on hand, and burning with 
 a passion ten times hotter from their fierce baptism of 
 blood." 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 221 
 
 On the 30th of May, 1863, General Banks, in an elabo- 
 rate report to General Halleck, spoke thus flatteringly of 
 the conduct of his Negro troops : 
 
 " It gives me pleasure to report that they answered ev- 
 ery expectation. Their conduct was heroic; no troops 
 could be more determined or more daring. They made 
 during the day three charges upon the batteries of the 
 enemy, suffering very heavy losses, and holding their po- 
 sition at nightfall with the other troops on the right of 
 our line. The highest commendation is bestowed upon 
 them by all the officers in command on the right. What- 
 ever doubt may have existed before as to the efficiency 
 of organizations of this character, the history of this day 
 proves conclusively to those who were in a position to 
 observe the conduct of these regiments, that the Govern- 
 ment will find in this class of troops effective supporters 
 and defenders. 
 
 " The severe test to which they were subjected, and the 
 determined manner in which they encountered the enemy, 
 leave upon my mind no doubt of their ultimate success. 
 They require only good officers, commands of limited num- 
 bers, and careful discipline to make them excellent sol- 
 diers." 
 
 Military sentiment was completely revolutionized in the 
 Mississippi Valley respecting the Negro as a man and a 
 soldier; and the Negro himself, with the confidence of 
 a child just learning to walk, was now conscious of his 
 power, and was anxious to 'consecrate it with lavish gen- 
 erosity to the Government with whose uniform and flag 
 he had been intrusted. 
 
 The Second Kegiment Louisiana Native Guards, al- 
 though not on trial at Port Hudson, had won a reputa- 
 tion for the coolest bravery the month before. While 
 Brigadier-general Sherman was in command of the de- 
 
222 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 fences of New Orleans, in the early spring of 1863, the Sec- 
 ond Louisiana was stationed at Ship Island, Mississippi, un- 
 der the command of Colonel Naham W. Daniels. While 
 the enemy was pushing forward all available troops from 
 Mobile to reinforce Charleston, he decided upon several 
 demonstrations up the Mississippi Sound by land and wa- 
 ter. Colonel Daniels, learning that the enemy contem- 
 plated a demonstration in the direction of East Pascagou- 
 la, determined to counter this movement. Accordingly, 
 on the 9th of April, 1863, he embarked with Companies B 
 and C, consisting of one hundred and eighty men. .At 9 
 A.M., the United States transport General Banks landed 
 the detachment at Pascagoula, and Colonel Daniels pro- 
 ceeded to take possession of the hotel, and hauled his 
 colors to the flag-staff. He immediately threw out a 
 picket-line, the town was taken possession of, and small 
 squads held the roads leading thereto. Colonel Daniels 
 had scarcely made his dispositions when the enemy's cav- 
 alry, numbering over three hundred, made its appear- 
 ance on the Mobile road. The Negro pickets were driven 
 in, but the reserve met the enemy with the coolness of 
 veterans, and after a sharp fight drove the foe off. The 
 cavalry reformed, and made a dash upon the force holding 
 the hotel, but met with no better success. Confederate 
 infantry executed a movement upon the left flank. The 
 lines were skilfully and deliberately contracted, and then 
 the men took refuge behind an old wharf, whence they 
 did excellent execution. He was repulsed, and retired 
 in confusion. In a short time the enemy made a deter- 
 mined assault upon Colonel Daniels's centre, but the black 
 troops, although never under fire before, stood up to their 
 work nobly. The enemy went under cover of timber and 
 buildings, but the gallant little Union force fought in the 
 open field and repulsed the assaulting party. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 223 
 
 The fighting continued from 10 A.M. till 2 P.M., when, 
 the enemy having retreated, the Union force retired to 
 their transport undisturbed, the undisputed victors of the 
 battle of East Pascagoula. 
 
 The enemy's loss was heavy, both in killed and wounded, 
 while Colonel Daniels's force sustained a loss of three 
 killed and seven wounded. In his report to General Sher- 
 man, bearing date of the llth of April, 1863, Colonel Dan- 
 iels says : 
 
 "The expedition was a perfect success, accomplishing 
 all that was intended, resulting in the repulse of the enemy 
 in every engagement with great loss. . . . Great credit is 
 due to the troops engaged for their unflinching bravery 
 and steadiness under this their first fire, exchanging volley 
 after volley with the coolness of veterans, and for their 
 determined tenacity in maintaining their position, and tak- 
 ing advantage of every success that their courage and valor 
 gave them ; and also to their officers, who were cool and 
 determined throughout the action, fighting their commands 
 against five times their number, and confident throughout 
 of success all demonstrating to its fullest extent that the 
 oppression which they have hitherto undergone from the 
 hands of their foes, and the obloquy that had been show- 
 ered upon them by those who should have been friends, 
 had not extinguished their manhood or suppressed their 
 bravery, and that they had still a hand to wield the sword 
 and a heart to vitalize its blow." 
 
 In his masterful effort to effect the reduction of Yicks- 
 burg, General Grant was compelled to contract his long 
 line of forts extending through the Mississippi Valley, and 
 often to strip important posts of nearly all their effective 
 men. He was confronted by Generals Pemberton and 
 Johnson, two able Confederate leaders, and had all he 
 could do to force an opening into the rebel stronghold. 
 
224 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Milliken's Bend was greatly exposed by the concentration 
 of troops about Yicksburg. It was an important point on 
 the river in the State of Arkansas. Brigadier-general E. 
 S. Dennis was left in command with a garrison number- 
 ing one thousand and sixty-one effectives, whereof the 
 Twenty-third Iowa, Colonel Glasgow, mustered one hun- 
 dred and sixty, and the remainder of the force consisted 
 of the Ninth and Eleventh Louisiana and the First Mis- 
 sissippi, all Negroes. These latter troops had been re- 
 cently recruited, and had never been in conflict with the 
 foe. 
 
 On the 6th of June, 1863, General Henry McCulloch, 
 at the head of six regiments, moved against Milliken's 
 Bend from Richmond, Louisiana. He struck the Ninth 
 Louisiana Regiment, and drove it back on the earthworks, 
 when nightfall arrested his further operations. He bivou- 
 acked for the night, intending to carry the Union position 
 by the bayonet in the early morning. Just at dark a 
 steamboat was passing the Bend, and General Dennis 
 seized the opportunity to send to Admiral Porter for as- 
 sistance. The Choctaw and Lexington were up the river 
 at Helena, Arkansas, and the Admiral despatched them to 
 the Bend at once. The Choctaw arrived upon the scene 
 at 3 A. M. At this hour the enemy assaulted the Union 
 position with great spirit, yelling "No quarter /" to Ne- 
 groes and their officers. The gallant little force under 
 Dennis met the enemy with dauntless courage. The rebel 
 force was not only superior in numbers, but in military 
 experience, for they soon swept over the fortifications and 
 delivered a blow on Dennis's flank with deadly effect. A 
 desperate struggle now ensued, wherein Negro recruits 
 and veteran rebels engaged in a hand-to-hand conflict. 
 Bayonets were freely used, and many of each force were 
 transfixed, and hand-to-hand conflicts with clubbed mus- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 kets and swords were numerous. The Union force was 
 pushed back against the levee, where the struggle was con- 
 tinued with desperation. At this point of the action the 
 Choctaw opened her fire upon the enemy, who was press- 
 ing the Union troops towards the river in an unequal con- 
 test. The shelling was effective, and the enemy was com- 
 pelled to retire for shelter. In the mean time McCulloch 
 was trying to effect a movement against Dennis's right 
 flank. The engagement had continued from 3 A.M. until 
 12 M., and the Negro troops had covered themselves with 
 glory. Never had men fought with greater courage against 
 such odds at the point of the bayonet. After all, the se- 
 verest test of martial valor is the bayonet. That these 
 Negro troops stood the test the appalling list of casualties 
 shows. The battle ended early in the afternoon, the en- 
 emy retiring without being pursued by Dennis ; yet many 
 newspaper accounts of this engagement insist that the Ne- 
 gro troops were sent in pursuit, and lost heavily from the 
 shells of the gunboats. This fact, however, is not dis- 
 closed in the report of General Dennis. He estimates the 
 enemy's loss at one hundred and fifty killed and three 
 hundred wounded, while he places his own loss at one hun- 
 dred and twenty-seven killed, and two hundred and eighty- 
 seven wounded, and three hundred missing, many of whom 
 were subsequently accounted for. But the corrected list 
 reveals these dreadful facts : " Of the officers in the Ne- 
 gro force, seven were killed, nine wounded, and three miss- 
 ing ; total, nineteen. Of the enlisted men, one hundred 
 and twenty- three were killed, one hundred and eighty- 
 two wounded, and one hundred and thirteen missing; 
 total, four hundred and eighteen. Officers and men, grand 
 total, four hundred and thirty-seven." Of the three offi- 
 cers and one hundred and thirteen men missing, no word 
 was ever had, and it is fair to presume they were inur- 
 15 
 
226 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 dered. Captain Matthew M. Miller gave the following 
 interesting account of the battle : 
 
 " We were attacked here on June 7th, about three o'clock 
 in the morning, by a brigade of Texas troops, about two 
 thousand five hundred in number. We had about six hun- 
 dred men to withstand them, five hundred of them Negroes. 
 I commanded Company I, Ninth Louisiana. We went 
 into the fight with thirty-three men. I had sixteen killed, 
 eleven badly wounded, and four slightly. I was wounded 
 slightly on the head near the right eye with a bayonet, 
 and had a bayonet run through my right hand near the 
 forefinger; that will account for this miserable style of 
 penmanship. 
 
 " Our regiment had about three hundred men in the 
 fight. We had one colonel wounded, four captains wound- 
 ed, two first and two second lieutenants killed, five lieu- 
 tenants wounded, and three white orderlies killed, and one 
 wounded in the hand, and two fingers taken off. The list 
 of killed and wounded officers comprised nearly all the 
 officers present with the regiment, a majority of the rest 
 being absent recruiting. 
 
 " We had about forty men killed in the regiment and 
 eighty wounded, so you can judge of what part of the 
 fight my company sustained. I never felt more grieved 
 and sick at heart than when I saw how my brave soldiers 
 had been slaughtered one with six wounds, all the rest 
 with two or three, none less than two wounds. Two of 
 my colored sergeants were killed, both brave, noble men, 
 always prompt, vigilant, and ready for the fray. I never 
 more wish to hear the expression, 'The Niggers won't 
 fight.' Come with me, a hundred yards from where I sit, 
 and I can show you the wounds that cover the bodies of 
 sixteen as brave, loyal, and patriotic soldiers as ever drew 
 bead on a rebel. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 227 
 
 "The enemy charged us so close that we fought with 
 our bayonets, hand-to-hand. I have six broken bayonets, 
 to show how bravely my men fought. The Twenty-third 
 Iowa joined my company on the right, and I declare truth- 
 fully that they had all fled before our regiment fell back, 
 as we were all compelled to do. 
 
 " Under command of Colonel Page, I led the Ninth 
 Louisiana when the rifle-pits were retaken and held by our 
 troops, our two regiments doing the work. 
 
 " I narrowly escaped death once. A rebel took deliber- 
 ate aim at me with both barrels of his gun, and the bullets 
 passed so close to me that the powder that remained on 
 them burnt my cheek. Three of my men who saw him 
 aim and fire thought that he wounded me each fire. One 
 of them was killed by my side, and he fell on me, covering 
 my clothes with his blood ; and before the rebel could fire 
 again, I blew his brains out with my gun. 
 
 "It was a horrible fight, the worst I was ever engaged 
 in, not excepting Shiloh. The enemy cried, ' No quarter !' 
 but some of them were very glad to take it when made 
 prisoners. 
 
 "Colonel Allen, of the Sixteenth Texas, was killed in 
 front of our regiment, and Brigadier-general "Walker was 
 wounded. We killed about one hundred and eighty of 
 the enemy. The gunboat Choctaw did good service shell- 
 ing them. I stood on the breastworks after we took them, 
 and gave the elevations and direction for the gunboat by 
 pointing my sword, and they sent a shell right into their 
 midst which sent them in all directions. Three shells fell 
 there, and sixty-two rebels lay there when the fight was over. 
 
 " My wound is not serious, but troublesome. What few 
 men I have left seem to think much of me, because I stood 
 up with them in the fight. I can say for them that I never 
 saw a braver company of men in my life. 
 
228 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 "Not one of them offered to leave his place until ordered 
 to fall back. I went down to the hospital, three miles, to- 
 day to see the wounded. Nine of them were there, two 
 having died of their wounds. A boy I had cooking for 
 me came and begged a gun when the rebels were advan- 
 cing, and took his place with the company ; and when we 
 retook the breastworks I found him badly wounded, with 
 one gunshot and two bayonet wounds. A new recruit I 
 had issued a gun to the day before the fight was found 
 dead with a firm grasp on his gun, the bayonet of which 
 was broken in three pieces. So they fought and died, de- 
 fending the cause that we revere. They met death cool- 
 ly, bravely ; not rashly did they expose themselves, but 
 all were steady and obedient to orders." 
 
 The battle of Milliken's Bend will always rank as one 
 of the hardest fought actions of the Civil "War, and the 
 unimpeachable valor of the Negro troops engaged in it 
 will remain a priceless heritage of the race for whose free- 
 dom they nobly contended. Although recently from the 
 house of bondage, they knew the value of liberty, and 
 those who fell in conflict with their old enemy did not 
 grudge the price they paid in yielding up their lives. 
 
 The battle of Poison Springs, in the same State, Arkan- 
 sas, was another of those decisive engagements wherein 
 individual valor is severely tested and conspicuously dis- 
 played. Colonel J. M. Williams was in command of a 
 train -guard comprising the First Kansas Negro Volun- 
 teers, the Eighteenth Iowa Infantry, and a detachment of 
 the Second Kansas Cavalry. Six companies of the First 
 Kansas were left at White Oak Creek as a rear-guard, in 
 command of Major Richard G. Ward. There was also 
 one company of the Sixth Kansas, under the command of 
 Lieutenant Henderson, and Rabb's Battery, under Lieu- 
 tenant Haines. Early on the morning of the 18th of 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 229 
 
 April, 1864, Colonel Williams was confronted by the ad- 
 vance-guard of General Price's army. Major Ward was 
 ordered to the front, where skirmishing was becoming 
 very heavy. The battery was brought into action, and 
 Companies A, B, E, H were disposed in supporting posi- 
 tion. The enemy soon moved against Colonel Williams's 
 right flank, and proceeded to form a line of battle accord- 
 ingly. Lieutenant Mitchell, commanding a detachment 
 of the Second Kansas Cavalry, was driven back by the 
 enemy, who now appeared in force. But a line of battle 
 was now formed in almost the shape of a segment of a 
 circle, with the convex side towards the enemy. About 
 11 A.M. the enemy opened the battle with a six-gun bat- 
 tery east of the Union line, and a four-gun howitzer bat- 
 tery opposite the right of the line to the South. The 
 former battery was within a thousand yards of the Union 
 line of battle, and the latter battery within seven hundred 
 yards. The guns were well served, and the fire was ter- 
 rific upon the exposed Negro infantry, many of whom 
 had never seen a cannon or been in conflict. But they 
 behaved coolly, holding their ground and obeying every 
 order. At a little past 12 M. the artillery fire slackened 
 and the enemy's infantry was ordered to take Rabb's 
 Battery with the bayonet. The Negro infantry support- 
 ing it held their fire until the enemy was within one hun- 
 dred yards, when it was delivered with telling effect. The 
 columns of gray veterans recoiled from before the steady 
 fire of ex-slaves, but charged again with perfect abandon, 
 determined, if possible, to break the Union lines and capt- 
 ure the battery. Companies G- and K of the Negro regi- 
 ment were brought up to support the right and left wings. 
 The Negroes were doing splendid fighting, the white cav- 
 alry having retired, but the enemy was exasperated at 
 his failure to break the lines of the gallant black regi- 
 
230 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ment, and now delivered another assault in double col- 
 umns, jelling vociferously. In this charge nearly every 
 gunner was killed or wounded in the battery, but a pri- 
 vate served the last .gun with a double load of canister, 
 and gave the charging column a parting shot when only 
 about three hundred yards away. The enemy was demor- 
 alized, but the Negro troops cheered at this and fought 
 with increased enthusiasm. After sustaining most gal- 
 lantly four charges of a force ten times its number, the 
 First Kansas Negro Volunteers slowly fell back, keeping 
 up a continual fire. The enemy had flanked the Union 
 force, and was now pouring a hot, roaring cross-fire on the 
 flanks. Four of the Negro companies fought their way 
 back without a commissioned officer. 
 
 In removing the wounded great courage was displayed. 
 The men were often constrained to abandon their wounded 
 comrades or cast away their arms ; and choosing the lat- 
 ter, they buried them in the swamps rather than let the 
 enemy get them. The losses were severe, but no veteran 
 white regiment could have made a stand-up fight against 
 the whole of Price's army for two hours with more valor 
 and determination. There were two officers killed and 
 five wounded, while the enlisted men sustained a loss of 
 one hundred and eight killed, seventy-two wounded, and 
 fifteen missing, making a total loss of two hundred and 
 two in a conflict of two hours' duration. This regiment 
 saw much hard service, but on every field proved itself 
 courageous and competent. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 231 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC (1864). 
 
 YIKGINIA, the mother of Presidents, was the mother of 
 slavery, and within the limits of this ancient common- 
 wealth the principal battles of the war were fought. Its 
 history, traditions, institutions, topography, its water-ways 
 and magnificent resources, furnished inspiration to the em- 
 battled armies that met upon its soil. Richmond was the 
 capital of the Confederate Government, and Petersburg 
 was the base of supplies and the real gate- way to the heart 
 of the rebel Civil Government. After the Mississippi 
 had been opened to the Gulf, the next most important 
 military move was the reduction of Petersburg. General 
 George B. McClellan had menaced the Confederate capi- 
 tal with a splendid army in 1862, but most of the veter- 
 ans had returned home or had gone into other Depart- 
 ments. Bounty men, substitutes, and conscripts were nu- 
 merous. By the spring of 1864 a numerous force of Ne- 
 gro troops had been added to this army, and an active 
 and brilliant military career opened up to them. 
 
 During the winter of 1863-64 a large number of Ne- 
 gro troops were at persistent drill in Maryland, under 
 Burnside, and in Virginia, under Butler. The first ap- 
 pearance of these troops in the field was in February, 
 1864, when a brigade was despatched to New Kent Court- 
 house to reinforce Kilpatrick, who, having made a brill- 
 iant and daring dash at Richmond in recoiling before a 
 numerous foe, had burned bridges, destroyed railroads, and 
 
232 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 made many prisoners. The timely approach of this Ne- 
 gro brigade checked the impetuous and impulsive pursuit 
 of the enemy, and gave Kilpatrick's jaded animals and 
 weary men the relief they so much needed. 
 
 On the 7th of April, 1864, General A. E. Burnside, at 
 the head of the Ninth Army Corps, crossed the Potomac 
 and joined General George G. Meade's army, although act- 
 ual incorporation did not occur until the Rapidan had 
 been passed. This corps contained the majority of Negro 
 troops who had thus far made their appearance in the 
 Army of the Potomac, while later on the Army of the 
 James contained, first, a full division, and subsequently an 
 entire army corps of such troops. The reputation that 
 Negro troops had won at Port Hudson and Fort Wagner 
 served them well in coming in contact with the white 
 troops in the Army of the Potomac. Most of this army 
 was from the Middle and New England States, where 
 Negroes were scarce, and prejudice among the working 
 classes pronouncedly against the Negro, who was by them 
 generally regarded as the cause of the war. But what- 
 ever doubt there was concerning the military character of 
 the Negro, it was chiefly silent. There was, therefore, no 
 moral or sentimental proscription to overcome ; the army 
 was eager to see the Negro soldier on trial against the 
 flower of Lee's veteran army. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1864 Lieutenant-general Grant 
 decided to move Meade's army across the James River, 
 and advance upon Richmond from the south. At the 
 same time he instructed Butler to impel his Army of 
 the James against Petersburg. General "W. F. Smith, with 
 the majority of Butler's army, had joined Meade, and the 
 thinned condition of Butler's lines admonished him to 
 keep quiet within his intrenchments. But a restless and 
 ambitious foe grudged him this quiet, and his northern 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 233 
 
 outposts at "Wilson's Wharf were chosen as the point of 
 attack. This position was held by Brigadier-general E. A. 
 Wild with a small force of Negro troops, consisting of Bat- 
 tery B, Second Light Artillery, and the First and Tenth 
 Infantry regiments. Fitz-Hugh Lee, at the head of his 
 famous cavalry force, summoned Wild to surrender on the 
 24th of May. Wild replied that he was there to fight, not 
 to surrender. Lee dismounted his men and assaulted Fort 
 Powhatan about 12.30 P.M. The Negro pickets and skir- 
 mishers retired to the intrenchments. The enemy raised 
 a yell and rushed down upon the garrison, but the Negro 
 troops held their fire with the coolness of veterans. When 
 the enemy was well tangled in the abatis, General Wild 
 delivered his fire upon the foe. Confusion and conster- 
 nation followed, and the enemy recoiled and sought the 
 cover. Lee was angered at Wild's reply, but when he saw 
 his troops shrinking from the deadly fire of ex-slaves, he 
 set his heart on taking the fort. The enemy was deter- 
 mined and desperate in the next charge, but again found 
 the Negroes cool and deliberate in their gallant defence. 
 Lee rightly anticipated the humiliation he would suffer if 
 beaten off by Negro troops, and was busy among the sing- 
 ing bullets urging his men to desperate fighting. It was 
 now determined to impel a massed column against the 
 stubborn fortress, and the savagery of the onslaught told 
 that these Virginia gentlemen were deeply chagrined. 
 But the inferior race met the superior with a steady fire, 
 and the Southern chivalry were driven from the field, 
 after more than five hours' fighting, by their former 
 slaves. Thus ended the battle of Fort Powhatan, and 
 thus the attempt of a division of the enemy's cavalry to 
 turn Butler's flank was a failure. The Negro had fought 
 his first battle in this Department, and exhibited a valor 
 which no one disputed. 
 
234 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 General Wild sustained a loss of two killed, twenty-one 
 wounded, and three missing: a total of twenty-six. The 
 enemy suffered a severe loss : twenty to thirty dead were 
 left on the field and nineteen prisoners taken, and thus 
 his casualties footed up about two hundred in the judg- 
 ment of careful officers who went over the field next day. 
 The correspondent of the New York Times wrote of this 
 battle as an eye-witness : 
 
 "In Camp, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia, May 26, 1864. 
 
 "The chivalry of Fitzhugh Lee and his cavalry division was badly 
 worsted in the contest last Tuesday with Negro troops composing the 
 garrison at Wilson's Landing. Chivalry made a gallant fight, how- 
 ever. The battle began at 12.30 P.M. and ended at six o'clock, when 
 chivalry retired disgusted and defeated. Lee's men dismounted far 
 in the rear and fought as infantry. They drove in the pickets and 
 skirmishers to the intrenchments, and several times made valiant 
 charges upon our works. To make an assault, it was necessary to 
 come across an ' open ' in front of our position, up to the very edge of 
 a deep and impassable ravine. The rebels with deafening yells made 
 furious onsets, but the Negroes did not flinch, and the mad assailants, 
 discomfited, turned to cover with shrunken ranks. The rebel fighting 
 was very wicked; it showed that Lee's heart was bent on taking the 
 Negroes at any cost. Assaults on the centre having failed, the rebels 
 tried first the left and then the right flank, with no greater success. . . . 
 
 "There is no hesitation here in acknowledging the soldierly quali- 
 ties which the colored men engaged in this fight have exhibited. Even 
 the officers who have hitherto felt no confidence in them are compelled 
 to express themselves mistaken. General Wild, commanding the post, 
 says that the troops stood up to their work like veterans." 
 
 General Grant was now ready to turn his attention to 
 the reduction of Petersburg, and General Gillmore, with 
 three thousand five hundred men, crossed the Appomattox 
 and moved on the city from the north over an admirable 
 turnpike. General Kautz, with one thousand five hundred 
 cavalry, went forward to charge the city from the south- 
 west. In addition to these dispositions a battery and two 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 235 
 
 gun-boats were to bombard Fort Clinton, defending the 
 enemy's water approach. These movements were to have 
 been executed in simultaneous harmony, but for no good 
 reason known to military critics they utterly failed. On 
 the 10th of June Q. A. Gillmore had reached within two 
 miles of the city, had attracted the attention and drawn 
 the fire of the enemy, and was competent to drive the ene- 
 my's skirmishers. Instead of following up this advantage, 
 Gillmore judged himself unequal to a vigorous assault and 
 retired upon his own judgment. On the other side of 
 the city, Kautz, with the fiery impetuosity of a born cav- 
 alry officer, dashed in. The menace of Gillmore had most 
 effectually stirred the enemy, and he was massing to re- 
 ceive the threatened assault. But now that Gillmore had 
 retired, the foe turned on Kautz's command, and expelled 
 it with little effort. The failure of this movement to be 
 concerted had apprised the enemy of the blow that Grant 
 was about to deliver, and hence there was the necessary 
 massing of the Confederate army to ward it off. Grant 
 did not turn aside from his purpose, but hurried forward 
 W. F. Smith's corps from the Chickahominy by steamers 
 via the White House. Smith crossed the Appomattox at 
 Point of Kocks and moved southward, encountering the 
 enemy in large numbers on the loth of June. It was a 
 proud moment for the division of Negro troops in his com- 
 mand, who were now to have the post of honor and danger, 
 and assault the enemy in his intrenched position. A bri- 
 gade of Hinck's Negro division was ordered to clear a line 
 of rifle-pits immediately in front of Smith's corps. It was 
 about nine o'clock in the morning when the black brigade 
 went forward with a brilliant dash that made all Union 
 hearts thrill with pride, while the heart of the enemy 
 quailed before the advancing columns of Negro soldiers. 
 They carried the rifle-pits with the bayonet. General 
 
236 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Smith, who watched black soldiers fight for the first time, 
 declared that they were equal to any troops, and ordered 
 them to carry a redoubt just ahead. On the men rushed, 
 with " Remember Fort Pillow !" as their battle-cry, and 
 swept the enemy out of the first redoubt. The captured 
 guns were turned upon the enemy, who was either taken 
 or driven off. 
 
 A very poetic and inspiring incident of the first charge 
 was the advancing beyond a centre regiment of the na- 
 tional colors. The color-sergeant planted his flag on the 
 enemy's works, and held it there until the regiment came 
 up. One gun was captured and many prisoners taken. 
 The brigade moved on about two miles and a half, when 
 the defences of Petersburg were confronted. From two 
 o'clock until evening these Negro troops reconnoitred and 
 skirmished, at all times exposed to the shells and musketry 
 of the enemy. At about sunset the black brigade was im- 
 pelled against the intrenched enemy, and it dashed at the 
 works so quickly that the enemy could not depress his 
 guns sufficiently to cover the space before the charging 
 column. In a few moments the Negro soldiers were with- 
 in the enemy's works, cheering lustily. An officer in one 
 of these regiments gives the following graphic account of 
 the fighting : 
 
 " We charged across what appeared to be an almost im- 
 passable ravine, with the right wing all the time subject 
 to a hot fire of grape and canister, until we got so far un- 
 der the guns as to be sheltered, when the enemy took to 
 their rifle-pits as infantrymen. Our brave fellows went 
 steadily through the swamp and up the side of a hill at 
 an angle of almost fifty degrees, rendered nearly impassa- 
 ble by fallen timber. Here again our color-sergeant was 
 conspicuous in keeping far ahead of the most advanced, 
 hanging on to the side of the hill till he would turn about 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 237 
 
 and wave the Stars and Stripes at his advancing comrades, 
 then steadily advancing again, under the fire of the enemy, 
 till he could almost have reached their rifle-pits with his 
 flag-staff. How he kept from being killed I do not know, 
 unless it can be attributed to the fact that the party ad- 
 vancing up the side of the hill always has the advantage 
 of those who hold the crest. It was in this way that we 
 got such decided advantage over the enemy at South 
 Mountain. We took in these two redoubts four more 
 guns, making in all five for our regiment, two redoubts, 
 and a part of a rifle-pit as our day's work. The Fifth, 
 Sixth, and Seventh United States Colored Troops advanced 
 against works more to the left. The Fourth United States 
 Colored Troops took one more redoubt, and the enemy 
 abandoned the other. In these two we got two more guns, 
 which made in all seven. The Sixth Regiment did not 
 get up in time, unfortunately, to have much of the sport, 
 as it had been previously formed in the second line. We 
 left forty-three men wounded and eleven killed in the ra- 
 vine over which our men charged the last time. Our loss 
 in the whole day's operations was one hundred and forty- 
 three, including six officers, one of whom was killed. Sir, 
 there is no underrating the good conduct of these fellows 
 during these charges ; with but a few exceptions they all 
 went in as old soldiers, but with more enthusiasm. I am 
 delighted that our first action resulted in a decided victory. 
 " The commendations we have received from the Army 
 of the Potomac, including its general officers, are truly 
 gratifying. Hancock's corps arrived just in time to relieve 
 us (we being out of ammunition), before the rebels were 
 reinforced and attempted to retake these strong works and 
 commanding positions, without which they could not hold 
 Petersburg one hour, if it were a part of Grant's plan to 
 advance against it on the right here. 
 
238 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 " General Smith speaks in the highest terms of the day's 
 work, as you have doubtless seen, and he assured me in 
 person that our division should have the guns we took as 
 trophies of honor. He is also making his word good in 
 saying that he could hereafter trust colored troops in the 
 most responsible positions. Colonel Ames, of the Sixth 
 United States Colored Troops, and our regiment have just 
 been relieved in the front, where we served our tour of 
 forty-eight hours in turn with the other troops of the corps. 
 "While out we are subjected to some of the severest shell- 
 ing I have ever seen, Malvern Hill not excepted. The 
 enemy got twenty guns in position during the night, and 
 opened on us yesterday morning at daylight. Our men 
 stood it, behind their works, of course, as well as any of the 
 white troops. Our men, unfortunately, owing to the ir- 
 regular features of ground, took no prisoners. Sir, we can 
 bayonet the enemy to terms on this matter of treating col- 
 ored soldiers as prisoners of war far sooner than the au- 
 thorities at Washington can bring him to it by negotiation. 
 This I am morally persuaded of. I know, further, that 
 the enemy won't fight us if he can help it. I am sure that 
 the same number of white troops could not have taken 
 those works on the evening of the 15th ; prisoners that 
 we took told me so. I mean prisoners who came in after 
 the abandonment of the fort because they could not get 
 away. They excused themselves on the ground of pride ; as 
 one of them said to me, ' D d if men educated as we have 
 been will fight with niggers, and your government ought 
 not to expect it. 5 The real fact is, the rebels will not 
 stand against our colored soldiers when there is any chance 
 of their being taken prisoners, for they are conscious of 
 what they justly deserve. Our men went into these works 
 after they were taken, yelling, ' Fort Pillow !' The enemy 
 well knows what this means, and I will venture the asser- 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 239 
 
 tion that that piece of infernal brutality enforced by them 
 there has cost the enemy already two men for every one 
 they so inhumanly murdered." l 
 
 The result of this engagement was the capture of six- 
 teen guns and three hundred prisoners, at the cost of six 
 hundred killed, wounded, and missing. The action was also 
 valuable as settling the question of the valor of Negro sol- 
 diers. It was unfortunate that a campaign opened so brill- 
 iantly should have failed so signally ; not, however, on ac- 
 count of these troops. Instead of following up the suc- 
 cess won by his Negro troops, General Smith bivouacked 
 for the night. Hancock, who ought to have been within 
 supporting distance, did not arrive until late, and then dis- 
 claimed any knowledge that an assault was meditated upon 
 Petersburg, although he must have heard Smith's guns 
 all day. The enemy, startled at the vehement assaults 
 of black troops, put twenty guns in position during the 
 night, and Lee's Confederate veterans, marching at the 
 sound of the enemy's guns, had reached the beleaguered 
 city before sunrise next morning. With daylight came 
 Warren and Burnside to meet the enemy. Smith's right 
 rested on the Appomattox, while Hancock, Burnside, and 
 Warren were disposed to the left, which was covered by 
 Kautz's cavalry. Having returned from City Point, where 
 he had been in consultation with General Grant, Meade 
 ordered a general assault at 2 P.M. on the 16th of June, 
 but it was not delivered until 6 P.M. In this assault white 
 troops were employed mainly, but the Negro troops were 
 despatched to Terry, who was instructed to seize Port 
 Walthall Junction, on the Bermuda Hundred front. It 
 was now proved that Petersburg could not be reduced by 
 a direct assault, and the Union troops intrenched them- 
 selves and sought to subdue it by a siege. 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. xi., pp. 580, 581. 
 
24:0 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 " Walthall's Farm, near Petersburg, 
 "6 A.M. 7wwe 17, 1864. 
 
 "The Eighteenth Corps, under command of General W. F. Smith, 
 which had but just returned to Bermuda Hundred, although greatly 
 needing rest, moved out at three o'clock on the morning of the 15th 
 on the Petersburg side of the river. They were joined by General 
 Hinck's division, United States Colored Troops, which had crossed the 
 pontoon bridge over the Appomattox at ten o'clock the night before. 
 This division consisted of Samuel A. Duncan's brigade, the Fourth, 
 Fifth, Sixth, and Twenty-second regiments, with Captain Angell's bat- 
 tery attached, of Colonel John H. Holman's brigade, the First Regi- 
 ment, and a detachment of the Fifth Massachusetts Colored cavalry 
 under Colonel Henry S. Russell, with Captain F. C. Choate's Colored 
 battery attached ; General Kautz's division of cavalry were also with 
 the column. 
 
 "As the column approached the City Point and Petersburg turn- 
 pike at a right angle it was suddenly enfiladed by a battery on Baylor's 
 farm. Kautz's cavalry was sent forward to reconnoitre, and found the 
 rebels posted on rapidly rising ground, some four hundred yards behind 
 an almost impenetrable thicket a quarter of a mile w r ide, extending to 
 a forest on the left. The rebels had four pieces of artillery, two regi- 
 ments of infantry, behind breastworks, and a small force of cavalry. 
 
 "Duncan's black brigade was formed in line on both sides of the 
 pike as follows : the Fifth Regiment, Colonel Jas. W. Conine, on the 
 right; the Twenty-second, Colonel Joseph B. Kiddoo, at the right cen- 
 tre ; and the Sixth, Colonel John W. Ames, on the left. Colonel Hol- 
 man's small brigade formed the second line. 
 
 "In this order the troops struggled through the swampy and tan- 
 gled and almost impassable woods, the rebels shelling them furiously 
 all the distance. 
 
 "As our line emerged irregularly from the woods the rebels threw 
 canister with terrible effect. The Fourth received their whole con- 
 centrated fire. Captain Wm. V. King was instantly killed and Lieu- 
 tenant Alfred M. Brigham mortally wounded. The whole regiment 
 suffered severely. Both wings were forced to return and remain in 
 cover for a short time until the lines could be reformed ; but at the 
 word the right wing charged with exultant shouts up the slope and 
 through the murderous fire. The rebels fled in confusion to the woods 
 in their rear, leaving one gun behind, which was instantly turned upon 
 them by some of the Negroes of Colonel Kiddoo's regiment, under the 
 direction of Private John Norton, of Company B, of the First District 
 of Columbia Cavalry. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 241 
 
 "The rebels at Baylor's farm opened fire at about six o'clock. By 
 eight they were driven out. This affair, although attended with heavy 
 losses, gave the black troops confidence in themselves, and prepared 
 them for a more terrible trial in the attack upon the strong lines of 
 rifle-pits, redoubts, and redans which ran irregularly from the Appo- 
 mattox up and along the crests of hills, on several farms, two miles 
 from Petersburg. . . . 
 
 "The Colored Troops were obliged to advance across an open field, 
 exposed the whole distance to a deadly fire, completely enfilading their 
 two lines of battle, to a fire from two batteries directly in front, and to 
 a cross-fire from an intermediate battery. An hour was consumed 
 in forming the lines of battle and advancing the first quarter of a 
 mile. The men could move but a few rods before the rebels got 
 range, when they were obliged to lie down and await opportunity. 
 Soon they would rise, push forward a few rods farther, and again lie 
 down. 
 
 "At about half -past one they gained the designated locality, and 
 then for five mortal hours lay exposed to the strain of constant appre- 
 hension from the ceaseless shelling. Old officers declared that while 
 they have been under a more furious cannonading, it has been under 
 the excitement of a charge, but that they were never subjected to a 
 severer trial under fire, considering the time during which they were 
 exposed and the unavoidable inactivity, and add that there can be no 
 severer test of a soldier, particularly for green troops, than Duncan's 
 entire brigade withstood. They say that after such a long strain upon 
 their nerves, that the troops should be able to rise, move against such 
 a formidable line of works, and carry them triumphantly, is irresistible 
 proof that black troops can and will fight. 
 
 "At half -past six the charge was ordered. The first plan, to ad- 
 vance in two lines of battle, was changed, General Smith deeming it 
 madness to throw full lines against such strong redoubts. Half the 
 first line was, therefore, sent forward as skirmishers, to be promptly 
 supported if any advantage should be gained. As the skirmishers 
 pushed on, our batteries on the right opened, and were replied to by 
 the rebels with equal vigor. 
 
 "After half an hour of very heavy cannonading and musketry fir- 
 ing, a shout of victory, drowning all other sounds, and plainly to be 
 heard for two miles away, arose from our troops as they gained and 
 dashed into the works. These works were five formidable redans, 
 half a mile, three-quarters, and a mile, severally, distant, on the other 
 side of a deep and difficult ravine, and in a very commanding position. 
 Colonel Kiddoo's regiment gained the hill. In support of this general 
 16 
 
242 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 flank movement of the first line, the second line, consisting of the Fifth 
 and Sixth regiments of Duncan's brigade, were swung round and 
 moved against the front of the remaining works. The rebels, assailed 
 in flank and front, fought to the last moment, and then so precipitately 
 withdrew that but few were captured. 
 
 1 ' It was now nine o'clock in the evening. Immediate pursuit was 
 impossible, and General Smith deemed it prudent to rest and await 
 reinforcements. The Second Army Corps, which had made a forced 
 march, began arriving two hours later. General Smith showed his 
 appreciation of the day's work by remarking that ' it was one of the 
 greatest of the war.' He said, 'It will make the old Army of the Po- 
 tomac open its eyes wide.' The earthworks so successfully carried are 
 regarded as the most formidable the army has encountered during the 
 present campaign. 
 
 "The success has a peculiar value and significance from the thor- 
 ough test it has given of the efficiency of Negro troops. Their losses 
 were heavy. In the thickest of the fight, and under the most trying 
 circumstances, they never flinched. The old Army of the Potomac, 
 BO long prejudiced and so obstinately heretical on this subject, stand 
 amazed as they look on the works captured by the Negroes, and are 
 loud and unreserved in their praise. As near as I can make it out, 
 Duncan's brigade alone took six redoubts or redans, with their con- 
 necting rifle-pits, and captured seven pieces of artillery. General 
 Smith, speaking of their conduct, said, ' No nobler effort has been put 
 forth to-day, and no greater success achieved, than that of the Colored 
 Troops.' From so reticent an officer this testimony is invaluable. 
 Subjoined is his order of the day, just issued : 
 
 " ' To the Eighteenth Army Corps : 
 
 " ' . . . To the Colored Troops comprising the division of General 
 1 links, the General commanding would call the attention of his com- 
 mand. With the veterans of the Eighteenth Corps they have stormed 
 the works of the enemy and carried them, taking guns and prisoners, 
 and in the whole affair they have displayed all the qualities of good 
 soldiers. 
 
 " 'By command of W. F. SMITH, Major-general.' 
 
 " WILLIAM RUSSELL, Jr., Assistant Adjutant-general." 1 
 
 From June 15th to June 30th the losses of the Negro 
 troops in front of Petersburg were as follows : 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. xi., Doc., pp. 570, 571, 572. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 24:3 
 
 I 
 NEGRO DIVISION, FIELD AND STAFF. 
 
 Killed Officers 4 
 
 Enlisted Men 58 
 
 Wounded Officers 27 
 
 Enlisted Men 417 
 
 Missing Officers 
 
 EnlistedMen 69 
 
 Aggregate 575 
 
 From this time (June 16th) until the explosion of the 
 mine (July 30th) the Negro troops participated in the vari- 
 ous duties of building fortifications, skirmishing, picket- 
 duty, and sharp-shooting. In all these they did their duty 
 cheerfully, and won the entire confidence of the army. 
 There were other Negro troops arriving daily, and they 
 were distributed through the Ninth, Tenth, and Eighteenth 
 corps in the Army of the Potomac and in the Army of 
 the James. The Ninth Corps, containing a division of 
 Negro troops, had secured in the last assault a position 
 immediately in front of Petersburg, distant only about one 
 hundred and fifty yards from the enemy. A fort project- 
 ing some distance beyond the enemy's main line did the 
 Union lines and forces great damage. Moreover, its posi- 
 tion was so commanding that if it were once in the pos- 
 session of the besiegers the capture of the city could 
 speedily be effected. To compass this end it was decided 
 to mine this fort. A ravine extending through the lines 
 screened the operations of the Forty-eighth Pennsylvania 
 infantry from the enemy, and furnished a convenient place 
 in which to deposit the earth, borne out patiently in crack- 
 er-boxes. The mine completed, the two galleries charged, 
 the morning of the 30th of July, 1864, was determined 
 upon as the time to fire it. Some consideration had been 
 given to the question which division should charge through 
 the crater, gain the elevated ground, and hold this gate 
 open, while Meade's army should rush through. 
 
244 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 The inspecting officer of the Ninth Corps, Lieutenant- 
 colonel Charles G. Loring, in obedience to orders had in- 
 spected the four divisions comprising the corps, and had 
 reported that the " Black Division " was the fittest for the 
 perilous work in hand. They had an alertness and dash 
 which made them equal to the task. 
 
 Colonel Loring gives the following reasons for the selec- 
 tion of the Black Division : 
 
 " Some time previous to the intended assault I officially 
 informed General Burnside that, in my opinion, the white 
 troops of his corps were not in a fit condition to make the 
 assault ; that many of them had been for six weeks in close 
 proximity to the enemy's lines within one hundred and 
 thirty yards ; that all of them had been very near the 
 enemy's fire; and that when troops are exposed, as they 
 were, day and night for six weeks to an incessant fire, it 
 is impossible that they should have the same spirit as fresh 
 troops. In addition to that, before sitting down before the 
 enemy's lines, they had been very much worn by the long 
 and arduous campaign, in which, as I considered, the Ninth 
 Corps had performed more arduous services than the other 
 corps. But even if they had been fresh when they had 
 arrived before Petersburg, the experience of those six 
 weeks during which they had been under fire day and 
 night without cessation, so that it was impossible to go to 
 the rear, even to attend to the calls of nature, without be- 
 ing exposed to being killed on the spot ; during which pe- 
 riod their losses had averaged over thirty (30) per day, 
 amounting in the whole to one man in eight was enough 
 at least to weaken the zeal of the men. For this reason, 
 principally, General Burnside selected to lead the assault 
 the colored division, which up to that time had never been 
 under any serious fire. Parts of it had been engaged in 
 one or two little skirmishes, but the division had never 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 245 
 
 been under any serious fire. That division was therefore 
 selected upon the principle that fresh troops are much bet- 
 ter to make an assault than old but worn-out troops. This 
 plan was changed at noon of the day previous to the as- 
 sault, and the first division of white troops, under Gen- 
 eral Ledlie, was selected to lead the attack the next morn- 
 ing." 
 
 Under date of July 26, 1864, General Burnside submit- 
 ted his plan of battle to General Meade, and in referring 
 to the use of the Black Division said : 
 
 " My plan would be to explode the mine just before day- 
 light in the morning, or at about five o'clock in the after- 
 noon ; mass the two brigades of the colored division in 
 the rear of my first line in columns of division ' double 
 columns closed in mass,' ' the head of each brigade resting 
 on the front line,' and as soon as the explosion has taken 
 place, move them forward with instructions for the divis- 
 ion to take half distance, and as soon as the leading regi- 
 ments of the two brigades pass through the gap in the 
 enemy's line, the leading regiment of the right brigade to 
 come into line perpendicular to the enemy's line by the 
 ' right companies on the right into line, wheel,' the ' left 
 companies on the right into line,' and proceed at once down 
 the line of the enemy's works as rapidly as possible ; and 
 the leading regiment of the left brigade to execute the re- 
 verse movement to the left, moving up the enemy's line. 
 The remainder of the columns to move directly towards 
 the crest in front as rapidly as possible, diverging in such 
 a way as to enable them to deploy into columns of regi- 
 ment, the right column making as nearly as possible for 
 Cemetery Hill. These columns to be followed by the other 
 divisions of the other corps as soon as they can be thrown in." 
 
 On the 28th General Burnside called upon Meade at his 
 headquarters. General Burnside says of this visit : 
 
24-6 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 "A long conversation ensued, in which I pointed out to 
 General Meade the condition of the three white divisions, 
 and urged upon him the importance, in my opinion, of plac- 
 ing the colored division in the advance, because I thought 
 it would make a better charge at that time than either 
 of the white divisions. I reminded him of the fact that 
 the three white divisions had for forty days been in the 
 trenches in the immediate presence of the enemy, and at 
 no point of the line could a man raise his head above the 
 parapet without being fired at by the enemy. That they 
 had been in the habit, during the whole of that time, of 
 approaching the main line by covered ways, and using 
 every possible means of protecting themselves from the 
 fire of the enemy. That their losses had been continuous 
 during that time, amounting to from thirty to sixty men 
 daily. That the men had had no opportunity of cooking 
 upon the main line, everything having been cooked in the 
 rear, and carried up to them. That they had had very few, 
 if any, opportunities of washing ; and that, in my opinion, 
 they were not in condition to make a vigorous charge. 
 I also stated that I was fortified in this opinion, which 
 had been formed from personal observation, by the report 
 of my inspector-general, who had taken occasion to look at 
 the troops with a view to making up his mind as to their 
 effectiveness for a work of that kind. 
 
 " General Meade still insisted that the black troops 
 should not lead ; that he could not trust them, because 
 they were untried, and probably gave other reasons which 
 do not occur to me at this moment. But he said that, in- 
 asmuch as I was so urgent in the matter, he would refer it 
 to General Grant, whom he expected to visit that after- 
 noon, and his decision, of course, would be final. I said to 
 him that I would cheerfully abide by any decision that 
 either one of them would make, but I must still urge 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 247 
 
 upon him that I thought it of the utmost importance that 
 the colored troops should lead. 
 
 " General Meade did go to see General Grant that day, 
 and I think returned the same afternoon, but I did not 
 hear from him. During the next forenoon (Friday) Gen- 
 eral Wilcox and General Potter, commanding two of my 
 white divisions, came to my headquarters to talk over the 
 attack, which it was understood would be made the next 
 morning. I told them that I had been very much exer- 
 cised the day before lest that portion of my plan which 
 contemplated putting the colored division in advance 
 should be changed by General Meade, but that I was 
 pretty well satisfied he had given it up, because I had 
 heard nothing further from him about it. 
 
 " While in the midst of this conversation, or very soon 
 after, General Meade came to my headquarters, and there 
 told me that General Grant agreed with him as to the 
 disposition of the troops, and that I would not be allowed 
 to put the colored division in the advance. I asked him 
 if that decision could not be reconsidered ; he replied, 
 ' No, general, the order is final ; you must detail one of 
 your white divisions to take the advance.' I said, ' Yery 
 well, general, I will carry out this plan to the best of my 
 ability.'" 
 
 General Grant said of this change of plan : " General 
 Burnside wanted to put his colored division in front, 1 and 
 I believe if he had done so it would have been a success. 
 Still I agreed with General Meade in his objection to that 
 plan. General Meade said that if we put the colored 
 troops in front (we had only that one division), and it 
 should prove a failure, it would then be said, and very 
 
 1 In his "Personal Memoirs" (vol. ii., p. 313) Grant says, "Meade 
 interfered with this." G. W. W. 
 
248 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 properly, that we were shoving those people ahead to get 
 killed because we did not care anything about them, but 
 that could not be said if we put the white troops in front. 
 That is the only point he (General Meade) changed after 
 he had given his orders to General Burnside." 
 
 Burnside ordered the commanders of the three divis- 
 ions composed of white troops to draw lots a curious way 
 of deciding such an important question. The lot fell to 
 Brigadier-general J. H. Ledlie of the first division. Grant 
 had rejected the opinions of nearly all the military critics 
 of Europe, who maintain that the troops on the ground 
 are fittest for such work. It has been said that Ledlie 
 was the poorest choice that could have been made in the 
 army in front of Petersburg, but it is an unfair statement. 
 He did the best he could under the circumstances. 
 
 The mine was to be fired at 3.30 A.M., but an obstruc- 
 tion in the train, extending through the gallery, prevented 
 an explosion. Lieutenant Jacob Douty and Sergeant Henry 
 Eees, of the Forty-eighth Pennsylvania, volunteered to re- 
 move the obstruction, and at 4.45 A. M. the fuse did its 
 work, and the enemy's fort was blown up, with over three 
 hundred picked men. When the air was clear again, where 
 the fort had stood but a few moments before was now a 
 yawning crater one hundred and fifty feet in length, sixty 
 feet in width, and thirty feet in depth. It was through 
 this crater of loose earth that Ledlie was to charge. The 
 guns along the line had opened upon the enemy, and the 
 very earth shook and rocked to their roar. Ledlie led his 
 division to the appointed task, but there was neither meth- 
 od nor martial spirit in his charge. The Tenth New Hamp- 
 shire broke into the shape of a V, and the other troops fell 
 into disorder, and once in the crater the confusion was in- 
 describable. Two other white divisions were sent in, but 
 they only added to the confusion, for Ledlie's men merely 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 249 
 
 blocked the way. For two hours ages on the battle-field 
 no fighting was done, but the enemy, although unnerved 
 at first, had recovered, and was preparing for desperate re- 
 sistance. He planted guns on each side of the crater, and 
 threw forward infantry to strike the assaulting column on 
 the flanks, while his guns could sweep the crater, now turned 
 into a very death-trap for the brave men whose brawn had 
 made it. At the critical moment, when the enemy could 
 not only hold this opening in his works, but threatened 
 to sweep through and rout Meade, the Black Division was 
 ordered to charge and gain the crest beyond the crater. 
 Three veteran white divisions had been hurled back in 
 confusion, but these Negro troops were sent forward to 
 contend with an infuriated, brave, and numerous foe. 
 They were gallantly led, and nobly followed where duty 
 and devotion were terribly tested. Obstructed at first by 
 the disorganized and distracted white troops, who, raked 
 front and rear, could neither advance nor retreat, they sub- 
 sequently charged farther to the right. They were met 
 with a destructive enfilading and cross-fire. Again and 
 again they charged for the ridge, but it was now too firmly 
 held by the enemy, and after exhibiting great courage and 
 sustaining severe loss, these Negro troops were recalled. 
 They had borne themselves with conspicuous gallantry, 
 and having done all that was required of them were with- 
 drawn to their works. An officer of the Black Division 
 said, after the engagement was concluded, " Our men went 
 forward with enthusiasm equal to anything under different 
 circumstances; but in going through the fort that had 
 been blown up, the passage was almost impeded by obsta- 
 cles thrown up by the explosion. At the same time we 
 were receiving a most deadly cross-fire from both flanks. 
 At this time our lieutenant-colonel, W. E. "W. Ross, fell, 
 shot through the left leg, bravely leading his men. I im- 
 
250 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 mediately assumed command, but only to hold it a few 
 minutes, when I fell, struck by a piece of shell in the side." 
 
 Another officer in this division testified : " In regard to 
 the bravery of the Colored Troops, although I have been 
 in upward of twenty battles, I never saw so many cases of 
 gallantry. The c crater,' where we were halted, was a per- 
 fect slaughter-pen. Had not 'some one blundered,' but 
 moved us up at daylight instead of eight o'clock, we should 
 have been crowned with success, instead of being cut to 
 pieces by a terrific enfilading fire. ... 
 
 " I was never under such a terrific fire, and can hardly 
 realize how any escaped alive. Our loss was heavy. In 
 the Twenty-eighth (colored), for instance, commanded by 
 Lieutenant-colonel Russell (a Bostoniari), he lost seven out 
 of eleven officers, and ninety-one men out of two hundred 
 and twenty-four; and the colonel himself was knocked 
 over senseless for a few minutes by a slight wound in the 
 head. Both his color-sergeants and all his color-guard were 
 killed. Lieutenant - colonel Bross, of the Twenty -ninth 
 (colored), was killed outright, and nearly every one of his 
 officers hit. This was nearly equal to Bunker Hill. Colo- 
 nel Ross, of the Thirty-first (colored), lost his leg. The 
 Twenty-eighth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirtieth (colored) all 
 charged over the works, climbing up an earthwork six feet 
 high, then down into a ditch, and up on the other side, all 
 the time under the severest fire in front and flank. Not 
 being supported, of course the storming party fell back." 
 
 The Negro soldiers' valor was, after this engagement, 
 no more questioned than his loyalty, and the reputation 
 secured at such a high price was kept untarnished to the 
 end of the campaign. 
 
 In the action at Deep Bottom, Virginia, enduring from 
 the 14rth until the 18th of August, 1864, Negro troops 
 fought the enemy behind his intrenchments, contended 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 251 
 
 with cavalry and sharp-shooters, and met his veteran in- 
 fantry in the open field. In every conflict with the ene- 
 my they behaved like veterans, and exhibited enthusiasm 
 and endurance wonderful in raw troops. It was Grant's 
 purpose, not at all dismayed by his discomfiture in front 
 of Petersburg, to impel a considerable force against the 
 enemy's left facing Deep Bottom. In this force, incorpo- 
 rated with the Tenth Corps, under General Birney, were 
 a number of Negro troops, and holding the right of the 
 Union line on the river side, the enemy thought to dash 
 through and turn Grant's flank. Accordingly, on the night 
 of the 18th of August, 1864, the enemy assaulted Birney 
 vigorously ; but his Negro soldiers were cool and deter- 
 mined, meeting the blow with courage. Next day General 
 Birney made the following report of the assault : 
 
 " Headquarters Tenth Army Corps, August 19, 1864. 
 " Major-general Butler, commanding Department: 
 
 " The enemy attacked my lines in heavy force last night, and was 
 repulsed with great loss. In front of one Colored regiment eighty-two 
 dead bodies of the enemy are already counted. The Colored troops 
 behaved handsomely, and are in fine spirits. The assault was in col- 
 umns a division strong, and would have carried any works not so well 
 defended. The enemy's loss was at least one thousand. 
 
 "Respectfully, 
 (Signed) " D. B. BIRNEY, Major-general" 
 
 On the 29th of September, 1864, General Butler de- 
 spatched the Tenth Corps, under Birney, and the Eight- 
 eenth Corps, under Ord, across the James, intending to 
 find and turn the enemy's left flank, while Warren and 
 Hancock were engaged in a similar movement at Hatch- 
 er's Eun. Here again the Negro troops under Birney 
 added to their well-earned reputation for gallantry. The 
 country through which they passed was heavily wooded 
 and broken by numerous hills. The enemy's outposts 
 were struck and hurled back in confusion, and the white 
 
252 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 troops were ordered to assault the enemy in his fortified 
 position on Chaffin's farm, where also he commanded Fort 
 Harrison. The white troops moved forward to the work 
 with courage and coolness, but the assaulting column was 
 again and again smitten with shot and shell, grape and 
 canister, and at length was beaten back with loss and con- 
 fusion. General Butler addressed the Negro troops and 
 ordered them to take the fort at the point of the bayonet. 
 With a yell that told the enemy his position was untena- 
 ble the Negro division sprang forward and charged down 
 a hill, through a tortuous stream, and up a hill again to 
 the abatis. Preceded by pioneers, they never flinched un- 
 der the terrific fire while a way was being cut for them. 
 The enemy, emboldened by the apparent hesitancy of the 
 dark warriors, sprang upon his works and exultingly called 
 out, " Come on, darkies, we want your muskets !" The 
 troops rushed forward, crying, "Remember Fort Pillow /" 
 The enemy retired without taking their guns, but the con- 
 tents cut short the precipitous retreat of many. A con- 
 siderable number of prisoners and fifteen guns were taken, 
 and the Union flag was planted on Fort Harrison by Ne- 
 gro troops. It was a brilliant and daring piece of work, 
 securing the New Market Road and a strong line of in- 
 trenchments. Fort Harrison occupied a commanding po- 
 sition overlooking the James River, and but five miles 
 from Richmond. North of this, one half mile, but a lit- 
 tle farther back, was Fort Gilmer, and this also was as- 
 saulted by Birney's intrepid Negro soldiers. It was a 
 beautiful autumn afternoon, and a cornfield, free of all ob- 
 struction, was the ground to be passed over in the charge. 
 It was, indeed, an inspiring sight to see these troops charge 
 Fort Gilmer. Shotted cannon blazed and smoked and 
 hurled grape and canister at the assaulting columns. But 
 on they went, and many of the Negro soldiers actually 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 253 
 
 crawled up to the mouth of the cannon. A sergeant of 
 one of these regiments planted his flag on the fort, but 
 was blown to atoms the next moment by a cannon dis- 
 charged when he was but two feet from its mouth. Sev- 
 eral charges were made, but all in vain. Gilmer was an 
 impregnable fortress ; and, after a severe loss, the troops 
 were withdrawn. 
 
 But the capture of Fort Harrison was too great a men- 
 ace to Richmond, and the enemy determined to retake it. 
 Major-general C.W. Field hurled three brigades against 
 Fort Harrison on one side, while General Hoke charged on 
 the other side, the next morning, the 30th of September. 
 The Negro troops held their ground and inflicted great 
 punishment upon the enemy. He was routed and beaten 
 off with severe loss. The position thus gained was held 
 till the close of the war; and the campaign of 1864 in 
 Virginia, opened so brilliantly and successfully by Negro 
 troops, was closed with equal valor and prowess. The 
 following general order testifies to the courage of these 
 troops : 
 
 " Headquarters, Third Division, Eighteenth Army Corps, 
 
 11 Before Richmond, Virginia, October 7, 1864. 
 " General Orders No. 103. 
 
 "OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THIS DIVISION, General D. B. Bir- 
 ney, commanding the Tenth Army Corps, has desired me to express 
 to you the high satisfaction he felt at your good conduct while we 
 were serving with the Tenth Corps, September 29 and 30, 1864, and 
 with your gallantry in storming New Market Heights. 
 
 "I have delayed issuing this order, hoping for an opportunity to 
 say this to you in person. 
 
 "Accept, also, my own thanks for your gallantry on September 29, 
 and your good conduct since. You have won the good opinion of the 
 whole Army of the James, and every one who knows your deeds. 
 
 "Let every officer and man, on all occasions, exert himself to in- 
 crease your present deserved reputation. " c J P ~E 
 
 ' ' Brigadier- general. 
 (Signed) "S. A. CARTER, 
 
 "Assistant Adjutant-general." 
 
254: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 More than ten years after this campaign, General B. F. 
 Butler, advocating in Congress the passage of a bill giving 
 civil rights to the Negro race, said, " I went myself with 
 the Colored troops to attack the enemy at New Market 
 Heights, which was the key to the enemy's flank on the 
 north side of James River. That work was a redoubt 
 built on the top of a hill of some considerable elevation, 
 then running down into a marsh ; in that marsh was a 
 brook; then rising again to a plain which gently rolled 
 away towards the river. On that plain, when the flash 
 of dawn was breaking, I placed a column of three thou- 
 sand Colored troops, in close column by divisions, right in 
 front, with guns at ( right shoulder shift. 5 I said, ' That 
 work must be taken by the weight of your column ; no 
 shot must be fired ;' and to prevent their firing I had the 
 caps taken from the nipples of their guns. Then I said, 
 * Your cry, when you charge, will be, " Remember Fort Pil- 
 low !" ' and as the sun rose up in the heavens the order 
 was given, ' Forward !' and they inarched forward, steadily 
 as if on parade, went down the hill, across the marsh ; and 
 as they got into the brook they came within range of the 
 enemy's fire, which vigorously opened upon them. They 
 broke a little as they forded the brook, and the column 
 wavered. Oh, it was a moment of intensest anxiety ; but 
 they formed again as they reached the firm ground, march- 
 ing steadily on with closed ranks under the enemy's fire, 
 until the head of the column reached the first line of aba- 
 tis some one hundred and fifty yards from the enemy's 
 work. Then the axe-men ran to the front to cut away the 
 heavy obstructions of defence, while one thousand men of 
 the enemy, with their artillery concentrated, poured from 
 the redoubt a heavy fire upon the head of the column 
 hardly wider than the clerk's desk. The axe-men went 
 down under that murderous fire; other strong hands 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 255 
 
 grasped the axes in their stead, and the abatis is cut away. 
 Again, at double-quick, the column goes forward to with- 
 in fifty yards of the fort, to meet there another line of 
 abatis. The column halts, and there a very fire of hell 
 is pouring upon them. The abatis resists and holds ; the 
 head of the column seems literally to melt away under 
 the rain of shot and shell ; the flags of the leading regi- 
 ments go down, but a brave black hand seizes the colors ; 
 they are up again, and wave their starry light over the 
 storm of battle ; again the axe-men fall, but strong hands 
 and willing hearts seize the heavy, sharpened trees and 
 drag them away, and the column rushes forward, and with 
 a shout which now rings in my ear, go over the redoubt 
 like a flash, and the enemy never stopped running for 
 four miles. 
 
 " It became my painful duty, sir, to follow in the track 
 of that charging column, and there, in a space not wider 
 than the clerk's desk, and three hundred yards long, lay 
 the dead bodies of five hundred and forty-three of my 
 Colored comrades, slain in the defence of their country, 
 who had laid down their lives to uphold its flag and its 
 honor as a willing sacrifice ; and as I rode along among 
 them, guiding my horse this way and that way, lest he 
 should profane with his hoofs what seemed to me the sa- 
 cred dead, and as I looked on their bronzed faces upturned 
 in the shining sun as if in mute appeal against the wrongs 
 of the country for which they had given their lives, and 
 whose flag had only been to them a flag of stripes on 
 which no star of glory had ever shone for them feeling 
 I had wronged them in the past, and believing what was 
 the future of my country to them among my dead com- 
 rades there I swore to myself a solemn oath : i May my 
 right hand forget its cunning, and my tongue cleave to 
 the roof of my mouth, if I ever fail to defend the rights 
 
256 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 of those men who have given their blood for me and my 
 country this day and for their race forever;' and, God 
 helping me, I will keep that oath." 1 
 
 The armies in Virginia now went into winter-quarters, 
 and the same zeal manifested in the field characterized the 
 Negro troops in camp. They were patient and persever- 
 ing in drill, and vigilant on picket; and their high char- 
 acter for soldiership, won on the battle-field, entitled them 
 to and secured for them the cordial comradeship of their 
 white compatriots. 
 
 1 The incident and sentiment are beautiful; and the story has been 
 told with telling effect in several political campaigns. G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 257 
 
 CHAPTER XH. 
 
 THE FORT PILLOW MASSACRE (1864). 
 
 FORT PILLOW was in Tennessee, about forty miles from 
 Memphis. It occupied a high bluff overlooking the Mis- 
 sissippi River, flanked by two deep and precipitous ravines 
 slightly fringed with light timber. The garrison consist- 
 ed of two hundred and ninety-five men of the Thirteenth 
 Tennessee Union Cavalry, under command of Major W. F. 
 Bradford, and two hundred and sixty-two men of the Sixth 
 United States Heavy Artillery (Negroes), making five hun- 
 dred and fifty-seven men, all under the command of Major 
 L. F. Booth, of the Artillery. The slave system made the 
 entire South brutal, and many soldiers of the Confederate 
 army were exceedingly cruel to prisoners. There were 
 two classes of troops in the Union army against whom 
 the rebels manifested at all times the most bitter feeling. 
 They were Union white Southerners and ex-slaves. They 
 despised the latter for fighting against their old masters 
 and for their freedom ; they hated the former on account 
 of their loyal sentiments and association with Negroes in 
 arms. One of the most cruel exhibitions of Confederate 
 malice was the massacre of the garrison of Fort Pillow 
 after it had surrendered. 
 
 On the 12th of April, 1864, Major-general K B. Forrest, 
 at the head of a division of cavalry, appeared before Fort 
 Pillow and demanded its surrender. The fort mounted 
 six guns, and the gunboat New Era rendered the belea- 
 guered garrison excellent support. Forrest's summons was 
 17 
 
258 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 declined, and the battle opened some time before sunrise, 
 and progressed with great zeal on both sides until 9 A.M., 
 when the gallant Major Booth fell. The command now 
 devolved upon Major Bradford, and he immediately with- 
 drew the strong skirmish line that, up to this time, had 
 fearlessly held an outer line of intrenchments. The Ne- 
 groes fought their guns with coolness and skill, and the 
 New Era shelled the ravines as best she could. But owing 
 to the height of the embankments the work of the gun- 
 boat was not very effective. As fast as the enemy was 
 shelled out of one ravine he sought shelter in the other. 
 Between twelve and one o'clock there was a lull in the 
 fighting on both sides, when the New Era backed into 
 the centre of the river to cool and clean her guns. Forrest 
 seized this opportunity to summon the garrison to surren- 
 der. First-lieutenant Mack J. Learning, adjutant of the 
 Thirteenth Tennessee Cavalry, met the enemy's flag of 
 truce about three o'clock, and conveyed to Major Bradford 
 General Forrest's summons, which was declined. Mean- 
 while, in violation of the truce, Forrest's men were steal- 
 ing the horses of the garrison, and crawling to the shelter 
 in both ravines. The summons, as recalled by Lieutenant 
 Learning, was as follows : 
 
 "Headquarters Confederate Cavalry, near Fort Pillow, 
 
 " April 12, 1864. 
 
 "As your gallant defence of the fort has entitled you to the treat- 
 ment of brave men [or something to that effect], I now demand an 
 unconditional surrender of your force, at the same time assuring you 
 that they will be treated as prisoners of war. I have received a fresh 
 supply of ammunition, and can easily take your position. 
 
 "K B. FORREST. 
 "Major L. F. BOOTH, 
 
 " Commanding United States Forces." 
 
 Major Bradford replied that he desired an hour for con- 
 sultation with his officers and the officers of the gunboat. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 259 
 
 Captain Young, provost-marshal of the post, and Lieuten- 
 ant Learning went and delivered this message to the Con- 
 federate flag of truce. In a very short time another flag 
 of truce appeared, and a Confederate officer handed a mes- 
 sage to Lieutenant Learning, saying, " That gives you twen- 
 ty minutes to surrender; I am General Forrest." Lieu- 
 tenant Learning conveyed the message to Major Bradford. 
 The substance of Forrest's summons was : " Twenty min- 
 utes will be given you to take your men outside of the fort. 
 If in that time they are not out I will immediately proceed 
 to assault your works." Major Bradford's reply was de- 
 spatched to Forrest : " I will not surrender." When this 
 message was handed to Forrest he read it, and saluting 
 Learning, turned away in silence. Learning had scarcely 
 returned to the fort when the firing began. During the 
 parleying a large force of the enemy's dismounted cavalry 
 had crawled so near the fort that it was impossible to de- 
 press the guns sufficiently to repel them. The Negro gun- 
 ners were now without a single commissioned officer, and 
 had suffered terribly from the enemy's sharp-shooters, who 
 had gained possession of a row of wooden buildings imme- 
 diately in front of the fort. At length, with the rebel yell 
 of u No quarter /" the enemy assaulted the exhausted and 
 decimated garrison with a savage impetuosity that brooked 
 no resistance. The fort was carried. As rapidly as the 
 men surrendered they were murdered, and the Negroes, 
 believing that no mercy would be shown them, rushed at 
 top speed down the bluff to the river. The enemy pur- 
 sued, and shot them down as soon as overtaken. Many of 
 the wounded, to escape brutal treatment, feigned death, 
 but they were revived by cruel kicks and blows, compelled 
 to rise to their knees, and then shot. Some sought refuge 
 in the merciful river ; but the enemy fired upon them until, 
 bleeding and exhausted, they found ample sepulchre in the 
 
260 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 placid waters of the Mississippi. In one place under the 
 bluff white and black soldiers had huddled together for 
 safety, but the enemy discovered them long after the con- 
 flict had ended, and called them forth to a cruel death. 
 First a white soldier would be called out and ordered to 
 stand up and be shot down ; then a black soldier would 
 have to respond to the cruel summons, and meet death. 
 The women and children of the garrison, white and black, 
 young and old, mistress and servant, were shot down with 
 indiscriminate inhumanity. 
 
 The slaughter went on until night closed over the re- 
 volting sight, and the stars shone upon murderer and vic- 
 tim with an impartial and peerless light. 
 
 Next morning, no reinforcements having arrived, the 
 surviving Union soldiers, regardless of wounds, were set 
 upon by the enemy and robbed ; the wounded were con- 
 veyed to a frame building, with the promise that medical 
 aid would be sent, but in a few minutes the doors were 
 heavily barred and the building fired. Being dry, it was 
 only a short time before the building and the wounded, 
 helpless prisoners of war were consumed. Other wound- 
 ed, who had crawled to their tents during the night, were 
 nailed to the floor by their clothing, and in this condition 
 were burned to death. Their piteous cries touched no 
 heart, brought no succor, but only received the curses of 
 the enemy. A Confederate lieutenant had taken a Negro 
 child to his saddle, intending to save it ; but General Chal- 
 mers, seeing this " womanish conduct," ordered the lieu- 
 tenant to put the child upon the ground and shoot it. 
 The lieutenant refused to kill an innocent child. The 
 order was given again with brutal oaths and the child 
 was murdered. 
 
 Is the evidence of these facts demanded? It is com- 
 plete. First-lieutenant Mack J. Learning, under oath be- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLIOX. 261 
 
 fore the Committee on the Conduct and Expenditures of 
 the War, testified : 
 
 "The Negroes ran down the hill towards the river, but the rebels 
 kept shooting them as they were running; shot some again after they 
 had fallen, robbed and plundered them. After everything was all 
 gone, after we had given up the fort entirely, the guns thrown away 
 and the firing on our part stopped, they still kept up their murderous 
 fire, more especially on the Colored troops, I thought, although the 
 white troops suffered a great deal. I know the Colored troops had a 
 great deal the worst of it. I saw several shot after they were wound- 
 ed ; as they were crawling around, the secesh would step out and blow 
 their brains out. 
 
 "About this time they shot me. It must have been four or half- 
 past four o'clock. I saw there was no chance at all, and threw down 
 my sabre. A man took deliberate aim at me, but a short distance 
 from me, certainly not more than fifteen paces, and shot me." 
 
 " Q. With a musket or pistol?" 
 
 " A. I think it was a carbine; it may have been a musket, but my 
 impression is that it was a carbine. Soon after I was shot I was robbed. 
 A secesh soldier came along, and wanted to know if I had any green- 
 backs. I gave him my pocket-book. I had about a hundred dollars, 
 I think, more or less, and a gold watch and chain. They took every- 
 thing in the way of valuables that I had. I saw them robbing others. 
 That seemed to be the general way they served the wounded, so far 
 as regards those who fell in my vicinity. Some of the Colored troops 
 jumped into the river, but were shot as fast as they were seen. One 
 poor fellow was shot as he reached the bank of the river. They ran 
 down and hauled him out. He got on his hands and knees, and was 
 crawling along, when a secesh soldier put his revolver to his head and 
 blew his brains out. It was about the same thing all along, until dark 
 that night. 
 
 "I was very weak, but I finally found a rebel who belonged to a so- 
 ciety that I am a member of (the Masons), and he got two of our Col- 
 ored soldiers to assist me up the hill, and he brought me some water. 
 At that time it was about dusk. He carried me up just to the edge of 
 the fort, and laid me down. There seemed to be quite a number of 
 dead collected there. They were throwing them into the outside 
 trench, and I heard them talking about burying them there. I heard 
 one of them say, 'There is a man who is not quite dead yet.' They 
 buried a number there; I do not know how many. 
 
 "I was carried that night to a sort of little shanty that the rebels 
 
262 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 had occupied during the day with their sharp-shooters. I received no 
 medical attention that night at all. The next morning early I heard 
 the report of cannon down the river. It was the gunboat 28 coming 
 up from Memphis; she was shelling the rebels along the shore as she 
 came up. The rebels immediately ordered the burning of all the build- 
 ings, and ordered the two buildings where the wounded were to be 
 fired. Some one called to the officer who gave the order, and said 
 there were wounded in them. The building I was in began to catch 
 fire. I prevailed upon one of our soldiers who had not been hurt much 
 to draw me out, and I think others got the rest out. They drew us 
 down a little way, in a sort of gully, and we lay there in the hot sun 
 without water or anything. 
 
 " About this time a squad of rebels came around, it would seem for 
 the purpose of murdering what Negroes they could find. They began 
 to shoot the wounded Negroes all around there, interspersed with the 
 whites. I was lying a little way from a wounded Negro, when a secesh 
 soldier came up to him, and said, ' What in hell are you doing here?' 
 The Colored soldier said he wanted to get on the gunboat. The secesh 
 soldier said, ' You want to fight us again, do you? Damn you, I'll teach 
 you,' and drew up his gun and shot him dead. Another Negro was 
 standing up erect a little way from me he did not seem to be hurt 
 much. The rebel loaded his gun again immediately. The Negro begged 
 of him not to shoot him, but he drew up his gun and took deliberate 
 aim at his head. The gun snapped, but he fixed it again, and then killed 
 him. I saw this. I heard them shooting all around there I suppose 
 killing them. " 
 
 Major Williams, a private in Company B, Sixth United 
 States Heavy Artillery, testified as follows : 
 
 " Q. Was there anything said about giving quarter?" 
 "A. Major Bradford brought in a black flag, which meant no quar- 
 ter. I heard some of the rebel officers say, ' You damned rascals, if 
 you had not fought us so hard, but had stopped when we sent in a 
 flag of truce, we would not have done anything to you.' I heard one 
 of the officers say, ' Kill all the niggers ;' another one said, ' No ; For- 
 rest says take them and carry them with him to wait upon him and 
 cook for him, and put them in jail and send them to their masters.' 
 Still they kept on shooting. They shot at me after that, but did not 
 hit me; a rebel officer shot at me. He took aim at my side; at the 
 crack of his pistol I fell. He went on, and said, ' There's another dead 
 nigger.'" 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 263 
 
 " Q. Was there any shot in the hospital that day?" 
 
 " A. Not that I know of. I think they all came away and made a 
 raft, and floated across the mouth of the creek and got into a flat- 
 bottom." 
 
 " Q. Did you see any buildings burned?" 
 
 " A. I stayed in the woods all day Wednesday. I was there Thurs- 
 day and looked at the buildings. I saw a great deal left that they did 
 not have a chance to burn up. I saw a white man burned up who 
 was nailed up against the house." 
 
 " Q. A private or an officer?" 
 
 "A. An officer; I think it was a lieutenant in the Tennessee cav- 
 alry." 
 
 " Q. How was he nailed?" 
 
 " A. Through his hands and feet, right against the house." 
 
 " Q. Was his body burned?" 
 
 " A. Yes, sir; burned all over J looked at him good." 
 
 " Q. When did you see that?" 
 
 " A. On the Thursday after the battle." 
 
 " Q. Where was the man?" 
 
 "A. Right in front of the fort." 
 
 Ransom Anderson, private in Company B, Sixth United 
 States Heavy Artillery, testified as follows : 
 
 " Q. Describe what you saw done there." 
 
 " A. Most all the men that were killed on our side were killed after 
 the fight was over. They called them out and shot them down. Then 
 they put some in the houses and shut them up, and then burned the 
 houses." 
 
 " Q. Did you see them burn?" 
 
 "A. Yes, sir." 
 
 " Q. Were any of them alive?" 
 
 "A. Yes, sir; they were wounded, and could not walk. They put 
 them in the houses, and then burned the houses down." 
 
 " Q. Do you know they were in there?" 
 
 "A. Yes, sir; I went and looked in there." 
 
 " Q. Do you know they were in there when the house was burned?" 
 
 "A. Yes, sir; I heard them hallooing there when the houses were 
 burning." 
 
 " Q. Are you sure they were wounded men, and not dead men, 
 when they were put in there?" 
 
 "A. Yes, sir; they told them they were going to have the doctor see 
 them, and then put them in there and shut them up, and burned them." 
 
264 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 " Q. Who set the house on fire?" 
 
 " A. I saw a rebel soldier take some grass and lay it by the door, 
 and set it on fire. The door was pine plank, and it caught easy. " 
 " Q. Was the door fastened up?" 
 " A. Yes, sir; it was barred with one of those wide bolts." 
 
 John F. Ray, private in Company B, Thirteenth Ten- 
 nessee Cavalry, testified : 
 
 " Q. Will you state what you saw there?" 
 
 '* A. After I surrendered they shot down a great many white fel- 
 lows right close to me ten or twelve, I suppose and a great many 
 Negroes too." 
 
 " Q. How long did they keep shooting our men after they surren- 
 dered?" 
 
 "A. I heard guns away after dark shooting all that evening some- 
 where; they kept up a regular fire for a long time, and then I heard 
 the guns once in a while." 
 
 " Q. Did you see any one shot the next day?" 
 
 "A. I did not; I was in a house, and could not get up at all." 
 
 " Q. Do you know what become of the quartermaster of your regi- 
 ment, Lieutenant Ackerstrom?" 
 
 " A. He was shot by the side of me." 
 
 "Q. Was he killed?" 
 
 " A. I thought so at the time; he fell on his face. He was shot in 
 the forehead, and I thought he was killed. I heard afterwards that he 
 was not." 
 
 " Q. Did you notice anything that took place while the flag of truce 
 was in?" 
 
 " A. I saw the rebels slipping up and getting in the ditch along our 
 breastworks." 
 
 " Q. How near did they come up?" 
 
 1 ' A. They were right at us, right across from the breastworks. I 
 asked them what they were slipping up there for. They made answer 
 that they knew their business. " 
 
 " Q. Are you sure this was done while the flag of truce was in?" 
 
 "A. Yes, sir. There was no firing; we could see all around; we 
 could see them moving up all around in large force." 
 
 " Q. Was anything said about it except what you said to the rebels?" 
 
 " A. I heard all our boys talking about it. I heard some of our 
 officers remark, as they saw it coming, that the white flag was a bad 
 thing; that they were slipping on us. I believe it was Lieutenant 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 265 
 
 Ackerstrom that I heard say it was against the rules of war for them 
 to come up in that way." 
 
 " Q. To whom did he say that?" 
 
 "A. To those fellows coming up; they had officers with them." 
 
 " Q. Was Lieutenant Ackerstrom shot before or after he had sur- 
 rendered?" 
 
 "A. About two minutes after the flag of truce went back, during 
 the action." 
 
 " Q. Do you think of anything else to state ? If so, go on and state 
 it." 
 
 "A. I saw a rebel lieutenant take a little Negro 1 boy up on the horse 
 behind him, and then I heard General Chalmers I think it must have 
 been tell him to 'take that Negro down and shoot him,' or ' take him 
 and shoot him,' and he passed him down and shot him." 
 
 " Q. How large was the boy?" 
 
 "A. He was more than eight years old. I heard the lieutenant tell 
 the other that the Negro was not in the service; that he was nothing 
 but a child ; that he was pressed and brought in there. The other one 
 said, 'Damn the difference; take him down and shoot him, or I will 
 shoot him.' I think it must have been General Chalmers. He was a 
 smallish man; he had on a long gray coat with a star on his coat." * 
 
 In addition to the outrages committed at Fort Pillow, 
 many wounded were cast into the ditches and buried alive. 
 The evidence is ample, and the enemy may testify to his 
 own inhumanity. Writing from Okalona, Mississippi, to 
 the Atlanta Appeal, under date of June 14, 1864, a rebel 
 said: 
 
 " You have heard that our soldiers buried Negroes alive 
 
 1 General Chalmers has denied with vehemence that he did any cruel 
 act at Fort Pillow, but the record is against him. Soldiers under brave, 
 intelligent, and humane officers could never be guilty of such cruel and 
 unchristian conduct as these rebels at Pillow. General Chalmers is 
 responsible. As an illustration of the gentle and forgiving spirit of the 
 Negro, it should be recorded here that many supported the candidacy 
 of General Chalmers for Congress, and voted for him at the recent elec- 
 tion in Mississippi. G.W.W. 
 
 8 Vide Report of Committee on Conduct of War, etc., "Rebellion 
 Record," vol. viii., Doc., pp. 1-80. 
 
266 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 at Fort Pillow. That is true. At the first fire, after For- 
 rest's men scaled the walls, many of the Negroes threw 
 down their arms and fell as if they were dead. They per- 
 ished in the pretence, and could only be restored at the 
 point of the bayonet. To resuscitate some of them, more 
 terrified than the rest, they were rolled into the trenches 
 made as receptacles for the fallen. Yitality was not re- 
 stored until breathing was obstructed, and then the resur- 
 rection began. On these facts is based the pretext for the 
 crimes committed by Sturgis, Grierson, and their followers. 
 You must remember, too, that in the extremity of their 
 terror, or for other reasons, the Yankees and Negroes in 
 Fort Pillow neglected to haul down their flag. In truth, 
 relying upon their gunboats, the officers expected to anni- 
 hilate our forces after we had entered the fortifications. 
 They did not intend to surrender. 
 
 " A terrible retribution, in any event, has befallen the 
 ignorant, deluded Africans." 
 
 In a long and curiously interesting correspondence with 
 General C. C. Washburn, General Forrest practically ad- 
 mitted and sought to justify the atrocities at Fort Pillow. 
 He asserted that Negroes were not prisoners of war, but 
 property / that the desperate fighting of the Negro troops 
 invited and provoked cruel treatment, but did not deny 
 the barbarous treatment inflicted upon Negro soldiers after 
 they had surrendered. And thus General N. B. Forrest 
 struck his name from the roll of brave professional soldiers, 
 and wrote it in dishonor on the black list of men who have 
 disgraced the profession of arms and insulted and outraged 
 humanity. 
 
 After the civilized world had had time to breathe again, 
 General Forrest saw where he stood, and sought by unfair 
 means to extort testimony favorable to himself from a 
 Union officer who had been taken prisoner at Fort Pillow. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 267 
 
 Papers were drawn up by General Forrest, and sent to 
 Captain John T. Young, a Union prisoner, to sign. After 
 reading the papers Captain Young found that to sign them 
 would be to exonerate General Forrest from the charge 
 of brutality, of which he stood guilty before the civilized 
 world. A report was circulated in the Confederate hos- 
 pital, where he was sick, that he was recognized as a de- 
 serter from the rebel army, and that he was to be tried 
 by court-martial and shot. Finally, General Forrest sent 
 Judge P. T. Scooggs to induce the sick captain to sign 
 some kind of a paper. This was done, ultimately, with the 
 understanding and agreement that it was only to be used 
 at Confederate headquarters, and would not be gazetted. 
 This was in May, 1864:. In September, soon after Captain 
 Young had been returned to the Union lines, he wrote a 
 letter to General C. C. Washburn, commanding the Dis- 
 trict of West Tennessee, explaining how he came to sign 
 the document for General Forrest, and repudiating its con- 
 tents. 
 
 Even General Forrest's chief, Lieutenant - general S. D. 
 Lee, attempted no apology for the Fort Pillow massacre, 
 but, on the contrary, exulted in the conduct of General 
 Forrest's men. 
 
 "I respectfully refer you," wrote General Lee to General Wash- 
 burn, "to history for numerous cases of indiscriminate slaughter, even 
 under less aggravated circumstances. 
 
 "It is generally conceded by all military precedents that where tke 
 issue has been fairly presented, and the ability displayed, fearful re- 
 sults are expected to follow a refusal to surrender." 
 
 General Washburn replied: 
 
 " The record in the case is plainly made up, and I leave \t. You 
 justify and approve it, and appeal to history for precedents. 
 
 " As I have said, history furnishes no parallel. True, there are in- 
 stances where, after a long and protracted resistance, resulting in heavy 
 loss to the assailing party, the garrison has been put to the sword, but 
 
268 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 I know of no such instance that did not bring dishonor upon the com- 
 mander that ordered or suffered it. 
 
 " There is no Englishman that would not gladly forget Badajos, nor 
 a Frenchman that exults when Jaffa or the Caves of Dahra and Shelas 
 are spoken of. The massacre of Glencoe, which the world has read 
 of with horror for nearly two hundred years, pales into insignificance 
 before the truthful recital of Fort Pillow. 
 
 ' ' The desperate defence of the Alamo was the excuse for the slaugh- 
 ter of its brave survivors after it surrendered, yet that act was received 
 with just execration, and we are told by the historian that it led more 
 than anything else to the independence of Texas. 
 
 "At the battle of San Jacinto the Texans rushed into action with 
 the war-cry 'Remember the Alamo!' and carried all before them. 
 
 "You will seek in vain for consultation in history, pursue the in- 
 quiry as far as you may. 
 
 " Your desire to shift the responsibility of the Fort Pillow massacre, 
 or to find excuses for it, is not strange. But the responsibility still re- 
 mains where it belongs, and there it will remain." l 
 
 On the 13th of May, 1865, at Meridian, Mississippi, 
 General Forrest gave the following account, or confession, 
 of the Fort Pillow massacre to Bryan McAlister : 
 
 " At Fort Pillow I sent in a flag of truce, and demanded an uncon- 
 ditional surrender, or I would not answer for my men. This they re- 
 fused. I sent them another note, giving them one hour to determine. 
 This they refused. I could see on the river boats loaded with troops. 
 They sent back asking for an hour more. I gave them twenty min- 
 utes. I sat on my horse during the whole time. 
 
 " The fort was filled with niggers and deserters from our army: men 
 who lived side by side with my men. I waited five minutes after the 
 time, and then blew my bugle for the charge. In twenty minutes my 
 men were over the works, and the firing had ceased. The citizens and 
 Yankees had broken in the heads of whiskey and lager-beer barrels, 
 and were all drunk. They kept up firing all the time as they went 
 down the hill. Hundreds of them rushed to the river and tried to 
 swim to the gunboats, and my men shot them down. The Mississippi 
 was red with their blood for three hundred yards. During all this time 
 their flag was still flying, and I rushed over the works and cut the hal- 
 
 1 For the correspondence between General Lee and General Wash- 
 burn, vide "Rebellion Record," vol. x., pp. 721-730. 
 
IN THE WAR 4)F THE REBELLION. 269 
 
 yards and let it down and stopped the fight. Many of the Yankees 
 were in tents in front, and they were in their way, as they concealed 
 my men, and some of them set them on fire. If any were burned to 
 death it was in those tents. " l 
 
 Tlie Joint Committee on the Conduct and Expenditures 
 of the War despatched the Hon. B. F. Wade, on the part 
 of the Senate, and the Hon. D. W. Gooch, on the part of 
 the House, as a sub-committee to investigate the Fort Pil- 
 low butchery. In their report, among many statements 
 corroborated by the strongest evidence, they said : 
 
 "Then followed a scene of cruelty and murder without parallel in 
 civilized warfare, which needed but the tomahawk and scalping-knife 
 to exceed the worst atrocities ever committed by savages. The rebels 
 commenced an indiscriminate slaughter, sparing neither age nor sex, 
 white nor black, soldier nor civilian. The officers and men seemed to 
 vie with each other in the devilish work; men, women, and even chil- 
 dren, wherever found, were deliberately shot down, beaten, and hacked 
 with sabres; some of the children, not more than ten years old, were 
 forced to stand up and face their murderers while being shot; the sick 
 and the wounded were butchered without mercy, the rebels even en- 
 tering the hospital building and dragging them out to be shot, or kill- 
 ing them as they lay there unable to offer the least resistance. All 
 over the hill-side the work of murder was going on; numbers of our 
 men were collected together in lines or groups and deliberately shot; 
 some were shot while in the river, while others on the bank were shot 
 and their bodies kicked into the water, many of them still living, but 
 unable to make any exertions to save themselves from drowning. 
 Some of the rebels stood on the top of the hill or a short distance down 
 its side, and called to our soldiers to come up to them, and as they 
 approached, shot them down in cold blood; if their guns and pistols 
 missed fire, forcing them to stand there until they were again prepared 
 to fire. All around were heard cries of 'No quarter!' 'No quarter!' 
 'Kill the damned niggers! Shoot them down!' All who asked for 
 mercy were answered by the most cruel taunts and sneers. Some were 
 spared for a time, only to be murdered under circumstances of greater 
 cruelty. No cruelty which the most fiendish malignity could devise 
 was omitted by these murderers. One white soldier, who was wounded 
 in one leg ao as to be unable to walk, was made to stand up while his 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. viii., poetry, pp. 55, 56. 
 
270 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 tormentors shot him; others who were wounded and unable to stand 
 were held up and again shot. One Negro who had been ordered by a 
 rebel officer to hold his horse was killed by him when he remounted; 
 another, a mere child, whom an officer had taken up behind him on his 
 horse, was seen by Chalmers, who at once ordered the officer to put 
 him down and shoot him, which was done. The huts and tents in 
 which many of the wounded had sought shelter were set on fire, both 
 that night and the next morning, while the wounded were still in them 
 those only escaping who were able to get themselves out, or who 
 could prevail on others less injured than themselves to help them out ; 
 and even some of those thus seeking to escape the flames were met by 
 those ruffians and brutally shot down, or had their brains beaten out. 
 One man was deliberately fastened down to the floor of a tent, face 
 upward, by means of nails driven through his clothing and into the 
 boards under him, so that he could not possibly escape, and then the 
 tent set on fire; another was nailed to the side of a building outside of 
 the fort, and then the building was set on fire and burned. The charred 
 remains of five or six bodies were afterwards found, all but one so much 
 disfigured and consumed by the flames that they could not be identi- 
 fied, and the identification of that one is not absolutely certain, although 
 there can hardly be a doubt that it was the body of Lieutenant John 
 C. Ackerstrom, quartermaster of the Thirteenth Tennessee Cavalry, 
 and a native Tennesseean; several witnesses who saw the remains, and 
 who were personally acquainted with him while living, have testified 
 that it is their firm belief that it was his body that was thus treated. 
 
 "These deeds of murder and cruelty ceased when night came on, 
 only to be renewed the next morning, when the demons carefully sought 
 among the dead lying about in all directions for any wounded yet alive, 
 and those they found were deliberately shot. Scores of the dead and 
 wounded were found there the day after the massacre by the men from 
 some of our gunboats who were permitted to go on shore and collect 
 the wounded and bury the dead. The rebels themselves had made a 
 pretence of burying a great many of their victims, but they had merely 
 thrown them, without the least regard to care or decency, into the 
 trenches and ditches about the fort, or the little hollows and ravines on 
 the hill-side, covering them but partially with earth. Portions of the 
 heads and faces, hands and feet, were found protruding through the 
 earth in every direction. The testimony also establishes the fact that 
 the rebels buried some of the living with the dead, a few of whom suc- 
 ceeded afterwards in digging themselves out, or were dug out by others, 
 one of whom your Committee found in Mound City Hospital, and there 
 examined. And even when your Committee visited the spot, two weeks 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 271 
 
 afterwards, although parties of men had been sent on shore from time 
 to time to bury the bodies unburied and re-bury the others, and were 
 even then engaged in the same work, we found the evidences of this 
 murder and cruelty still most painfully apparent. We saw bodies still 
 unburied (at some distance from the fort) of some sick men who had 
 been met fleeing from the hospital, and beaten down and brutally mur- 
 dered, and their bodies left where they had fallen. We could still see 
 the faces, hands, and feet of men, white and black, protruding out of 
 the ground, whose graves had not been reached by those engaged in 
 reinterring the victims of the massacre; and although a great deal of 
 rain had fallen within the preceding two weeks, the ground, more espe- 
 cially on the side and at the foot of the bluff, where most of the mur- 
 ders had been committed, was still discolored by the blood of our brave 
 but unfortunate men, and the logs and trees showed but too plainly the 
 evidences of the atrocities perpetrated there. 
 
 "Many other instances of equally atrocious cruelty might be enu- 
 merated, but your Committee feel compelled to refrain from giving 
 here more of the heart-sickening details, and refer to the statements 
 contained in the voluminous testimony herewith submitted. Those 
 statements were obtained by them from eye-witnesses and sufferers; 
 many of them, as they were examined by your Committee, were lying 
 upon beds of pain and suffering, some so feeble that their lips could 
 with difficulty frame the words by which they endeavored to convey 
 some idea of the cruelties which had been inflicted on them, and which 
 they had seen inflicted on others. 
 
 "How many of our troops thus fell victims to the malignity and 
 barbarity of Forrest and his followers cannot yet be definitely ascer- 
 tained. Two officers belonging to the garrison were absent at the time 
 of the capture and massacre. Of the remaining officers but two are 
 known to be living, and they are wounded, and now in the hospital at 
 Mound City. One of them, Captain Porter, may even now be dead, as 
 the surgeons, when your Committee were there, expressed no hope of 
 his recovery. Of the men, from three hundred to four hundred are 
 known to have been killed at Fort Pillow, of whom at least three hun- 
 dred were murdered in cold blood after the post was in possession of 
 the rebels, and our men had thrown down their arms and ceased to 
 offer resistance. Of the survivors, except the wounded in the hospital 
 at Mound City, and the few who succeeded in making their escape un- 
 hurt, nothing definite is known, and it is to be feared that many have 
 been murdered after being taken away from the Fort. 
 
 "In reference to the fate of Major Bradford, who was in command 
 of the Fort when it was captured, and who had up to that time received 
 
272 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 no injury, there seems to be no doubt. The general understanding 
 everywhere seemed to be that he had been brutally murdered the day 
 after he was taken prisoner." 1 
 
 On the morning of the engagement at Fort Pillow there 
 were two hundred and sixty-two Negro soldiers in the 
 garrison. The War Department record shows that three 
 officers were killed, one wounded, and five missing : total 
 nine ; that there were eight enlisted men killed and two 
 hundred and twenty-one missing : total two hundred and 
 twenty-nine ; grand total of two hundred and thirty-eight ! 
 These figures are significant. This is only the loss of the 
 Negro troops. The entire force in the garrison was five 
 hundred and fifty-seven, and at least three-fourths of it was 
 annihilated. In his official report of the assault upon Fort 
 Pillow General Forrest says : " My loss in the engagement 
 was twenty killed and sixty wounded, that of the enemy 
 unknown ; two hundred and twenty-eight were buried on 
 the evening of the battle, and quite a number were buried 
 the next day by a detail from the gunboat fleet. . . . 
 
 "We captured one hundred and sixty -four Federals, 
 seventy-three Negro troops, and about forty Negro women 
 and children." 2 
 
 History records, and the record will remain as long as 
 the English language endures, that at Fort Pillow General 
 Forrest and General Chalmers violated the honor of a flag 
 of truce, the laws of civilized warfare outraged every 
 sentiment of humanity, and dishonored the uniform of Lee 
 and Jackson, the Christian soldiers of the Confederacy. 
 As long as brave deeds blaze in the firmament of national 
 glory, as long as patriotism is revered and valor honored, 
 so long will the gallant defence of Fort Pillow by the Ne- 
 gro Spartans be held in sacred remembrance by the loyal 
 friends of a ransomed and reunited nation. 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. viii., Doc., pp. 3, 4. 
 8 Ibid., vol. viii., Doc., pp. 598-600. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 273. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 IN THE ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND (1864.) 
 
 ALTHOUGH the recruitment of Negro soldiers began in 
 the early autumn of 1863, at Nashville, Tennessee, there 
 was little disposition to bring them into conflict with the 
 enemy in the Department of the Cumberland. The great 
 battles, with but few exceptions, had been fought while 
 the effort to arm Negroes in this Department was in a 
 tentative form. The entire effective force of this army 
 was in the field, and most of the troops were from the 
 Border States, with strong prejudices against the Negro. 
 The officers had little or no time to discuss the fighting 
 qualities of Negro soldiers, and were quite willing to be 
 relieved of the question altogether. Major-general Geo. 
 H. Thomas was inspecting the camp of the Fourteenth 
 United States Colored Troops, when he suddenly turned 
 to the colonel of the regiment and asked, "Will they 
 fight?" "Yes," responded Colonel Thomas J. Morgan. 
 " Yes, I think they will behind breastworks," General 
 Thomas added. 
 
 Meanwhile the Negro volunteers were silently and dili- 
 gently at work upon the drill-ground and in the trenches. 
 Fatigue duty had a very unhappy effect upon these troops. 
 They had enlisted to fight, not to be hewers of wood. 
 They were proud of their uniform, and desired above all 
 things to be led against their ancient and inveterate foes. 
 It was natural, therefore, that they should feel disap- 
 18 
 
274 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 pointed, and in some instances doubt the Government 
 that had broken faith with them. 
 
 On the 15th of August, 1864, General Joseph Wheeler 
 attacked the Union forces in garrison at Dalton, Georgia. 
 General James B. Steedman was in command of the Dis- 
 trict of the Etowah, with headquarters at Chattanooga. 
 Although he had been a leading Democrat before the war, 
 he had entered the army as a patriot, and was singularly 
 free from prejudice. Other general officers had been ap- 
 pealed to in vain for permission to bring the Negro troops 
 in the Department into conflict with the enemy. But Gen- 
 eral Steedman promised, as soon as appealed to, that if 
 there were any hard fighting to do, the Negro troops should 
 participate. As soon, therefore, as he heard Wheeler's 
 guns, he despatched a relief column to the beleaguered gar- 
 rison, containing the Fourteenth United States Infantry 
 (Negroes), Colonel T. J. Morgan. The Negro regiment 
 held the left during the engagement, and behaved nobly. 
 General Steedman was naturally anxious to know how 
 these ex-slaves would stand fire. His orders to Captain 
 Davis, one of his aides, were to look after the Negro regi- 
 ment and report how it was fighting. Under the brave 
 and competent officers of the Fourteenth its line of battle 
 was perfect, and the firing regular and effective. Captain 
 Davis looked on with amazement at these Negroes so re- 
 cently from bondage fighting like veterans. Finally he 
 rode back to General Steedman, and reported that " The 
 regiment is holding dress parade over there under fire !" 
 The Fifty-first Indiana Infantry, Colonel A. D. Streight, 
 which was not in love with the idea of the incorporation 
 of Negro troops in the army, had fought on the right 
 of this Negro regiment and had witnessed its gallantry. 
 When the battle was over, and the Fourteenth Regiment 
 marched into Dalton, the Fifty- first gave three rousing 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 275 
 
 cheers for the " Fourteenth Colored," and ever after, when 
 asked " What regiment ?" these brave and generous white 
 soldiers would answer, " The Fifty-first Colored !" This 
 was the first action in which Negro troops of the Army 
 of the Cumberland had participated, and their splendid 
 bearing had won the admiration of the white soldiers. 
 They had secured the confidence of the army at a single 
 bound, and thenceforth the equality of comradeship was 
 recognized, and greatly contributed to the military unity 
 of the Army of the Cumberland. The prejudice that had 
 chilled these children of the sunny South was gone, and 
 they now felt that it was a high privilege to fight for the 
 Stars and Stripes. Those stars and stripes had once been 
 the symbol of their degradation under the lash, but now 
 those stars, gleaming with a peerless lustre, lighted their 
 future with the hope of free citizenship in a free repub- 
 lic to preserve which they were enlisted to fight Just 
 before the engagement at Dalton, an officer observed to 
 the men of his company that some of them would doubt- 
 less be killed, but suggested to them the inspiring idea 
 that they were fighting for liberty. A private spoke up, 
 "I am ready to die for liberty!" He fell on that field 
 with a ball through his heart, a willing offering to the 
 cause of Liberty. 
 
 The following account of the fight appeared in the 
 Chattanooga Gazette of August 16th : 
 
 "Late last night we learned from official sources the particulars of 
 the rebel raid on the railroad at Dalton, the fight, and final repulse of 
 the rebels. 
 
 "The raiders numbered about five thousand mounted infantry 
 and cavalry, with six brass howitzers, commanded by Major-general 
 Wheeler. 
 
 "The garrison at Dalton numbered only about four hundred men 
 of the Second Missouri Volunteers, under Colonel Laiboldt. 
 
 "On Sunday morning the rebels approached the town in line of 
 
276 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 battle. Arriving at a convenient distance from the place, Wheeler 
 sent in a formal demand for the surrender, couched in the following 
 words: 
 
 " ' To the Officer Commanding U. 8. Forces: 
 
 "'To prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood, I have the honor 
 to demand the immediate and unconditional surrender of the forces 
 under your command at this garrison. 
 
 (Signed) "' Jos. WHEELER, Maj.-gen., 
 
 " ' Commanding Confederate Forces.' 
 
 "To which Colonel Laiboldt responded in the following laconic 
 terms : 
 
 '"I have been placed here to defend the Post, but not to surrender. 
 (Signed) "' B. LAIBOLDT, 
 
 " ' Colonel commanding.' 
 
 " Seeing he was outnumbered ten to one, Colonel Laiboldt with his 
 command at once sought protection in his earthworks and in a large 
 brick building. 
 
 "The invaders swarmed into the town, but were gallantly kept at 
 bay from capturing the heroic garrison, who from behind their works 
 mowed down the rebels. 
 
 "Yesterday morning at six o'clock the gallant and well-tried leader, 
 General Steedman, arrived with reinforcements. Skirmishing at once 
 commenced. The garrison sallied out from behind their earthworks. 
 At this stage the Fourteenth United States Colored Infantry, who were 
 commanded by Colonel Morgan, were ordered to charge. With a yell 
 and a rush that were irresistible, they charged the chivalry, who turned 
 tail and fled in the utmost confusion. Words are inadequate to de- 
 scribe the gallantry and impetuosity of the Colored troops on this 
 occasion. 
 
 "The entire Union loss is between thirty and forty, the rebel loss 
 one hundred and fifty." 
 
 Having earned a reputation for steady and gallant 
 fighting, the Fourteenth was despatched in pursuit of 
 the routed and decimated columns of General Wheeler 
 through East and Middle Tennessee. On the march and 
 in camp they exhibited the highest soldierly qualities, and 
 displayed enthusiasm that their white comrades could not 
 comprehend. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 277 
 
 On the 27th of September, 1864, this regiment joined 
 General Rousseau's command at Pulaski, Tennessee, where 
 it participated in an action against the enemy under Gen- 
 eral Forrest. Rousseau had been driven all day, and his 
 cavalry was about exhausted ; but when Forrest met the 
 steady and effective fire of the two Negro regiments which 
 Colonel T. J. Morgan had brought from Nashville, he re- 
 coiled. These were the Fourteenth, Colonel Morgan's 
 regiment, and the Sixteenth, Colonel William B. Gaw. 
 Colonel Morgan gives the following account of this en- 
 gagement : 
 
 " Colored troops and Forrest's cavalry now confronted 
 each other, and a brisk fire was being kept up between 
 them. Several of our men had been wounded. The en- 
 emy advanced ; the fire grew hotter. At length the ene- 
 my, in full force, with banners flying, was plainly seen 
 from our position on the ridge, advancing directly upon 
 us. I passed along the line, and pointing to the rebel lines, 
 said, ' Boys, it looks very much like fight. Keep cool, do 
 your duty.' I was answered all along the line from the 
 men most cheerfully, ' Colonel, dey can't whip us ;' ' Dey 
 neber dribe de ole Fourteenth out ob dis ;' ' Dey neber 
 will git de ole Fourteenth away widout a mighty lot ob 
 dead men,' etc., etc. The enemy came on until within 
 good range of the skirmish line, from which he received a 
 severe steady fire. The line remained unshaken. The en- 
 emy halted, then withdrew, and night came on." 
 
 Two days before the engagement at Pulaski, Wheeler 
 had summoned the Union garrison at Johnsonville, Ten- 
 nessee, but the Thirteenth Infantry (colored), Colonel 
 John A. Hottenstein, drove the enemy, inflicting upon him 
 severe punishment. Johnsonville was a military entrepot, 
 situate at the end of the North-western Railroad, extend- 
 ing to Nashville, and upon the bank of the Tennessee 
 
278 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 River. The enemy desired to occupy this position and 
 possess himself of the stores, and made an impetuous at- 
 tack. 
 
 When General Sherman led his army against Atlanta, 
 Georgia, and began his march to the sea, General Hood 
 with a considerable army decided to move against General 
 Thomas, and destroy him by a turning movement. Gen- 
 eral Grant believed, as early as the first week in October, 
 1864, that if Sherman began his march to the sea, Hood, 
 instead of following him, would turn his veteran columns 
 northward. Sherman thought Hood would follow him to 
 the sea. Grant desired Sherman to turn suddenly and an- 
 nihilate Hood, and then march to the seaboard ; but if he 
 could not do this, to cut the Confederate army in twain 
 and destroy it in detail. The following despatch shows 
 how clear-headed he was : 
 
 " City Point, Virginia, October 11, 186411 A.M. 
 
 "Your despatch of October 10th received. Does it not look as if 
 Hood was going to attempt the invasion of Middle Tennessee, using 
 the Mobile and Ohio, and Memphis and Charleston roads to supply 
 his base on the Tennessee River, about Florence or Decatur? If he 
 does this he ought to be met and prevented from getting north of the 
 Tennessee River. If you were to cut loose, I do not believe you would 
 meet Hood's army, but would be bushwhacked by all the old men and 
 little boys, and such railroad guards as are still left at home. Hood 
 would probably strike for Nashville, thinking that by going north he 
 could inflict greater damage upon us than we could upon the rebels 
 by going south. If there is any way of getting at Hood's army I would 
 prefer that; but I must trust to your own judgment. I find I shall not 
 be able to send a force from here to act with you on Savannah. Your 
 movements, therefore, will be independent of mine; at least, until the 
 fall of Richmond takes place. I am afraid Thomas, with such lines of 
 road as he has to protect, could not prevent Hood from going north. 
 With Wilson turned loose, with all your cavalry, you will find the reb- 
 els put much more on the defensive than heretofore. 
 
 "U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-general. 
 
 "Major-general W. T. SHERMAN." 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 279 
 
 Sherman sent the following despatch to his chief the 
 same day : 
 
 4 'Kingston,. Georgia, October llth 11 A.M. 
 
 "Hood moved his army from Palmetto Station across by Dallas 
 and Cedartown, and is now on the Coosa River, south of Rome. He 
 threw one corps on my road at Acworth, and I was forced to follow. 
 I hold Atlanta with the Twentieth Corps, and have strong detachments 
 along my line. This reduces my active force to a comparatively small 
 army. We cannot remain here on the defensive. With the twenty- 
 five thousand men and the hold cavalry he has, he can constantly 
 break my roads. 1 would infinitely prefer to make a wreck of the 
 road, and of the country from Chattanooga to Atlanta, including the 
 latter city, send back all my wounded and worthless, and, with my 
 effective army, move through Georgia, smashing things, to the sea. 
 Hood may turn into Tennessee and Kentucky, but I believe he will be 
 forced to follow me. Instead of my being on the defensive, I would 
 be on the offensive ; instead of guessing at what he means to do, he 
 would have to guess at my plans. The difference in war is full twen- 
 ty-five per cent. I can make Savannah, Charleston, or the mouth of 
 the Chattahoochee. 
 
 "Answer quick, as I know we will not have the telegraph long. 
 
 "W. T. SHERMAN, Major-general. 
 
 ' ' Lieutenant-general GRANT. " 
 
 Xear midnight Grant sent Sherman permission to march 
 to the sea in the following brief but explicit despatch : 
 
 " City Point, Virginia, October 11, 186411.30 P.M. 
 "Your despatch of to-day received. If you are satisfied the trip to 
 the sea-coast can be made, holding the line of the Tennessee River 
 firmly, you may make it, destroying all the railroad south of DaKon or 
 Chattanooga, as you think best. U. S. GRANT, 
 
 ' ' Ldeutenant-generaL 
 "Major-general W. T. SHERMAN." 
 
 While Sherman was preparing to cut loose from At- 
 lanta, Georgia, Hood sent a considerable force against the 
 garrison at Decatur, Alabama. This place was held by 
 General R. S. Granger, and the assault was the first of a 
 series of movements having the reduction of Nashville in 
 view. Grant had rightly anticipated the movements of 
 
280 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Hood's army. Hood delivered battle at Decatur on the 
 26th 1 of October, 1864, and supposing the place could be 
 easily carried, he turned with his main force towards Court- 
 land. He forced a passage of the Tennessee River at 
 Florence, where he halted to hear of the capture of De- 
 catur. He was doomed to disappointment. Major-gen- 
 eral James B. Steedman, who had learned to trust in the 
 valor of Negro troops, hearing of the investment of De- 
 catur, despatched the Fourteenth Regiment of Negro In- 
 fantry, Colonel Morgan, from Stevenson to relieve Gran- 
 ger. At 12 M. on the 28th General Granger ordered eight 
 companies of the Fourteenth, under Colonel Morgan, to 
 take a battery of the enemy that had been very trouble- 
 some. It was a splendid compliment to the gallantry of 
 this Negro regiment that it was ordered to this hazardous 
 task, while thousands of white troops were within the earth- 
 works. The storming column was formed at a distance of 
 seven hundred and eighty yards from the enemy's line, 
 having moved under cover of the river bank until Gran- 
 ger's rifle-pits were passed. Flankers were thrown out, 
 files were distributed for spiking the guns when taken ; 
 Colonel Morgan addressed the men upon the importance 
 of taking the battery if only ten men survived ; the colors 
 were unfurled, and the order, "Forward, double-quick, 
 march !" given, and the men moved forward to their work 
 with enthusiasm. As soon as the assaulting column dis- 
 closed itself upon the crest of a hill in front of the battery 
 the enemy delivered a severe fire. The column swept on, 
 maintaining a perfect line, determined to carry the works 
 with the bayonet. It was an unique spectacle as the white 
 troops gazed in breathless awe at this Negro regiment 
 charging a Confederate battery at a right shoulder shift 
 
 1 " Rebellion Record," vol. xi., Doc., p. 344. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 281 
 
 arms, without firing a shot ! In less than fifteen minutes 
 the assaulting column had charged over the enemy's works, 
 taken the guns, and spiked them, making prisoners, and 
 planting their colors over their undisputed trophies. This 
 gallant feat thrilled the hearts of the white troops who 
 had been passive lookers-on, and they made the country 
 ring with hearty cheers. 
 
 This daring but successful movement attracted the at- 
 tention of the enemy, who was in large force towards 
 Courtland. Several regiments were despatched to retake 
 the captured guns. Captain H. Romeyn, of the Four- 
 teenth, had discovered from the opposite bank of the riv- 
 er that the enemy was preparing to flank Colonel Mor- 
 gan's force, and finding also that the colonel was about 
 to pursue the enemy, he rode at high speed and great peril 
 to prevent the daring pursuit. Although Colonel Morgan 
 was unable to remove the captured guns from the field, he 
 spiked and dismantled them, and with colors floating, re- 
 tired to Decatur and marched into the Union earthworks. 
 The white troops who had witnessed the gallantry of this 
 Negro regiment cheered it during the return march, and 
 as a part of the garrison at Decatur, it was afterwards 
 treated with distinguished consideration. 
 
 Four officers and sixty men were killed, wounded, and 
 missing in the assault ; but this was the price of a good 
 reputation for the Negro volunteer in the Department 
 of the Cumberland. 1 In General Orders No. 50, dated 
 November 23, 1864, Colonel Morgan said : 
 
 " The colonel commanding desires to express to the offi- 
 cers and men of the Fourteenth United States Colored 
 Infantry his entire satisfaction with their conduct during 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. xi., p. 362; also "The American Con- 
 flict," vol. ii., p. 679. 
 
282 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the 27th, 28th, 29th, and 30th days of October, in the de- 
 fence of Decatur, Alabama. On the march, on the skir- 
 mish line, in the charge, they proved themselves soldiers. 
 Their conduct has gained for the regiment an enviable 
 reputation in the Western army." 
 
 Hood had succeeded in getting his army into position 
 in front of Nashville. It consisted of three corps under 
 Lieutenant-generals S. D. Lee and A. P. Stewart, and Ma- 
 jor-general B. F. Cheatham. These corps were composed 
 of three divisions each. The infantry force exceeded 
 40,000, the cavalry was 12,000, and, with the artillery, 
 Hood's army was about 55,000 men of all arms. On the 
 other hand, Thomas was in command of the small force 
 which Sherman had left behind when he started on his 
 march to the seaboard, consisting of the Fourth Corps, 
 General Stanley, 12,000 men; the Twenty-third Corps, 
 General Schofield, 10,000 men ; and a cavalry force of 
 8,000 men under Generals Hatch, Croxton, and Capron 
 in all 30,000 men. 
 
 If Hood should pursue Sherman, Thomas was instructed 
 to follow persistently, but prudently ; but in case he should 
 turn into Tennessee, he was to fall upon him and annihi- 
 late him. Thomas was given plenary powers, and was ex- 
 pected to engage Hood as soon as he could concentrate 
 his troops ; but he did not intend to risk too much in the 
 open field. On the 12th of November, 1864, Sherman 
 moved out from Carters ville, Georgia, and Hood turned 
 to feel for Thomas's flank. Without abandoning impor- 
 tant garrisons, Thomas began to contract his lines, extend- 
 ing over a vast territory, evidently intending to impose 
 upon Hood the necessity of striking at him over the strong 
 works at Nashville. Hood declined this perilous initiative, 
 as will be seen ; he preferred to strike the fragments of 
 Thomas's recoiling columns as they were falling back to 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 283 
 
 Nashville. He finally overtook Scliofield at Franklin, 
 Tennessee, and charged him with such impetuosity that 
 his works were carried and his centre pierced. But the 
 gallantry of Opdycke's brigade closed the breach and re- 
 gained the lost works. 
 
 Schofield retired across the Harpeth and joined Thomas 
 at Nashville. 
 
 By the 2d of December, 1864, Hood's entire army had 
 reached Thomas's front, and was reorganized. Earthworks 
 were constructed, siege-guns mounted, and every prepara- 
 tion made to remain under cover and invite Thomas to 
 the onset. 
 
 It is true that Hood's army was not very large, but it 
 was composed of well-seasoned veterans : men who were 
 now on their native soil, and were ready to fight to the 
 death for their homes. Moreover, Hood had told his army 
 at Franklin that if he could break the Union lines there 
 was nothing to obstruct his march to the Ohio River. It 
 was certain, therefore, that it would require the most des- 
 perate fighting to drive the enemy from Nashville and ex- 
 pel him from Tennessee. 
 
 General Grant had grown somewhat impatient at Thom- 
 as's apparent inaction, and was amazed that he did not 
 strike out at Hood and crush him at once. But Thomas, 
 a brave and cautious soldier, did not propose to deliver 
 battle until he was safely ready. Meantime he was con- 
 tracting his lines and reorganizing his cavalry. 
 
 There were eight regiments of Negro troops in the De- 
 partment of the Cumberland, and they were now ordered 
 to Nashville, where their courage was to be tried against the 
 veterans of Hood's army. On the 29th of November, 1864, 
 Colonel T. J. Morgan assumed command of the Fourteenth, 
 Lieutenant-colonel H. C. Corbin ; the Sixteenth, Colonel 
 William B. Gaw ; and the Forty-fourth, Colonel L. John- 
 
284: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 son all Negro regiments of infantry. He reached Nash- 
 ville from Chattanooga via Cowan on December 1st ; but 
 Colonel Lewis Johnson, in command of the Forty-fourth 
 United States Negro Infantry, with A and D companies 
 of the Fourteenth Regiment, under Captain C. W. Baker, 
 was attacked by the enemy at a bridge over Mill Creek. 
 At about 11 A.M. on the 2d of December, 1864, the as- 
 sault was made upon the train containing Colonel John- 
 son's command. The artillery fire disabled the engine, 
 and the troops were compelled to abandon it under a de- 
 structive fire from the enemy. The men displayed great 
 coolness, and when in line were marched to Block-house 
 No. 2, but it was found to be occupied by a detachment 
 of twenty-five men belonging to the One Hundred and 
 Fifteenth Ohio Infantry. Colonel Johnson deployed his 
 men around the block-house, threw out a strong skirmish 
 line, and against a very tempest of shells from three bat- 
 teries and the rattle of musketry, he pushed his way up a 
 hill to the eastward. He was unable to carry the enemy's 
 position on the crest of the hill, where he was skilfully 
 serving a battery with strong infantry support. He did 
 not, however, retire, but clung gallantly to the side of the 
 hill ; his men took shelter behind trees and stumps, and 
 fought with marked courage and coolness. 
 
 The artillery slackened towards sunset, and ceased its 
 fire at nightfall. The enemy kept up a severe musketry 
 fire all night, but Colonel Johnson's ammunition was near- 
 ly exhausted, and under cover of the friendly darkness he 
 drew his command back to the block -house, which was 
 now in ruins. His command did not reply to the enemy's 
 fire, and the remaining four rounds of ammunition were re- 
 served for a final effort. At 3.30 A.M. on the morning of 
 the 3d of December, having placed his wounded in charge 
 of Surgeon J. T. Strong and Chaplain Lycurgus Railsback, 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 285 
 
 of the Forty-fourth Infantry, he determined to fight his 
 way to Nashville. He skirmished slightly with the ene- 
 my, and reached Nashville about daylight. 
 
 Colonel Johnson only had three hundred and thirty-two 
 muskets in this engagement, including the twenty-five in 
 the block-house, and his loss in killed, wounded, and miss- 
 ing was one hundred and fifteen more than one-third of 
 his entire command. These Negro troops had contended 
 with a force vastly superior in numbers, bearing all arms, 
 and had successfully repelled desperate assaults, and after 
 sixteen hours of hard fighting opened a way to Nash- 
 ville. 
 
 All the available Negro troops in the Department of 
 the Cumberland massed at Nashville were organized into a 
 corps. All doubt as to the efficiency and gallantry of 
 troops of this character had disappeared from the minds 
 of general officers, and they were hailed by the white vet- 
 erans of Lookout Mountain and Chickamauga as their 
 peers. These troops had confidence in themselves as well, 
 and abounded in zeal and military enthusiasm. They were 
 now confronted by Hood's veteran army, and perilous 
 work awaited them. 
 
 The winter just setting in was of unusual severity, but 
 martial pride raised the black soldiers above their suffer- 
 ings. They lived cheerfully in their light shelter tents, 
 they drilled and paraded on the sleet and snow, they par- 
 ticipated in several bold reconnoissances, they executed re- 
 peated movements on the enemy's right flank, constructed 
 breastworks, and participated with intelligent zeal in all 
 the duties of the Army of the Cumberland. 
 
 The week of rain, ice, and cold was over, and the weath- 
 er-bound armies were ready for the impending conflict. 
 It was determined that the "Negro Division " should open 
 the battle of Nashville. On the night of the 14th of De- 
 
286 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 cember, 1864, Colonel T. J. Morgan, commanding the di- 
 vision of Negro troops, was summoned to the headquar- 
 ters of General Steedman. The plan of the battle was 
 explained to Colonel Morgan, and he was ordered to open 
 the action at daylight. Colonel Morgan was a gentleman 
 of education and marked courage, but he was a civilian, 
 and his command had rarely exceeded a regiment. To be 
 placed suddenly in command of a division was indeed a 
 compliment to his abilities as a soldier, but it was a trying 
 position for a modest officer. Colonel Morgan endeavored 
 to get General Steedman to inform him how the engage- 
 ment should be opened, but the stern old soldier replied, 
 " To-morrow morning, colonel, just as soon as you can see 
 how to put your troops in motion, I wish you to begin 
 the fight." Colonel Morgan rose, saluted, and bade the 
 general good-night. 
 
 Accompanied by his adjutant, Colonel Morgan repaired 
 to the picket line and made a tracing of the enemy's rifle- 
 pits, outlined his plan of attack, and issued the necessary 
 orders that night. 
 
 On the morning of the 15th of December a bank of 
 dense fog settled down between the hostile armies, con- 
 cealing their dispositions and delaying the assault. At 
 length the curtain of fog was rolled up, and Morgan's 
 Black Division marched out on the Murfreesboro pike, 
 where the following disposition was made: the Four- 
 teenth United States Colored Troops, under command of 
 Lieutenant - colonel H. C. Corbin, was deployed as skir- 
 mishers ; the Seventeenth and Forty-fourth United States 
 Colored Troops were formed in line of battle, under com- 
 mand of Colonel William R. Shaf ter ; one section of the 
 Twentieth Indiana Battery, Captain M. A. Osborne, sup- 
 ported by a battalion of the Eighteenth United States 
 Colored Troops, Major Lewis D. Joy. Colonel Charles 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 287 
 
 R. Thompson was in command of a brigade composed of 
 the Twelfth, Thirteenth, and One Hundredth United States 
 Colored Troops. The left wing of the army, by which the 
 assault was to be made, was commanded by Major-general 
 James B. Steed man. General Thomas's plan of battle 
 contemplated a vigorous attack upon the enemy's right 
 flank, well knowing that he would contract and weaken 
 his left flank ; then Wilson's cavalry and General Smith's 
 corps were to attack the enemy's left flank, envelop it, and 
 destroy Hood's army. Accordingly, at eight o'clock, Cap- 
 tain Osborne's battery opened upon the enemy ; the skir- 
 mish line moved forward, driving the Confederate pickets, 
 and at length Colonel Morgan's Negro troops assaulted 
 the enemy's rifle-pits and cleared them. The vigor and 
 spirit with which these troops assaulted the rebels left no 
 doubt in the enemy's mind that this was a general attack. 
 At the same time Colonel Charles R. Thompson's brigade 
 moved across Brown's Creek, between the Nolensville and 
 Murfreesboro turnpikes, and carried the left of his front 
 line of works resting on the Nolensville turnpike. 
 
 After gallant and effective fighting Colonel Morgan's 
 Negro troops were withdrawn and impelled against an 
 earthwork east of the " Raine house." The Negro troops 
 raised a yell and carried the works with the bayonet, get- 
 ting possession of the Raine house and other brick build- 
 ings adjacent, which were loop-holed and turned to good 
 account. All day these troops behaved with great cour- 
 age. They executed every movement, obeyed every or- 
 der, and with their white comrades shared the perils 
 and glory of the first day's battle in front of Nashville. 
 Thomas had succeeded in enveloping Hood's left wing, 
 and the day's work was prophetic of final and complete 
 victory. 
 
 At six o'clock on the morning of the 16th Steedman 
 
288 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 led his Negro troops against the enemy's works in his 
 front, but he had retired during the night. He moved 
 his command out over the Nashville pike, encountering 
 the enemy's cavalry, which he gallantly beat off. His 
 troops formed a junction with those of the Fourth Corps, 
 General T, J. Wood, his right resting on the railroad, and 
 his left extending near the pike and covering the left 
 wing of the entire army. During the forenoon he had 
 several severe conflicts with the enemy in which his 
 troops were victorious. 
 
 At about one o'clock Thomas ordered Steedman and 
 Wood to assault the enemy in his strongly fortified posi- 
 tion on Overtoil Hill. The troops moved forward gal- 
 lantly until within striking distance, when they attempted 
 to expel the enemy from his cover. Although brilliantly 
 executed, the charge was received with undaunted courage, 
 and the assailants driven back by a storm of shot, shell, 
 and musketry, whereby the storming column sustained se- 
 >vere loss. The troops had delivered such a severe blow at 
 Overton Hill that the enemy, while he did not recoil, con- 
 tracted his line ; and while Steedman, nothing daunted, 
 was reforming his troops to renew the assault, a division 
 of the Fourth Corps, from the right of the Franklin pike, 
 executed a turning movement on the weakened flank of 
 the enemy, and Hood's entire line gave way. 
 
 The rout of the enemy was complete. The Negro 
 troops joined in the pursuit with zeal, always anxious to 
 get within striking distance. But Hood's veteran army 
 was now beaten and demoralized, and it fled, pursued by 
 the Army of the Cumberland, over rough roads, through 
 a devastated and inhospitable country, over swollen and 
 freezing streams and snow-drifted paths in the mountains 
 of Tennessee. Hood's army was annihilated, and Negro 
 troops materially aided in the work ; Sherman had no ef- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 289 
 
 fective foe in his rear, and his path was open to the sea- 
 board. On the other hand, Lee could not spare enough 
 troops from the Array of Northern Virginia to annoy 
 Sherman, but Grant was now enabled vigorously to as- 
 sault Lee, to defeat him in the field, or capture him in the 
 mountains of Virginia. The importance of the battle of 
 Nashville cannot be over-estimated. It touched and mod- 
 ified all the plans of the commanders of both armies ; it 
 hastened the close of the civil war, and in this great 
 achievement a division of Negro troops bore a conspicuous 
 and creditable part. It will be seen that these troops pur- 
 chased their reputation for martial valor at an awful price. 
 The following table exhibits the losses they sustained : 
 
 BATTLE OF NASHVILLE. 
 
 COMMAND. 
 
 Company. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Wound- 
 ed. 
 
 Miss- 
 ing 
 
 Aggregate. 
 
 REMARKS. 
 
 Officers. 
 Enlisted 
 Mon. 
 
 < (Hirers. 
 Knlistnl 
 
 Men. 
 
 I 
 
 Knlistcd 
 Men. 
 
 First Brigade. 
 Fourteenth U. S. Col'd Troops. 
 Sixteenth 
 Seventeenth " 
 Eighteenth " " " 
 Forty-fourth " " 
 
 Total First Brigade 
 
 F.&S. 
 A 
 B 
 C 
 D 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 41 
 
 
 20 
 
 65 
 
 Command- 
 ed by T. J. 
 Morgan. 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 64 
 5 
 4 
 
 
 3 
 
 84 
 9 
 4 
 
 162 
 
 2 
 
 19 
 
 10 
 51 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 114 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 Second Brigade. 
 Twelfth U. S. Colored Troops. 
 Thirteenth " " " 
 One Hundredth U. S. Col'd " 
 
 Total Second Brigade . . . 
 
 F.&S. 
 A 
 B 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 99 
 161 
 116 
 
 
 
 114 
 221 
 133 
 
 Command- 
 ed by C. R. 
 Thompson. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 73 
 
 14 
 
 376 
 
 
 1 
 
 468 
 
 
 In his report of the battle General Steedman says : 
 "The larger portion of these losses, amounting in the 
 aggregate to fully twenty-five per cent, of the men un- 
 der my command who were taken into action, it will be 
 observed, fell upon the Colored Troops. The severe loss 
 19 
 
290 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 of this part of my troops was in the brilliant charge on 
 the enemy's works on Overton Hill on Friday afternoon. 
 I was unable to discover that color made any difference 
 in the fighting of my troops. All, white and black, nobly 
 did their duty as soldiers, and evinced cheerfulness and res- 
 olution such as I have never seen excelled in any cam- 
 paign of the war in which I have borne a part." l 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. xi., Doc., p. 89. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 291 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE ARMY OF THE JAMES (1865). 
 
 DURING the winter of 1864-65 twenty-five regiments 
 of Negro troops were concentrated on the James River, 
 confronting the Confederate capital. With but few ex- 
 ceptions, those troops had seen severe service in the field. 
 Many of them had been in spirited conflicts with the enemy 
 in Florida, South Carolina, and Virginia, while quite all of 
 them had attained proficiency in drill and field manoauvres. 
 
 The presence of so large a force of Negro troops in 
 front of Richmond had a most salutary effect upon the 
 Confederate authorities, both civil and military. The rep- 
 utation won by Negro troops was respected in both ar- 
 mies, and the prejudice against their employment among 
 conservative Northern representatives in Congress had al- 
 most wholly disappeared. Moreover, there was now a dis- 
 position in Congress to make amends for the bad treat- 
 ment and neglect which Negro troops had suffered. Ac- 
 cordingly, on the 31st of January, 1865, a constitutional 
 amendment prohibiting slavery passed the House by a 
 vote of 119 to 56* The news of this noble action had a 
 splendid effect upon the Negro troops in the field ; they 
 began to enjoy the rewards of their valor as soldiers. 
 
 Already, on the 15th of January, Negro troops had par- 
 ticipated in the assault upon and capture of Fort Fisher, 
 North Carolina. 
 
 On the last day of January General Robert E. Lee was 
 appointed commander-in-chief of the Confederate army. 
 Among the many new features which he immediately 
 
292 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 sought to incorporate in his war policy was the military 
 employment of Negroes by the Confederate Government. 
 This recommendation to the Confederate Congress was 
 the result of General Lee's experience. He had witnessed 
 the excellent fighting of Negro troops in the Union army, 
 and entertained no prejudice against the military employ- 
 ment of Negroes to save the imperilled cause of the slave- 
 holders' rebellion. 
 
 On the 28th of January the Lower House of the Con- 
 federate Congress had resolved to employ Negroes as sol- 
 diers, but on the 7th of February the Senate refused to 
 concur in the action of the House. On the 18th of Feb- 
 ruary General Lee urged his plan of the military employ- 
 ment of Negroes, and on the 20th the Confederate House 
 passed a bill authorizing the employment of two hundred 
 thousand Negroes in the armed service of the Government, 
 but the Senate promptly rejected the measure. The Ne- 
 gro, who had been manifestly and confessedly the cause 
 of the war, was now the hope of both Union and Confed- 
 erate governments. Fair hands that had been stained with 
 the blood of bondmen, but which were now impotent in 
 disaster, were outstretched to Ethiopia. But "Ethiopia's 
 hands long stretching mightily had plead with God," and 
 the cause of the despised Negro had become the cause of 
 humanity and civilization the world over. 
 
 But the movement finally received the force of law, as 
 shown in the following, which is the last part of the last 
 Special Order issued from the Adjutant and Inspector 
 General's Office at Richmond : 
 
 "Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, 
 
 " Richmond, April 1, 1865. 
 "Special Orders No. 78. 
 
 ******* 
 "XXIX. Lieutenant John L. Co wardin, Adjutant Nineteenth Bat- 
 talion Virginia Artillery, is hereby relieved from his present command 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 293 
 
 and will proceed without delay to Halifax County, Virginia, for the 
 purpose of recruiting Negro troops, under the Act of Congress ap- 
 proved March 13th, and General Orders No. 14, Adjutant and Inspector 
 General's Office, current series." 
 
 On the 23d of March the first company of Negro State 
 troops was mustered into the Confederate service, and by 
 a strange coincidence President Lincoln left "Washington 
 city to review his Negro soldiers on the James River on 
 the same day. The review was one of the most magnifi- 
 cent military spectacles of the civil war. The weather 
 was fair and the atmosphere pleasant for the moving mass- 
 es of troops. Twenty -five thousand Negro soldiers, in 
 bright, new uniforms, well drilled, well armed, and well 
 officered, passed in review before the President, General 
 Grant, and the general officers of the Army of the James 
 and the Army of the Potomac. The troops were reviewed 
 between General William Birney's headquarters and Fort 
 Harrison, in full view of the enemy at Fort Gilmer. The 
 troops marched with company front, with banners flying 
 and bands playing. Nearly every slave State had its repre- 
 sentatives in the ranks of this veteran Negro army, while 
 Massachusetts, New York, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, In- 
 diana, Ohio, and Illinois, of the Northern States, had regi- 
 ments in the line. President Lincoln was deeply moved 
 at the sight of these Negro troops, against whose employ- 
 ment he had early and earnestly protested. Hundreds of 
 white officers and thousands of white soldiers witnessed 
 the review with keen interest, and were loud in their 
 praise of the splendid soldierly bearing of their Negro 
 comrades in arms. The entire review was highly satisfac- 
 tory, and made a deep impression upon the minds of the 
 civil and military chiefs who witnessed it. 
 
 On the 28th of March a council of war was held at Gen- 
 eral Grant's headquarters at City Point. President Lin- 
 
294: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 coin, Generals Sherman, Sheridan, and Ord were present, 
 and the result of the council was that the next day the 
 Army of the Potomac was put in motion. As usual, the 
 South-side Railroad was the objective point. To this force 
 was added a portion of the Army of the James, a part of 
 the Twenty-fourth Corps (Gibbon's), and one division of 
 the Twenty-fifth Corps (Weitzel). The Twenty-fifth 
 army corps was entirely composed of Negro troops, and 
 its commander was anxious to lead them in person in the 
 campaign now to begin. On the night of March 27th 
 these troops were moved across the James and Appomat- 
 tox rivers, under cover of the darkness, to the " White 
 House," where they rested until nightfall of the 29th. 
 As soon as darkness concealed their movements the Ne- 
 gro troops were hurried forward to assist in turning the 
 enemy's left flank. On the previous day the Fifth Corps 
 (Warren's) had been thrown across Hatcher's Run, and 
 Griffin, followed by Crawford and Ayres, had encounter- 
 ed the enemy on Quaker Road. On Friday morning 
 Sheridan's flying cavalry column joined Birney's Negro 
 troops in motion. 1 Warren ordered Griffin to unite the 
 divisions of Crawford and Ayres, and, by a movement to 
 the left, to push forward to the White Oak Road. Al- 
 though Miles's division was to support this movement, 
 the enemy, by impetuous gallantry, hurled the Fifth Corps 
 back on the Boydtown road. Having routed Warren's 
 infantry, the enemy turned upon his cavalry and put it to 
 flight. But just in the moment of exultation Sheridan 
 appeared at the head of his splendid cavalry and saved the 
 Fifth Corps from utter rout. 
 
 During the remainder of Friday a series of brilliant 
 
 1 But while the entire division was included in the movement but 
 one brigade engaged the enemy. G. W. W. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 295 
 
 manoeuvres were executed creditable to military science, 
 but not productive of valuable results. "When all seemed 
 lost, General J. L. Chamberlain's first brigade of Griffin's 
 division of the Fifth Corps was impelled across Gravelly 
 Run, and by the vigor of the assault swept the enemy 
 from the field, capturing many flags and prisoners. The 
 Fifth Corps bivouacked on the White Oak road Friday 
 night, and the Second Corps joined it early Saturday morn- 
 ing, April 1st. At daylight the Fifth Corps moved down 
 the Boydtown road until it joined Sheridan's cavalry, when 
 the entire force moved towards Five Forks. It had been 
 raining, and although now the morning was fair, the roads 
 were heavy and the marching slow. Birney's Negro 
 troops were in the moving column, eager for the onset. 
 The cavalry dashed at the enemy, and the infantry moved 
 steadily to the conflict. Sheridan soon swung around and 
 enveloped the enemy's extreme left, while the infantry, 
 in wheeling to the left, had struck the enemy's works in 
 flank. From ten o'clock Saturday night a severe cannon- 
 ade was opened along the entire lines from the Appomat- 
 tox to Hatcher's Run. This was designed to assist Sheri- 
 dan's turning movement and hold the enemy away from 
 him. No artillery fire during the entire civil war exceed- 
 ed this in quality and volume, in accuracy, and the extent 
 of territory over which it raged. It was most effective. 
 It is difficult to describe either the bombardment or the 
 feeling it produced. The night was dark, the air damp, 
 and the heavens sullen and threatening. Both armies lay 
 close together, with their dead and wounded numerous and 
 near, but neither knew what would be the next move. 
 Suddenly the entire artillery, siege-guns, and mortars of 
 the Army of the Potomac opened upon the unsuspecting 
 enemy, and the earth reeled for miles, and houses were 
 denuded of glass of every description, while the heavens 
 
296 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 were lighted up for sixteen miles, and the two crouching 
 armies were uncovered to each other, like wild beasts wait- 
 ing for the fatal leap. The enemy along his well-con- 
 structed line of earthworks, where he had wintered in 
 substantial log quarters, was driven into his trenches by 
 the storm of shell and shot, while substantial buildings 
 and gun-carriages were shattered and demolished. Many 
 rebels subsequently made prisoners declared that they 
 were thrown from their bunks by the shock, while the 
 Confederate army felt that the bombardment was literally 
 a day of judgment to their cause. It was indeed an awe- 
 inspiring spectacle, the sublimest and most awful scene 
 of war. 
 
 It was a strange sensation for the ten thousand Negro 
 troops to lie prone upon the earth a few hundred yards 
 from the enemy, who, thinking this portion of the line 
 weak, assaulted it with the energy of despair about four 
 o'clock Saturday morning. But the Negro troops were 
 nothing moved by the impetuosity of the onset or by the 
 " rebel howl " so terrible in its shrillness. The rebels were 
 warmly received, but sixteen hundred of them were made 
 prisoners, while many were slain, wounded, or driven back. 
 But it was a grander scene when, just as the sun was ris- 
 ing and discovering the carnage of the field, Birney's Ne- 
 gro troops uncovered the enemy's works, swept through 
 and dealt deadly blows upon the foe as he fell back before 
 the fury of Ayres's and Griffin's assault farther to the left. 
 Within a few hours the enemy's right was doubled up 
 against his centre. 
 
 The Negro troops, with their white comrades, swung 
 around towards Petersburg, and swept every fragment of 
 battle before them. General Sheridan, the senior officer 
 upon the battle-field, cried out to all officers who attempt- 
 ed to communicate with him, "Smash them ! smash them ! 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 297 
 
 We have a record to make before the sun goes down. I 
 want the South-side Railroad !" The daring impetuosity 
 of his leadership had a profound influence upon the troops, 
 and they accomplished his desire. Birney's Negro troops 
 and Seymour's command cut their way through the ene- 
 my's lines and reached the South-side Railroad, Grant's ob- 
 jective point for many months. The work of destruction 
 was wrought with skill and determination, and before 
 the sun went down Sheridan's troops had made a record. 
 Pickett's veteran rebel corps was caught by Birney's 
 troops in their turning movement and torn into shreds, 
 and then the pierced and broken rebel wing was hurled 
 along inside the enemy's earthworks towards Petersburg. 
 The orderly retreat of early morning became a rout. 
 A. P. Hill endeavored to rally his shattered and deci- 
 mated columns, but the effort was as impotent as Napo- 
 leon's at Waterloo to rally the Old Guard. The broken 
 parts of a once magnificent army swept by the intrepid 
 Hill as the merest drift-wood of battle. The tide was too 
 strong, and the red waves of battle swept on towards Pe- 
 tersburg, where they were temporarily checked. The en- 
 emy endeavored to make a stand several times, but he was 
 immediately caught by the fierce tide of battle and driven 
 back. The path of this remarkable conflict was strewed 
 with the enemy's dead, dying, and wounded, his disman- 
 tled artillery, disabled wagons, and disheartened stragglers. 
 
 The news of Sheridan's victory was proclaimed to the 
 army in the immediate vicinity of Petersburg, and the 
 pulse of patriotism beat high. The battle of Five Forks 
 had been fought and won ; and Sheridan was no longer a 
 successful cavalry leader only, but a soldier capable of 
 broad plans and brilliant execution. 
 
 The cannonade doubtless prevented Lee from falling 
 upon Sheridan in the night, hurling him aside, and making 
 
298 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 good his escape. During the night Grant rectified his 
 lines and perfected his plans for a final assault upon the 
 enemy's lines about Petersburg. The general engagement 
 was to extend from the Appomattox to Hatcher's Run, 
 with Parke on the right, Ord on the left, and Wright in 
 the centre. At 4 A.M. Sunday morning the cannonade 
 slackened, and finally ceased. 
 
 Battery B, First United States Artillery, fired the sig- 
 nal for Birney's Negro troops to move forward to the as- 
 sault. In the gray dawn of the morning these troops 
 marched out of a grove on the side of a hill, then down 
 the hill into an open field. Before them on a high hill 
 sat a large fort covering the approach to the city. The 
 enemy was waiting with bated breath and shotted guns, 
 and as the column dashed up the hill with a yell the fort 
 gleamed with fire. The enemy's shell and musketry tore 
 Birney's ranks, but his gallant men only sprang forward 
 with renewed vigor, and carried everything before them. 
 
 Coming closer to Petersburg, Ord's command, with Bir- 
 ney and Gibbon, was met by stubborn resistance from 
 two of the enemy's forts Alexander and Gregg. Fort 
 Alexander was carried by desperate fighting, but Fort 
 Gregg held out with almost matchless valor. It was here 
 that the One Hundredth New York Eegiraent of infantry 
 and the Twenty-second United States Eegiment of Negro 
 infantry generously contended for the flags and guns in 
 the enemy's possession. The Negro regiment charged 
 the fort, and when under the guns threw off caps and coats, 
 rushed over the works, and seized the guns, hauling them 
 away from the gallant gunners who had not yet acknowl- 
 edged their defeat. The One Hundredth New York had 
 entered the fort about the same time, and the black and 
 white soldiers contended for a division of the trophies 
 which they had so gallantly won. This fort was taken at 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 299 
 
 a loss of about five hundred ; while of the garrison of two 
 hundred and fifty only thirty survived the action. 
 
 In other portions of the line the fighting was severe but 
 triumphant. Wilcox's division of Parke's right had made 
 a successful feint on Fort Steedman, and Hartranft's divis- 
 ion had carried everything before it, capturing twelve 
 guns and eight hundred prisoners. Wright's Sixth Corps 
 charged through three lines of abatis, making thousands 
 of prisoners, and cutting the Confederate line in two. 
 
 The 2d of April, 1865, was a beautiful day, but the 
 bloody events in and about Petersburg made it a day of 
 slaughter and destruction. By noonday the outer lines of 
 Confederate defences had been carried by the besieging 
 army, and Grant was preparing for a grand assault upon 
 the city. Generals Lee, A. P. Hill, and William Mahone 
 were in the doomed city consulting upon a plan of retreat 
 before it should be too late. Grant's army was thunder- 
 ing at the very gates. The noise of battle grew nearer. 
 " How is this, general ?" asked Lee of Hill ; " your men 
 are giving way." At Manassas, Harper's Ferry, and An- 
 tietam he had saved the day for the Confederate army, 
 and at critical moments, in his picturesque red battle-shirt, 
 had struck with the right hand of Mars. So soon as Lee 
 spoke to him he mounted his horse and rode off, accom- 
 panied by a single orderly, to reconnoitre. In a wooded 
 ravine he suddenly came upon a few Union soldiers. They 
 fired their pieces, and Major-general A. P. Hill fell dead. 
 He was a splendid soldier ; but the old charm was gone, 
 and the once magnificent corps he had led on many vic- 
 torious fields was now scattered and flying for life. 
 
 General Lee issued orders for the evacuation of Peters- 
 burg and Kichmond, and began preparations to withdraw 
 his army to the mountains about Lynchburg. The first 
 news of the fate of the Confederacy was conveyed to Jef- 
 
300 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ferson Davis as he sat in his accustomed place of worship. 
 He read the note from Lee with a dazed look, and with 
 blanched countenance and unsteady step went down the 
 aisle and passed out of the church. The Confederate news- 
 papers had concealed the real state of affairs, and had pur- 
 posely misled the people as to the dangers that threatened 
 their cause. So, when the news of Lee's disaster reached 
 the Confederate capital, it fell like a thunder-bolt out of 
 a cloudless sky. Amid the confusion and consternation, 
 the disorder and disaster, the panic and pillage, the rapine 
 and flames, the Negro population stood still to see the 
 salvation of the Lord. 
 
 Sunday night Grant put his army in readiness and rec- 
 tified his lines ; but before the dawn of Monday morning 
 the shattered remnant of Lee's famous Army of Northern 
 Virginia had evacuated Petersburg. At early dawn Bir- 
 ney's Negro troops were led against Petersburg, but there 
 was no enemy to dispute their entrance. The Negro pop- 
 ulation gave the black soldiers in blue a most cordial wel- 
 come. They were greeted with tears and cheers, with 
 prayers and praise, with songs and phrases of high-sound- 
 ing adulation. Many of the people rushed to the side of 
 the moving column, embraced the conquerors, and covered 
 their hands with kisses. The bands of the Negro regi- 
 ments played "John Brown's Body," and thrilled the 
 Negro populace with the sentiment, "We'll hang Jeff 
 Davis on a sour apple - tree !" The whites were silent 
 and sullen ; it was not their day, although it was mani- 
 festly the funeral of their cause ; the year of jubilee had 
 come to the long-benighted bondman, however. Neither 
 the pride of the Negro soldier nor the joy of the Negro 
 citizen assumed offensive form ; the quiet dignity of the 
 former and the Christian humility of the latter were 
 conspicuous on every hand. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 301 
 
 Two divisions of Negro troops and a portion of the 
 Twenty -fourth Corps were on the James River side of 
 the rebel capital watching Ewell. About two o'clock 
 Monday morning, April 3d, Captain Bruce, of General 
 Devens's staff, discovered a bright light in the direction of 
 Richmond, and heard loud explosions. Three men were 
 sent forward to reconnoitre, and within a few minutes a 
 Negro brought the news that Richmond had been evac- 
 uated. As soon as day broke General Weitzel passed 
 through the enemy's deserted works, consisting of several 
 lines of redoubts and bastioned forts. The ground was 
 thoroughly sowed with torpedoes, and the troops were 
 moved slowly. At length a cry was raised in the main 
 street of the doomed capital, " The Yankees are coming !" 
 and confusion reigned among the citizens. Fifty Negro 
 cavalrymen dashed up to the Capitol, and Lieutenant 
 Johnson De Peyster hauled the Union flag to its place 
 upon that edifice. A regiment of Negro cavalry headed 
 the Union column into the city, and another regiment of 
 Negro cavalry was posted on the north side of the square 
 about the Capitol to preserve order and to guard the prop- 
 erty of their late masters! This beautiful city had been 
 looted and burned by its own citizens ; but as soon as the 
 United States flag floated over the chaos order was re- 
 stored, and every attempt made to save property as well 
 as life. The Negro population behaved well, and the 
 black soldiers bore themselves more like guests than con- 
 querors. 
 
 It does not come within the scope of this work to 
 describe the movements of the Army of the Potomac in 
 this final and triumphant campaign, except so far as the 
 Negro troops bore a part. The temptation is strong to 
 describe the precipitous retreat of Lee's army towards 
 Burkesville Junction ; how his half -famished army strug- 
 
302 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 gled over heavy roads and swollen streams to reach Amelia 
 Court-house, to which point Lee had ordered a quarter of a 
 million of rations ; how the civil authorities at Richmond 
 had ordered the train that contained the rations back to 
 Richmond without unloading, thus sacrificing the army 
 for the safety of the politicians ; how Lee, hungry and 
 faint, was unable to move his army, and how Sheridan's 
 cavalry passed between Amelia Court-house and Burkes- 
 ville ; how at Sailor's Creek, Sheridan, Crook, Custer, and 
 Devens struck Ewell and Pickett's corps flank and rear, 
 capturing five generals, seven thousand prisoners, hun- 
 dreds of wagons, many guns and flags. But all this be- 
 longs to a general history of the campaign. 
 
 The Negro troops in Ord's Army of the James had 
 moved by the South-side Railroad, and were hurrying for- 
 ward to prevent the passage of Lee's army over the Ap- 
 pomattox at Farmville. In all the conflicts in which these 
 troops participated they bore themselves as brave soldiers, 
 and were equal to every emergency ; and finally, when 
 Grant had thrown a girdle of steel about Lee's invested 
 army at Appomattox Court-house, Birney's black troops 
 were nearest the enemy, with glinting bayonet and loaded 
 musket. The Eighth Pennsylvania Cavalry had charged 
 the enemy at Clover Hill, and had been repulsed ; Gen- 
 eral Doubleday threw his brigade of Negro troops into 
 line of battle to receive the enemy if he should assault 
 the Union lines. He advanced the colors of the Forty- 
 first Regiment, and, in a charge like a dress - parade, it 
 cleared the enemy from its front. It was in this brilliant 
 charge that the brave and accomplished soldier, Captain 
 John W. Falconer, received a mortal wound. 
 
 "When an aide-de-camp rode down the line of battle 
 crying, " Cease firing ! General Lee has made an uncon- 
 ditional surrender," the Negro troops, who had been driv- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 303 
 
 ing the enemy into a ravine, discharged their pieces in the 
 air, and gave a shout of joy that made the ground shake. 
 
 In the evening several Confederate bands serenaded the 
 Union troops, and in return several bands, composed en- 
 tirely of Negroes, complimented the Confederates with 
 appropriate music. 
 
 After the Confederate army had been paroled the Ne- 
 gro troops cheerfully and cordially divided their rations 
 with the late enemy, and welcomed them at their camp- 
 fires on the march back to Petersburg. The sweet gospel 
 of forgiveness was expressed in the Negro soldiers' inter- 
 course with ex-rebel soldiers, who freely mingled with the 
 black conquerors. It was a spectacle of magnanimity 
 never before witnessed among troops that had hated and 
 actually murdered one another. 
 
304: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 AS PRISONERS OF WAR. 
 
 THE capture and treatment of Negro soldiers by the 
 enemy is a subject that demands dispassionate and judicial 
 scrutiny. No just judge of historical events would seek 
 to tear a single chaplet from the brow of any brave sol- 
 dier, it matters not what uniform he wore or what flag he 
 fought under. Yalor is valor the world over. But what- 
 ever may be said of the gallantry of Confederate soldiers 
 or the chivalry of the South, it remains true that the 
 treatment bestowed upon Union prisoners of war in gen- 
 eral, and upon Negroes in particular, has no parallel in 
 the annals of modern civilized warfare. 
 
 Slavery destroyed the Southern conscience, blunted the 
 sensibilities and affections, and depreciated human life. 
 The Confederate army exhibited a fierceness in battle and 
 a cold cruelty to their prisoners that .startled the civilized 
 world. Confederate military prisons became places of 
 torture wherein every species of cruelty was perpetrated. 
 Among the many hells erected for the reception and re- 
 tention of Union prisoners Anderson ville was, perhaps, 
 the most notorious. It was situated on the South-western 
 Eailroad, about sixty-two miles south of Macon, Georgia. 
 On the side of a hill where the timber was thick a space 
 was cleared for the prison, in the form of a parallelogram, 
 1540 feet long and 750 feet wide. The ground was of 
 red clay, and sloped gently to the south. Logs measuring 
 twenty-four feet in length were firmly embedded in the 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 305 
 
 ground, and closely joined together all the way up, with 
 the upper end sharpened. Beyond and outside of this was 
 a lower stockade for greater security. Within the main 
 prison-wall, and thirty feet from it, a railing three feet 
 high, upon posts ten feet apart, ran around the entire pris- 
 on. This was known as the " dead-line.'' On the top of 
 the main wall were thirty-five sentry-boxes, while at the 
 angles of the prison stood artillery commanding the entire 
 space. For recapturing escaped prisoners a large pack 
 of blood-hounds was kept constantly on hand. There was 
 not a tree or shrub left in the entire prison, and thus the 
 sun had full power. In the summer the thermometer 
 registered 110 Fahrenheit, while its mean for the heated 
 term was 88 in the shade. The only water near this 
 prison was a little stream five feet wide and six inches 
 deep, that had its origin in a deadly, unhealthy swamp ; 
 and this stream passed through the prison grounds, flow- 
 ing from east to west. 
 
 On the 15th of February, 1864, the first detachment of 
 Union prisoners of war, numbering .eight hundred and 
 sixty, was received. Within four months there were 
 twelve thousand prisoners in Andersonville, and before 
 the end of August there were 31,693 leaving about thir- 
 ty-six feet for each man ! The prison was in use about 
 thirteen months, and its reports show that during that 
 period 44,882 prisoners were received. 
 
 The prisoners were allowed as rations each day two 
 ounces of bacon or boiled beef, one sweet potato, and one 
 piece of bread two and one-half inches square and thick, 
 made of corn and ground pease. 
 
 There was no shelter from rain or sun. Some men dug 
 
 holes in the ground, where they remained during the day, 
 
 and at night wandered forth under the open sky, while 
 
 others made little houses of sticks and red clay. When 
 
 20 
 
306 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 it rained this vast army of forlorn captives wandered 
 about in mud a foot deep. " Into the brook there flowed 
 the filth and excrements of more than thirty thousand 
 men. The banks of the stream were covered with ord- 
 ure, and appeared to be alive with working maggots. 
 Through this reeking mass wandered about, elbowing and 
 pushing one another, the shoeless, hatless, famished cap- 
 tives, many of them with scarcely a tatter to cover them. 
 . . . Attracted by the smell of this mass of living carrion, 
 flocks of vultures the ' turkey-buzzards ' of the South 
 soared in the air over this den of human putridity, or, 
 gorged with human flesh, sat nodding on the dead pines 
 of the adjacent forest." 
 
 The death -rate soon reached the alarming figures of 
 8-J per hour, and of the 44,882 incarcerated 12,462 died ; 
 while a large proportion of those who lived to get out of 
 this atrocious lazar-house died soon after in Union hos- 
 pitals or at home. Those who died in the prison were 
 piled in heaps outside of the stockade ; they were hauled 
 away by the wagon-load, cast into a common ditch with- 
 out coffins and covered with quick-lime. If the dead had 
 rings on their fingers, the axe was often used to secure 
 these jewels. 
 
 There were three hundred men shot near the dead-line, 
 while hundreds were torn by the half-starved blood-hounds 
 in attempting to escape. Many were put in stocks and 
 chains for alleged breaches of the laws of the prison, and 
 others were murdered by the hands of the keeper, Wirz, 
 who was subsequently tried by the United States authori- 
 ties and hanged. 
 
 Not only physical suffering, but mental ruin, often re- 
 sulted from this diabolical prison system, and men wan- 
 dered about the loathsome pen raving maniacs. Some 
 fought their battles over again, and hysterically laughed at 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 307 
 
 the imaginary foes they vanquished ; some wandered forth 
 in delirium to meet kindred, and were murdered on the 
 " dead-line ;" others stood shaking their shrivelled fists at 
 the sky pronouncing wild imprecations ; while still others 
 drifted in listless apathy from one end of the den to the 
 other, clinching a bone or dramatically drawing their tat- 
 tered garments about their emaciated forms. 
 
 But who were the victims of this organized cruelty of 
 which the Inspector-general of the Confederate army, Colo- 
 nel Chandler, said, " It is a place the horrors of which it 
 is difficult to describe it is a disgrace to civilization?" 
 White officers and enlisted men from the North. Many 
 of them had the blood of revolutionary patriots in their 
 veins ; some were from Harvard and Yale, Williams and 
 Brown ; some were justly distinguished in literature and 
 science; many were the sons of rich men, millionaires, 
 without food or raiment. If such men endured such hard- 
 ships as prisoners of war, what was in reserve for the 
 poor Negro ? 
 
 Although the Confederate authorities had first inaugu- 
 rated the policy of arming Negroes as soldiers, the mo- 
 ment the United States Government announced its inten- 
 tion to do likewise the Rebel Government proscribed the 
 Negro as a prisoner of war. In fact, the message of Jef- 
 ferson Davis on the treatment of Negroes as prisoners of 
 war was prior to any action on this matter by either Pres- 
 ident Lincoln or Congress. The first Emancipation Proc- 
 lamation of President Lincoln, issued on the 22d of Sep- 
 tember, 1862, a few days after the battle of Antietam, was 
 rather a measure of military policy than of humanity. It 
 was regarded by the Confederate authorities as contem- 
 plating the employment of emancipated slaves in the 
 armed service of the United States. Before this, on the 
 22d of August, 1862, General B. F. Butler, then in com- 
 
308 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 mand of the Union forces at New Orleans, had appealed 
 to the free Negro citizens of Louisiana to rally in defence 
 of their common country ; and this fact, followed so soon 
 by Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, imbittered and alarmed 
 the enemy. The independent action of General Butler 
 was regarded as indicating the policy of the Government. 
 On the 23d of December, 1862, Jefferson Davis, Presi- 
 dent of the Confederate States, issued the following proc- 
 lamation, aimed at General Butler in particular, and all 
 Negro soldiers and their officers in general : 
 
 " First. That all commissioned officers in the command of said Ben- 
 jamin F. Butler be declared not entitled to be considered as soldiers 
 engaged in honorable warfare, but as robbers and criminals, deserving 
 death; and that they and each of them be, whenever captured, reserved 
 for execution. 
 
 "Second. That the private soldiers and non-commissioned officers in 
 the army of said Butler be considered as only the instruments used for 
 the commission of crimes perpetrated by his orders, and not as free 
 agents ; that they, therefore, be treated, when captured, as prisoners of 
 war, with kindness and humanity, and be sent home on the usual pa- 
 role that they will in no manner aid or serve the United States in any 
 capacity during the continuance of this war, unless duly exchanged. 
 
 " Third. That all Negro slaves captured in arms be at once delivered 
 over to the executive authorities of the respective States to which they 
 belong, to be dealt with according to the laws of said States. 
 
 "Fourth. That the like orders be executed in all cases with respect 
 to all commissioned officers of the United States, when found serving 
 in company with said slaves in insurrection against the authorities of 
 the different States of this Confederacy. 
 
 " [Signed and sealed at Richmond, December 23, 1862.] 
 
 ''JEFFERSON DAVIS." 
 
 This message was laid before the Confederate Congress, 
 and on the 12th of January, 1863, the following action 
 was had : 
 
 "Resolved, by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, in 
 response to the message of the President, transmitted to Congress at 
 the commencement of the present session, That, in the opinion of Con- 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 309 
 
 gress, the commissioned officers of the enemy ought not to be delivered 
 to the authorities of the respective States, as suggested in the said mes- 
 sage, but all captives taken by the Confederate forces ought to be 
 dealt with and disposed of by the Confederate Government. 
 
 "SEC. 2. That, in the judgment of Congress, the proclamation of 
 the President of the United States, dated respectively September 22, 
 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the other measures of the Government 
 of the United States and of its authorities, commanders, and forces, 
 designed or tending to emancipate slaves in the Confederate States, or 
 to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to insurrection, or to employ 
 Negroes in war against the Confederate States, or to overthrow the in- 
 stitution of African slavery, and bring on a servile war in these States, 
 would, if successful, produce atrocious consequences, and they are in- 
 consistent with the spirit of those usages which, in modern warfare, 
 prevail among civilized nations; they may, therefore, be properly and 
 lawfully repressed by retaliation. 
 
 " SEC. 3. That in every case wherein, during the present war, any 
 violation of the laws of war, among civilized nations, shall be, or has 
 been, done and perpetrated by those acting under the authority of the 
 Government of the United States, on the persons or property of citi- 
 zens of the Confederate States, or of those under the protection or in 
 the land or naval service of the Confederate States, or of any State of 
 the Confederacy, the President of the Confederate States is hereby au- 
 thorized to cause full and ample retaliation to be made for every such 
 violation, in such manner and to such extent as he may think proper. 
 
 " SEC. 4. That every white person, being a commissioned officer, or 
 acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command Negroes 
 or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States, or who shall arm, 
 train, organize, or prepare Negroes or mulattoes for military service 
 against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily aid Negroes 
 or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or conflict in such serv- 
 ice, shall be deemed as inciting servile insurrection, and shall, if capt- 
 ured, be put to death, or be otherwise punished at the discretion of 
 the Court. 
 
 "SEC. 5. Every person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as 
 such in the service of the enemy, who shall, during the present war, 
 excite, attempt to excite, or cause to be excited, a servile insurrection, 
 or shall incite, or cause to be incited, a slave or rebel, shall, if captured, 
 be put to death, or be otherwise punished at the discretion of the 
 Court. 
 
 " SEC. 6. Every person charged with an offence punishable under 
 the preceding resolutions shall, during the present war, be tried before 
 
310 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 the military court attached to the army or corps by the troops of which 
 he shall have been captured, or by such other military court as the 
 President may direct, and in such manner and under such regulations 
 as the President shall prescribe; and, after conviction, the President 
 may commute the punishment in such manner and on such terms as 
 he may deem proper. 
 
 " SEC. 7. All Negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, 
 or be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid 
 or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when capt- 
 ured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the authorities of the 
 State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt with accord- 
 ing to the present or future laws of such State or States." 
 
 This document is cited in full that the official record 
 may be before the reader. Several points in it deserve 
 special consideration. The Confederate Congress was un- 
 willing, on the recommendation of Mr. Davis, to allow the 
 prisoners which their army might take to pass into the con- 
 trol of the several Confederate States. While devoted to 
 " State Rights," for once the sovereign Confederate Gov- 
 ernment raised its majestic voice and demanded possession 
 of Union prisoners. The several States could be trusted 
 in everything but the delicate matter of dealing with 
 Union prisoners of war. Congress did not hesitate to 
 take issue with President Davis. The civil and criminal 
 law of the States in ante-bellum days had always been re- 
 garded as adequate to deal with Abolitionists, Negroes, 
 and other criminals ; but when those laws were to be ap- 
 plied to Union prisoners of war their efficiency was called 
 in question, and the Confederacy now conferred upon the 
 States authority to make new laws upon the subject. The 
 high prerogative of murdering Union prisoners having 
 not been delegated to the States, was reserved to the Con- 
 federate Congress. 
 
 Just where, when, and in what manner the United 
 States ever violated "the laws or usages of war among 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 311 
 
 civilized nations " is not clear. Certainly there is no rec- 
 ord of any such violation. But of this the Confederate 
 Government determined to be the sole judge of what con- 
 stituted a violation of "the laws or usages of war;" and 
 from its judgment there was no appeal. 
 
 Brave white officers, the laurelled leaders of gallant 'Ne- 
 gro soldiers, were marked for a felon's death. The mili- 
 tary employment of slaves by the United States Govern- 
 ment was justified by historical precedents ancient and 
 modern, Christian and pagan ; and last, if least, it had be- 
 fore it the example of the Confederate Government al- 
 ready alluded to. Consequently the murdering of officers 
 who belonged to organizations composed of Negroes was 
 "a most flagrant violation of the laws or usages of war 
 among civilized nations." It had become manifest that 
 either "the institution of African slavery" or the free 
 institutions of the American Union must perish, and there- 
 fore the United States Government was justified in using 
 the Negro as a military instrument in preserving the au- 
 tonomy of the States, and in securing the freedom of 
 the slaves. 
 
 The proclamation of Mr. Davis and the subsequent leg- 
 islative action of the Confederate Congress aroused the 
 attention and stirred the indignation of the friends of hu- 
 manity everywhere. On the 14th of April, 1863, the New 
 York Tribune said, editorially, "At all events, the policy 
 of the Government to employ Black Troops in active serv- 
 ice is definitely established, and it becomes as indeed it 
 has been for months a very serious question what steps 
 are to be taken for their protection. The Proclamation 
 of Jefferson Davis remains unrevoked. By it he threat- 
 ened death or slavery to every Negro taken in arms, and 
 to their white officers the same fate. What is the response 
 of our Government ? Hitherto, silence. The number of 
 
312 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 Negroes in its service has already increased ; in South 
 Carolina they have already been mustered into regiments 
 by a sweeping conscription, and now in the West appar- 
 ently the same policy is adopted and rigorously enforced." 
 
 In reply to the pertinent and humane sentiments of 
 Horace Greeley and other leaders of public sentiment at 
 the North, the Richmond Examiner, speaking for the 
 Confederate Government, said, " It is not merely the pre- 
 tension of a regular Government affecting to deal with 
 4 Rebels,' but it is a deadly stab which they are aiming at 
 our institutions themselves, because they know that, if we 
 were insane enough to yield this point, to treat Black men 
 as the equals of White, and insurgent slaves as equivalent 
 to our brave soldiers, the very foundation of Slavery 
 would be fatally wounded." 
 
 A few bold and conscientious Southern newspapers 
 urged that the Confederate Government had no authority 
 to proscribe Union soldiers on account of color, and clear- 
 ly pointed out the dangers that such a course as the Gov- 
 ernment had marked out would invite. The Confederate 
 Government adhered to its views, and its army in the field 
 carried out its policy with zeal and cruelty. 
 
 The Confederate army at Port Hudson would not per- 
 mit a flag of truce to bury the brave black soldiers who 
 fell in the memorable engagement in May, 1863. In the 
 spring and summer of 1863 a number of Negro soldiers 
 were made prisoners in their conflicts with the enemy, 
 and were subjected to barbarous treatment. When an ex- 
 change of prisoners took place in front of Charleston, al- 
 though the rebels held many Negro prisoners, they gave 
 up none but white soldiers. When this fact was brought 
 to the attention of commissioners for the exchange of 
 prisoners on behalf of the Confederate Government, they 
 explained that it was against the law of their Government 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 313 
 
 to exchange Negro prisoners. This statement aroused the 
 North, and President Lincoln issued the following order : 
 
 "Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1863. 
 
 "It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citi- 
 zens of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who 
 are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of na- 
 tions, and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized 
 powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners 
 of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person, on 
 account of his color, and for no offence against the laws of war, is a re- 
 lapse into barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age. 
 
 "The Government of the United States will give the same protection 
 to all its soldiers ; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one be- 
 cause of his color, the offence shall be punished by retaliation upon 
 the enemy's prisoners in our possession. 
 
 " It is therefore ordered that, for every soldier of the United States 
 killed in violation of the laws of war, a Kebel soldier shall be executed ; 
 and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into Slavery, a Rebel 
 soldier shall be placed at hard labor on public works, and continued at 
 such labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment 
 due to a prisoner of war. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. < 
 
 "By order of the Secretary of War. 
 
 "E. D. TOWNSEND, 
 
 "Assistant Adjutant-general." 
 
 On the 12th of -August, 1863, the Charleston Mercury, 
 an able and conservative journal, called attention to the 
 severe treatment of Negro prisoners of war. The humane 
 sentiments expressed appealed strongly to the general offi- 
 cers of the Confederate army. General Beauregard felt 
 that the criticism applied to him. It was certainly a case 
 of conscience, for he had sent the following despatch the 
 year before which lowered him from the honorable posi- 
 tion of a general and branded him forever as a murderer : 
 
 "Charleston, South Carolina, October 13, 1862. 
 "Hon. Wm. P. Miles, Richmond, Virginia: 
 
 " Has the bill for the execution of Abolition prisoners after January 
 next been passed? Do it, and England will be stirred into action! It 
 
314: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 is high time to proclaim the black flag after that period. Let the exe- 
 cution be with the garrote. 
 
 (Signed) "G. T. BEAUREGARD." 
 
 Previous to this, on the 3d of August, 1862, General 
 Beauregard wrote to General Wm. E. Martin from Bladen, 
 Alabama, as follows : 
 
 "We will yet have to come to proclaiming this war ' a war to the 
 knife,' when no quarter will be asked or granted. I believe it is the 
 only thing which can prevent recruiting at the North. As to our- 
 selves, I think that very few will not admit that death is preferable to 
 dishonor and ruin." l 
 
 His chief of staff sent the following letter to the Mer- 
 cury : 
 
 " Headquarters Department of S. C., Ga., and Fla., 
 
 " Charleston, South Carolina, August 12, 1863. 
 " Colonel R. B. Rhett, Jr., Editor of 'Mercury :' 
 
 "In the Mercury of this date you appear to have written under a 
 misapprehension of the facts connected with the present status of the 
 Negroes captured in arms on Morris and James islands, which permit 
 me to state as follows: 
 
 "The Proclamation of the President, dated December 24, 1862, di- 
 rected that all Negro slaves captured in arms should be at once deliv- 
 ered over to the executive authorities of the respective States to which 
 they belong, to be dealt with according to the laws of said States. 
 
 "An informal application was made by the State authorities for the 
 Negroes captured in this vicinity, but as none of them, it appeared, had 
 been slaves of citizens of South Carolina, they were not turned over to 
 civil authority, for at the moment there was no official information at 
 these headquarters of the Act of Congress by which ' all Negroes and 
 mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or be taken in arms against the 
 Confederate States, or shall give aid or comfort to the enemies of the 
 Confederate States,' were directed to be turned over to the authorities 
 of ' State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt with 
 according to the present or future laws of such State or States.' 
 
 " On the 21st of July, however, the commanding general telegraphed 
 to the Secretary of War for instructions as to the disposition to be 
 made of the Negroes captured on Morris and James islands, and on 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. viii., P., p. 36. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 315 
 
 the 22d received a reply that they must be turned over to the State 
 authorities, by virtue of the joint resolutions of Congress in ques- 
 tion. 
 
 "Accordingly, on the 29th of July, as soon as a copy of the resolu- 
 tion or act was received, his Excellency Governor Bonham was in- 
 formed that the Negroes captured were held subject to his orders, to 
 be dealt with according to the laws of South Carolina. 
 
 " On the same day (29th of July) Governor Bonham requested that 
 they should be retained in military custody until he could make ar- 
 rangements to dispose of them; and in that custody they still remain, 
 awaiting the orders of the State authorities. 
 
 "Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "THOMAS JORDAN, Chief of Staff." 
 
 The enemy was inflexible in his purpose to deny Negro 
 soldiers the immunities of prisoners of war. Some whom 
 the fortunes of civil war threw into the hands of the 
 enemy were murdered after they had surrendered ; others 
 were placed at work on fortifications, where they were ex- 
 posed to the fire of the Union army ; many were crowded 
 into common jails, and made to toil in the streets like fel- 
 ons, or were sold at public auction. In many instances 
 where Negro soldiers had surrendered their arms on the 
 battle-field they were shot down in cold blood. On the 
 17th of December, 1863, the Richmond Enquirer said : 
 " The Yankees are not going to send their Negro troops 
 in the field ; they know as well as we do that no reliance 
 can be placed upon them ; but as depot - guards, prison- 
 guards, etc., they will relieve their white troops. This is 
 the use that will be made of them. Should they be sent 
 to the field, and be put in battle, none will be taken 
 prisoners: our troops understand what to do in such 
 cases." 
 
 Such advice from the organ of the Confederate admin- 
 istration at Kichmond had its influence upon the rebel 
 army. The following correspondence between Generals 
 Peck and Pickett needs no explanation or comment : 
 
316 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 "Headquarters of the Army and District of North Carolina, 
 
 " Newbern, North Carolina, February 11, 1864. 
 "Major-general Pickett, Department of Virginia and North Carolina, 
 
 Confederate Army, Petersburg: 
 
 "GENERAL, I have the honor to enclose a slip cut from the Rich- 
 mond Examiner, February 8, 1864. It is styled ' The Advance on New- 
 bern,' and appears to have been extracted from the Petersburg Register, 
 a paper published in the city where your headquarters are located. 
 
 "Your attention is particularly invited to that paragraph which 
 states ' that Colonel Shaw was shot dead by a Negro soldier from the 
 other side of the river, which he was spanning with a pontoon-bridge,' 
 and that ' the Negro was watched, followed, taken, and hanged after 
 the action at Thomasville :' 
 
 '"THE ADVANCE ON NEWBERN. The Petersburg Register gives 
 the following additional facts of the advance on Newbern: Our army, 
 according to the report of passengers arriving from Weldon, has fallen 
 back to a point sixteen miles west of Newbern. The reason assigned 
 for this retrograde movement was that Newbern could not be taken 
 by us without a loss on our part which could find no equivalent in its 
 capture, as the place was stronger than we had anticipated. Yet, in 
 spite of this, we are sure that the expedition will result in good to 
 our cause. Our forces are in a situation to get large supplies from a 
 country still abundant, to prevent raids on points westward, and keep 
 Tories in check, and hang them when caught. 
 
 " ' From a private who was one of the guard that brought the batch 
 of prisoners through we learn that Colonel Shaw was shot dead by a 
 Negro soldier from the other side of the river, which he was spanning 
 with a pontoon-bridge. The Negro was watched, followed, taken, and 
 hanged after the action at Thomasville. It is stated that when our 
 troops entered Thomasville a number of the enemy took shelter in the 
 houses and fired upon them. The Yankees were ordered to surren- 
 der, but refused, whereupon our men set fire to the houses, and their 
 occupants got, bodily, a taste in this world of the flames eternal.' 
 
 "The Government of the United States has wisely seen fit to enlist 
 many thousand colored citizens to aid in putting down the rebellion, and 
 has placed them on the same footing in all respects as her white troops. 
 # # * # * * * 
 
 "Believing that this atrocity has been perpetrated without your 
 knowledge, and that you will take prompt steps to disavow this viola- 
 tion of the usages of war, and to bring the offenders to justice, I shall 
 refrain from executing a rebel soldier until I learn your action in the 
 premises. 
 
 ' ' I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "JonN J. PECK, Major-general." 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 317 
 
 Reply of General Pickett. 
 
 " Headquarters of the Department of North Carolina, 
 
 " Petersburg, Virginia, February 16, 1864. 
 ^Major-general John J. Peck, U.S.A., Commanding at Newbern : 
 
 "GENERAL, Your communication of the llth of February is re- 
 ceived. I have the honor to state in reply that the paragraph from a 
 newspaper enclosed therein is not only without foundation in fact, but 
 so ridiculous that I should scarcely have supposed it worthy of con- 
 sideration ; but I would respectfully inform you that had I caught any 
 Negro, who had killed either officer, soldier, or citizen of the Confeder- 
 ate States, I should have caused him to be immediately executed. 
 
 "To your threat expressed in the following extract from your com- 
 munication, namely, ' Believing that this atrocity has been perpetrated 
 without your knowledge, and that you will take prompt steps to dis- 
 avow this violation of the usages of war, and to bring the offenders to 
 justice, I shall refrain from executing a rebel soldier until I learn of 
 your action in the premises,' I have merely to say that I have in ray 
 hands, and subject to my orders, captured in the recent operations in 
 this department, some four hundred and fifty officers and men of the 
 United States army, and for every man you hang I will hang ten of 
 the United States army. 
 
 " I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 " J. E. PICKETT, 
 "Major-general Commanding." 1 
 
 On the 14th of June, 1864, a correspondent, writing 
 from Mississippi to the Atlanta Appeal, speaking of For- 
 rest's fighting in Tennessee, said : 
 
 " Very few Negroes, it seems, have been captured. Per- 
 haps not more than forty or fifty have appeared at head- 
 quarters. Most of them fled as soon as it was known that 
 Forrest was on the battle-field. Those that were taken 
 escaped (?). The soldiers say that they lost them." 
 
 In plainer terms, the soldiers murdered the Negro pris- 
 oners, and Forrest knew it and approved of the butch- 
 ery. As at Fort Pillow, so here and elsewhere during 
 the Kebellion, Forrest murdered his Negro prisoners of 
 
 1 "Rebellion Record," vol. viii., Doc., pp. 418, 419. 
 
318 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 war. His government never disapproved of his con- 
 duct, because he was simply carrying out its policy in the 
 main. 
 
 In many instances Negro captives would be marched 
 all day, escorted by the enemy's cavalry, and towards 
 evening some rebel soldier would exclaim, " Halt there ! 
 These niggers are tryin' to git away!" and immediately 
 begin an indiscriminate slaughter of their Negro prison- 
 ers. The verbal report would be that they attempted to 
 escape and were shot by the guards. But no investiga- 
 tion would be instituted, and so the Confederate soldier 
 came to understand that it was his privilege and his duty 
 to murder Negro prisoners of war. The search has been 
 made in vain for a single military or political protest 
 against these enormous crimes. On the contrary, there 
 is ample proof that the murder of Negro prisoners was 
 authorized by the Confederate Congress, since that body 
 regarded them as engaged in insurrection, the crime 
 whereof was punishable with death. 
 
 The following despatch shows that the War Depart- 
 ment knew that the Confederate Government would not 
 treat Negro soldiers as prisoners of war, and that it was 
 the duty of the United States Government to protect 
 them : 
 
 "War Department, November 17, 1863. 
 "Major-general Butler, Fort Monroe : 
 
 " The whole subject of exchange of prisoners is under direction of 
 Major-general Hitchcock, to whom, as Commissioner of Exchange, 
 that branch of the service has been committed. He will be glad to 
 have any aid or suggestions you may be pleased to furnish, but there 
 should be no interference without his assent. It is known that the 
 rebels will exchange man for man and officer for officer, except blacks, 
 and officers in command of black troops. These they absolutely re- 
 fuse to exchange. This is the point on which the whole matter hangs. 
 Exchanging man for man and officer for officer, with the exception the 
 rebels make, is a substantial abandonment of the Colored Troops and 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 319 
 
 their officers to their fate, and would be a shameful dishonor to the 
 Government bound to protect them. When they agree to exchange 
 all alike there will be no difficulty. 
 
 "EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War." 
 
 The men who disgraced their uniform by murdering 
 Union prisoners of war may not be willing to remember, 
 but will be unable to forget, their crime against the pro- 
 fession of arms. Every sentiment of patriotism, every in- 
 stinct of humanity, every principle of justice, every ele- 
 ment of Christian ethics, revolts at these dark deeds. The 
 Southern conscience of to-day may seek, like Cain, to hide 
 from the bar of public sentiment, but, like the first mur- 
 der, neither the Confederate Congress nor its hired assas- 
 sin, the Confederate army, can ever escape the fierce light 
 of impartial history. A cause that could authorize and 
 seek to justify such horrors is forever and irrevocably 
 "the lost cause." No descendant will be proud of its 
 memory, no friend of humanity will mourn at its sepul- 
 chre. Christian civilization the world over will rejoice 
 that such a cause has perished from among the govern- 
 ments of mankind ; while the Negro, with unexampled 
 charity, if not able to forget, freely forgives the murder- 
 ers of his kinsmen under the pretext of law. 
 
320 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE CLOUD OF WITNESSES. 
 
 TESTIMONY to the martial valor of the Negro soldier 
 comes from the lips of friend and foe alike. He disap- 
 pointed his enemies and surprised his friends. He was not 
 only impetuous in the onset, but cool and stubborn in re- 
 pelling an assault. He exhibited the highest qualities of 
 soldiership at Port Hudson in repeatedly assaulting the 
 enemy in strong works with great physical obstructions to 
 contend with. It was true he had the inspiration and po- 
 etry of numbers to incite him to deeds of valor ; but at 
 Milliken's Bend he was a raw recruit, and yet he did his 
 fighting with the bayonet, often dying with his antago- 
 nist's steel in his body. Often he transfixed the enemy, 
 and showed himself possessed of great personal courage 
 when every semblance of order and organization had 
 melted in the heat of battle. At Olustee and Honey Hill, 
 at Poison Springs and Chaffin's Farm, he proved that he 
 was endowed with that military intelligence of unit that 
 makes the concrete strength of an army. The Negro was 
 a soldier in every sense of the word. 
 
 Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton said of Negro 
 troops at Petersburg : " The hardest fighting was done by 
 the black troops. The forts they stormed were the worst 
 of all. After the affair was over, General Smith went to 
 thank them, and tell them he was proud of their courage 
 and dash. He says they cannot be exceeded as soldiers, 
 
IN THE WAR t)F THE KEBELLION. 321 
 
 and that hereafter he will send them in a difficult place as 
 readily as the best white troops." * 
 
 In a letter to Senator Henry Wilson, dated May 30, 
 1864, Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant -general of the Army, 
 said : " Experience proves that they manage heavy guns 
 very well. Their fighting qualities have also been fully 
 tested a number of times, and I am yet to hear of the first 
 case where they did not fully stand up to their work. I 
 passed over the ground where the First Louisiana made 
 the gallant charge at Port Hudson, by far the stronger part 
 of the rebel works. The wonder is that so many have 
 made their escape. At Milliken's Bend, where I had three 
 incomplete regiments, one without arms until the day pre- 
 vious to the attack, greatly superior numbers of the rebels 
 charged furiously up to the very breastworks. The Ne- 
 groes met the enemy on the ramparts, and both sides free- 
 ly used the bayonet a most rare occurrence in warfare, 
 as one or the other party gives away before coming in 
 contact with steel. The rebels were defeated with heavy 
 loss. The bridge at Moscow, on the line of railroad from 
 Memphis to Corinth, was defended by one small regiment 
 of blacks. A cavalry attack of three times their number 
 was made, the blacks defeating them in three charges 
 made by the rebels. 
 
 " They fought them hours, till our cavalry came up, 
 when the defeat was made complete, many of the dead 
 being left on the field. 
 
 " A cavalry force of three hundred and fifty attacked 
 three hundred rebel cavalry near the Big Black with sig- 
 nal success, a number of prisoners being taken and marched 
 to Vicksburg. Forrest attacked Paducah with seven thou- 
 sand five hundred men. The garrison was between five 
 
 1 New York Herald, June 18, 1864. 
 21 
 
322 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 hundred and six hundred, nearly four hundred being col- 
 ored troops recently raised. What troops could have done 
 better ? So, too, they fought well at Fort Pillow, till over- 
 powered by greatly superior numbers." 
 
 Major-general James G. Blunt, writing of the battle of 
 Honey Springs, Arkansas, said of Negro troops : " The Ne- 
 groes (First Colored Regiment) were too much for the 
 enemy, and let me here say that I never saw such fighting 
 as was done by that Negro regiment. They fought like 
 veterans, with a coolness and valor that is unsurpassed. 
 They preserved their line perfect throughout the whole 
 engagement, and although in the hottest of the fight, they 
 never once faltered. Too much praise cannot be awarded 
 them for their gallantry. The question that Negroes will 
 fight is settled ; besides, they make better soldiers in every 
 respect than any troops I have ever had under my com- 
 mand." 1 
 
 Major-general S. A. Hurlbut, on the 24th of April, 1864, 
 said of Negro troops in his command: "I have two or 
 three regiments at Memphis that I am willing to put any- 
 where that I would put any soldiers which I have ever 
 seen, with the same amount of experience." 
 
 General George C. Strong, who so gallantly led the 
 troops that charged Fort Wagner, said of the brave 
 Negro troops: "The Fifty- fourth did well and nobly, 
 only the fall of Colonel Shaw prevented them from en- 
 tering the fort. They moved up as gallantly as any 
 troops could, and with their enthusiasm they deserve a 
 better fate." 
 
 Major-general Alfred H. Terry, on the 16th of July, 
 1863, said to the adjutant of the Fifty-fourth Regiment, 
 " Tell your colonel that I am exceedingly pleased with 
 
 1 New York T)-ibune, August 19, 1863. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 323 
 
 the conduct of your regiment. They have done all they 
 could do." 
 
 Major-general W. F. Smith, speaking of the bravery of 
 Negro troops at Petersburg, said : " There were thirteen 
 guns pouring a constant fire of shot and shell upon those 
 troops, enfilading the line, cutting it lengthwise and cross- 
 wise, ' yet they stood unmoved for six hours. Not a man 
 flinched.' [These are the words of the General.] * It was 
 as severe a test as I ever saw. But they stood it, and when 
 my arrangements were completed for charging the works, 
 they moved with the steadiness of veterans to the attack. 
 I expected that they would fall back or be cut to pieces, 
 but when I saw them move over the field, gain the works, 
 and capture the guns, I was astounded. They lost be- 
 tween five hundred and six hundred in doing it. There 
 is material in the Negroes to make the best troops in the 
 world, if they are properly trained.' " l 
 
 Brevet-major-general Thomas J. Morgan, speaking of 
 the courage of Negro troops in the battle of Nashville, 
 and its effect upon Major-general George H. Thomas, 
 said : " Those who fell nearest the enemy's works were 
 colored. General Thomas spoke very feelingly of the 
 sight which met his eye as he rode over the field, and he 
 confessed that the Negro had fully vindicated his bravery, 
 and wiped from his mind the last vestige of prejudice and 
 doubt." 
 
 Colonel John A. Foster, of the One Hundred and Sev- 
 enty-fifth New York, speaking of the conduct of the Ne- 
 gro brigade at Port Hudson, said : " We witnessed them 
 in line of battle under a very heavy fire of musketry and 
 siege and field pieces. There was a deep gully or bayou 
 before them which they could not cross nor ford in the 
 
 ' New York Tribune, July 26, 1864. 
 
324: A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 presence of the enemy, and hence an assault was wholly 
 impracticable. Yet they made five several attempts to 
 swim and cross it, preparatory to an assault on the enemy's 
 works, and in this, too, in fair view of the enemy, and at 
 short musket-range. Added to this, the nature of the en- 
 emy's works was such that it allowed an enfilading fire. 
 Success was impossible, yet they behaved as cool as if vet- 
 erans, and when ordered to retire, marched off as if on 
 parade. I feel satisfied that if the position of the bayou 
 had been known, and the assault made a quarter of a mile 
 to the left of where it was, the place would have been 
 taken by this Negro brigade on that day. 
 
 " On that day I witnessed the attack made by the di- 
 visions of Generals Grover and Paine, and can truly say 
 I saw no steadier fighting by those daring men than did 
 the Negroes in this their first fight." 
 
 Hundreds of other witnesses would cheerfully give their 
 testimony to the valor of the Negro soldier, but no more 
 need be summoned. There is no testimony offered in re- 
 buttal ; there is but one opinion " The Colored Troops 
 fought nobly" 
 
 From first to last there were 178,975 Negro soldiers in 
 the United States Volunteer army, and of this number 
 36,847 were killed, wounded, and missing. They partici- 
 pated in four hundred and forty-nine battles, and served 
 in nearly every military department of the United States 
 Army. Besides this large military force there were at 
 least one hundred and fifty thousand Negro laborers in 
 the Quartermaster and Engineering departments. When 
 Ohio was threatened by invasion a large number of Negro 
 citizens of Cincinnati were impressed to construct mili- 
 tary roads and fortifications. This band of patriotic labor- 
 ers, seven hundred and six in number, has been designated 
 " The Black Brigade of Cincinnati" It was not even 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 325 
 
 a regiment, and that it never performed military service 
 there is evidence in its record, compiled in 1864. The 
 services of this fatigue party lasted just eighteen days, 
 with compensation at the rate of one dollar and one dollar 
 and a half per day. The compiler of the record of these 
 men says, in the second paragraph, that this " was the first 
 organization of the colored people of the North actually 
 employed for military purposes ;" while Judge Wm. M. 
 Dickson, who had charge of them, says : " During the first 
 week they labored, as did the whole fatigue force, with- 
 out compensation. During the second week they received 
 a dollar a day per man, and during the third week a dollar 
 and a half, as did also all the fatigue force, black and 
 white" (page 20). And on the next page the judge 
 says : " Many of the members of the brigade have since 
 entered the military service." It is plain, therefore, 
 that these men were not a "brigade;" that they were 
 never called upon to perform military service, but were 
 simply employed on fatigue duty for a term less than 
 three weeks. 
 
 Not alone these brave black men of Cincinnati, but 
 their kinsmen all along the seaboard defences of the Union 
 army, were part of the muscle and sinew of the repub- 
 lic, and what they did in their humble capacity as labor- 
 ers should never be forgotten or underestimated. 
 
 The result of this long and sanguinary fratricidal con- 
 flict was the attainment of two noble ends American Na- 
 tionality and National Freedom. The metamorphoses of 
 the United States Government had been slow : Continen- 
 talism, Federalism, then the struggle between State and 
 National Sovereignty. The character of the Government 
 had always been equivocal. The armed attempt to dis- 
 turb the autonomy of the United States Government was 
 regarded by the enemies of Democracy, here and abroad, 
 
326 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 as the beginning of the end of the republic. Abraham 
 Lincoln was elected, by all the solemn forms of law, Presi- 
 dent of these United States ; the Southern States, coerced 
 by ambitious politicians, appealed from the decision of the 
 ballot to the Supreme Court of Civil War. Following 
 the plaintiff into that awful tribunal, the United States 
 Government, as defendant, won the right of national ex- 
 istence as well as the authority to enforce its laws in States 
 as in the Territories. 
 
 Coupled with and inseparable from the doctrine of 
 State Sovereignty was the dogma of Negro slavery. The 
 overturning of State Eights carried with it, logically and 
 inevitably, the local, sectional, and patriarchal institution 
 of slavery. They were united in life, they were not di- 
 vided in death, and they found a common grave under the 
 feet of a victorious army. American nationality is sealed 
 forever, and the one flag of a great nation will float as the 
 sovereign symbol of a free and united people ; while the 
 Constitution of these United States knows no sect nor 
 section, no party nor partisan, no black nor white, only 
 American citizens. 
 
 The United States Government added no star to its 
 flag, nor did it wage war for conquest, but in defending its 
 life against the insidious and dangerous doctrine of dis- 
 union it struck down human slavery, the bane of Ameri- 
 can civilization. Nor was it an accident that the Negro 
 soldier became a profound and determinative factor in the 
 problem of war. IM the Universe of God there are no ac- 
 cidents. From the fall of a sparrow to the sweep of a 
 planet, all is in accord with His will whose laws are divine ! 
 The Southern Pharaoh, as the Egyptian Pharaoh, pursued 
 his slaves into the red sea of civil war, where the Nemesis 
 of retribution overtook him. The handwriting was upon 
 the walls of the institution of slavery from the first hour 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 327 
 
 of the civil strife ; only the eyes of the South were blind 
 to the fate that awaited the enemies of humanity. The 
 Negro slave, at first despised and rejected, at least became 
 the stake of the game of war to be won or lost. But the 
 most impressive fact in this strange history is that the Ne- 
 gro himself helped win the victory. There was no time 
 during the war when he was not, in one way or another, 
 helpful to the cause of the Union. During the first year 
 of the conflict, when the hostile armies were mastering 
 technicalities and learning the art of practical warfare, the 
 Negro was besieging Heaven with his potent prayers for 
 the Union. He could not be inactive, passive, indifferent ; 
 and although illiterate, he read the signs of the times 
 aright. He believed from the first that the war was all 
 about him, and for his redemption. It was the answer to 
 the uncounted prayers of generations of pious slaves ; and 
 although many died without the sight, the promise was 
 unto the faithful. 
 
 It was a grand achievement in the history of the De- 
 mocracy of the world that the United States Government 
 was taken from the shifting sands of the delusion of State 
 Rights and built upon the adamantine foundation of Na- 
 tional Unity. But the brightest star, the one that shall 
 shine with undimmed lustre while Republican institutions 
 endure among men, is that which symbolizes the disin- 
 thralment of 4,500,000 bondmen. To wash out the foul 
 stain of human slavery by the blood of patriots, to elevate 
 the slave to the dignity of a soldier, and to invite him into 
 the arena of civil war, where every element of manhood, 
 every sentiment of patriotism, every attribute of valor 
 could have full play, was an achievement hardly ever 
 vouchsafed to a government before. And where upon 
 the face of the whole earth has a race of slaves gone in a 
 single bound from abject, servile subjection to the impe- 
 
328 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 rial heights of military accomplishments? History con- 
 tains no parallel. 
 
 In passing in review the military services of the Negro 
 soldier some lessons may be learned. Hamlets and vil- 
 lages, towns and cities, counties and States, have erected 
 monuments and cenotaphs to commemorate the valor of 
 their citizens. The ineffable, mute eloquence of these 
 soldier-monuments is invaluable to the cause of National 
 Unity, while the story of the civil war is forever an ob- 
 ject lesson. The songs of a nation are the heart-beats of 
 patriotism ; but the surest way to teach national history 
 is in monumental marble and brass. The deathless deeds 
 of the white soldier's valor are not only embalmed in song 
 and story, but are carved in marble and bronze. But no- 
 where in all this free land is there a monument to brave 
 Negro soldiers, 36,847 of whom gave up their lives in the 
 struggle for national existence. Even the appearance of 
 the Negro soldier in the hundreds of histories of the war 
 has always been incidental. These brave men have had 
 no champion, no one to chronicle their record, teeming 
 with interest and instinct with patriotism. 
 
 A government of a proud, patriotic, prosperous, and free 
 people would make a magnificent investment by erecting 
 at the capital of the nation a monument dedicated to its 
 brave black soldiers. The large and beautiful Govern- 
 ment Park, immediately in front of Howard University, 
 would be an admirable place for a monument to the 
 Negro soldiers who fell in their country's cause. A 
 commanding monument made of Southern granite, sur- 
 mounted by a private soldier in great-coat, equipments, 
 fixed bayonet, gun at parade rest, looking south towards 
 the Capitol, would be most impressive. At the four cor- 
 ners the three arms of the field -service and the navy 
 would be represented. First figure, a Negro artillery- 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 329 
 
 man in full-dress uniform, with folded arms, standing by 
 a field -piece. Second figure, a cavalryman in full-dress 
 uniform, with spurs and gloves, and sabre unhooked at 
 his left side. Third figure, an infantryman in full-dress 
 uniform, accoutrements, and musket at in place rest. 
 Fourth figure, a Negro sailor in uniform standing by an 
 anchor or mortar. 
 
 On the first side of the monument : 
 
 A GRATEFUL NATION CONSECRATES THIS MONUMENT TO THE 
 
 36,847 NEGRO SOLDIERS WHO DIED IN THE 
 
 SERVICE OF THEIR COUNTRY. 
 
 "THE COLORED TROOPS FOUGHT NOBLY." 
 On the second side of the monument : 
 
 THEY EARNED THE RIGHT TO BE FREE BY DEEDS OF DES- 
 PERATE VALOR; AND IN THE 449 ENGAGEMENTS IN 
 WHICH THEY PARTICIPATED THEY PROVED THEM- 
 SELVES WORTHY TO BE INTRUSTED WITH 
 A NATION'S FLAG AND HONOR. 
 
 On the third side of the monument : 
 
 DURING THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, FROM 1861 TO 1865, 
 
 THERE WERE 178,975 NEGRO SOLDIERS ENROLLED IN 
 
 THE UNITED STATES VOLUNTEER ARMY. OF THIS 
 
 NUMBER 99,337 WERE ENLISTED BY AUTHORITY 
 
 OF THE GOVERNMENT, AND 79,638 WERE 
 
 ENLISTED BY THE SEVERAL STATES 
 
 AND TERRITORIES. 
 
 On the fourth side of the monument : 
 
 PORT HUDSON, MILLIKEN*S BEND, 
 
 FORT WAGNER, OLUSTEE, 
 
 HONEY HILL, FAIR OAKS, 
 
 NEW MARKET HEIGHTS, PETERSBURG, 
 
 POISON SPRINGS, NASHVILLE, 
 
 DEEP BOTTOM, FORT FISHER, 
 
 FORT PILLOW, FORT BLAKELY, 
 
 CHAFFIN'S FARM, HATCHER'S RUN. 
 
330 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 These inscriptions are merely suggestive ; the United 
 States Congress would charge the appropriate committee 
 with this as with other matters of detail. And the mat- 
 ter of naming the park in which such a monument should 
 stand belongs to the Congress, and is very important. 
 Among all the white officers who were identified with 
 Negro troops, Colonel Robert Gould Shaw was the most 
 conspicuous, and of most commanding character. He came 
 of a noble race of men, and his broad views of humanity 
 were an inheritance ; he was pure as he was just, beauti- 
 ful as he was good, patriotic as he was brave. He was a 
 born leader of men, and, had he lived, would have attained 
 high rank. He had studied at Harvard College with dil- 
 igence, and was an heir to fortune, and yet he heard his 
 country's call for defenders in the midst of luxury and 
 ease, and responded. When other officers not only de- 
 spised the Negro, but had no faith in his manhood or 
 courage, Colonel Shaw chose to lead the first Massachu- 
 setts Colored troops to the battle-field. And so he resigned 
 his commission in one of the best veteran white regiments 
 of Massachusetts and became the colonel of the Fifty- 
 fourth Massachusetts (Negro) Regiment. His influence 
 over his regiment, his gentle kindness, and yet his firm- 
 ness as a disciplinarian, his rectitude in camp and his 
 courage in battle, are remembered by all whose good 
 fortune it was to come within the sphere of his military 
 activity. 
 
 Alas! that he should have fallen so early in the cause 
 he so eagerly served ! But who can record that death 
 without emotion ! There come a choking sensation, the 
 fugitive tear, the swelling heart, the soul's deep sigh, as 
 memory turns to the parapets of Wagner where patriot- 
 ism offered up one of its most valiant votaries. The story 
 of the fall of Colonel Shaw at the head of his gallant regi- 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 331 
 
 ment is known by heart throughout the land, and in the 
 humble huts of the unlettered blacks of the South his 
 name is a household word. His stainless memory is the 
 amulet that will forever preserve, untouched by calum- 
 ny or the corroding mutations of time, the valor of the 
 American Negro soldier. 
 
 To name for, Colonel Robert Gould Shaw a park where- 
 in a national monument to the Negro should stand would 
 be eminently proper. It would quicken the pulse of na- 
 tional patriotism, it would elevate the feelings of the Ne- 
 gro, it would inform the Present, instruct the Future, and 
 bind the friends of freedom to the generous heart of the 
 nation. He was representative of the sentiment of anti- 
 slavery New England, and was also the embodiment of all 
 that was noble and upright in national character. He 
 harbored no narrow, provincial sentiments, for his mind 
 was broad as his ideas of the National Government were 
 far-reaching. He was a splendid type of the most unself- 
 ish and exalted American patriot, and in recognizing his 
 consummate services and in hallowing his precious mem- 
 ory the nation, for whose preservation he yielded up his 
 life, would honor itself. The old Commonwealth of Mas- 
 sachusetts would beg of the Government the privilege of 
 placing a statue of Colonel Shaw at the entrance of the 
 proposed park. 
 
 Many Spartans fell at Thermopylae, but in the battle- 
 picture of that heroic defence the student of history sees 1 
 alone the commanding form of Leonidas. Many brave 
 men fell at the storming of Battery Wagner, yet never- 
 theless but one figure will be conspicuous in the eye of 
 history for all time, Colonel Robert Gould Shaw, crying, 
 " Forward ! my brave boys /" 
 
 Looking back over the centuries, there would be little 
 else to record of the poor, patient Negro save his suffer- 
 
332 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ings and degradation were it not for the luminous flashes 
 of his martial glory, which cast a light upon the back- 
 ground of an otherwise sombre picture. But a monument 
 such as is here proposed would surely and safely elevate 
 the Negro to a proud place in the history of the nation. 
 There are hundreds of thousands of ignorant people in 
 the streets of Paris, but the great French nation can 
 never lack patriotic defenders so long as its multitudinous 
 monuments teach the unerring and inspiring lessons of its 
 history. No people can be dangerously ignorant if their 
 government build monuments. 
 
 The masses of Negroes in the United States are igno- 
 rant ; but from their loins will spring only a race of patri- 
 ots so long as a monument records the magnificent military 
 achievements of the Negro soldier. Under such an object 
 lesson, held by the sacred spell, touched by such an im- 
 mutable influence, centuries might pass, treasures corrode, 
 cities disappear, tribes perish, and even empires whose 
 boast was their duration might crumble, but a republic 
 that remembers to defend its defenders in tracing their 
 noble conduct in monumental marble and brass can never 
 decay. Heaven and earth may pass away, but God's word 
 endures forever. Truth only is immortal. 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 333 
 
 THE ROLL OF HONOR. 
 
 THE roll of honor is luminous with the names of Negro 
 soldiers who, by deeds of personal valor, won the applause 
 of the commanding generals and the Congress of the United 
 States. Such a roll must necessarily be inadequate, for 
 many as deserving as those whose names are here inscribed 
 have been overlook- 
 ed, but with very 
 few exceptions the 
 entire force of col- 
 ored troops in the 
 War of the Kebellion 
 is worthy of special 
 mention. 
 
 For gallantry while 
 acting as color -ser- 
 geant of the Thirty- 
 ninth United States 
 Colored Troops at 
 the battle of Peters- 
 burg, July 30, 1864, 
 Decatur Dorsey was 
 awarded a medal by 
 Congress. Sergeant- 
 major Thomas Haw- CONGRESS MEDAL. 
 kins, Sixth United 
 
 States Colored Troops, for rescuing a regimental flag in 
 the battle of Deep Bottom, Virginia, July, 1864, was 
 awarded a medal by Congress. 
 
 In an address to the Army of the James, Headquarters 
 Department of Virginia and North Carolina, before Kich- 
 
334 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 mond, October 11, 1864, General Butler made the follow- 
 ing special and significant mention of the valor of colored 
 troops through the campaign which the army had just 
 passed : 
 
 " Of the colored soldiers of the Third Divisions of the Eighteenth and 
 Tenth corps, and the officers who led them, the general commanding 
 desires to make special mention. 
 
 " In the charge on the enemy's works b} r the colored division of the 
 Eighteenth Corps at Spring Hill, New Market, better men were never 
 better led, better officers never led better men. With hardly an ex- 
 ception, officers of colored troops have justified the care with which 
 they have been selected. A few more such gallant charges, and to 
 command colored troops will be the post of honor in the American ar- 
 mies. The colored soldiers, by coolnes"s, steadiness, and determined 
 courage and dash, have silenced every cavil of the doubters of their 
 soldierly capacity, and drawn tokens of admiration from their enemies 
 have brought their late masters, even, to the consideration of the 
 question whether they will not employ as soldiers the hitherto despised 
 race. Be it so ; this war is ended when a musket is in the hands of 
 every able-bodied Negro who wishes to use one. 
 
 " Third Division. 
 
 " Brigadier-general Charles J. Paine has received the thanks of Ma- 
 jor-general D. B. Birney for the conduct of his division while tempo- 
 rarily acting with the Tenth Corps in the action of the 29th of Sep- 
 tember, near New Market. 
 
 "Colonel S. A. Duncan, Fourth United States Colored Troops, com- 
 manding Third Brigade, in addition to other gallant services in the 
 field heretofore, fell wounded near the enemy's works. He is recom- 
 mended to the President for a brevet rank as brigadier-general. 
 
 "Colonel A. G. Draper, Thirty-sixth United States Colored Troops, 
 commanding Second Brigade, carried his brigade in column of assault 
 with fixed bayonets over the enemy's works through a double line of 
 abatis, after severe resistance. For incessant attention to duty and 
 gallantry in action, Colonel Draper is also recommended to brevet rank 
 as brigadier-general. 
 
 " Lieutenant - colonel G. W. Shurtleff, Fifth United States Colored 
 Troops, gallantly led his regiment in the assault of the 29th, although 
 at the commencement of the charge was shot through the wrist and 
 
IN THE WAR^OF THE REBELLION. 335 
 
 again wounded until he received a third, and probably mortal, wound 
 close to the enemy's works. He has nobly earned his promotion and 
 his commission as colonel of his regiment, to date from the 29th of Sep- 
 tember, subject to the approval of the President. 
 
 "First-lieutenant Edwin C. Gaskill, Thirty-sixth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, for distinguished gallantry in leading his men, when shot 
 through the arm, within twenty yards of the enemy's works. He is 
 promoted to a captain. 
 
 "First-lieutenant Richard F. Andrews, Thirty-sixth United States 
 Colored Troops, has honorable mention. Having been two months 
 sick and relieved from duty, he volunteered and charged with his com- 
 mand through the swamp, where he received a wound. He is pro- 
 moted to the rank of captain. 
 
 " First-lieutenant James B. Backup, Thirty-sixth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, excused from duty for lameness, from which he could 
 walk but a short distance, volunteered and charged with his command 
 through the swamp, and received a wound through the breast. He is 
 promoted to a captain. 
 
 "Private James Gardner, Company I, Thirty -sixth United States 
 Colored Troops, rushed in advance of his brigade, shot at a rebel offi- 
 cer who was on the parapet cheering his men, and then ran him 
 through with his bayonet. He will have a sergeant's warrant and a 
 medal for gallant daring. 
 
 "Captain Philip Weinmann, Sixth United States Colored Troops, 
 commanding division of sharp-shooters, and in charge of the skirmish 
 line, is promoted to major for excellent conduct in making his line of 
 assault on the 29th of September. 
 
 "Milton M. Holland, Sergeant-major Fifth United States Colored 
 Troops, commanding Company C; James H. Bronson, first -sergeant, 
 commanding Company D ; Robert Pinn, first - sergeant, commanding 
 Company I, wounded; Powhatan Beaty, first - sergeant, commanding 
 Company G, Fifth United States Colored Troops all these gallant 
 colored soldiers were left in command, all their company officers being 
 killed or wounded, and led them gallantly and meritoriously through 
 the day. For these services they have most honorable mention, and 
 the commanding general will cause a special medal to be struck in 
 honor of these gallant colored soldiers. 
 
 ' ' Captain Peter Schlick, Thirty-eighth United States Colored Troops, 
 was the first of his regiment to enter the rebel works in the assault of 
 the 29th, and is promoted to major. 
 
 "Lieutenant Samuel B. Bancroft, Thirty-eighth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, has honorable mention for daring and endurance. Being 
 
336 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 shot through the hip at the swamp, he crawled forward on his hands 
 and knees, waving his sword, and cheering his men to follow. 
 
 "First-sergeant Edward Katcliff, Company C, Thirty-eighth United 
 States Colored Troops, thrown into command of his company by the 
 death of the officer commanding, was the first enlisted man in the ene- 
 my's works, leading his company with great gallantry, for which he 
 has a medal. 
 
 ' ' Private Win. H. Barnes, Company C, Thirty-eighth United States 
 Colored Troops, among the very first to enter the rebel works, although 
 himself previously wounded, has a medal for his gallantry. 
 
 "Sergeant Jas. H. Harris, Company B, Thirty-eighth United States 
 Colored Troops, has a medal for gallant conduct in the assault on the 
 29th inst. 
 
 " First - lieutenant J. Murray Hoag, Fourth United States Colored 
 Troops, although on the sick list, and suffering from the effects of 
 fever, insisted on leading his company, until he fell, wounded in two 
 places, at the enemy's inner line of abatis. He is promoted to captain. 
 
 "Alfred B.Hilton, Color - sergeant Fourth United States Colored 
 Troops, the bearer of the national colors, when the color-sergeant with 
 the regimental standard fell beside him, seized the standard, and strug- 
 gled forward with both colors, until disabled by a severe wound at the 
 enemy's inner line of abatis, and when on the ground he showed that 
 his thoughts were for the colors and not for himself. He has a special 
 medal for gallantry, and will have his warrant as first-sergeant. 
 
 "Christian A. Fleetwood, Sergeant-major Fourth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, when two color-bearers had been shot down, seized the 
 national colors and bore them nobly through the fight. He has a 
 special medal for gallant conduct. 
 
 "Charles Veal, Color-bearer Company D, Fourth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, after two bearers of the regimental color had been shot 
 down, seized it close to the enemy's works and bore it through the re- 
 mainder of the action. He has a medal for gallantry, and will have 
 the warrant of color-sergeant. 
 
 "Lieutenant K H. Edgerton, Adjutant Sixth United States Colored 
 Troops, when the color-bearer was shot down, seized the colors and 
 carried them forward, even after his own hand was pierced by a bullet 
 which severed the flag-staff. He is promoted to the rank of captain. 
 
 " Corporal Miles James, Thirty-sixth United States Colored Troops, 
 after having his arm so badly mutilated that immediate amputation 
 was necessary, loaded and discharged his piece with one hand, and 
 urged his men forward this within thirty yards of the enemy's works. 
 He has a medal and a sergeant's warrant. 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 337 
 
 ' ' First - sergeant William Davis, Company E, Thirty - sixth United 
 States Colored Troops, has honorable mention and a medal for gal- 
 lantry. 
 
 " Sergeant Samuel Gilchrist, Company K, Thirty-sixth United States 
 Colored Troops, showed great bravery and gallantry in commanding 
 his company after his officers were killed. He has a medal for gal- 
 lantry. 
 
 " Alexander Kelley, First-sergeant Company F, Sixth United States 
 Colored Troops, gallantly seized the colors, which had fallen- near the 
 enemy's inner abatis, raised them, and rallied the men, at a time of 
 confusion and a place of the greatest possible danger. He has a medal 
 for his gallantry. 
 
 ' ' Sergeant Ellsbry, First-sergeant Company G, Sixth United States 
 Colored Troops, has a medal for bravery and remarkable coolness dur- 
 ing the engagement of September 29, 1864. 
 
 "Major J. B. Cook, Twenty-second United States Colored Troops, 
 commanding his regiment as a skirmish line, behaved most gallantly 
 himself, and managed his men with marked ability in the assault on 
 the enemy's lines near New Market. In the attempt of the enemy to 
 take Fort Harrison he unfortunately fell wounded through his utter 
 neglect of personal safety. He is promoted to lieutenant-colonel. 
 
 "Captain Robert Dollard, Second United States Colored Cavalry, 
 acting as field-officer, and in charge of the skirmish line in the assault 
 on New Market, September 29th, inspired his command by his great 
 personal bravery, coolness, and ability, until he fell severely wounded 
 near the enemy's main line. He is promoted to major. 
 
 "First-lieutenant Henry Peterson, Second United States Cavalry, is 
 promoted to a captaincy for gallantry and ability in conducting his 
 company at New Market on the 29th of September, and for meritorious 
 conduct in the field and camp. 
 
 " Sergeant George Honesty, Company I, Second Colored Cavalry; 
 First-sergeant Isaac Harris, Company F; Sergeant Gilbert Harris, Com- 
 pany F; Sergeant Reuben Parker, Company F; First-sergeant Ran- 
 dolph Driver, Company I, have honorable mention for conspicuous 
 bravery on the skirmish line in the assault on the enemy's works Sep- 
 tember 29th. Each has a medal. 
 
 " The regiments of this division having behaved with great gallantry 
 in several actions, earning thereby the right to official notice, it is or- 
 dered that there be inscribed upon the colors of the First and Tenth 
 United States Colored Troops the name 'Wilson's Wharf, 'that being 
 the place where they defeated the cavalry of Fitzhugh Lee. 
 
 "That the Second United States Colored Cavalry have the word 
 22 
 
338 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 ' Suffolk ' on their colors for their conduct in the battle of March 9th 
 near that place. 
 
 "That the First, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Twenty-second United 
 States Colored Troops have the word ' Petersburg ' inscribed on their 
 banners for their gallantry in capturing the line of works and the en- 
 emy's guns on the 15th of June, 1864, at that place. 
 
 " That the First, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Twenty-second, Thirty-sixth, 
 Thirty-seventh, Thirty-eighth United States Colored Troops, and the 
 Second United States Colored Cavalry, have the words ' New Market 
 Heights ' inscribed upon their colors for their gallantry in carrying the 
 enemy's works at that point on the 29th of September. 
 
 "The quartermaster is directed to furnish a new stand of colors to 
 each of these regiments, with the inscription ordered. 
 
 ****** 
 
 " Third Division, Tenth Army Corps. 
 
 "First-lieutenant Waldo B. Ryder, Seventh United States Colored 
 Troops; First-lieutenant Joseph E. Lock wood, Seventh United States 
 Colored Troops; First-lieutenant Sumner E. Warren, Seventh United 
 States Colored Troops, are promoted to be captains for meritorious 
 conduct during their connection with the regiment. 
 
 "Second-lieutenant Alpheus K. Long, Seventh United States Col- 
 ored Troops; Second-lieutenant Charles H. C. Brown, Seventh United 
 States Colored Troops ; Second-lieutenant Russel Hall, Seventh United 
 States Colored Troops, are promoted to first-lieutenants for meritori- 
 ous services during their connection with the regiment. 
 
 "Lieutenant-colonel Samuel C. Armstrong, Ninth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, is promoted, for gallant and meritorious services at Deep 
 Bottom and Fussell's Mill on the 14th of August, 1864, as Colonel of 
 the Eighth United States Colored Troops, vice Colonel Loren Burrett, 
 who has failed to be mustered on account of physical disability. 
 
 " First - lieutenant Thomas Young, Eighth United States Colored 
 Troops, is promoted to be captain for meritorious services. 
 
 "Second-lieutenant William H. Brooks, Eighth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, is promoted to first-lieutenant. 
 
 "First-lieutenant Haskell M. Phelps is promoted to be captain in 
 the Ninth United States Colored Troops for meritorious services dur- 
 ing his connection with the regiment. 
 
 4< Second-lieutenant Edward E. Fairchild, Ninth United States Col- 
 ored Troops, is promoted to first - lieutenant for meritorious services 
 during his connection with the regiment. 
 
 "Second-lieutenants Edward Coe and John Bishop, Twenty-ninth 
 
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 339 
 
 Connecticut Colored Volunteers, are appointed first- lieutenants for uni- 
 form attention to duty. 
 
 "Major George E. Wagner, Eighth United States Colored Troops, is 
 specially mentioned for gallantry, and is appointed lieutenant-colonel, 
 Dice Lieutenant-colonel Armstrong, Ninth United States Colored Troops. 
 
 " Captain Oscar E. Pratt, Seventh United States Colored Troops, has 
 honorable mention for meritorious conduct, and is appointed major in 
 the Eighth United States Colored Troops, vice Major Wagner promoted. 
 
 "Captains Julius A. Weiss, Thomas McCarty, First - lieutenants 
 George R. Sherman, David S. Mack, Second - lieutenants Sylvester 
 Ehler, J. Ferguson, R. M. Spinney, of the Seventh United States Col- 
 ored Troops, are all entitled to the highest praise and commendation 
 for their gallantry and good conduct in the assault on Fort Gilmer, 
 for which they are not now promoted, being either killed or in the 
 hands of the enemy. 
 
 " The commanding general is quite conscious that in his endeavors 
 to put on record the gallant deeds of the officers and soldiers of the 
 Army of the James, he has almost, of necessity, because of the imper- 
 fection of reports, omitted many deserving of mention; yet, as these 
 gallant men will on other occasions equally distinguish themselves, 
 they can then take their due place in their country's history. 
 
 "By command of Major-general Butler. 
 
 " EDWAKD W. SMITH, 
 "Assistant Adjutant-general." 
 
 The following enlisted men of the Fifty-fourth Massa- 
 chusetts Infantry received the Gillmore medal for gal- 
 lantry in the assault on Fort Wagner, July 18, 1863 : 
 Sergeant Robert J. Simmons, Company B ; Sergeant Will- 
 iam H. Carney, Company C ; Corporal Henry F. Peal, 
 Company F ; and Private George Wilson, Company A. 
 
 The following order was issued in recognition of the 
 conspicuous gallantry of colored soldiers in the Depart- 
 ment of the South : 
 
 "Headquarters Department of the Sonth, 
 " Hilton Head, South Carolina, April 12, 1865. 
 
 " On March 7, 1865, a party of Colored soldiers and scouts, thirty in 
 number, commanded by Sergeant-major Henry James, Third United 
 States Colored Troops, left Jacksonville, Florida, and penetrated into 
 the interior through Marion County. They rescued ninety- one Ne- 
 groes from slavery, captured four white prisoners, two wagons, and 
 
340 A HISTORY OF NEGRO TROOPS 
 
 twenty-four horses and mules ; destroyed a sugar-mill and a distillery t 
 which were used by the rebel government, together with their stocks 
 of sugar and liquor, and burned the bridge over the Oclawaha River. 
 When returning they were attacked by a band of over fifty cavalry, 
 whom they defeated and drove off with a loss of more than thirty to 
 the rebels. After a long and rapid march they arrived at St. Augus- 
 tine on March 12th, having lost but two killed and four wounded. 
 
 "This expedition, planned and executed by Colored men under the 
 command of a Colored non-commissioned officer, reflects credit upon 
 the brave participants and their leader. 
 
 "The major-general commanding thanks these courageous soldiers 
 and scouts, and holds up their conduct to their comrades in arms as 
 an example worthy of emulation. 
 
 ''By command of Major-general Q. A. Gilltnore. 
 
 "W. L. M. BURGER. 
 "Assistant Adjutant-general." 
 
 " War Department, Adjutant-general's Office, 
 
 11 Washington, December 22, 1864. 
 ' ' General Orders No. 303. 
 
 " The following General Order, No. 81, from the Headquarters Mili- 
 tary Division of West Mississippi, is approved by the President of the 
 
 United States : 
 
 " Headquarters Military Division of West Mississippi, 
 
 " New Orleans, Louisiana, December 9, 1864. 
 " General Orders No. 81. 
 
 "Subject to the approval of the President of the United States, 
 Major J. B. Cook, Third United States Colored Cavalry, is hereby pro- 
 moted to the lieutenant-colonelcy of that regiment, to date from the 
 27th of November, 1864, in consideration of the gallantry displayed by 
 him on that day, when, with his men dismounted, and having nothing 
 but railroad ties for a path, he charged over the Big Black Bridge, near 
 Canton, Mississippi, in face of a heavy fire, drove off the rebel force 
 stationed on the opposite shore behind a strong stockade, and destroyed 
 the bridge, by which the main line of the rebel general Hood's com- 
 munications with his depots in South Mississippi and Alabama was 
 effectually cut off. The major-general commanding the Districts of 
 West Tennessee and Vicksburg styles this affair as ' One of the most 
 daring and heroic acts of the war.' 
 
 " By order of Major-general E. R. S. Canby. 
 
 "C. F. CHRISTENSEN, 
 "Lieut.-col., Ass't Ad jt. -general." 
 
 "By order of the Secretary of War. 
 
 "E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-general." 
 
IX THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 341 
 
 " Headquarters Twenty-fifth Array Corps, Army of the James, 
 " In the Field, Virginia, February 20, 1865. 
 
 ' ' In view of the circumstances under which this corps was raised 
 and filled, the peculiar claims of its individual members upon the jus- 
 tice and fair dealing of the prejudiced, and the regularity of the con- 
 duct of the troops, which deserve those equal rights that have been hith- 
 erto denied the majority, the commanding general has been induced to 
 adopt the Square as the distinctive badge of the Twenty-fifth Corps. 
 Wherever danger has been found and glory to be won, the heroes who 
 have fought for immortality have been distinguished by some emblem, 
 to which every victory added a new lustre. They looked upon their 
 badge with pride, for to it they had given its fame; in the homes of 
 smiling peace it recalled the days of courage, endurance, and the hour 
 of deadly strife, and it solaced the moments of death, for it was a sym- 
 bol of a life of heroism and self-denial. The poets will sing of the 
 'Templar's Cross, "The Crescent' of the Turk, 'The Chalice' of the 
 hunted Christian, and the 'White Plume' of Murat, that crested the 
 wave of valor sweeping resistlessly to victory. Soldiers, to you is a 
 chance in this spring campaign of making this badge immortal. Let 
 history record that on the banks of the James River thirty thousand 
 freemen not only gained their own liberty, but shattered the prejudice 
 of the world, and gave to the land of their birth peace, union, and glory. 
 
 " GODFREY WEITZEL, 
 "Major-general Commanding." 
 
 To this list of valiant Negro soldiers may be added the 
 name of Captain Robert Smalls, the captor of the steamer 
 Planter. 
 
 This task is done with as much completeness as the 
 condition of the War Records, many of which are in the 
 hands of the printer, will allow at this time ; and this po- 
 etical tribute, with the entire work, is offered with grate- 
 ful patriotic sentiments by the author to his comrades 
 wherever they may be throughout a free country which 
 their valor helped to save : 
 
 THE NEGRO VOLUNTEER. 
 
 They struggled and fought, with courage fraught, 
 
 With love for the cause of the Nation ; 
 They knew in the strife for the Union's life 
 
 They must buy Emancipation. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY, on the war 
 powers of the Government, 147. 
 
 Administration, wavering policy of 
 the, in 1862, 105. 
 
 African slave-trade, the, a South- 
 ern convention favors reopening 
 of, 59 ; bewildering effect of, on 
 Northern Democrats, 59. 
 
 Alabama, secession of, 63. 
 
 American Army, number of Ne- 
 groes in the, during Revolution- 
 ary War, 35 (note). 
 
 Andersonville Prison, description 
 of, 304; treatment of prisoners 
 confined in, 305 ; death-rate in, 
 306 ; action of confinement in, on 
 prisoners, 306. 
 
 Andrew, John A., Governor, of 
 Massachusetts, criticises action 
 of General Butler concerning 
 hostile Negroes, 69 ; secures au- 
 thority to raise Negro troops, 
 103 ; orders their recruitment, 
 104 ; enthusiasm of the Negro 
 citizens over, 104. 
 
 Arming of Negroes, Northern 
 statesmen urge the, 86. 
 
 Army Appropriation Bill, sections 
 of, covering pay, etc., of Negro 
 soldiers, 152 ; decision of Attor- 
 ney-general Bates respecting, 
 153. 
 
 Army of King Pepi, Negroes in 
 the, 3, 4. 
 
 Army of the Cumberland, Negro 
 soldiers in the, 273. 
 
 Army of the James, Negro soldiers 
 in the, 291. 
 
 Army of the Potomac, Negro sol- 
 diers in the, 231. 
 
 BANKS, GENERAL N. P., organizes 
 Corps d'Armee of Negro troops, ' 
 113 ; enthusiastic response to, 113. 
 
 Barns, H., of Michigan, urges the 
 military employment of Negroes, 
 131 ; writes to Secretary of War 
 concerning, 131 ; authorized to 
 raise a regiment of Negro volun- 
 teers, 133 ; organizes the One 
 Hundred and Second United 
 States Colored Troops, 133. 
 
 "Battle of the Hundred Pines," 
 Negroes in the, 186. 
 
 Battle of Olustee, gallantry of Ne- 
 gro troops in the, 204-208. 
 
 Battle of Poison Springs, Negro 
 troops in the, 228. 
 
 Beauregard, General G. T., letter 
 of, on the treatment of Negro 
 prisoners of war, 313, 314. 
 
 "Black Brigade of Cincinnati," 
 the, 324 ; Judge Wm. M. Dick- 
 son on, 325. 
 
34:4: 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Border States, feeling against the 
 Negro in the, 177. 
 
 Brazil, Negroes employed in the 
 police and military forces of, 
 40. 
 
 Brown, Captain John, takes United 
 States arsenal at Harper's Ferry, 
 59; throws town into excitement, 
 59; hanging of, 60; execution of 
 Hazlitt and Stevens, compatriots 
 of, 60. 
 
 Buell, General D. C., declaration 
 of, on the harboring of fugitive 
 slaves, 76. 
 
 Butler, Major-general B. F., inau- 
 gurates a new policy concerning 
 slaves, 68; letter of, to Governor 
 Hicks, of Maryland, in this con- 
 nection, 69 ; his action criticised 
 by Governor Andrew, of Massa- 
 chusetts, 69 ; declares fugitive 
 slaves contraband of war, 70 ; es- 
 caped slaves employed by, 70; 
 action of, approved by the Secre- 
 tary of War, 71 ; comment in po- 
 litical and military circles con- 
 cerning order of, respecting fugi- 
 tive slaves, 71 ; rates Negroes with 
 mules, wagons, etc., 72; orders 
 the discharge of a Negro soldier, 
 77 ; correspondence between, and 
 General J. W. Phelps, 97 ; issues 
 appeal to Negroes of New Or- 
 leans to enlist, 98 ; response to 
 appeal of, 99 ; describes the part 
 taken by Negro troops at New 
 Market Heights, 254. 
 
 CAILLOUX, CAPTAIN ANDRE, 218 ; 
 bravery of, during Port Hudson 
 assault, 219 ; New York Times 
 comments on, 220. 
 
 Cass, Lewis, Secretary of State, res- 
 ignation of, 63. 
 
 Charleston Convention, seceding 
 
 delegates of, nominate Breckin- 
 ridge and Lane for President and 
 Vice-President, 61. 
 
 Chetlain, A. L., Brigadier-general, 
 assigned as chief of the recruit- 
 ment of Negro troops in Ten- 
 nessee, 124; recommendation of, 
 by General Grant, 125; estab- 
 lishes his headquarters at Mem- 
 phis, 126 ; his sphere of influence 
 extended to Kentucky, 126; or- 
 der of, to candidates applying for 
 commissions in Negro regiments, 
 126; regiments organized and in- 
 spected by, 127; awarded a bre- 
 vet major-generalship, 128. 
 
 Clergy of the North urge upon the 
 President the emancipation of 
 the slaves and the arming of the 
 Negroes, 89. 
 
 Clinton, Sir Henry, proclamation 
 of, in 1779, to discourage the em- 
 ployment of Negroes, 28. 
 
 Cobb, Howell, Secretary of Treas- 
 ury, resignation of, 62. 
 
 Colored officers in United States 
 Volunteer Army, 141; initiative 
 taken in Massachusetts in com- 
 missioning, 141 ; commanding in- 
 dependent battery at Leaven- 
 worth, Kansas, 142. 
 
 Computation of number of Ne- 
 groes in the American army of 
 the Revolutionary War, 35. 
 
 Confederate Congress, an act of 
 the, to increase the efficiency of 
 the army, 84; act of, denying the 
 Negro the immunity of a pris- 
 oner of war, 180; considers the 
 employment of Negroes in the 
 army, 292. 
 
 Congress, act of, in 1779, for rais- 
 ing Negro troops, 23 ; passes law 
 in 1861 for the confiscation of 
 property used for insurrection- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 345 
 
 ary purposes, 73; act of, eman- 
 cipating the slaves of rebels, 87. 
 
 Connecticut, governor of, organ- 
 izes Negro troops, 135; casualty 
 of these troops on the field, 135. 
 
 Constitutional Union Convention, 
 meeting of, in 1860, 60 ; nominates 
 Bell and Everett for President 
 and Yice-President, 61. 
 
 Cumberland, Negro soldiers in the 
 Army of the, 273 ; they secure 
 the confidence of the white sol- 
 diers by their bravery, 275; ac- 
 count of the fight at Dalton, Ga., 
 275 ; Colonel Morgan's account 
 of engagement by, at Pulaski, 
 Tenn., 277 ; in the defence of 
 Decatur, Ala,, 280; casualty of, 
 in this defence, 281 ; commended 
 in General Orders, 281 ; ordered 
 to Nashville to confront Hood's 
 army, 283 ; skirmishes during 
 the march, 284 ; hailed by the 
 white veterans as their peers, 285 ; 
 they open the battle of Nashville, 
 286 ; assistance given by, in rout- 
 ing Hood's army, 288; tabulated 
 statement of casualty of, 289; 
 General Steedman's comment 
 upon the gallantry of, 289. 
 
 DAVIS, JEFFERSON, election of, as 
 President of the Southern Con- 
 federacy, 64. 
 
 Deep Bottom, Va., Negro troops in 
 action at, 250; commended by 
 Major-general D. B. Birney, 251. 
 
 Democratic Party, the, degenera- 
 tion of, prior to the Rebellion, 
 58 ; Southern wing of, asserts the 
 right to buy, sell, and transport 
 slaves, 61 ; Douglas wing of, ad- 
 heres to the doctrine of State 
 sovereignty, 62. 
 
 Department of the South, Negro 
 
 troops in the, 181 ; leading a for- 
 lorn hope in, 209; commendation 
 of, for gallantry by the War De- 
 partment, 339, 340. 
 
 Dix, General John A., proclama- 
 tion by, to people of Virginia, 
 74; issues orders to the troops 
 regarding persons held to domes- 
 tic servitude, 74. 
 
 Draft Riots, the, in New York, 174; 
 inoffensive Negroes the objects 
 of the rioters' wrath, 174; sav- 
 agery of the mob, 174; diabolical 
 work of human fiends during, 
 175 ; the quality of men who 
 forced the, 176. 
 
 Drilling of Negroes by " nomarchs, 
 chancellors, "etc., 3, 4. 
 
 Dumas, General Alexander Davy, 
 military career of, in France, 36; 
 valor of, at the Battle of Brixen, 
 37; death of, 37. 
 
 Dunmore, Earl of, issues procla- 
 mation to Virginia slaves, 16; ef- 
 fect of proclamation on civil and 
 military officials, 16 ; Virginia 
 Convention issues an answer to, 
 
 18; waning influence of, 21. 
 
 i 
 
 EGYPTIAN ARMY, strength of, esti- 
 mated by Herodotus, 2 ; by Dio- 
 dorus, 2; divisions of the, 2. 
 
 Egyptian Empire, beginning of 
 military epoch of the, 1. 
 
 Egyptians, position of soldiers 
 among the, 1 (note). 
 
 Emilio, Captain Luis F., in the as- 
 sault upon Fort Wagner, 196; 
 bravery of, 196 ; receives the 
 thanks of General Stevenson for 
 his assistance, 198. 
 
 England, employment of Negro 
 troops in the army of, 38; exclu- 
 sive Negro regiments in the Brit- 
 ish West Indies, 39. 
 
346 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ' ' Enrolment Act," Negroes includ- 
 ed under, 136; provisions of, 137, 
 138; opinion of Judge Advocate 
 Holt on passages in, concerning 
 the employment of Negroes, 138, 
 139. 
 
 Establishment at Washington of a 
 bureau for the conduct of mat- 
 ters referring to Negro troops, 
 113. 
 
 Estimate of slave population at the 
 beginning of the Revolution, 19. 
 
 Estimated number of Negroes re- 
 cruited by the Bureau for the 
 Organization of Colored Troops, 
 136. 
 
 Exclusion of the Negro slave from 
 printing-offices, etc., 67. 
 
 Execution of Hazlitt and Stevens, 
 compatriots of John Brown, 60. 
 
 FEDERALISTS and planters, excite- 
 ment of, at Lord Dunmore's proc- 
 lamation to Virginia Negroes, 
 18. 
 
 Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regi- 
 ment, the, 191 ; under General 
 Terry on James Island, 192; 
 "two - o'clock - in - the - morn ing " 
 courage of, 192 ; exhaustive march 
 of, to participate in the assault 
 upon Fort Wagner, 193 ; arrival 
 of, at General Strong's head- 
 quarters, 195; addressed by Col- 
 onel Shaw and General Strong, 
 195 ; participation of, in the as- 
 sault upon Fort Wagner, 196 ; in- 
 teresting letter concerning bra- 
 very of, during the assault, 196; 
 casualty of, during action, 199; 
 medals awarded to soldiers of, 
 199; in the battle of Olustee, 204; 
 in the battle of Honey Hill, 211. 
 
 First North Carolina Regiment, 
 the, in the battle of Olustee, 207. 
 
 First South Carolina Regiment, 
 the, at St. Helena Island, 181 ; in 
 the expedition along the coasts 
 of Georgia and East Florida, 181 ; 
 bravery of, in this expedition, 
 182; in an expedition from Beau- 
 fort, S. C., to Deboy River, Ga., 
 182; report of, by General Sax- 
 ton, 182; in an expedition to se- 
 cure Negro recruits in Georgia 
 and Florida, 182 ; indefatigable 
 courage of, 185; action of, on the 
 St. Mary's River, 186; success of, 
 in the Georgia and Florida expe- 
 dition, 187 ; company of, under 
 Captain Trowbridge, on the Flor- 
 ida coast, 187 ; comment by the 
 New York Times on the expedi- 
 tion, 188; in an expedition up the 
 St. John's River, 189; graphic ac- 
 count by a war correspondent of 
 the expedition, 189, 191. 
 
 Florida, secession of, 63. 
 
 Floyd, JohnB., Secretary of War, 
 resignation of, 63. 
 
 Fort Harrison, capture of, 252; 
 brilliant and daring work by Ne- 
 gro troops at, 252; gallant de- 
 fence of, 253 ; the Negro troops 
 commended in General Orders 
 for courage at, 253. 
 
 Fort Pillow, massacre at, 257 ; bru- 
 tal slaughter of the garrison of, 
 260 ; official testimony given be- 
 fore a Congressional committee 
 concerning the massacre at, 261- 
 265 ; rebel testimony on the bury- 
 ing alive of Negroes at, 265 ; Gen- 
 eral Forrest's attempt to justify 
 his action at, 266 ; extracts from 
 correspondence between Gener- 
 als Lee and Washburn concern- 
 ing, 267; report of sub-commit- 
 tee from the Senate and House 
 to investigate, 269-272; War 
 
INDEX. 
 
 347 
 
 Department record of casualty 
 at, 272. 
 
 Fort Powhatan, battle of, 233; gal- 
 lant defence of, by the Negro sol- 
 diers in, 233; casualty of the Ne- 
 gro troops at, 234; the New York 
 Times comments on, 234. 
 
 Fort Wagner, assault upon, 193; 
 participation of the Fifty-fourth 
 Massachusetts in, 196; list of cas- 
 ualties during, 199. 
 
 France, Negroes not proscribed 
 from entering army of, 36; mu- 
 lattoes not addressed as Negroes 
 in, 36 ; no obstruction to ambi- 
 tion of the Negroes in, 36. 
 
 Fremont, General John C., procla- 
 mation of, declaring Negroes 
 free men, 73 ; moral influence 
 of proclamation throughout the 
 South, 73; his action not approv- 
 ed by the President, 74; removal 
 of, 74. 
 
 GEORGIA and Florida expedition, 
 Negro soldiers in the, 181 ; their 
 bravery in the, 182 ; success of 
 the, 187. 
 
 Government, United States, North- 
 ern Negroes pledge themselves 
 to support the, 87 ; their offers 
 unnoticed by the, 87; John Quin- 
 cy Adams on the war powers of 
 the, 147; policy of the, respecting 
 the arming of Negroes, 160, 161. 
 
 Grant, General U. S. , orders issued 
 by, respecting slaves at Fort 
 Donelson, 75 ; letter of General 
 Halleck to, on the arming of Ne- 
 groes, 106; hastens the organiz- 
 ing of Negro troops in his De- 
 partment, 108. 
 
 Greeley, Horace, editorial of, to the 
 President relative to the question 
 of slavery, 79 ; urges the enforce- 
 
 ment of the " Confiscation Act," 
 80 ; views of, respecting the Ne- 
 gro troops in garrison, 165. 
 
 HALLECK, GENERAL, W. H., orders 
 issued by, forbidding slaves with- 
 in his lines or camps, 75 ; letter 1 
 of, to General Grant outlining 
 the policy of the Government in 
 arming Negroes, 106 ; reply of 
 General Grant to, 108. 
 
 Hamlin, Hannibal, election of, as 
 Vice-President, 62. 
 
 Hayti, Negro soldiers in, 40. 
 
 Higginson, Colonel T. W., quoted 
 concerning the bounty and pay 
 of the Negro troops, 155, 156; 
 letters from, to the New York 
 Tribune and New York Times on 
 the subject, 157-160 ; first colo- 
 nel to lead a Negro regiment, 
 181 ; commands the First South 
 Carolina Volunteers in the Beau- 
 fort, S. C., expedition, 182; com- 
 mands the same regiment in the 
 St. John's River expedition, 189. 
 
 Honey Hill, battle of, 209; Negro 
 troops in, 210 ; desperate fight- 
 ing of the Fifty-fourth Massa- 
 chusetts in, 211 ; Confederate ac- 
 count of the, 212. 
 
 Hooker, General Joseph, author- 
 izes citizens of Maryland to 
 search for fugitive slaves in his 
 camp, 76 ; result of such author- 
 ity, 77. 
 
 Hunter, Major-general David, de- 
 clares the States of Georgia, 
 Florida, and South Carolina un- 
 der martial law, 79 ; proclaims 
 the slaves of these States "for- 
 ever free, " 79 ; abrogation of the 
 order of, by the President, 79 ; 
 issues orders for the recruitment 
 of a Negro regiment, 90; or- 
 
348 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ganizes the "First South Caro- 
 lina Regiment," 90; opposed for 
 this action, 90; resolution intro- 
 duced in Congress respecting his 
 Negro regiment, 91 ; letter of, to 
 Secretary of War in answer to 
 the resolution, 92-94; his com- 
 munication ordered read in the 
 House, 94; gives freedom papers 
 to slaves who enlisted, 95 ; not 
 supported by the Administra- 
 tion in his noble effort, 95 (note). 
 
 IDIOSYNCRACIES of the Negro, 167- 
 169. 
 
 Indiana, Governor of, authorized 
 to raise a Negro regiment, 136; 
 it serves in the Army of the 
 James, 136. 
 
 Indies, British West, exclusive Ne- 
 gro regiments in the, 39. 
 
 Inscriptions of Una, Negroes men- 
 tioned in the, 1. 
 
 JACKSON, GENERAL ANDREW, is- 
 sues appeal to free Negroes to 
 join his army, 55 ; addresses the 
 Negro troops in front of New 
 Orleans, 56 ; promises Negro vol- 
 unteers equal pay, etc. , of white 
 soldiers, 151. 
 
 James, Army of the, Negro troops 
 in, 291 ; they participate in the 
 battle of Five Forks, 294 ; cour- 
 age of, in the fight, 296; in the 
 assault before Petersburg, 298; 
 reception of, on entering Peters- 
 burg, 300; they head the Union 
 column on entering Richmond, 
 301 ; magnanimity of, after Lee's 
 surrender, 303. 
 
 James Island, Negroes under Gen- 
 eral A. H. Terry on, 192 
 
 Joux, dungeon of, imprisonment of 
 Toussaint L'Ouverture at, 53. 
 
 KANSAS, initiative taken by, in rais- 
 ing Negro troops, 101 ; organizes 
 the first regiment of Northern 
 Negroes, 101. 
 
 Kench, Thomas, presents plan in 
 1778 for raising Negro troops, 
 25 ; letter of, to the Council in 
 Boston concerning the freedom 
 of Negroes, 26. 
 
 King Pepi, Negroes in the army of, 
 3,4. 
 
 LEGAL status of the Negro soldier, 
 the, 145. 
 
 Legislature, New York, enacts a 
 law, in 1814, for the incorpora- 
 tion of two Negro regiments, 57. 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, election of, as 
 President, 62 ; feeling in the 
 South and North regarding, 62 ; 
 formal declaration of the election 
 of, by the Electoral College, 64; 
 inauguration of, as President, 65 ; 
 opposition of, to the employment 
 of Negroes as soldiers, 88 ; the 
 New York Herald on decision of, 
 88; issues an emancipation proc- 
 lamation, 105; declares the slaves 
 forever free, 106; extracts of let- 
 ters from, referring to the ene- 
 mies of the Negro, 176, 177; 
 treats on the Negro question in 
 his message to Congress in 1863, 
 178 ; reviews the Negro troops 
 in the Army of the James, 293. 
 
 Louisiana Native Guards, First and 
 Third regiments of, 215 ; in the 
 assault upon Port Hudson, 215; 
 undaunted valor of, 217 ; conduct 
 of the, cited, 219 ; remarks of Gen- 
 eral Halleck on heroism of, 221. 
 
 Louisiana Native Guards, Second 
 Regiment of, 221 ; under Colonel 
 Daniels in the battle of East Pas- 
 cagoula, 222 ; success of, 223 ; re- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 349 
 
 port of, to General T. W. Sher- 
 man, 223. 
 
 Louisiana, secession of, 64. 
 
 L'Ouverture, Toussaint, birth of, 
 41 ; espouses the cause of Spain, 
 
 42 ; commissioned a brigadier- 
 general, 42 ; his first battle, 42; 
 as a student of military books, 
 
 43 ; defeats the French at Don- 
 don, 43 ; origin of the affix to 
 his name, 43 ; administrative 
 ability of, 44; hailed as Le noir 
 Napoleon in military circles, 44; 
 appointed commander -in -chief 
 of the army of Santo Domingo, 
 44; speech of, at his inaugura- 
 tion, 45; issues a general amnes- 
 ty at Cayes in 1800, 45 ; his noble 
 sentiments in the constitution of, 
 46; Napoleon plots the destruc- 
 tion of, 47; repulses the French 
 at Santo Domingo, 48-51 ; Napo- 
 leon's strategy to apprehend, 52; 
 imprisonment of, in the dungeon 
 of Joux, 53; death of , 54. 
 
 MCCLELLAN, GENERAL GEORGE B., 
 proclamation of, against forcible 
 abolition of slavery, 77 ; corre- 
 spondence of, with William H. 
 Seward, Secretary of State, re- 
 garding, 78. 
 
 Martial valor of the Negro soldier, 
 320 ; Secretary of War quoted 
 on, 320; testimony of prominent 
 military men on, 321-323. 
 
 Massachusetts, roll of Negro repre- 
 sentatives of, in the army, 33. 
 
 Mexico, Negroes not discriminated 
 nor proscribed in, 55. 
 
 Military rendition of slaves, 66. 
 
 Milliken's Bend, battle of, 224; Ne- 
 gro troops in the, 224; casualty 
 at the, 225 ; account of the, by 
 Captain Matthew Miller, 226. 
 
 Mississippi, secession of, 63. 
 
 Mississippi Valley, Negro troops in 
 the, 214. 
 
 Monument, a proposed, to brave 
 Negro soldiers, 328, 329, 332. 
 
 Morgan, Lieutenant-colonel Thom- 
 as J. , appointment of, to recruit 
 Negroes in the Department of 
 the Cumberland, 130; fitness of, 
 for the command, 130; extracts 
 of letters from, on the position 
 of colored troops in the army, 
 162, 163; forces the Secretary of 
 War to change the policy of em- 
 ploying Negroes as laborers, 164. 
 
 "Mulatto War," the, in Hayti, be- 
 ginning of, 42. 
 
 NATIONAL Democratic party, meet- 
 ing of, in 1860, 60 ; fruitless la- 
 bor of, on slavery question, 60. 
 
 Negro, the, in the military history 
 of Egypt, 1-6 ; sudden disappear- 
 ance of, in Egyptian history, 7; 
 depiction of, on ancient tombs, 
 7, 8 ; military employment of the, 
 three thousand years before the 
 Christian era, 8 ; reappearance 
 of, in history, 10 ; as a solution 
 of the labor problem in North 
 America, 10; non-combativeness 
 of, during the slave traffic, 11; 
 part taken by, in the beginning 
 of the struggle for independence 
 in America, 11, 12.; conspicuous 
 in the first battle of the Revolu- 
 tionary War, 12; his employment 
 as a soldier considered in 1775, 
 13; prohibited from being em- 
 ployed in the army, 14; General 
 Gates forbids the enlistment of 
 the, 14 ; his military status dis- 
 cussed by the Continental Con- 
 gress, 14; arming of, discussed 
 at a council of war in 1775, 15; 
 
350 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Royalists awake to the policy of 
 the Continental authorities con- 
 cerning the, 16; General Thom- 
 as quoted concerning prejudice 
 against the, 17; solicited to adopt 
 the Continental uniform, 21. 
 
 Negro chaplains commissioned 
 during the war, 144. 
 
 Negro surgeons commissioned dur- 
 ing the war, 143. 
 
 Negroes, official return of number 
 of, under General Washington, 
 22; enactment by Congress in 
 1779 for the raising of troops of, 
 23; Act of General Assembly in 
 1778 giving freedom to, who en- 
 list, 24; letter to Boston Council 
 concerning freedom of, 26 ; New 
 England colonies accept the arm- 
 ing of, as inevitable, 27; procla- 
 mation of Sir Henry Clinton to 
 discourage employment of, in 
 the Continental Army, 28 ; roll 
 of Massachusetts, represented in 
 the army, 33 ; number of, in 
 American army of the Revolu- 
 tion, 35 (note) ; position of, in 
 France, 36; employment of, in 
 the British army, 38; position of, 
 in Brazil and Hayti, 40 ; in the 
 War of 1812, 55 ; incorporation 
 of two regiments of, in New 
 York, in 1814, 57; recruits in the 
 United States army in 1815, 57; 
 their employment in the Union 
 army derided, 66 ; Northern 
 statesmen urge the arming of, 
 86; provisions of the "Enrol- 
 ment Act " appertaining to the, 
 137, 138 ; idiosyncracies of the, 
 167-169; martial valor of the, 
 as soldiers, 320-323 ; proposed 
 monument to commemorate 
 bravery of, as soldiers, 328, 329, 
 332. 
 
 OBSTACLES confronting the em- 
 ployment of the Negro, 173. 
 
 Official return of the number of 
 Negroes under General Washing- 
 ton, 22. 
 
 Oge, Lieutenant-colonel, 41 ; brav- 
 ery of, at Cape Haytien, 41 ; ef- 
 fect of the death of, on the Ne- 
 groes, 42. 
 
 Olustee, battle of, Negro troops in 
 the, 204, 208. 
 
 PERU, canonization of Negro 
 priests in, 40. 
 
 Petersburg, reduction of, 234; par- 
 ticipation of a Negro division in, 
 235; graphic account of the, 236; 
 casualties sustained in, 239 ; Ma- 
 jor-general Smith's report of, 
 240; the Negro division com- 
 mended for bravery at, 242; loss 
 sustained by the Negro division 
 in front of, 243 ; the fitness of the 
 "Black Division" to charge the 
 fort at, considered, 244 ; mining 
 of the fort at, 248; gallantry of 
 the Negro soldiers in the action, 
 249; testimony of officers as to 
 the bravery of the Negro sol- 
 diers at, 250. 
 
 Phelps, General J. W., favors the 
 employing of Negroes, 96 ; com- 
 municates with General Butler 
 concerning, 97; result of the cor- 
 respondence, 98. 
 
 Philadelphia, recruitment of Ne- 
 groes in, 119, 120. 
 
 Poison Springs, battle of, 228 ; Ne- 
 gro volunteers in, 228; casualty 
 sustained in, 230. 
 
 Policy of the Government on the 
 employment of Negroes, 160, 161. 
 
 Potomac, Army of the, 231 ; Ne- 
 groes in, 231. 
 
 Public confidence versus the Ne- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 351 
 
 gro, 170 ; the New York Times 
 comments on, 171-173. 
 
 RAWLINSON, PROFESSOR, assertion 
 of, regarding Negroes in Egyp- 
 tian army, 4 ; criticism on, 4 ; 
 quoted concerning Negroes in 
 the army of Pepi, 5. 
 
 Reed, Lieutenant -colonel William 
 N., 141. 
 
 Representatives, House of, enacts 
 law prohibiting the return of fu- 
 gitive slaves, 87. 
 
 Republican Party, the, before the 
 Rebellion, 58; opposition of, to 
 the extension of slavery into the 
 Territories in 1860, 61. 
 
 Retrospect of the Civil War, 325- 
 327. 
 
 Rider, Sidney S., criticised con- 
 cerning the black regiment of 
 Rhode Island, 31, 32 (note}. 
 
 Ripley, General R. S., returns State 
 colors lost at Fort Wagner, 201 ; 
 letter of, to Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, 201. 
 
 Roll of Honor of Negro soldiers, 
 the, 333-339. 
 
 SECRETARY OF WAR, order of, in 
 1862, to enlist Negroes, 100. 
 
 Shaw, Colonel Robert Gould, in the 
 assault upon Fort Wagner, 195 ; 
 addresses the Fifty-fourth Mas- 
 sachusetts Regiment, 195; death 
 of, at Fort Wagner, 202 ; letter 
 from the father of, protesting 
 against the removal of his son's 
 body, 203 ; poem on the death of, 
 203; the commanding character 
 of, 330; his memory cherished by 
 the blacks of the South, 331 ; pro- 
 posed park to be named for him, 
 331 ; a type of the exalted Ameri- 
 can patriot, 331. 
 
 Sherman, General Thomas W., 
 proclamation of, to the people of 
 South Carolina, 74; assures the 
 people of South Carolina that 
 their "local institution" would 
 remain undisturbed, 74. 
 
 Slavery question, the, before the 
 Rebellion, 58; appealed to the 
 Court of Civil War, 65; has no 
 place in the early military policy 
 of the Union Army, 68 ; waver- 
 ing policy of the United States 
 Government regarding, 68. 
 
 Slavery, position occupied by, in 
 the United States, 147. 
 
 Slaves, prohibition of the manu- 
 mission of, in Maryland in 1860, 
 61 ; Major-general Benjamin F. 
 Butler inaugurates a new policy 
 concerning, 68. 
 
 South, initiative taken by the, in 
 1861, in employing Negroes as 
 soldiers, 81; opens recruiting of- 
 fice for free Negroes at Memphis, 
 81 ; establishes Bureau for Con- 
 scriptions, 85. 
 
 Sprague, Governor, of Rhode Isl- 
 and, appeals to the Negroes to 
 enlist, 98. 
 
 Stearns, Major G. L., appointment 
 of, to organize Negro troops, 120; 
 refusal of General Couch to ac- 
 cept troops from, 121 ; letter to, 
 from the Secretary of War, 122; 
 opposition of, to the wholesale 
 impressment of Negroes, 122; 
 an abolitionist, not a slave-catch- 
 er, 123 ; telegrams between the 
 War Department and, 123, 124; 
 resignation of, 124 ; makes good 
 the dishonored faith of the Gov- 
 ernment in the paying of Ne- 
 groes, 155. 
 
 TENNESSEE, enactment of law by, 
 
352 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 in 1861, for the relief of Negro 
 volunteers, 82. 
 
 Texas, secession of, 64. 
 
 Thomas, General Lorenzo, announ- 
 ces the policy of the Administra- 
 tion in 1863 to the United States 
 Army, 109, 111 ; charges the sol- 
 diers to receive and encourage 
 Negroes, 110; enthusiasm at the 
 North regarding this action of, 
 111; despatched to the South- 
 west to enlarge the scope of the 
 enlistment of Negroes, 114; suc- 
 cess of, 136. 
 
 Thomas, General, in 1775, con- 
 cerning prejudice to the Negroes, 
 
 17. 
 
 Thompson, Jacob, Secretary of the 
 Interior, resignation of, 63. 
 
 Times, New York, editorial of, on 
 the employment of the Negro, 
 171-173. 
 
 " Tirailleurs Algeriens," 38. 
 
 Tod, Governor, of Ohio, insists on 
 equal pay and bounty for Negro 
 
 troops, 133 ; encourages the re- 
 cruitment of Negro troops in 
 Ohio for Massachusetts, 133, 134; 
 organizes two regiments and for- 
 wards them to the field, 135. 
 
 Tyler, Colonel, speech of, to West 
 Virginia rebels, 72. 
 
 ULLMANN, BRIGADIER - GENERAL 
 Daniel, urges upon President Lin- 
 coln the employment of Ne- 
 groes, 102 ; authorized to organ- 
 ize Negro troops, 102; remarks 
 of, concerning Negro troops, 102. 
 
 Una, Inscription of, 1 (note}. 
 
 Union Army, number of Negroes 
 in the, during the Civil War, 139, 
 140. 
 
 Union League Club of New York, 
 the, devises means for raising Ne- 
 
 gro troops, 116; obtains the con- 
 sent of the War Department to 
 recruit a regiment of Negroes, 
 117; organizes the Twentieth 
 Regiment of United States Col- 
 ored Troops, 117; reception giv- 
 en by, to the Twentieth Regi- 
 ment United States Colored 
 Troops, 179; comment of a New 
 York paper on, 179. 
 
 VOLUNTEER ARMY, United States, 
 Negro officers irf, 141 ; number 
 of Negro soldiers in, 324; casu- 
 alty of these troops in, 324. 
 
 WALL, CAPTAIN O. S. B., as re- 
 cruiting - officer in Ohio, 142 ; 
 proposition of Secretary Stanton 
 to, 142; Colonel Foster refuses to 
 examine, for a captaincy, 143; 
 executive ability of, 143. 
 
 Wall, Sergeant John, mention of, 
 199. 
 
 War Department, the, establishes 
 Negro recruiting -stations, 115; 
 credits State and county with 
 furnishing recruits, 115; creates 
 boards to determine the claims 
 of owners, 116; appointment of 
 a commissioner by, to organize 
 Negro troops, 120; order of, to 
 General W. T. Sherman respect- 
 ing the employment of Negroes, 
 150; interprets the pay of the 
 Negro volunteer, 154. 
 
 War, treatment of Negro soldiers 
 as prisoners of, 304 ; proclama- 
 tion of Jefferson Davis on, 308; 
 editorial extract of New York 
 Tribune on, 311; action of the 
 Confederate Army concerning, 
 at Port Hudson, 312; President 
 Lincoln issues order relative to, 
 313; letter of General Beaure- 
 gard on, 314; cruelty of the Con- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 353 
 
 federates to, 315 ; correspondence 
 between Generals Peck and Pick- 
 ett on, 316, 317; cowardly action 
 of rebel soldiers to, 318; the Sec- 
 retary of War orders the protec- 
 tion of, 318; arraignment of the 
 Confederate Army and Congress 
 for their, 319. 
 
 War of 1812, the, participation of 
 Negroes in the land and naval 
 forces of, 55. 
 
 Washington, General George, 
 quoted concerning Lord Dun- 
 more's proclamation, 19 ; author- 
 izes the enlistment of ' ' free Ne- 
 groes, "19. 
 
 YATES, RICHARD, Governor of Illi- 
 nois, authorized to raise Negro 
 troops, 133; organizes the Twen- 
 ty-ninth Regiment of United 
 States Colored Troops, 133. 
 
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