l $ ain^ *& v'ERS//, V\E-UNIVERS//v vvlOS ANGELA - - IVERtyj ^UIBRARYQ/r .^ / 4 >^^ -ij: A\\E UNIVER5 1 //, ^IOS ANGEL PICTORIAL HISTORY OF AND CAPTIVITIES, FROM THE EARLIEST RECORD OF AMERICAN HIS- TORY TO THE PRESENT TIME, By JOHN FROST, LL. D. J^EAI\LY200 ^NGF^AVINGS FJ\OM BY PISTINGUISHED ARTISTS NEW YORK : WELLS PUBLISHING COMPANY, 432 BECOME STBEET. M. A. PARKER & CO., 239 WEST MADISON ST., CHICAGO, B. R. STURGES, 81 WASHINGTON ST., BOSTON, MASS. A. L. BANCROFT & CO., SAM FBANCISCO, GAL. 1873, Entered according to act of Congress In the year 1872, by Wells Publishing Company in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, I). C. INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS. PAET L INDIAN WARS. PAGE. Admiral Coligni 23 Attack on Brookfield 53 A Tatooed Indian 98 Attack and Plunder of the Dead 99 Attack on Haverhill 103 A Ride for Life 150 An Indian Chief. 187 Attack on Mr. Cooley's Family 273 An Indian Watching Chances 238 Burning of Springfield 59 Baron Dieskau taken Prisoner 124 British Agents Trading with Indians 157 Battle of Tippecanoe 198 Burning of an Indian Settlement 199 Battle of Maguaga 203 British and Indians proceeding to Fort Stephenson. . . 227 Battle of the Thames 233 Battle between the Indians and Mounted Kiflemen 235 Black Hawk 265 Battle of Palaklaklaha 285 Buffalo Bill 329 Captain John Smith 28 Capture of Pocahontas 29 Chanco Giving Information of the Intended Massacre. 32 Captain Convers Burying the Dead 70 City of Quebec 77 Chief of the Tuscaroras 85 Chiefs Cornstalk, Logan, and Bed Eagle. 155 Col. Zebulon Butler. 171 Col. Pickens. 175 Col. Harden 182 Council of Vincennes. 195 Col. Miller. 205 Col. Croghan. 230 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. Col. Clinch 260 Capt. Bowling. 289 De Soto Discovering the Mississippi River. 21 Dead Warrior. 74 Death of Walter Butler. . 173 Defence of Fort Harrison 213 Defence of Fort Stephenson 231 Encampment of French and Indians 125 Erection of the Fort at Ten Islands 245 Falls of Niagara 135 Fort Washington 185 Gov. Perm distributing Presents to Indians 3 Gov. Ponce de Leon 9 General Abercrombie's Army Crossing Lake George. . 132 General Putnam 133 General Boquet 145 General Schuyler 164 General Sullivan 176 General Williamson and Colonel Pickens Pursuing the Indians 177 General Wayne 180 General St. Clair. 182 General Wayne Defeating the Indians 190 General Harrison 196 General Winchester 210 Governor Shelby 232 General Jackson 249 General Gaines 257 General Twiggs 258 General Scott 269 General Kearney 291 General Phil Sheridan 337 Hernando Cortez 10 Hernando De Soto 15 Herkimer's Defeat 163 Hillishago 256 Indians Laying in Ambush 5 Indian Chiefs Holding Council 7 Indian Huts and Canoes. 17 Indians Showing Laudonniere the Monument 24 Indian War Dance 27 Indian Watching his Prey. 48 Indian Smoking the Pipe of Peace 60 Indian Emblems 84 Indians Delivering up Captives 149 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. Indian Lodge 200 Indian Chief in Full Dress 201 Inhabitants of Detroit Awaiting the Result of the Seige 207 Indians Retreating before Colonel Russell's Forces. . . . 217 Indian Conjurer 239 Indian Warrior 263 Indian Style of Deer Hunting 270 King William HI 67 Kit Carson 321 Landing of the Pilgrims 41 Last Scene in LovewelTs War with the Indians 109 Last Combat with the St. Francis Indians 138 Logan Finding his Murdered Family 151 Massacre at Jamestown 33 Massacre of the Pequods 49 Meeting of the New England Commissioners 57 Massacre of Roanoke by the Tuscaroras 87 Massacre of the Prisoners at Fort William Henry 128 Montreal 129 Murder of Miss Macrea 165 Massacre at Wyoming 169 Major R. M. Johnson 209 Massacre on the River Raisin. 221 Massacre at Fort Minns 241 Massacre of Major Dade's Detachment 277 Micanope 279 Mrs. Helem Rescued by an Indian, 315 Narvaez in Florida 13 Opekaukanough Reproving Sir William Berkeley 37 Ockonoctota. 91 Osceola 272 Ponce de Leon, Mortally Wounded 11 Pizarro 14 Pocahontas Rescuing Captain Smith 25 Place de Armes, Montreal 81 Pontiac 141 President Zachary Taylor 215 President Monroe. 262 Rains of Ticonderoga 121 Settlement of Boston 40 Sortie from Fort Meigs 225 Taking of Fort Dearborn 347 Treating for Peace 39 Treaty with Massasoit 45 The Death Grip 41 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. Tolcot attacking the Indians in the swamp 63 The Mysterious Cavern 75 Treaty with the Five Nations 79 The Scout 110 The Conference 148 The Indian's Curse 161 The Young Wife calling Heaven's Vengeance on the Murderers of her Young Husband 181 Tecumseh 192 The Prophet 193 Treaty 01 the Hickory Ground 252 Taking Observations 255 The Good Samaritan 271 Vultures Feeding on the Dead 287 Washington's Interview with St. Pierre Ill Washington going through the Wilderness to the French Fort 114 Washington Crossing the Kiver on his Expedition to the French Fort 115 Washington advising Braddock to send forward Scouts 120 Wild Buffalo Hunt 139 Weatherford 253 Watched by Indians in Ambush 159 PART H. INDIAN CAPTIVITIES. Adoption of Col Smith by the Indians 183 Amusing a Child. 252 Capture of Mrs. Hansom and daughter. 117 Capture of Frederick Manheim 333 Indian Character 6 Indians Returning from a Hunt 284 Indian Hunting 342 Indian mode of Trapping Deer. 349 Indians watching the Steamer. 3GO Mrs. McCoy 143 Mrs. Howe and her Son 159 Making Friends 172 Mrs. Clendennin 285 Osceola on the War Path 354 Return from Captivity of Robert Eastburn and Family. 265 Torturing a Captive Frontispiece Indian method of taking care of Children 8 Tecaughretanego 213 Wettimore. 47 CONTENTS OF PART I. PAGE. 5 PREFACE CHAPTER I. EARLY INDIAN WAES IN FLORIDA CHAPTER H. THE INDIAN WAES OF THE COLONISTS OF VIBGINIA CHAPTER III. EARLY WAES IN NEW ENGLAND CHAPTER IV. KING PHILIP'S WAR CHAPTER V. KING WILLIAM'S WAE CHAPTER VI. THE WAES OP THE FIVE NATIONS CHAPTER VII. INDIAN WAES IN CAROLINA PREVIOUS TO THE REVOLUTION CHAPTER VIII. QUEEN ANNE'S WAE. CHAPTER IX. LOVEWELL'S WAS CHAPTER X. THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, FROM 1754 TO 1759 110 CHAPTER XL THE WAR BETWEEN THE COLONISTS AND THE WESTERN INDIANS, FBOH 1763 TO 1765 139 (3) 9 26 40 50 67 85 98 105 IV. CONTENTS. CHAPTER XTT T FAG*. CBESAP'S WAB 15C CHAPTER Xm. INDIAN WAES OP THE REYOLOTION 159 CHAPTER XIV. THE WAB WITH THE INDIANS op THE WEST, DUBING WASH- INGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 182 CHAPTER XV. THE TIPPECANOE WAB 195 CHAPTER XVI. THE NOBTHWESTEBN WAB OF 1812 AND 1813 202 CHAPTER XVIL THE CBEEKWAB 238 CHAPTER XVIII. THE SEMINOIJE WAB OP 1816 AND 1817 256 CHAPTER XIX BLACK HAWK'S WAB 265 CHAPTER XX. THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAB 271 CHAPTER XXL INDIAN HOSTILITIES n? CALTFOBNIA AND NEW MEXICO 288 CHAPTER XXIL THE TBTBES WEST OP THE MISSISSIPPI 296 CHAPTER XXHI. MINNESOTA INDIAN MASSACBE 301 CHAPTER XXIV. GENEBAL HISTOBY OP THE WESTERN INDIAN TBIBES SINCE 1851. . . 307 CHAPTER XXV. THE END OP THE FLOBIDA WAB. THE FATE OP THE SEMINOLES. . 313 CHAPTER XXVL THE ILLINOIS INDIANS. THEIB LAST ASSEMBLAGE ON THE PBESENT SITE OP CHICAGO. THEIB WAB DANCE 317 CHAPTER XXVTL KIT CABSON. His LIFE AND ADTENTUBES 323 CHAPTER XXVHL WILLIAM CODI. "BUFFALO BILL." His LIPE AND ADVENTUBES 333 CHAPTER XXIX. THE CHEBOKEE RETOLT. MUBDEB OP U. S. OFFICEBS. SETH BECKS HEROISM. BBTJTALITY OP THE INDIANS AND REGENADES. MASSACBE ON THE PLAINS 339 CHAPTER XXX. THE PBESENT CONDITION AND LOCATION OF THE INDIANS. How THEY LITE AND THEIB NCMEBICAL STATUS. 349 PREFACE. OUR relations with the aboriginal inhabitants of this continent, form a distinct and very impor- tant, and interesting portion of the history of this Republic. It is unfortunately, for the most part, a history of bloody wars, in which the border settlers have suffered all the horrors of savage aggression, and, in which portions of our colonial settlements, have sometimes been completely cut off and de- stroyed. Other portions of this thrilling history, evince the courage, daring, and patience of the (5) G PREFACE. settlers, in a very favorable point of view, and ex- hibit them as triumphing over every difficulty, and finally obtaining a firm foothold on the soil. In all its parts, this history will always possess nu- merous points of peculiar interest for the American reader. It has been my object, in the following pages, to bring the whole under one general view, in as small a compass as was consistent with clearness and fidelity in the narrative. The result of the whole story is, that the Indians, once the possessors of the whole country, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Artie circle, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, are now driven into a comparatively small terri- tory, lying between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains. Here they remain for the most part> the same untutored and uncivilized men, that their ancestors were when Fernando de Soto first set foot on the sandy shore of Florida. What is to be their future destiny it is not easy to foresee. Un- less they shall adopt the civilization of their -white neighbors, and abandoning mutual wars and the chase, shall apply themselves to the industrious pursuits of agriculture, it can hardly be expected that they will survive many ages, as distinct na- tions and tribes. Gradually, but surely, theil numbers are diminishing. Their wars among PREFACE. . 7 themselves, in which they will persist, thin their numbers from year to year, and their habits of life are by no means favorable to an increase of popu- lation, or even to the preservation of their race. Whole tribes have already disappeared from causes independent of the hostility of the white people ; and similar causes, now in operation, threaten their total extermination, even if they should suffer no more from the fatal rifle, or the destroying influence of intoxicating liquors. It is to be hoped that Christian benevolence may yet devise some means by which this interesting and brave people may be preserved and become instructed in the arts of civilized life. OP INDIAN WARS CAPTIVITIES. PONCE DI LION. CHAPTER I. EARLY INDIAN WARS IN FLORIDA. PREVIOUS to the permanent establishment of the English in North America, the French and Spaniards made many attempts to get possession of various parts of the country. The coasts were carefully explored, and colonies planted, but they were soon uf* as expensive, and involving too much hardship and 10 INDIAN WARS danger. The first expedition to the coast of Florida was mada in 1512, by Juan Ponce de Leon, renowned for his courage and warlike abilities. Ponce de Leon, becoming governor of Porto Rico, and hearing from the Indians that there existed a beautiful and fertile country to the northward, containing the waters of perpetual youth, resolved to attempt its conquest. He sailed from Porto Rico with three ships, and finally, reached the conti- nent at about eight degrees thirty minutes, north latitude. Landing on Palm Sunday, Ponce de Leon gave the country the name of Florida. He explored the coast from north to south, and had several engagements with the Indians; and though ho failed to obtain the youth and treasures that he sought, he re- turned to Porto Pico, crowned with the lustre of making a great discovery. The report of the achievements of Cortez in Mexico, again kindled the ambition of Ponce de Leon; and he set out in 1521, with two of his own ships, to make a settlement in Florida. But the Indians advanced against him; most of his men were killed, and himself so badly wounded, that he died a few days after his return to Cuba. Another expedition, under Vasquez de Ayllon, attempted to form a settlement, in 1524. The Indians on the coast where he landed, made a feast, and induced the Spaniards to advance into the interior of the country. Two hundred men were killed there, and the others were assailed on the shore, and Vasquez de Ayllon IN FLORIDA. 13 NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA. himself fell a victim to ''the cruelty of the natives. In 1528, Pamphilo de Narvaez, the celebrated rival of Hernando Cortez, in an expedition to the western coast of Florida, discovered the hay of Pensacola, where he landed in April, with about three hundred men. He penetrated into the interior, and marched for the high region of the Apalachees. The Indians harassed the Spaniards with an indomitable spirit; but they at last returned safely to the coast, and embarked. The vessels were afterwards wrecked, and nearly all on board perished. Don Louis de Velasco, becoming viceroy of New Spain, fitted out another expedition for the settlement of Florida, and giving the command to Tristan de Luna, ordered him to proceed to the bay of Pensacola. De Luna reached that bay in August, 1559, and six days afterwards, lost all his fleet by a hurricane. Four hundred men were sent into the country, to procure provisions, and Luna soon followed with the rest of his forces. The Indians, awed, perhaps, by the strength of the Spaniards, were very friendly, and trafficked with them. But it could not last. The powerful Coosa tribe were at war with the Natchez, a people who refused to pay an ancient tribute; and the Spaniards were in- duced to join in an expedition to crush the rebels. The Natchez deserted their villages at the approach of the invaders, and cross- ing the river Ochehiton, believed themselves in safety. But the Coosas found a ford, and the fire arms of the Spaniards 14 INDIAN WARS soon compelled the Natchez to submit to the terms imposed by their old lords. The trifling tribute of grain and fruit three timea a year, was agreed upon, and the Spaniards returned to the coast. De Luna was a man determined to overcome all obstacles in the way of his schemes. But Juan Ceron, his aid-de-camp, believed them insurmountable, and by secret machinations, contrived to prevent De Luna from pursuing his expedition any farther. It had lasted seven months, and the men were discontented. Angel de Villafana was appointed to succeed Tristan de Luna, as commander of the Spaniards in Florida. He explored the coast, but did not attempt any permanent establishment. Another adventurer now appeared to try his fortune in Florida. Fernando de Soto, originally possessed of nothing but his courage and his sword, had followed the fortures of Pizarro, and returned to Spain from Peru, laden with wealth, and crowned with the laurels of a successful warrior. His reception was brilliant; and having obtained the favor of Charles V., he sued for permission IN FLORIDA. 15 to conquer and rule the territory of Florida. Charles, ever eager to increase the extent of his dominion, created De Soto adelan- tado of that province. The ambitious soldier proceeded to em- bark his whole fortune in this grand expedition. He selected nine hundred and fifty men, most of whom were trained to arms and possessed of daring valor, and on the 6th of April, 1538, embarked his troops in ten vessels, and sailed for Cuba, which was placed under his command that he might draw from it every needful resource. There he spent a year in preparation, and received a large reinforcement of men, under command of the veteran Vasco Porcalho. On the 18th of May, 1539, the adelantado sailed, with nine vessels, from Havanna, and on the 30th, he landed in the bay of Spiritu Santo. Twelve priests accompanied the expedition, and, a great display of religious zeal was made ; yet the Spaniards brought bloodhounds with them for hunting the Indians, and chains for securing them. Hirriga, one of the native rulers whom De Soto strove to conciliate, declared his hatred of the Spaniards, and soon after attacked them; but was repulsed by Porcalho. He then abandoned his capitol, and sought refuge in the woods and marshes. Porcalho, in attempting to follow him, sunk so deep in the mud, that it was with difficulty he was rescued. 1C his old warrior, in spite of the entreaties of De Soto then returned to Cuba. 16 INDIAN WARS The Spanish general now marched into the territories of Urri- baracuxi and Acuera, where he met a similar reception. Ha strove, by every means, to mitigate the hatred of the Indians, but in vain. Although unable to meet the invaders in the field, they hovered round, and not a Spaniard could stir three hundred yards from the camp without being killed or wounded. De Soto continued to advance, and at length reached the fertile district of Acali, where the troops felt the ground firm beneath their feet. The prince of the country tendered his submission; but soon after, while the Spaniards were crossing a river, they were attacked by the savages with a cloud of arrows. De Soto re- pulsed the enemy, and in keeping with his policy, refrained from revenging himself. More memorable events distinguished their march through the country of Vitachuco. The chief of the natives of that country announced his determination to resist their progress; bnt, when the Spaniards appeared, he altered his course. De Soto was courteously received, led to the capital, and treated in the most distinguished manner. The chief summoned his warriors from every quarter as if to honor his illustrious guest. A day was appointed, when both armies were to muster in warlike array, and the savages were secretly instructed, on a given signal, to attack the Spaniards. The latter were apprised of the plot, and were armed for the onset. As it began, the cacique was sur- rounded. Yet the savages rushed on undaunted. They could not withstand the Spanish cavalry, however, and were soon dis- persed. De Soto was in imminent danger during the attack, his horse being killed under him, while in tb.e midst of the Indians. After the cavalry had rescued him and dispersed the enemy, he sought to conciliate the Indian cacique, and even invited him to his table. But his plans were not consistent. He forced the bravest of the captive warriors to perform the duties of cooks and scullions. These lofty spirits were thus inspired with the fiercest desire for revenge. A plot was formed. The ser- vants suddenly made an attempt to kill their master, and De Soto was struck down senseless by a blow from the treacherous cacique. The Spaniards rallied, and after a short struggle, in which they lost several men, killed the greater number of the Indians, including the cacique. They then hastily left this fatal country, and marched for Appalachen. The savages harassed the invaders continually during the march, but could not be brought to a general action. Appala- chen was deserted by its inhabitants. De Soto determined, in order to end the skirmishing, to get possession of the prince of the country, and force him to command hostilities to cease. This was accomplished. The Spaniards captured the fort of palisades IN FLORIDA. 19 in which he was confined, and seized the sovereign. After a short captivity, his subjects found means to rescue him. De Soto found no gold at Appalachen; but pleased with the country, he ordered his fleet to come from the Bay of Spiritu Santo to the neighboring coast, and resolved to spend the winter there. During their stay, information was communicated to the Spaniards by two captives, that a country existed to the north- west, abounding in gold and precious stones; and imagining them- selves to be approaching a second Peru, they eagerly marched from Appalachen, at the end of March, 1540. Four days after, they crossed a broad river, continually harassed by the attacks of the natives, who surprised and killed a small party of men. De Soto, in leaving the marshy and hostile country of Florida, adopted a more decided plan of conciliation in regard to the natives, and so far succeeded that he was allowed a free passage through their country. The guides conducted them over a long route till they came to the Savannah river. The country on the opposite bank was called Cofacique, the queen of which wel- comed the invaders and supplied their wants. The country being extremely fertile, many of the Spaniards wished to settle in it, but De Soto, disappointed in not finding gold and gems, would not listen to the proposal. In the beginning of May, the army left Cofacique, having pre- viously excited the hostility of the natives, and captured the hospitable queen, who escaped on the frontier of her country. De Soto pursued his course through the Cherokee territory, and over branches of the Appalachians until, finding the reports con- cerning the country northward to be very contradictory, he de- termined to retreat southward and seek supplies in his rendezvous on the Gulf of Mexico. He adopted a new policy in his treat- ment of the natives. When he entered Coosa, he seized the person of the cacique, and compelled him to issue orders as he wished. The same system was practised on the cacique of Tus- caloosa, a fierce and proud chief, ruling over extensive territories. He concealed his indignation at being made a prisoner, and studiously supplied the wants of the strangers; but meditated a terrible revenge. When the Spaniards reached the town of Mau- vila, (Mobile) De Soto was apprised of the hostile intent of the natives, and prepared his men. At a chosen signal, thousands of enemies appeared, and a fierce conflict ensued. The Spaniards set the town on fire, and even then only succeeded in defeating their enemies after a most obstinate struggle. It is said that some thousands of the savages fell in the battle, the invaders had eighteen killed and many severely wounded, while all their bag- gage was burnt in the town. De Soto was now near the sea shore, and his men wished to 20 INDIAN WARS return; but pride would not let him. He resolved to plunge anew into the depths of the American continent, in the hopes of finding something to reward his adventure. He directed hia march northwest into the valley of the Mississippi, a region hitherto unexplored. After hard marching and fighting, he came to Chicaja, the capital of the Chickasaws. Here he passed the winter. In the spring, when the Spaniards were preparing to etart, they were attacked by the natives in -the night time. They might have been all cut off had not the horses frightened tha Indians, and thus aided their masters in repulsing them. Eleven Spaniards were killed, and they lost about fifty horses. Un- daunted by this disaster, De Soto pushed forward till he came to the broad river Mississippi, then called Chucagna, or great river. His passage being opposed, it was twenty days before he could construct barges and transport his men. After passing through the deserted country of Aquico, he came to the country of the Kaskaskia Indians. They were conciliated, and De Soto marched as far northward as Copaha, supposed to be the territory now included in the State of Missouri. There he resolved to check his wanderings, there being no prospect of his obtaining any of the objects he sought. Proceeding westward to the White river, he turned his march southward, and descended the Ked river to the Mississippi. His men were now reduced in number to fire hundred and his horses to forty. The natives were conciliated, and De Soto strove to secure reverence for his own person by per- suading them he was the child of the sun. Amid his anxieties and distresses, he was seized with a foysr, which in a few days closed his earthly career. On the death of their commander the troops were struck with alaon. Moscoso, his successor, attempted to conceal the event from the Indians, burying De Soto in the centre of the Father of Waters, which ho had dis- covered. The whole party then set to work to make seven brig- an tines for descending the Mississippi, it having been ascertained that it was almost impossible to reach Mexico by land. When the vessels were completed, the Spaniards embarked, and after a passage of fifty-two days, during which they were pursued and harassed by the Indians, they arrived, reduced to the number of three hundred and eleven men, at the port of Panuco, Mexico. In four years they had inarched upwards of five thousand miles, through a hostile wilderness; but had achieved nothing. Adventurers of another nation appeared soon after to dispute the possession of the country. Acting under the orders of Ad- miral Coligni, who desired to found a refuge for the persecuted French colonists, Jean Ribaut, a mariner of great ability, set sail from Dieppe, February 15th, 1562, and landed on the snores of the river afterwards called St. Matthew, in the northern part BMNASDO DS 8)10 DISCOVERING THE MISSISSIPPI UlVilR. IN FLORIDA. 23 of Florida, leaving Captain Albert in command at a fort built on an island in the bay of Port Royal, Ribaut then attempted to prosecute a farther voyage of discovery; but was soon obliged to return to Dieppe. The Indians acted towards the French in a friendly manner; and when the non-arrival of reinforcements, and the want of supplies, forced them to leave the country, they furnished them with the materials for equipping a brigantine. The subsequent misfortunes of the French do not belong to this history. Another expedition, under command of Rene de Laudonniere, was sent out by Coligni, and reached the coast of Florida in June, 1524. The Indian sachems received the French in as kind a manner as be- fore. They showed them the monument erected by Ribaut and seemed proud to make their alliance. A fort was built about two leagues from the mouth of the river St. Matthew, or May, as the French called it, and a serious attempt made to found a colony. Laudonniere often assisted the friendly tribes against their hostile neighbors; by which course he made his situation a difficult and dangerous one, although successful in the open contests with the enemy. At length, when supplies began to fail, Laudonniere broke his alliance with his former friends, and took Outina, the cacique, for whom he hoped to get a high 24 INDIAN WARS THE INDIANS SI10WISO LACDO.VSLERE THE MOXTMEST. ransom, prisoner. The Indians were irritated, and when Outina was set at liberty, they at once prepared for war. Long arrows were stuck in the fields with scalps hanging at the tops, and the navigation of the river obstructed to prevent the French from returning to Fort Carolina. Several soldiers who had strayed from the main body were cut off; and a detachment of thirty men, under Ottigny, was attacked by a large force of Indians. Several men were killed, twenty-two wounded, and the boats tc which they fled had great difficulty in regaining the fort. The French were only saved from utter ruin, by the relief ex- tended by an English captain, named Hawkins, who, with four vessels was exploring the coast. As Laudonniere was preparing to leave the country, Jean Bibaut arrived from France, with several vessels and large reinforcements. Ribaut succeeded Lau- donniere, as governor of the colony. Soon after, a large force of the Spanish Catholics, under Pedro de Melendez, arrived on the coast and established the fort St. Augustine. The object of the Spaniards was the expulsion of the Protestant French from Florida. In the bloody scenes which followed, throwing a detest- able infamy on the name of the savage Melendez, the Indians took no part. It is enough to say, that the French were all either butchered, or driven out of the country. When, in the latter part of 1567, Dominic de Gorgues came to Florida to revenge the massacre of his countrymen, the Indians joined him, in great force. The Spanish forts, which were under command of Villareal, were attacked in a furious manner, and the enemy being pla< 3d between two fires, but few escaped. Many were taken and reserved for a more dreadfiU KXJAHOMTAS EESCUISQ CAPTAIN BMITII. IN FLORIDA. 27 death. They were hung on trees, and the inscription, "I do not this as unto Spaniards and mariners, but as unto traitors, rob- bers and murderers," was placed over them by the revengeful De Grorgues. After receiving the congratulations of the Indians, as their deliverer, he then returned to France. No further attempts were made to establish colonies in Florida by the French, although it had been proved that the Indians, when well treated, were kindly disposed, and willing to assist them. CAPTAIX JOHN SMITH. CHAPTER II. THE INDIAN WARS OF THE COLONISTS OF VIRGINIA. IN pursuing the history of the wars between the white and Indian races, it is observable, that though the different contests had different immediate causes; the grand causes of Indian hos- tility were the invasion of their territory and the belief that the whites would eventually take possession of the whole country. Subsequent events have clearly shown the foresight of the In- dians, and their determined resistance should, therefore, excite our admiration. The first permanent settlement of the English was made at Jamestown, on the James river, Virginia, in 1607. The emi- grants were one hundred in number, Captain John Smith beicp the most prominent person. The Indians were at first friendly to the English. A trade was opened with them, and besides relieving their distresses, they instructed them in the mode of raising Indian corn. But in the extremity of their suffering from famine, the settlers forgot to conciliate their warlike neighbors, and some of their number C28) OF THE COLONISTS OF VIRGINIA. 31 suffered the consequences of error. Among others, Captain Smith nearly lost his life; being captured and taken into the presence of the king, Powhatau, he was condemned to die, and only saved by the interposition of Pocahontas, the king's favorite daughter. As long as Smith remained in the colony, his known valor and activity awed the Indians iuto maintaining peace. When Smith was forced to return to England, every provocation was given to them to begin hostilities, by the reckless settlers, and they were not backward. Supplies of provisions were withheld, and the whites so harassed that their number was reduced to sixty per- sons, a few left to communicate the miseries of the " Starving Time." The arrival of the judicious Lord Delaware, with a large num- ber of emigrants and supplies of provisions restored order, and the Indians were again taught to revere the power of the English. la 1612, the marriage of Pocahontas took place. It was the accidental result of treachery. A scarcity prevailing at James- town, Captain Argal was sent to the Potomac for a cargo of corn. Learning that Pocahontas was living near where he then was, and hoping Powhatan would offer provisions to ransom his daughter, Argal enticed her on board his vessel, and in spite of her entreaties conveyed her to Jamestown. The indignant Pow- hatan rejected the demand of a ransom, but promised, if his daughter was restored, to forget the injury and supply the wants of the colonists. During her residence in the settlement, Poca- hontas made such an impression on Mr. Kolfe, a young man of rank, that he offered her his hand and solicited the consent of Powhatan in marriage. This was granted and the ceremony was performed with great pomp. Powhatan, one of the most sagacious of the Indian sachems, saw through the designs of the English, and was con- etantly getting into difficulties with them. But his death pre- vented the terrible execution of his schemes. Although not holding the office of chief sachem, Opekankanough was the great leader of the Indians after Powhatau' s death. His name is con- nected with one of the most dreadful massacres recorded in the history of savage warfare. By a series of mutual insults and outrages, the Indians and the English had become almost open foes. Opekankanough resolved to exterminate the whites if pos- sible, and fixed upon the 22d of March, 1622, as the day of vengeance. Only fourteen days before the massacre, Nemattanow, a re- nowned warrior, and known among the English as Jack-of-tlie- feather, came among them, and induced one Morgan to take some commodities to Pamunkey, to trade with the Indians. Mor- 32 INDIAN WARS CHANCO GIVING INFOKMATION OP THE INTEITDED MASSACRE. gan went, and never returned. As he went in company with Nemattanow, and the warrior returned with his cap upon his head, and reported his death, the servants of Morgan shot the supposed murderer. Although Nemattanow was his rival in reputation, Opekankanough affected great grief at his death, and skilfully used the circumstance to inflame his warriors to revenge. By his dissimulation, Opekankanough completely lulled the suspicions of the English; and just before the massacre, he re- ceived one of their messengers, and treated him kindly, assuring him, that the sky should fall, before he would violate the peace with the whites. Never was a plot better contrived. On the morning of the 22d of March, the Indians came unarmed among their intended victims, and even sat down to breakfast with them. The English loaned them the boats with which they communi- cated with other tribes, and gave them utensils, which were con- verted into offensive weapons. The hour arrived ; and suddenly, the Indians sprang like tigers from their ambushes, and appeared in overwhelming numbers, in the midst of the English settle- ments. The dread whoop was heard in all directions, and de- struction followed. Age, sex, nor condition, saved the devoted ones, and in the space of an hour, three hundred and forty-seven men, women, and children ware butchered. Out of eighty plan- OPECANCANOUOH OP THE COLONISTS OP VIRGINIA. 35 tations, six only were left uninjured; and these were saved by the timely warning of a Christian Indian called Chanco. The English spent the ensuing summer in strengthening them- selves against further attacks, and preparing for revenge. To attain their object, they were compelled to use means as treacher- ous as those of the Indians. For, under pretence of making peace again with them, they fell upon them unawares, and mur- dered them without mercy. It was, for some time, reported that Opekankanough was among the slain. But the same sachem executed a still more terrible massacre twenty-two years after- wards, and is thus related by Mr. Drake, in his Book of the Indians. How long Opekankanough had been secretly plotting to cut off the intruders of his soil, cannot be known; but, in 1644, all the Indians, over a space of country of six hundred miles in ex- tent, were leagued in the enterprise. The old chief at this time, was supposed to be near one hundred years of age, and, though unable to walk, would be present in the execution of his beloved project. It was upon the 18th of April, when Opekankanough, borne in a litter, led his warriors forward, and commenced the bloody work. They began at the frontiers, with a determination to slay all before them, to the sea. After continuing the massacre two days, in which time about five hundred persons were mur- dered, Sir William Berkeley, at the head of an armed force, checked their progress. The destruction of the inhabitants was the greatest upon York and Pamunkey rivers, where Opekanka- nough commanded in person. The Indians now, in their turn, were driven to great extremity, and their old chief was taken prisoner, and carried in triumph to Jamestown. How long after the massacre this happened, we are not informed; but it is said, that the fatigues he had previously undergone, had wasted away his flesh, and destroyed the elasticity of his muscles to that de- gree, that he was no longer able to raise the eyelids from hia eyes; and it was in this forlorn condition, that he fell into the hands of his enemies. A soldier, who had been appointed to guard him, barbarously fired upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound. He was supposed to have been prompted to the bloody deed, from a recollection of the old chief's agency in the mas- sacre. Just before he expired, hearing a great bustle and crowd about him, he ordered an attendant to lift up his eyelids; when he discovered a multitude pressing around, to gratify the untimely curiosity of beholding a dying sachem. Undaunted in death, and roused, as it were, from sleep, at the conduct of the confused multitude, he deigned not to observe them; but, raising himself from the ground, with the expiring breath of authority, com- manded that the governor should be called to him. When the 36 INDIAN WARS governor came, Opekankanough said, with indignation, "Had it been my fortune to have taken Sir William Berkeley prisoner, I would not meanly have exposed him as a show to my people " and soon after expired. It is said, and we have no reason to doubt the fact, that it was owing to the encroachments upon his 'ands, that Opekan- kanough determined upon a massacre of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, conformable to the grants of the proprietors. He could hardly have expected entire conquest, as his people had already begun to waste away, and English villages were springing up over an extent of country of more than five hundred miles, with a populousness beyond any preceding exam- ple; still, he was determined upon the vast undertaking, and sacrificed himself with as much honor, it will, perhaps, be ac- knowledged, as did Leonidas at Thermopylae. The successors of Opekankanough maintained peace with the English until the settlements were sufficiently powerful to compel its observance. In 1656, Totopotomoi was king of Paraunkey. In that year, a large tribe of Indians, called Rechahecrians. '"noe down from the inland mountainous country, and forcibly tooK possession of the country about the falls of James river. The legislature of Virginia was then in session, and it determined to send an armed force to dispossess the intruders. For that pur- pose, one hundred men were raised, and put under command of faptain Edward Hill, who was joined by Totopotomoi, with one hundred Indians. This force did not find the llechahecriana unprepared. A bloody battle ensued. Of the detail, we are not informed. The result, however, was disastrous to the allies. Totopotomoi, with most of his warriors, was slain, and the Eng- lish totally defeated, owing, it was said, to the criminal conduct of Captain Hill. This officer lost his commission, and his pro- perty was taken to defray the losses of the country. A peace seems to have been concluded with the Rechahecrians soon after. The Indians renewed hostilities some years after, during the administration of Sir William Berkeley, when the declining state f the colony seemed to offer impunity to attack. The remote settlements were first assailed, and then incursions made into the interior of the country. The dissensions of the colonists pre- vented them from taking measures of defence or retaliation. At this time began the rebellion of Nathaniel Bacon. That daring leader raised a large force to march against the Indians; but the refusal of Berkeley to sanction his commission, led him to em- ploy his men in the overthrow of the government at Jamestown. The Indians were compelled to conclude a treaty of peace as Boon as the rebellion was suppressed. This was their last serious war with the Virginia settlers. As the whites advanced into the OP THE COLONISTS OF VIRGINIA. 39 country with rapid strides, the tribes which had given the early settlers much trouble, were either totally destroyed, or retired to the farther west. The kingdom of Powhatan was in possession of the whites, and the desperate measures of Opekankanough were remembered but as the last efforts of a conquered nation. SETTLEM1NT OF BOSTON. CHAPTER III. EARLY INDIAN WARS IN NEW ENGLAND. THE history of the settlers of New England is fraught with the troubles of Indian hostilities. In 1620, a company belonging to Mr. Robinson's church, at Leyden, in Holland, foreseeing many inconveniences likely to increase, from the residence of English dissenters under a foreign government, and hoping to find an asylum, and a refuge from persecution in the New World, applied to King James for liberty to place themselves in some part of New England; and obtained a grant of some place about Hudson river. They set sail from Plymouth, in September, and after a boisterous passage found themselves in Massachusetts Bay, considerably to the north of their destination. But the approach of winter, and other causes, forced them to land at the nearest convenient spot, and on the 22d of December, 1620, they disembarked upon the spot afterwards called Plymouth. The settlers numbered one hundred and one persons. After this beginning, other settlements were established at favorable points on the coast. (40) IN NEW ENGLAND. 43 The principal tribes in the neighborhood of the settlers, were the Pequods, the Mohicans, the Narragansetts, and the Wam- panoags. Some of these Indians displayed their hostility soon after the settlement was begun at Plymouth ; but the majority of them seemed disposed to friendship. On the 16th of March, 1621, the whites were surprised by an Indian coming boldly alone into Plymouth, and crying out, " Welcome, Englishmen ! welcome, Englishmen !" He was the sagamore of a neighboring tribe, and named Samoset. He had learned to speak broken English from the fishermen, who came to the coast. Through his influence, a treaty was concluded with Massasoit, the greatest king of the surrounding country, and it was observed by him for fifty years. The Narragansetts early manifested enmity to the English; but were daunted by the resolution and activity of Miles Standish and his few men. Massasoit revealed a plot of the Massachusetts In- dians to attack the settlers at Wessagusset; and Standish, taking with him eight men, proceeded to the place where the conspirators met, and killed them all. A skirmish with a party of Indians followed, in which they were put to flight. The Wessagusset settlers, however, abandoned that place and returned to Ply- mouth. The Indians were awed by this prompt display of power They wanted a Philip to teach them their strength. As the number of settlements increased, an-d spread to Con- necticut and Massachusetts, the hostility of the Indians was awakened. Several schemes of Miantonimo, the chief of the Narragansetts, were detected, and their execution prevented. All the Indians east and west of the Connecticut river, except the Pequods, became tributary to the first settlers of Connecticut. The Pequods had spread their conquests over a vast extent of country, and were superior to all other tribes except the Narra- gansett,!. Between these two, a deadly feud existed. Sassacus was the first chief of the Pequods known to the English. He considered the settlers as invaders of his country, and was at all times anxious to repel them. It is not surely ascertained which party gave the provocation which led to the Pequod war. The English relate that the Pequods murdered the captain and crew of a vessel which sailed into the Connecticut river, in 1633. The Indians admitted the murder, but asserted that Captain Stone had taken two of thei'r men by force, to pilot his vessel up the river. This matter, how- ever, was amicably settled by treaty. Other outrages followed, the perpetrators taking refuge among the Pequods, who would not yield them upon demand of the English. The governor of Connecticut then sent Captain John Endicott, with ninety men, against them. Onthe arrival of Endicott in the Pequod country, 44 INDIAN WARS the Indians retreated into a swamp, where it was difficult to come at them. Only two were killed, but the English burned their wigwams, and then concluded a treaty with the Narragansetts, who could bring five thousand fighting men into the field. The Pequocfs, emboldened by Endinott's failure, continued their predatory incursions. They killed several men and women, and a large number of cattle. The colony Jetermined to make another and a greater effort to stop their proceedings. In the month of M'ay, 1636, a force from Connecticut, under John Mason, consisting of ninety Englishmen, and about seventy Mo- hicans, under the command of the sachem, Uncas, departed for the Peq,uod country. Arriving at Saybrook, Mason sent back part of his men to protect the settlements on the Connecticut. He was soon afterwards joined by a great number of Indians; so that when he set out, he was at the head of nearly six hundred men. He arrived in sight of the fort erected by the Pequods, about sunset. The Narragansetts could not be persuaded to attack an enemy in a fort; and a portion of them retired, while the rest formed themselves into a semi-circle at some dis- tance, to intercept such Pequods as should escape the English. Mason approached the fort just before daybreak. It would have been surprised but for the barking of a dog, which roused the garrison to a knowledge of its danger. They made a vigorous resistance, and the assailants were finally obliged to set fire to the fort. The Pequods then rushed through the flames to escape, but were nearly all killed. Between five and six hundred of them perished in the battle. The English lost two men killed, and sixteen were wounded. Sassacus, who was in another fort, hearing of the battle, sent three hundred men to assist his coun- trymen. This body was encountered by Mason, and obliged to retire to the top of the hill on which the fort had stood. On seeing its ruins, they became so enraged, that they lost all fear, and rushed down upon the English with such force, that the latter were compelled to make a rapid retreat of six miles, when they reached their vessels and returned to Hartford. The three hundred Pequods returned to Sassacus. A council was then held, and it was settled, that the tribe could no longer remain in safety in the country. Accordingly, they dispersed, and Sassacus, having destroyed the village, proceeded towards the Hudson river. Hearing of Mason's brilliant success, the governor of Massachusetts sent an expedition to destroy all straggling parties which might remain in the neighborhood. A great battle was fought at a swamp in Fairfield, in which a large number of the savages were killed, and about two hundred taken. Sassacus, however, was destined to meet his death from the red man's hand. He fled to the country of the powerful Mohawks. THE TElATr WITH MiSSASOII, IN NEW ENGLAND. 47 These Indians, instead of protecting him, put him to death, and sent his head to Connecticut. The few Pequods who remained alive, took refuge among the surrounding tribes, and their nation lived but in memory. The destruction of this large and powerful tribe was the only measure which could secure the colonists from their constant hatred and annoyance, Between the white and the red man, it was a struggle for self-preservation, and an unbiassed judgment will consider the circumstances in which the colonists were placed before condemning them for unnecessary cruelty. The fate of the Pequods was a terrible one j but it served a very important purpose in striking awe upon the other tribes ; and there is no reason to doubt, that the dreadful massacre of this tribe was instrumental in preserving the long peace which intervened be- tween that event and the terrible war with King Philip, which srill form the subject of the next chapter. CHAPTEB IV. KING PHILIP'S WAR. THE treaty of peace concluded between Massasoit and the English at Plymouth, soon after the landing of the latter, was maintained faithfully until after the death of that sachem. He was succeeded by his son, whom the English had named Alex- ander. Although this chief displayed on all occasions a decided friendship for his white neighbors, his death was either caused entirely, or hastened, by their suspicious violence. Suspecting that Alexander was plotting with the Narragansetts to rise against the English, the council of Plymouth resolved to bring him before them to answer for his conduct. The following account of the capture and death of the chief, is taken from the narrative of William Hubbard, a contemporary writer : " The person to whom that service was committed, was a pru- dent and resolute gentleman, the present governor of the said colony, (Winslow,) who was neither afraid of danger, nor yet willing to delay in a matter of that moment; he, forthwith, taking eight or ten stout men with him, well armed, intended to have gone to the said Alexander's dwelling, distant at least forty miles from the governor's house, but by a good providence, he found him whom he went to seek at a hunting house, within (48) OP KING PHILIP. 51 six miles of the English towns, where the said Alexander, with about eighty men, were newly come in from hunting, and had left their guns without doors, which Major Winslow, with his small company, wisely seized, and conveyed away, and then went into the wigwam, and demanded Alexander to go along with him before the governor, at which message he was Kiuch appalled, but being told by the undaunted messenger, that if he stirred or re- fused to go, he was a dead man; he was, by one of his chief counsellors, in whose advice he most confided, persuaded to go along to the governor's house; but such was the pride and height of his spirit, that the very surprisal of him, so raised his choler and indignation, that it put him into a fever, which, notwith- standing all possible means that could be used, seemed mortal; whereupon, entreating those that held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home, promising to return again if he recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so do; on that consideration he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got half way home." Surely, this act was a violation of all international right. Alexander's people had kept unbroken faith with the English ever since 1620. Yet, thei" prince was surprised and deprived of liberty, without the sligh est proof of guilt, which, had they even possessed, they would n^t have had the right to make him a captive. This was one amox g the many just causes of the ter- rible war which Alexander's brother was about to begin. The younger brother of the unfortunate chief succeeded him as sachem of the Wampanoags. He had been named Philip by the English at the same time the name of Alexander was given to his brother; his Indian name was Metacomet. He was already known to possess an active and haughty spirit. Doubtless, the designs of Philip were formed at this time; but until they were sufficiently matured, he kept them well covered. He came to Plymouth, in 1662, and renewed the treaty with the English, his people had so long observed. A n apparent good feeling ex- isted between the parties for severi \ years after this. During this period, Philip entered into a ar against the Mohawks, whom he finally defeated in 1669. The first rupture between the Wariv ianoag chief and the colon- ists, occurred in April, 1671. The Plymouth government ac- cused him of meditating hostilities, and arming and training his warriors. He, in return, complained of encroachments upon his planting grounds. A conference was held at Taunton, at which Philip admitted the truth of the charges against him, promised amendment, and signed a new treaty. It was afterwards made clear, that this submission was but to gain time. With the same object, he visited Boston, in August, 1671, and succeeded in 52 INDIAN WARS lulling the suspicions of the Massachusetts government. Another conference followed, and the sachem made still greater promises to the governments of Plymouth and Massachusetts. This pur- pose was fully answered, and nothing occurred for three years to rouse the suspicions of the whites. During all this time, Philip was most active in completing the vast designs which he had formed. His first object was, the union of all the New England tribes; and to effect this, he used all the arts of persuasion, of which he was a master. His success proves his ability. From the St. Croix to the Housatonic, the Indian tribes were formed into a vast confederacy, of which Philip was acknowledged as the head. The Wampanoags and the Narragansetts were the most powerful of these confederates. The immediate occasion of Philip's taking up arms was this. An Indian, named John Sausaman, who. had been educated at Cambridge, and employed as a schoolmaster among the Chris- tianized Indians, and had subsequently joined Philip, and acted as his confidential secretary, after becoming acquainted with his plans, deserted Kim, and turned spy and informer. In January, 1675, the body of Sausaman was found thrust under the ice in Assawomset Pond, and from subsequent developements, it was ascertained that he had been murdered, and by Philip's orders. Three Indians were convicted of the murder, and executed at Plymouth ; and Philip, suspecting that an attempt would be made to capture him for trial, resolved to anticipate his enemies 1 pro- jects, and begin the war at once. The Wampanoags sent their wives and children to the Narra- fansetts for security, and began to threaten the inhabitants of wanzey. Growing bolder, they killed the cattle, and rifled the houses of the English, one of whom fired upon and wounded an Indian. This was the trump that roused both parties to action. Several of the inhabitants of Swanzey were murdered on the 24th of June, 1675. The Plymouth government sent information of the state of things about Mount Hope to the government of Mas- sachusetts, and desired their speedy assistanoe. On the 28th, a foot company, under Captain Daniel Henchman, and a troop, under Captain Thomas Prentice, marching from Boston, joined the Plymouth force, under Captain Cudworth, at Swanzey, and marched into Philip's country. A skirmish with the Indians followed, in which the English had one man killed and one wounded, but succeeded in driving their enemies to their swamp, with the loss of five men. At the same time, the Indians at- tacked Taunton, Namasket, and Dartmouth, burning a consider- able number of houses, and killing many of the inhabitants. On the 15th of July, Captain Hutchinson led a large force into the Narragansett country, and concluded a treaty with that OF KING PHILIP. 55 tribe. This was to prevent them from joining the forces under Philip. At the same time, Captain Cudworth despatched Cap- tain Fuller and Lieutenant Church, with fifty men, to Pocasset, where Philip commanded, either to conclude a peace, if the enemy wished it, or to fight them, if necessary. This force was divided into two parties after reaching Pocasset, Captain Fuller leading one towards the sea shore, and Church marching further into the neck. Fuller found the Indians too strong for him, and after some skirmishing, he fled to the sea shore, and with his men, was taken off by a sloop. Church, with only fifteen men, found the Indians in great force near the peas-field; and he, too, was forced to retreat to the sea shore, where, however, he valor- ously defended himself against the great numbers of the Indians, until all the ammunition of his little band was spent; and even then, the Indians were forced to let the sloop take them off in safety. In this skirmish, the colonists killed fifteen of the In- dians, and did not lose a man. After obtaining a reinforcement from Rhode Island, Captain Church boldly returned to Pocasset. Another skirmish followed, in which the Indians lost fourteen or fifteen men, and Philip was then forced to retreat to a great swamp. Not being able to reach the enemy in this strong hold, Church held them at bay until the arrival of the main body of the Plymouth troops, and then the whole pushed further into the swamp. As the contemporary writer, Hubbard, quaintly remarks : " It is ill fighting with a wild beast in his own den;" and so the Plymouth men found it. They, therefore, resolved to starve the enemy into submission. Philip knew his doom if he should become a prisoner to the Eng- lish, and was determined never to fall alive into their hands. Selecting about two hundred of his best warriors, he contrived to cross an arm of the sea near the swamp, and thus escaped into the country of the Nipmucks. In the same manner, all but one hundred of the women and children, who submitted to the Eng- lish, succeeded in getting away. Upon discovering this, the English set off in pursuit, aided by the Mohican Indians. About thirty of Philip's men were cut off from the rear and slain; the rest escaped unharmed. The Nipmucks had already commenced hostilities by killing five persons at Mendham. .Without being aware of this, Captain Hutchinson, with twenty horse, marched into their country to reclaim the fugitives. He fell into an ambuscade at Brookfield, on the 2d of August, and lost sixteen men. An attack was then made upon that town; but the arrival of Major'Willard, with forty-eight dragoons, saved it from destruction. Philip joined the Nipmucks on the next day. At this time, the Indians on the Connecticut river commenced hostilities. Captains Lothroji 66 INDIAN WARS and Beers, with a small force, drove the Hadley Indiana from their dwellings, and pursued them to Sugarloaf Hill, ten miles distant, where a skirmish took place, in which nine or ten of the English were slain, and about twenty-six of the Indians; the re- mainder escaped, and soon joined Philip. Deerfield, Hatfield, and other places, felt the force of the In- dian's vengeance. An attack upon Hadley was repulsed, chiefly through the exertions of Goffe, one of the judges of Charles L, whc lay concealed in that town. Several of the inhabitants of Northfield were killed; and the next day, Captain Beers, with thirty-six men, marching to the assistance of that place, was way- laid, and after a desperate battle, the captain and twenty men were slain; the others escaped to Hadley. Northfield was soon after destroyed by the Indians. Captain Lothrop, with about eighty men, proceeding from Deerfield to Hadley, was waylaid near Sugarloaf Hill, by about seven hundred Indians, and after a hard fought battle, nearly the whole party was destroyed. The report of the guns being heard at Deerfield, Captain Moscly hastened forward to the relief of Lothrop. He arrived in time to renew the fight, and being joined by Major Treat, with a force of English and Mohicans, he compelled the foe to seek safety in a distant forest. As the Indians were emboldened by the destruction of Lothrop's party, and the English forces were much diminished, Mosely thought it best to abandon Deerfield, and employ his strength in defending the three next towns on the Connecticut river. In October, the Indians of Springfield, so long friends to the whites, formed a plan to burn that village, and received into their fort about three hundred of Philip's warriors. A friendly Indian gave the inhabitants warning of their danger; but they were too credulous, and suffered themselves to be deluded until the time for action was at hand. But for the timely arrival of Major Treat, with a strong body of troops, the whole place would have been destroyed. As it was, thirty-two houses met the fate in- tended for all. On the 19th of October, Hadley was attacked by seven hundred Indians; but the valiant conduct of the troops stationed at that place, forced them to retire. After this repulse, the Indians all retired to the rendezvous at Narragansett. The approach of winter seemed to put a check to their enterprises. In all the operations of the war thus far, Philip was the ruling ppirit among his countrymen. His activity, bravery, and cun- ning had been displayed on all occasions; and there remained no doubt of his being the most formidable chief the English ever had to encounter. A a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies waa held on the 9th of September. It was concluded that the war F KING PHILIP. BURZflNQ OF SPRINGFIELD was just, and that it should be prosecuted to the utmost of their power. It was resolved to raise a thousand men with all expe- dition, and Josiah Winslow, the governor of Plymouth, was ap- pointed commander in chief. The Narragansetts were considered as the accessories of Philip in his outrages, or, as many will say at the present time, his allies in the war; and hostilities were to be directed against them. The forces of the three colonies assembled at Petaquamscut, on the 18th of December, and marched through a deep snow to- wards the enemy. The Narragansetts had retired to a small piece of dry land, in a great swamp, seven miles from Newport. Here they collected stores, and built the strongest fort they ever had in this country. A circle of palisades was surrounded by a fence of trees, a rod in thickness. The entrance was on a long tree over the water, that only one person could pass at a time. This was guarded in such a manner, that every attempt to enter would have been fatal. By the help of Peter, an Indian pri- soner, but now a necessary guide, one vulnerable spot was dis- covered; at one corner the fort was not raised more than four or five feet in height, opposite to this spot a block house was erected, so that a torrent of balls might be poured into the gap General Winslow, with fifteen hundred men from Massachu- setts, and three hundred from Connecticut, with one hundred and sixty Indians, being arrived near the place about one o'clock, having travelled eighteen miles without refreshment or rest, dis- covered a party of the enemy, upon whom they instantly poured 60 INDIAN WARS a shower of balls; the Indians returned the fire and fled into the fort. The English pursued, and without waiting to reconnoitre or even to form, rushed into the fort after them; but so terrible was the fire from the enemy, they were obliged to retire. The whole army then made a united onset; hardly were they able to maintain their ground ; some of their bravest captains fell. In this awful crisis, while the scale of victory hung doubtful, some of the Connecticut men, who were in the rear on the opposite side, where was a narrow place destitute of palisades, leaped over the fence of trees, and fell on the rear of the enemy. This decided the contest. They were soon totally routed. As they fled, their wigwams were set on fire. Instantly six hundred of their dwellings were in a blaze. Awful was the mo- ment to the poor savages. Not only were they flying from their last hope of safety, and from their burning houses, but their torn, their provisions, and even many of their aged parents and help- less children, were fuel for the terrible conflagration. They could behold the fire, they could hear the last cries of their ex- piring families; but could afford them no relief. Seven hundred of their warriors they had left dead on the field of battle; three OF KING PHILIP. 61 hundred more afterwards died of their wounds. They had been driven from their country, and from their pleasant fire sides : now, their last hopes were torn from them; their cup of suffer- ings was full. Sad was the day of victory to the English. Six brave cap- tains fell before their eyes; eighty men were killed or fatally wounded; one hundred and fifty were wounded who recovered. Twenty fell in the fort, ten or twelve died the same day, on their march back to their camp, which they reached about midnight; it was cold and stormy, and the snow deep; several died the next morning, so that this day, December 20th, they buried thirty- four in one grave. By the 22d, forty were dead, and by the end of January, twenty more. Of the three hundred from Connec- ticut, eighty were killed or wounded. Of their five captains, three were killed, and one so wounded, that he never recovered. [n the fort they had taken a large number of prisoners, about three hundred warriors, and as many women and children. It was supposed that four thousand natives were in the fort when the assault was made. The natives never recovered the loss of this day. The destruc- tion of their provisions in the fort, was the occasion of great dis- tresses in the course of the winter. But a thaw, in January, gave them some relief, when a party fell on Mendon, and laid it in ashes. In February, they received some recruits from Canada ; when they burned Lancaster, and took forty captives, among whom was Mrs. Rowlandson, the minister's wife, he being on a journey to Boston to obtain soldiers for their defence. Marlbo- rough, Sudbury, and Chelmsford soon felt the terror of their arms. February 21st, they penetrated as far as Medfield, burned half the town, and killed about twenty of the inhabitants; in four days they were in Weymouth on the sea shore, and in the same month, they dared to enter Plymouth, and destroy two families. Had they been so disposed fifty years before, instead of two families, they might easily have .destroyed the whole colony. In March, they were in Warwick, and burned the town. They were pursued by Captain Pierce, with fifty English and twenty Indian soldiers, but he was overpowered by numbers, him- self and forty-nine of the English, with eight of the Indians, being slain, after they had killed one hundred and forty of the enemy. The same day, Marlborough was in flames, and several people were killed at Springfield. On the 18th of May, a party of one hundred soldiers marched to Deerfield, and surprised a large party of Indians stationed there. The red men could make but little resistance, and about three hundred men, women, and children were either killed by the English, or drowned in the Connecticut river. Soon after, 62 INDIAN WARS a party of the Indians rallied, and attacked the whites with great fury. Captain Turner and thirty-eight men were killed. The remainder of the party was brought off by Captain Holyoke. In revenge for the loss sustained by this surprise at Deerfield, six or seven hundred Indians appeared before Hatfield on the 80th of May, and burning several houses and barns, proceeded to attack the houses within the palisades. The approach of a body of young men from Hadley, compelled them to desist; and they retired with the loss of twenty-five men. The Narragan- setts were nearly all driven out of their country by the numerous volunteer companies of the English. Early in June, Major John Talcot, with two hundred and fifty soldiers, and two hundred Mohicans and Pequod Indians marched from Norwich into the Wabaquasset country. But he found it entirely deserted. On the 12th of June, Hadley was again attacked by about seven hundred Indians; but Talcot ap- peared, and drove off the enemy. On the 3d of July, the same commander came up with the main body of the Indians, near a large cedar swamp, and attacked them so suddenly, that a great number were killed upon the spot. The remainder, taking re- fuge in the swamp, were surrounded by the English, and a still greater number were killed or captured. By the 5th of July, when Talcot retired to Connecticut, he had destroyed or taken above three hundred Indians. Disheartened by such disastrous defeats, the Indians began to come to the English in small parties and surrender themselves. Philip fled to the Maquas; but they proving hostile, he was compelled to return to the vicinity of Mount Hope. But his spirit was not broken yet. With all the force he could collect, he fell upon Taunton on the llth of July. The inhabitants had received timely warning, and were prepared. Philip was com- pelled to retire, after burning a few houses. During the month of July, the troops under Captain Mosely and Brattle, and the Plymouth forces, under Major Bradford, killed and captured one hundred and fifty Indians without losing a man. About the same time, the valiant Captain Church, with a small party of eighteen English and twenty-two Indians, fought four battles in one week, killing and capturing seventy-nine of the Indians, without losing a man. On the 25th of July, thirty-six Englishmen and ninety Christian Indians, from Dedham and Med- field, took fifty prisoners, without losing one of their own number. Two days after, Sagamore John, with one hundred and eighty Nipmucks, submitted to the English. Upon the 1st of August, Captain Church captured twenty-three Indians; and on arriving at Philip's headquarters, killed and captured many more. The close of the career of the great chief who had inflicted so OF KING PHILIP. 65 much upon the English, as the invaders of his country, is worthy of particular notice. Quanonchet, the intimate friend of Philip, venturing near the enemy with a few followers, was pursued and taken. When offered life, if he would deliver Philip into the hands of the English, he nobly refused. They condemned him to die by the hands of three young Indian chiefs. The hero re- plied, that he "liked it well; for he should die before his heart was soft, or he had spoken any thing unworthy of himself." But, although the day of adversity was upon Philip, he retained his wife and child as a consolation until after he took refuge at Mount Hope. While there, his quarters were surprised, and the greater part of his people, including his wife and child, killed and captured. The almost deserted chief fled, leaving his dearest ones to the mercy of those who did not feel that virtue. Though defeated, and hunted like a wild beast, Philip was not conquered. The sorcerers attempted to console the chief with the assurance that he should never fall by the hand of an Englishman. Gather- ing his little band around him, he took refuge in an almost in- accessible swamp, there resolved to make a last stand. As an instance of determined spirit and hatred of the English, it is related, that an Indian proposed to make peace with the enemy. Philip instantly laid him dead at his feet. A friend or relation of this man, exasperated at the deed, fled to the English and offered to conduct them to the place of his retreat. Captain Church, awake to the importance of the capture, marched with this welcome guide, upon his certain expedition. Philip had been dreaming the night before, that he had fallen into the hands of the English, and was telling his dream to his men, when Church and his followers rushed in upon them. The battle was short, but desperate. Philip fought till he saw almost all his men fall in his defence, and then turned and fled. He was pur- sued by an Englishman and an Indian. As if the oracle was to be fulfilled, the musket of the former would not go off; the latter fired, and shot him through the heart. Thus fell one whose acts proved him to possess the abilities of a great prince. The colo- nists rejoiced that they were delivered from a terrible enemy, and were not then capable of forming a true judgment of his character. It is evident, Philip did all that was possible for an untutored savage chief to perform, with the object of delivering his country from those he looked upon as invaders. He possessed a mind capable of forming great plans, unwearying activity and perse- verance, the power of moulding men to his purposes, and with much of the cruelty implanted by savage trainings, had some of the finest of human feelings. Although peace was not established securely until some time after Philip's death, the war may be said to have virtually ter- 5 66 INDIAN WARS minated by it. Annawon, a Wampanoag chief, with a few fol- lowers, escaped from the swamp, and for awhile threatened Swanzey. This chief resolved never to be taken alive by the English. Captain Church pursued him with a considerable body of colonists and treacherous Indians, and overtook him as he was preparing a meal at the foot of a precipice. All resistance was useless, and Annawon was forced, despite his resolution, to yield himself and followers prisoners. He was a true Indian warrior. As the victorious Church passed the night upon the spot where Annawon was captured, the chief recounted the injuries he had done the English, and the valiant deeds he had performed in many wars, with a feeling of pride no fear of death could tame. He was taken to Plymouth, and in accordance with the brutal policy of the colonists, was beheaded. The war had lasted fourteen months. The New England colonists had lost six hundred of their number, killed; and had thirteen towns totally, and eleven, partially, destroyed. A heavy debt had also been incurred to defray the expenses of the con- test; and the labors of the Christian missionaries among the In- dians entirely interrupted. Two or three powerful tribes of the native owners of the soil had been annihilated, and the remainder, lacking the spirit of Philip, were reduced to submission. ElJfO WILLTAM IK. CHAPTER V. KING WILLIAM'S WAR. THE territorial disputes of the English, Spaniards, and French were the causes of frequent contests between the claimants, in which the services of the Indians were obtained by the highest bidder. In the south the Spaniards instigated the savages to commit numerous outrages, and the French were equally active and successful in their efforts to awaken the hostility of the northern tribes to the English. To the Indians, it was equally a matter of indifference which of the white nations suffered looking upon all of them as invaders; and they willingly received the presents and promises of the French and Spaniards, and re- paid them with service against those who gave none. The war commonly called by the colonists, "King William's War," commenced in 1688 and ended in 1697. The object of the French was, the expulsion of the English from the northern and middle provinces. The English directed their efforts against (67) 68 INDIAN WARS Canada. The French secured the services of the greater part of the Indians, and the united forces spread death and desolation in all directions. The first hostilities began on the eastern border of Maine, where the boundary was in continual dispute. In the early part of 1688, Sir Edmund Andross, at that time governor- general of New England, sailed to the disputed territory, and plundered the house and chapel of the Baron St. Castine, who occupied the lands under a grant of the French government. This base deed provoked the baron to excite the Indians to war, pretences for which were not wanting on their part. The first blood was shed at North Yarmouth, in September. In the Spring, the Penicook Indians joining those of Saco, they made a dreadful slaughter at Cocheco. Mesandouit, being hos- pitably lodged at Major Waldron's, in the night opened the gate, and a hundred, some say five hundred, Indians rushed into the garrison, murdered the major, and twenty-two others, took twenty- nine prisoners, burned four or five houses, and fled, loaded with plunder. The captives were sold to the French in Canada. Four young men of Saco being abroad, were killed; twenty -four men armed went forth to bury them, and were assaulted by such a number, that they retreated, leaving five or six of their number dead. In August, the enemy took the fort at Pemaquid ; and so frequent were their assaults, and so great the public alarm, that the people retired to Falmouth for safety. The same month, Major Swayn, with seven or eight companies from Mas- sachusetts, relieved the garrison at Blue Point, which was beset with Indians. Major Church, with another party of English and Christian Indians from Plymouth colony, marched to the east- ward. Swayn making his headquarters at Berwick, sent Captain Wiswell and Lieutenant Flag on a scout. Near Winnipisiogee pond, Flag left a number of his friendly Indians, who continued there a number of days. It was afterwards discovered, that they had an interview with the hostile natives, and gave them all the information in their power. So strong is the attachment which binds us to our native country, that often the bonds of gratitude, oaths, and religion, like Samson's cords, burst asunder, when they interfere with this passion. This month Casco was assaulted, and Captain Bracket was killed ; but Captain Hall arriving, a serious engagement followed, which was supported several hours. Of the English, ten or twelve were killed; the enemy fled; and in November the troops were dismissed, excepting a few in the garrisons at Wells, York, Ber- wick, and Cocheco. The next spring, 1690, the French and In- dians fell upon Salmon Falls, burned the greatest part of the town, killed about thirty persons, and took fifty prisoners. Artel was the French commander of this party. On their way to Ca- OF KING WILLIAM. 69 nada, one of their captives, Robert Rogers, endeavoring lo escape, was overtaken, stripped, beaten, tied to a tree, and burned alive. The savages dancing and singing round him, cutting off pieces of his flesh and throwing them in his face In 1690, Count de Frontignac, the able governor of Canada, sent out three expeditions against the English colonies. The first of these marched against Schenectady, a fortified and well built village, about twenty miles above Albany. The party consisted of about two hundred French and fifty Mohawks. After a long and dreary march through the deep snow, in bitter cold weather, they arrived near Schenectady upon the 8th of February. The inhabitants were lulled into the belief of their security, and no watch was kept. The village was then in the form of a long square, with a gate at each end. One gate was not only left open, but unguarded. The French and Indians entered through this, about the middle of the night, and dividing into small parties, they waylaid every portal; and then the piercing war whoop startled the slumberers from their beds. Death met them in all directions. The garrison made a slight resistance; but were soon silenced. For two hours the bloody work went on. All the cruolty attendant upon Indian warfare seemed to be refined or outdone at this devoted village. Sixty-seven persons were put to death, forty were made captives; and of those who fled towards Albany, twenty-five lost their limbs by the frost. The French, having totally destroyed Schenectady, retired, loaded with plunder. The second French expedition proceeded against the settlement at Salmon Falls. This party, consisting of fifty French and In- dians, attacked the village just before day break. Here the inhabitants made a desperate resistance, but were overpowered, and most of them killed or captured. As the assailants retired, they were attacked by one hundred and fifty men ; but succeeded in escaping with some loss. The third expedition attacked Casco, where a number of soldiers were stationed. The garrison de- fended themselves while their ammunition lasted ; and then took refuge in a fort situated in a deep gully. This was attacked, after the town hand been burned. The soldiers withstood a siege of five days, and then the remnant agreed to capitulate. The French commander broke his promise of safety to his prisoners Most of them were butchered, and the rest taken to Canada. The garrisons at Papoodack, Spurwink, Black Point, and Blue Point, were so alarmed, that without orders, they retreated to Saco, twenty miles within Casco; and from Saco, twenty miles further to Wells, and some of them came on further; but recruits arriving, they were inspired with new courage. Soon after Hope- Lood. a chief warrior, who had lived in Boston, had a skirmish 70 INDIAN WARS CAPTAIN CONYERS BURYING THB DEAD. with Captain Sherburn, and the next Sabbath his party killed a man, and burned several houses at Berwick. Three days after, at Fox Point, on Piscataqua, he burned a number of houses, took six prisoners, and killed twelve persons. Captains Greenleaf ano. Floyd came up with him soon after, killed part of his company, retook some of the captives, and a great part of their plunder. At Spruce creek, they killed an old man, and took a woman captive. July 4th, nine persons being at work in a field by Lam- pereel river, all were killed. The same day, Captains Wiswel and Floyd marched from Portsmouth to search the woods. The next day, the garrison at Exeter was assaulted, but relieved by Lieutenant Bancroft with the loss of several men. One of them, Simon Stone, being shot in nine places, lay as if dead among the slain; the Indians coming to strip him, attempted by two blows of a hatchet to sever his head from his body : though they did not effect it, the wounds were dreadful; our people coming upon them suddenly, they did not scalp him; while burying the dead, Stone was observed to gasp; an Irishman present, advised them to give him another blow of the hatchet, and bury him with the rest; but his kind neighbors poured a little water into his mouth, -hen a little spirits, when he opened his eyes; the Irishman was ordered to haul a canoe on shore, in which the wounded man OF KING WILLIAM. 71 might be carried to a surgeon; carelessly pulling it along with his gun, it went off, broke his arm, and rendered him a cripple while he lived. Stone, in a short time, perfectly recovered. In two days, Floyd and Wiswel came upon the enemy at Wheel- right's pond. Fifteen of the English were slain, among whom were Captain Wiswel, Lieutenant Flag, and Sergeant Walker; a great number were wounded. Captain Convers was sent to bury the dead, and bring off the wounded. The same week, Amesbury was assaulted ; three persons killed, and three houses burned; Captain Foot was tortured to death. In September, Major Church, with three hundred men, landed in Casco bay, at Macquoit, and marched to Androscoggin fort, took and killed twenty Indians., set five captives at liberty; and burned the fort. On their return, they sent a party from Winter Harbor up the river, who fell on the enemy, killed some, took considerable plunder, and relieved an Englishman from captivity. At Casco Harbor the enemy, in the night, fell on them and killed five, but were soon driven to the woods. The army, ex cepting one hundred men, was then dismissed. The country was now in a distressed situation ; the disappoint- ment and losses in the Canada expedition, and a murderous In- dian war, which lasted for several years, had exhausted the re- sources, and sunk the spirits of the people. In this period of discouragement, the people were joyfully surprised with overtures of peace from the savages; a conference was held at Sagadahoc; ten prisoners were restored, and a truce established till the 1st of May, 1692. Instead of appearing in May at the garrison in Wells, with all their captives, to sign articles of a lasting peace, according to agreement, on the 9th of June, the place was assaulted by two hundred Indians; but, being courageously re- pulsed, they retired. About the same time, they killed two men at Exeter, two at Berwick, and five hundred and six at Cape Neddock. In the latter part of July, a number of troops having explored the Pejepscot region, to no purpose, while going ou board their vessels, at Macquoit, were violently assailed all night; but their vessels secured them, in a great measure against harm. In mercy to New England, the force of the savages was this year exceedingly restrained. Yet, September 28th, seven per- sons were killed and taken captive at Berwick, and the next day, twenty-one were taken from Sandy Beach. October 23d, in Rowley, Byfield parish, Mr. Goodridge, his wife, and two of his daughters, were killed. He was shot while praying in his family; it was Sabbath evening. Another daughter was taken captive, but redeemed the next spring, at the expense of the province, 72 INDIAN WARS She lived eighty-two years after, and died in Beverly, 1774, aged eighty-nine. Her name was Deborah Duty. On the 25th of January, 1692, several hundred Indians as- saulted York; took a hundred captives, and killed fifty, among whom was their faithful minister, the Rev. Shuhael Dummer. The remaining people were so discouraged, that they were about leaving the town, when the government sent Captains Greenleaf and Convers to protect them. About this time, the English fell on a party in Cocheco woods, took and killed all but one ; but the most valorous exploit hap pened at Wells. Captain Convers displayed the courage of Le- onidas, with more success. He had fifteen men in the garrison; little more than a gun shot off, in two sloops, were fifteen more, who had just brought ammunition and stores for the garrison. In this situation, he was assaulted by an army of five hundred French and Indians. Monsieur Burniff was general, and Labro- cree, a principal commander. They were supported by the most distinguished chieftains of different tribes. Warumbo, Egeremet, Moxus, and Modocawando, names of terror in those times, wera present, with their chosen warriors. After a speech from one of their orators, with shouts and yells, they poured a volley upon the garrison, which returned the fire with so much spirit and success, that the besiegers retired to attack the sloops. The ves- sels lay in a creek, rather than a river, which at low water was barely wide enough to prevent the enemy from leaping on board. From a turn of the creek, they could approach so near, as to throw handfuls of mud on board, without being exposed them- selves. A stack of hay and a pile of plank, were also places of security, whence they could pour showers of balls upon tht> sloops; while their great numbers allowed them to place parties of men to prevent any assistance from the garrison. Several times they set the sloops on fire, by shooting burning arrows; but by the vigilance of the crews, under Captain Storer and Captain Gouge, they were extinguished. Resistance was so formidable, that they again returned to the garrison, and then again they assaulted the sloops. Various and bold were their stratagems. On a pair of wheels they Duilt a platform, with a raised front that was bullet proof. This, loaded with French and Indians, was pushed to- ward the sloops; the terrific machine of death slowly advanced; it proceeded by the side of the channel, bursting with smoke and fire, till within fifteen yards of the sloop; one wheel sunk in the mire; a Frenchman stepped to lift the wheel; Storer levelled his gun, and he fell; another took his place, and again Storer took aim, and he fell by his fellow. Soon the tide rose and overturned their rolling battery; the men were exposed to the deadly fire of the sloops, and fell or fled in every direction. OP KING WILLIAM. 73 Their next project was to build a land of fire ship, eighteen or twenty feet square, loaded with combustible substance; this raft of fire, they guided as near the vessels as they dared, and the tide wafted the blazing pile directly towards the trembling sloops. Never were men in a more awful situation. In this moment of distress, they cried unto God, and He heard them. To the amazement of all, the wind suddenly changed, and with a fresh gale drove the floating destruction on shore, so shattered, that the water broke in, and extinguished the fire. Thus, after alter- nately attacking the garrison and vessels for forty-eight hours, exhausting their strength, expending their ammunition, losing one of their French commanders, and a number of their men; they sullenly retreated, having killed one -man, and a number of cattle, and taken one prisoner; him they tortured, and killed in a most terrible manner. This summer, a formidable stone fort was built at Pemaquid. Early in the summer of 1693, Major Church received the com- mand of the troops in the eastern country, with orders to raise three hundred and fifty more. He surprised and took a party of the enemy, not far from Wells ; then marched to Pemaquid, Ta- conet, and Saco, but found no enemies. At Saco, he ordered a fort to be built. About this time, the Indians alarmed Quabaog, or Brookfield, and killed a number of persons ; but they were pursued, most of them killed, and their captives and plunder re- taken. The Indians had now become tired of the war; they had some serious fears respecting the Maquas, and sued for peace, which was willingly granted them. A treaty was signed, May 11, 1693. But the exertions of the French soon induced the Indians to renew the contest. Early in 1694, the Sieur Villion, commander of the French at Penobscot, with two hundred and fifty of the St. John, Penobscot, and Norridgewock Indians, attacked the settlements on Oyster river, in New Hampshire. About one hundred persons were killed or captured, and twenty houses burned. During the attack, a man named Thomas Bickford, defended his house himself against the whole force of the enemy. He changed his dress as often as possible, and kept up a constant fire, as he gave orders as if he had many men with him. Ap- prehending the approach of reinforcements of Englishmen, the French hastily retreated through the woods in their usual man- ner. But, before they left the neighborhood entirely, a number of settlers on the Piscataqua were killed and their houses burned. The ravages on the frontiers were continued by the Indians ; but no considerable enterprise was undertaken until October, 1695. In that month, a party penetrated to Newbury, and made captives of John Brown and his family, except one girl, who 74 INDIAN WARS alarmed the people of Newburyport, five miles distant. Captain Q-recnleaf instantly pursued, and before daybreak on the next day after starting, overtook the foe and rescued the captives, nine in number. When the Indians found it impossible to carry off their prisoners, they tried to kill them ; but such was their hurry, the wounds they gave them were not mortal, and they all recovered. Captain Greenleaf was shot in the arm during the attack. In August, 1696, the French, under Iberville and Bonaven- ture, with about two hundred Indians, under the Baron St. Cas- tine, proceeded against the strong fortress at Pemaquid. The place was invested on the 14th. To the summons to surrender, Chubb, the commander replied, that if the sea were covered with French vessels and the land with Indians, yet he would not give up the fort. After the exchange of a few shots, batteries were raised, and a bombardment commenced. Castine found means to convey a letter into the fort, giving warning, that if the gar- rison waited till an assault was ordered, they would then be at the mercy of the Indians, and could expect no quarter. Upon this, the garrison, consisting of eighty men, requested their noble commander to capitulate, which he did upon highly honorable terms. Thus, this fortress, which had cost the colonists such an immense amount of money, fell into the hands of the enemy, and was demolished. In June, 1697, the Indians made an attempt to surprise Exe- ter, New Hampshire, but failed. Soon after, Major Frost, an active and successful commander, was waylaid and killed by the enemy. Operations were continued on a small scale by the French until the peace of Ryswick was received in America. This was in December, 1697; and never was a peace more joy- fully welcomed. By the treaty, all countries, forts, and colonies taken during the war, were to be restored to the party owning them before it began. Count de Frontignac informed the In- dians that he could no longer be their ally in the war against the English, and advised them to make peace. Accordingly, on the 7th of January, 1699, they concluded a treaty, in which they acknowledged the supremacy of the English crown, and promised to maintain peace. CHAPTER VI. THE WAKS OF THE FIVE NATIONS. ALTHOUGH the confederacy known as the Five Nations were the allies of the English in the war against the French, and joined them in many of their principal expeditions, their history deserves a separate notice, as they afford us a complete example of what the Indians of North America were capable of. Their great reputation as warriors, and their wisdom in council, have been so often alluded to by those interested in the history of the In- dians, that we shall be pardoned for giving a somewhat extended description of their confederacy, and an account of their wars. The Five Nations, by their geographical position, formed a sort of barrier between the French possessions in the northwest, and the middle colonies of the English. The confederacy is said to have originated in remote antiquity; and, as the name im- plies, comprehended five Indian tribes, of which, the Mohawks were the most powerful, and the most celebrated. These tribes were united on terms of the strictest equality, in a perpetual league, offensive and defensive. The principles of their alliance and government display much more refinement than might have been expected of "savages." Each nation had its own separate republican constitution, in which rank and authority were only attainable by the union of age and merit, and enjoyed during the public will. Each nation was divided into three tribes, distin- (75) 76 INDIAN WARS guished by the names, the Tortoise, the Bear, and the Wolf. The confederacy had adopted the Roman policy of increasing their strength by absorbing the conquered tribes; and the effect was the same in both cases, though, in the latter, it was on a smaller scale. In no community, was age ever more respected, or worth more admired and emulated. Their habits and training were calculated to make them cruel and revengeful, but bold, active, cunning, strong, and graceful. The Mohawks prided themselves upon their fortitude, and their persevering bravery. Stratagem was always preferred to open war, as among the generality of Indians; but the tribes of this confederacy did not fear an open field. Almost all the In- dians who were not included in the confederacy, within a great extent of country, paid tribute to it, and could not wage war or make peace without its permission. All matters of common interest were discussed and transacted in general meetings of the braves of each nation; and so completely had time and suc- cess given the federal character to these republicans of the woods, that all individual interests were sacrificed to the good of the whole. In the year 1677, the Five Nations could bring into the field, two thousand five hundred fighting men. The accession of the Tuscaroras, at a later period, considerably increased their power. Surely, there is as much to admire in the character and institutions of these Indians, as there was in those of the Spartans of antiquity. When the Five Nations first became known to the French set- tlers in the northwest, they were engaged in a struggle for supre- macy with the powerful Andirondacks. The latter drove the confederates from their possessions round Montreal, and forced them to seek an asylum on the southeast coast of Lake Ontario. Rallying their strength, the confederates defeated their enemies in turn, and compelled them to fly beyond the strait where Que- bec was afterwards built. The arrival of the French, however, threw the advantage upon the side of the Andirondacks, who, by aid of the whites, with their fearful fire arms, defeated the Five Nations in many battles, despite their valor and skill. In this state of affairs, the Dutch arrived in the Hudson river; and from these adventurers, the defeated, but not dispirited confederates, obtained a supply of the new instruments of warfare. The strug- gle was furiously renewed, and the Andirondacks were annihi- lated. The feelings of hate and dread, awakened between the French and the Five Nations by this war, continued to exist as long as the former held possession of Canada. The Indians never forgive such injuries. In the wars which succeeded, the advantages of a knowledge of the country, and of being accustomed to rapid OF THE FIVE NATIONS. 77 and secret movements, gave the confederates a superiority which the French could not controvert. In the winter of 1665, a party sent out by the governor of Canada to attack the Five Nations, lost their way in the snow, and after enduring the extremity of misery, arrived at the village of Schenectady, recently founded by a Dutchman, named Corlear. The French would have fallen an easy prey to the Indians, but for the generosity of this noble- hearted man. Moved by their wretched appearance, Corlear employed persuasion and artifice to induce the Indians to spare their enemies; and he succeeded. The French were supplied with provisions and other necessaries, and sent home to Canada. Corlear received the thanks of the French governor for hia humanity. After a lengthened series of hostilities, destructive to both parties, a peace was concluded in 1667. This continued until 1692. The love of traffic made the Dutch keep upon good terms with the Indians. For this purpose, they could afford to bear any invasions of honor. When the British governors succeeded the Dutch, they entered into a treaty ^with the Five Nations, who adhered to their allies upon all subsequent occasions, but required 78 INDIAN WARS all the observances of respect due to an independent people. In the mean time, the French availed themselves of the peace, to extend their settlements along the St. Lawrence; and in 1672, they built Fort Frontignac on the northwest bank, near where it flows from Lake Ontario. They filled the Indian settlements with Jesuit missionaries, who made many converts, and served to attach many of the tribes to the French interest. Their courage, skill, and activity formed a striking contrast to the in- dolent security of the English, who were content to trust to the faith of the Indians in holding to their treaties. Inflamed by the love of conquest, the vice of the mighty, the Five Nations turned their arms southward, and subdued and ex- terminated the Indians from the Mississippi to the Carolinas. Many of the allies of the colonists of Maryland and Virginia were attacked, and the English were frequently obliged to inter- fere in their behalf. There was danger of a general rupture with the English; but in 1684, Colonel Dongan, governor of New York, and Lord Efifingham, governor of Virginia, concluded a definitive treaty with the Five Nations. All the English settle- ments were included in this treaty. A number of hatchets were buried, and the arms of the Duke of York, the head of the Eng- lish and Indian confederacy, were suspended along the frontiers of the territories of the Five Nations. The rivalry between the French and English in the trade with the Indians upon the great lakes, led to the hostilities which next occurred. The chiefs of the Indian confederacy saw through the plans of the French governors, and became apprehensive of their own safety. Considering .the conduct of the French in giving arms to their enemies, as an indication of hostility, they constantly attacked the Canadian traders during their expedi- tions. The French used every means to prevent this annoyance and obstruction to their designs; but force nor intrigue could not calm the hostility of the Indians. The weakness of James II. of England, who prevented Colonel Dongan from assisting his faithful allies, left the contest to be continued by the Five Nations alone ; but Dongan seized every occasion to advise them how to conduct their enterprise, and to treat their prisoners. The two parties carried on their operations with a mutual fury and cruelty that left no distinction between the Frenchman and the savage. The confederacy was completely successful, and for some time, it was thought the whites would be entirely subdued by their inveterate foes. On the 25th of August, 1689, twelve hundred warriors of the Five Nations landed upon the island of Montreal, while the French were in a state of perfect security, burned their houses, sacked their plantations, and slew nearly a thousand persons. A number of prisoners were taken and burnt OP THE FIVE NATIONS. 81 PLACE D'ABMES, MONTREAL. alive. The Indians returned, having lost but three men. In the following October, they attacked the island again, with nearly equal success. These dreadful disasters threw the whole of the French settlements into consternation. The fort at Lake Ontario was abandoned by its garrison, and as soon possessed by their foes. Here, among other things of value, twenty-eight barrels of gunpowder fell into their hands. The French were saved from extermination, only by the ignorance of the Indians of the art of attacking fortified places. Here, the English could have aided them; but the short-sighted policy of King James pre- vented it. In the early part of King William's "War, the Five Nations could not be induced to aid the English. But in 1691, Governor Slaughter held a conference with them, and his propositions for a new alliance, offensive and defensive, were accepted; and to use their own poetical expression, they "brightened the ancient belt of friendship," and commenced hostilities against their old enemies. In the summer of 1691, Major Schuyler, an influential man among the Indians, with a body of Mohawks, fell upon the French settlements in the north end of Lake Champlain. Mr. Drake thus relates what ensued : "Do Callieres, governor of Montreal, hastily collected about 6 82 INDIAN WARS eight hundred men, and opposed them ; but, notwithstanding his force was vastly superior, yet they were repulsed with great loss. About three hundred of the enemy were killed in this expedi- tion. The French now took every measure in their power to re- taliate. They sent presents to many tribes of Indians, to engage them in their cause, and in the following winter, a party of about three hundred men, under an accomplished young gentleman, marched to attack the confederate Indian nations at Niagara. Their march was long, and rendered almost insupportable; being obliged to carry their provisions on their backs through deep snow. Black-kettle, a famous chief, met them with, about eighty men, and maintained an unequal fight, until his men were nearly all cut off; but it was more fatal to the French, who, far from home, had no means of recruiting. Black-kettle, in his turn, carried the war into Canada during the whole summer following, with immense loss and damage to the French inhabitants. The governor was so enraged at his successes, that he caused a pri- soner, which had been taken from the Five Nations, to be burnt alive. This captive withstood the tortures with as much firmness as his enemies showed cruelty. He sung his achievements while they broiled his feet, burnt his hands with red hot irons, cut and wrung off his joints, and pulled out the sinews. To close the horrid scene, his scalp was torn off, and red hot sand poured upon his head. "But this was a day in which that people were able to con- tend successfully against even European enemies. They had, in 1691, laid a plan to prevent the French from extending their settlements westward, for surprising those already formed, and for intercepting the western Indians as they brought dpwn their peltries to them. " Two armies, of three hundred and fifty men each, were to inarch out on this business about November; the first, were to attack the fort at the Falls of St. Louis, and the other, to proceed by way of Lake Champlain against the settlements. Before they set out, two Indian women, who had been captives among them, made their escape, and gave notice of their object. This, in a great measure, defeated the enterprise. Governor De Callieres raised troops, and strengthened every place he was able. The first party was discovered as they approached St. Louis, who, %fter skirmishing some time with the parties detached against them, retired without gaining any material advantage. The second did little more, and retired, after destroying some houses, *nd carrying with them some prisoners. "About the end of November, thirty-four Mohawks surprised 4ome of the French Indians of St. Louis, who were carelessly hunting about Mount Chambly, killing four and capturing eight OF THE FIVE NATIONS. 83 others. Some escaped, and informed their friends of what had happened, ani a company immediately went in pursuit. They overtook them near Lake Champlain, and a hard fight followed. The Catholic Indians rushed upon them with gr at fury, toma- hawk in hand, and although the Mohawks had tak n post behind rocks, they were routed, six being killed, and five taken. They also liberated all their friends taken at Mount Chambly. "In the beginning of February^ 1692, De Calliere ordered M. D'Orvilliers to march, with three hundred men, int the penin- sula, which terminates at the confluence of the Otto vay and the St. Lawrence rivers, to surprise a company of Iroquois he had been informed was there. It was their hunting ground during the winter, and the pretext for attacking them was, that they were now there to surprise the settlements, and intercept such as passed up and down said rivers. While on his march D'Orvil- liers met with an accident, which obliged him to retu. to Mon- treal, and the command devolved upon Captain De Beaucourt. This officer marched to Isle Tonihata, not far from Catarocouy, or Katarokkui, where he surprised fifty Senecas in thei cabins, killed twenty-four, and took six of them prisoners. " Enough had passed before this to arouse the spirit if ven- geance in the great chief of Onondaga, Black-kettle; at this last act could not be passed without, at least, an attemp at re- taliation. About one hundred Senecas were near the Sault de la Chaudiere, on Ottoway river, at this time, and Black kettle soon after joined them with a band of his Onondagos; and they immediately put themselves into an attitude for intercepting their enemies. " Governor De Callieres had supposed that by the affair at To- nihata, the Iroquois were sufficiently humbled for the present, and that they were not to be regarded as capable of any on siderable undertaking; but he soon discovered the error of judgment; for sixty friendly Indians, having arrived at M treal to trade, reported that the way was clear, but requeste guard when they returned. This was granted them. S. Mio volunteered upon this service, and put under the command Lieutenant De la Gemeraye, thirty men. He had for his tw ensigns, M. Le Fresniere, oldest son of the Sieur Hertel, and hi brother. Having arrived at a place called the Long Falls, or Ottoway river, some marched upon the side of the river, while others endeavored to effect the passage of the falls in the boats. They had no sooner entered upon this business, than the war- riors of Black-kettle, from an ambush, fired upon them, put the sixty Indians to flight, killing and wounding many of the French. They then rushed upon them with such fury, that little time was allowed for resistance, and they fled to their boats for safety; 84 INDIAN WARS but in their hurry they overturned them, and many were made Erisoners. Among these were 8. Michel and the two Hertels. a Gemeraye and a few soldiers only escaped. Black-kettle's force on this occasion was computed at one hundred and forty men." The contest between these constant foes, was maintained with varied success until after the peace of Ryswick, in the latter part of 1697. The French had one of the most active and skilful of governors in the old Count de Frontignac, and his measures taught the Indians to know him as their most formidable foe. The peace of Ryswick enabled him to concentrate his whole force against the Five Nations. The Earl of Bellamont, then governor of New York, perceived the danger to the English colonies, should the allies be vanquished; and he not only furnished them with arms and ammunition, but notified the Count de Frontignac that if the French attacked them, he would come with his whole force to their aid. This resolution saved the Five Nations from an attack and, perhaps, a complete overthrow. Soon after this, a peace was concluded between the two parties. But the Indians always retained their friendship for the English and their hatred of the French. The Jesuit missionaries obtained considerable influence among them, and the French trading agents so far secured them to their interest, that in the next war between the rival powers, four of the tribes took part against the British colonists. This was of but short duration, however, and before the total defeat of the French, the Five Nations had re- turned to their first friends. Before this period, the confederacy had been increased by the addition of the Tuscaroras, of the south. This tribe, however, was not equal to the others in strength and courage, and its members were always looked upon as inferior. CHAPTER VII. IWDIAN WARS OP CAROLINA, PREVIOUS TO THE REVOLUTTOK. WHEN the English settled in South Carolina, it was found that the State was inhabited by about twenty different tribes of Indians. The whites made gradual encroachments without meet- ing with any opposition from the Indians, until the latter saw that if these advances were continued, they would be completely driven from their country. A struggle was immediately begun, in which the colonists suffered so much from the number and fury of their enemies, that a price was fixed upon every Indian who should be brought captive to Charleston, from whence they were sold into slavery for the West Indies. The hostility of the southern Indians was instigated by the Spaniards, who supplied them with arms and ammunition. In the year 1702, Governor Moore marched into the country of the Apalachian Indians, took a great number of prisoners, and com- pelled the remainder to submit to the supremacy of the English favernment. A more important contest occurred in 1712. The uscaroras, and other powerful tribes, whose country extended from Cape Fear river to the peninsula of Florida, united in a league, the object of which was, to wage a war of extermination against the whites. Every part of the design was laid with secrecy and ingenuity. They fortified their principal village, in order to shelter their women and children, and there the warriors met and matured their scheme. When the favorable moment arrived, they scat- 86 INDIAN WARS tered in small bands, and entering the houses of the planters, demanded something to eat. They then murmured at the pro- visions set before them, and pretending to be angry, they imme- diately began to murder men, women, and children without dis- crimination. One hundred and thirty settlers were slaughtered in the neighborhood of Roanoke, and but few escaped to give the timely warning to the remainder of the colonists. The government immediately commenced active operations against their merciless foes. The Assembly voted four thousand pounds towards the war. A body of six hundred men was col- lected, and, under command of Colonel Barnwell, marched against the enemy. Several friendly tribes sent their warriors to aid the English, which swelled the number of Colonel Barnwell's force to one thousand men. After marching through a wilder- ness, and suffering all the hardships incident to such marches, he came up with the enemy, and a furious battle ensued. About three hundred Indians were killed, and one hundred wounded. The remainder of their force retreated to the fortified town. The forces of Barnwell surrounded this place, and so resolutely pro- secuted the attack, that a great number were killed, and the re- mainder compelled to sue for peace. Besides a large number of the other tribes in the league, it is computed that one thousand Tuscaroras were killed in this expedition. The survivors left their country, and going northward, joined the Five Nations. Three years after this war, another plot for the extermination of the English was formed by the powerful Yemassees, of South Carolina. This tribe occupied considerable territory on the northeast side of the Savannah river. Many others were joined with them in the plot. On the 15th of April, at the dawn of day, the Indians fell on the defenceless settlers, unapprehensive of danger, and, in a few hours, massacred above ninety persons, in Pocotaligo. One man escaped to Port Royal, and alarmed the town. The inhabitants of it generally fled to Charleston. While the Yamassees were laying waste the southern frontiers of Carolina, other tribes, from the northward, were perpetrating similar devastations, in that quarter. The southern division of the enemy consisted, by com- putation, of six thousand bowmen; and the northern, between six hundred and a thousand. The planters, thus taken by sur- prise, were so dispersed, that they could not assemble together, nor act in- concert. They generally fled to Charleston. The intelligence they brought, magnified the danger, so as to* induce doubts of the safety even of the capital; for, at that time, it con- tained on the muster roll, no more than twelve hundred men fit to bear arms. A party of four hundred Indians came to Goose creek, about twenty miles from Charleston. Every family there 1USSACBI AT BOANOKI BY THE TUSCABOH3. OF CAROLINA. 89 had fled to town, with the exception of seventy white men and forty negroes, who, having surrounded themselves with a slight breastwork, resolved on defence. After they had resisted for some time, they incautiously agreed to terms of peace. The faithless ^ savages, being admitted within their works, butchered the garrison. The invaders spread destruction through the parish of St. Bar- tholomew, and, advancing as far as Stono, burned the church, and every house on the plantations by the way. Similar ravages were committed in several other places. In this time of general calamity, Governor Craven, of South Carolina, acted with spirit. He proclaimed martial law, laid an embargo on all vessels in the harbor, and marched out of town, at the head of the militia, to attack the Yamassee invaders. He guarded himself against their mode of fighting from thickets, and behind trees; and took every precaution to prevent a surprise. He knew, full well, that his followers must either conquer or die, most probably by torture. The fate of the province depended on the success of his arms. The event of the expedition would decide, whether Carolina should remain a British province, or be annexed to Florida, in the occupation of the aborigines. There was no back country, then settled with friendly white inhabitants, to whom the settlers below might fly for refuge, or from whom they might look for relief. Virginia was the nearest place, from which effectual aid could be expected. As Governor Craven marched through the country, straggling parties of the Indians fled before him, till he reached Saltcatch- ers, where they had pitched their great camp. Here a sharp and bloody contest took place. The Indians fought from behind trees and bushes, alternately retreating and returning to the charge. The militia, with the governor at their head, kept close to the enemy, improved every advantage, and drove them from their lurking places. The pursuit was continued till the invaders were expelled from Carolina, and forced to retreat over Savannah river. The number of the militia lost in this expedition, or of the Indians killed therein, is not known; but, in the course of the war, four hundred of the inhabitants of Carolina were mur- dered, by the invading savages. The Yamassees, after their defeat and expulsion from Caro- lina, went directly to the Spanish garrison, St. Augustine, where they were received with so much hospitality and kindness, and had such ample encouragement given them to settle in Florida, as confirmed the suspicions previously entertained, that their late conspiracy was contrived by Spaniards, and carried on by their encouragement. This victory raised the inhabitants of South Carolina from the 90 INDIAN WARS depths of despair to the highest pitch of joy. The expedition had disconcerted the greatest conspiracy ever formed against the colony, and given it a security which the inhabitants could not before feel in the presence of such a formidable foe as the Ye- massees. When, during the war which led to the conquest of Canada, the French had been compelled to abandon Fort Duquesne, they retreated down the Ohio river, and in revenge, endeavored to excite the Cherokees to war against the colonists of Carolina, fn this they were aided by the occurrence of a quarrel between the Indians and the colonists. It had always been the custom for both parties to seize the horses that run wild in the woods. A party of Cherokees, returning from Fort Duquesne, where they had been in the service of the English, seized some stray horses, and made use of them to hasten home. But, it seems, that the horses belonged to the whites, who, instead of seeking redress legally, pursued the Cherokees and killed a considerable number of them. This, very naturally, enraged the Indians, and they immediately attacked several of the frontier settlements of Carolina. The Cherokees could, at this time, bring about three thousand men into the field. Upon receiving information of these hostile acts, Governor Lyttleton made great preparation to invade the Cherokee country. Fearing his power, the Indians sent thirty- two chiefs to make a treaty with the whites. But the governor, detaining the chiefs as captives, marched for Port Prince George, on the banks of the Savannah. Upon reaching the Congaree, he received a reinforcement, which increased his army to fourteen hundred men. When Governor Lyttleton arrived at Fort Prince George, he found his troops mutinous, and himself in very bad repute among them. He then saw the necessity of a peace, and invited Atta- kullakulla, the wisest of the Cherokee chiefs, to a conference. A treaty was concluded, which the Indians never meant to observe since Lyttleton had violated all laws of nations, by making their ambassadors prisoners. By the treaty, Ockonostota, a great war chief, and Fiftoe, were set at liberty, while the other chiefs were retained at the fort on the Savannah. The affair being thus ar- ranged, Lyttleton returned to Charleston, where he was received as a conqueror, although he had done nothing to merit the title The remaining incidents of this war, are thus related by Mi Drake. "Ockonostota, for good reason, no doubt, entertained a deep- rooted hatred against Captain Cotymore, an officer of the garri- son, and the army had but just left the country, when it was found that he was hovering about the garrison with a large nuua- OCKONOSTOTA, OF CAROLINA. 93 ber of warriors. But it was uncertain, for some time, whether they intended to attack the fort, or whether they wished to con- tinue near their friends, who were imprisoned in it. However, it is said, that, by some means, a plan was concerted between the Indians without and those confined within the fort, for sur- prising it. Be this as it may, Ockonostota, on the 16th of Feb- ruary, 1760, practised the following wile to effect the object. Having placed a party of his warriors in a dark cane brake near at hand, he sent a squaw to the garrison to invite the commander to come out, for he had something of importance to communicate to him. Captain Cotymore imprudently went out, accompanied by two of his officers, and Ockonostota appeared upon the oppo- site bank of the Savannah, with a bridle in his hand, the better to conceal his intentions. He told the captain he was going to Charleston to effect the release of the hostages, and requested that a white man might accompany him; and that, as the dis- tance was great, he would go and try to catch a horse. The captain promised him a guard, and hoped he would succeed in finding a horse. Ockonostota then quickly turned himself about, and swinging his bridle thrice over his head, which was the sig- nal to his men, and they promptly obeying it, about thirty guns were discharged upon the officers at the same moment. Captain Cotymore received a shot in his left breast, from which he died in two or three days after, and both the others were wounded. On recovering the fort, an attempt was made to put the hostages in irons. An Englishman, who laid hold on one of them for that purpose, was stabbed and slain; and, in the scuffle, two or three more were wounded, and driven out of the place of confinement. The tragedy in the fort had now only commenced; the miserable prisoners had repelled their assassins for the moment, and, doubt- less, hoped for deliverance from their friends without, who had now closely besieged the place. But, unfortunately for these poor wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by their arts of war, and the dastardly whites found time and means to mur- der their victims, one by one, in a manner too horrible to relate. There were few persons among the Cherokees who did not lose a friend or relation by this massacre; and, as one man, the nation took up the hatchet, and desolations quickly followed. "Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, Attakullakulla re- mained the fast friend of the whites, and used all his arts to induce his countrymen to make peace. But it was in vain he urged them to consider that they had more than revenged them- selves; they were determined to carry all before them. Atta- kullakulla was now an old man, and had become much attached to the English, from several causes. On the other hand, Ocko- nostota was a stern warrior, in the vigor of manhood, and, like 94 INDIAN WARS the renowned Pontiac, was determined to rid his country of his barbarous enemies. The leaders in every town seized the hatchet, telling their followers that the spirits of murdered brothers were flying around them, and calling out for vengeance. All sung the war song, and, burning with impatience to imbrue their hands in the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and defence- less families on the frontiers of Carolina, where men, women, and children, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such of the whites as fled to the woods, and escaped the scalping knife, perished with hunger. Every day brought fresh accounts to the capital of their ravages and desolations. But, while the back settlers impatiently looked to their governor for relief, the small pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militia could be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to serve the public. In this extremity, an express was sent to General Amherst, the commander-in-chief in America, for as- sistance, in terms too pressing to be denied. Accordingly, he ordered a battalion of Highlanders, and four companies of Royal Scots, under the command of Colonel Montgomery, afterwards Earl Eglinton, to embark at New York for Carolina. In the mean time, Littleton, having been appointed governor of Jamaica, William Bull succeeded him; a change much to the advantage of the province. " Colonel Montgomery arrived in Carolina towards the end of April, to the great joy of the people, who had taken measures to co-operate with him to the best advantage; but, as the conquest of Canada was the grand object now, General Amherst had or- dered Colonel Montgomery to strike a sudden blow for the relief of the Carolinians, and then to return to headquarters at Albany, without loss of time; and we have scarce an example in military history, where an officer fulfilled his commission with greater promptitude. He soon after rendezvoused at Congaree; and, being joined by many gentlemen of distinction as volunteers, besides the principal strength of the country, he marched for the heart of the Cherokee country. After reaching a place called Twelve Mile River, he encamped upon advantageous ground, and marched with a party to surprise Estatoe, about twenty miles from his camp. In the way, he took Little Keowee, and put every man to the sword. Estatoe he found abandoned, except by a few that could not escape, and it was reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation. About *sixty Indians were kitted, and forty taken prisoners; but the warriors had generally escaped to the mountains and deserts. Thus far, the campaign had been prosperous with the whites, but OF CAROLINA. 95 three or four men having been killed ; but it had no other effect upon the Indians than to increase their rage. "Meanwhile, Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Colonel Montgomery marched to its relief. From this place, two friendly chiefs were despatched to the middle settlements, to offer peace to the people there, and orders were sent to those in command at Fort Loudon, to use means to bring about an accom- modation with the Upper Towns; but the Indians would not hear to any terms, and Colonel Montgomery was constrained to march again to find the enemy. He had now the most diflicult part of his service to perform. The country through which he had to march was covered by dark thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks; where a small number of men might distress and wear out the best appointed army. "Having arrived within five miles of Etchoe, the nearest town of the middle settlements, the army was attacked on the 27th of June, in a most advantageous place for the attacking party. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were so thick, that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them; and in the bottom of this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks. Through this place the army must march. Rightly judging, the enemy had not omitted so important a pass, Colonel Montgomery ordered out a company of rangers, under Captain Morrison, to enter the ravine and make discovery. No sooner had he entered it, than the fierce war whoop was raised, and the Indians darted from covert to covert, at the same time firing upon the whites. Captain Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged; but, being without delay supported by the in- fantry and grenadiers, they were able to maintain their ground, and the battle became obstinate; nor could the Indians be dis- lodged, until after an hour of hard fighting. In the mean time, the Royal Scots took possession of a place between the Indiana and a rising ground on their right, while the Highlanders sustained the light infantry and grenadiers on the left. As the left became too warm for them, and not well understanding the position of the Royal Scots, the Indians, in their retreat, fell in with them, and were sharply encountered; but they soon effected their re- treat to a hill, and could no more be brought to action. In this fight, ninety-six of the whites were killed and wounded, of whom twenty were of the former number. Of the Cherokees, f'rty were said to have been killed. "The Indians had now been driven from one ravine, with a email loss; but Colonel Montgomery was in no condition to pur- sue his advantage farther, and he, therefore, after destroying s< much of his provisions as would afford horses for the wounded, began his retreat out of the Indian country, and, in obedience to 96 INDIAN WARS his commission, soon after returned to New York; not, however, without leaving four hundred men for the security of the pro- vince. But it was soon seen, that what had yet been done only increased the rage of the Indians, and their depredations con- tinued at the very heels of the retreating army. They immedi- ately cut off all communication with Fort Loudon, which was garrisoned with two hundred men. Ockonostota, with his nu- merous warriors, kept strict watch, insomuch, that there was no means of escape. At length, the garrison having miserably sub- sisted, for some time, upon poor famished horses, dogs, &c., many of them became resolved to throw themselves into the power of the Indians, wishing rather to die by their hands, than miserably to perish within their fortress. Captain Stewart, an officer among them, was well known to the Indians, and possessed great address and sagacity. He resolved, at this crisis, to repair to Chote, the residence of Ockonostota, and make overtures for the surrender of the garrison. He, accordingly, effected his object, and returned with articles of capitulation agreed upon. Besides the names of Ockonostota and Paul Demere, the com- mander of the garrison, the name of another chief was subscribed to the articles, called Cunigacatgoae. The articles stipulated, that the garrison should march out with their arms and drums, each soldier having as much powder and ball as his officers should think necessary, and that they should march for Virginia unmolested. " Accordingly, on the 7th of August, 1760, the English took up their march for Fort Prince George. They had proceeded but about fifteen miles, when they encamped, for the night, upon a small plain near Taliquo. They were accompanied thus far by Ockonostota in person, and many others, in a friendly manner, but at night they withdrew without giving any notice. The army was not molested during the night, but, at dawn of day, a sentinel came running into camp with the information that a host of Indians were creeping up to surround them. Captain Demere had scarce time to rally, before the Indians broke into his camp with great fury. The poor emaciated soldiers made but feeble resistance. Thirty of their number fell in the first onset, among whom was their captain. Those that were able, endeavored to save themselves by flight, and others surrendered themselves upon the place. This massacre, it will not be forgotten, was in retaliation for that of the hostages, already related. Among the prisoners was Captain Stewart. They were conducted to Fort Loudon, which now became Ockonostota' s headquarters. "Attakullakulla, learning that his friend Stewart was among the captives, proceeded immediately to Fort Loudon, where he ransomed him. at the expense of all the property he could com- OP CAROLINA. 97 mand, and took care of him with the greatest tenderness and affection. " The restless Ockonostota next resolved to invest Fort Prince George. He was induced to undertake that project, as fortune had thrown in his way some of the means for such an undertak- ing, hitherto beyond his reach. Before leaving Fort London, the English had hid in the ground several bags of powder. This his men had found. Several cannon had also been left behind, and he designed to force his English prisoners to get them through the woods, and manage them in the attack upon Fort Prince George. But Attakullakulla defeated these operations, by assisting Captain Stewart to escape. He even accompanied him to the English settlements, and returned loaded with presents." As the Indians were now masters of the field, application was again made to General Amherst for aid, and he quickly gave it. Sir James Grant arrived in South Carolina in 1761, and took the field with a force of twenty-six hundred Englishmen and Indians. He traversed the Cherokee country, and subdued that people in a hard fought battle, near the same place where Colonel Mont- gomery had been attacked the year before. The fight lasted three hours, and about sixty whites were killed and wounded. The loss of the Indians was not known. Colonel Grant then destroyed fifteen of the Cherokee towns. Peace was at length restored by the mediation of Attakullakulla, who had, during the whole contest, shown himself, to be a wise, humane, and peace loving man. A TATOOED IXBI.OT. CHAPTER VIII. QUEEN ANNE'S WAR* WAR was declared agafast France by Queen Anne, of Eng- land, in May, 1702, and, of course, the contest was renewed in America. Villebon, the governor of Canada, immediately began to encroach upon the northern frontier of the British colonies, and to instigate the Indians to commence their destructive rav- ages. Dudley, the governor of Massachusetts, visited Casco, Maine, in June, 1703, and held a conference with a number of Indian chiefs, and concluded a treaty which the Indians promised to observe as long as the sun and moon should continue. Not- withstanding these protestations, they made an attack a few weeks after upon all the settlements from Casco to Wells, killing and taking one hundred and thirty persons, and destroying all in their way. On the 17th of August, 1703, a party of Indians attacked Hampton village, killed five persons, and plundered two houses. This alarmed the neighboring country, and the Indians fled. In (98) PLUNDER OF TOT DIAB. OP QUEEN ANNE. 101 the fall, Colonel March, of Casco, attacked a party of the enemy, killing six and taking six prisoners. Hostilities were suspended during the winter. In the spring, Colonel Church, renowned as the conqueror of Metacomet, planned an expedition against the Indians in Maine, and sailed from Boston, with a number of small boats, in May. At Green Island, he took a number of prisoners, and at Penob- scot, he took or killed every Indian or Frenchman who could be found. Among the captives was a daughter of Castein, whom they kindly treated, though her father had been such a bloody foe of New England. Thence they proceeded, and drove the French and Indians from Passamaquaddy. Sailing across the bay, they took Menas, a town in Nova Scotia. On his return, Colonel Church touched at various places on the main and the islands, and found that the enemy were all gone. He was informed that the French priests had told the Indians, it was impossible for them to live in the same country with the English, and advised them to re- move to the Mississippi, promising to go and live and die with them. According to this advice of the French, who had excited them to quarrel, and were the occasion of their ruin and suffer- ings, the Indians left their homes, their provisions, and their country to the victorious English. In the winter, a body of two hundred and seventy men, under Colonel Hilton, proceeded against the Norridgewock Indians. But upon arriving at their village, it was found deserted, and the English could only content themselves with burning the wigwams and the chapel built by the Jesuit, Father Halle. The governor of Canada induced the Indians on the frontier of New England to remove to Canada, by which course, he attached them by stronger bonds to the interests of the French. Although both parties made preparations for offence and defence, nothing oc- curred until April, 1706, when the Indians killed a number of people at a house on Oyster river. Governor Dudley kept a vigilant eye upon the French movements during this period, and was well prepared to counteract them. In July, 1706, Dudley was informed that a party of the enemy was marching towards Piscataqua. He immediately ordered the people of that place to keep close within their fortifications, and had the militia ready to assist them. Major Hilton, with sixty men, marched forward to meet the enemy, but was obliged to return, without accomplishing his object. As Major Hilton waa dreaded by the enemy, on account of his bravery and activity, they determined to get rid of himj if possible. For this purpose, his house was constantly watched, and at one time, a party of mowers was attacked, four killed, one wounded, and three taken captive. Hilton, however, eluded his foes; and in the winter of 102 INDIAN WARS 1707, he marched eastward, and in the course of his expedition, killed twenty-one men, and took two. Considering the difficulty of getting at the haunts of the Indians, this was a triumph very honorable to the valiant major. In 1707, a party of French Mohawks, painted red, attacked some Englishmen who were hewing timber, near Oyster river. At the first fire, they killed seven and mortally wounded another. Chesley, the brave English commander, kept the French in check for some time; but, overpowered by numbers, he was slain, and his men either killed, captured, or dispersed. But a more serious attack was made upon Haverhill, in Au- gust, 1708, by a party of French and Indians, sent by the Mar quis de Vandreuil, governor of Canada, to attack Portsmouth. On the 16th of July, the army of French and Indians started from Canada. The Hurons and the Mohawks soon found pre- texts for returning home. The French officers, however, accom- panied by the Algonquin and St. Francis Indians, making collect- ively, a body of about two hundred men, marched between three and four hundred miles through the woods to Nikipisique, expecting to be joined there by the eastern Indians. Though disappointed in that expectation, they went forward, and on the 29th of Au- gust, about break of day, surprised the town of Haverhill, on Merrimack river, burned several houses, and plundered the rest. Mr. Rolfe, the minister, Captain Wainwright, and between thirty and forty persons were killed, and many taken prisoners. The French and Indians then retreated, without attempting to prose- cute the objects of the expedition any further. During the remainder of this war, the Indians ravaged the frontiers of New England, and committed their customary acts of cruelty; but no important contest between them and the whites - is recorded. The French did not restrain their savage allies, even when they had full power to do so; and, therefore, must bear their full share of the stigma attached to such deeds. When peace was concluded in 1713, the Indians complied with the request of the French, and entered- into a treaty with the colonists. Thus were the English inhabitants once more relieved fro.\ the terrors of savage warfare. ATTACK OH HiTERHILI. CHAPTER IX. LOVE WELL'S WAR. THE contest between the New England colonists and the In- dians, which begun in 1722, and concluded in 1725, was called "Lovewell's War," from Captain John Lovewell, of Dunstable, being the principal English commander engaged in it. Although the English had purchased the greater portion of the land they occupied, the Indians, instigated by the French, would not ac- knowledge their title. The colonial government were anxious to avoid a war, and endeavored to settle the difficulties at confer- ences held between the two parties. Nothing would satisfy the Indians but a complete settlement of the boundaries. This the English governor, Shute, refused to effect, and the parties left the conferences with embittered feelings, but hostilities did not commence immediately. The most influential of the French Jesuits, who were among the eastern tribes, was Father Halle. He had built a chapel at Norridgewock, and lived as a sort of chief ruler over the Indians of that village. That he acted as the agent of the French gov- ernment, and took every occasion to excite the Indians to war against the English, is sufficiently proved by the papers captured by Colonel Westbrook, in 1722. That officer was despatched to Norridgewock, by the government of Massachusetts, to take the Jesuit; but he escaped. Regarding this as a new aggression, the Indians began their hostilities at once. An attack was made upon Fort George ; but it failed. In revenge for this disappointment, the Indians at- (105) 106 INDIAN WARS tacked and destroyed the town of Brunswick. Massachusetts now declared war. The border garrisons were increased, and Lieutenant-governor Wentworth was active and unwearying in his efforts to place them in an efficient condition. One hundred pounds was offered for every Indian scalp which should be pre- sented to any magistrate. Dover was attacked by the Indians, but the inhabitants nearly all escaped to the fort, and the foe retreated. In the spring of 1724, Kingston was attacked, and four per- sons captured, one of whom afterwards made his escape. At Oyster Bay, some Indians were discovered lurking in the field of Moses Davis, and a company of volunteers, under Abraham Renwick, being notified of the fact, they hastened to the place, and, after Davis and his son had been killed, drove the Indians from their shelter, with the loss of three men. The remainder succeeded in making their escape. While the enemy were thus active, the colonists determined on an expedition against the Norridgewock Indians. The force which proceeded on this business, consisted of two hundred and eight men and three Mohawk warriors, and was commanded by Captains Harman and Moulton. " They came upon the village," says Mr. Drake, "the 23d of August, while there was not a man in arms to oppose them. They had left forty of their men at Teconet Falls, which is now within the town of Winslow, upon the Kennebec, and about two miles below Waterville College, upon the opposite side of the river. The English had divided themselves into three squadrons: eighty, under Harman, pro- ceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surprise some in their corn fields, while Moulton, with eighty more, proceeded directly for the village, which, being surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they were close upon it. All were in their wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and in perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam, and, accidently discovering the English, ran in and seized his gun, and giving the war whoop, in a few minutes the warriors were all in arms, and advancing to meet them. Moulton ordered his men not to fire until the Indians had made the first discharge. This order was obeyed, and, as he expected, they overshot the English, who then fired upon them, in their turn, and did great execution. When the Indians had given another volley, they fled with great precipitation to the river, whither the chief of their women and children had also fled during the fight. Some of the English pur- sued and killed many of them in the river, and others fell to pillaging and burning the village. Mogg disdained to fly with the rest, but kept possession of a wigwam, from which he fired upon the pillagers. In one of his discharges, he killed a Mo- OF LOVEWELL. 107 hawk, whose brother observing it, rushed upon Mogg and killed him; and thus ended the strife. There were about sixty warriors in the place, about one half of whom were killed. "The famous Halle shut himself up in his house, from which he fired upon the English ; and, having wounded one, Lieutenant Jaques, of Newbury, burst open the door and shot him through the head; although Moulton had given orders that none should kill him. He had an English boy with him, about fourteen years old, who had been taken some time before from the fron- tiers, and whom the English reported Rasle was about to kill. Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English, in this affair, according to their own account; such as killing women and children, and scalping and mangling the body of Father Ralle." The great reward offered for scalps, induced one John Love- well to raise a company of volunteers, and hunt the Indians. On his first scout, he captured one Indian and got one scalp, which he brought into Boston on the 5th of January, 1725. Encouraged by this success, Lovewell marched a third time; intending to attack the villages of Pigwacket, on the upper part of the river Saco, which had been the residence of a formidable tribe, and which they still occasionally inhabited. His company at this time consisted of forty-six, including a chaplain and sur- geon ; two of them proving lame, returned : another falling sick, they halted, and built a stockade fort on the west side of the great Ossapy pond; partly for the accommodation of the sick man, and partly for a place of retreat in case of any misfortune. Here the surgeon was left with the sick man. and eight of the company for a guard. The number was now reduced to thirty- four. Pursuing their march to the northward, they came to a pond, about twenty-two miles distant from the fort, and encamped by the side of it. Early the next morning, May 8th, while at their devotions, they heard the report of a gun, and discovered a single Indian standing on a point of land, which runs into the pond, more than a mile distant. They suspected that the Indian was placed there to decoy them, and that a body of the enemy was in their front. A consultation being held, they determined to march forward, and by encompassing the pond, to gain the place where the Indian stood; and that they might be ready for action, they disencumbered themselves of their packs, and left them, without a guard, at the northeast end of the pond, in a pitch pine plain, where the trees were thin, and the brakes, at that time of the year, small. It happened, that Lovewell's march had crossed a carrying place, by which two parties of In- dians, consisting of forty-one men, commanded by Paugus and Wahwa, who had been scouting down Saco river, were returning to the lower village of Pigwacket, distant about a mile and a half 108 INDIAN WARS from this pond. Having fallen on his track, they followed it till they came to the packs, which they removed ; and counting them, found the number of his men to be less than their own : they, therefore, placed themselves in ambush, to attack them on their return. The Indian who had stood on the point, and was return- ing to the village, by another path, met them, and received their fire, which he returned, and wounded Lovewell and another with small shot. Lieutenant "Wyman firing again, killed him, and they took his scalp. Seeing no other enemy, they returned to the place where they had left their packs, and while they were looking for them, the Indians rose and ran toward them with a horrid yelling. A smart firing commenced on both sides, it being now about ten of the clock. Captain Lovewell and eight more were killed on the spot. Lieutenant Farwell and two others were wounded: several of the Indians fell; but, being superior in number, they endeavored to surround the party, who, perceiving their intention, retreated; hoping to be sheltered by a point of rocks which ran into the pond, and a few large pine trees standing on a sandy beech. In this forlorn place they took their station. On their right was the mouth of a brook, at that time unfordable ; on their left was the rocky point; their front was partly covered by a deep bog and partly uncovered, and the pond was in their rear. The enemy galled them in front and flank, and had them so completely in their power, that had they made a prudent use of their advantage, the whole company must either have been killed, or obliged to surrender at discretion; being destitute of a mouthful of sustenance, and an escape being impracticable. Under the conduct of Lieutenant Wyman they kept up their fire, and showed a resolute countenance all the re- mainder of the day; during which, their chaplain, Jonathan Frie, Ensign Bobbins, and one more, were mortally wounded. The Indians invited them to surrender, by holding up ropes to them! and endeavored to intimidate them by their hideous yells; but they determined to die, rather than yield; and by their w J directed fire, the number of the savages was thinned, and th dr cries became fainter, till, just before night, they quitted t) eir advantageous ground, carrying off their killed and wounded, and leaving the dead bodies of Lovewell and his men unscalped. The shattered remnant of this brave company, collecting themselves together, found three of their number unable to move from the spot, eleven wounded but able to march, and nine who had re- ceived no hurt. It was melancholy to leave their dying com- panions behind, but there was no possibility of removing them. One of them, Ensign Bobbins, desired them to lay his gun by him charged, that if the Indians should return before his death, he might be able to kill one more. After the rising of the moon, OF LOVEWELL. 109 they quitted the fatal spot, and directed their march toward the fort, where the surgeon and guard had been left. To their great surprise, they found it deserted. In the beginning of the action, one man, (whose name has not been thought worthy to be trans- mitted to posterity,) quitted the field, and fled to the fort; where, in the style of Job's messengers, he informed them of Lovewell's death, and the defeat of the whole company; upon which, they made the best of their way home; leaving a quantity of bread and pork, which was a seasonable relief to the retreating survi- vors. From this place they endeavored to get home. Lieutenant Farwell, and the chaplain, who had the journal of the march in his pocket, and one more, perished in the woods, for want of dressing for their wounds. The others, after enduring the most severe hardships, came in, one after another, and were not only received with joy, but were recompensed for their valor, and suf- ferings; and a generous provision was made for the widows and children of the slain. THE SCOUT. CHAPTER X. THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR FROM 1754 TO 1759. AFTER the peace, concluded between France and England in 1748, the French, excluded from the Atlantic coast of North America, designed to take possession of the country further west, and for this purpose, commenced to build a chain of forts to con- nect the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi rivers. The English, to prevent this scheme from being carried into action, formed an Ohio company, to whom a considerable extent of country was granted by the English government. Upon hearing of this, the governor of Canada notified the governors of New York and Pennsylvania, that if the English traders came upon the western territory, they would be seized or killed. This menace did not divert the Ohio company from prosecut- ing its design of surveying the country as far as the falls in the Ohio river. While Mr. Gist was making that survey for the company, some French parties, with their Indians, seized three British traders, and carried them to Presque Isle, on Lake Erie, where a strong fort was then erecting. The British, alarmed at this capture, retired to the Indian towns for shelter; and the Twightwees, resenting the violence done to their allies, assem- bled, to the number of five hundred or six hundred, scoured the woods, and, finding three French traders, sent them to Pennsyl- vania. The French determined to persist; built a strong fort, ibout fifteen miles south of the former, on one of the branches (110) THE SEVEN TEARS* WAR. 113 of the Ohio ; and another still, at the confluence of the Ohio and Wabache; and thus completed their long projected communica- tion between the mouth of the Mississippi and the river St. Law- rence. The Ohio company complained loudly of these aggressions on the country whidi had been granted to it as part of the territory of Virginia : Robert Dinwiddie, lieutenant governor of that co- lony, considered the encroachment as an invasion of his province, and judged it his duty to demand, in the name of the king, that the French should desist from the prosecution of designs, which he considered as a violation of the treaties subsisting between the two crowns. This service, it was foreseen, would be rendered very fatiguing and hazardous by the extensive tract of country, almost entirely unexplored, through which an envoy must pass, as well as by the hostile dispositions of some of the Indian inhabit- ants, and the doubtful attachments of others. Uninviting, how- ever, and even formidable, as it was, a regard to the intrinsic importance of the territory in question, with extensive views into the future interest of the American colonies, incited an enter- prising and public spirited young man to undertake it. GEORGE WASHINGTON, then in his twenty-second year, instantly engaged in the difficult and perilous service. Attended by one person only, he set out from Williamsburg on the 31st of October. The season was uncommonly severe, and the length of his journey was above four hundred miles, two hundred of which lay through a trackless desert, inhabited by Indians. On the 14th of No- vember, he arrived at Will's' creek, then, the exterior settlement of the English, where he procured guides to conduct him over the Alleghany mountains; and, after being considerably im- peded by the snow and high water, he, on the 22d, reached the mouth of Turtle creek, on the Monongahela. Pursuing his route, he ascended the Alleghany river, and at the mouth of French creek found the first fort occupied by the troops of France. Pro- ceeding up the creek to another fort, he was received, on the 12th of December, by M. Lagardier de St.' Pierre, commanding officer on the Ohio, to whom he delivered the letter of Governor Dinwiddie. The chief officers retired, to hold a council of war; and Washington seized that opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and making all possible observations. Having received a written answer for the Virginia governor, he returned to Williamsburg. The answer of St. Pierre stated, that he had taken possession of the country by direction of the governor general of Canada; that he would transmit Governor Dinwiddie' s letter to him; and that to his orders he should yield implicit obedience. 8 114 INDIAN WARS. WASHINGTON GOING THROUGH THE WTLDZRNZSS TO tSX FRENCH FOBT. The conclusion of Washington's expedition is thus described by himself, in his journal: " Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage BO heavy, (as we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the journey would require,) that we doubted much their performing it. Therefore, myself and others, except the drivers, who were obliged to ride, gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the baggage. I put myself in an Indian walking dress, and continued with them three days, until I found there was no probability of their getting home in any reasonable time. The horses became less able to travel every day ; the cold, in- creased very fast; and the roads were becoming much worse by a deep snow, continually freezing : therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make report of my proceedings to his honor the governor, I determined to prosecute my journey, the nearest way through the woods, on foot. " Accordingly, I left Mr. Vanbraam in charge of our baggage, with money and directions to provide necessaries from place to place for themselves and horses, and to make the most conve- nient despatch in travelling. THE SEVEN YEARS* WAR. 117 "I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied myself up in a watch coat. Then, with gun in hand, and pack on my back, in which were my papers and provisions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, on Wednesday, the 26th. The day following, just after we had passed a place called Murdering town, (where we intended to quit the path and steer across the country for Shanapin's town,) we fell in with a party of French Indians, who had laid in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. We took this fellow into custody, and kept him until about nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked all the remaining part of the night without making any stop, that we might get the start, so far as to'be out of the reach of their pur- suit the next day, since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as it was light. The next day we continued travelling until quite dark, and got to the river about two miles above Shanapin's. We expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards from each shore. The ice, I suppose, had broken up above, for it was driving in vast quan- tities. "There was no way for getting over but on a raft, which we set about, with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun setting. This was a whole day's work : we next got it launched, then went on board of it, and set off; but, before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice, in such a manner, that we expected every moment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out my setting pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water; but I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft logs. Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it. "The cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his fingers, and some of his toes frozen, and the water was shut up so hard, that we found no difficulty in getting off the island on the ice in the morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to war; but coming to a place on the head of the Great Kanawa, where they found seven people killed and scalped, (all but one woman with very light hair,) they turned about and ran back, for fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as the authors of the murder. They report, that the bodies were lying about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten by the hogs. By the marks which were left, they say they were French In- dians of the Ottowa nation, &c. ; who did it. 118 INDIAN WARS. "As we intended to take horses here, and it required eoma time to find them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of Yohogany, to visit Queen Alliquippa, who had expressed great concern that we had passed her in going to the fort. I made her a present of a watch coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best present of the two. "Tuesday, the 1st of January, we left Mr. Frazier*s house, and arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela, the 2d, where I bought a horse, saddle, &c. The 6th, we met seventeen horses loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the forks of Ohio, and the day after, some families going out to settle. This day, we arrived at Wills' s Creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. From the 1st day of December to the 15th, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly ; and throughout the whole journey, we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after we had quitted our tent, which was some screea from the inclemency of it. "On the llth, I got to Belvoir, where I stopped one day to take necessary rest; and then set out and arrived in Williams- burg the 16th, when I waited upon his honor the governor, with the letter I had brought from the French commandant, and to give an account of the success of my proceedings. This I beg leave to do by offering the foregoing narrative, as it contains the most remarkable occurrences which happened in my journey." The answer from the French commandant brought by Wash- ington, was the signal for active measures. A regiment was immediately raised for the service by the government of Virgi- nia, and George Washington, who was appointed lieutenant-colo- nel, marched, in April, 1754, for the Great Meadows, lying within the disputed territory. Hearing that the French had erected a fort at the junction of the Alleghany and Monongahela, he judged that this was a hostile movement; and, availing him- self of the offered guidance of Indians, Washington marched, with his detachment, to the Great Meadows, where he surprised a French detachment, and captured the whole of it. At the Great Meadows, Washington built Fort Necessity. While he was engaged in surrounding it with a ditch, about fifteen hundred French and Indians, under command of M. do Villiers, appeared and commenced a furious attack. The defence was maintained with bravery from ten in the morning until dark, when De Villiers demanded a parley, and in the course of the night the garrison capitulated. Washington and his men were permitted to march out without molestation, and with the honors of war. In this attack, it is supposed, the French commander THE SEVEN TEARS' WAR 119 lost two hundred men-, killed and wounded. The loss of the gallant garrison was only fifty-eight men killed and wounded. The English erected a fort on Wills' creek soon after this affair, and made extensive preparations for the struggle which seemed impending. A union of the colonies was formed, for purposes of offence and defence, and the friendship of a portion of the Six Nations secured. But the dissentions of the colonial governments caused the union to be rejected, and the war was left to the prosecution of the British troops and such aid as each colony might choose to offer. In the north, about six hundred Indians invaded Hoosack, and burned and plundered without mercy. The Scatecook tribe in- stigated the Orondocks and others to this invasion. Some of their allies were descended from the Connecticut river Indians, who were drawn from their country in Philip's war. Major General Winslow had entered into a treaty with the eastern tribes immediately previous to the invasion. Early in 1755, General Braddock, with a respectable body of British troops, arrived in America ; and a convention of the colo- nial governors was held in Virginia, at his request, to fix the plan of military operations. Three expeditions were designed, one against Fort Duquesne, at the junction of the Allegheny and Monongahela, to be conducted by General Braddock ; the second, an attempt on the fort at Niagara, to be conducted by Governor Shirley; and the third, an attempt to capture Crown Point, to be executed by the militia of the northern colonies. General Braddock might have entered upon action early in the spring; but the contractors for the army not seasonably provid- ing a sufficient quantity of provisions, nor a competent number of wagons, for the expedition, the troops could not be put in mo- tion until June. On the 10th of that month, the general began his march from a post on Wills' creek, at the head of about twenty-two hundred men. The additional delay that must be occasioned in opening a road through an extremely rough coun- try, with an apprehension of a reinforcement of Fort Duquesne, induced a resolution to hasten the march of a part of the army to the point of destination. The general, at the head of twelve hundred men, selected from the different corps, with ten pieces of cannon and the necessary ammunition and provisions, marched forward ; leaving the residue of the army under the command of Colonel Dunbar, to follow, with all the heavy baggage, by slow and easy marches. Such, however, were the natural and neces- sary impediments, that Braddock did not reach the Monongahela until the 8th of July. The next day he expected to invest Fort Duquesne ; and in the morning made a disposition of his forces conformably to that expectation. His van ; composed of three 120 INDIAN WARS. WASHINGTON ADVISING BBADDOCK TO 6S.ND FORWARD SCOOTS. hundred British regulars, was commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Gage, and he followed, at some distance, with the artillery and main body of the army, divided into small columns. Colonel Dunbar was then nearly forty miles behind him. This circumstance alone evidently required caution. But the nature of the country over which the troops were to be conducted, and the character of the enemy to be encountered, rendered circum- spection indispensably necessary. The general was cautioned by Washington, of the sources of danger, and advised to advance in his front the provincial troops in his army, consisting entirely of independent and ranging companies, to scour the woods and guard against an ambuscade; but he thought too contemptuously both of the enemy and of the provincials, to follow that salutary advice. Heedless of danger, he pressed forward; the distance of seven miles still intervening between his army and the anticipated place of action. At this unsuspicious moment, in an open wood, thick set with high grass, his front was attacked by an unseen enemy. The van was thrown into some confusion; but the general having ordered up the main body, and the commanding officer of the enemy having fallen, the attack was suspended, and the assailants were supposed to be dispersed. The attack, how- ever, was renewed with increased fury; the van fell back on the THE SEVEN YEARS' "WAR. 123 main body; and the whole army was thrown into confusion. The general, if deficient in other military virtues, was not desti- tute of courage; but, at this embarrassing moment, personal valor afforded a very inadequate security. An instant retreat, or a rapid charge without observance of military rules, seems to have been imperatively necessary; but neither of these expe- dients was adopted. The general, under an incessant and galling fire, made every possible exertion to form his broken troops on the very ground where they were first attacked ; but his efforts were fruitless. Every officer on horseback, excepting Colonel Washington, who was aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, was either killed or wounded. After an action of three hours, General Braddock, under whom three horses had been killed, received a mortal wound; and his troops fled, in extreme dismay and confusion. The provincials, who were among the last to leave the field, formed after the action by the prudent valor of Washington, and covered the retreat of the regulars. The defeat was entire. Of eighty-five officers, sixty-four were killed and wounded, and about half the privates. The defeated army fled precipitately to the camp of Dunbar, where Braddock expired of his wounds. The British troops were soon after marched to Philadelphia, where they went into winter quarters. In August of this year, General William Johnson, with be- tween five and six thousand men, English and Mohawks, pro- ceeded upon the expedition for the reduction of Crown Point. Having pitched his camp at the south end of Lake George, he learned that a large body of French and Indians was advancing towards him from Ticonderoga. The Baron Dieskau, lately ap- pointed commander of the French forces, hearing of the intended expedition against Crown Point, resolved to prevent it by a counter movement. He embarked at Crown Point, with two thousand men, and landing at South Bay, marched for Fort Ed- ward, which had been built by the English a short time previous. But the Canadians and Indians were opposed to attacking a re- gularly furnished fortress, and Dieskau changed his route and marched against the camp of Johnson. The English general heard of his approach, and sent out Colonel Ephraim Williams with twelve hundred men, to meet him. The baron's skill was displayed in his arrangement to receive this detachment. Keep- ing the regulars with him in the centre, the Canadians and In- dians were ordered to advance through the woods upon the right and left, so as to enclose the enemy. The Mohawk scouts of the English, prevented the full success of this design; but, as the enemy approached they were so hotly received, and suffered such a terrible loss, that they made a precipitate retreat. Colonel 124 INDIAN WARS. AEON DIESKAU TAKEN PB1801TO. Williams was among the slain. Hendrick, the celebrated Mo- hawk chief, with a number of his Indians died fighting bravely. After this success, Dieskau pressed on to encounter the main body of the English, who had erected a breastwork and made other preparations for an attack. The regular French troops made the central assault upon the breastwork, and the Cana- dians and Indians attacked the flanks. The English determined upon a desperate defence; and as soon as their cannon began to play upon the enemy, they forced the French general to order a retreat, and his troops retiring in confusion, were attacked in the rear and almost dispersed. Their rout was completed by the arrival of two hundred New Hampshire militia, under Captain McGrinnes. Dieskau, dangerously wounded, was taken prisoner. Captain McGrinnes fell in the attack. This repulse revived the spirits of the colonists; but the success was not improved, and Shirley's expedition against Niagara failed for want of concert and rapidity in making preparations. The campaign of 1756 began with vigorous preparations for various expeditions. Baron Dieskau had been succeeded by the bold and skilful Marquis de Montcalm, whose movements antici- pated those of the English generals. On the 10th of August, he OF *ncH ATO UTDUHB. THE SEVEN TEARS* WAR. 127 approached Fort Ontario, with more than five thousand regulars, Canadians, and Indians. Having made the necessary disposi- tions, he opened the trenches on the 12th, at midnight, with thirty-two pieces of cannon, besides several brass mortars and howitzers. The garrison having fired away all their shells and ammunition, Colonel Mercer, the commanding officer, ordered the cannon to be spiked up, and crossed the river to Little Os- wego Fort, without the loss of a single man. The enemy, taking immediate possession of the deserted fort, began to fire from it, which was kept up without intermission. About four miles and a half up the river was Fort George, the defence of which was committed to Colonel Schuyler. On the abandonment of the first fort by Colonel Mercer, about three hundred and seventy of his men had joined Colonel Schuyler, in the intention of having an intercourse between his fort and that to which their own com- mander retreated; but a body of twenty-five hundred Canadians and Indians boldly swam across the river, in the night between the 13th and 14th, and cut off that communication, On the 13th, Colonel Mercer was killed by a cannon ball. The garrison, deprived of their commander, who was an officer of courage and experience, frustrated in their hope of aid, and destitute of a cover to their fort, demanded a capitulation on the following day, and surrendered as prisoners of war. They were the regiments of Shirley and Pepperell, and amounted to fourteen hundred men. The conditions, required and acceded to, were, that they should be exempted from plunder; conducted to Montreal; and treated with humanity. No sooner was Montcalm in possession of the two forts at Oswego, than, with admirable policy, he demolished them in the presence of the Indians of the Six Nations, in whose country they had been erected, and whose jealousy they had excited. This event entirely disconcerted the English plan of operations, and they attempted nothing further during the year. Fort Granby, on the confines of Pennsylvania, was surprised by a party of French and Indians, who made the garrison pri- soners. Instead of scalping the captives, they loaded them with flour, and drove them into captivity. The Indians on the Ohio having killed above one thousand of the inhabitants of the west- ern frontiers, were soon chastised with military vengeance. Co- lonel Armstrong, with a party of two hundred and eighty pro- vincials, marched from Fort Armstrong, which had been built on the Juniata river, about one hundred and fifty miles west of Philadelphia, to Kittaning, an Indian town, the rendezvous of those murdering Indians, and destroyed it. Captain Jacobs, the Indian chief, defended himself through loop holes of his log house. The Indians refusing the quarter which was offered them, Colonel Armstrong ordered their houses to be set on fire; and 128 INDIAN WARS. MASSACRE Or THE PBISOSZRS AT TORT WILLIAM IIEXRT. many of the Indians were suffocated and burnt; others were shot in attempting to reach the river. The Indian captain, his squaw, and a boy called the King's Son, were shot as they were getting out of the window, and were all scalped. It was computed, that between thirty and forty Indians were destroyed. Eleven Eng- lish prisoners were released. Lord Loudoun, the English commander-in-chief, made con- siderable exertion to raise a sufficient force to carry out his de- signs; but he directed all his disposable force against Louisbourg, which was found to be almost impregnable, while Montcalm was active in another quarter. The general inefficiency of this com- mander was made manifest by his career. Thus far, he had effected nothing. The Marquis de Montcalm, availing himself of the absence of the principal part of the British force, advanced with an army of nine thousand men, and laid siege to Fort William Henry. The garrison at this fort consisted of between two and three thousand regulars, and its fortifications were strong and in very good order. For the farther security of this important post, General Webb was stationed at Fort Edward with an army of four thousand men. The French commander, however, urged his approaches with such vigor, that, within six days after the investment of the fort, Colonel Monroe, the commandant, after a spirited re- eistance, surrendered by capitulation. The garrison was to be THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 131 allowed the honors of war, and to be protected against the In- dians until within the reach of Fort Edward; but no sooner had the soldiers left the place, than the Indians in the French army, disregarding the stipulation, fell upon them, and committed the most cruel outrages. Whether Montcalm could have prevented these cruelties, is a question upon which historians differ. It seems that the Indians served in this expedition, on the promise of plunder ; and being prevented from plundering by the terms granted the garrison, they resolved to violate them. Accordingly, they stripped the unarmed English, and murdered all who made any resistance. Out of two hundred men in the New Hampshire regiment, which formed the rear, eighty were killed or taken. The acknowledged virtues of Montcalm should create a presumption in his favor, only to be removed by clear proof of his guilt. This event aroused the colonists to fresh exertions. The de- tails of the massacre were exaggerated, and the hatred of the French and their savage allies greatly increased. Nineteen hun- dred men. under Colonel Stanwix, were ordered for the protec- tion of the western frontiers. Troops were raised in all quarters, and early in 1758, General Abercrombie could command the eervices of fifty thousand men the largest army yet seen in the colonies. Three expeditions were projected; one against Louis- bourg, another against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the third against Fort Duquesne. Louisbourg was captured by the English fleet, under Admiral Boscawen, and the land force, under General Amherst, after a seige extending from the 2d of June until the 26th of July. The Chevalier de Drucourt, with about three thousand men, de fended the place until it was but a mass of ruins. This was con- sidered the most important triumph of the war. The army destined for the attack upon Ticonderoga and Crown Point, consisted of fifteen thousand men, attended by a formid- able train of artillery, and was commanded by General Abercrom- bie. Crossing Lake George on the 5th of July, Abercrombie directed his first operations against Ticonderoga. In marching through the woods, the columns became entangled with each other. Lord Howe, at the head of the right centre column, fell in with the advanced guard of the enemy, and attacked it with such vigor as to kill, capture, or disperse the whole of it. Lord Howe fell at the first fire. An ill-judged assault was soon after made upon Ticonderoga, but such had been the measures adopted by the French and Indians, that the English were repulsed with the loss of twenty-five hundred men killed and wounded. The loss of the enemy was inconsiderable. The reduction of Fort Duquesne was the next object accom- 132 INDIAN WARS. GENERAL ABKBCROMBIE'S AKMT CE088UJO LAKE UJJORQE. plished. General Forbes, to whom this enterprise was entrusted, had marched early in July from Philadelphia at the head of the army destined for the expedition; but, such delays were expe- rienced, it was not until September that the Virginia regulars, commanded by Colonel Washington, were commanded to join the British troops at Ray's town. Before the army was put in motion, Major Grant was detached with eight hundred men, partly British and partly provincials, to reconnoitre the fort and the adjacent country. Having invited an attack from the French garrison, this detachment was surrounded by the enemy; and after a brave defence, in which three hundred men were killed and wounded, Major Grant and nineteen other officers were taken prisoners. General Forbes with the main army, amounting to at least eight thousand men, at length moved forward from Ray's town ; but did not reach Fort Duquesne until late in November. On the evening preceding his arrival, the French garrison, de- serted by their Indians, and unequal to the maintenance of the place against so formidable an army, had abandoned the fort, and escaped in boats down the Ohio. The English now took posses- sion of that important fortress, and, in compliment to the popular minister, called it Pittsburg. No sooner was the British flag erected on it, than the numerous tribes of the Ohio Indians came in, and made their submission to the English. General Forbes, THE SEVEN YEARS WAS.. 133 OESERAl PUTNAM. having concluded treaties with those natives, left a garrison of provincials in the fort, and built a blockhouse near Loyal Han- nan ; but, worn out with fatigue, he died before he could reach Philadelphia. While the entrenchments of Abercrombie enclosed him in security, M. de Montcalm was active in harrassing the frontiers, and in detaching parties to attack the convoys of the English. Two or three convoys having been cut off by these parties, Major Rogers and Major Putnam made excursions from Lake George to intercept them. The enemy, apprized of their movements, had sent out the French partizan Molang, who had laid an ambuscade for them in the woods. While proceeding in single file in three divisions, as Major Putnam, who was at the head of the first, was coming out of a thicket, the enemy rose, and with discordant yells and whoops attacked the right of his division. Surprised, but not dismayed, he halted, returned the fire, and passed the word for the other divisions to advance for his support. Perceiv- ing it would be impracticable to cross the creek, he determined to maintain his ground. The officers and men, animated by his example, behaved with great bravery. Putnam's fusee at length missing fire, while the muzzle was presented against the breast 134 INDIAN WARS. of a large and well proportioned Indian; this warrior, with a tre- mendous war whoop, instantly sprang forward with his lifted hatchet, and compelled him to surrender, and, having disarmed him and bound him fast to a tree, returned to the battle. The enemy were at last driven from the field, leaving their dead behind them; Putnam was untied by the Indian who had made him prisoner, and carried to the place where they were to encamp that night. Besides many outrages, they inflicted a deep wound with a tomahawk upon his left cheek. It being determined to roast him alive, they led him into a dark forest, stripped him naked, bound him to a tree, piled combustibles at a small dis- tance in a circle round him, and, with horrid screams, set the piles on fire. In the instant of an expected immolation, Molang rushed through the crowd, scattered the burning brands, and un- bound the victim. The next day Major Putnam was allowed his moccasins, and permitted to march without carrying any pack ; at night the party arrived at Ticonderoga, and the prisoner was placed under the care of a French guard. After having been examined by the Marquis de Montcalm, he was conducted to Montreal by a French officer, who treated him with the greatest indulgence and humanity. The capture of Fort Frontenao affording occasion for an exchange of prisoners, Major Putnam was set at liberty. During these important military operations, the French incited the eastern Indians to begin hostilities, but their attacks were repulsed, by the vigilance and activity of Governor Pownall. The governors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, with Sir Wil- liam Johnston, and other agents, concluded a treaty in October, with nearly all the powerful tribes of the territory between the Apalachian mountains and the lakes. As the French depended upon the support of these Indians, to maintain their western gar- risons, this treaty weakened them so much, that they succes- sively fell into the hands of the English. In 1759, General Amherst succeeded Abercrombie as com- mander-in-chief of the English forces. The great project of the immediate conquest of Canada was then formed. Three power- ful armies, under the command of Amherst, Wolfe* , and Prideaux, were to enter Canada about the same time. We shall not detail the events which led to the execution of the pfcns of the Eng- lish. The Indians were employed by the French up to the latest hour of their authority in North America; and the English also secured the services of a strong body of them, to forju part of the army of General Prideaux. In prosecution of the enterprise against Niagara, General Pri- deaux had embarked with an army on Lake Ontario j and on the 6th of July, landed without opposition within about thro* miles THE SEVEN TEARS* WAR. 137 from the fort, which he invested in form. While directing the operations of the siege, he was killed by the bursting of a cohorn, and the command devolved on Sir William Johnson. That gen- eral, prosecuting with judgment and vigor the plan of his prede- cessor, pushed the attack of Niagara with such intrepidity, aa soon brought the besiegers within a hundred yards of the covered way. Meanwhile, the French, alarmed at the danger of losing a post, which was a key to their interior empire in America, had collected a large body of regular troops, from the neighboring garrisons of Detroit, Venango, and Presque Isle, with which and a party of Indian.s they resolved, if possible, to raise the siege. Apprized of their intention to hazard a battle, General Johnson ordered his light infantry, supported by some grenadiers and regular foot, to take post between the cataract of Niagara and the fortress; placed the auxiliary Indians on his flanks; and, together with this preparation for an engagement, took effectual measures for securing his lines, and bridling the garrison. About nine in the morning of the 24th of July, the enemy appeared, and the horrible sound of the war whoop from the hostile Indians was the signal of battle. The French charged with great im- petuosity, but were received with firmness; and in less than an hour were completely routed. This battle decided the fate of Niagara. Sir William Johnson, the next morning, sent a trum- pet to the French commandant; and in a few hours a capitula- tion was signed. The garrison, consisting of six hundred and seven men, were to march out with the honors of war, to be em- barked on the lake, and carried to New York; and the women and children were to be carried to Montreal. The reduction of Niagara effectually cut off the communication between Canada and Louisiana. At this last period of the war, the St. Francis Indians suffered severely for their cruelty and perfidy. This tribe was notoriously attached to the French, and had, for near a century, harrassed the frontiers of New England, barbarously and indiscriminately killing persons of all ages and of each sex, when there was not the least suspicion of their approach. Captain Kennedy, having been sent with a flag of truce to these Indians, was made a pri- soner by them, with his whole party. To chastise them for this outrage, General Amherst ordered Major Robert Rogers to take a detachment of two hundred men, and proceed to Misisque bay, and to march thence and attack their settlements on the south side of the river St. Lawrence. In pursuance of these orders, he set out on the 13th of September with the detachment for St. Francis, and on the twenty-second day after his departure, in the evening, he came in sight of the Indian town St. Francis. At eight in the evening, he, with a lieutenant and ensign, recon- 138 INDIAN WARS. noitred the town; and, finding the Indians "in a high frolic or dance," returned to his party at two, and at three marched it within five hundred yards of the town, where he lightened the men of their packs, and formed them for the attack. At half an hour before sunrise he surprised the town, when the Indians were all fast asleep, and destroyed most of them. A few, who were making their escape by taking to the water, were pursued, and both they and their boats were sunk. A little after sunrise, Major Roberts set fire to all their houses, except three, in which there was corn, which he reserved for the use of his men. A number of Indians, who had concealed themselves in the cellars and lofts of their houses, were consumed in the fire. By about seven in the morning, the affair was completed. Two hundred Indians, at least, were killed, and twenty of their women and children taken prisoners. Five only of the last, two Indian boys and three Indian girls, Rogers brought away, leaving the rest to their liberty. He likewise retook five English captives, whom he also took under his care. Of his party, Captain Ogden was badly wounded, six men were slightly wounded, and one Stock- bridge Indian was killed. The war was virtually concluded by the fall of Quebec, in 1759. The Indians knew their weakness, and would not majn- tain a contest against the overpowering force the English now had in the field, and, therefore, the greater portion of them came and made peace, or according to their own expressien, "buried the hatchet." CHAPTEK XI. THE WAR BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND THE WESTERN INDlANS ; FROM 1763 TO 1765. A STRUGGLE began in 1760, in which the English had to contend with a more powerful Indian enemy than any they had yet encountered. Pontiac, a chief renowned both in America and Europe, as a brave and skilful warrior, and a far-sighted and active ruler, was at the head of all the Indian tribes on the great lakes. Among these were the Ottawas, Miamis, Chippewas, Wy- andotts, Pottawatomies, Winebagoes, Shawanese, Ottagamies, and Mississagas. (139) 140 INDIAN WARS. After the capture of Quebec, in 1760, Major Rodgers was sent into the country of Pontiac to drive the French from it. Ap- prised of his approach, Pontiac sent ambassadors to inform him that their chief was not far off, and desired him to halt until he could see him " with his own eyes." When Pontiac met the English officer, he demanded to know the business which had brought him into his country, and how he dared to enter it without his permission. The major told him he had no designs against the Indians, but only wished to expel the French; and at the same time, he delivered him several belts of wampum. Pontiac replied, "I stand in the path you travel until to-morrow morning," and gave the major a belt. This communication was understood to mean, that the intruder was not to march further without his leave. Next day, the Eng- lish detachment was plentifully supplied with provisions by the Indians, and Pontiac giving the commander the pipe of peace, assured him that he might pass through his country unmolested, and that he would protect him and his party. As an earnest of his friendship, he sent one hundred warriors to aid in driving the cattle belonging to the party, and then accompaniod the major a? far as Detroit, effectually securing him from the fury of the la- dians who had been in the service of the French. The northwestern tribes retained a hatred of the English after the fall of the French power in America; and Pontiac's schemes received the ready support of these hardy warriors. Concealing his enmity until he had' united these tribes, and arranged his sys- tem of warfare, Pontiac completely deceived the English into a feeling of security. In his transactions during the war, he dis- played his superiority over all the other Indian chiefs. He ap- pointed a commissary, and issued bills of credit, all of which he carefully redeemed. These bills were made of bark, on which was drawn the article wanted, with the figure of an otter, the insignia of the Ottawas. Pontiac also endeavored to prevent his people from using European commodities and having intercourse with the whites. In 17t>3, Major Rodgers sent a bottle of brandy to him, which his counsellors advised him not to drink. But with true greatness he exclaimed, " It is not in his power to kill him who has so lately saved his life." Several traders brought news to the fort at Michilimackinak that the Indians meditated hostilities; but Major Etherington, who was commander of the garrison, would believe nothing of it. Nor were any precautions taken when about four hundred In- dians, apparently with friendly intent, assembled in the vicinity. On the 4th of June, the Indians, as if for amusement, began to play a game at ball. Such was the exciting character of the game, that a number of the garrison went out to see it. Sud- NRIM. OF THE COLONIES AND WESTERN INDIANS. 143 denly, the ball was thrown over the stockade, as if by accident, and the Indians rushing in for it, completely surprised the gar- rison and took possession of the fort. Seventy of the soldiers were butchered, and the other twenty reserved for slaves. A few days after, a boat from Montreal, with English passengers, came ashore, and all fell into the hands of the wily Indians. Within fifteen days after taking Michilimakinak, Pontiac was in possession of all the western garrisons except three. This alone is sufiicient evidence of the perfection of Pontiac's plans and the rapidity of their execution. Detroit alone remained in the distant region of the northwest, and this, as will be shown, was brought to the verge of destruction. Before the news of the massacre of Michilimakinak could reach the garrison at Detroit, that place was closely besieged by the Indians, under the personal direction of their great chief. The garrison consisted of three hundred men, under Major Gladwin. When Pontiac and his warriors came, although in great num- bers, they were so intermixed with women and children, and brought so many articles of trade, that suspicion was lulled. Pontiac encamped at some distance from the fort, and sent to Major Gladwin, to inform him that he had come to trade, and wished to hold a talk with him, to "brighten the chain of peace" between the English and the Indians. The major readily con- sented, and. the next morning was fixed for the conference. The same evening, a circumstance transpired which saved the garrison from a dreadful massacre. When the fort was clear of strangers, an Indian woman was found loitering, and being asked what she wanted, made no reply. The major, informed of her singular demeanor, directed her to be conducted into his presence. When she was brought to him, her answers were so confused and unsatisfactory, that the major suspected she had something to communicate but was restrained by her fears. Being assured of his protection, she told him that the chiefs who were to meet him in council next day, had formed a plan to murder him and the garrison, and take possession of the fort; that each chief would come to the council with his gun under his blanket, and when Pontiac gave the signal, which was the delivery to the major of a belt of wampum, they were to begin their work. Having thus a full knowledge of the plot, Major Gladwin had every precaution taken to put the garrison in ttie best possible state for defence. At the appointed hour of ten o'clock, the next morning, Pontiac and his chiefs, and a train of warriors en- tered the fort. The gates were then closed. The vigilant eye of the Indian chief discovered an unusual degree of activity among the garrison, but his fears were somewhat quieted by being informed that the men were exercising. The council 144 INDIAN WARS opened, and Pontiac commenced his speech. When he came to the signal of presenting the belt, the peculiar attitudes of the officers and men told the chief that his plot was discovered. The belt was not given, and Pontiac closed his speech with many pro- fessions of respect and affection for the English. Major Gladwin then reproached the chief with his treachery, and told him that he knew his whole diabolical plot. Pontiac made an effort to excuse himself and deny that he had intended any injury; but the major stepped to the chief nearest himself, pulled aside his blanket, and exposed the gun, thus completing the confusion of the Indians. They were then ordered to leave the fort. The next day a furious attack was made. Every stratagem was used by the savages, but all were defeated by the resolution of the garrison. Finding their efforts vain, they relinquished the attack; but blockaded the fort, cut off its supplies, and reduced the garrison to the greatest distress. Several small vessels, ap- proaching to relieve the besieged, were seized by the Indians and their crews cruelly treated. In consequence of the great extent of country between Detroit and the other western posts, there was much difficulty encoun- tered in sending relief to the garrison. But Captain Dalyell, with a considerable body of men, succeeded in reaching it on the 29th of July, 1763. Shortly after, Dalyell, with about two hundred and fifty men, went out of the fort with the object of surprising Pontiac in his camp; but the chief had timely notice, and concealing a superior force behind a picket fence, near a bridge, over which the English were to pass, poured upon them a dreadful fire. After a short action, the detachment retreated to the fort, having lost sixty-one men, including Captain Dalyell. The siege of Detroit was continued twelve months being the longest regular siege the Indians ever maintained. The fame of Pontiac had now reached Europe, and the British government made extensive preparations to crush the power of the Indians. Aware that General Bradstreet was marching to relieve Detroit, with a large force, Pontiac raised the siege and sued for peace, which the English were glad to grant. It may be proper here to state the after career of the greatest of Indian chiefs. He maintained the peace with the English faithfully until his death. When the American revolution broke out, Pontiac wished to take part with the Americans; but was prevented by Governor Hamilton, of Detroit. During the war, he went into Illinois to an Indian council there, and the English, suspecting his in- tentions were hostile to them, employed an Indian as a spy upon him. In the council he made a speech unfriendly to the Eng- lish, and the Indian stabbed him to the heart. Thus fell a man with the true commanding spirit daring, persevering, and saga- COLONEL BOUQUET. 10 OF THE COLONIES AND WESTERN INDIANS. 147 ciona. Among his own race, Pontiac was a warrior whose name was synonymous with success. His fertility of stratagem was only equalled by his firm courage. In short, he possessed most of those qualities which make men great, either among savage or civilized nations. While Pontiac and his warriors were contending with the Eng- lish iu Michigan, all the tribes in the western part of Pennsyl- vania and along the Ohio, were active in their operations against the common enemy. The Delawares and the Shawnese were the leading tribes in this quarter. When Detroit was besieged by the Ottawas, Fort Pitt and Niagara, which were furnished with numerous garrisons, well provided, expected the same fate. Ni- agara was not attacked; and Fort Pitt, commanded by Captain Huger, resisted all the efforts of the Delawares. A body of troops under Colonel Bouquet, was sent to the assistance of this place. Proceeding by forced marches, he gained the valley of the Bushy Kun. The defiles appeared to be free. But on the 5th of August, 1763, the English were suddenly surrounded by swarms of Indians, who assailed them on all sides in this narrow passage. The Indian mode of fighting gave them a great ad- vantage in this woody country. In this series of skirmishes, which began about mid-day, the English succeeded in repulsing every attack of their foes, and drove them from all their posi- tions. But the next morning, they renewed the attack with a much larger force. The English commander then determined to bring the Indians to a decisive battle, if possible. When the attack commenced, Bouquet ordered the centre line to fall back, in order to draw the savages into an attack upon this point alone. The right and left wings then retreated into the underwood and formed an ambuscade on each side. The Indians rushed into the passage thus opened for them, full of the belief that their enemies were nearly defeated; but, suddenly, the am- buscade troops appeared on their flanks and rushed upon them with such force that they were almost annihilated. A great num- ber of Indians perished in these two days' contests, but the number was not accurately known. This was their last attempt to obstruct the progress of Colonel Bouquet's forces, and after a fatiguing, rapid march, he arrived at Fort Pitt, and compelled the Indians to raise the siege. Not having enough troops to pursue them to the forests of Ohio, Bouquet returned to go into winter quarters in Pennsylvania. After raising the siege of Fort Pitt, the Indians retreated as far as the Muskingum. There they collected their forces, at- tached new tribes to their confederacy, and made every prepara- tion for renewing the struggle in the spring. But all their de- signs were destined to be crushed in the bud. General Gage 148 INDIAN TVARS THE CONFERENCE. became commander-in-chief of the British forces in the colonies, and prepared two expeditions against them. One body of troops, under Colonel Bradstreet, proceeded against the Ottawas, the Wyandotts, Chippewas, and other tribes near the great lakes. Another under Colonel Bouquet, was to attack the tribes between the great lakes and the Ohio. Bradstreet proceeded by rapid marches to Sandusky, and soon captured all the northwestern forts which the Indians had taken from the English. As before related, Pontiac then sued for peace. The otker expedition was delayed until late in August, and Colonel Bouquet did not arrive at Pittsburg until the 17th of September, 1767. Apprehending their danger, the Indians of Ohio were anxious for peace; but their terms were so ambiguous, 'that Bouquet thought it necessary to penetrate farther into their country, and, accordingly, he proceeded as far as the Muskingum. The Indians, not being able to check his passage, demanded that a conference should be held on the 18th of October. Bou- quet with an efficient force, proceeded to the place appointed, and the chiefs of the Delawares, Shawanese, and Senecas appeared with their principal warriors. The colonel informed them that peace would not be granted unless they would deliver to him all prisoners whom they held in possession. This was to be done within twelve days. On the first day, the Delawares delivered eighteen whites, and collected a bundle of sticks to signify that they had eighty-three more, who were then absent. The Shawanese refused to make such an engagement, until Colonel Bouquet advanced into their country as far as the Sciota; they then agreed to the demand. OF THE COLONIES AND WESTERN INDIANS. 149 On the 9th of November, two hundred and six English pri- soners were brought into camp; and on the same day, another conference was held, to conclude a treaty of peace. Even in defeat, the Shawanese retained all their pride and spirit, declar- ing that they only gave up the war in commiseration of their wives and children. The arrival of the prisoners in camp afforded a very affecting scene. There was the meeting of father and child, husband and wife, brothers and sisters. Some looked for those they had lost, but they were not there, and the full heart prevented them from asking for them. The Indians de- livered their captives with great regret, having become attached to them, and looking upon them as their own people. Many of the captives had adopted the Indian mode of life, and did not seem anxious to give it up. A few afterwards escaped from the settlements and returned to the Indians. Having accomplished its design, the army proceeded home- ward, and reached Pittsburg on the 28th of November. Colonel Bouquet returned to Philadelphia in January, 1765, where the representatives of Pennsylvania tendered him and his soldiers thanks for their services. The same was done by the represen- tatives of Virginia; and George III., of England, appointed the colonel a brigadier-general, and gave him the command of his armies in the southern provinces. Hi { n\ CHAPTER XII. CRESAP'S WAR. WE now come to a war in which one of the most celebrated of Indian chiefs bore the most prominent part. Logan was a Mingo chief, whose father, Shikellinus, was a chief of the Cayugas. He derived his name from the attachment which had existed between the benevolent James Logan and his father. In true greatnes? of soul few have surpassed Logan, and his misfortunes have ex- cited much sympathy among all capable of appreciating them 01 him. In the spring of 1774, a party of Indians robbed some whites who were preparing to settle upon the banks of the Ohio. The whites, considering this an indication of hostile intentions, assem- bled at a place on Wheeling creek. Captain Michael Cresap, at the head of the party, proceeded to attack a party of Indians on the Ohio river, and, by professing friendly intentions, completely surprised them. Several were slain ; and among them were some of the family of Logan. Soon after this affair, another party of these borderers, with Daniel Greathouse at their head, attacked a company of Indians about thirty miles above Wheeling. Many of them were murdered, under circumstances which aggravated the crime. A brother and sister of Logan were among the vic- tims. (May 24th, 1674.) Logan returning from a hunting ex- (150) OF CRESAP. 153 cursion to his home, finding the remains of his murdered rela- tives, vowed revenge. The consequence was a war, in which little mercy was shown upon either side. The Shawanese, Delawares, and many other tribes were united for the contest. Cornstalk was the great commander upon the side of the Indians; but Logan and Ked Eagle displayed their bravery in an equal manner. On the 12th of July, Logan, at the head of only eight warriors, attacked some settlers upon the Muskingum, killed one man, and captured two others, one whom afterwards became his secretary. When the news of the Indian depredations reached the seat of government of Virginia, Gover- nor Dunmore immediately ordered out the militia, to the number of three thousand men, half of whom, under Colonel Andrew Lewis, marched toward the mouth of the Great Kanhawa, while the governor himself with the remainder, marched against the Indian towns on the Ohio. The division under Colonel Lewis, met with no opposition until it arrived at Point Pleasant on the Great Kanhawa, where about fifteen hundred Indians under the chief command of Cornstalk were drawn up for battle. A detachment of three hundred men first fell in with them, and was defeated with great slaughter ; but the other divisions coming up, the conflict became obstinate and bloody, and was maintained during the whole day. As night closed upon the battle, the Indians slowly retreated, without being pursued. There is much difference in the statements of the loss of the English and Indians in this well fought battle. From the Indian custom of carrying off the dead, it is impossible to give an accurate account of their killed and wounded. Thirty- three bodies were found upon the field. The loss of the English is stated to have been fifty-five killed and eighty-seven wounded. After the battle, the English force encamped on a plain eight miles from Chilicothe, a place appointed for meeting the chiefs in order to negotiate a peace. Three days after, Cornstalk and eight other chiefs, came to the encampment, and in the confer- ence which ensued, both parties charged each other with breach of treaties and injuries committed by their respective country- men. At length a treaty was concluded. Logan would not meet the whites in council, although he desired peace. He re- mained in his cabin in sullen silence, until a messenger was sent to him, to know whether he would accede to the proposals. It was then he delivered his famous speech, which was in substance as follows : "I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked and he clothed him not. "During the course of the last long bloody war, Logan re- 154 INDIAN WARS mained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, 'Logan is the friend of white men.' "I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the inju- ries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan; not even sparing my women and children. "There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan ? -Not one I" Not long after the conclusion of the treaty, Logan was cruelly murdered as he was on his way home from Detroit. His great- ness was obscured previous to his death by the habits of constant intoxication which he had contracted perhaps, says the voice of sympathy, to "drown his sorrow." Cornstalk, his great com- patriot, with his valiant son, Ellinipnis, met the same fate, while on a mission of peace to Point Pleasant, in 1777. To which shall the term "savages" be applied? MUTISH AQBNlg TKAC1.TO WITH TUS IXDIAHi. CHAPTER XIII INDIAN WARS OP THE REVOLUTION. AT the commencement of the American struggle for indepen- dence, the Indians stood in a peculiar position. Their friendship became a matter of importance to both parties. To secure this, the English took particular care, and had many advantages, of which the colonisto were deprived. The expulsion of the French from Canada had given the Indians a high opinion of the valor and power of British forces. They also had the means of sup- plying the wants of the Indians by presents of articles, which could only be obtained from Europe, and which the American Congress had prohibited the colonists from importing. They had still another and a more important advantage. Since the peace of 1763 nearly all the transactions of the English with the In dians had been conducted by agents who were attached to the home government j and who, of course, secured the Indians as far as possible, to the interest of that government, when the colo- nies rebelled. In the meantime, the Americans were not unmindful of their interests in this quarter. They appointed commissioners to ex- plain the nature of the struggle, and to gain their good will by treaties and presents. Congress, also resolved to distribute goods to the amount of two thousand dollars among them ; but the wise resolution was never executed. In almost every period of the (159) 160 INDIAN WARS war, the Indians took part with the EngKsh. South Carolina was one of the first states that felt the force of British influence. All intercourse with the Creeks and Cherokees, the tribes nearest the frontier settlements of that state, had, for some years previ- ous to the beginning of the war, been conducted by John Stuart, an officer very zealous in the British cause. He formed a plan to land a British force in Florida, and in conjunction with the Indians, to attack the western settlements of South Carolina, while a fleet should appear upon the coast. This plan was dis- covered by the capture of Moses Kirkland, bearer of despatches to General Gage, and the Americans immediately took measures to frustrate it. Yet so nearly had the scheme succeeded, that the Cherokees began their attacks on the settlements at the same time the Bri- tish fleet attacked the fort on Sullivan's Island. But the defeat of the fleet enabled the Americans to carry the war into the In- dian country. An effective force was sent by Virginia, North Carolina, and the other states, at the same time, which traversed the Indian ground, burnt their villages, and destroyed their crops, and forced about five hundred Cberokees to enter Florida, and seek protection from the British. Soon after, they sued for peace, and by the treaty which was then made, ceded a consider- able quantity of land to South Carolina. This expedition so far humbled the Cherokees, that they did not attempt hostilities for several years after. The Six Nations had been secured to the British cause in July, 1775, by Colonel Guy Johnson, intendant-general of the king for Indian affairs. This was unfortunate for the American frontier settlements in the northern and middle states. A great number of tories had taken refuge among the Indians, and by their knowledge of the state of things in the settlements, greatly aided the savages in their constant attacks. So embittered were these men against those who had driven them from the abodes of civilization, that they outdid the Indians in displaying their cruelty. The principal leaders of these expeditions were Colonel John Butler, a Connecticut tory, and Brant, a half-blood Indian, principal chief of the Six Nations. When Burgoyne started upon his expedition of invading the northern states, he deemed it important that Fort Schuyler should be taken, otherwise, he would leave a favorable post in his rear. Accordingly, he detached Colonel St. Leger with a large force of British and Indians to effect its capture. The fort was invested on the 3d of August, 1777. It was in so poor a state of defence, that an immediate attempt to drive off the enemy and relieve it, was absolutely necessary. General Herki- mer, a leading person in Tryon county, marched with more than TUB INDIAN'S cuwa. OF THE REVOLUTION. 163 HEEKHtEB's DEFEAT, eight hundred militia on this service. St. Leger had with him about seven hundred Indian warriors, who with their wives, children, other men and women made up near fourteen hundred. He detached Sir John Johnson, with some troops and the In dians, to lie in ambush in the woods, and intercept the milkia. (August 6.) Herkimer fell into the snare, and was surprised: but several of the chief Indians fell by the first fire he gave them; soon after which, the battle was a scene of confusion be- yond any thing the Indians had ever seen. The white people, consisting of the militia and Sir John Johnson's tory troops, as bis own corps was called, got together in parties of twenty or thirty, so that they could not fire; but pulled and hauled, drew their knives and stabbed each other. The Indians, who consisted Shawanese, Delawares, Senecas, and others, after a while con- ectured, from their own loss and the confusion which prevailed, tat both Sir John's people, and Herkimer's intended to destroy em ; at length some of their chiefs told the young warriors, at it was a plot of the white people to draw them into a scrape d cut them off; and then ordered them to kill all white people atever. It is thought that near as many of Sir John's tory ty were killed by the Indians as by the militia. A number Herkimer's ran off: about a hundred were so surrounded that y could not get away; but they possessed themselves of an Tautageous post behind logs, &c. } where they continued fight- 164 INDIAN WARS GENERAL SCHUTLZB. ing the Indians with great bravery, till Sir John drew off bis men, fearing that the garrison would sally out and fall upon him : near upon seventy of the hundred by this means escaped. Two hundred and fifty men, under Lieutenant-colonel Willet, sallied out about that time, and routed two of the Indian and tory en- campments, destroying their provisions, and carrying off kettles, blankets, muskets, tomahawks, spears, clothing, deer skins, a variety of Indian trophies, and five standards; which, on their return to the fort were displayed under the continental flag. Both parties suffered terribly in this close struggle. The Se- necas alone lost thirty men, and the tories one hundred. The loss of the Americans in killed, wounded, and prisoners was about four hundred men. Many of the most active political characters in that part of the country were among the slain. St. Leger now summoned the fort to surrender, but again met with a steady refusal. Deeming it a matter of importance to prevent the junction of Burgoyne and St. Leger, General Schuyler sent Arnold, with a OP THE REVOLUTION. 167 considerable force to relieve Fort Schuyler. Arnold made use of stratagem to effect this. He captured an American of wealth and influence, whom he believed had been acting the part of a traitor, and promised his life and fortune on condition that he would go to Fort Schuyler and alarm the Indians and British by magnifying the force which was marching against them. This was done ; and the Indians, who had already become discontented on account of their losses in the battle with Herkimer, and the disappointmen of their hopes of plunder, left St. Leger to prosecute the siege with the British troops alone. But he concluded to raise the siege, and retreated with his whole force two days before Arnold arrived. The firm and successful defence of Fort Schuyler, added to the victory at Bennington, contributed greatly to inspirit the Americans, and may be considered as the commencement of that which ended in glory at Saratoga. The horrid cruelties of the Indians in the service of the British roused the indignation of the Americans to a fearful height. One barbarous aet, although it was a case of individual suffering, made a deep impression on the Americans, and was alluded to in a letter from General Gates to General Burgoyne, dated 2d of September. It deserves particular mention, because of the ex- citement it created at the time it was first made known. Mr. Jones, an officer of the British army, had engaged the affections of Miss Macrea, a young lady of amiable character and spotless reputation, daughter of a gentleman attached to the royal cause, living near Fort Edward; and they had agreed to be mar- ried. In the course of his duties, the officer was removed to some distance from his bride, and became anxious for her safety. He engaged two Indians of different tribes, to bring her to camp, and promised a keg of rum to the person who should deliver her safe to him. She dressed to meet her intended husband, and accompanied her savage conductors. By the way, the two In- dians quarrelled in regard to who should deliver her to her lover; and to settle the matter according to Indian usage, one of them cleft her skull with a tomahawk. This simple, but affecting story was exaggerated and dwelt upon by the American news- papers in a style that fired the people with a hatred and a deter- mined spirit that would not be satisfied with any thing short of an extermination of the savages wherever found, and which aided materially in securing the triumph of the American arms. The next exploit of Brandt and the savage Butler, was at Wyoming, a new and flourishing settlement on the eastern branch of the Susquebanna. The territory in which the town was situated, was claimed by two states Pennsylvania and Connec- ticut. From the collision of contradictory claims, thp laws of neither state were enforced, and the security of the inhabitants 168 INDIAN WARS was destroyed. The tories were numerous, and were under less control than in the larger towns. But twenty -seven of them were taken and sent to Hartford for trial; these were afterwards set at liberty. Burning with desire of revenge for loss of property and banishment, these tories and their friends joined the Indians, and prepared to attack the settlement. A little before the main attack, some small parties made sudden irruptions, and committed several robberies and murders; and from ignorance, or a con- tempt of all ties whatever, massacred the wife and five children of one of the persons sent for trial to Connecticut in their own cause. At length, in the beginning of July, the enemy suddenly ap- peared in full force on the Susquehanna, headed by Colonel John Butler, a Connecticut tory, and cousin to Colonel Zebulon But- ler, the second in command in the settlement. He was assisted by most of those leaders, who had rendered themselves terrible in the present frontier war. Their force was about sixteen hun- dred men, near a fourth Indians, led by their own chiefs : the others were so disguised and painted as not to be distinguished from the Indians, excepting their officers, who, being dressed in regimentals, carried the appearance of regulars. One of the smaller forts, garrisoned chiefly by tories, was given up or rather betrayed. Another was taken by storm, and all but the women and children massacred in the most inhuman manner. (July 3.) Colonel Zebulon Butler, leaving a small number to guard Fort Wilkesbarre, crossed the river with about four hundred men, and marched into Kingston Fort, whither the women, children, and defenceless of all sorts crowded for protec- tion. He suffered himself to be enticed by his cousin to abandon the fortress. He agreed to march out, and hold a conference with the enemy in the open field (at so great a distance from the fort, as to shut out all possibility of protection from it) upon their withdrawing according to their own proposal, in order to the holding of a parley for the conclusion of a treaty. He at the same time marched out about four hundred men well armed, being nearly the whole strength of the garrison, to guard his person to the place of parley, such was his distrust of the enemy's designs. On his arrival, he found no body to treat with him, and yet advanced toward the foot of the mountain, where at a distance he saw a flag, the holders of which, seemingly afraid of treachery on his side, retired as he advanced; whilst he, endea- voring to remove this pretended ill impression, pursued the flag, till his party was thoroughly enclosed, when he was suddenly freed from his delusion by finding it attacked at once on every side. He and his men, notwithstanding the surprise and danger, fought with resolution and bravery, and kept up so continual and OP THE REVOLUTION. 17] COLONEL ZZBULOX BU1LZE. heavy a fire for three quarters of an hour, that they .ic^c&ed V; gain a marked superiority. In this critical momenC, A soldier, through a sudden impulse of fear, or premeditated treacheryj cried out aloud, "the colonel has ordered a retreat!" The fate of the party was now at once determined. In the siate of con- fusion that ensued, an unresisted slaughter commenced, while the enemy broke in on all sides without obstruction. Colonel Zebulon Butler, and about seventy of his men escaped ; the latter got across the river to Fort Wilkesbarre, the colouel made his way to Fort Kingston, which was invested the next day, (July 4,) on the land side. The enemy, to sadden the drooping spirits of the weak remaining garrison, sent in for their contemplation the bloody scalps of one hundred and ninety-six of their late friends and comrades. They kept up a continual rire upon the fort the whole day. In the evening, the colonel quitted the fort and went down the river with his family. He is thought to be the only officer that escaped. (July 5.) Colonel Nathan Dennison, who succeeded to the command, seeing the impossibility of an effectual defence, went with a flag to Colonel John Butler, to know what terms he would grant on a surrender; to which application Butler answered with more than savage phlegm in two short words the hatchet. Dennison having defended the fort, till most of the garrison were 172 INDIAN WARS killed or disabled, was compelled to surrender at discretion. Some of the unhappy persons in the fort were carried away alive; but the barbarous conquerors, to save the trouble of murder in detail, shut up the rest promiscuously in the houses and barracks, which having set on fire, they enjoyed the savage pleasure of beholding the whole consumed in one general blaze. They then crossed the river to the only remaining fort, Wilkes- barre, which, in hopes of mercy, surrendered without demanding any conditions. They found about seventy continental soldiers, who had been engaged merely for the defence of the frontiers whom they butchered with every circumstance of horrid cruelty The remainder of the men, with the women and children, were shut up as before in the houses, which being set on fire, they per- ished altogether in the flames. A general scene of devastation was now spread through all the townships. Fire, sword, and the other different circumstances of destruction alternately triumphed. The settlements of the tories alone generally escaped, and appeared as islands in the midst of the surrounding ruin. The merciless ravagers having destroyed the main objects of their cruelty, directed their ani- mosity to every part of living nature belonging to them; shot and destroyed some of their cattle, and cut out the tongues of others, leaving them still alive to prolong their agonies. In the following November, the inhabitants of Cherry Valley were attacked by a large body of tories and Indians, under But- ler and Brandt. An attempt was made upon Fort Alden; but it failed. The enemy, however, killed and scalped thirty-two of the settlers, mostly women and children, and also Colonel Alden and ten soldiers. But retribution overtook the merciless Butler. In October, 1781, Colonel Willet with four hundred soldiers and sixty Onei- das, surprised a party of tories and Indians, in the country of the Mohawks, and killed and took the most of them. Walter Butler was among the party, and being wounded by an Oneida Indian, he called out for quarter, upon which the Indian screamed ' out "Sherry Valley," and instantly despatched him. A short time previous to this affair, Colonel William Butler, with a party of Pennsylvania troops, proceeded on an expedition into the Indian country. On the 1st of October, he reached the head of the Delaware, marched down that river for two days, and then struck across to the Susquehanna. Great difficulties were surmounted in this expedition. The men carried their provisions on their backs, and thus loaded, waded through rivers and creeks, and endured damp nights and heavy rains. Yet they were suc- cessful. They burned the Indian villages and the tory settle- ments on both sides of the Susquehanna; but the inhabitants MMB OF WALTtt BUTLW. OP THE REVOLUTION. 175 COLONEL PICKENS. escaped. Butler returned to Scboharie, within sixteen days after leaving that place, and was received with a salute and a feu de joie. Other expeditions were conducted against the Indians in the course of the year. In April, Colonel Van Schaick with fifty- five men marched from Fort Schuyler, and burned the whole Onondago settlements, consisting of about fifty houses, with a large quantity of provisions, killed twelve Indians, and made thirty-four prisoners, without the loss of a single man. In Au- gust, General Williamson and Colonel Pickens, of South Caro- lina, entered the Indian country adjacent to the frontier of their state; burned and destroyed the corn of eight towns; and re- quired the Indians to remove into more remote settlements. In the same month, Colonel Broadhead made a successful expedition against the Mingo, Munsey, and Seneca Indians. Leaving Pitts- burg with six hundred and five men, he in about five weeks peno 1V6 INDIAN WARS ESEBAL SCLLITAir. trated about two hundred miles from the fort, destroyed a num- ber of Indian huts, and about five hundred acres of corn. Detached parties of Indians distressed different portions of tho United States. In July, a party of sixty Indians and twenty- seven white men under Brandt, attacked the Minisink settlement, in the state of New York, and burned ten houses, twelve barns, a fort, and two mills, and carried off much plunder, with several prisoners. In August, the Indians with their tory associates burned fifty houses and forty-seven barns at Canijohary, a fine settlement about fifty-six miles from Albany; and destroyed twenty-seven houses at Schoharie, and two at Norman's Creek. But Washington determined to send a force into the country of the Six Nations which should effect something decisive. A body of twenty-five hundred men, under General Sullivan, was ordered upon this service. The forces were not concentrated at Wyoming until July, 1779. On the 22d of July, a party of militia, who had marched from this place to Lackawaxen to pro- tect the settlers there, was attacked by a body of tories and In- dians, and out of one hundred and forty men, only thirty escaped unhurt. The Indians, on hearing of the expedition projected against 12 OF THE REVOLUTION. 179 them, acted with firmness. They collected their strength, took possession of proper ground, and fortified it with judgment. General Sullivan on the 29th of August, attacked them in their works. They stood a cannonade for more than two hours; but then gave way. This engagement proved decisive. After the trenches were forced, the Indians fled without making any at- tempt to rally. The consternation occasioned among them by thid defeat was so great, that they gave up all ideas of further resistance. As the Americans advanced into their settlements, the Indians retreated before them, without throwing any obstruc- tions in their way. General Sullivan penetrated into the heart of the country inhabited by the Mohawks, and spread desolation every where. Many settlements in the form of towns were de- stroyed. All their fields of corn, and whatever was in a state of cultivation underwent the same fate. Scarcely any thing in the form of a house was left standing, nor was an Indian to be seen. To the surprise of the Americans, they found the lands about the Indian towns well cultivated, and their houses both large and commodious. The quantity of corn destroyed was immense. Orchards, in which were several hundred fruit trees, were cut down; and of them many appeared to have been planted for a - long series of years. Their gardens, replenished with a variety of useful vegetables, were laid waste. The Americans were so full of resentment against the Indians, for the many outrages they had suffered from them, and so bent on making the expe- dition decisive, that the officers and soldiers cheerfully agreed to remain, till they had fully completed the destruction of the set- tlement. The supplies obtained in the country lessened the inconvenience of short rations. The ears of corn were so re- markably large, that many of them measured twenty-two inches in length. Necessity suggested a novel expedient for pulverising the grains thereof. The soldiers perforated a few of their camp kettles with bayonets. The protrusions occasioned thereby formed a rough surface, and, by rubbing the ears of corn thereon, a coarse meal was produced, which was easily convertible into agreeable nourishment. Having thus completed the work of devastation, Sullivan and his army returned. The work accomplished was fully justified on the ground of retaliation. There was no other way of making the foe feel the consequences of their bloody and desolating deeds. The Indians were greatly cowed in spirit by the expedi- tion, and the frontiers were relieved from their attacks for a long time afterwards. In the latter part of the war, in 1782, a party of civilized In- dians who had settled near the Muskingum, at the Moravian towns, were barbarously murdered by a party of one hundred and 180 INDIAN WARS sixty white men, who crossed the Ohio and attacked them without the slightest provocation. Ninety of them were put to death without resistance on their part. These Kentuckians earned a name by this horrible deed worthy to be ranked with those of Butler and Brandt. Retribution* soon overtook them. A party set out to destroy the Indian towns near Sandusky; but the Delawares opposed, and a battle ensued. The Indians conquered, and several Americans were killed and others taken prisoners. Among the latter was Colonel Crawford, who was sacrificed to the manes of those who were murdered at the Moravian towns; the rest were unmercifully tomahawked. On the 24th of June, 1782, General Wayne was furiously at- tacked at a plantation about five miles from Savannah, by a large body of Creeks, who at first drove his troops and took two pieces of artillery; but Wayne soon rallied his force, and charged the Indians with such spirit, that they were completely routed. The action was contested hand to hand with tomahawk, sword, and bayonet. Fourteen Indians, including Emistessigo, a famous chief, were slain. Wayne lost but two men. The royalists who came from Savannah to assist the Indians, were driven back by the victorious Americans, who took a British standard and one hundred and twenty-seven horses with packs. Of the conti- Jftentals, five were killed and eight wounded. OF THE REVOLUTION. 181 This was the last Indian battle during the war. The whole course of the contest maintained between the Indiana and the Americans had been marked by an excess of cruelty almost un- paralleled in the annals of war. Women and children were put to death as mercilessly as those in arms. In the political dis- sensions, families were divided among themselves, and, as at Wyoming, all ties w re forgotten in a fiendish desire for blood and revenge. Such * struggle is scarcely to be found elsewhere in history- CHAPTER XIV. TE5 WAR WITH THE INDIANS OF THE WEST DURING WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. AFTER the termination of the revolutionary war, the hardy settlers of the west had still a contest to maintain, which often threatened their extermination. The Indian tribes of the west refused to bury the hatchet when Great Britain withdrew her armies, and they C9ntinued their terrible devastations. The vicinity of the Ohio river, especially, was the scene of their opera- tions. Boats were plundered and their crews murdered. Farma were destroyed and settlements burned. A great number of people were carried into hopeless captivity. All efforts to obtain peace by negotiation proved fruitless. For the Indians were Stimulated to these hostilities by the British agents, and supplied with arms and sheltered under the guns of the British forts, which, in defiance of the treaty, were still held in American ter- ritory. (182) DURING WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 183 Finally, it became necessary to reduce the Indians by force of arms, and an expedition was prepared for that purpose. The object of the expedition was, to bring the Indians to an engagement, if posssible ; but, in any event, to destroy their set- tlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash. On the 30th of September, General Harmar, who was placed at the head of the federal troops, marched from Fort Washington with three hun- dred and twenty regulars, and effected a junction with the militia of Pennsylvania and Kentucky, who had advanced about twenty miles in front. The whole army amounted to fourteen hundred and fifty-three men. On the approach of Colonel Harden, who commanded the Kentucky militia, with a detachment of six hundred men to reconnoitre the ground, and to ascertain the intentions of the enemy, the Indians set fire to their principal village, and fled precipitately to the woods. The same officer, again detached at the head of two hundred and ten men, thirty of whom were regulars, when about ten miles west of Chilicothe, where the main body ot the army lay, was attacked by a small party of Indians. The militia fleeing at the first appearance of the enemy, the handful of regulars, commanded by Lieutenant Armstrong, made a brave resistance. Twenty-three of them fell in the field, and the surviving seven escaped and rejoined the army. The remaining towns on the Scioto were, notwithstanding, reduced to ashes; and the provisions, laid up before the winter, wete entirely destroyed. After this service, the army decamped, to return to Fort Washington. To retrieve the disgrace of his arms, General Harmar halted about eight miles from Chilicothe, and late in the night detached Colonel Harden again, with orders to find the enemy and bring on an engagement. His detach- ment, consisting of three hundred and sixty men, of whom sixty were regulars commanded by Major Wyllys, early the next morn- ing, reached the confluence of the St. Joseph and the St. Mary, where it was divided into three columns. The left division, com- manded by Colonel Harden, crossed the St. Joseph, and pro- ceeded up its western bank ; the centre, consisting of the federal troops, was led by Major Wyllys up the eastern side of the river; and the right, under Major M'Millan, marched along a range of heights which commanded the right flank of the centre division. The columns were soon met by a considerable body of Indians, and a severe engagement ensued. The militia retrieved their repu- tation. Several of the bravest officers fell; among whom was Major Fontaine, a gallant young gentleman, who acted as aid to the general. The Indians, after giving a semblance of fighting with the regulars in front, seized the heights of the right of the centre column, and attacked the right flank of the centre with 184 INDIAN WARS GENERAL ST. CLAIR. great fury. Major Wyllys was araong the first who fell) but the battle was still kept up with spirit, and with considerable execu- tion on both sides. The remnant of this little band, overpowered at length by numbers, was driven off the ground, leaving fifty of their comrades, beside two valuable officers, Major Wyllys and Lieutenant Frothingham, dead upon the field. The loss sustained by the militia amounted to upwards of one hundred men, among whom were ten officers. After this engagement, the detachment joined the main army, and the troops returned to Fort Washington. The general government was prompt in the endeavor to retrieve the defeat of Harmar's detachments. Another expedition was determined upon, and General St. Glair was appointed to com- mand it. The troops could not be raised and assembled in the neighbor- hood of Fort Washington until the month of September, 1791. On the 7th of that month, the regulars, marching thence directly north towards the object of their destination, established two intermediate posts, Forts Hamilton and Jefferson, about forty miles distant from each other, as places of deposit and security, after garrisons had been placed in these forts, the effective num- CORING WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 185 TORT WASHINGTON. her of the army, including militia, amounted to nearly two thou- sand men. With this force the general continued his march, which was necessarily slow and laborious. After some unim- portant skirmishes, as the army approached the country in whioh they might expect to meet an enemy, about sixty of the militia deserted in a body; in pursuit of whom the general detached Major Hamtranck with the first regiment. The army, consist- ing of about fourteen hundred effective rank and file, continued its march, and on the 3d of November, encamped on a com- manding ground, about fifteen miles south of the Miami villages. The militia, crossing a creek, and advancing about a quarter of a mile in front, encamped in two lines; and on their approach, a few Indians, who had showed themselves on the opposite side of the creek, fled with precipitation. It was the general's determi- nation to throw up a slight work at this place, for the security of the baggage; and after being rejoined by Major Hamtranck, to march unencumbered, and expeditiously, to the Indian vil- lages. In both these designs, however, he was frustrated. The next morning, about half an hour before sunrise, an unex- pected attack was made upon the militia, who fled in the utmost 186 INDIAN WARS confusion, and rushing into the camp through the first line of continental troops, threw them into disorder. The exertions of the officers o restore order were not entirely successful. The Indians pre sed closely upon the flying militia, and intrepidly engaged Ge. cral Butler. The action instantly became severe. The fire of the assailants, passing round hot 1 * Aanks of the first line, Tras in a few minutes poured furiously 011 Uio rear division of the American army. Directed most intensely against the centre of each wing, where the artillery was posted, it made great destruction among the artillerists. The Indians, firing from the ground, and from the shelter of the woods, were scarcely seen, but when springing from one cover to another. Thus advancing close up to the American lines, and to the very mouths of the field pieces, they fought with the most daring and intrepid bravery. The unequal conduct of the soldiers, as is usual on such oc- casions, imminently exposed the officers, who, in their fearless efforts, fell in great numbers. Their only hope of victory, was now in the bayonet. Lieutenant Colonel Darke, with the second regiment forming the left of the wing, made an impetuous charge upon the enemy, and drove them with some loss, about four hundred yards; but, though followed by that whole wing, he was unable, for want of a sufficient number of riflemen to press this advantage, and when he stayed the pursuit, the enemy renewed the attack. In the meantime, General Butler was mor- tally wounded; the left of the right wing was broken; the artil- lerists, almost to a man, were killed; the guns seized; and the camp penetrated by the enemy. Darke, with his own regiment, and with the battalions commanded by Majors Butler and Clarke, charging again with the bayonet, drove the Indians out of the camp, and recovered the artillery. But while pressed in one point, they kept up a fatal fire from every other. Though successfully sharged in several instances by particular corps, they could not 3e fought by the whole combined forces; and in every charge, a great loss of officers was sustained. The soldiers breaking their ranks, flocked together in crowds, and were shot down without resistance. To save the remnant of his army, General St. Clair, in the morning, ordered Lieutenant Colonel Darke, with the second regiment, to charge a body of Indians who had inter- cepted their retreat, and to gain the road ; and Major Clarke, with his battalion, to cover the rear. A most disorderly flight now commenced. After a pursuit of about four miles, the In- dians turned back to the camp for plunder, and the troops con- tinued their flight about thirty miles, to Fort Jefferson. Here they met Major Hamtranck with the first regiment ; and, calling a council of war, it was determined not to attempt to retrieve AN ITOIAN CHIEF. DURING WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 189 their misfortune ; and, leaving the wounded at Fort Jefferson, the troops continued their retreat to Fort Washington. In this disastrous battle, thirty-eight commissioned officers were killed upon the field, and five hundred and ninety-three non-commis- sioned officers and privates were slain and missing; twenty-one commissioned officers, several of whom died afterwards of their wounds, and two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned officers and privates were wounded. General Butler was a gallant officer, who had served with distinction through the revolutionary war. It was observed by General St. Clair, in his official letter : " The loss the public has sustained by the loss of so many officers, particu- larly of General Butler and Major Ferguson, cannot be too much regretted." The Indian force, in this action, was estimated from one thousand to fifteen hundred warriors; but no estimate could be made of their loss. The celebrated chief, Little Turtle, was the Indian commander in both of the battles with General Harmar's troops, and in this one with St. Clair. He belonged to the Miamis, and his Indian name was Mishikinakwa. Emboldened by their great success, the Indians committed more serious depredations. Ambassadors sent to negotiate a peace with them were murdered, and no resource was left but to send another army against them. Several months elapsed before the necessary troops could be col- lected. The gallant General Wayne, known to the Indians as a " sleepless chief," was appointed to succeed St. Clair, who had resigned his command. To bring the war to a prosperous termination, it was judged necessary not merely to expel the Indians, but to prevent their return, and for this purpose to hold the country by a chain of permanent posts. Not being able to execute this plan during the autumn, the general had contented himself with collecting his army and penetrating about six miles in advance of Fort Jefferson, where he established himself for the winter in a camp called Greensville. After fortifying this camp, he took posses- sion of the ground on which the Americans had been defeated in 1791; and there another fort was erected, called Fort Re- covery. The opening of the campaign was unavoidably pro- tracted until near midsummer. Early in August, General Wayne reached the confluence of the Au Glaize and the Miamis of the lakes, where were the richest and most extensive settlements of the Indians; and here he threw some works of defence and pro- tection for magazines. About thirty miles" from the mouth of the Au Glaize was a post occupied by the British, on the Miarnia of the lakes, in the vicinity of which was collected the whole strength of the enemy, understood to be somewhat less than two thousand men. The continental legion was not much inferior in 190 THE INDIAN WARS. GENERAL WAYNE DEFEATING THE INDIANS. number; and a reinforcement of about eleven hundred mounted militia from Kentucky, commanded by General Scott, gave the army of Wayne a decided superiority in strength. Though it was well understood that the Indians had determined to give him battle ; yet, in pursuance of the pacific policy of the United States, the general sent m-jseengers to the several hostile tribes assembled in his front, inviting them to appoint deputies to meet him for the purpose of negotiating a permanent peace. The American army, on the 15th of August, marched down the Miamis, and on the 18th arrived at the rapids, where they halted the next day to erect a temporary work for the protection of the baggage, and to reconnoitre the enemy. The Indians were advantageously posted behind a thick wood, and behind the British fort. On the morning of the 20th the American army advanced in columns : the legion, with its right flank, covered by the Miamis; one brigade of mounted volunteers, commanded by General Todd, on the left; the other, under General Barbee, in the rear; aad a select battalion commanded by Major Price, moving in front of the legion in advance. After marching about five miles, Major Price received a heavy fire from a concealed DURING WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. 191 enemy, which compelled him to retreat. The Indians had taken a position almost inaccessible, in a thick wood in front of the British works, where they were fonned in three lines, with a very extended front, their lines otrtuHing to the west, at right angles with the river, about two miles; and their first effort was to turn the left flank of the American A; my. On the discharge of the first rifle, the legion was formed in two lines. The front was ordered to advance with trailed arms? reserving their fire until they had forced the enemy from his co?ert at the point of the bayonet, and, after a discharge, to press the fugitives too closely to permit them to reload their pieces. Perceiving the aim of the enctny to turn the American left, the general ordered the second line to support the first. The legion cavalry, led by Captain Campbell, was ordered to penetrate between the Indians and the river, to charge their left flank ; and General Scott, with the mounted volunteers, to make a circuit, and turn their right flank. These orders were executed with great spirit and com- plete success. An impetuous charge, made by the first line of infantry, entirely broke the enemy's line; a rapid pursuit suc- ceeded; and in the course of one hour the Indians were driven more than two miles, through thick woods, within gun shot of the British fort. In this decisive battle, the loss of the Ameri- cans in killed and wounded, including officers, was one hundred and seven. Among the slain were Captain Campbell, and Lieute- nant Fowles, bcth of whom fell in the first charge. The American troops engaged in the battle did not amount to nine hundred; the number of I:\dians was two thousand. After remaining on the banks of the Miamis, in front of the field of battle, three days, during which time the houses and corn fields above and below the fort were burnt, General Wayne, on the 28th, returned with the army to Au Glaize, having destroyed all the villages and corn within fifty miles of the river. The Indians still continuing hostilities, their whole country was laid waste, and forts were erected in the heart of their cct- tlements. The effect of the battle of the 20th of August was instantly and extensively felt. To the victory, gained by the Americans, is ascribed the resue of the United States from a general war with the Indians northwest of the Ohio; and its influence is believed to have extended to the Indians in Georgia. The principal tribes engaged in the war were the Miamis, De- lawares, Shawnees, and Wyandots. Besides the brave and cautious Mishikinakwa, the Indians had other commanders, of almost equal fame. Blue Jacket, a Shawnese chief, was known as a more cruel and precipitate leader than Mishikinakwa, but possessed of less discrimination and judgment. The Shawnees, though compelled to peace, retained their hatred to the whites. CHAPTER XV. THE TIPPECANOE WAR. BRITISH influence and the exertions of two remarkable Indian were the causes of the next important war between the Ameri- cans and their western savage neighbors. The two Indians were Tecumseh, a Shawnese chief, and his brother, the Prophet, Oii- wachica. These men commenced their intrigues in 1806. Their object was the same which had been aimed at by Philip of Mount Hope, Pontiac, and other great chiefs the union of the different Indian tribes for the expulsion or extermination of the whites. But Philip's schemes were trifling compared with those of Tecumseh and his brother. They wished to unite all the Indian tribes of the west, from the Creeks to the Ottawas, and hoped to drive the whites entirely from the valley of Mis- sissippi. To effect this vast object, Tecumseh and the Prophet who was, perhaps, the tool of his great brother, traversed the whole frontiers, made stirring appeals to the prejudices of the (192) THE TIPPECANOE WAR. 193 THE PROPER. Different tribes, and made use of all the arts of persuasion and diplomacy, in which they were skilled. The two brothers, born at the same birth, differed widely in character, but were well fitted to act together in such an enter- prise. The Indian name of the Prophet signified "a door opened" in allusion to the way of deliverance he was expected to point out to the red men. The name of Tecumseh, or Te- cumthe', as it is sometimes written, signified " a panther crouch- ing." Tecumseh possessed the daring, active, enthusiastic mind, necessary for forming great plans, and carrying them into execu- tion. He was an able military commander, a skilful negotiator, and possessed that dignity of temper and deportment which secures respect. Well skilled in the springs of human action, he was able to take advantage of the weaknesses of others, and mould them to his purposes. His abilities were stained by a cruel temper, and it is said that he asked no quarters and gave none. The Prophet had none of the manly qualities of his brother. He is described as being an indifferent warrior and hunter, and crafty, cruel, cowardly, and sensual. He extorted a living from the Indians through the influence of superstition; and cireum- 13 134 INDIAN WARS. stances gave him a vast control over their minds. Tecumseh had obtained such a mastery over his brother, that when in council together, the latter never spoke although, as an orator, he was more persuasive than his brother. Taking advantage of a belief among the Shawanese, that then tribe was destined to rostore the dominions of the red men, the Prophet commenced a scries of incantations, and from time to time communicated tho result to the credulous Indians. He prophesied the speedy downfall of the power of the whites, and the resumption by the Indians of the customs of their ancestors. To effect this, they were advised to abstain from all intercourse with the whites, and from using any article manufactured by them. The result of the operations of the brothers was the Tippecanoe war. When the treaty of Fort AVayne took place, Tecumseh was absent, and on his return, he threatened with death some of tho chiefs who had signed it. Hereupon, Governor Harrison dis- patched a message to inquire the cause of his dissatisfaction with the treaty, and inviting him to come to Vincennes and exhibit his pretensions;, assuring him that if they were valid, the land acquired by the treaty should be given up or ample compensa- tion made for it. Tecumseh accepted the invitation, but treacherously brought with him four hundred armed warriors, instead of thirty, as di- rected. At the council, he claimed for all the Indians of the country, a common right to all the lands in it; denied the right of any tribe to sell any portion of it without the consent of all, and pronounced the treaty of Fort Wayne null and void. Harri- son replied, that when the whites came to this continent, they found the Miamis in occupation of all the country of the Wabash, at which time the Shawanese dwelt in Georgia, from whence they were driven by the Creeks; that the Miamis had consulted their own interest, as they had a right to do, in selling their own lands on terms satisfactory to thems^ves; and that the Shawanese had no right to come from a distant country, and undertake to control the Miamis in the disposition of their own property. Scarcely were these words interpreted, when Tecum- seh fiercely exclaimed, " It ia false !" and giving his signal to his warriors, they sprang to their feet and raised their weapons, while Tecumseh continued to address the Indians in a loud voice and with violent gestures. At this critical moment, the courage and decision of Harrison prevented a scene of bloodshed and horror. He rose immediately and drew his sword ; but, restrain- ing his guards, he calmly, but authoritatively, told Tecumseh, that " he was a bad man, that he would have no further talk vrith him; and that he must return to his camp and take hia THE TIPPECANOE WAR. 195 COUNCIL OF VINCENNES. departure from the settlements immediately ;" and with that the council was dissolved ; and Tecumseh and his warriors, awed by the courage and decision of Harrison, withdrew in silence. The next morning, Tecumseh, perceiving that he had to deal with a man as vigilant and bold as himself, apologized for the affront which he had offered, and requested another conference. In the second council he behaved with greater moderation, and told the governor, that white men (British agents, undoubtedly,) had advised him to do as he had done, and that he was deter- mined to maintain the old boundary. This the governor said he would report to the president : ' and the council ended. Governor Harrison then went ic- Tsruni3 JND:AXS PKOCLEDISG TO FORT STEPIIENSOX. THE NORTHWESTERN WAR OF 1812-13. 229 the prisoners, in presence of the officers of the British army, are said to have been little inferior in atrocity to those of the bloody day of Frenchtown. From this period until the 9th, little of importance occurred. The British commander, finding he could make no impression upon the fort with his batteries, and being deserted, in a great measure, by his Indian allies, who became weary of the length of the siege, resolved upon a retreat. After several days' pre- paration, his whole force was accordingly embarked on the 9th, and was soon out of sight of the garrison, with little molestation on their part. The British and Indians engaged in the siege of Fort Meiga numbered more than two thousand men, led by Proctor and Te- cumseh. This was a force sufficient to have captured the whole American army, and its defeat, therefore, was considered a real triumph. The loss of the Americans during the siege was about two hundred and sixty men killed and wounded. The loss of the enemy is unknown ; but supposed to be as great. The ex- cessive ardor of the troops who made the sortie on the 5th, was the cause of their losing so many men; otherwise, the loss of the besieged would have been small. The repulse of the allies did not deter them from making a second attempt on the fort. Early in July, the Indians appeared in the vicinity of the fort, and occasional skirmishes took place between them and parties of Americans. About the 20th of that month, a large force of British and Indians the latter mostly from the fierce Winnebago tribe appeared before the fort, and endeavored by stratagem to draw the garrison from their works ; but without effect. A short time after, dissensions broke out among the allies, and they raised the riege. The brilliant defence of Fort Stephenson was one of the most celebrated actions of this war. The fort was situated on the river Sandusky, about twenty miles distant from Lake Erie. At the time of this attack and defence, it was little more than a picket- ing f surrounded by a ditch six feet in depth, and nine in width j and had been considered by General Harrison as so untenable, that he advised its commander to retire upon the approach of an enemy. The garrison consisted of but one hundred and sixty raen, commanded by Major George Croghan. On the 29th of July, General Harrison received intelligence of the retreat of the enemy from Fort Meigs, and of the probability of an attack upon Fort Stephenson. He immediately sent an order to Major Crog- han, to abandon and set fire to the fort. But this order did not reach Oroghan until the place was surrounded by the Indians, aud then he did not think it advisable to comply. On the 1st of August, the enemy's gun boat appeared in 230 INDIAN WARS. COLONEL CROOHAX. sight ; and their troops were shortly afterwards landed, with a howitzer, about a mile below the fort. Previous to the com- mencement of the operations, an officer was despatched by the British commander, to demand the surrender of the garrison, to which a determined refusal was immediately returned by Major Croghan. The force of the enemy was supposed to consist of about five hundred regulars, and eight hundred Indians, the whole commanded by General Proctor. The enemy now opened a fire from the six pounders in their gun boats, as well as from the howitzer, which was continued during the night, with very little injury to the fort. The only piece of artillery in this post was a six pounder, which was occasionally fired from different quarters, to impress tho enemy with a belief that there were several. The fire of the assailants having been principally directed against the northwestern angle of the fort, with the inten- THE NORTHWESTERN WAR OF 1812-14. 231 DEFENCE OF FORT STEPHENSON. tion, as it was supposed, of storming it from that quarter, the six pounder was placed in such a position as to enfilade that angle, and masked so as to be unperceived. The firing was con- tinued during the next day, and until late in the evening, when the smoke and darkness favoring the attempt, the enemy advanced to the assault. Two feints were made in the direction of the southern angle ; and at the same time, a column of about three hundred and fifty proceeded to the attack of that of the north- west. When they arrived within thirty paces of this point, they were discovered, and a heavy fire of musketry opened upon them. The column, however, led by Colonel Short, continued to ad- vance, and leaped into the ditch; but, at this moment, the em- brasure was opened, and so well directed and raking a fire was poured in upon them from the six pounder, that their commander and many of the men were instantly killed ; and the remainder made a disorderly and hasty escape. A similar fate attended the other column, commanded by Colonel Warburton. They were received, on their approach, by so heavy a fire, that they broke and took refuge in an adjoining wood. This affair cost the enemy twenty-five privates killed, besides a lieutenant, and the leader of the column, Colonel Short. Twenty-six prisoners were taken, and the total loss, including the wounded, was supposed to be 232 INDIAN WAR? OOVX&MOB SHE1BI. about one hundred and fifty. The scene which followed the attack reflected the greatest credit on the Americans. Numbers of the enemy's wounded were left lying in the ditch, to whom water and other necessaries were conveyed by the garrison, during the night, at the risk of their safety. A communication was cut under the picketing, through which many were enabled to crawl into the fort, where surgical aid, and all that the most liberal generosity could dictate, was administered to them. About three o'clock in the morning, after their repulse, the enemy commenced a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them many valuable military articles. The defence of Fort Stephen- son, achieved as it was by youth scarcely arrived at manhood, against a foe distinguished for his skill and bravery, and that too, with so small means of defence at the time subsisting, was cer- THE NORTHWESTERN WAR OP 1812-13 233 BATTLE OF THE THAMES. tainly one of the most brilliant achievements of the war. The newa of the repulse of the enemy was received with great exultation throughout the Union. Major Croghan was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel ; and, together with his brave companions, received the thanks of Congress. The brave and patriotic people of Kentucky, at the call of their venerable Governor, Isaac Shelby, raised a body of three thou- sand five hundred men for the service, under General Harrison. This formidable force arrived at Upper Sandusky, on the 12th of September. Nothing, however, was attempted until Harrison received the news that Commodore Perry had met and conquered the British fleet on Lake Erie. Then the army was conducted into Canada, and on the 27th, the American standard was float- ing over the town of Maiden, from which Proctor had made a hasty retreat. The whole force of the enemy, consisting of about two thousand, regulars, Indians and militia, retreated along the rivers Detroit and Thames. General Harrison, with three thou- sand five hundred men, mostly volunteers, pursued, and early on the 3d of October, arrived at the river Thames, where a party of the enemy were captured in the act of destroying a bridge 234 INDIAN WARS. over a creek in the vicinity. In the pursuit, some skirmishing took place between the advance guard and a party of Indians, in which the Americans were victors. On the morning uf the 5th of October, Harrison received information that the enemy was lying at a short distance awaiting the attack. Colonel Johnson was then sent forward to reconnoitre, and the troops were prepared for action. The allied army was drawn up across a narrow isthmus, covered with beech trees, and formed by the river Thames on the left, and a swamp running parallel to the river on the right. The regulars were posted with their left on the river, supported by the artillery ; while the Indians, under Tecumseh, were placed in a dense wood, with their right on a morass. In the order in which the American army was originally formed, the regulars and volunteer infantry were drawn up in three lines, in front of the British force; while the mounted volunteers were posted op- posite to the Indians, with directions to turn their right flank. It was soon perceived, however, that the nature of the ground on the enemy's right would prevent this operation from being attempted with any prospect of success. General Harrison therefore determined to change his plan of attack. Finding that the enemy's regulars were drawn up in open order, he conceived the bold idea of breaking their ranks, by a charge of part of the mounted infantry. They were accordingly formed in four columns of double files, with their right in a great measure out of the reach of the British artillery. In this order they advanced upon the enemy, receiving a fire from the British lines, from which their horses at first recoiled. Recovering themselves, however, the column continued to advance with such ardent impetuosity, that both the British lines were immediately broken. Wheeling then on the enemy's rear, they poured a destructive fire into his ranks; and in a few minutes the whole British force, to the num- ber of about eight hundred men, threw down their arms, and surrendered to the first battalion of the mounted regiment, the infantry not having arrived in time to share the honor. Their commander, General Proctor, however, escaped with a small party of dragoons. In the meantime, a more obstinate and protracted conflict had been waged with the Indians on the left. The second battalion of the mounted volunteers, under the immediate command of Colonel Johnson, having advanced to the attack, was received with a very destructive fire; and the ground being unfavorable for the operations of horse, they were dismounted, and the line again formed on foot. A severe contest now ensued ; but at length the militia, under Governor Shelby, advancing to the aid BATTLE BETWira THX INDIANS AKD HZ HOtMTED rjTlZKW. THE NORTHWESTERN WAR OF 1812-13. 237 of Colonel Johnson's battalion, the Indians broke, and fled in all directions, pursued by the mounted volunteers. A complete and brilliant victory was thus obtained by tho American army over an enemy, who, though somewhat inferior in numbers, possessed very decided advantages in the choice of his position, as well as the experience of his officers and men. The battle was, indeed, chiefly fought by the mounted volunteers, to whose unprecedented charge against a body of regular infantry) posted behind a thick wood, the fortune of the day was princi- pally owing. This novel manoeuvre, at variance with the ordinary rules of military tactics, reflects the highest credit on the general who conceived, and the troops who executed it. The whole of the American force fully performed its duty, as far as it was en- gaged. The venerable governor of Kentucky was seen at the head of the militia of his state, exciting their valor and patriotism by the influence of his personal example, and adding to the laurels he had acquired thirty years before, in a contest with the same enemy. The trophies acquired by this victory were of the most grati- fying nature. Besides a great quantity of small arms and stores, six pieces of brass artillery were captured, three of which had been taken, during the revolution, at Saratoga and Yorktown; and were part of the fruits of General Hull's surrender. The prisoners amounted to about six hundred, including twenty-five officers, and were chiefly of the forty-first regiment. Of the Americans, sevea were killed and twenty-two wounded ; and of the British troop.?, twelve were killed and twenty-two wounded. The Indians, however, suffered far more severely. The loss of thirty of their nun, her killed was trifling, in comparison with that sustained by the death of Tecumseh, their celebrated leader. His intelligence and bravery were no less conspicuous on this occasion than in the preceding part of the war. He was seen in the thickest press of the conflict, encouraging his brethren by his personal exertions; and, at the conclusion of the contest, his body was found on the spot where he had resisted the charge of the mounted regiment. His death inflicted a decisive stroke on the confederacy of the savages, from which it never recovered, and deprived the British troops of a most active and efficient auxiliary. The consequences of this victory upon the interests of the In- dian tribe s, were soon perceived. Being cut off from their com- munications with the British posts in Canada, many of them sent deputations to General Harrison, to sue for peace. Previous to the engagement on the Thames, an armistice had been concluded with the Ottawas and Chippewas, on condition of their raising the tomahawk against the British: and soon afterwards the Miamis and Potawatamies submitted on the same terms. CHAPTER XVII. THE CREEK WAR. IN the spring of the year 1812, the southern Indian tribal were visited by the bold and enterprising Tecumseh. His stir- ring appeals to their patriotism and valor were heard with atten- tion, and he succeeded in stimulating them to open hostility. It is to be regretted that no specimen of the orations of this great Indian have been preserved. Judging from their effects, they would be ranked among the highest models of true eloquence Tecumseh particularly appealed to the powerful Creek nation These Indians had long been on friendly terms with the whites, and a portion of them were, therefore, unwilling to begin a war- fare against those to whom they had become attached. But the body of the nation consented. The worst effects soon followed. Parties of Creeks began their (238) A* DtDIAX COHJUUJER. THE CREEK WAR. 243 depredations upon the frontier settlements. The first regular de monstration of hostility, however, was made by the Seminoles and the Creeks residing within the limits of Florida. Having been joined by a number of fugitive negroes from the United States, they commenced a cruel and harassing warfare. la the month of September, 1812, a party of volunteers from Georgia, under Colonel Newman, to the number of one hundred and seventeen, were attacked near the Lachway towns, by a superior force of Indians, A sharp conflict ensued, which ended in the retreat of the latter into a swamp, with the loss of their leader, who bore the title of king. Finding that his body remained in the hands of their opponents, they renewed the attack, for the purpose of obtaining it; and with a loyalty and valor, which among civilized nations, would have bought them au imperishable fame, continued a desperate contest until they suc- ceeded in obtaining it. They then retired, but returned again the same evening with reinforcements; and after various success, the Georgians were compelled to return to the place from which they had set out. From this period, however, until the summer of the succeeding year, no event of any importance occurred. The national government had called out a force from Tennessee, for the protection of the southern section, which was immediately filled by volunteers, to the number of twenty-five hundred, and placed under the command of General Jackson, afterwards so justly celebrated. With this force he marched through the country of the Choctaws, to Natchez, where he remained a short time; and was then directed to return home. His expedition had the effect of overawing the Creeks for the time; but their ani- mosity was only concealed, and burst forth with a fatal violence a few months afterwards, Oa the 30th of August, 1814, Fort Mimms, situated in the Ten- saw settlement, was surprised by the Indians, at noon. The fort contained one hundred and fifty men, under Major Beasely, and a number of women and children. The garrison made a desperate re- sistance; but were at length driven into the houses, and they set on fire. A dreadful carnage now ensued. The fire and the toma- hawk were the fate of all but seventeen persons who escaped to the neighboring stations. The remaining settlements were visited with ruin and devastation, and the unfortunate inhabitants were either butchered or carried into captivity, to be reserved for more extended torture. These outrages so exasperated the people of the neighboring states, that they determined upon a full revenge. The legislature of Tennessee authorized the executive to call out three thousand five hundred of the militia, and General Andrew Jackson was appointed commander of the whole force, Jackson marched to 244 INDIAN WARS. the Ten Islands, on the Coosa, which he reached towards the end of October. A few days afterwards General Coffee was detached with nine hundred men, to attack and disperse a body of the enemy, posted at Talluchatchee, about thirteen miles distant. Early on the succeeding morning, he arrived within a short distance of the town, and dividing his force into two columns, completely sur- rounded it. The Indians., perceiving the approach of a company of spies, sent to draw them into the field, made a furious charge, and drove them upon the main body. The latter, in their turn, compelled the enemy to fall back, and take refuge in their town, where they maintained, for a long time, a desperate conflict, neither asking nor receiving quarter, until nearly every warrior perished. The wounded survivors, and a number of women and children, were taken prisoners. One hundred and eighty-six of the enemy were killed, among whom were unfortunately some women and children, who are represented to have lost their lives in consequence of being mingled with the warriors. Of General Coffee's force, five were killed, and forty wounded. The de- tachment rejoined the main body on the evening of the same day. Having received information, soon after this event, that the enemy had invested a fort of the friendly Indians, at Talladega, about thirty miles distant, General Jackson determined to pro- ceed with his whole army to its relief. His force now consisted of twelve hundred infantry, and eight hundred mounted cavalry and gun men : and, leaving behind the sick, the wounded, and the baggage, under a sufficient guard, he commenced his march at midnight, of the 7th of December, the day on which he received the information. Such was the ardor of the troops, and the skill and resolution of their commander, that, notwith- standing a detention of many hours in crossing the river, and their fatigue and want of sleep, they arrived by the evening within six miles of the enemy. At five the next morning, the march was resumed, and at seven, the army having arrived at the distance of a mile from the Indians, General Jackson made his disposition for the attack. The advance, under General Carroll, was directed to commence the action, and having drawn the enemy out of their post, to fall back upon the main body. The mounted men were posted on the right and left, so as to be able to surround the enemy, while a corps of reserve, of two hundred and fifty cavalry, were posted in the rear of the centre. This plan would have fully succeeded, had it not been for the defec- tion of a part of the infantry, who fled on the first approach of the enemy. The reserve, however, having been brought up, a sharp conflict ensued, which ended in the total overthrow of the enemy. The greater part of them escaped, in consequence of THE CREEK WAR. 247 the investment not being complete. Three hundred warriors were left dead on the field, and many more were killed in the pursuit. Their whole force was supposed to have exceeded one thousand. Fifteen of the Americans were killed, and eighty wounded. The friendly Indians were thus relieved from their anxiety, and the opportunity might have been taken, to follow up the blow, but for the want of provisions, and the situation of the posts in the rear. The American commander, accordingly, commenced his return on the succeeding day; but on his arrival at Fort Strother, at the Ten Islands, where a fort had been erected, he found, to his great mortification, that none of the expected supplies had arrived. While in this situation, the firmness and decision of General Jackson were nobly displayed in quelling the continual attempts at mutiny. This was effected only by the most earnest remon- strances, and sometimes by force. Jackson risked his life upon one occasion; but his iron will prevailed, and he maintained order and discipline until his army reached Nashville. During thia time, the Indians were suffering a full measure of retribution in another quarter. General Cocke, who commanded the detached militia of East Tennessee, had despatched General White, with a part of his force, against the towns of the Hillabee tribe. This unfortunate race, who had been the principal sufferers at the battle of Talladega, had applied to General Jackson for peace, offering to receive it on such terms as he should dictate. Igno- rant of this proposal, General White proceeded to fulfil his instructions: and having destroyed their town, and killed sixty of the warriors, he returned with about two hundred and fifty prisoners. About the same time, too, the Georgia militia, under General Floyd, obtained a signal victory over a body of the enemy, at the Autossee towns, on the Tallapoosa river. The Indians fought with a degree of bravery, bordering upon despe- ration. The superior tactics of civilization, however, triumphed, and after a contest of three hours duration, the enemy fled, with the loss of about two hundred killed, among whom, two of their kings were included. Eleven of the Georgians were killed, and fifty wounded. The discontent and insubordination of General Jackson's army were not diminished by the discharge of the volunteers. Every accession of force appears to have been animated with the same spirit, or to have caught the baneful contagion. Many of the superior officers, regardless of their stations and characters, are represented to have given countenance to, or not sufficiently restrained the riotous conduct of their men. The term of service of the militia, too, having now expired, General Jackson was soon afterwards abandoned by all but a small number who had 248 INDIAN WARS. volunteered to remain. A reinforcement of about one thousand mounted volunteers, however, soon after arrived, who were en- gaged for sixty days only. They were placed under the com- mand of General Coffee ; and General Jackson resolved to lead them immediately against the enemy. They accordingly marched on the 15th of January, and at Talladega were joined by about two hundred friendly Indians. At this place, General Jackson received advices from General Floyd, of a contemplated move- ment of his force, and determined to advance further into the Indian country, for the purpose of making a diversion in his favor. A considerable body of the enemy, being posted at a bend of the Tallapoosa, near the mouth of a creek, called Emuckfaw. he resolved to proceed thither immediately. After a difficult march, he arrived on the evening of the 21st, in the vicinity of the enemy, and oncamped in a hollow square. Hearing from his spies, that the Indians were apprized of his approach, and appeared meditating an attack, every preparation was made to receive them. At dawn the next morning, they commenced a furious onset on his left flank; and after a warm action of half an hour, were repulsed, and driven back about two miles. General Jackson now ordered General Coffee, with four hundred men, to reconnoitre the enemy's encampment, and to attack it, if he thought it advisable. That officer, however, finding the post too strong, returned to the American encampment : and shortly afterwards, a part of the enemy made a feint upon the right of the army, while the main body commenced a furious assault upon the left. In the mean- time, General Coffee was detached to turn their left flank. His force, which had been considerable at the outset, was reduced by the desertion of his men, to about fifty, with whom, nevertheless, he succeeded in driving the enemy opposed to him, into the marshes of the creek. In this situation, covered with reeds, they were secured from danger. General Coffee, therefore, retired with the hope of drawing them out. In this design, he com- pletely succeeded : the enemy advanced from the place of their retreat, and a sharp contest ensued, which continued about an hour, when a reinforcement arriving from the main body of the Americans, the Indians fled with precipitation, pursued by the victors, and perished, it is supposed, to a man. In the meantime, the conflict on the right of the main body, had also eventuated in the success of the American arms. The enemy, posted behind logs and trees, had maintained a warm fire for some time, which was sustained by the Americans with groat gallantry. A general charge was, however, ?oon ordered, THE CREEK WAR. 249 GENERAL JACKSON. which the Indians were unable to resist. They betook them- selves to flight, and reached their fortified post with great loss. After this well fought battle, General Jackson determined to return to the Ten Islands, on account of the want of provi- sions and attendance for the wounded. Accordingly, on the suc- ceeding morning, he commenced his march, and continued it without interruption until evening, when he encamped on the south side of the Enotichopco creek. On the next morning, in crossing the creek, the rear was attacked by a large body of In- dians. The troops faced about, and a furious contest ensued. The Indians were at length defeated and pursued to a considerable dis- tance. The victory was owing to the activity and determination of Generals Jackson and Coffee, and, but for the disobedience of some of the troops, the dispositions of the commander would have effected the capture of the whole force of the enemy. No further obstruction was met with by the army, and it reached Fort Strother on the 27th. 250 INDIAN WARS. In the meantime, General Floyd had been pursuing a separate plan of operations. Before dawn, on the 27th of January, hia camp was assailed with great fury by a large numbe" if Indians. A fierce and obstinate struggle ensued, and the savages were again defeated, with the loss of thirty-seven killed and a largo number wounded. The loss of the Americans was considerable. On the 14th of March, General Jackson commenced another expedition against the enemy, which was destined to end in the total overthrow of the unfortunate Creeks. Having established a fort at Cedar Creek, he set out with the intention of attacking the encampment on the Talapoosa, near New Youcka. This post, which it had been deemed most prudent to leave untouched, on the former expeditions, was subsequently selected and fortified, with a degree of knowledge and skill uncommon among an uncivilized people. Surrounded almost entirely by the river, the only passage by which it was accessible was over a narrow neck of land, which had been fortified with the greatest care. A breastwork, from five to eight feet in height, formed of trunks of trees and timbers placed horizontally on each other, with only one place of entrance, and a double row of port holes,, served as the means by which this brave but deluded race hoped to resist the torrent, which now threatened to overwhelm them. The force which General Jackson brought with him to this encounter, was greater than any he had heretofore commanded. Although reduced by the detachments left behind for garrisons, it amounted to little less than three thousand men. At ten in the morning of the 27th of March, he reached the vicinity of Tohopeka. The enemy, aware of his approach, made every pre- paration in their power to receive him; and arrayed their force, which was supposed to amount to about one thousand men, in the best manner for defence. General Jackson soon arranged his plan of attack. Having despatched General Coffee, at the head of the mounted infantry, and friendly Indians, with directions to gain the southern bank, and encircle the bend, he drew up the remainder of his forces in front of the breastwork. The cannon, directed by Major Brad- ford, were posted on an eminence, about two hundred yards frona the enemy's line, while the musketry was placed nearer, to take advantage of the appearance of the enemy from their works. In this situation, the army lay for some minutes. At last, the sig- nal being made that General Coffee had reached the opposite side of the river, the troops moved forward to the charge. They ad- vanced to the breastwork with the utmost gallantry, and were received with equal coolness. For some moments, a most de- structive contest was maintained at the port holes; at length, Major Montgomery, of the regulars, springing to the wall, called THE CREEK WAR. 251 to his men to follow him. He was immediately killed; but the ardor of his troops was not restrained by his fall. They scaled the rampart with impetuosity, and in a short time drove their opponents into the brush, with which the peninsula was covered. From this they were again forced, and retreated to the southern bank, where they found General Coffee's command on the oppo- site shore. Driven now to desperation, by finding their retreat cut off, those who survived endeavored to take refuge behind the lofty and precipitous bank of the river, from which they occa- sionally fired upon their conquerors. General Jackson, who saw that the victory was completely gained, sent a flag, with an inter- preter, to summon them to a surrender. Either misunderstand- ing the nature of the proposal, or being determined to refuse quarter, they fired upon and wounded one of the party. The destruction which they appeared to seek, was now, therefore, ac- corded them. The trees and brush, in which they had concealed themselves, were set on fire, by means of torches, and they were thus exposed to the view of their assailants, by whom their num- bers were soon materially thinned. This work of slaughter and misery continued until night. The few wretched survivors were enabled, by the darkness, to make their escape. In the mean time, General Coffee's detachment, by making an attack upon the village, and diverting the attention of the enemy, had contributed materially to the success of the action. This victory, which in its consequences was final and decisive, gave a death blow to the power and hopes of the Creeks. Never, in any preceding conflict, had their native valor and resolution been more eminently conspicuous. They fought with undaunted courage at their entrenchments, and only fell back when over- powered by vastly superior numbers. Their contempt of death, and loftiness of spirit, are manifested by the fact, that only four men were taken prisoners, while three hundred women and chil- dren fell into the hands of the victors. Five hundred and fifty- seven warriors were found dead on the ground, besides a great number who perished in attempting to cross the river. Among the killed were three of their religious counsellors, whom they denominated prophets, and who met their death with that com- posure, which arose from a conviction of the justice of their cause, and the persuasion of future happiness. Thus, while we feel disposed to admit the propriety of inflicting exemplary punish- ment on those whom neither humanity nor treaties could restrain, we cannot but admire the unquenchable fortitude and devotion of this heroic race. Neither ought a just tribute of praise to be withheld from the American troops. When it is considered, that they had recently left their homes, and pacific occupations, to encounter an enemy, who, though inferior in numbers, waa 252 INDIAN WARS. TREATT OF THE HICKORY GROUICD. yet terrible from his bravery, and skill in the species of warfare practised, and whose position, on this occasion, added greatly to his advantages, their steady and determined bravery entitles them to the hightest encomiums. Throughout the whole of this cam- paign, indeed, their behavior was such as to obliterat the disgrace, which had previously attached to the militia of Tennessee, from the disorderly conduct of preceding detachments, as well as to acquire for them the highest praise from their commanding officer. In the battle of Tohopeka, fifty-five of the Americans were killed, and one hundred and forty-six wounded. Among the former was Major Montgomery, a young officer of great promise, and Lieutenants Moulton and Somerville. After this engagement, General Jackson returned with his vic- torious army to Fort Williams: but, determined to give his enemy no opportunity of retrieving the misfortune that had be- fallen him, he recommenced operations immediately afterwards. On the 7th of April, he again set out for Tallapoosa, with tho view of forming a junction with the Georgia troops, under Colonel Milton, and completing the subjugation of the country. On the 14th of that month, the union of the two armies was effected, and WBATEBrOKD. THE CREEK WAR. 255 both bodies moved to a place called the Hickory Ground where it was expected, the last final stand would be made by' the In' dians, or terms of submission would be agreed on. The principal chiefs of the different tribes had assembled here, and on the an proach of the army, sent a deputation to treat for peace AmoM them was Weatherford celebrated equally for his talents and cruelty, who had directed the massacre at Fort Mimms It had been the intention of General Jackson, to inflict a signal punish ment upon him, if ever in his power. Struck, however, with the bold and nervous eloquence of this fearless savage, and persuaded of the sincerity of his wishes for peace, he dismissed him without injury. He shortly afterwards became the instrument of restor ing peace, which was concluded by the total submission of the Indians. They agreed to retire in the rear of the army and oc cupy the country to the east of the Coosa, while a line of Ameri. can posts was established from Tennessee and Georgia to the Alabama, and the power and resources of these tribes were thus effectually destroyed. CHAPTER XVII. THE SEMINOLE WAR OF 1816 AND '17. AFTER the close of the war with Great Britain, in 1815, when the British forces were withdrawn from the Floridas, Edward Nicholls, formerly a colonel, and James Woodbine, a captain in the British service, who had both been engaged in exciting the Indians and negroes to hostility, remained in the territory for the purpose of forming combinations against the southwestern frontier of the United States. Nicholls even went so far as to assume the character of a British agent, promising the Creeks the assistance of the British forces if they would rise and assert their claim to the land which had been ceded to the United States. As an aid in effecting their purposes, Nicholls and Woodbine erected a fort on the Appalachicola river, between East and West Florida, as a rendezvous for runaway negroes and hostile In- dians. In July, 1816, upwards of four hundred negroes and Indians were collected at this place, which was strong by its position, well supplied with ammunition and provisions, and with twelve pieces of artillery. To break up this horde of outlaws, Colonel Clinch, with a detachment of United States troops and five hundred friendly Indians, under the celebrated Mclntosh, proceeded from the head waters of the Appalachicola, and laid siege to the fort on the land side. After exacting an oath from THE SEMINOLE WAR OF 1816-17. 257 GENEHAL CALVES. their followers not to suffer an American to approach the fort alive, Nicholls and Woodbine left the fort to their keeping. To supply Colonel Clinch's forces with munitions and provi- sions for the siege, two schooners, from New Orleans, proceeded up the river on the 10th of July, under convoy of two gun boats Near the fort, a watering party of seven men from the schooners, was surprised by a party of the enemy. Five were killed, ono escaped, and one was captured, tortured and put to death. The commander of the gun boats was advised not to attempt any offensive operations; but he advanced near enough to commence the firing of hot shot, one of which, entering the principal maga- 17 258 INDIAN WARS. MAJOR (AFTERWARDS GENERAL) rvnaas. zine, blew up the fort. The destruction was complete. Two hundred and seventy of the enemy were killed, most of the remainder badly wounded, and only three of the whole number remained unhurt. An immense quantity of arms and ammuni- tion fell into the hands of the fortunate victors; and two chiefs, who had directed the torture of the American prisoners, were given to the tender mercies of Mclntosh's Indians. The savage horde of West Florida was thus broken up, and the war termi- nated in this quarter. In the fall of 1817, the family of Mr. Garrett, in East Florida, was attacked during his absence from home, and his wife and two children butchered. Soon after, a man named McKrimmon, was captured, and tied to the stake preparatory to being burned. He was rescued only through the intercession of one Milly, daughter of the chief Hillishago, who, like Pocahontas, rushed THE SEMINOLE WAR OF 1816-17. 259 towards her father, and implored him to spare the prisoner. Being subsequently ransomed, he married his deliverer. In November, General Gaines, commander in Florida, received orders from Washington, to negotiate with the Creeks, in order to induce them to remove to the country given to them by the United States. This the Indians refused to do ; and when their chief, Hornetlimed, was summoned by the general to appear at the fort, he answered by a haughty defiance. Next day, Major Twiggs was sent against the Indian town with one hundred and fifty men. After repelling an attack on the road and killing several of the assailants, he reached the town and found it de- serted. After this affair, General Gaines despatched Major Muhlen- burg, from the headquarters at Fort Scott, to Mobile, with three vessels, for the purpose of obtaining provisions. Beside the crew, he had on board a number of volunteers' wives and children. Sickness obliged him to halt on the Appalachicola, where he was soon reinforced by forty men, under Lieutenant Scott. The major detached half of the crew, for his own use, and placing seven women, four children, and his sick on board the lieutenants' boat, he sent him back to Fort Scott. When near Flint river, the party was attacked by some savages, under Hornetlimed, and all were killed except six soldiers, who escaped, and one woman made prisoner. The scalps were taken to the Mickasuky village. On receiving intelligence of this outrage, the secretary of war wrote to General Jackson, ordering him to repair immediately to Fort Scott, and take charge of the war. Eight hundred men were given to him, with authority to draw volunteers from the neighboring states, should that number be insufficient for the campaign. This communication reached General Jackson, Jan- uary 12th, 1818. He then issued a proclamation to the Ten- nessee volunteers, to join him in the coming campaign. This was effectual, and a number were soon on their way to Fort Scott. On the 9th of March, the general himself arrived there, having on the road, mustered one thousand militia. Finding the garrison destitute of provisions, he determined to win supplies from the enemy. As he pushed forward to the Appalachicola, he was joined by General Gaines, and built Fort Gadsden on the spot where the Indian fort which was blown up by Colonel Clinch had stood. On the 1st of April, he waa joined by the Tennessee men. The same day he drove back a party of Indians and took possession of their village. Numerous scalps were found suspended on poles and in the wigwams. About this time, a party, numbering five hundred Indians and negroes, surrounded the Spanish fort, St. Marks, and demanded its surrender. This post was one of great importance, being 260 INDIAN WARS. strongly built, and having served formerly as the main depot of the Indians, and the scene of all their councils. As the Spanish garrison was very weak, Jackson determined to anticipate the enemy, and accordingly marched to the fort, and took possession without opposition, sending the garrison and authorities to Pensa- cola. Here he captured, the chiefs Hornetlimed and Hillishago, both of whom were hung. Arbuthnot was also captured. After garrisoning the captured station, General Jackson pro- ceeded against the Suwanee towns, where he arrived April 16th. After a slight resistance in which two Indians were taken and eleven killed, the settlement was taken, the huts destroyed, and some provisons secured. Two days after, Ambrister was cap- tured. On the 22d a court of inquiry convened for the trial of this man and Arbuthnot, and, after sis days' session, found them THE SEMINOLE WAR OF J.816-17. 261 guilty of inciting the Indians to aggression, and gave as their opinion that they were worthy of death. General Jackson sen- tenced Arbuthnot to be hung, and Ambrister to be shot. The sentence was executed on the 29th. On the same day the general returned to Fort Gadsden. Intelligence now arrived that the defeated Seminoles were mustering near Pensacola. It was also rumored that they were assisted and encouraged by the Spanish garrison at that place. Although Spain was then at peace with the United States, Gen- eral Jackson resolved on marching into the territory, and cap- turing the garrison at Pensacola. Accordingly he left Fort Gadsden on the 10th of May, at the head of twelve hundred men, and on the 22d arrived near Pensacola. On notifying the Spanish governor, he was ordered to quit the country. Disre- garding this, he entered the city on the 24th, and immediately commenced operations for assaulting Fort Barrancas, whither the governor with his small force had retired. A bombardment of this was kept up until the 27th, when it surrendered, and the Spanish authorities were sent to Havana. Soon after Gen- eral Jackson took possession of the whole territory, garrisoned different stations, and broke up all the Indian villages. He then retired to the Hermitage, in Tennessee, leaving the command with General Gaines, who, under his orders, speedily took possession of St. Augustine. President Monroe, in his message of November, 1818, thus speaks of the condition of affairs in Spanish Florida. " A state of things has existed in the Floridas, the tendency of which has been obvious to all who have paid the slightest attention to the progress of affairs in that quarter. Throughout the whole of those provinces to which the Spanish title extends, the government of Spain has scarcely been felt. Its authority has been confined almost exclusively to the walls of Pensacola and St. Augustine, within which only small garrisons have been maintained. Adventurers from every country, fugitives from justice, and absconding slaves, have found an asylum there. Several tribes of Indians, strong in the number of their warriors, remarkable for their ferocity, and whose settlements extend to our limits, inhabit those provinces. These different hordes of people, connected together, disregarding, on the one side, the authority of Spain, and protected by an imaginary line which separates Florida from the United States, have violated our laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves, have practised various frauds on our revenue, and committed every kind of outrage on our peaceable citizens, which their proximity to us enabled them to perpetrate. The invasion of Amelia Island last year by a email band of adventurers, not exceeding one hundred and fifty 262 INDIAN WARS. PRESIDENT MONROE, in number, -who wrested it from the inconsiderable Spanish force stationed there, and held it several months, during which a single effort only was made to recover it, which failed, clearly proves how completely extinct the Spanish authority had become ; as the conduct of those adventurers while in possession of the island as distinctly shows the pernicious purposes for which their combination had been formed." The forcible occupation of a neutral territory, elicited much attention in the United States, and subjected General Jackson to much censure. The government promptly surrendered the captured posts to the Spanish crown, but did not think proper to call the general to account for his actions. The Seminole war, was, however, ended for that time; and the cession of Flo- rida to the United States in 1819, put an end to all difficulties with Spain. AX IXI'UN WAEtlOE. BLACK HAWK. CHAPTEK XVIII. BLACK HAWK'S WAR. WE have now to record the events of a war "which brought one of the noblest of Indians to the notice and admiration of the people of the United States. Black Hawk was an able and pa- triotic chief. With the intelligence and power to plan a great project, and to execute it, he united the lofty spirit which secures the respect and confidence of a people. He was born about the year 1767, on Rock river, Illinois. At the age of fifteen he took a scalp from the enemy, and was in consequence promoted by his tribe to the rank of a brave. Engaging soon afterwards in an expedition against the Osages, he fought several battles, highly distinguished himself, and brought back a number of trophies. His reputation being thus established, he frequently led war parties against the enemies of his tribe, and was, in almost every case, successful. The influ- ence and experience he thus acquired, were fitting him for a contest in which, though unfortunate, he was to acquire a lasting fame. The treaty concluded in 1804, by Governor Harrison, with (265) 266 INDIAN WARS. the Sacs and Foxes, by which these tribes ceded their lands east of the Mississippi, was agreed to by a few chiefs, without the knowledge or consent of the nation. Although this gave rise to much dissatisfaction among the Indians, no outbreak occurred, until the United States government erected Fort Madison upon the Mississippi. An attempt was then made to cut off the garrison, and from that time, the whites looked upon the Indians as ene- mies, and so treated them whenever opportunity offered. Previous to this, Illinois had been admitted into the Union aa a state; and, attracted by the fertile soil of the country, emi- grants nocked into it and soon surrounded the land occupied by the Sacs and Foxes. As they thought the proximity of the In- dians dangerous, the emigrants began to commit outrages intended to hasten their departure. In 1827, when the tribes were absent from home on a hunting excursion, some of the whites set fire to their village, by which forty houses were consumed. With ad- mirable forbearance, the Indians paid little attention to this dis- graceful conduct, but quietly rebuilt their dwellings, raised the fences which had been broken down, and saved as much of their corn as was possible. The American government now determined to sell the land occupied by these tribes, and they were accordingly advised to remove. Keokuk, the chief, with a majority of the nation, de- termined to do so; but Black Hawk, and the. party which he had gained over to himself, resolved to remain at all hazards. Meanwhile the whites committed greater acts of violence upon the Indians than before. The latter at last took up arms, and a war would certainly have taken place, had not General Gaines, commander of the western division of the army, hastened to the scene of action. This able and prudent officer immediately con- vened a council of the principal chiefs, in which it was agreed that the Indians should instantly remove. They accordingly crossed the river and settled on its western bank. Notwithstand- ing this measure, a majority of the Indians were on peaceful terms with the United States. But Black Hawk and his band determined on returning to Illinois, alleging that they had been invited by the Potawatamies, residing on Rock river, to spend the summer with them and plant corn on their lands. They recrossed the river, and marched toward the above named In- dians, but without attempting to harm any one upon the road. The traveller passed by them without receiving any injury, and the inmates of the lowly hut experienced no outrage. There is little doubt but this amicable disposition would have continued had not the whites been the first to shed blood. Five or six In- dians, in advance of the main party, were captured, and except- ing one who escaped, put to death by a battalion of mounted BLACKHAWK'S WAR. 267 militia. That one brought the news to Black Hawk, who im- mediately determined on revenge. He accordingly planned an ambuscade into which the militia was enticed, fired upon, and fourteen of their number killed. The remainder fled in disorder. As war had now begun, the Indians seemed resolved to do all the mischief in their power. Accordingly they divided into small parties, proceeded in different directions, and fell upon the settle- ments which were at that time thinly scattered over the greater part of Illinois. By this means they committed such outrages that the whole state was in the greatest excitement. Governor Reynolds ordered out two thousand additional militia, who, on the 10th of June, assembled at Hennepin, on the Illinois river, and were soon engaged in pursuit of the Indians. On the 20th of May, 1832, a party attacked a small settlement on Indian creek, killed fifteen persons, and took considerable plunder. On the 14th of June, five persons were killed near Galena. General Dodge being in the neighborhood, immediately marched with his mounted men in pursuit of the enemy. After advancing about three miles, he discovered twelve Indians, whom he supposed to be part of those who committed the murders. He commenced an active pursuit) and drove the Indians into a swamp. The mounted men rushed in and soon met them. No resistance was made; every Indian was killed, their scalps taken off and borne away in triumph. Meanwhile, General Atkinson was pursuing the main party, under Black Hawk, who was encamped near the Four Lakes. Instead of crossing the country to retreat beyond the Mississippi as was expected, he descended the Wisconsin, to escape in that direction, by which means General Dodge came upon his track and commenced a vigorous pursuit. On the 21st of July, the general, with about two hundred men, besides Indians, overtook him on the Wisconsin, forty miles from Fort Winnebago. The Indians were in the act of crossing the river. After a short engagement they retreated, and it being dark the whites could not pursue them, without disadvantage to themselves. In this encounter Black Hawk's party lost, as is supposed, about forty men. The Indians were now in a truly deplorable condition ; several of them were greatly emaciated for want of food, and some even starved to death. In the pursuit previous to the battle, the sol- diers found several lying dead on the road. Yet so far from being eubdued they resolved to continue hostilities as long as they wero able. Meanwhile an army under General Scott, destined for the sub- jugation of Black Hawk, and the removal of all the north- western Indians to lands beyonl the Mississippi, had been 268 INDIAN WARS. attacked by an enemy far more fatal than -the Indians. With about one thousand regular troops, Scott sailed from Buffalo in a fleet of steamboats across Lake Erie for Chicago. This was early in July. On the 8th of that month, the Asiatic cholera appeared on board the vessel in which were General Scott, his staff, and two hundred and twenty soldiers. In six days fifty- two men died, and soon after eighty were put on shore sick at Chicago. In the summer Scott left Chicago with but about four hundred effective men, and hurrying on to the Mississippi, joined Gen- eral Atkinson at Prairie du Chien, immediately after the battle, near the Badare river, which resulted in the defeat of Black Hawk. Previous to this affair, a captured squaw had informed the whites that Black Hawk intended to proceed to the west side of the Mississippi, above Prairie du Chien the horsemen striking across the country, whilst the others proceeded by the Wiscon- sin. A number of the latter were made prisoners on the road. Meanwhile, several circumstances transpired to prevent the escape of the main body under Black Hawk. The first was his falling in with the Warrior steamboat, (August 1st,) when in the act of crossing the Mississippi. Wishing to escape, he dis- played two white flags, and about one hundred and fifty of his men come to the river without arms and made signs of submis- sion. The commander of the boat ordered his men to fire, which they did, and the fire was returned. The engagement lasted an hour, when the wood of the steamboat failing, it proceeded to the Prairie. The Indians lost twenty-three killed, and a number wounded ; the whites had one wounded. Next day, after a toilsome and dangerous march, General Atkin- son overtook Black Hawk, and a furious contest ensued. In order to prevent the escape of the Indians, Generals Posey and Alex- ander, with the right wing, marched down this river, and sta- tioned themselves near the encampment. The rough nature of the ground afforded every facility for the Indians to make a strong defence, and Black Hawk took advantage of it. The battle lasted three hours, at the end of which time, the Indians were totally routed and dispersed, killed or captured. Black Hawk succeeded in escaping. The loss of the American troops in killed and wounded was twenty-seven men. The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained; but it was supposed that their killed amounted to one hundred and fifty persons, of whom about fifty were women and children. This battle finished the war, for, although Black Hawk escaped, his warriors either deserted him or were killed by the Sioux In- dians, then at war with the Sacs. Finally when hope had fled, Black BLACKHAWK'S WAR. GENERAL SCOTT. Hawk surrendered himself to the agent at Prairie du Chien. IE his speech upon this occasion, he regretted his being obliged to close the war so soon, without having given the whites much more trouble. He asserted that he had done nothing of which he had any reason to be ashamed, but that an Indian who was as bad as the whites would not be allowed to live in his commu- nity. His concluding words are remarkable for pathos and dig- nified sorrow. " Farewell, my nation ! Black Hawk tried to save you, and revenge your wrongs. He drank the blood of some of the whites. He has been taken prisoner, and his flames are stopped. He can do no more. He is near his end. His sun is setting, and he will rise no more. Farewell to Black Hawk 1" Immediately after the battle which decided the struggle, Gen- eral Scott joined General Atkinson, but their operations were hindered for some weeks by the dreadful pestilence which had 270 INDIAN WARS. fearfully thinned the ranks of the army. Late in September, negotiations were commenced with the Sacs and Foxes, and so skilfully were they conducted by General Scott, that a region of five million of acres of land was obtained from the Indians on terms satisfactory to both parties. When peace had been secured, Black Hawk was taken to Washington, where he had an interview with President Jackson. He was then conducted through the principal Atlantic cities, and every where received with the most marked attention and hospi- tality. He was then set at liberty and returned to his own na- tion, professing friendship to the whites. Black Hawk died on the 3d of October, 1838, at his village on the Des Moiues river. CHAPTER XIX. SECOND SEMINOLE WAR. THE second wat against the Indians and runaway negroes in Florida commenced in 1835. A treaty had been concluded with the Seminole warriors, by which they agreed to remoTe beyond the Mississippi. A party of the Indians had proceeded to the territory appointed for their reception, and reported favorably upon their return. Every thing promised a speedy conformity to the wishes of the government. But at this juncture, John Hext, the most influential chief of the tribe, died, and was suc- ceeded in power, by Osceola. This chief wielded his power for far different purposes. Being opposed to emigration, he inflamed the minds of his people against the whites, and used every art to induce them to remain on their old hunting grounds. His conduct became so violent, that he was arrested by the Indian agent, and put in irons; but, promising to give up his opposi- tion, he was set frfv;. On the 19th c/ July, 1835, some Indians who had met by ap- pointment near tjogstown settlement, for the purpose of hunting, were attacked ,.y a x>arty of white men and flogged with cow- (271) 272 INDIAN WARS. hide whips. While this was going on, two other Indians ai> rived, who raised the war whoop and fired upon the whites. The firing was returned, one of the Indians killed, and the other wounded. Three of the whites were also wounded. On the evening of August 6th, Dalton, the mail carrier from Tampa Bay to Camp King, was murdered by a party of Indians. General Thompson, the Indian agent, immediately convened the chiefs and demanded that the offenders should be delivered up to justice. The chiefs promised to comply. But did not, and it soon became evident, that a terrible storm was about to burst upon the settlements of Florida. The savages retired into the wilds and forests, and, as much as possible, avoided all inter- course with the whites. In September, Charles Amathla, a friendly chief of great in- fluence, while journeying with his daughter, was shot by some Mickasukies, led by Osceola. Similar outrages increased in num. ATTACK OIT KB. COOLZt'3 TUfOX. THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR. 275 oer. The interior settlements were abandoned; families deserted the fruits of many years' labor, and fled to other states. General Clinch's force numbered but one hundred and sixty men; and receiving no assistance from President Jackson, he obtained six hundred and fifty militia from the executive of Florida. With this reinforcement, he marched against the station on the Ouith- lacooche river. On the 23d of December, the companies of Captains Gardiner and Frazer, of the United States army, marched under the com- mand of Major Dade, from Tampa Bay for Camp King. On the road, Dade wrote to Major Belton, urging him to forward a six-pounder, which had been left four miles behind, in conse- quence of the failure of the team which was to have been used in transporting it. Three horses were purchased with the neces- sary harness, and it joined the column that night. From this time no more was heard of the detachment until the 29th of De- cember, when John Thomas, one of the soldiers, returned, and on the 31st, Rawson Clarke. The melancholy fate of his com- panions was related by the latter as follows : "It was eight o'clock. Suddenly I heard a rifle shot in the direction of t the advance guard, and this was immediately fol- lowed by a musket shot from that quarter. Captain Ifrazer had ridden by me a moment before, in that direction. I never saw him afterwards. I had not time to think of the meaning of these shots before a volley, as if from a thousand rifles, was poured in upon us from the front, and all along our left flank. I looked around me, and it seemed as if I was the only one left standing in the right wing. Neither could I, until several other volleys had been fired at us, see an enemy and when I did, I could only see their heads and arms peering out from the long grass, far and near, and from behind the pine trees. The ground seemed to me an open pine barren, entirely destitute of any hammock. On our right and a little to our rear was a large pond of water some distance off. All around us were heavy pine trees, very open, particularly towards the left, and abounding with long high grass. The first fire of the Indians was the most destructive, seemingly killing or disabling one-half of our men. " We promptly threw ourselves behind ^trees, and opened a sharp fire of musketry. I for one, never fired without seeing my man, that is, his head and shoulders. The Indians chiefly fired lying or squatting in the grass. Lieutenant Bassinger fired five or six pounds of canister from the cannon. This appeared to frighten the Indians, and they retreated over a little hill to our left, one-half or three-quarters of a mile off, after having fired not more than twelve or fifteen rounds. We immediately began to fell trees, and to erect a triangular breastwork. Some of 276 INDIAN WARS. us went forward to gather the cartridge boxes from the dead, and to assist the wounded. .1 had seen Major Bade fall to the ground by the first volley, and his horse dashed into the midst of the enemy. Whilst gathering the cartridges, I saw Lieutenant Mudge, sitting with his back reclining against a tree, and evi- dently dying. I spoke to him, but he did not answer. The in- terpreter, Louis, it is said, fell by the first fire. " We had barely raised our breastwork knee high, when wo again saw the Indians advancing, in great numbers, over the hill to our left. They came on boldly till within long musket shot, when they spread themselves from tree to tree to surround us. We immediately extended as light infantry, covering ourselves by the trees, and opening a brisk fire from cannon and musketry. I do not think that the former could have done much mischief, the Indians were so scattered. " Captain Gardiner, Lieutenant Bassinger, and Dr. Gatlen were the only officers left unhurt by the volley which killed Major Bade. Lieutenant Henderson had his left arm broken, but he continued to load and fire his musket, resting on the stump until he was finally shot down. Toward the close of the second attack, and during the day he kept up his spirits and cheered the men. Lieutenant Keyes had both his arms broken in the first attack 5 they were bound up and slung in a handkerchief, and he sat for the remainder of the day, until he was killed, reclining against the breastwork, his head often reposing upon it, regardless of every thing that was passing around him. " Our men were by degrees all cut down. We had maintained a steady fire from eight until two P. M., and allowing three-quar- ters of an hour interval between the first and second attack, had been pretty busily engaged for more than five hours. Lieutenant Bassinger was the only officer left alive, and he severely wounded. He told me, as the Indians approached, to lie down and feign myself dead. I looked through the logs and saw the savages approaching in great numbers. A heavy made Indian of middle stature, painted down to the waist, and whom I supposed to have been Micanope, seemed to be the chief. He made them a speech, frequently pointing to the breastwork. At length they charged into the work. There was none to offer resistance, and they did not seem to suspect the wounded being alive offering no indignity, but stepping about carefully, quietly stripping off our accoutrements, and carrying away our arms. They then re- tired in a body, in the direction from whence they came. "Immediately after their retreat, forty or fifty negroes and Indians on horseback, galloped up, alighted, and having tied their beasts, commenced, with horrid shouts and yells, the butchering of the wounded, together with an indiscriminate THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR. plunder, stripping the dead of clothing, watches, and money, and splitting open the heads of all who showed the least signs of life, with their axes and knives. This bloody work was accom- panied with obscene and taunting derision, and oft repeated shouts. " Lieutenant Bassinger, hearing the negroes and Indians butcher- ing the wounded, at length sprang up, and asked them to spare his life. They met him with the blows of their axes, and their fiendish laughter. Having been wounded in five different places myself, I was pretty well covered with blood; and two scratches that I had received on the head gave me the appearance of hav- ing been shot through the brain: for the negroes, after catching me up by the heels, threw me down, exclaiming that I was dead enough. Then, stripping me of my clothes, shoes, and hat, they left me. After serving all the dead in this manner, they trun- dled off the cannon in the direction the Indians had gone, and went away. I saw them shoot down the oxen in their gear and burn the wagon. " One of the other soldiers who escaped, says they threw the 280 INDIAN WARS. cannon in a pond, and burned its carriage also. Shortly after the negroes went away, one Wilson, of Captain Gardiner's com- pany, crept from under some of the dead bodies, and seemed to be hardly hurt at all. He asked me to go with him back to the fort, and I was going to follow him, when, as he jumped over the breastwork, an Indian sprang from behind a tree and shot him down. I then lay quiet until nine o'clock that night, when D. Long, the only living soul beside myself, and I, started upon our journey. We knew it was nearest to go to Fort King, but we did not know the way, and had seen the enemy retreat in that direction. As I came out I saw Dr. Gatlen lying stripped amongst the dead. The last I saw of him whilst living, was kneeling behind the breastwork, with two double barrel guns by him, and he said, ' Well, I have got four barrels for them I' Captain Gardiner, after being severely wounded, cried out, 'I can give you no more orders, my lads, do your best !' I last saw a negro spurn his body, saying, with an oath, ' that's one of their officers.' " My comrade and myself got along quite well until the next day, when we met an Indian on horseback, armed with a rifle, coming up the road. Our only chance was to separate we did so. I took the right, and he the left of the road. The Indian pursued him. Shortly afterwards I heard a rifle shot, and a little after another. I concealed myself among some scrub, and saw palmetto, and after awhile saw the Indian pass looking for me. "Suddenly, however, he put spurs to his horse, and went off at a gallop towards the road. " I made something of a circuit before I struck the beaten track again. That night, I was a good deal annoyed by the wolves, who had scented my blood, and came very close to me. The next day, the 30th, I reached the fort." Thus perished one hundred and six men, under circumstances of hopelessness and misery, rarely equalled in modern warfare. Intelligence of this tragic event spread a degree of horror through- out the country, lasting and powerful; and even at the present day, the name of the gallant, ill-fated Dade, is a spell-word to conjure up feelings of sorrow. Three of the whole command escaped. On the 6th of January, 1836, thirty Indians attacked the family of Mr. Cooly, on New river, while he was absent from home. They murdered Mrs. Cooly, three children, and Mr. Flinter, their teacher. During this transaction, the neighboring families made their escape into the more thickly settled territory. Cooly had long resided among the Indians, and always treated them kindly, and this renders the massacre more atrocious. Previous to this, General Clinch fought a severe engagement THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR. 281 with the Indians, near the Ouithlacooche river. He marched from Fort King, on the 29th of December, with a considerable force, and on the 31st, when half of the troops had crossed the river, the battalion of regulars were attacked by a large force of Indians, led by Osceola. The regulars met the attack of the vastly superior enemy with firmness. The action lasted nearly an hour, during which time the troops made three brilliant charges, driving the enemy in every direction. No inducement tjould prevail on the remainder of the army that had crossed the river, to return and assist their companions. After losing nearly one-third of their number, the regulars succeeded in crossing the river. Meanwhile, the eastern settlements in the neighborhood of San Angustine were ravaged by the enemy, many of the in- habitants slain, and the negroes carried away. So disastrous were these ravages, that in East Florida, five hundred families were driven from their homes, and their entire possessions de- stroyed by the Indians. General Gaines, as commander of the southern division of the army, was actively engaged in raising a body of troops. He reached Fort King on the 22d of February, and thence moved down the Ouithlacooche. On the 27th, he had a slight skirmish with the enemy at General Clinch's crossing place, where he lost one killed and eight wounded. Next day the army was attacked, Lieutenant Izard mortally wounded, one man killed, and two others wounded. Skirmishing was renewed on the 29th; one man killed and thirty-three wounded. This partisan warfare was continued until the 5th of March the United States troops losing several men in killed and wounded. On the 5th, a number of Indians, headed by Osceola, appeared before General Gaines' s camp, and expressed their willingness to terminate hostilities. They were told that on condition of re- tiring south of the Ouithlacoochee, and attending a council when called on by the United States commissioners, they should not be molested. To this they agreed; but at this moment General Clinch, who had been summoned by express from Fort Drane, encountered their main body; and supposing themselves sur- rounded by deliberate stratagem, they fled with precipitation. This unfortunate accident put an end to negotiations for that time. Soon after, ascertaining that he had been superseded, General Gaines transferred the command to General Clinch, who retired with his whole force to Fort Drane. General Scott now received the chief command in Florida, and commenced a new plan of operations, which, as is believed, would have speedily terminated the war; but unexpectedly he was superseded, and summoned to Washington on court-martial. His 282 INDIAN WARS. trial eventuated in full, honorable acquittal from all blame, but meanwhile he had been superseded by General Jessup. The measures of this officer were unimportant. The summer and fall of 1837 passed away without any pros- pect of a reconciliation with the Indians; but in December, Colonel Zachary 'Taylor, who commanded a regiment of Jessup' s troops, came upon the trail of the Indians, and commenced a vigorous pursuit. On the 25th, at the head of about five hun- dred men, he came up with about about seven hundred Indians, on the banks of the Okee-cho-bee lake, under the celebrated chiefs, Alligator, Sam Jones, and Coacoochee. This battle was sought by both parties. On the day previous to the engagement, the colonel had received a challenge from Alligator, informing him of his position, and courting an attack. The Indians were posted in a thick swamp, covered in front by a small stream, whose quicksands rendered it almost impassable. Through this the Americans waded, sometimes sinking to the waist in mud and water, and totally unable to employ their horses. On reach- ing the borders of the hammock, the advance received a heavy fire, which killed their leader, (Colonel Gentry,) and drove them back in confusion. The main body then rushed into action, attacking the enemy under a galling fire, and fought from half past twelve until three P. M., although exposed to the full range of the enemy's fire. With one exception, every officer in the sixth infantry was shot down, and one of the companies had but four members untouched. The Indians were forced from their position, and driven a considerable distance toward the extremity of Okee-cho-bee lake. In consequence of his success in this battle, Colonel Taylor was enabled to advance further into the country than any pre- vious commander had done. But the difficulty of transporting supplies, enabled the Seminoles to rest secure among their swamps and forests, and rendered the termination of the war impracti- cable. In April, 1838, Taylor was appointed to the chief com- mand in Florida, with the rank of brevet brigadier-general. He skirmished with the enemy, but could never again force them to a general battle. Bloodhounds were employed to trace their hiding places, but were found to be of little use and abandoned. A series of the most horrible outrages were committed about this time by the savages. Settlers were shot down while sitting in the door of their own houses, and, sometimes, the houses were surrounded and burned while whole families were in them. On the 28th of July, 1839, a body of dragoons, under Lieutenant- colonel Harney, was sent to the Coloosahatchee, to establish a trading house, in conformity with Macomb's treaty. The Indians had manifested a friendly disposition for some time, daily visit- THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR. 283 ing the camp and trading. So completely had they lulled the troops into security, that no defence was erected and no guard maintained. The camp was on the margin of the river. At dawn, on the 23d of July, the savages made a simultaneous attack upon the camp and the trading house. Those who escaped the first discharge fled naked to the river, and escaped in some fishing smacks. Colonel Harney was among them. While de- scending the river, the sergeant and four others were called to the shore by a well known Indian, and assured that they would not be harmed. 'They complied, and were butchered. Altogether eighteen were Icilled. Colonel Harney afterwards cautiously ap- proached the spot, and found eleven bodies shockingly mutilated, and two hundred and fifty Indians in the neighborhood, dancing and whooping with savage triumph. In 1840, the Indians accomplished an expedition which was creditable to their enterprise, but was attended with all the cir- cumstances of horror usual in Indian warfare. Indian Key, an island of about seven acres in extent, about thirty miles from the southern Atlantic coast of Florida, was invested by seventeen boats, containing Indians, headed by Chekekia. Seven of tht inhabitants Mr. Motte, Mrs. Motte, Dr. Perrine, three children and a slave, were murdered, the island plundered and the buildings burned. The rest of the inhabitants escaped in boats to a schooner. This was one of the boldest conceived, and most suc- cessfully executed, enterprises of the war. In 1840, General Taylor requested permission to retire from Florida, which was granted, and in April, General Annistead was appointed to succeed him. The operations of this officer were, necessarily of the same tedious and unsatisfactory character as most of his predecessors had been, and in May, 1841, he was succeeded by Colonel Worth. This officer commenced the campaign under very unfavorable circumstances, having no less than twelve hundred men sick and unfit for duty. On assuming command he is said to have named the 1st of January, 1842, as the time when he hoped to bring the war to a close. In August, the famous chief, Wild Cat, surrendered his whole band, including Coacoochee and his family, at Tampa. On the 13th the example was followed by a considerable number of Hos- pitaki's party, and next month by many of the Tallahassee tribe. Subsequently, various chiefs and their bands were regularly brought in. Nothing, however, of a decisive nature took place until the 19th of April, 1842, when Colonel Worth found the enemy in considerable force, strongly fortified, near Okeehuinpb.ee swamp. An immediate attack was made and the Indians totally defeated. 284 INDIAN WARS. Every trail made in their flight was taken and pursued until dark, and renewed on the following morning, the detachments marching each day, some twenty and some thirty miles. The scene of this battle was the big hammock of Palaklaklaha. As a reward for his services in this affair, Worth was brevetted by government, brigadier-general. Soon after, (May 4th,) Hallush- Tustemuggee, with eighty of his band, came to Palatka and sub- mitted, and on the 12th of August, Colonel Worth announced in general orders, that the Florida war was ended. This asser- tion, however, was premature, for hostilities again recommenced, and Worth received the surrender of a large body of Creeks al Tampa. The battle of Palaklaklaha was the last important incident of the Florida war. Its close was thus announced by President Tyler, in his message of December 8th, 1842. " The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long prevailed with the Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of Flo- rida, has happily been terminated : whereby our army has been relieved from a service of the most disagreeable character, and the treasury from a large expenditure. Some casual outbreaks may occur, such as are incident to the close proximity of border settlements and the Indians ; but these, as in all other cases, may be left to the care of the local authorities, aided, when occasion may require, by the forces of the United States. A sufficient number of troops will be maintained in Florida, so long as the remotest apprehension of danger shall exist; yet their duties will be limited rather to the garrisoning of the necessary posts than to the maintenance of active hostilities. It is to be hoped that a territory so long retarded in its growth, will now speedily recover from the evils incident to a protracted war, exhibiting in the increased amount of its rich productions, true evidences of returning wealth and prosperity. By the practice of rigid jus- tice towards the numerous Indian tribes, residing within our territorial limits, and the exercise of parental vigilance over their interests, protecting them against fraud and intrusion, and at the same time using every proper expedient to introduce among them the arts of civilized life, we may fondly hope, not only to wean them from the love of war, but to inspire them with a love of peace and all its avocations. With several of the tribes, great progress in civilizing them has already been made. The school- master and the missionary are found side by side, and the remains of what were once numerous and powerful nations may yet be pre Berved as the builders up of a new name for themselves and their posterity." The Seminole war, thus happily terminated, had been the least glorious in which the United States had ever engaged. Occa- THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR. 287 sionally, a signal triumph was obtained by the most untiring ex- ertion, but the consequences were scarcely felt by the rapid and swamp-covered enemy. Great numbers of men had been worn out by a service requiring so much exertion; able generals baffled, and millions of dollars expended without apparent effect. The territory had been rendered almost uninhabitable, and the name of it is forever associated with deeds of terror and horrible suf- ferings. It is most probable, that the struggle was hastened by the lawless conduct of a few whites. But this cannot excuse the manner in which the savages prosecuted it. All the Florida Indians are now transported to the Indian territory, and there is no prospect of such a war ever recurring in that region. /T"" 1 ? **' . CHAPTER XXI. INDIAN HOSTILITIES IN CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO. THE Indian tribes of California are in a degraded and miserable condition. The most numerous are the Shoshonees, the Blackfeet, and the Crows. Many of them have been brought to a half civilized state, and are employed at the differ- ent ranchos. But those in the neighborhood of the Sierra Ne- vada are untamable, treacherous, and ferocious. They wander about, for the most part going entirely naked, and subsisting upon roots, acorns, and pine cones. Since the discovery of the gold, they have acquired some knowledge of its usefulness, but no clear conception of its value, and they part with their gatherings for whatever strikes their fancy, without much hesitation in bargain- ing with dealers. They are generally of medium stature, dark skin and hair, (which grows low down over their foreheads,) with ugly countenances, devoid of any intellectual expression, and are immeasurably inferior to the Indians east of the Rocky Moun- tains, and those of the Atlantic States. Soon after the discovery of the placers, the Indians displayed their hostility by attacking straggling miners, and, growing bolder, committed serious depredations in the neighborhood of the (288) INDIAN HOSTILITIES IN 289 mines furthest advanced towards the Sierra Nevada; at length, the murder of a number of Oregonians led to a destructive war- fare between the whites and savages. It happened that six men of a clan were out " prospecting," (exploring,) on the Middle Fork, and when they had penetrated a deep canon, (gulf,) a party of some forty Indians attacked them from the heights above. Unsuspicious of an ambuscade, the ex- plorers had left their arms at some distance, and a flight of arrows among them was the first intimation of the proximity of their enemies. In their effort to reach the tent, in which their rifles were deposited, all but one were killed, and he had great difficulty in making his eseape. Many depredations upon the property of the diggers had be- fore been perpetrated by the savages. Horses and cattle had been carried away, and much damage had been done by the ma- rauders. It needed but this outrage to exasperate the miners to the highest pitch, especially the friends and countrymen of the sufferers. A war of extermination was, therefore, declared, and carried on by well armed and well mounted parties, determined on revenge. Eight Indians, with a cumber of squaws and pap pooses, were captured and brought into Culloma. These clearly came within the jurisdiction of the respectable "bencher," Judge Lynch, and they were condemned to be shot. While one after another were thus being disposed of, some broke away, and took to the river, but soon the. unerring marksmen despatched them with their rifles, and not one escaped. The squaws and pappooses were liberated, but the bloody con- test was still carried on ; and after more than a hundred had been sacrificed to appease the manes of the slaughtered Oregonians, the Indians were driven into the snows of Sierra Nevada, the only place of refuge which could afford them safety from the hot pursuit which was kept up by their enemies. With a view to giving an idea of the mode of attack prac- tised by the California Indians, we extract the following account from the journal of a tourist, who visited the country soon after the discovery of the gold mines: We were just on the point of returning to the camp to dinner, when Dowling, who was standing near some sage bushes at the upper part of the ravine, heard a rustling among them, and on moving in the direction of the noise, saw an Indian stealthily creeping along, who, as soon as he perceived he was discovered, discharged an arrow, which just missed its mark, but lacerated, and that rather severely, Cowling's ear. The savage set up a most terrific whoop, and ran off, but tumbled before he could draw another arrow from his quiver, while Dowling, rushing for- 19 290 CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO. ward, buried his mattock in the head of his fallen foe, killing him instantaneously. At this moment we heard the crack of a rifle in the direction of the camp, which, with the Indian's whoop at the same mo- ment, completely bewildered us. Every man, however, seized his rifle, and Dowling, hastening towards us, told us of what had just occurred. All was still for the next few moments, and I mounted a little hill to reconnoitre. Suddenly I saw a troop of Indians, the foremost of them on horseback, approaching at full speed. I hastily returned to my companions, and we sought shelter in a little dell, determined to await there, and resist the attack, for it was evident that the savages' intentions were any thing but pacific. It was a moment of breathless excitement. We heard the tramp, tramp, of the horses coming on towards us, but as yet they and their riders were concealed from our view. I confess I trembled violently, not exactly with fear, although I expected that a few moments would see us all scalped by our savage assailants. It was the suddenness of the danger which startled me, and made my heart throb violently; but at that moment, just as I was reproaching myself with the want of courage, a ter- rific yell rung through the air at a short distance from us, and forty or fifty warlike Indians appeared in sight. My whole frame was nerved in an instant, and when a shower of arrows flew amongst us, I was the first man- to answer it with a rifle shot, which brought one of the foremost Indians off his horse to the ground. I instantly reloaded, but in the meanwhile the rifles of my companions had been doing good service. We had taken up our position behind a row of willow trees which skirted the banks of a narrow stream, and here we were protected in a great measure from the arrows of our assailants, which were in most cases turned aside by the branches. A second volley of rifle shots soon followed the first; and while we were reloading, and the smoke had slightly cleared away, I could see that we had spread consternation in the ranks of the Indian warriors, and that they were gathering up their wounded preparatory to retiring. I had my eye on an old man, who had just leaped from his horse. My finger was on the trigger, when I saw him coolly advance, and taking one of his wounded companions, who had been shot through his leg, in his arms, place him on a horse, then niount- iLg his own, and catching hold of the other animal's bridle, ga> lop off at full speed. Although I knew full well that if the for- tune of the day had gone against us, these savages would net have spared a single man of our party, still I could not find it in my heart to fire on the old chief, and he carried off hia wounded comrade in safety. In a few minutes the hill sides wero INDIAN HOSTILITIES IN 291 GENERAL KEABXEY. clear, and when we emerged from our shelter, all that was visible of the troop of warriors was three of them weltering in their blood, a bow or two, and some empty quivers, and a few scattered feathers and tomahawks, lying on the ground." Several engagements have taken place between parties of In- dians and the small body of United States troops in California, in all of which the Indians have suffered greatly. But they continue as fierce and revengeful as ever, and murder and plun- der whenever and wherever they find an opportunity. In New Mexico, which became a part of the United States ter- ritory at the same time as California, the Indians are numerous and far more formidable than those farther west. The Apache and Navajoe Indians are the most powerful tribes west of the Mississippi. Being strong, active, and skilful, war is their de- light, and they were the terror of the New Mexicans before the territory was occupied by the United States troops. The Pueblo Indians are among the best and most peaceable citizens of New 292 INDIAN HOSTILITIES IN Mexico. They, early after the Spanish conquest, embraced th forms of religion and the manners and customs of their then more civilized masters. The Pimos and Maricopos are peaceable tribes who cultivate the ground and endeavor to become good citizens. They are much exposed to the irresistible attacks of the Apache and Navajoe Indians, and, very often, the fruits of their honest toil become the plunder of those fierce wanderers. In 1846, an American army, under General Kearney, marched into New Mexico and received the submission of the authorities at Santa Fe. After Kearney's departure from that city, the in- habitants conspired against the American government; but their object was discovered, and its execution prevented. Although thus discovered, the Indians did not abandon the hope of being able to execute their plan at a favorable opportunity. On the 19th of January, 1847, a considerable number of them collected in the village of Taos to obtain the release of two com- panions whom the authorities had imprisoned. So singular a demand was, of course, refused: when, without repeating it, the Indians murdered the sheriff and the Mexican prefect, broke into the prison, and released the prisoners. Instead of retiring, they then rushed through the village, and forced their way into a house where Governor Bent had but a short time previously taken up a temporary residence. In this extremity, the unfor- tunate man appears to have lost his presence of mind, neithei fighting nor retreating until it was too late to do either. As the Indians approached his room, he decided upon retreating; but, being wounded in attempting to jump from the window, he re- turned, and was shot through the body by the Indians. Then followed a scene sickening to every one but a savage. The dying man was shot in the face with his own pistol, then scalped, and, lastly, nailed to a board. A Mr. Leal, acting at that time as district attorney, was killed by slow torture, after having been scalped alive. Some others were killed in another part of the village; and the Indians afterwards formed in procession, parad- ing the bodies of the governor and attorney through the village. The object of the savages was undoubtedly to excite an insurrec- tion; but in this they were again disappointed. Some severe battles with the Indians occurred during the Mexican war. One of the most spirited of these encounters was an attack by a detachment of Colonel Doniphan's men, upon a party of Lipan warriors, near El Paso. The colonel was march- ing from Chihuahua to Saltillo, (May 13, 1847,) and had de- tached Captain Reid, with thirty men to El Paso, as an advance guard. About nine o'clock in the morning, the captain observed a party of Indians emerging from a gap in the mountains, five miles distant, and advancing toward the rancho. They num. CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO. 293 bered about sixty, and were returning from an attack upon a neighboring Mexican town, where they had secured many pri- soners and more than a thousand horses and mules. Although in arms against the Mexicans, Reid lost no time in deciding upon his course. The number of Indians was double his own; they had the advantage of ground; they could, if it were needful, retreat at once, and either escape or perhaps draw him into an ambush; but he determined upon rescuing the prisoners. At the word of command, each American was in the saddle, and the whole party bore down at full speed upon the Indians. The latter coolly awaited the charge, and opened the skirmish by a partial discharge of arrows. The Americans answered by an entire volley from their rifles. Immediately the Indians, raising a yell, rushed forward and discharged their arrows with astonishing ra- pidity. After fighting for some time, the Americans were driven back, but having reloaded, they again charged and drove the In- dians before them. The superior horsemanship of the latter afforded them great advantages. They waved their bodies in the saddles, galloped swiftly up and down, and by other methods known only to savages, contrived to elude the American balls. The battle continued nearly two hours, each party charging and retreating alternately, and keeping up a continual fire. At length the captain's men began to gain ground, inch by inch, as the Indians becoming discouraged, fought with less obstinacy and less skill. In the final retreat, the latter suffered severely, leaving fifteen dead on the field and carrying away a still larger number, together with all their wounded. Nine Mexican pri- soners were recovered and restored to liberty, and a herd of one thousand horses and mules, were appropriated, as far as practi- cable, to their original owners. The Camanches are a powerful tribe, inhabiting the country on the northeastern frontier of New Mexico. Their frequent attacks upon the Santa Fe traders have made their daring activity and cruelty familiar to the people of the western country, and espe- cially of the borders of Texas. Their incursions are still a source of terror to the Mexicans; but having experienced the power of the United States troops and the vengeance of the Texans, they hesitate to attack the frontier settlements of our territory. They are brave, hardy, and skilful horsemen, which adds greatly to rendering their attacks formidable. A severe battle was fought with them, by a party of Americans, commanded by Lieutenant Love, June 26th, 1847. The particulars of this affair are so well described by aa officer who shared its dangers, that we give them in his own words: " On the 23d, we arrived at the Pawnee Fork, and there met two government trains of provision wagons destined for Santa Fe, 294 INDIAN HOSTILITIES IN and learned from them that the day previous the Indians charged on them as their cattle were grazing, wounding three men one severely and driving off from traders and a return train of government wagons under Mr. Bell, some seventy yoke of oxen, leaving seventy wagons and a considerable quantity of provisions and other property without the means of transportation. The wagons and property were burned to prevent their falling into the hands of the Indians. Next day, (the 24th,) we travelled up to the Fork and encamped, and on the 25th to this place, on which day I was in charge of the guard, and the night passed over without any alarm, although every vigilance and precaution was used. Next morning, the 26th, immediately after reveille, Hayden's train, which was encamped about five hundred yards due west from the guard tent, drove their oxen from the corell to graze. All were scarcely out, when a large band of Caman- ches and Mexicans emerged from a ravine called Coon creek, about two hundred yards west, and charged furiously on the teamsters and herdsmen, wounding three and driving off one hundred and thirty yoke of government oxen, and thirty yoke belonging to a trader who was accompanying them. One con- spicuous Indian rode within carbine range. I fired and killed the horse from under him, and, as far as could be ascertained, wounded himself; however, he was soon behind another Indian. In the meantime the camp was armed, and some eighteen or nineteen mounted dragoons were ordered out under my command, for the purpose of retaking the cattle. When my command reached within one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy, I halted, and formed in an extended line, expecting to rally on a body of teamsters who were out as footmen; then charged on the In- dians, and forced them to retreat. As they were retreating, a large body of well mounted Indians crossed the river between me and the camp on my left, and charged us in the rear with great fury, preventing us from rallying, and obliging us to cut our way through them. About this time I was shot, and charged on by several Indians. I made my sabre, however, drink blood, having killed one and wounded 'another. Every man in my little command fought bravely and manfully, and five of my poor fellows were killed, defending themselves to the last, and selling their lives at a dear rate, and six wounded three more besides myself severely wounded. The killed were Arlidge, Deckhart, Short, Gaskill, and Blake. The wounded, myself, Vancaster, Lovelace, and Ward, severely, and Burk and Wilson slightly. The severe loss I met with, I attribute to the almost unmanageable state of the horses, all being new in the service, and to the Indians being permitted to charge on us from behind. The enemy took off the cattle, scalped three men, and took off CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO. 295 the horses, equipments, arms, and ammunition, and the clotLes of the dead. The Indians, when in a body, numbered about five hundred. I make no comments, I merely give you the facts as they occurred before me. "The Indians were all armed with lances measuring from twelve to fifteen feet in length, bows and arrows, and a great many with rifles and muskets. There were some white men among them. Several of our men saw them as well as myself. The air was actually as dark as if a flight of birds were hovering over us, from the balls, lances, and arrows that were flying through the air. Twelve or fifteen of the enemy are known to Lave fallen perhaps more but were immediately carried off. Four of their horses were left dead on the ground. Since then, we remain here, merely changing positions for the purpose of pastime. To-morrow, I understand, we will proceed again on our route, arrangements being made to take all the trains along, with somewhat less team, however. The Indians have attacked every train that has gone out or come in this year, and are bound to attack every train that will follow. These Camanches, Paw- nees, and Arrapahoes deserve a castigation that would ever after keep them quiet, and which they are sure some day to receive. "Lieutenant Love was in a most distressing situation. Never has man suffered, I believe, more in one day than he has suffered Here were twelve wagons, with six mules to each provisions, and all the specie, that he could not by any possible means aban- don, as another large force were ready to attack the camp if he were to go out with a large force; and yet he saw the awful situation in which we were placed, and could not give us the slightest aid or assistance. I am convinced that he acted pru- dently and wisely; for it has been his special care to take all the precautions that an experienced officer could take to save hia men and animals ever since he commenced his march." Such was the character of the Indian aggression on the route to New Mexico. The violence was, however, confined to the Camanches, and to a small portion of the Arrapahoes, and the band of Pawnees south of the Platte. This violence the United States government took effectual measures to quell, by placing a competent force under command of Colonel Gilpin, who had sig- nally distinguished himself with Doniphan, in Chihuahua. CHAPTER XXII. THE TRIBES WEST OP THE MISSISSIPPI. BY treaties concluded by the agents of the United State* government at different periods, nearly all of the Indian tribes have been induced to remove west of the Mississippi. Those who remain in the haunts of their fathers are chiefly converts to Chris- tianity, and in a half civilized state. Many of the tribes have dwindled into insignificance, yet the few who remain are proud to maintain their distinctive appellation, and support the inde- pendence of their old clan. The most powerful and numerous tribes in the northwest are the Sioux, or Dacotahs, the Blackfeet, Crows, and Pawnees. A few of the celebrated Delaware tribe still remain, and are a source of terror to their numerous enemies. The Blackfeet In- dians occupy the whole of the country about the sources of the Missouri, from the mouth of the Yellow Stone to the Rocky Mountains. Their number is between forty and fifty thousand, and their general bearing is warlike and ferocious. Their enemies are numerous, yet they maintain their ascendancy. The Crows are a much smaller tribe than the Blackfeet, with whom they are always at war. They are fearless warriors, and seek their ene- mies wherever they are to be found. In number they are about six thousand. The following is an account of one of their battlea with the Blackfeet Indians. (296) THE TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 297 FIGHT BETWEEN THE CROW AND THE BLACKFEET INDIANS. In June, 1845, a party of about seven hundred Crow Indians were driven from their own country by the Sioux, to the vicinity of Fort F. A. C., near the Falls of the Missouri. On the 17th they encountered a small party of Blackfeet warriors, whom they immediately attacked. Notwithstanding the great disparity in numbers, the battle was fierce and bloody. Twenty-two of the Blackfeet were killed, and one hundred women and children car- ried away, together with three hundred horses. At this moment they beheld the main body of their party approaching; the battle was renewed with terrible fury, and the Crows, though superior in number, were in their turn driven back. They retreated to a strongly fortified spot, carrying with them the horses and goods. Most of the prisoners escaped. The Black- feet made several desperate charges, but were finally obliged to retire. About a dozen of their number were killed and many more wounded. At the time of this battle the Blackfeet tribe were west of the Rocky Mountains, near the head waters of the Columbia, whither it is their practice to retire every spring. Those attacked by the Crows were, consequently, only an advanced party which crossed the mountains earlier than usual. The Crows had them- selves been driven into the neighborhood where the fight occurred by the Sioux who were out in great force against them. At other times when the Blackfeet are absent they usually visit that section of country. About a fortnight before the fight, a small party of the Blackfeet had attacked the guard at Fort F. A. C., (the trading post of the American Fur Company,) killed one man, and seriously wounded another, and stole thirty horses. The whole affair will serve to show the dangers to which the western settlers are exposed, as well as the condition of constant war and ferment in which the Indians of the Great West are stilA engaged. The Sioux or Dacotahs, are equal in numbers to the Black- feet. They can bring about ten thousand warriors into the field, well mounted and armed. This tribe take vast numbers of the wild horses on the plains towards the Rocky mountains, and many of them have been supplied with guns; but the greater part of them hunt with bows and arrows, and long lances, kill- ing their game from their horses' back while at full speed. The name Sioux was given to them by the French traders; their name in their own language is Dacotah. Their personal appear- ance is very fine and prepossessing, at least one half of their warriors being above six feet high. They occupy such a vast tract of country, that they are necessarily divided into forty 29 6 THE INDIAN WARS. bands, each having a chief, who all acknowledge one superior The Sioux are nearly always at war with the neighboring tribes, and their numbers enable them generally to triumph. The Pawnees are a very powerful and warlike nation, living on the river Platte, about one hundred miles from its junction with the Missouri; laying claim to, and exercising sway over the whole country, from its mouth to the base of the Rocky Moun- tains. In 1832, this tribe numbered about twenty thousand per- sons. But the small pox and their many wars have reduced them one half. The small pox almost annihilated several other tribes who are now living under the sway of the Pawnees. The Pawnees are considerably fiercer and more distrustful than most of the other tribes. They are divided into four bands, distin- guished by the names Grand Pawnees, Tappage Pawnees, Re- publican Pawnees and Wolf Pawnees. Human sacrifices used to be common among this people, but they have of late been aban- doned, in consequence of the influence of the white traders. The Flatheads are a very numerous people inhabiting the shores of the Columbia river, and the country lying southeast of it. They are mostly obliged to live on roots and fish, in con sequence of the general sterility of their country, and the paucity of game. They are poor and miserably cla.d, and in no respect equal to the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains, where game is plentiful. The people generally denominated Flatheads are divided into a great many bands; and, although they have un- doubtedly derived their name from the custom of flattening the head, yet there are but very few of those so denominated who actually practice that extraordinary custom. The process is seemingly a cruel one, though it is performed in earliest infancy while the bones are cartilaginous and easily pressed into any shape. The infant is put into a sort of a cradle, soon after its birth, and a board fastened upon the head in the required posi- tion, and it is kept in this situation for six or seven weeks. The custom, like many others in civilized society, is without reason, and it is impossible to obtain one from the Indians themselves. Catlin traces the same custom among the old Choctaws, and attempts to prove that these tribes, though separated so widely at present, were once neighbors. The Indians on the Columbia River are noted for their kindness and hospitality. The Sacs and Foxes are generally united ; but were originally distinct tribes. They inhabit the country directly west of the Mississippi, which is now included in the State of Wisconsin. The famous Black Hawk was a chief of the Sacs, who have ever been a daring, warlike tribe. They number about five thousand persons. War parties often proceed against the powerful Sioux, making up in activity and skill what they lack in strength. THE TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 299 Catlin gives an account of a singular custom prevalent in this tribe. Smoking Horses is a peculiar and very curious custom of this tribe. When General Street and I arrived at Kee-o-kuk's village, we were just in time to see this amusing scene, on the prairie, a little back of his village. The Foxes who were making up a war party to go against the Sioux, and had not suitable horses enough by twenty, had sent word to the Sacs, the day before (according to an ancient custom,) that they were coming on that day, at a certain hour, to " smoke" that number of horses, and they must not fail to have them ready. On that day, and at that hour, the twenty young men who were beggars for horses, were on the spot, and seated themselves on the ground in a circle, where they went to smoking. The villagers flocked around them in a dense crowd, and soon after appeared on the prairie, at half a mile distance, an equal number of young men of the Sac tribe, who had agreed, each to give a horse, and who were then gal- loping them about at full speed; and, gradually, as they went around in a circuit, coming in nearer to the centre, until they were at last close around the ring of young fellows seated on the ground. While dashing about this, each one with a heavy whip in his hand, as he came within reach of the group on the ground, selected the one to whom he decided to present his horse, and as he passed him, gave him the most tremendous cut with his lash, over his naked shoulders; and as he darted around again he plied the whip as before, and again, and again, with a violent " crack !" until the blood could be seen trickling down over his naked shoulders, upon which he instantly dis- mounted, and placed the bridle and whip in his hands, saying, " here, you are a beggar I present you a horse, but you will carry my mark on your back." In this manner, they were all in a little time ' f whipped up," and each had a good horse to ride home, and into battle. His necessity was such, that he could afford to take the stripes and the scars as the price of the horse,?and the giver could afford to make the present for thb satisfaction of putting his mark upon the other, and of boasting of his liberality, which he has always a right to do, when going into the dance, or on other important occasions. The Begging Dance is a frequent amusement, and one that has been pacticed with some considerable success at this time, while there have been so many distingushed and liberal visitors here. It is got up by a number of desperate and long-winded fellows who will dance and yell their visitors into liberality; or, if necessary, laugh them into it, by their strange antics, singing a song of importunity, and extending their hands for presents, 300 THE INDIAN WARS. which they allege are to gladden the hearts of the poor, and ensure a blessing to the giver. The Sacs and Foxes, like all other Indians, are fond of living along the banks of rivers and streams; and like all others, are expert smimmers and skilful canoemen. Their canoes, like those of the Sioux and many other tribes, are dug out from a log, and generally made extremely light ; and they dart them through the coves and along the shores of the rivers, with astonishing quickness. I was often amused at their freaks in their canoes, while travelling; and I was induced to make a sketch of one which I frequently witnessed, that of sail- ing with the aid of their blankets, which the men carry; and when the wind is fair, stand in the bow of the canoe and hold by two corners, with the other two under the foot or tied to the leg; while the women sit in the other end of the canoe, and steer it with their paddles. The large and powerful tribes the Choctaws, Cherokees and Creeks, who emigrated from the southern states to the western territory, have ceased to be warlike, and now, thanks to the labors of many Christians, cultivate the arts and enjoyments of peace. They increase in number, and bid fair to become very good citizens of the States, soon to be formed in that country. CHAPTEE MINNESOTA INDIAN MASSACRE. BY a treaty made, at Washington, in 1837, with the various tribes of Sious, the U. S. government obtained a title to a large portion of land within the present State of Wisconsin and all of Minnesota, on the east side of the Mississippi. In 1849 the terri- torial government of Minnesota was organized, and immigration flowed thither so rapidly, and extended so widely, that, in 1851, the government was obliged to secure as it did by the treaties made at Mendota and at Traverse des Sioux the possession of all the country in the State of Iowa, and in the territory of Minne- sota, up to the present western boundary of the State. By these treaties the Indians were assigned to two large reservations on the upper Minnesota near the Yellow Medicine and Hawk Rivers ; and provision was made for a large annuity fund amounting to more than three millions of dollars. Upon the ratification of these treaties, in 1853, the Indians removed to their new homes, locating their villages on the Minnesota near the mouths of the Bed Wood and Yellow Medicine Bivers, and at Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse at which places, also, were located the gov- ernment warehouses, residences of the agent and employees of the government and various machine shops required by treaty stipulations. On the new frontier thus established was erected a military post, called Fort Bidgely, on the north side of the^Minne- sota, twelve miles from the agency. Immigration set in with wonderful rapidity ; in 1858 another treaty was made by which the Indians relinquished their claims to that half of their reserva- tion on the north side of the Minnesota, at a stipulated price per acre and provision was made for a " civilization fund," to be taken from their annuities and expended in improvements on the lands of such as should abandon their wild ways and adopt the habits and modes of life of the white race they being also paid for their labor, and allowed to retain their crops. The number of those who availed themselves of these very liberal provisions augmented rapidly, until four years after, there were some one hundred and sixty who had become farmers, had farms opened and dwellings erected, many of which were of brick. Among these "farmer Indians" was ' ' Little Crow, " the leader of the Sioux, and many of his war- riors ; but to the "blanket Indians," as those were called who re- fused to adopt civilized modes of life, the subtraction from the general fund, of the money necessary to carry out this plan, was extremely distasteful. Another cause of irritation, also, arose out of the massacre at Spirit Lake, in 1857, of forty-seven whites, by (301) 302 MINNNESOTA INDIAN MASSACRE. a roving, outlawed Indian, named Inkpaduta, and eleven thiev- ing followers. The U. S. government demanded that the Sioux, under Little Crow, should deliver up the culprits, and withheld the installment of annuities due them, until the demand should be complied with. The Sioux disclaimed any connection with, or responsibility for the Inkpaduta band ; finally made an unwil- ling and inefficient chase after them, in which three of the mur- derers were killed, and then assumed such a defiant attitude that the government yielded to their demand and paid them their an- nuities, without any further attempt to bring to justice the bal- ance of the miscreants who had escaped Little Crow's warriors. It was a grave error for the Indians misconstrued it as weakness on the part of the whites, and from that moment Little Crow evi- dently began to agitate a scheme for driving the whites from the State of Minnesota. Circumstances favorable to his plan began to develope. The United States were on the eve of a Civil Rebellion soon that war-cloud burst upon the nation. The Indian tribes of Choctaws, Chickasees, and Cherokees, occupying lands in the southwestern part of the Union, within the limits of the Southern Superintend- ency, were in charge of agents who sympathized with the new Confederate Government of the Southern States ; and, after the inauguration of the new (Lincoln) administration, the new ap- pointees were unable, in the confused state of public affairs, to reach their posts, or to hold any intercourse with the tribes under their charge. The defecting officials instigated these Indians to acts of hostility, as well as to joining the Confederate cause, and, indeed, claimed to exercise the same authority as before, under a commission from the Southern Confederacy. By their misrepre- sentations they partly succeeded in inducing a portion of the In- dians to renounce the authority of the United States for that of the Confederate Government ; two delegates from the Choctaws were allowed (by treaty) to sit in the Confederate Congress ; while two regiments were raised and put in service in the Confederate army, and a third was organized in 1861. Lack of authentic in- formation relative to the purposes of the new administration ; the surrender of the UnitedStates military posts in their neighborhood; the withdrawal of Federal troops ; and the fact that they them- selves were slaveholders, all tended to give weight to the subtile influences and arguments which were brought to bear upon them by the Southern emissaries and the Chickasaws, then the Choc- taws, and lastly the Cherokees (despite the firm and loyal attitude and efforts of their renowned leader, John Ross) yielded and transferred their allegiance from the Northern to the Southern Republic. The Oregon tribes were, also, similarly affected by the same influences ; and the contagion spread through the Sioux tribes of Minnesota conspiring, with influences which we have heretofore detailed, to render them ripe for an outbreak of savage violence. The siammer of 1862 brought, at last, the opportune moment. Only thirty soldiers were at Fort Ridgely, thirty at Fort Rip- ley, and one company at Fort Abercrombie while the whole MINNESOTA INDIAN MASSACEE. 303 effective force for the defence of the entire frontier did not exceed two hundred. The annuity money was daily expected, and, except about one hundred men at Yellow Medicine, no troops had been detailed, as usual, to guard the expected payment. The Indians knew that the whites were weak, that they were engaged in a great war among themselves, that their attention was turned toward the South. Little Crow, fertile in expedients and strategy, knew that this was the golden, moment for his ambitious scheme and called a grand Indian Council, or "Soldiers' Lodge," at his village, near the Lower Agency. At this secret council, held August 3rd, were matured the details of a conspiracy which, for atrocity, has seldom been equalled on the pages of history. On Sunday, the 18th of August, 1862, Little Crow, Inkpaduta, and Little Priest attended Church at the Lower Agency, seeming to listen attentively to the preach- ing of the missionaries ; and in the afternoon of the same day the " Soldiers' Lodge" attended an Indian Council at Bice Creek, six- teen miles off. Little Crow presided, and it was then and there de- creed, that a general massacre of all white men was to commence at the Agency, on the following morning, and at as many other points, simultaneously, as could be reached by the dawn of day, radiating from that point as centre. The advantage gained by the suddenness of the attack, and the panic that would result, was to be followed up by the taking and destruction of Fort Kidgely, both the Agencies, New Ulna, Mankato, St. Peters, and all the river towns, the devastation of the whole country, and the driving of all the whites, who were left alive, beyond the Mississippi River and out of the Valley of the Minnesota. The first blow, however, fell at Acton, Meeker Co. , on the afternoon of this Sun- day, (17th,) and four persons were wantonly murdered. On the next, the fatal Monday morning, the attack was made at the Lower Agency. From house to house the torch soon followed the hatchet ; the flames enveloped alike the dead, dying and wounded. A few escaped through back doors, over fields, down the side of the bluff to the river those fftrtunate enough to get over by the ferry, or otherwise, hastened with utmost speed to Ford Kiclgely. Others hid among the bushes, in hollow logs or holes, behind stumps, or in the water. Maddened with unresisted success for not a shot, not a blow had yet been aimed at them with fiend- ish yells the Indians followed or sought new victims among yet unsuspecting settlers. Those that escaped spread the alarm. As they heard it, people fled precipitately, scarce knowing whither they went. After them followed the Indians through the entire line of settlements, over a frontier of hundreds of miles, commit- ting such barbarities as could scarce be exceeded if all hell were turned loose. They overtook various fugitive parties, killed all the men and children, and led away the young women and girls for fates worse than death. As soon as the first refugees reached the fort, and communicated the tidings, a handful of soldiers a part of a company were sent out under Captain March ' ' to quell the disturbance." With utmost speed, in Government mule- vragons, they started for the Lower Agency, passing nr.mbers who 304 MINNESOTA INDIAN MASSACRE. were escaping from the scene of carnage ; seeing mangled bodies and blazing or smouldering houses, but not a single Indian. Finding the ferry unoccupied, Captain Marsh left twenty of his men to guard it, and with about forty took a raft and commenced to cross. Midway of the stream, amid deafening yells, a raking volley was poured into them from all sides by lurking Indians. Not a soul on board that raft escaped. The guard on shore retreated, firing') behind them as they went but half of their number fell before 1 reaching the fort. Those who fell by the roadside were stripped,' hacked and mutilated. The refugees from the settlement kept pouring into the fort, bringing with them marks and incidents of horror innumerable. The fort was crowded to its last available inch the stock of provisions was limited, the amount of ammuni- tion small. The loss of Capt. Marsh's Company had left thirty sol- diers, eleven half-breeds and one twenty-five and another six-pound howitzer as a defence for five hundred women and children. And then followed a five days terrible seige of the fort, during which the Indians tried every means of defiance, attack, fire and intrigue to gain possession of it and its trembling sufferers who were entirely cut off from all communication with their friends, or hopes of succor. Meanwhile war-parties, slaughtering, plun- dering, and burning traversed the whole surrounding country, re- hearsing the bloody scenes of the Lower Agency. At the Upper or Yellow Medicine Agency, the same tragic history was being en- acted. A large party of forty, mostly women and children escaped by wagons and, with smaller parties, were followed hotly by the Indians, but a thunder-shower fortunately came up, obliterating their tracks, and at the same time saving the fort from a confla- gration caused by the Indians who were besieging it. Approach- ing the fort, after a four days' journey, full of privations and hor- rors, they were amazed to find it besieged by the Indians, and turned off towards Henderson and St. Peters, which they ulti- mately reached in safety. Meanwhile, on August 23rd, the savages, despairing of taking the fort commenced to transfer their main attack to New Ulm. Fiercely'the battle raged in the streets of that village during the day for the settlers made a brave defence but the Indians succeeded in firing the stores, mills, warehouses, barns, stacks of hay, &c.. and all seemed lost; when, toward even- ing, Judge Flandrau providentially arrived with hastily gathered reinforcements from St. Peter charged with his mounted men upon the Indians and after a brisk fight routed them and entered the village, but not until carnage and destruction had completely ruined it. Hastily burying^ the dead, and putting the wounded into wagons, the surviving inhabitants prepared to evacuate the village, and the next day after seeing sights that chilled the strongest hearts, they started for St. Peter leaving their homo in possession of the Judge's troops, who were soon reinforced by a detachment of Col. Sibley's men. The entire country, from Fort Ridgely, New Ulm and the Norwegian Grove, almost to St. Paul, was completely panic-stricken. Harvests, homes, every- thing was abandoned in the medley race for St. Peter and St. Paul, whose streets were glutted with the wagons and temporary shelter MINNESOTA INDIAN MASSACRE. 305 of refugees from even within ten miles around while the wave of massacre had not approached within a hundred miles of the latter place. Two days of murder, a week of fighting and burning and alarm and a population of thirty thousand scattered over some eighteen counties in the western border of the State were rushing in dismay from the terrors of savage warfare and the panic, almost depopulating the neighboring Territory of Dakota, reached even farther Eastward. Over two thousand whites were killed, and over two millions worth of property destroyed. We have already men- tioned the rescue of New Ulm by Judge Flandrau's command the tide had now turned another force of volunteers from St. Peter relieved the besieged Fort Bidgely, and St. Peter, itself in danger from the alacrity with which it had sent forth help to its beleagured neighbors, was set at comparative rest by the arrival of Col. Sibley with fourteen hundred men and attention was promptly given to the organization of proper means for feeding and caring for the thousands of fugitives who had thus suddenly been thrown upon their hands. In this good work, every part of the Union liberally shared. Then followed the pursuit of the Indians by Col. Sibley's command, which reached Fort Bidgely, Aug. 28th, afterwards reinforced by other detach- ments and many companies of mounted citizens were organized throughout the State and sent to different endangered points. A severe battle occurred at Brick Coolie, Sept. 1st, with a heavy loss to the troops, but with the result of defeating the savages, and the undoubted saving of the towns of Mankato and St. Peter. Little Crow's band now retreated up the valley of the Minnesota, and was hotly followed by Col. Sibley's force, now increased by the 3rd regiment of Minnesota volunteers, lately returned from Tennessee, as paroled prisoners. On the morn- ing of Sept. 23d, this force was attacked, while in camp at Wood Lake, near Yellow Medicine by about three hundred Indians. A desperate and well-contested fight ensued, ending in the com- plete discomfiture of the savages whose leader, Little Crow, now lost all hope in the success of his cherished plans. His warriora were disheartened many of his chiefs were in open rebellion against his scheme of war upon the whites and on the same day of the battle of Wood Creek, a flag of truce came to Col. Sibley, from the Indian camp, sueing for peace. As the result of this sur- render, and of the unintermitting pursuit which was kept up by the white troops, under Col. (now Brig. Gen.) Sibley, until the 1st of November, 1862, over fifteen hundred Indians, who had been directly or indirectly engaged in the massacres, were taken prisoners, and over three hundred white prisoners released from their hands. After a long and careful trial by a military com- mission, three hundred and three of the miscreant Indians were commended to the General Goverment for capital punishment, and were closely confined at Camp Lincoln, between Mankato and South Bend, in the Minnesota Biver. Thirty-eight of these were subsequently htmg (Dec. 5, 1862) together, at Camp Lincoln the remainder, thanks to a mistaken public sympathy brought to bear upon the Government, were pardoned. Meanwhile all ex- 306 MINNESOTA INDIAN MASSACBK isting treaties made with these Indians, were declared by Congress as annulled; and a portion of the. annuities due them was appro- priated to indemnify the white sufferers by the war. They were, also, removed from the limits of Minnesota in May, 1863, to the upper Missouri, above Fort Randall. A few lodges of fugitive Indians committed several unprovoked murders and defied the troops sent after them but no general panic ensued and the cam- paign of 1863, planned by Gen. Pope and conducted during that and the succeeding year by Gens. Sibley and Sully, had the ef- fect of transferring the war into the Dacotah territory beyond Missouri River. Little Crow himself was finally shot, July 3d, 1863, at Scattered Lake, near Hutchinson. He was a man of great ability, cunning and ambition- and an eloquent speaker. CHAPTEK XXIV. GENERAL HISTORT OF THE WESTERN INDIAN TRIBES SINGH 1851. UP to 1851, the immense uninhabited plains east of the Rocky Mountains were admitted to be Indian territory, and numerous savage tribes roamed from Texas and Mexico to the Northern boundary of the United States. Then came the discovery of gold in California, drawing a tide of emigration across this wide reservation, and it became necessary, by treaty with the In- dians, to secure a broad highway to the Pacific shore. By these treaties the savages were restricted to certain limits, but with the privilege of ranging, for hunting purposes, over the belt thus re- reserved as a route of travel. The United States, also, agreed to pay the Indians 850,000 per annum, for fifteen years, in consider- ation of this right. The boundaries assigned, by these treaties to the Cheyennes and Arrapahoes, included the greater part of the present Colorado Territory, while the Sioux and Crows were to occupy the land of the Powder River route. After a few years gold was discovered in Colorado, upon the Indian reservation, settlers poured in, and, after the lands were mostly taken up by them, another treaty was made, February 18th, 1861, to secure them in peaceful possession. By fl"' compact the Indians re- linquished a large tract of land, and agreed to confine themselves to a small district upon both sides of the Arkansas river and along the northern boundary of New Mexico ; while the United States was to furnish them protection; pay an annuity of $30, 000 to each tribe for fifteen years, and provide stock and agricultural im- plements for those who desired to adopt civilized modes of life. Until April, 1864, no disturbances had occurred between these Indians and the white settlers of Colorado ; but, in that sum- mer, complaints were made of Indian depredations and robberies and Col. Chivington, in command at Denver, allowed a subordi- nate officer to pursue the savages ; the Cheyenne Village, of Cedar Blufls, was attacked and twenty-six Indians killed and thir- ty wounded. Petty hostilities followed during the summer, but the Indians professed a desire for peace, and applied to Major Wynkoop, the commandant at Fort Lyon, to negotiate in their behalf for peace. With this design, and by his command, they collected to the number of five-hundred men, women and children about the fort, and were assured of safety but while there, were attacked by Col. Chivington and slaughtered without mercy. This disgraceful butchery, known as the Sand Creek Massacre, of Nov, 29th, 1864, was followed by a war, which drew (307) 308 WESTEKN INDIAN TRIBES. off eight-thousand men from the war then waging in the United States, and consumed $30,000,000 of money with the pitiful result of only killing fifteen or twenty Indians during the entire campaign. Other means failing to restore peace, commissioners were appointed to negotiate a treaty ; and, in October 1865, one was effected with the chiefs of the Cheyennes, Arrahapoes and other neighboring tribes, by which they relinquished their reser- vation in Arkansas for one in Kansas, with privilege of hunting over their old grounds. As amended, during its ratification by the Senate, this treaty excluded these tribes from the State of Kansas, leaving them in reality nothing but hunting privileges in the unsettled plains but despite this, the Indians faithfully kept their treaty stipulations through the year 1866. During the fifteen years for which annuities had been pro- mised them, by the treaty of 1851, the Sioux and Crows, to the north of the great line of overland travel were unmolested by the whites ; but the Crows had been driven into Montana, by the Sioux, and the latter now inhabited the whole section originally assigned to both nations. The territory to the South *had become populous with emigration, which was crowding towards them, also, from the east, when rumors of rich mines in Montana set the fatal stream of white men across their lands, narrowing down their hunting grounds to the valley of Powder River ; their an- nuity from the United States had ceased, and their prospects of subsistence became more precarious. At this Juncture several military posts were erected along anew route of travel to Montana, and Forts Reno, Phil, Kearny and C. F. Smith were garrisoned. The Indians protested, then resisted and war raged again during the summer and fall of 1866, culminating in the massacre of a de- tachment of soldiers at Fort Phil. Kearny, Dec. 21st. As, with these Sioux, these was a Cheyenne tribe connected with the Cheyennes in the South, apprehensions were felt that war would be kindled along the line of the Union P. R. R ; and orders were issued forbidding the sale of arms and ammunition to the Indians around Omaha. This only fanned the excitement the Sioux and Cheyennes refused to listen to any propositions for peace until troops were withdrawn and the Cheyennes, Arrahapoes and kindred tribes of Kiowas, Apaches, etc., still brooded over the affair at Sand Creek, and muttered ominously of a general war in the Spring. The United States forces at this time in the Indian territories were under command of Lieut. Gen. Wm. T. Sherman, of the Military Division of Missouri which was divided into three Departments ; viz, Dakotah, (north) under Gen. A. H. Terry ; Platte, (middle,) under Gen. C. C. Augur, and Missouri, (south) under Gen. W. S. Hancock. In the northern district were about eighteen hundred warriors, Cheyennes, Arrahapoes and other tribes; and in the south some five hundred Arrahapoes and South Cheyenne warriors. Dur- ing the winter of 1866, surveying parties on the U. P. R. R. were warned to stop ; depredations were committed on stage and express lines, and several murders and personal outrages took place. Early, therefore, in the Spring of 1867, Gen. Hancock determined upon WESTERN INDIAN TEIBES. 309 an expedition to the tribes in the South, to hold councils and as- certain the state of feeling among them. He set out 'with fif- teen hundred troops, reached Fort Larned, April 7th, and on 13th] went to Pawnee Fork to meet a large body of Cheyennes (one thousand or fifteen hundred) encamped at a village there. He was met by the chiefs, who begged him not to approach nearer, as the women and children were afraid of another Sand Creek affair. He persisted, however, and on his approach, the village was abandoned the fleeing Indians capturing and destroy* ing several stations, stealing property &c. Hearing of these out- rages, Gen. Hancock ordered the burning of their village, of some three hundred lodges, and destroyed property to the amount of $100,000. He then turned west, and hearing of Indian depre- dations on the Smoky Hill route on P. B. B. , sent Gen. Ouster with four hundred men that way. Ouster met Pawnee Killer, the leader of the hostile bands of that section, but failed to effect any negotiations for peace ; depredations on ranches, mail sta- tions and even on forts were kept up so that he found himself compelled to keep on the offensive, and had several slight skir? mishes (wherever he could force the Indians to a fight) on the route to Fort Wallace, near which station, a wagon-train was fiercely attacked by five hundred Indians (June 26th,) and finally got ofi with a loss of twelve men. Gen. Ouster was soon after recalled from his reconnaisance as, also, was Gen. Hancock (whose ex* pedition produced no very definite results) who was sent to New Orleans, his place being filled by Gen. Sheridan : The burning of Pawnee Fork village, had greatly exasperated the Indians, and their depredations, during the summer of 1867, much retarded operations on the P. B. B; travel being quite dan- gerous. Early in August, a freight train from Omaha (in Ne- braska) was thrown off the track near Plum Creek station by im- pediments placed there by Indians ; all on board, but one, mur- dered and cars and merchandise set on fire. Gen. Ouster promptly sent a small detachment of troops to the scene, and, on August 16th, they fell in with five-hundred Sioux, whom they engaged and defeated with the aid of some friendly Pawnees killing about fifty of them. The greater portion of Gen. Augur's force (two thousand), had been sent to reconnoitre about the sources of the Powder and Yellowstone Bivers. On the 2nd of August, near Fort Phil. Kearney, a body of wood-cutters, with an escort of fifty soldiers, and about the same number of citizens, were set upon by a large body of Indians, and a terrible fight ensued, until relief came in the shape of two companies of federal troops and a howitzer, when the savages were driven off with a loss of fifty or sixty killed and a larger number wounded. Other slight affairs followed but military measures failed, and as Gen. Sherman said ' ' fifty Indians could checkmate three thousand soldiers," and by his re- commendation, a commission, composed of civilians and military men, was appointed by act of Congress, March 29th, to examine into and remove the causes of war ; to secure, if possible, the safety of the frontier settlements, and of operations in the con- 310 WESTERN INDIAN TRIBES. struction of the Pacific Bailroads, and to suggest and inaugurate some plan for the civilization of the Indians. The commission en- tered vigorously upon their duties, but the rest of the year was spent in fruitless endeavors to bring the Indian tribes to any gen- eral understanding^Red Cloud, the principal chief of the Sioux persistently refusing to listen to any peace propositions saying that war would cease whenever the troops should be withdrawn from the Powder River trail, and their hunting grounds left free to theni again. The Commissioners having no power to do this, urged, a truce, and another meeting during next summer and autumn, and this was finally reluctantly agreed to. These efforts towards peace were resumed and continued through the spring and sum- mer of 18G8, resulting finally in an agreement with the Indiana to keep peace with the subjects and authority of the United States ; to allow themselves to be removed to reservations of land secured to their exclusive use and occupation by our Government, who undertook $0 bear the expenses of removing, and to furnish means of education and civilization, agricultural implements, cattle, seeds, &c., until they got a fair start. The reservations to which they were assigned, were first, the region north of the State of Nebraska and west of the Missouri river ; and secondly, a wide tract west of the State of Arkansas and South of Kansas. Their old lands were sold to the P. R. R. Co. The river-route to Montana, through the best hunting grounds of the Sioux, (having been superseded by the Union Pacific R. R. to west of the Black Hills a better route) was abandoned to the Indians ; the military posts withdrawn, and the savages thus far conciliated. Although Gen. Sherman, commanding the Military Division of the Missouri, adopt- ed all proper measures for maintaining peace, there was yet, much discontent and sullenness among the Indians. Delays had occurred in receiving supplies and stores ; white settlers were pushing into the borders in search for gold, and to lay out lines of travel, and in Kansas and Colorado, during the months of Au- gust and September, Indian outrages became of almost daily occurrence. Gen. Sheridan, in command of this department, had, after garrisoning the various posts along the line of the U. P. R. R. & Denver stage routes, about eight hundred available men for active operations against the Indians, who could bring in to the field six thousand well mounted and equipped warriors. He, there- fore, determined to commence a vigorous compaign against them, and the first engagement of consequence took place at Arrickarey Fork, Sept. 17th, 1868, when Col. Forsyth and his scouts were at- tacked by about seven hundred Indians, whom he defeated, killing thirty-five of them, and wounding many others, while his own loss was only four killed and eighteen wounded. The li ttle band kept their position for several days, living on horse flesh, until relieved from Fort Wallace. Then troops were sent from the other de- partments, volunteer companies from Kansas were accepted ; and the war was vigorously pushed but it was difficult to bring the Indians to a fair stand. Oct. 18th, Gen Carr, following a trail, was attacked by four hundred savages, and repulsed them after a six hours' fight. On the 27th of November, on the Washita, Gen. WESTEBN INDIAN TBIBES. 311 Ouster, scouting after hostile Indians, fell in -with the trail of a Chey- enne band under Black Kettle, followed them to their camp, of fifty lodges, which he attacked, after a desperate struggle captured and destroyed it ; killed the chief and about one hundred and forty of his warriors, and captured fifty-three women and children, besides a large stock of arms, ammunition, robes, etc. On Christmas day, the destruction of Camanche Village, by CoL Evans, as Gen. Sherman says: "gave the final blow to the backbone of the Indian rebellion." Ou the last day of 1868, twenty-eight chief fighting men of the Arrahapoes and Cheyennes came on foot to Gen. Sherman's head-quarters, begging for peace and permission for their people to come in. They set no terms, but simply wished protection from the troops on the route, and food for they said: "the tribes were mourning for their losses, the people were starving, the dogs were all eatea up and no buffalo." In 1868, the Indians within the jurisdiction of the United States (except those in Alaska) were estimated at three hundred thou- sand, and were rapidly diminishing. The former policy of the Government in dealing with them has been denounced, on all sides, as mistaken in principle and inefficient in detail and Gen. Sherman strongly advocated the turning over of Indian affairs from the Department of the Interior to the War Department. The new policy which the Government under the pressure of public opinon seems to be willing to adopt, designs, primarily to lo- cate the Indians upon fixed reservations, so that settlers and pioneers may be freed from the terrors of wandering hostile tribes; and, secondly, an earnest effort for their civilization, so that they may themselves become elevated in the scale of humanity, and our obligations to them as fellow men be discharged. To this end, the aid of the Society of Friends has been invoked, many of the tribes being in charge of members of that society; both as super- intendents and agents, and as advisers and guardians of the opera- tions of the Indian Bureau, in the establishing of_ peaceful rela- tions with the Indians. CHAPTER XXV. THE END OF THE FLOBIDA WAB. THE FATE OF THE SEMIXOLES. The close of the troubles with the Florida Indians resulted in their removal to a reservation almost within the shadow of the Rocky Mountains. The tribe, the Seminoles, lost much of their prestige, and became discouraged upon the death of Osceola. The last battle of those terrible swamp skirmishes could be called by the legitimate term of regular pitched battles and occurred Decem- ber 8th, 1842. The first conflict occurred on the 19th of July, 1835. This second war followed closely upon the treaty which was supposed to have removed beyond any possibility the chance of another outbreak. But only with his total extinction will the Indian forget a wrong either fancied or real. They still brooded over their fancied wrongs. For them, as is told of those who wanted opportunity, the opportunity was made. A settler, newly arrived, and who had located near one of the largest of the Seminole towns, lost two or three of his horses, and entertaining the idea that the Indians were naturally thieves, at once proceeded to the nearest military post and made complaint with such addi- tions and exaggerations to his story as he thought necessary to insure a prompt reprisal and rescue of his property from the depredators. This fermented the ill-feeling of the Indians, who in reality had not taken the horses, for they were afterwards found in a swamp some miles away from their owner's house, whither they had strayed. One night the settler's house was fired by a band of about thirty Indians, his wife murdered, and he himself escaping by the merest chance from a similar fate. Thus began a conflict fiercer than any that had preceded it, and which lasted nearly twelve years. There were truces proclaimed, conferences ensued between appointed representatives of our Government and the warriors of the Seminoles, but they invari- ably resulted in failure. Osceola being dead, the Seminole Nation lost its ruler. Brave, a skillful fighter, always keenly observant of his advantages, and being almost idolized by his people, it cannot be wondered at that with his departure to the happy hunting grounds, his death song should also sound to his mourning tribe as the requiem of their own existence as a nation. Their transposition from Florida to their Western Reservation relieved the Government of maintaining expensive military posts in the South, and gave fresh impetus to the settlements of that 314 THE END OF THE FLOEIDA WAR State. Among the warriors of the tribe Billy Bowlegs became somewhat famous. Although by no means possessing the genius and administrative abilities of Osceola, he nevertheless com- manded the respect of his people in an eminent degree. Of his history but little is known, save that his father was a great war- rior, who, in his prime, was killed in a foray upon the borders of Georgia and Alabama. Billy Bowlegs was of a fierce, unrelenting disposition, and was lacking in that degree of humanity which, with all his rage against the whites, marked the character of Osceola. Compared with Black Hawk and Phillip of Massasoit, however, neither of these notable warriors of the Seminole tribe were equal in point of ability or greatness of souL Bowlegs visited Washington soon after peace was declared, and was received by the President and other officials with great kind- liness. His reception and the exhibition to him of our power as a nation, both in the acts of peace and of war, produced a marked change in his mind. He had not before fully comprehended the extent of our population, nor had he placed any confidence in the reports brought to him in his native fastnesses of the military strength of the foe he had so persistently attempted to drive from his sight. He learned by what he saw how futile would be the further efforts of the remnant of his tribe, once the most power- ful and warlike in the South, to cope with the standard bearers of civilization, and in taking his farewell of the President, he so e.x- pressed himself. After a brief visit to New York and other cities of the seaboard, he returned to his warriors, and joined them in their sorrowful march toward the setting sun. It is somewhat significant, if the assumption of a celebrated historical writer be true, that the continent was first habited by Nomadic tribes from the Eastern Hemisphere, that, as then as they increased in numbers they traveled eastward toward sunrise, now, in their decline, they should be slowly driven to the westward toward sun set, thus closing their day of existence in darkness. There are now left in Florida, however, a few, not over one hun- dred, of the Seminoles, who are descendants of those who once ruled the territory. These have embraced a civilized life, and in the main one exceedingly peaceful and industrious, most of them being engaged in agricultural pursuits. The women employing their time in the manufacture of bead goods, ornamental and useful, quantities of which are sent northward. CHAPTER XXVI. THE ILLINOIS INDIANS THEIK LAST ASSEMBLAGE ON THE PKESENI SITE OF CHICAGO THEIR WAR DANCE. Some years ago there was deposited in the Archives of the " Historical Society " of Chicago a record in reference to the his- tory of the Illinois Indians, a portion of which is interesting as connected with this matter. It was deposited by Judge Caton, who became a citizen of Chicago thirty-nine years ago, when the whole country was occupied as the hunting grounds of the Potto- wattomie tribe. Their chief, Shabboni, died in 1849, the only remnant of this once powerful tribe. Of him it could be truth- fully said he was the last of his race. Comparatively not long since the surrounding country was mainly occupied by the Illinois tribe, an important people, ranging from the Wabash River to the Mississippi, and from the Ohio to Lake Superior. They lived mostly in Northern Illinois, center- ing in La Salle county. Then near Utica stood the largest town ever constructed by Northern Indians, and their great cemeteries attest the extent of the populous hordes of savages who roamed the forests and prairies at will. La Salle, the Pioneer, discovered them before the great Irroquois Confedera- tion had reached them, after their battle-fields had strewn their victims all along from the Atlantic Coast to the Wabash and from the lakes, and even north of them to the Alleghanies and the Ohio. The Irroquois (or six nations), with a great slaughter, defeated this hitherto invincible people, laid waste their great city, and scattered them in broken bands over their wide domain. They never recovered from this blow. For a century they strug- 'ed, but were finally exterminated by the Pottowattomies and ttawas at Starved Rock, on the Illinois River. The death of the chief of the Ottawas, Pontiac, occurred in 1766. To this day some of the effects of his rule are remembered by the tribes which still existing, claim derivation from the original Ottawas. In reference to the Pottowatomies in connection with the settle- ment of Illinois, they concluded in Chicago, in 1835, their last treaty with the Government, by which they disposed of all their lands- the hunting grounds of their once mighty domain. In 1835, and for the last time, the whole tribe assembled at Chicago to receive the 'annuity from the government, and to make the final start for the Missouri River. Chicago had then began to present the appearance of a city, and these savages had 318 THE ILLINOIS INDIANS. been in the habit of visiting it when the grass grew waist high, where stood, before the great fire of 1871, the Tremont and Sher- man Houses. They must have been impressed with the signs that a mightier race had come, and that before its advance they must fade away. Their last great war dance in which over eight hundred war- riors joined, occured in August 1835. They appreciated it as the last on their native soil that it was a sort of funeral cere- mony of old associations and memories, and nothing was omitted to lend to it all the grandeur and solemnity possible. The following description of this last great assemblage and war dance, with all its strange, weird-like accompaniments, we quote from Judge Caton's Record. It may well seem as a fitting close to the history of the descendants of the great nation who were the monarchs of the continent when Columbus first touched its shores. They assembled at the Court House (near where the old Lake House stood), on the north side of the River, at Chicago. An immense assemblage of the settlers and inhabitants from the sur- rounding country had gathered to witness this strange spectacle, for it was one which was never again to be seen on the east side of the Mississippi. Says the Record : " The Indians were all entirely naked, excepting a strip of of cloth around the loins. Their bodies were covered all over with a variety of brilliant paints. On their faces particularly, they seemed to have exhausted their art of hideous decoration. Foreheads, cheeks and noses were covered with curved stripes of red or vermillion, which were edged with black points, and gave the appearance of a horrid grin all over the countenance. The long, coarse, black hair was gathered into scalp locks on the tops of their heads, and decorated with hawks and eagles feathers, some strung together, so as to extend down the back nearly to the ground. They were principally armed with tomahawks and war clubs. They were led by what answered to a band of music, which created what may be termed a discordant din of hideous noises, produced by beating on broken vessels and striking sticks and clubs together. They advanced, not with a regular march, but with a continuous dance. Their actual progress was quite slow. They proceeded up and along the bank of the river, on the north side, stopping in front of every house they passed, where they performed some extraordinary exploits. They crossed the North Branch on the old bridge which stood near where the railroad bridge now stands, aud thence proceeded south, along the west side, to the bridge across the South Branch, which stood south of where the Lake street Bridge is now located, which was nearly in front and in full view from the parlor windows of the Sauganash Hotel, on the corner of Lake and Market streets. It was then a fashionable boarding house, and quite a number of young married people had rooms there. The parlor was on the second story, fronting west, from the windows of which the best view of the dance was to be obtained, and these were filled with ladies so soon as the dance THE ILLINOIS INDIANS. 319 commenced. From this point of view my own observations were made. Although a dim clatter had been heard for some time, they did not come into view from the point of observation till they had proceeded so far west as to come on a line with the house, which was before they had reached the North Branch Bridge. From that time on they were in full view all the way to the South Branch Bridge, which was nearly before us, the wild band which was in front as they came upon the bridge, re- doubling their blows to increase the noise, closely followed by the warriors, who had now wrought themselves into a perfect frenzy. The morning was very warm, and the perspiration was pouring from them almost in streams. Their eyes were wild and blood- shot. Their countenances had assumed an expression of all the worst passions which can find a place in the heart of a savage fierce anger, terrible hate, dire revenge, remorseless cruelty all were expressed in their terrible features. ***** Their muscles stood out in great hard knots, as if wrought to a tension which must burst them. Their tomahawks were thrown and brandished about in every direction, and the most terrible ferocity, and with a fire and energy which could only result from the high- est excitement, and with every step and every gesture, they uttered the most frightful yells, in every immaginable key and note, though generally the highest and shrillest possible. The dance, which was ever continued, consisted of leaps and spasmodic steps, now forward, and now back or sideways, with the whole body distorted into every imaginable unnatural posi- tion, most generally stooping forward, with the head and face thrown up, uie back arched down, first one foot thrown far for- ward and then withdrawn, and the other similarly thrust out, frequently squavting to the ground, and all .with a movement almost as quick as lightning. The weapons were brandished as if they would slay a thousand enemies at every blow, while the yells and screams they uttered were broken up and multiplied and rendered all the more hideous by a rapid clapping of the mouth with the palm of the hand. To see such an exhibition by a single individual would have been sufficient to excite a sense of fear in a person not over ner- vous. Eight hundred such, all under the influence of the strong- est and wildest excitement, constituting a raging sea of dusky, painted, naked fiends, presented a spectacle absolutely appalling. When the head of the column had reached the front of the hotel, leaping, dancing, gesticulating and screaming, while they looked up at the windows with hell itself depicted in their faces, at the "Chemokaman squaws," with which they were filled, and brand- ishing their weapons as if they were about to make a real attack in deadly earnest. The rear was still on the other side of the river, two hundred yards oft, and all the intervening space, in- cluding the bridge and its approaches, was covered with this raging savagery glistening in the sun, reeking with streaming sweat, fairly frothing at their mouths with unaffected rage, it seemed as if we had a picture of hell itself before us, and a car- 320 THE ILLINOIS INDIANS. nival of the damned spirits there confined, whose pastimes we may suppose should present some such scene as this. At this stage of the spectacle I was interested to observe the effect it had upon the different ladies who occupied the windows almost within the reach of the war-clubs in the hands of the ex- citable savages just below them. Most of them had become accustomed to the sight of the naked savages during the several weeks they had occupied the town, and had even seen them in a dance before, for several minor dances had been previously per- formed. But this far excelled in the horrid anything which they had previously witnessed. Others, however, had just arrived in town and had never seen an Indian before the last few days, and knew nothing of the wild Western Indians but what they had learned of their fearful butcheries and tortures in legends and histories. To those most familiar with them the scenes seemed actually appalling, and but few stood it through and met the fierce glare of the savage eyes below them without shrinking. It was a place to try the human nerves of even the stoutest, and all felt that one such sight was enough for a lifetime. The question forced itself on even those who had seen them most "What if they should, in their maddened frenzy, turn this sham warfare into a real attack ? How easy it would be for them to massacre us all, and leave not a single soul to tell the story. " Some such remark as this was often heard, and it was not strange if the cheeks of all paled at the thought of such possibility. And so ended the dance, and thence forward the white man with his enterprise, art, and refinement, took absolute possession of the great State, and carried forward the creation of one of the grandest cities on the continent, the almost entire destruction of which has been so graphically portrayed by the historian in the work issued in the present year (1872) , entitled "Chicago Before and After the Fire." Published by Wells & Co., at 432 Broome St., New York. KIT CAKSON. CHAPTER XXVIL KIT CARSON. HIS LIFE AND ADVENTURES. The subject of this sketch was born on the 24th of December, 1809, in Madison County, Kentucky. The following year his parents removed to HoAvard County, Missouri, then a vast prairie tract, and still further away from the old settlements. The new home was in the midst of a region filled with game, and inhabited by several predatory and hostile tribes of Indians, who regarded the whites as only to be respected for the value of their scalps. The elder Carson at once endeavored to provide for the safety of his family, as far as possible, by the erection of that style of fortress then so common on the frontier, a log block house. In this isolated spot, surrounded by dangers of every sort, the little Christopher imbibed that love of adventure and apparent disregard of personal peril, which made him so famous in after years. When he was only twelve years old, being out one day assisting in the search of game, his father sent him to a little knoll, a short distance off, to see if a certain curious looking, overhanging cliff there might not possibly shelter a spring of water. Instead of the spring, however, he found a shallow cave, and in it, sleeping quietly on their bed of moss and leaves, lay two young cubs. With boyish exultation he caught them in his arms and hastened as fast as possible toward his father. In spite of their squirming he had borne them half way down the hill, when the sound of a heavy footfall and a fierce panting of breath warned him that he was pursued by the mother bear. " Throw down the cubs," shouted the father, but the boy either did not hear, or was determined not to obey, for he ran on. Nearer and nearer he came, but faster gained the old grizzly behind him. The father held his rifle to his shoulder, readyto fire, but always between him and his foe, beat the brave heart of his boy. Another bound, and she would be upon him. Suddenly the boy turned still holding the cubs. Perhaps they saved his life. For instead of the terrible hug she might have given, the bear raised her huge paw and struck him on the shoulder. In an instant, boy, cubs and bear, were rolling together on the ground, but as the bear came uppermost a bullet whistled through her neck, just below the ear, and with one pitiful moan she waa dead. 324 KIT CARSON. One can easily imagine the pallor of excitement in the father's face, giving place to the flush of joy, as he found his boy safe and unharmed, save by a wound from the bear's claws. The youngster kept the cubs and tamed them, and years afterward, in telling the story of their capture, he would say, referring to the old bear : "She wasn't no way a gentle play -fellow, but she scratched her name on my right arm, and it hasn't been rubbed out yet." Many similar incidents occured in those early days' when the boy accompanied his father and other back-woodsmen in their hunting excursions, which gave him the hardihood and nerve which served him so well in after years. When he was fifteen his father decided to give him the bene- fit of a trade, and, without any regard to his own inclination, young Christopher was apprenticed to a saddler. The weary monotony of stitching leather, and the close, sedentary nature of the employment, disgusted him. From the shop windows he could see the distant hills and woods where he had been wont to roam, and he longed for the free wild life, with all its perils, of a hunter and trapper. He remained at his work, however, for two years, doing his duty faithfully, his only recreation being found in listening to the wild, fascinating stories of the scouts and guides who narrated their experiences with a vivid minuteness more attractive than any written story of "border fiction," At last the desire to lead a more active life became too strong for further restraint, and bidding farewell to the quiet pursuits of civilized life, he shouldered his rifle, donned the buckskin of the hunter, and at the age of seventeen, joined an expedition then on its way to Santa Fe. On this expedition, the accidental discharge of a rifle shattered the arm of one of his companions, rendering amputation neces- ' sary. There being no surgeon accompanying the party, young Carson with a razor and an old saw cut off the limb, cauterizing the stump with an iron' bolt heated red hot, but despite this un- skillful treatment, the victim recovered. In the month of November, 1826, the party arrived safely at Santa Fe. Here they disbanded, and ' Kit " was left to his own resources. His first care was to acquire a knowledge of the Span- ish language as speedily as possible, for he found his English at a sad discount. He did not, however, tarry long at this ' ' mud house hole," (as he quaintly iermed it) but with his inseparable friend, the rifle, in hand, proceeded to Fernandez de Taso. Here he " hung up his pouch," stopping at the house of an old hunter who many years before had quitted the " trail " to spend his old age in retirement. Later in the spring of 1827 he joined an expedition on its way to Missouri. After this, being again idle, and as restless as ever, he hired himself to a party as a teamster " as a first-class M. D. (mule driver)" as he facetiously termed it. Said he, in relating this episode in his history : " This was the hardest thing I ever undertook driving four mules hitched to one of those emigrant wagons. Mules always put me in mind of KIT CARSON. 325 those half breed women on the plains if you coax them they'll do as they please ; if you try to make them do anything they won't do it anyhow." His next venture was as a cook in the employ of Mr. Ewing Young at Taso in New Mexico, who was chief of a party of Beaver trappers. After many months spent upon the San Fran- cisco and Salt Rivers, they proceeded to Sacramento Valley, where they suffered incredible hardships for want of food, being reduced at last to scanty rations of horseflesh. They were finally relieved by a party of Mohave Indians. After this they found their way westward to the Mission of St. Gabriel, a Roman Catholic Post ; from here they pursued their course to San Fernando, and from there to the Valley of the Sacramento. In this wandering busy period of his earlier life, he acquired, young as he was, a reputation for skill in woodcraft and all the arts and mysteries of the trappers vocation, which compelled his associates, many of them older in years and experience than him- self, to regard him as worthy their respect. Little did they think that while their names, with few exceptions, would be forgotten, or, to use their own expressive phrase, " wiped out," that of Kit Carson would become historic. As a marksman true to the renown of his native State, Ken- tucky he had no superior. "From a chipmunk to a redskin from a fish in the water to a pigeon on the wing," his unerring "bead" never failed him. A glance of his eye along the barrel of his trusty weapon, once raised for aim, boded sure death to the object. During these trips, too, he did not neglect improving himself in gaining an insight into the character and habits of the Indians. The tricks and devices of the "reds" soon became as an open book to him, and not a few of them learned to regard him as an individual whose scalp would be to them, if they could get it, as a trophy worth any effort to secure. In several encounters with some of those roving remnants of tribes and bands of thieves, he evinced a sagacity, foresight, and oirginality in tactics in fighting them, which made him a partic- ular mark for their vengeance. He wore his hair long so long that it reached to his shoulders and yet it was never "lifted." An incident soon occured, which, although not fraught with the excitement of a real " scrimmage " with the Indians or Mexi- cans, fairly illustrates that sangfroid and coolness which was so marked a characteristic of Kit's character. While he was with Young's party some of the men, being under the influence of whisky of the "kill on sight" kind, indulged in two or three quarrels with the Mexicans and Indians, which rendered it necessary for Kit and his companions to leave that region at once to avoid being overwhelmed by the immensely superior force which would be inevitably gathered to crush them. Young, therefore, dispatched Carson ahead with a few men, promising to follow and overtake him at the earliest moment, and waiting another day, he managed to get his followers in a toler- ably sober condition, and succeeded, though with much trouble, in getting away without the loss of a man, despite the desperate 326 KIT CAKSON. rage of the enemy, who were the more enraged at the loss of one of their number, who had been killed in a chance fray. In three days he overtook Carson, and they reached the Colorado in safety. Here, while left in charge of the camp, with only a few men, Kit found himself suddenly confronted by a band of Indians. They entered the camp with the utmost assurance, depending on their numbers. Carson at once suspected all was not right, and soon discovered that despite their self-confidence each carried his weapons concealed beneath his garments. Carson, with the cool- ness for which he was proverbial, instantly ordered them out of the camp. Seeing the small number of the white men, the Indians declared they would not budge an inch. Carson's men stood around him, each with his rifle ready to be dropped to deadly aim at the first motion of their young commander. Carson ad- dressed the old chief in Spanish (for the Indian had betrayed his knowledge of that language), and warned him, that although his (Carson's) men were few, they were ready for the emergency unless the camp was instantly vacated by the intruders. Carson's coolness and determination saved the camp and its effects. Carson used to relate with quiet satisfaction, what he asserted was the most perilous he had ever " stumbled into." It occured during one of his tramps with Fitzpatrick, while trapping on the Larramie River. He had started from the camp alone, to shoot game for their evening meal, and had succeeded in bringing down an Elk, when two enormous grizzly bears suddenly came upon him so suddenly, that his rifle being unloaded, escape was im- possible except by making with all speed for the nearest tree. He succeeded, with the bears just at his heels, but unfortunately dropped his rifle in his flight. He clambered up among the branches, and by a skillful maneuver, aided by his knife, managed to break off a large limb with which to defend himself. " Those two varmints," he said in telling the story, "actually surrounded the tree on all sides. I'd no sooner give one a settler in the face with the jagged end of the limb, than the other 'd be scratching up on the off side. Twice they reached my feet, and one of 'em took a dose of boot heel that I should ha' thought would make him despise the taste o' shoe leather from that hour out. I wern't noways lonesome that night. And I tell yerwhat, stranger, no man knows what it is to have his j'ints ache till he has tried the branch of a tree for a rocking chair some six or eight hours, and a couple o' friends socially inclined waiting for him down below. How did I get out of it ? Well, I tell you how, patience will take a man out of most anything if he only has enough of it. I knew how 'twould be. "One of 'em trotted off home afore day light to 'tend to her family, and I took solid comfort a goin' down, knife in hand, and spiling the other one's complexion. " 'Taint no great shakes to kill a bar', you know, but the wolves had picked the bones of that ere elk. That made me mad." While in the country of the Blackfeet Indians, at the head of the Missouri, Carson received his first serious wound in a conflict with the "Red Skins." According to Burdett's account, the KIT CAKSON. 327 Blackf eet had run off with eighteen of the trapper's horses during the night, and Bat, with eleven men, started to recover them. After riding fifty miles upon the trail they came up with the marauders. The Indians asked for a parley, which Carson readily granted. The Indians informed them that they supposed they had been robbing the Snake Tribe, and did not desire to steal from the white men. Carson asked them why they did not lay down their arms and ask for a smoke. After some hesitation, the Indians laid aside their weapons, and prepared for a " smoke of peace." After the Chief had made a non-committal speech, Carson came directly to the point, and said he would hear noth- ing more until the horses, all of them, were returned. The In- dians then offered to return five of the worst horses. Carson and his party started at once for their guns, and, the Indians doing the same, the fight began. After the first fierce encounter, the Indians took to the trees, and Carson's men were obliged to do the same. It was here that a well-aimed rifle ball crashed through Kit's shoulder, shattering the bone. The wound was very painfnl and bled exceedingly, but in the midst of such a conflict there was no time to attend to it properly, and, though the fight ceased when night came on, they feared to light a fire, and so the torturing pain continued, unrelieved until morning. But his comrades say Kit uttered no word or moan of complaint, and raised himself on his well arm to add his voice to the shout of victory when the Indians were finally routed and the horses re-captured. While employed as a scout and guide for Bent and Lieutenant Train, Kit fell in with an old Indian Chief, who, without being able to speak a word of English or Spanish, made the young hun- ter understand that he wanted whisky, " fire water." Kit as usual, ready for barter, demanded skins, wampum, hatchets, anything that would be useful in future trading. The Indian assured him, by signs, that if he would accompany him to his lodge in the wood he would pay him plenty. Without fear or demur they went. Arriving at the camp, the old brave proceeded at once to his own wigwam, and Kit saw through the open door a graceful girl- ish figure bending over the basket she was weaving. He saw himself described by word and gesture to the girl, and saw her, as soon as she comprehended that he was a "pale face," shrink away to the farthest corner of the lodge, and raise her dumb pleading eyes like a frightened doe at bay. Kit Carson, though rude and uncultured, was not unkindly in his nature, and stalking at once into the wigwam, he shook his fist at the old chief, then patting the maiden on the head as he might have done to a pet kitten, said pleasantly : "No, no, my brown little beauty. You were not to be traded for a drink of whisky. Wait here in peace while the eagle plumes are growing for your young warriors." The girl raised her beautiful eyes to the rugged smiling face so near her own, and, with one shy-confiding look, she put out her two hands and murmured some pleasant Indian word, which, 328 KIT CAESON. though unintelligible in itself, \vas quite as eloquent in conveying her meaning as the straightforward reply which the poet Long- fellow puts in the mouth of the gentle Indian maiden, Minne- haha, in response to Hiawatha's wooing: " I will go with you, my husband." It is easy to imagine that, after so propitious an introduction, the wooing was not long and the wedding was soon celebrated. During the brief married life which followed, Kit and his brown bride seemed to have loved each other with a ten- derness and sincerity quite unusual. But to the rudest cabin as to the palace home comes the death angel when least expected. And soon Kit was a widower, with one little daughter to care for. It was this time that Carson left the wilderness and journeyed to St. Louis, in order to place his child under proper care. And this journey proved a turning point in his life. For he then met for the first time Colonel J. C. Fremont, whose name even in that earlier stage of his honored career, had become " great in mouths of wisest censure." While en route to St. Louis he passed a few days at the old "tramping ground," where his boyish days had been passed. Although he found but few of the companions of his youth remaining there, still there was to him an intense satisfaction in the kindly greeting he received from the people to whom his name and exploits had become familiar. Arriving at St. Louis, he unexpectedly found himself a hero, and the reception tendered to the greatest of hunters and scouts was almost equal to that usually vouchsafed the President. In a few days he made all the necessary arrangements for the proper care and tuition of his daughter, and then prepared for his return to his old haunts. It was while thus engaged that he met Colonel John C. Fremont, who was then completing the de- tails of his famous explorations in the Rocky Mountains, on the line of the Kansas and Great Platte Rivers. Colonel Fremont at once secured the services of "Kit" as one of his chief guides and assistants. On the 22d of May, 1842, the whole party started by steamer, and arriving at Choteau's landing, on the Missouri River, they there encamped for a week before starting out upon their long and perilous expedition. It was when they had reached the range of the Pawnees that Fremont recorded in his account of the expedition the eulogium upon "Kit." "Mounted upon a fine horse, without a saddle, and scouring bareheaded over the prairies, Kit was one of the finest pictures of a horseman I had ever seen. " On one occasion, just before entering the Sacramento Valley, "Kit," was providentially the means of saving the life of Colonel Fremont, who, in his history of the expedition, relates the inci- dent briefly : "Axes and mauls were necessary to-day to make a road through the snow. Going ahead with Carson to rencontre the road, we reached in the afternoon the river which made the outlet of the Lake. Carson sprang dear over across a place where the stream was compressed among the rocks, but the parfleche sole of my moccasin glanced from the icy rock and precipitated me into the river. It was some few seconds before I could recover myself in KIT OABSON. 329 the current, and Carson jumped in after me, and we both had an icy bath. We tried to search a while for my gun, which had been lost in the fall, but the cold drove us out, and, making a large fire on the bank, we dried ourselves, and went back to meet the camp." In 1847, Colonel Fremont having been appointed Governor of California, "Kit" was dispatched to make the overland journey to Washington as a bearer of dispatches. His orders were to make the journey within sixty days. But, while following the trail leading toward Taos, having just entered a prairie, he met General Kearney's Expedition, sent out by the Government to operate in California. Being anxious to have the services of the renowned guide and hunter, he retained him and forwarded the dispatches by Mr. Fitzpatrick. Of this Expedition he was at once the guide and trusted coun- sellor. Through perils and difficulties, which only could befall an expedition of this character, traversing great tracts of prairies and forest crossing the great chain of mountains through snow and storm, and overcoming impediments which, at times, seemed almost insurmountable it was to Carson that the General turned for advice and assistance, and history records how faithfully and with what self-sacrifice the great hunter executed his task. After this duty had been fulfilled, and a short rest taken at the destination of the command, Carson wended his way once more toward Taos, in the vicinity of which he had determined to make himself a home. He finally fixed upon a Valley, the Indian name of which is " Bayedo," one of the most magnificent spots in the region, Fertile, well-watered by a broad, sweeping stream, and in the immediate vicinity of his old trapping and hunting companion, Maxwell, the "settlement" thus established seemed a paradise of rest and comfort to the wearied men, whose toil had wrought so much good to those they served. He received the title of Colonel, by which he was known through the later years of his life. He commanded the Expedition and operation from Fort Canby, the objective point being Canon de Chelly in New Mexico, and had at his disposal four hundred men, of whom only twenty-five were mounted. Taking the road via Puebla, Colorado, he started for the Canon. He achieved suc- cessfully the whole object of the Expedition, and received the thanks nobly earned of the Government and the unqalified admi- tation of that portion of the then new country, to which he had by his efforts secured a lasting peace from the molestations of the Indians. When the war of the rebellion closed, Carson continued in the employ of the Government until April, 1868, when he was, while at Fort Lyon, Colorado, suddenly taken ill with an anuerism of an artery in the neck. He died a comparatively painless death. He had but just returned from a trip to Washington, whither he had gone in company with a deputation of Indians upon matters connected with a Treaty. On his way back, he visited, by special invitation, New York, Philadelphia, Boston and other cities, 330 KIT CARSON. where he was received with the honor his services and great fame so well deserved. Upon his death, he bequeathed the rifle, which in all his trips and expeditions for the previous thirty-five years he had carried, to Montezuma Lodge, A. F. and A. M., at Santa Fe, of which he had long been a member. His daughter, now married, is still a resident of St. Louis. There, almost within the shadow of the mountains he had so often explored, where he had trapped and hunted and given bat- tle to the red men, passed away one who has not been inaptly termed by Burdett, " The Monarch of the Prairies," leaving none behind to claim his throne as an equal in all that constitutes the pioneer, guide, soldier, trapper and hunter. Unlettered, with no friends but his own indomnitable courage and his trusty rifle, he toiled through life serving others rather than himself and with an unselfish devotion to his profession. At last, and scarcely in the modesty of his nature claiming it, he won for himself an honored place in history and in the affectionate remembrance of his coun- trymen and friends. BUFFALO BILL. CHAPTEB WILLIAM CODY. " BUFFALO BILL." HIS LITE AND ADYENTTTKES. One of the best known, and since the death of the renowned Kit Carson, probably the most reliable guide on the Western frontier, is William Cody, otherwise known as "Buffalo Bill." His exploits have been the theme of a dozen novelists, and in the year just past (1870-72) his movements have been as accurately and frequently chronicled by the the daily press throughout the country as they would have been had he been an official magnate of the highest degree. There is something especially attractive in the romance attending the career of one of these noted hunters, which never palls upon the reader. The picturesque surroundings, the distance from us of their scene of action, the wild, nomadic life of the frontiersmen, all have their charms. Of all the hunters now in the service of the United States, either on the Atlantic or Pacific Slope, or to the southward, Buf- falo Bill has attained the most permanent celebrity. Of his boyhood but little is known, save that he was of Western birth, and that his parents were of the humble class and were much respected in the sparsely settled district where " William " was born, and where for many years they resided. When quite young like Carson he imbibed a fondness for the life of adven- ture, which the profession of a hunter and trapper opened out, and finally he started out on his " own hook," rifle in hand, to seek his own livelihood. For a few years nothing of importance marked his career. He, of course, underwent the usual perils and dangers which beset those who day after day permeate the trackless forests. During the later troubles with the Indians, Cody became famous among the Indians, and by his honesty of purpose, his strict ad- herance to his word, won their admiration of his character as much as by his prowess in his numerous contests, or " shootin' matches," as he termed his encounters with them, he made them fear him. As a marksman he probably has no rival npon the plains, and as for blunt, straightforward and sometimes rough expression of his opinions, he is a sort of 'f Old Hickory " in hunting costume. Among the Comanches, the Arrapahoes, and the Cheyennes, with whom in time of peace he has frequently hunted, and who, in conflict, have tested his skill, he is regarded as a great warrior. Innumerable anecdotes are related of his prowess, and the stories of his hairbreath escapes and dangerous adventures while 334: BUFFALO BILL. hunting and trapping stories which have formed the warp and woof of the exaggerations of the dime novelists would fill a volume even larger than this. On one occasion in the earlier part of his career, while tramp- ing the woods upon the upper Arkansas in search of game, he struck upon an Indian trail, which led northward. Closely ex- amining it, he discovered by that knowledge which the exper- ienced hunter only possesses that it had been made by a party of Sioux, with whom, at that time the Government had had serious trouble, and who evidently had been to some of the lower settle- ments upon one of their murderous forays. He followed it that day at night camping under shelter of an old Sycamore which had been riven by lightning. In the afternoon of the succeed- ing day, near nightfall, he came within sight of the party, They were three warriors, and they had halted in a little opening in the forest, besides a little stream or rivulet. They were evidently not anticipating pursuit. They were seated upon the trunk of a fallen tree, resting. Cody took in the situation at a glance. He crept up as cl ose as possible, and finally managed to get near enongh, behind a cluster of alder bushes to hear them converse. Presently they arose and two of thera started off in an opposite direction, leaving the third behind to await their return. He moved about carelessly, yet still keeping a vigilant look out. Nearer crept Cody, and presently with a terrible leap, but as noiseless as a panther, the hunter sprang upon the warrior, and before the astonished red man could realise the position, he was hurled to the ground with Cody's knee upon his breast and his hand upon his throat. Stalwart and strong as the warrior was, one glance at Cody's face was sufficient. He knew him too well, and he knew that if he kept silent and made no resistance his life was safe, and his chance of getting the better of his antagonist by some cunning trick would be materially improved. He saw the gleaming knife of the trapper, and had no desire to feel its edge. Quickly almost as thought Cody bound his captive with thongs, hand and foot, and then, in order to secure silence, unloosed one of the Indian's moccasins, and crammed it in his throat, thus effec- tually gagging him. He then half carried and half dragged him from the clearing to the bushes, where he himself had been con- cealed, and there awaited results. In half an hour the two absentees returned, and were intensely astonished to find their companion gone. As Cody had anticipated, one of them began examining the ground, while the other went into the forest again. The warrior left behind soon discovered the traces of the recent brief struggle, and following up his discovery, approached the hiding place of the foe. Coolly, Cody awaited his coming, and when a moment after the Sioux raised his head to peer into the bushes, Cody was upon him, and served him the same trick he had upon the other. But the warrior made a desperate effort to free himself, and the noise of the struggle brought the remaining warrior to the scene. This did not daunt Cody. All he cared for was to prevent the still un- captured warrior from using his rifle. BUFFALO BILL. 335 The warrior with whom he had grappled had never seen Cody before this. The remaining Indian rushed upon the hunter. A quick movement of his arm, a flash, a death yell, and the re- volver did its work upon the hunter's opponent, and left him alone in his contest with the one beneath him. It was of brief duration. The iron muscle of the white man prevailed, and in a few seconds more the warrior lay bound and helpless beside his companion. Now comes the most wonderful part of the adven- ture. By threats and by an ingenious method of tying them side by side together, so that while they could walk they were other- wise entirely at his mercy, he drove the two before him sixty miles and brought them captives into the camp with which he was then connected. There are other and not so bloodless adventures in which he was the chief actor we could relate had we the space. In 1871-72, "Buffalo Bill" was especially honored by an appointment upon the hunting staff of General Sheridan upon the occasion of the visit of the Grand Duke Alexis to the hunting grounds of the West. It was the especial desire of the Royal guest to have a little experience in the excitement of a " Buffalo raid," and accordingly the most renowned of living hunters and trappers, Cody, was at once selected by General Sheridan to super- intend the preparations. The " grand hunt " was an entire suc- cess, and Duke Alexis, with a portion of his suite, accompanied, as his especial tutor in the art of Buffalo slaughter, by "Buffalo Bill" and by General Sheridan and other officers of the army, with several distinguished civilians had a four or five days' experience, which they wUl doubtless long remember. The Grand Duke was so well pleased with Cody's skill and daring and with his modesty of deportment that he made him a valuable present of which he is extremely proud. In several important expeditions sent out by the Government Cody has been the chosen guide and hunter, and in every instance he has received not only the formal thanks of the department, but the warmest acknowledgments of the officials accompanying him. Strictly temperate in his habits, quiet and somewhat reserved in his social disposition, he bids fair to live to good age and earn for himself a fame as enduring as that of his Compeer Carson in the annals of our border history. During the year 1871 he visited the eastern seaboard cities, and everywhere received a cordial welcome, being feasted and honored to a much greater extent than he desired. Upon several occasions he peremptorily de- clined not only the public acknowledgments tendered him, but entirely ignored the private hospitalities offered so profusely. Upon his return he bore with him what he termed "a camp full" of valuable presents, of which the most prized were a couple of splendid rifles and a case of handsome silver-mounted revolvers. Should the Indian difficulties again assume a serious aspect it will be hard to estimate the greatness and extent of the services such a man as William Cody will beyond doubt render the country which chums him as one of her most famous sons. GEN. PHIL. SHERIDAN. CHAPTER XXIX. THE CHEROKEE REVOLT. MURDER OF U. S. OFFICERS. SETH BECK*S HEROISM. BRUTALITY OF THE INDIANS AND RENEGADES. From the removal of the Cherokee Indians from Georgia and Tennessee to Arkansas and their establishment upon the reserva- tion allotted to them by treaty with the Government in Arkansas, they have, until the period of this outbreak to the narrative of which this chapter is devoted, been considered as among the least dangerous and most peaceable of the tribes in that region. But through various causes, chief among which has been notably the introduction among them of a horde of those pests of the West the border ruffians ; these half wild, half-breed Nomads were encourged by these Indians, as it appeared, for the sake of the liquor traffic. According to the official accounts of this attempt to reopen hostilities, it appears that on the llth of April, 1872, it originated with a man named J. J. Kesterson, liv- ing in the Cherokee nation, near the Arkansas line, about flfiy miles from Little Eock. On that day he went to Little Bock, and filed information against one Proctor, also a white man, married to a Cherokee wo- man, for assaulting with intent to kill him while in his saw mill, on the 13th of February. Proctor fired a revolver at Kester- son, the ball striking him just above the left eye, but before he could fire again Kesterson escaped. Proctor, at the time, was under indictment in the Snake District for the murder of his wife, and was at that time on trial for the crime. A writ was issued at once, and the Deputy-Marshals were ordered to proceed to " Grimy Snake " Court House, remain until the trial was over, and arrest him, if he should escape conviction, on the Kesterson charge. The parties also had writs for the arrest of the murderers of Deputy- Marshal Bentz. On the 13th of April the Deputy-Marshals Jacob G. Owens, Joseph J. Peavey, with Wm. Wood, Joseph Vanney, Jas. Haskins, Paul Jones and Eugene Bracket as a posse, started for the scene of action. At Evansville they were joined by Riley Woods, and William J. Morris, and at Dutchtown by a man named Beck, who was part Cherokee. The Indian Court House was about twelve miles farther west. At 3 P.M. on the following Monday they came up within fifty yards of the Court House, where they dismounted, hitched their horses, and quietly walked toward the east side of the house in couples. Beck stepped round to the 340 THE CHEROKEE REVOLT. front door, and looked in. Seeing the large number of people within, he turned to go back, and as he turned he was fired upon and dangerously wounded. At the same instant a volley was poured from the Court room upon the Marshal's force, who at once returned the fire. It appears Beck had some friends inside the Court-house, who, when they saw him fall, opened fire on his (Beck's) enemies in- side, and presently the fighting was general. It was brief, how- ever, but terrible in its result. Of the Marshal's force, seven out of eleven lay dead, and of the assailants three. Some sixteen or seventeen are reported wounded some mortally, including Mar- shal Owens. The messenger knew the names of only two of the Marshal's force who were killed James Ward and Riley Woods. Three were missing James Hoskins, Paul Jones, and Eugene Brocket. Morris helped to lay out nine bodies on a porch about half a mile from the scene of the deadly affray, and thither the Federal wounded were also carried. Proctor, the woman-killer and desperado, was guarded by eleven of his personal friends, who would not see him convicted. The Sheriff was killed, and the Judge received three buck-shots in the knee. Indeed, it appears from the sudden and deadly assault upon the Marshal's force that the people inside the Court-house had been fully informed of their approach, and were prepared for them. The officials had in- structions to make a demand for Proctor only in case of his ac- quittal, and expected some resistance should they attempt to arrest Proctor after his acquittal. But for the murderous volley on their first approach they were not prepared, hence their slaughter. Next morning Mr. Peavey sent the following dispatch to the U. S. Marshal's office : WHTTEMORE'S, BAKREN FORK, ) CHEROKEE NATION. J J. W. DONNELLY. DEAR SIR : We have had a terrible fight. Lost seven on onr side killed. Three of theirs were killed, There are lots of wounded. We are in a devil of a strait. Send us men and means instanter. We are with the dead and wounded, nnd expect to stay with them until the last one of us goes. Owens is wounded. For God's sake send help and send quickly. Come to Dutchtown and then down Barren Fork to Whitemore's. Ward is killed. Vanney and I are alone with Owens. None of the rest are here with us. We look for help to-morrow night by dark, and are looking to be attacked every moment. The parties are close together. Some of the Cherokees are with us. Yours in haste, (Signed), J. S. PEAVEY. The names of the killed and wounded in this bloody onslaught are as follows : Bell and Sam. Beck, brothers, Cherokees ; Black Sut Beck, cousin of the former ; Jim Ward, of Fort Smith, formerly wagon- master ; Riley Woods, of Fort Smith ; George Selridge, of Ben- THE CHEROKEE REVOLT. - 341 ton County, and William Hicks, Cherokee. Deputy-Marshal J. G. Owens was mortally wounded and since died. White Sut Beck, brother of Black Sut Beck, was severely wounded. McLaughlin White was severely wounded. Of the attacking party the following were killed : Moses Alberti, John Proctor, and six wounded. A Deputy -Sheriff and an Indian, Jude, are also reported killed. Two unknown white men were also seen dead half a mile from the scene of the battle, supposed to have been killed in wantonness by the retreating aggressors. Captain Peavey late in the evening made his way to Cincinnati, twelve miles distant, and within this State, taking with him two of the wounded, Beck and McLaughlin, who were barely able to move, leaving Owens and his posse, Vanney, to procure medical assistance. He failed to obtain the aid of the surgeon at Cincinnati, who refused to go, but had coffins made for the dead, and engaged a man to haul them out to Mrs. Whit- mores. In the meantime, two sons and a nephew of Moses Alberti, who was killed the previous day, arrived at Cincinnati, and forbade the coffins to be taken out, showing a disposition to kill Beck and McLaughlin, the wounded men. Peavey declared they should do so only over his dead body. At tliis crisis United States Deputy-Marshal George Dean, with a posse of three men, arrived from Fayetteville, which turned the scale, and made the would-be assassins beat a hasty retreat. Both the wounded were successfully transported to Fayetteville, and Mr. Peavey took the stage for this place, where he arrived Wednesday evening utterly exhausted, not having had any sleep since the night before the battle, and terribly used up from the excitement undergone for the two or three days past. He had the butt of one of his re- volvers blown off, his pants and coat riddled, and his eyes nearly put out by a Spencer ball passing so close to his visional organs as almost to knock him down. His escape was miraculous. The fight, murderous as it was, did not last, according to the statement of an eye witness, more than three to five minutes. In the narrative of this person some interesting particulars are given. He states: "There were quite a number or Cherokees outside the building, who were evidently friendly to the Mar- shal's party. White Sut Beck, a Cherokee, of the Marshal's posse, put his foot upon the steps of the house when he perceived the house full of armed men ready to fire. He remarked that there should be no disturbance, as they were United States officers, and had come with no hostile intentions. Deputy-Mar- shal Peavey, who was standing near, made the same remark, and the friendly Cherokees on the outside, who were relatives of Beck, shouted the same to the men inside. Just then a gun was fired inside, the signal for a truly hellish combat. White Sut Beck leveled his piece against the door, when his gun was seized at the muzzle by the brother of the murderer, Proctor. Beck pulled him out, however, and shot him dead. By that time the firing had become general, and most of the Marshal's men lay dead on the ground. 342 THE CHEKOKEE KEVOLT. The Judge was shot, a Deputy-Sheriff and one of the jury killed. Proctor himself was wounded. James Ward, who leaves a young wife at this place, was killed in the act of getting on his mule. His body was afterwards brutally kicked by an Indian and robbed. Riley Woods was killed and was also treated in a similar barbarous manner. Moses Alberti, a prominent Cherokee, when the firing commenced, threw open his coat and was drawing his revolver upon Captain Peavey, when the latter brought down his gun upon him, whereupon Alberti dropped his hand in token of peace ; but no sooner had Peavey turned par- tially away, when Alberti drew his revolver upon him, which, being seen by one of the Marshal's posse, the latter shot Alberti dead. Deputy -Marshal J. Gowens was shot through the body, above the hips, at the north-east corner of the school-house. Captain S. Peavy took him about eighty yards to the rear, constantly facing the enemy, many of whom were armed with Spencer rifles, and got his clothes riddled with bullets. Meeting old man Beck, whose two sons and two nephews were in the fight on the Marshal's side, and three of whom were killed, he got him to take the wounded man to Mrs. Whitmore's, half a mile distant. By that time the Court-house, or school-room, was cleared of combatants, and when Peavy returned he found none but women to take away the dead and wounded on the enemy's side. He had the bodies of seven of his men (killed) conveyed in an oxen team to the house of Mrs. Whitmore, and there laid out on the porch, he, with the old Indian women and Vannoy, one of his men who escaped unhurt, composing their stiffening limbs." The result of this affray was the organization and dispatch of a sufficient force to the Cherokee country to hold in check the lawless renegades gathered to defy the process of the law and its execu- tors, and to drive these desperadoes from that part of the country altogether. Such of them as could be secured were conveyed to safe quarters where they will be made to suffer the penalty they so well deserved. The promptness of action on the part of the Government after the fight doubtless did much to prevent a general uprising of the disaffected part of the Cherokees. Had the desperadoes been in perfect accord with the entire Cherokee nation, the result would have been wide spread and disastrous. MASSACRE ON THE PLAINS. 343 Closely following the outbreak of the Cherokees and half -breed renegades at Whitteinore's, Barren Fork, as recorded in a previous chapter, came an attack by a similar party of Indians, half breeds, and Mexicans combined, on a train of supplies, en route to Fort Stockton, at Howard's Well, near old Fort Lancaster. The facts of this one of the most inhuman massacres in history, were reported to the "War Department, by Col. Merritt, through Gen- eral Angua, under date of April 29th, 1872. We give the report as written. On the 20th inst,, I arrived with the cavalry of my command at Howard's Well, a few hours too late to prevent one of the most horrible massacres that has ever been perpetrated on this frontier. A Mexican train, loaded with United States commissary and or- dinance stores, on its way from San Antonio to Fort Stockton, was attacked by Indians, plundered and burned. All the people with the train, seventeen souls in all, were killed or wounded, ex- cept one woman. My command buried eleven bodies, and brought three wounded men and one woman into this post. Before arriv- ing at the burning train, the first intimation we had of the horri- ble disaster were the charred and blackened corpses of some of the poor victims, put no one was alive to tell the horrors of the affair. I supposed, up to this time, that Capt. Sheridan, with the in- fantry of my command was in camp at Howard's Well, about a mile from the scene of the massacre, and while yet some distance from the point the smoke of the burning wagons, mistaken for his camp fires, confirmed me in this belief. I knew at least that a sergeant and four men were at the Well in charge of forage. The command moved rapidly toward the Well, and the sergeant in charge of the detachment at that point was met, and pointed out the course the Indians had taken with the stolen animals be- longing to the train. In less time than it takes to relate it, the trail was found and a rapid pursuit was at once made by compan- ies A and H of the Ninth Cavalry, commanded respectively by Capt. Cooney and Lieut. Vincent. After following the trail some seven or eight miles, the cavalry came upon the Indians in force on the summit of a steep and almost impassable bluff. Here a sharp fight occurred, in which I regret to say that Lieut. Vincent fell mortally wounded, while bravely leading and attempting to control his men. He died shortly after returning to camp, about 10 o'clock that night. Capt. Cooney was painfully, though not seriously injured, by his horse falling and dragging him while moving at a rapid gait. He, however, remounted and retained his command. The men of his company behaved very well, but being in a great part re- cruits without experience in Indian fighting, which was the case in Company H to a still greater extent, they squandered their ammunition, as sometimes even old troops not well under control will do, with repeating or magazine arms. Lack of ammunition and supplies, as the command was changing its station with lim- ited transportation, made a protracted pursuit of the Indians im practiable. 344 MASSACRE ON THE PLAINS. A woman who escaped, reports that six Indians were killed in the fight. Words fail to convey an idea of the sickening atrocities committed by the demons who overpowered the train men. Sev- eral of them were taken alive, tied to wagons, and burned. An old woman was carried some distance from the place of the attack and then shot and scalped. Her grand-child had its ears cut off, was scalped and had its brains dashed out; while her daughter, the mother of the child, who witnessed it all, as also the death of her husband at the train, was carried off by the fiends. More than one poor wretch crawled from the burning wagons after the ropes which bound them load burned off, only to burn to black- ened unrecognizable masses with their charred hands and faces raised in positions of entreaty. The train had nine men with it. The remainder of the party were women and children. It is feared one woman was taken away by the band, though it is possible that she, as well as the other body unaccounted for, was burned to ashes with the wagons. It is reported that the band consisted of from 125 to 150 men, and was composed of Indians, Mexicans and deserters from the army. A number of arms and supplies of ammunition were taken from the train by the band before burning it. How many arms I can- not say. It was the supply which was lately sent from the arsenal at San Antonio to Fort Stockton. FIGHT WITH CAMANCHES, &o. 345 APACHE DEPBEDATIONS IN ABIZONA. On the 13th of September the Apache Indians attacked Hughes's Bauche, near Crittenden, killed a Mexican, and stole the animals belonging to the farm. Lieut. Hall of the 5th Cav- alry went to a ranche where a Mrs, Gabara and her children were besieged by Indians, and found the savages 100 strong, armed with breech-loading guns. They retired to the mountains, and defied the troops. A sergeant and five men were dispatched to warn the farmers of Sonata Valley of the presence of hostile In- dians near Hughes's Banche, but were attacked, and Sergeant Steward, Corporal William Nation, and Privates Edward Carr, and John Walsh were killed. Lieut. Hall received orders from Gen. Howard not to fire upon the Indians in the mountains unless he found them engaged in actual outrages. The same or- der was sent to all the military posts south of the Gila Biver, on the day of the murder of the soldiers. Gen. Howard was at that time in the Dragoon Mountains with the noted Apache Chief, Cochise, trying to induce him to go to the Beservation. On the 6th of October a band of Apaches from the Santa Billa Moun- tains, with a herd of stolen cattle, attacked a party of miners, 30 miles from Tucson, and robbed them of all their animals. Two of the miners are missing. The Indians are armed with the best kind of breech-loading guns and fixed ammunition. A FIGHT WITH CAMANCHES TWENTY-THREE IN- DIANS KILLED. Col. Mackensie's command had a fight with the Camanches on the North Fork of Bed Biver, Oct. 6th, 1872, killing twenty- three Indians, whose bodies were found, and capturing the camp and one hundred and twenty-one squaws and children. In ad- dition to the killing of Lieut. Crosby, Col. Stanley reports that Lieut. Lewis D. Adair of the Twenty-second Infantry was mor- tally wounded by an Indian on the 4th inst., and died on the 5th. Lieut. Adair mortally wounded the Indian who shot him, and the Indian was subsequently killed. Col. Stanley's servant was also killed by Indians who chased and came near catching Gen. Bosser. This all occurred near Heart Biver Crossing, forty-four miles from Bice. Lieut. Adair's body will be brought in. Stanley's command will be at Bice on the 18th or 19th of October. POLICY TO BE ADOPTED BY THE GOVEBNMENT. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Gen. Walker, had a talk with the Kiowa, Commanche, and Apache delegations of Indians, Oct. 22d, 1872, at the Department of the Interior. The ultimatum I 846 POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. of the Government was stated to these Indian representatives substantially as follows : The Government has ceased to accept mere professions of friendship and good faith, and now requires evidence of their honesty of purpose. The Kiowas and Ca- manches here represented must, before the 13th of December next, camp every chief, head man, brave, and family, complete, within ten milss of Fort Sill and the Agency ; they must remain there until Spring without giving any trouble, and shall not then leave unless with the consent of their agent ; they shall before that date give up to their agent all animals they have stolen from the Goverment or any person in their neighborhood, military au- thorities, agents and traders, and when they cannot return the same stolen animals they must make restitution from their own stock. All these things' the representatives of the Indians have promised to do. Gen . Walker informed them the Government does not propose to treat with those bands who have declined to send representa- tives to Washington, and they would soon hear that United States troops have been directed to operate against them. Every man belonging to any band not at the place named by the 15th of December is to be considered as an enemy of the Government and as having chosen to remain hostile. Such persons are to re- ceive no further benefit from the Goverment ; the troops would hit them wherever they were found. The Indians remaining silent, they were asked whether they had anything to say, when one of them, after a short conference with his fellow-chiefs, said : " We came in to do what our Great Father wants us to do. We told you what our Council did. If we did not intend to do well we would not come here from the Plains. " Several Indians said they would do all in their power to induce the stragglers to come to the meeting, but they did not express confidence in their success. The Indians retired, cordially shak- ing hands with the Commissioner, and acting as if they were pleased with his plain talk. \ CHAPTER XXX. THE PRESENT CONDITION AND LOCATION OP THE INDIANS. HOW THEY LIVE, AND THEIB NUMERICAL STATUS. The immense area of our country over -which the Indians are now scattered upon their various reservations, and over which General Sheridan is the military head, is divided into three De- partments, known as : First The Department of the Platte headquarters at Omaha, in command of General E. O. C. Ord. This comprises the States of Iowa and Nebraska, the Territories of Utah and Wyoming, the military post of Sedgewick, Colorado Territory ; and the stage road from that post to Denver. Second : The Department of Texas headquarters at San An- tonio, in command of Brig. Gen. C. C. Auger. Third : Department of Missouri comprising New Mexico, Kansas and Colorado Territory, and Camp Supply, Indian Terri- tory. Department of Dakotah, including Minnesota and Montano ; Gen. W. S. Hancock, commanding ; the headquarters being at St. Paul. Department of Arizonia, Gen. P. St. George Cooke, command- ing headquarters at Prescott. California and Pacific Coast : Gen. J. M. Schofield, command- ing headquarters at San Francisco. Department of Columbia Gen. Canby, commanding ; head- quarters at Portland. Within the several departments of the Platte of the Lakes, of California, and of Texas, are located the most fierce and warlike, and the most troublesome of the tribes within our borders. In General Hancock's department there still remains a portion of the Piegan tribe that is what few are left since the notable mas- sacre under Colonel Baker. General Sheridan apprehended great trouble would follow after that event and bring about a general wide spread rising of other tribes making common cause with the Piegans. He knew well the insatiable and almost unconquerable desire of the Indians for revenge. This Piegan massacre maybe best and most concisely recorded by a copy of the official report by the U. S. Indian Agent, W. B. Pease, of the U. 8. Army, which is here transcribed. It is addressed to General Hancock, commanding : General : I have the honor to state, since my report of the 30th of January, on the affair between United States soldiers and Pie- gau Indians, January 3d, that I have visited the camp of Big Jake, of the tribe of Blackfeet Indians, and have seen and talked with 350 PRESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS. several Indians who were in the camp -which was attacked by the soldiers. Of the 123 killed on the 23d, thirty-three were men. Of these fifteen only were such as are called by them young or fighting men. These were between the ages of twelve and thirty- seven. The remaining eighteen were between the ages of thirty- seven and seventy. Eight of the latter were between the ages of sixty and seventy ; ninety were women, thirty-five between the ages of twelve and thirty-seven, and fifty-five between the ages of thirty-seven and seventy. The remaining fifty were children, none older than twelve years and many of them in their mother's arms. " Out of 219 belonging to Red Horn's camp only forty-six sur- vived. Among them were nine young men who escaped during the attack, and five who were away hunting. The lives of eighteen women and nineteen children (none of them more than three years of age, and the majority of them much younger), some of whom were wounded, were spared by the soldiers. Red Horn himself was killed. At the time of the attack this camp was suffering severely with small-pox, having had it among them for two months, the average rate of deaths among them having been for the previous two months, six to seven daily." The fears of General Sheridan in reference to the result of this terrible punishment inflicted by the troops upon the Piegans, al- though based upon substantial reasons were happily not realized. The surrounding tribes were awed by this frightful and sudden reprisal. It seemed to have been more potent than any demon- stration made in the past ten years. The Indian reservations set apart for those living west of the Mississippi are about thirty, on which are about an equal num- ber of different tribes of large and not greatly decreasing popula- tion. Beginning with the Minnesotas, we have two leading tribes, the Red Lake and Pembina Chippewas, numbering about 2,000, living in the north-western part of Minnesota, where they exist chiefly by fishing and hunting. They are peaceably in- clined, and are not much feared by the whites. The Pillager and Winnebagoes number about 10,000, and occupy the county south of the Chippewas. They are very quiet and industrious. The Chippewas of the Mississippi are also industrious, loyal, and a really prosperous tribe, and number 2,200 souls. A small band of Sioux and Winnebagoes of another tribe are located in Minnesota, and, though peaceable, are said to be little else than a parcel of indolent vagabonds. In the south-west part of Dakotah belong the Great Nation of Sioux, and numbering about 30,000 to 35,000. In 1868, a treaty was made with them by the Tndian Peace Commission, in which a large tract was set apart for them, including that portion of Wyoming and ,- Montana, in which were located Forts "Phil Kearney," " C. F. Smith," and " Rens," in what was called the Powder River Country, then to be abandoned, as the Union Pacific Railroad had rendered the old wagon road no longer need- ful above Fort Fetterman. It includes Red Cloud's Country, which lies beyond the Yellow Stone and Big Horn Mountains. PEESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS. 351 The treaty provided for subsistence for four years, and though it was at once ratified, the appropriation, except a few thousand dollars placed in the trust of General Sherman, was delayed. This brought about the dissatisfaction of their principal chief, Red Cloud, who made a visit to Washington, accompanied by the leading warriors of the tribe. Four agencies were established, and abouT 25,000 men clothed and fed. The Sirretou and Wak- petoix Sioux occupy the eastern part of the territory near Minne- sota. The only aid they receive from the Government is the pay which they receive for their work and the product of their agricul- tural pursuits. They number about 1,800. The Yancton Sioux an offshoot of the main tribe, are a worthless tribe. They are allowed forty thousand dollars in ammunition, which they punc- tually call for at the stated periods. The Poncas, 800 in number, are better farmers than their neighbors, though drawing some time ago, only $10,000. The Aripahoes, Gros Ventres, and Mandans number about 3, 000, and live by the chase, government supplies, and farming. They are very peaceable. The powerful tribes in the north part of Montano Territory are the Blackfeet, the Piegans, and Bloods. They number about six thousand, and have been exceedingly troublesome to the whites. It is very likely, however, that had they been given annuities like the other tribes they would be more peaceable. As it is, they are sullen, morose, and but little dependence can be placed in their professed desire for peace. It is but a short time since that they were visited by a detachment of Second Cavalry, under Captain Bell and Lieutenant MacAdams, all of whom had a narrow escape from death by fire and storm. Many of the soldiers were terribly frozen. The Gros Ventres of the prairies Shoshones (Waskakie's band), Sheep Eaters and River Crows, in all about 4,500, were in eluded in treaties made by Com- missioner Cullum. With them, as with the others mentioned, Congress delayed their fulfillment. The first two tribes wander about in the vicinity of Virginia City, the others range further south, and make a business of begging of passengers travelling over the Union Pacific Railroad. The Mountain Crows occupy the southern portion of Montana, and number about 2,000. These are the Indians of whom . Absarkie is the notable chief. These are friendly, but make com- plaint that they are the losers by it, as their lands have been taken away from them and given to the Sioux, who had always been troublesome. The Asinaboines are friendly, and inhabit the north-east por- tion. The Flat Heads, Kooteways, and Upper Pendonelles, 1,500 in number, have an annuity of $4,000, but are treacherous and much given to forays and plundering. The Northern Arra- pahoes are within the treaty of 1868, supposed to be located on the Upper Arkansas River with the Cheyennes, and are about 1,800 in population. To this tribe belongs the famous Chief Friday. He, despite having received a course of education in St. Louis, still adheres to his romantic life. His idea of woman's 852 PRESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS. rights -was rather bluntly expressed to Mother Bickerdyke, an army nurse at Saline, in Kansas. Friday came into her presence one day, accompanied by his two wives. "Why do you not do as the whites do, and have only one wife ?" "Well," said the warrior, "white women are more than a match for one man, but I find it takes two squaws to be my equal. Give me a white wife, and I will send off my two wives at once." In Nebraska are several of the more prominent tribes, and among them the most distinguished is Spotted Tail's band of Ogalalla Sioux. They are all at peace, and are now likely to re- main so. The other tribes are the Munebagoea, 1,500 ; Omahas, 1,000; the Sacs and Foxes of the Missouri only 84, although they counted 1,000 in 1815 and 900 in 1849 ; the Pawnees, 2,800 ; the lowas, 228 ; the Otoes and Missourians, 440. The Shoshones and Bannocks are the principal tribes in Wyoming Territory. A treaty was made with them in 1868, and duly ratified the next year. Originally they were formidable, but now they hardly count up 2,500 in number. They are located on the main line of travel of emigrants, and receive from the Gov- ernment an average of about $5,000 in annuities. The Idaho tribes are friendly. The Nez Perces, 3, 000 in popu- lation, are about the only one of the Idaho department who are within treaty regulations. The Bannocks, Shoshones and Boise, nearly 700, located on a reservation near Fort Hall have no treaty. The Goer d'Alenys, numbering some 2,000, are further north. In the southern part of Idaho the Snakes and Shoshones wander about from Oregon to other territories. Although these tribes ore very restless, they so far have been very peaceable. The Utes occupy a good portion of Colorado Territory. The Cheyennes, Arrapanoes, and the Sioux range back and forth over a portion of this territory to the Republican and Arkansas Rivers, hunting Buffalo. In 1866, Governor Cummings made a treaty with the TJtes, by which they were to receive a proper compensa- tion for the damage done to their interests in throwing open the territory to public travel. This treaty was never ratified. Not- withstanding this fact, however, they have in nowise violated their bond of peace. Over this tribe Colonel Kit Carson, while he lived, had a strong influence. The Sand Creek massacre, led on by Colonel Chivington of the Valentine service, and at one time a Methodist minister, has made this part of the territory forever infamous in history for barbarity and relentless cruelty to a band of helpless women and children while under the pro- tecting flags of truce and of the Government. This occurred in 1865, near Fort Lyon. In the "Indian Territory "the vast number of Indians, the rich lands, and the general quietude of the tribes located there, give to this part of the "last refuge of the red man" a considerable importance, especially as it is now being a matter of discussion as to the admission of settlers and grants to railway companies. Only a narrow strip running through the centre, known as the PRESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS. 353 "leased lands" is now vacant. They were bought from the Creeks and Cherokees, to use as reservations -when needed. The tribes in this territory are : The Choctaws, 12,500 ; the Creeks, 12,294 ; Seminoles, 1,950 ; Chickasaws, 4,500 ; Cherokees, 14,000 ; Senecas and Shawnees, about 400. During the war of the rebellion these Indians were for the most part extremely faithful to the Government. They are all agriculturists ; have schools and churches. The Dela wares and Shawnees have merged into the Cherokees. The Kiowas, Comanches and Apaches have been generally quiet, except a raid into Texas in the fall of 1871, when Satana and Kicking Bird were captured. Those tribes number about 5,000. The Cheyennes here reach in population, combined with the Arrapohoes, about 3,400. Their reservation has been changed for one north of the Kiowas, Comanches and Apaches. The Onichitas, Caddes, and a few others are also located on these lands. The twelve tribes in Kansas were originally a powerful and large body of Indians, but disease and bad habits have reduced them greatly. Among them are the Chippewas, Pottowatomies Wyandottes and Christians. But little progress is making among the Kickapoes (half tribe in Mexico) 314 in number. Kaws, 718 ; Osages, 4,500 ; Sacs and Foxes, of Mississippi, 957; Ottawas, 200; Shawnees, 650; Miamias, 95, Peorias, 200. The pine lands in Kansas are attracting so many white settlers that it will result ere long in driving the Indians still f ui*ther west. In the fertile regions of New Mexico, fierce and warlike tribes roam at pleasure. Game is plenty, and trouble often occurs as the tribes come in contact with the whites. "With the largest tribe the Marapahoes from 8, 000 to 10,000 in population, at least six treaties have been made, but until recently none of them have been kept. The Mesealers Apaches, 500 in number, range soiith of Fort Stanton, and down through Texas into Mexico, and are a vicious and treacherous tribe. The Gila Apaches, two tribes, number 1,600, and the licarilla Apaches about 800. In Arizona are now located the Pimos and Maricopas, 8,000 ; Papagos, 5,000 ; Moquis Pueblos, 4,000 ; the Mohaves, 4,000 ; Yumas, 2,000 ; Yarapos, 2,000 ; Hualapuis, 2,500. These were settled on a reservation in Colorado River agency. The Yumas are well disposed and are on the west branch of the Colorado, opposite Fort Yumas in Somer, California. They are industrious much inclined to adopt the ways of civilized life, the younger portion of the tribe especially. The Pueblos have relinquished their old-time warlike attitude and become seekers after the habits of civilization. In May, 1872, Wm. F. Arny, the United States Indian Agent for that tribe in New Mexico, came east for the purpose of furthering their civi- lization. His mission had two objects. On this expedition he visited "Washington and afterwards the leading seaboard cities, where his mission received hearty en- couragement. The Pueblo Indians are legitimately the descend- ants of the Montezumas. 854 PRESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS. Their land ? itends along the banks of the Bio Grande and west of that rivei A distance of two or three hundred milea They number 7684 inhabitants, divided into nineteen villages. They were more than friendly to the North in the Great Rebellion, and their regard for the memory of Lincoln is only equaled by their reverence for Montezuma. These Indians are peculiarly adapted to a republican form of gov- ernment, and are a remarkably intelligent and industrious people. In fact, they have had a representive government among them- selves for the past 280 years. They regard Montezuma as their great prophet and their King, and according to their traditions, before he went back to Mexico, with a promise to return again in good season, he left them both a political and religious form of government, which they scrupulously follow. Politically, there are nineteen independent and sovereign republics in the Territory of New Mexico, each comprising a village. Each has its distinct organization and is ruled by a governor, who is elected annually on the 1st of January. Each of these governors is provided with a silver-headed cane, the pres- ent of Mr. Lincoln, and when an order is to be executed, he gives it verbally to his subordinate officer. The simple act of raising the cane conveys the official sanction. In fact, it has the same significance to them as the writ of a judge or the order of a pres- ident, governor or king among civilized people. They formerly used a cane, which was handed down from generation to genera- tion, since the days of Montezuma. In 1861 Mr. Lincoln sent the governor of each village a cane, with his name inscribed upon the silver head, and they now use this staff instead. These governors have full power over their respective villages during their term of office. When any dispute arises between these Indian republics, it is referred to a general meeting of all the governors, and if they fail to agree, then it is referred to the agent of the United States. Their religious belief is very peculiar. Their traditions teach them that when Montezuma left their region to establish his colony in Mexico, he instructed them to worship the sun and keep a fire burning in each village until his return. This instruction they faithfully follow. In the morning at sunrise the inhabitants of the villages assemble on the roof of their houses, and turn their faces toward the east, in reverence to the God of Day. Each village has its resident Priest ; and every year there is selected from among the young girls of each village, twelve virgins, whose duty is to keep the fire burning in a^building peculiarly adapted to that purpose. The Aztecs are very chaste, honest and indus- trious ; they observe the marriage relation faithfully, and are fond of agricultural and mechanical pursuits, and have recently taken a very lively interest in education, both religious and secular. They are very apt learning the English language. Mr. Walter G. Marmon, formerly of Ohio, one of their teachers and missionaries, states that only four months are, as a general rule, necessary in which to teach them to converse and read. PRESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS. 355 The various religious denominations in the Atlantic States sec- onded Mr. Arny in his desire to further this good work by fur- nishing him with twenty additional teachers; the Missionary Boards to pay for their services as religious instructors, and the government for their services as teachers. Mr. Arny had a number of specimens of the manufactures of these Indians in the shape of neckties, blankets, gold and silver rings and earthware. They gave astonishing evidence of skill and ingenuity, when it is considered that their work is done without any aid of machinery, and with the rude tools of the red man. In this respect they greatly resemble the Japanese. In his hurried visit to Washington, Mr. Arny took occasion to have an interview with the Japanese Embassy then in that city, and on showing them some of the photographs and workmanship of the Aztecs, they at once stated that there was a similar tribe in every respect in their country. The Smithsonian Institute and Prof. Gibbs, of New Haven, on having their attention called to this coincidence, have made arrangements to secure a comparison between idioms of the language of these New Mexican and Jap- anese Indians, and Spanish, Japanese and English languages, in order to ascertain, if possible, whether these Indians originated on this continent or among the Asiatics. The federal govern- ment promised Mr. Arny to further his views respecting these Indians in everyway, APPENDIX TO PART FIRST. CHAPTEB XXXI. WAE WITH THE MODOCS. TKEACHERY OF THE SAVAGES IN THE LAVA BEDS. GEN- CANBY BtTTCHEKED BY CAPTAIN JACK DURING A CONFERENCE. REV. DR. THOMAS KILLED AND MR. MEACHAM WOUNDED. THE DEAD STRIPPED OF THEIR CLOTHING BY THE SAVAGES. IN- DIGNATION OF THE ARMY AND SETTLERS ON THE PACIFIC COAST. VENGENCE DEMANDED. The following is a vivid description of one of the most treacherous and bloody massacres ever perpetrated by the Indians. For several days, endeavors were made by the Peace Com- missioners and General Canby to obtain an interview with Captain Jack and the leading Chiefs of the Modoc Band. The prospects of peace seemed to be better, as orders had been sent from Washington to the Peace Commissioners to give the Indians, if neccessary, a Eeservation in the same neighbor- hood. On the evening of the llth of April, 1873, Bogus Charley reported that Captain Jack, Schonchin and three or four others, would meet the Peace Commissioners on a spot near the lake, about three-quarters of a mile from camp. Bogus Charley stop- ped in the camp all night, and in the morning Boston Charley also came, and said that everything was all right, as Captain Jack was coming out to meet the Commissioners. Between ten and eleven o'clock in the morning the Peace Commission party comprising General Canby, Mr. A. B. Meacham, Dr. Thomas, Mr. Dyar, Kiddle, the interpreter, and squaw, and Bogus Charley, and Boston Charley, went out to the designated spot. There they met Captain Jack, John Schonchin, Black Jim, Shack, Nasty Jim, Ellen's man, and Hawker Jim. They had 358 TEEACHERY OF THE SAVAGES, &c. no guns "with them, bnt each carried a pistol at his belt. This, however, was not much noticed, as in previous interviews they had their guns with them. They sat down in a kind of broken circle, and General Oanby, Meacham and Dr. Thomas sat together, faced by Cap- tain Jack and Schonchin. Mr. Dyar stood by Jack, holding his horse, with Hawker Jim and Shack Nasty Jim to his left. Meacham opened the talk, and gave a long history of what they wanted to do for them, after which General Canby and Dr. Thomas both talked for some time. Captain Jack then talked in an apparent good, serious strain, and when he finished stepped back to the rear near where Meacham's horse was hitched. John Schonchin then began to talk, and while he was speaking Mr. Dyar heard a cap miss fire, and looking around saw Captain Jack to his left with his pistol pointed at General Canby. This was the signal for a general massacre, and a doz- en shots were fired inside of half a minute. My. Dyar, after hearing the cap miss fire, turned and fled, followed closely by Hawker Jim, -who fired two shots after him. Dyar finding Hawker Jim gaining on him, turned and drew hia Derringer, whereupon Hawker Jim retreated, and Dyar made the best of his way to the camp. Captain Jack fired again on General Camby, and the noble old gentleman ran off to the left, but was speedily shot down and killed instantly. Meacham was shot at by Schonchin and wounded in the head. He tried to draw his Derringer, when two Indians ran up and knocked him down. Dr. Thomas was killed almost instantly by two pistol shots in the head. Kiddle ran off, and it appears they did not fire at him, but they knocked his squaw down. Dyar, Kiddle, and the squaw, returned in safety to the camp. About a hundred yards west of the place of meeting, was Mr. A. B. Meacham badly wounded with a pistol shot over the left eye. He was immediately attended to and carried back for medical treatment. Fifty yards further on was the body of Rev. Dr. Thomas, lying on his face and stripped to the waist. The body of General Canby, the hero of many a fight, was stripped of every vestage of clothing and lay about one hun- dred yards to the southward, with two pistol shot wounds in the head Pausing only to take a glance on the body of the man they both loved and respected, the troops dashed on and the two leading batteries were within a mile of the murderers when the bugle call sounded a " halt." Lieutenant Egan and Majo r Wright's companies of the Twelfth infantry were behind the artillery and then came the cavalry. ANOTHER FIGHT WITH THE MODOCS 359 General Gillem and Colonel Green and staff were up with, the men, but as soon as they found that the Indians had all got back to their stronghold the troops were ordered to fall back and prepare for active work. The attack on Col. Mason's camp commenced by the Indians firing on Lieutenants Boyle and Sherwood, who had wandered some five hnndred yards outside their picket lines. Lieu- tenant 'Sherwood was shot through the arm and leg, but Lieu- tenant Boyle escaped without injury. Both officers got safely back to their camp. The remains of General Canby and Dr. Thomas were for- warded to San Francisco the 13th, and a guard of honor, composed of the commanding officers of companies, marched through Friday night by the remains of their beloved com- mander, and a similar mark of respect was paid the remains of Dr. Thomas. The bodies were carried to the top of the bluffs escorted by the troops, and transferred to ambulances, in which they were carried to Yreka, tinder the escort of Lieu- tenant Anderson, of the Fourth Artillery, on Saturday evening. Ten of the Indian ponies were captured on the 13th, by Colonel Mason's command. Wagons were then engaged to bring up the rest of the commission from Van Bremers. Riddle's squaw stated that Dr. Thomas was shot by Boston Charley. The poor old gentleman fell on his knees from the effects of the first shot, and beseeched Boston to spare his life. Boston responded to the request of the generous old man, who had in my presence given him blankets and money, by shoot- ing him again through ihe head. ANOTHER FIGHT WITH THE MODOCS. THEY ABE DBIVEN PJKOM THE LAY A BEDS. Early April 16th, the Modocs had a big fire in their camp. Major Thomas dropped a shell directly into it, provoking a frantic war whoop, and causing the sudden extinguishing of the fire. Another shell was dropped in the same locality, and was followed by yells of pain and dismay. The Modocs then appeared and challenged the soldiers to come out and fight. Another shell was the answer, and they were driven back. At 4 o'clock A. M. , after another fight, the Modocs gave up the at- tempt to break through the line and retired. Scattering shots were fired on the men who attempted to advance on them. At 9 o'clock Gen. Gillem's command moved forward from the position gained on Tuesday, and soon occupied the ledge next to Jack's camp. Col. Mason moved the right forward as rapidly as possible to form a junction with Gen. Gillem's left, cutting off the Modocs from the lake, their only source of water supply. The junction was effected at noon. At 2 p. M. the morters were throwing shells within excellent range. Col Greene fell back behind the ledge, awaiting the Modocs, 360 FIGHT WITH CAPT. JACK, &c. should the shells drive them out. After the firing the Modocs" replied with yells. After the fifth shell there came a raking fire and a small party of men sprang out of the chasm and came into the lines amid a shower of bullets. The falling back was caused by the Modocs flanking and opening a cross-fire. Col. Miller, attempting to form a junction with the Warm Spring Indians, missed them as he swung down into the great chasm with thirteen men, whereupon Miller fortified himself. The Modocs fought for their lives until the morters opened, and withstood the fire until 4 p. M. when the shells began falling in their midst and they broke cover dashing across the ledge, losing two men killed and one wounded. The line was reform- ed and held around the Modocs. Col. Mason signalled that the Modocs were on his rear flank trying to get out. At 7.45 p. M. Col. Mason's men were seen on the blutf. There was heavy firing at 8 o'clock on Col. Mason's line. A strong effort was made to unite Col. Mason's left and Greene's right. At 9 o'clock Col. Greene's whole line was moving. Col. Mason at 9 :40 signalled that the Modocs were leaving the Lava Beds, and the calvary were ordered to pursue. Half an hour later heavy firing was heard at the Modocs' stronghold. At 1:30 the Warm spring Indians reported three more Modoc scalps making four in one days fight. At 9 p. M. the terrible fight had ceased. By this time the Modocs were evidently disheartened and be- wildered by the advance of our forces. Our casualties were four killed and nineteen wounded some slightly. William Smith, bugler of Battery M, Fourth Artillery, was among the killed, and private Harrison of Battery E severely wounded. The Warm Spring Indians fought like heroes and were ready to take and hold any advantages. They lost one killed. The medicine flag which waved in front of Capt. Jack's stronghold in the Lava Beds, and the scalp of Scar-Faced Charley, who was found wounded in the cave, also a squaw, were captured and turned over to the Warm Spring Indians after being routed from their stronghold, then commenced a guerilla warfare The three days' fight res'ulted in a total loss of ten wounded and five killed in both wings of our forces. The troops were in ex- cellent spirits and anxious to pursue the Modocs. Part of them occupied the Lava Beds and prevented any Modocs from returning. April 18th Sergt. Forest of Co. K, cavalry, captured a Modoc battle flag and took the scalp of Scar-Faced Charley. The sav- ages fearfully mutilated the body of Eugene Hovey, who was killed, and whose body fell into their hands. FRIGHTFUL BUTCHERY. A DETACHMENT OF OUK TKOOPS SURROUNDED AND CUT TO PIECES. April 26, a reconoissance was made by Gen. Gillem. The Indians in ambush opened sudden fire upon Gillem's troops, killing 17 privates and wounding 23. FRIGHTFUL BUTCHEBY. 361 Lieutenant Howe and Major Tliomas were killed, and Lieu- tenant Harris severely wounded. Lieutenant Cranston miss- ing. No Modocs reported killed. Sixty men of tha Fourth Artillery and Twelfth Infantry made a reconoissance in the direction of the bluffs, south of the Lava Beds, and reached within twenty feet of the bluffs. The Modocs opened fire. The troops attempted to retreat, and a portion of the Infantry took refuge in a hollow spot. The Indians saw them immediately, surrounded them, open- ed firs, and wounded and killed all excepting three. The Modocs were armed with Spencer carbines. Lieutenant Wright of the Twelfth Infantry, was dangerously wounded. Surgeon Semig was wounded while attempting to recover the wounded officer. The troops were completely surprised. CAPT. JACK ATTACKS THE TROOPS MAY 10, AND IS DEFEATED. The Modocs came into the camp and fired on the picket guard. The command of Capt. Hasbrouck after scouting all day had returned to Sorass Lake for water, and were making efforts to secure some by digging, but none could be found. Don- ald McKay was sent back to Lieut. Bayles's camp as an escort of Battery B of the Fourth Artillery. Troops G and B of the First Cavalry left for the scene of the fight, the distance being 17 miles, arriving about dawn of the next day. Capt. Jack's band rode within 100 yards of the camp, when all dismounted and charged on the camp, firing into the herd and guard. The first volley stampeded the herd, which left for the camp, and while the men were getting under arms the Modocs gave volley after volley, killing four soldiers and one Warm Spring Indian. A rally was made and the charge was sounded. This time Donald McKay and some of his men united, and drove the Mo- docs into the timber, capturing 21 ponies and three pack mules. One Modoc was left on the field and 19 mules packed; also six dead bodies. Before the retreat the trail was covered with gore. The Indians beat a hasty retreat towards the McLeod range of mountains. Capt. Hasbrouck handled his men dexterously. He was furnished with only five days' supplies, but water was very scarce, which detered a long stay in the field. General Davis determined to keep the savages moving until the last Mo- doc was killed. The soldiers gained greater courage by keeping the enemy in the open ground. The wounded were brought into camp in wagons, and from there taken to head-quarters. The Modocs had no ammunition except what was remaining in their pouches, as they lost their entire reserve of ammuni- tion in this fight. The cavalry arrived in camp all safe. Capt. Jack had but seven animals left. He wore the attire of the late Gen. Canby, and took his position on the field in as lordly a manner as if he had been a Brigadier-General. Enough men 362 LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED. remained in the old stronghold to keep it safe, while the rest gave chase to exterminate the fugitives. There -were 33 Modocs engaged. No squaws were seen during the fight, nor by the scouts on the following night. There was a strong sus- picion that Oapt. Jack was receiving aid from some unknown party. It appeared strange how he got six boxes of central primed cartridges. He did not capture them from our forces, and it is certain that he could not have picked up that amount after the battle of January 17. "When the courier left, the troops were between the Lava Beds and the Indians, the latter being entirely out of the stronghold. WST OF THE KffiLED AND WOUNDED IN THE BATTLE OF THE 10TH OF MAT. Killed James D. Totler, Corporal Co. B; Adolphus Fisher, Private Co. B. Wounded Louis Dunbar, scalp wound in the head ; Peter Griffin, flesh wound in the left hip ; Jesse Beeves, fracture of the right arm, which was subsequently amputated ; Patrick McGuire, fracture below the right knee, leg amputated below the thigh ; Samuel McGlew, flesh wound in the right arm cut- ting an artery ; Geo. Brown, flesh wound in the left leg all of Company B. Michael Maher of Company G, flesh wound in the right hip. All of the above named belonged to the 1st Cavalry. Wassamucka and Lebaster, Warm Spring Indians, were killed, and Yonowiton, another scout, had his right arm fractured. C APTAIN JACK OUT AGAIN AND FIGHTING. THE MODOCS, PITT RIVERS AND PIUTES ACTING IN CONCERT. AMMUNITION IN THE HANDS OF THE PITT RIVERS. FIGHT ON ANTELOPE CREEK. FIVE MODOCS BFPORTED KTLLED AND TEN SQUAWS CAPTURED. SHARPSHOOTERS TO THE FRONT. The Modocs left the Lava Beds about two days after the attack on Captain Jackson's force. The last stronghold was aband- oned. Captain Jack made his way towards the Pitt River In- dians. The Warm Spring Indians and the troops under Perry and Hasbrouck pursuing them. A quarrel broke out among the savages, two-thirds declaring they would fight no longer. A battle was fought at Antelope Creek on Monday. Has- brouck overhauled the Modocs, and a lively fight ensued in the hills close to Fairchilds. The Modocs were driven south- ward, on the Ticknor road, towards the timbered buttes. Five Modocs were killed in the battle and ten squaws and papooses captured. Trails were discovered showing that the Modocs and the Pitt River Indians were in constant communication. Twenty-five Piutes were seen in Surprise Valley, but suddenly disappeared. STORY OF THE SURRENDER. 363 SURRENDER OF HOST OF THE HOT SPRING BAND. The Hot Creek Band were brought in by Fairchild's party and surrendered to Gen. Davis. Their surrender was appar- ently unconditional. They gave up their arms and were put under guard. The band numbered 55 men, women, and child- ren, including 15 warriors. Among the latter were Bogus Charley, Jack Nasty Jim, Curley-headed Doctor, Frank, and others the best fighting men Capt. Jack had. Boston is be- lieved to have been killed. Troops are hunting for Hooker Jim. It was supposed there were 20 warriors with Capt. Jack, whose whereabouts was unknown, though surmised that he was in the Pitt River Mountains. Gen. Gillem was superceded by Gen. Davis, who was very bluff with the Indians, and gave them to understand that if they attempted to escape they would be shot by the guard. CAPTURE AND SURRENDER OF ENTIRE BAIiANCE OF THE MODOCS. On the 27th of May, Bogus Charley, Hawker Jim, Schack Nasty Jim and Steamboat Frank were sent out at the sugges- tion of Capt. Faiachild, and returned the following day ; report- ed the Camp of Captain Jack to be on William Creek, twenty miles east. The commands of Capt. Hasbrouck and Colonel Jackson, left camp on the 29th, for William Creek where the command divided, one wing going down the right bank the other on the left. Col. Jackson's command reached the camp first surprising the Modocs, who fled across the creek, about half a mile in advance of Hasbrouck's command, Boston, who murdered Dr. Thomas surrendered ; seven squaws were captur- ed with several horses and mules, after riding about twenty-five miles at the head of Langell valley on Lost River, a charge was made upon the Modocs who seeing that they were about to be corralled threw up the sponge at once. Scar-Face Charley and nine others, with several squaws were taken. On the 1st of June, a Warm Spring Indian discovering one of Jack's scouts, stole upon him and disarmed him. He prom- ised to show where Jack was, and the Warm Spring Indians, soon had that doughty warrior in their hands. Warm Spring George had command of the detachment of Warm Springs, but Bow-Legged Charley, and Carpola were the ones who were in at the death, On the 2d, four more Modocs were taken by the Oregon Vol- unteers, which included all remaining of the Modoc tribe, these were found on the 6th inst at Yainox. The full number of Modocs captured and killed, amounted to 156 warriors. STORY OF THE SURRENDER. At 1 o'clock, May 22nd, One -Eyed Dixie returned to Gen. Davis's headquarters at a slashing pace, his horse being com- pletely blown. He made obeisance, and at once reported that the Indians were close at hand and ready to enter the camp 864 STORY OF THE SURRENDER. under escort. All they asked was for Faircliild to come out and meet them. No soldiers need come. The presence of Fairchild would be considered a guarantee of good faith. "Where is Artena ? " asked Gen. Davis. "Tied up," said Dixie, "long ride and no -water." The absence of Artena gave rise to suspicions of foul play, which were only dispelled by her sudden advent. She too reined her foaming cayuse be- fore Gen. Davis, and said that the Indians were hovering about the hills near here, yearning to surrender to the Typee. Fair- child, Blair, and two or three employes of the former, with whom the Indians were acquainted, mounted swift steeds at the request of Gen. Davis, and started with Dixie. The news of the intended surrender of the Indians spread through the camp like wildfire. Soldiers, "Warm Spring In- dians, and Scouts were alike elated at the prospect of a peace- ful victory. Squaw Dixie told Gen. Davis before she started, that the Modocs feared the soldiers would kill them the instant they entered the camp. It required a great deal of diplomacy to convince her that the soldiers dare not disobey his com- mands. Donald McKay, captain of the Warm Spring Indians, also had to pledge his word that the scouts would not interfere. Dixie would leave, but Dixie had very little choice. She was told that the Government did not intend to trifle any longer. She might go to the Modocs or not, according to her own wish- es, but she must leave the camp. The Great Typee wanted no squaws about here. She saw the point of the argument, and no longer hesitated. That is why she changed her mind this morning, after she had decided not to carry any more messages to the Modocs. " Here they come," was the cry that startled the camp a few moments after, and brought every person, citizen and soldier, old and young, to his feet, hurrying forward to the crest of the hill west of the camp. I secured an excellent view of the scene beyond the procession that was slowly creeping along in this direction. First came Mr. Blair, the manager of Fair- child's Range, mounted ; fifty yards behind him was Mr. Fair- child, and, further still, 12 Modoc warriors, with their squaws and papooses. Never did a procession move more slowly. The few ponies ridden by the Modocs were gaunt and weak, and seemed scarcely able to bear the women and children who were literally piled upon them. Among the warriors were Bogus Charley, Steamboat Frank, Curly-headed Doctor, and others of lesser note. They were dressed in motley garbs, nearly all of them wearing a portion of the regular uniform of the United States army, and every warrior carried a Springfield rifle. The women were dressed in clothes that had evidently been used by the fair sex within the confines of civilization. All of them entered camp at a funeral pace. The noise and bustle among the soldiers was hushed ; few words were spoken. The Mo- docs said nothing. No one approached them until Gen. Davis came forward. He met the procession 50 paces from the house, and was formally introduced to Bogus Charley. Charles is a slender, athletic, intelligent warrior of about 20 years of A GENEKAL INDIAN WAR. 365 age. The man thorouglily understands and speaks English. The scamp smiled sweetly on the General, and shook his hand, and then all the leading warriors came forward and greeted him cordially. Then every warrior laid his gun beside him and awaited orders. Gen. Davis said : "Give up your pistols and all your other arms." Each warrior said he had no arms. * ' Then, " said the General, ' ' I shall give you acamp where you can remain to-night, and if you try to run or escape you be shot dead." The order was explained and all obedience promised. The procession then moved across Cottonwood Creek to a clump of trees. At this point the trainings of the crowd came in. There were half-naked children, aged squaws who could hardly hobble, blind, lame, halt, bony, and the scum of the tribe. There were 63 persons, men, women and children 12 bucks, 20 squaws and their children. Mr. Fairchild says there are 20 warriors missing from the Cottonwood branch of the tribe. Bogus Charley said Boston Charley had been killed. The disaffection heretofore reported is corroborated by the captain of the Modocs, who parted com- pany with Capt. Jack eight days ago. Another Modoc has just entered the camp and surrendered. It is Hooker Jim, the Lost Biver Murderer. OFFICIAL KEPOET OF A MEXICAN KAID. Washington, May 23. The Secretary of War to-day received the following telegram from Lieut. -Gen. Sheridan, dated Chi- cago, last night. Gen. Augur 'telegraphs that Col. Mackenzie with six com- panies of the 4th Cavalry and 25 Seminole scouts struck a camp of Kickapoo and Lipon Indians about 80 miles from Fort Clark, Texas, early on the 18th inst., having marched all the night previous, killed 19 Indians, wounded two, and captured one Buck, a former chief of the Lipons, and 41 women and children, besides destroying two villages with their accumul- ated property. He had three of his men wounded, one mor- tally. He has already over 50 captured ponies. The despatch is silent as to the precise locality where the fight took place, saying nothing about its being on Mexican territory. A GENERAL INDIAN WAB. In considering the possibilities of a general Indian war, Mr. F. A. Walker, a gentleman well informed on the subject, thus enumerates the list of "potentially hostile Indians." Of the Sioux or Dacotah tribes, bands and parties to the number of 15,000 ; of the Indians of Montana, Blackfeet, Bloods and Piegans, Assinaboines and Koving Sioux to the number of 20,- 000 ; of the Indians in the extreme south-western portion of the Indian Territory and on the borders of Texas, Kiowas, Co- manches, Cheyennes and Arapahoes, to the number of 7,000 ; 366 GEN. EDWARD B. S. CANBY. of the Indians of Arizona, Apaches of several tribes to the number of 9.000 ; of the mountain Indians of Colorado, Utah and Nevada, to the number of 6,000 ; of the Indians of New Mexico to the number of 2,000 ; and of the Indians of Oregon and Washington Territory to the number of 6,000. The 64,- 000 Indians thus enumerated comprise substantially all the tribes and bands with which the government is obliged to con- template the- possibility of war. It is thought that in case of what might be considered a general uprising, hardly one-half these tribes would take up jirnis. But to illustrate the enormous expense such a war would involve, the report of Sherman, Harney, Augur and Terry, made January 1868, on the Chirrington massacre, and the Cheyenne war of 1864, is adduced. They eay : "No one will be astonished that a war ensued which cost the govern- ment $30, 000, 000, amd carried conflagration and death to the border settlements." And they added : "The result of the year's campaign satisfied all reasonable men that war with Indiana waa useless and expensive. Fifteen or twenty Indians had been killed, at an expense of more than a million dollars apiece, while hundreds of our soldiers had lost their lives, and many of our border settlers had been butchered and their property destroyed." It is estimated that the Sioux war of 1852, the Cheyenne war of 1864, the Navajo wrr, the second Sioux war of 1866, and the second Cheyenne war of 1866, cost the country over a hundred million dollars, and from that fact the importance, even in a financial point of view, of avoiding a general conflict, may be inferred. But aside from the money view, it should be considered that of late years well defined frontier lines have been broken up, and settlers have pushed forward, occupying lands on narrow rivers, and along the lines of railroads. It is upon men thus exposed, that the first wrath of a general Indian war would fall. Scores of valleys, up which population has been steadily creeping would be instantly abandoned , streams that now, from source to mouth, resound with the stroke of the pioneer's axe, would be left desolate on the first rumor of war ; a hundred outlying settlements would disappear in a night, as the tidings of out- break and massacre were borne along by hurrying fugitives. These statements indicated the difficulties the Government is compelled to overcome in dealing with the Indians. They are wily, treacherous and brave. If beaten at one point, they escape, and relentlessly wreak their vengeance on help- less and innocent parties. GEN. EDWARD R. S. CANBY. Gen. Canby was born in Kentucky in 1819, and was appoin- ted a Cadet at West Point in 1835, from Indiana. He grad- uated in 1839, in the class with Halleck, Ord, Haskin, Rickets and Hunt, and was promoted to a second lieutenancy in the Second Infantry, July 1 . OBK EDWARD E. S. CANBT. KEY. KLEAZEB THOMAS, D. D ( 1 FUNERAL OF GEN. CANBY, 371 His services in the Florida war, Mexican war, and the War of the Rebellion, furnish a long and interesting history. He was brevetted a major for gallant and meritorious conduct at the battles of Contreas and Churubusco, and soon after re- ceived another brevet, of lieutenant-colonel, for gallant conduct before the Belem Gate, at the city of Mexico. In New Mexico he was much esteemed by those who were loyal to the government. He was brevetted brigadier-general in the regular army for his bravery at the battle of Valverdi, New Mexico. Gen. Canby made quick and thorough work with the Navajo Indians, a brave and determined people who in 1861 rebelled against the government, and restored peace, which nas not since been broken. Gen- Canby distinguished himself whenever and wherever he had an opportunity in his connection with the war for the Union, receiving the thanks of the nation, tendered by Mr. Lincoln in 1864 and by President Johnson in 1865, for his energy and successful military skill. After the surrender of the troops beyond the Mississippi, he was made commander of the departments of Louisiana and Texas, holding the position with great credit until the 27th of May, 1866. He was kind and courteous, dilligent in mastering every subject pertaining to hia various positions. He died as he had lived, loved and respected by all who knew him. FUNERAL OF GEN. CANBY. The obsequies of Gen. Canby took place from the First Baptist Church at Indianapolis, Ind. The church was hand- somely decorated throughout with emblems of mourning. The services were conducted by the Rev. Dr. Day of the Baptist Church, assisted by the Rev. Drs. Bayliss of the Methodist, Kimler of the Presbyterian, and Bradley of the Episcopal Churches. After the ceremonies at the church the remains were taken to Crows Hill Cemetery, accompanied by a very large procession in the following order: The City Police, Emmet and College Guards, preceded by a band, organized societies, the officiating clergy, the pall-bearers, Maj-Gen Irwin McDowell, Maj-Gen. Cook, Lieut-Gov. Leonidas Sexton, Judge Walter G. Gresham, Gen. F. McGinnis, Gen. George H Chapman, Judge Samuel H. Buskirk, Gen. Lewis Wallace, John C. Wright, Gen. John S. Simonson, Austin H. Brown, Esq. , Judge Livingstone Howland, the hearse, the mourners, the family, the staff of the diseased, Gen Sherman, Gen. Sheri- dan, the Governor and officers of State Senators and Repre- sentatives in Congress from Indiana and other States, Judiciary of the United States and State of Indianna; Clergy, Faculty of Wabash College, officers and soldiers of the war of 1812, Mexi- can war, and the late war; the Mayor and corporate authorities of Indianapolis and adjacent cities; officers of the army, navy and Marine corps of the United States; officers and members of the board of Trade. Among the other military men present were Gens. Ekin, Pelouze, Cailender, Carrington, Baird and others. In, the procession and immediately following the 372 KEV. ELEAZER THOMAS, D. D. hearse was the horse used by Gen. Canby in the Indian cam- paign. The horse was led by an orderly, and the General's sword hung from the horn of the saddle. EEV. ELEAZER THOMAS. REV. ELEAZER THOMAS, D. D., -whose untimely death, in connection with that of General Canby, has awakened so much sympathy, was for thirty-five years a regular minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church. He was born at Chatham Cor- ners, New York, January 16, 1814. He graduated with high honors at the Genesee Wesleyan Seminary, at Lima, Liv- ingston county, New York. In 1838, he was admitted into the Genesee Annual Conference. His first appointment was to Pittsford, near Rochester, in Western New York ; and for seventeen years during his connection with that Conference, he filled some of the most important pulpits in that region as pastor, serving also as Presiding Elder of several of the districts. In 1855, ho was transferred to the California Conference. His friends endeavored to dissuade him, but so true was he to his convictions, that in April, 1855, he started with his family for the far-off western land. On his arrival in May, he attend- ed the Conference then held at Stockton, was warmly received and was stationed at Powell Street Church, San Francisco, The following year the General Conference elected him editor of the California " Christian Advocate," and for three succes- sive terms he was reelected to the same post. He also estab- lished the Methodist Book Depository in San Francisco. In 1868, the General Conference intrusted him with the publishing interest of the Depository in California, which position he held with honor to the Church until 1872. Dr. Thomas was appointed to the Petaluma, Sonoma county, California. About the middle of March, 1873, Dr. Thomas was appoint- ed, with Hon. A. B. Meacham and L. S. Dy wer, Esq. a com- mission to effect a reconciliation, if possible, with the Modoc Indians, who had been making raids upon the settlers in the southeast part of Oregon. This commission was accompanied by Gen. Canby, Commander of the Military District, and a cer- tain Capt. Riddle and his squaw, who acted as interpreters. Although several unsuccessful councils had been held with the chiefs of the perfidious Modocs, and although the commission- ers themselves distrusted them, yet so anxious were they to try the effect of the peaceable and Christian measures, that they consented to meet them again on what was termed neutral ground. At this meeting, Friday, the llth of April, eight Indians being present, several speeches were made, and at a signal given by Capt. Jack, several shots were fired which re- sulted in the death of Dr, Thomas and Gen. Canby. INDIAN CAPTIVITIES ox LIFE IN THE WIGWAM; BEING fBUK NARRATIVES OF CAPTIVES WHO HAVE BEEN CARRIED AWAY BT THE INDIANS, FROM THE FRONTIER SETTLEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME. BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE, iVTHOB 09 THZ "BOOK O HDLUW." , simooisriD. NEW YORK: WELLS PUBLISHING CO., 432 BBOOME STEEET. M. A. PARKER & CO., CHICAGO, ILL. B. R. STURGIS, BOSTON, MASS. A. L. BANCROFT & CO., SAV FaAKCisco, Oil* 1872. Entered according to act of Congress in the year 1872, by Wells Publishing Oeoptny, in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, X>. 8 ELEVEN YEARS A PRISONER AMONG THE INDIANS OP FLORIDA. IN the year 1528 Pamphilo de Narvaez, with a commission, constituting him governor of Florida, or " all the lands lying from the river of Palms to the cape of Florida," sailed for that country with 400 foot and 20 horse, in five ships. With this expedition went a Spaniard, named John Ortiz, a native of Seville, whose connections were among the nobility of Castile. Although we have no account of what part Ortiz acted in Narvaez's expedition, or how he escaped its disastrous issue, yet it may not be deemed out of place to notice briefly here that issue. This Narvaez had acquired some notoriety by the manner in which he had executed a commission against Cort? 1 *. He had been ordered by the governor of Cuba to seize the destroyer of Mexico, but was himself overthrown and deserted by his men. On falling into the hands of Cortez, his arrogance did not. forsake him, and he addressed him thus : " Esteem it ^.ood fortune that you have taken me prisoner." " Nay," replied Corte/, " it is the least of the things I have done in Mexico." To return to the expedition of which we have promised to speak. Narvaez landed in Florida not very far from, or perhaps at the bay of Apalachee, in the month of April, and marched into the country with his men. They knew no other direction hut that pointed out by the Indians, whom they compelled to act as guides. Their first disappointment was on their arrival 10 CAPTIVITY Ofr JOHN ORTIZ. at the village of Apalachee, where, instead of a splendid town, filled with immense treasure, as they had anticipated, they found only about 40 Indian wigwams. When they visited one Indian town its inhabitants would get rid of them by tell- ing them of another, where their wants would be gratified. Such was the manner in which Narvaez and his companions rambled over 800 miles of country, in about six months' time , at a vast expense of men and necessaries which they carried with them ; for the Indians annoyed them at every pass, not only cutting off many of the men, but seizing on their baggage up- on every occasion which offered. Being now arrived upon the coast, in a wretched condition, they constructed some miserable barks corresponding with their means, in which none but men in such extremities would embark. In these they coasted toward New Spain. When they came near the mouths of the Mis- sissippi they were cast away in a storm, and all but 15 of theii number perished. Out of these 15, 4 only lived to reach Mexico, and these after 8 years wholly spent in wanderings from place to place, enduring incredible hardships and mise- ries. The next year after the end of Narvaez's expedition, the intelligence of his disaster having reached his wife, whom he left in Cuba, she fitted out a small company, consisting of 20 or 30 men, who sailed in a brigantine to search after him, hoping some fortuitous circumstance might have prolonged his existence upon the coast, and that he might be found. Of this number was John Ortiz, the subject of this narrative. On their arrival there, they sought an opportunity to have an interview with the first Indians they should meet. Oppor- tunity immediately offered, and as soon as Indians were dis- covered, the Spaniards advanced towards them in their boats, while the Indians came down to the shore. These wily peo- ple practised a stratagem upon this occasion, which to this day seems a mysterious one, and we have no means of explain- ing it. Three or four Indians came near the shore, and setting a stick in the ground, placed in a cleft in its top a letter, and withdrawing a little distance, made signs to the Spaniards to come and take it. All the company, except John Ortiz ind one more, refused to go out for the letter, rightly judging it to be used only to ensnare them ; but Ortiz, presuming it was from Narvaez, and containing some account of himself, would not be persuaded from venturing on shore to bring it, although a-11 the rest but the one who accompanied him strenuously argued against it. Now there was an Indian village very near this place, and CAPTIVITY OF JOHN ORTIZ. 13 no sooner had Ortiz and his rompanion advanced to the place where the letter was displayed, than a multitude came running from it, and surrounding them, seized eagerly upon them. The number of the Indians was so great, that the Spaniards in the vessels did not dare to attempt to rescue them, and saw them carried forcibly away. In this first onset the man whs accompanied Ortiz was killed, he having made resistance wher we was seized. Not far from the place where they were made prisoners, was another Indian town, or village, consisting of about 8 or 10 houses or wigwams. These houses were made of wood, and covered with palm-leaves. At one end of this village there was a building, which the captive called a temple, but of what dimensions it was he makes no mention. Over the door of entrance into this temple there was placed the figure of a bird, carved out in wood, and it was especially surprising that this bird had gilded eyes. No attempt is made by Ortiz even to conjecture how or by whom the art of gilding was practised, in this wild and distant region, nor does he mention meeting with any other specimen of that art during his captivity. At the opposite extremity of this village stood the house of the chief, or cazique, as he was often called, upon an eminence, raised, as it was supposed, for a fortification. These things re- mained the same ten years afterwards, and are mentioned by the historian of Fernando De Soto's Invasion of Florida. The name of the chief of this village was Ucita, before whom was presented the captive, Ortiz, who was condemned to suffer im- mediate death. The manner of his death was by torture, which was to be effected in this wise. The executioners set four stakes in the ground, and to these they fastened four poles ; the captive was then taken, and with his arms and legs extended, was by them bound to these poles, at such a distance from the ground, that a fire, made directly under him, would ^e a long time in con- suming him. Never did a poor victim W* with greater cer- tainty to death for relief, than did John Urtiz at this time. The fire had already begun to rage, when a most remarkable circumstance happened to save his life a daughter of the stern Ucita arose and plead for him. Among other things she said these to her father : " My kind father, why kill this poor stranger ? he can do you nor any of us any injury, seeing he is but one and alone. It is better that you should keep him confined ; for even in that condition he may sometime be of ?rat service to you." The chief was silent for a short time, but finally ordered him to be released from his place of torture. They had no sooner taken the thongs from his wrists and 14 CAPTIVITY 01 JOHN ORTIZ. ankles, than they proceeded to wash and dress his wounds, and to do things to make him comfortable. As soon as his wounds were healed, Ortiz was stationed at the entrance of the temple, before mentioned, to guard it against such as were not allowed to enter there ; but espe- cially to guard its being profaned by wild beasts ; for as it was a place of sacrifices, wolves were its constant visitors. He had oot long been in this office, when an event occurred, which threw him into great consternation. Human victims were brought in as sacrifices and deposited here ; and not long after Ortiz had been placed as sentinel, the body of a young Indian was brought and laid upon a kind of sarcophagus, which, from the multitudes that had from time to time been offered there, was surrounded with blood and bones ! a most rueful sight, as ever any eye beheld ! here an arm fresh torn from its place, reeking with blood, another exhibiting but bone and sinews from the mangling jaws of wild beasts ! Such was the place he was ordered to guard, through day and night doomed to sit himself down among this horrible assemblage of the dead. When left alone he reflected that his escape from fire was not so fortunate for him as he had hoped ; for now, his naturally superstitious mind was haunted by the pres- ence of innumerable ghosts, who stalked in every place, and which he had from his youth been taught to believe were capa- ble of doing him all manner of injuries, even to the depriving of life. There was no reflection in those remote ages of the real situation of all the living, in respect to the great valley of death in which all beings are born and nursed, and which no length of years is sufficient to carry them through. Let us for a mo- ment cast our eyes around us. Where are we ? Not in the same temple with Ortiz, but in one equally vast. We can see nothing but death in every place. The very ground we walk upon is composed of the decayed limbs of our own species, with those of a hundred others. A succession of animals have been rising and falling for many thousand years in all parts of the world. They have died all around us in our very places. We do not distinctly behold the hands, the feet, or the bones of them, because they have crumbled to dust beneath our feet. And cannot the ghosts of these as well arise as of those slain yesterday ? The affirmative cannot be denied. As we have said, Ortiz found himself snatched from one dreadful death, only, as he imagined, to be thrust into the jaws of another, yet more terrible. Experience, however, soon proved to him, that the dead, at least those with whom he was forced to dwell, either could or would not send forth their CAPTIVITY OF JOHN ORTIZ. 15 spirits in any other shape than such phantoms as his own mind created, in dreams and reveries. We can accustom ourselves to almost anything, and it was not long before our captive contemplated the dead bodies with v/hich he was surrounded, with about the same indifference as he did the walls of the temple that encompassed them. How long after Ortiz had been placed to guard the temple of sacrifices the following fearful midnight adventure hap- pened, we have no means of stating with certainty, nor is it very material ; it is, however, according to his own account, as follows : A young Indian had been killed and his body placed in this temple. Late one night, Ortiz found it closely invested by wolves, which, in spite of all his efforts, entered the place, and carried away the body of the Indian. The fright and the darkness were so heavy upon Ortiz that he knew not that the body was missing until morning. It appears, however, that he recovered himself, seized a heavy cudgel, which he had pre- pared at hand, and commenced a general attack upon the beasts in the temple, and not only drove them out, but pursued them a good way from the place. In the pursuit he came up with one which he gave a mortal blow, although he did not know it at the time. Having returned from this hazardous adventure to the temple, he impatiently awaited the return of daylight. When the day dawned, great was his distress at the discovery of the loss of the body of the dead Indian, which was especially aggravated, because it was the son of a great chief. When the news of this affair came to the ears of Ucita, he at once resolved to have Ortiz put to death ; but before execut- ing his purpose he sent out several Indians to pursue after the wolves, to recover, if possible, the sacrifice. Contrary to all expectation, the body was found, and not far from it the body of a huge wolf also. When Ucita learned these facts, he coun- termanded the order for his execution. Three long years was Ortiz doomed to watch this wretched temple of the dead. At the end of this time he was relieved only by the overthrow of the power of Ucita. This was ef- fected by a war between the two rival chiefs, Ucita and Mo- coso. The country over which Mocoso reigned was only two days' journey from that of Ucita, and separated from it by a large river or estuary. Mocoso came upon the village of Ucita in the night with an army, and attacked his castle, and took it, and also the rest of his town. Ucita and his people fled from it with all speed, and the warriors of Mocoso burnt it to the ground. Ucita had another village upon the coast, not far from the former, to which he and his people fled, and 16 CAP1IVITY OF JOHN ORTIZ. were not pursued by their enemies. Soon after he had esta- blished himself in his new residence, he resolved upon making a sacrifice of Ortiz. Here again he was wonderfully preserved, by the same kind friend that had delivered him at the begin- ning of his captivity. The daughter of the chief, knowing her intreaties would avail nothing with her father, determined to aid him to make an escape ; accordingly, she had prepared the way for his reception with her father's enemy, Mocoso. She found means to pilot him secretly out of her father's vil- lage, and accompanied him a league or so on his way, and then left him with directions how to proceed to the residence of Mocoso. Having travelled all night as fast as he could, Ortiz found himself next morning upon the borders of the river which bounded the territories of the two rival chiefs. He was now thrown into great trouble, for he could not proceed farther without discovery, two of Mocoso's men being then fishing in the river ; and, although he came as a friend, yet he had no way to make that known to them, not understanding their lan- guage, nor having means wherewith to discover his character by a sign. At length he observed their arms, which they had left at considerable distance from the place where they then were. Therefore, as his only chance of succeeding in his en- terprise, he crept slyly up and seized their arms to prevent their injuring him. When they saw this they fled with all speed towards their town. Ortiz followed them for some dis- tance, trying by language as well as by signs to make them understand that he only wished protection with them, but all in vain, and he gave up the pursuit and waited quietly the result. It was not long before a large party came running armed towards him, and when they approached, he was obliged to cover himself behind trees to avoid their arrows. Never- theless his chance of being killed seemed c^On, and thai very speedily ; but it providentially happened, tnat there was an Indian among them who now surrounded him, who under- stood the language in which he spoke, and thus he was again rescued from another perilous situation. Having now surrendered himself into the hands of the In- dians, four of their number were dispatched to carry the tidings to Mocoso, and to learn his pleasure in regard to the disposition to be made of him ; but instead of sending any word of direc- tion, Mocoso went himself out to meet Ortiz. When he came to him, he expressed great joy at seeing him, and made every profession that he would treat him well. Ortiz, however, had seen enough of Indians to warn him against a too implicit confidence in his pretensions ; and what added in no small degree to his doubts about his future destiny, was this very CAPTIVITY OF JOHN ORTIZ. 17 extraordinary circumstance. Immediately after the preliminary congratulations were over, the chief made him take an oath, " after the manner of Christians," that he would not run away from him to seek out another master ; to which he very readily assented. At the same time Mocoso, on his part, promised Ortiz that he would not only treat him with due kindness, but, that if ever an opportunity offered by which he could return to his own people, he would do all in his power to assist him in it; and, to keep his word inviolate, he swore to what he had promised, " after the manner of the Indians." Nevertheless, our captive looked upon all this in no other light than as a piece of cunning, resorted to by the chief, to make him only a contented slave ; but we shall see by the sequel, that this In- dian chief dealt not in European guile, and that he was actuated only by benevolence of heart. Three years more soon passed over the head of Ortiz, and he experienced nothing but kindness and liberty. He spent his time in wandering over the delightful savannahs of Florida, and through the mazes of the palmetto, and beneath the re- freshing shades of the wide-spreading magnolia pursuing the deer in the twilight of morning, and the scaly fry in the silver lakes in the cool of the evening. In all this time we hear of nothing remarkable that happened to Ortiz, or to the chief or his people. When war or famine does not disturb the quiet of Indians they enjoy themselves to the full extent of their natures perfectly at leisure, and ready to devote days together to the entertainment of themselves, and any travel- lers or friends that may sojourn with them. About the close of the first three years of Ortiz's sojourning with the tribe of Indians under Mocoso, there came startling intelligence into their village, and alarm and anxiety sat im- patiently upon the brow of all the inhabitants. This was occasioned by the arrival of a runner, who gave information that as some of Mocoso's men were in their canoes a great way out at sea fishing, they had discovered ships of the whrte men approaching their coast. Mocoso, after communing with him- self a short time, went to Ortiz with the information, which, when he had imparted it to him, caused peculiar sensations in his breast, and a brief struggle with conflicting feelings ; for one cannot forget his country and kindred, nor can he forget his savior and protector. In short, Mocoso urged him to go to the coast and see if he could make a discovery of the ships. This proceeding on the part of the chief silenced the fears of Ortiz, and he set out upon the discovery ; but when he had spent several days of watchfulness and eager expectation, with- out seeing or gaining any other intelligence of ships, he was 2 18 CAPTIVITY OF JOHN ORTIZ. ready to accuse the chief of practising deception upon him, to try his fidelity ; he was soon satisfied, however, that his sus- picions were without foundation, although no other information was ever gained of ships at that time. At length, when six years more had elapsed, news of a less doubtful character was brought to the village of Mocoso. It was, that some white people had actually landed upon their coast, and had possessed themselves of the village of Ucista, and driven out him and his men. Mocoso immediately im- parted this information to Ortiz, who, presuming it was an idle tale, as upon the former occasion, affected to care nothing for it, and told his chief that no wordly thing would induce him to leave his present master ; but Mocoso persisted, and among arguments advanced this, that he had done his duty, and that if Ortiz would not go out and seek his white brethren, and they should leave the country, and him behind, he could not blame him, and withal seriously confirming the news. In the end he concluded to go out once more, and after thanking his chief for his great kindness, set off, with twelve of his best men whom Mocoso had appointed for his guides, to find the white people. When they had proceeded a considerable part of the way, they came into a plain, and suddenly in sight of a party of 120 men, who proved to be some of those of whom they had heard. When they discovered Ortiz and his men, they pressed towards them in warlike array, and although they made every signal of friendship in their power, yet these white men rushed upon them, barbarously wounding two of them, and the others saved themselves only by flight. Ortiz himself came near being killed. A horseman rushed upon him, knocked him down, and was prevented from dealing a deadly blow only by a timely ejaculation in Spanish which he made. It was in these words : " I am a Christian do not kill me, nor these poor men who have given me my life." It was not until this moment that the soldiers discovered their mistake, of friends for enemies, for Ortiz was, in all ap- pearance, an Indian; and now, with the aid of Ortiz, his attend- ing Indians were collected, and they were all carried to the camp of the white men, each riding behind a soldier upon his horse. Ortiz now found himself among an army of Spaniards, commanded by one Fernando De Soto, who had come into that country with a great armament of 600 men in 7 ships, in search of riches ; an expedition undertaken with great ostentation, raised by the expectation of what it was to afford, but it ended, as all such undertakings should, in disgrace and mortification CAPTIVITY OF JOHN ORTIZ. 19 Soto considered the acquisition of Ortiz of very great impor- tance, for although he could not direct him to any mountains of gold or silver, yet he was acquainted with the language of the Indians, and he kept him with him during his memorable expedition, to act in the capacity of interpreter. It was in the spring of 1543, that the ferocious and savage Soto fell a prey to his misguided ambition. Ortiz had died a few months before, and with him fell the already disappointed hopes of his leader. They had taken up winter quarters at a place called Autiamque, upon the Washita, or perhaps Red River, and it was here that difficulties began to thicken upon them. When in the spring they would march from thence, Soto was grieved, because he had lost so good an interpreter, and readily felt that difficulties were clustering around in a much more formidable array. Hitherto, when they were at a loss for a knowledge of the country, all they had to do was to lie in wait and seize upon some Indian, and Ortiz always could understand enough of the language to relieve them from all perplexity about their course ; but now they had no other interpreter but a young Indian of Cutifachiqui, who understood a little Spanish ; " yet it required sometimes a whole day foi him to explain what Ortiz would have done in four words." At other times he was so entirely misunderstood, that after they had followed his direction through a tedious march of a whole day, they would find themselves obliged to return again to the same place." Such was the value of Ortiz in the expedition of Soto, as that miserable man conceived ; but had not Soto fallen in with him, how different would have been the fate of a multitude of men, Spaniards and Indians. Upon the whole, it is hard to say which was the predominant trait in the character of Soto and his followers, avarice or cruelty. At one time, because their guides had led them out of the way, Moscoso, the successor of Soto, caused them to be hanged upon a tree and there left. Another, in the early part of tho expedition, was saved from the fangs of dogs, at the interfer- ence of Ortiz, because he was the only Indian through whom Ortiz could get information. It is as difficult to decide which was the more superstitious, the Indians or the self-styled " Christian Spaniards ;" for when Soto died a chief came and offered two young Indians to be killed, that they might accom- pany and serve the white man to the world of spirits. An Indian guide being violently seized with some malady, fell senseless to the ground. To raise him, and drive away the devil which they supposed was in him, they read a passage aver his body from the Bible, and he immediately recovered. 21 20 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. Thus we have given all the particulars we can derive from authentic sources of the captivity and death of John Ortiz. Of Solo's expedition, about which many writers of talents and respectability have employed their pens, it was not our inten- tion particularly to speak, but can refer those, whose curiosity would lead them to pursue it, to a new edition of my CHRONI- CLES OF THE INDIANS, shortly to be published ; but for a rapid and splendid glance over that ground, I will refer the reader to the first volume of Mr. Bancroft's History of the United States. And yet if he would go into minute details, there is the work of Mr. John T. Irving, which will leave little else to be looked for. NARRATIVE OP THE CAPTIVITY OF MRS. MARY ROWLANDSON, WIFE OF THE REV. JOSEPH ROWLANDSON, WHO WAS TAKEN PRIS- ONER WHEN LANCASTER WAS DESTROYED, IN THE YEAR '676; WRITTEN BY HERSELF. I print this edition of Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative from the second Lancaster edition, with a selection of the notes to that edition, by JOSEPH 'WILLARD, Esq., which was printed in 1828. Mr. Willard calls his the sixth edition. My own notes are, as in other parts of the work, signed Ed. ON the 10th of February, 1676, came the Indians with great numbers* upon Lancaster: their first coming was about sun- rising. Hearing the noise of some guns, we looked out ; seve- ral houses were burning, and the smoke ascending to heaven. There were five persons taken in one house ; the father and mother, and a sucking child they knocked on the head, the other two they took and carried away alive. There were two others, who, being out of their garrison upon occasion, were set upon, one was knocked on the head, the other escaped. An- other there was, who, running along, was shot and wounded, and fell down ; he begged of them his life, promising them money, as they told me, but they would not hearken to him, but knocked him on the head, stripped him naked, anc 1 split open his bowels. Another, seeing many of the Indians * Fifteen hundred was the number, according to the best authorities. They were the Wamponoags, led by King Philip, accompanied by the Narrhagansetts, his allies, and also by the Nipmucks and Nashaways whom his artful eloquence had persuaded to join with him. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 2V about his barn, ventured and went out, but was quickly shot down. There were three others belonging to the same garri- son who were killed ; the Indians getting up upon the roof of the barn, had advantage to shoot down upon them over their for- tification. Thus these murderous wretches went on burning and destroying all before them. 1 * At length they came and beset our house, and quickly it was the dolefulest day that ever mine eyes saw. The house stood upon the edge of a hill ; t some of the Indians got behind the hill, ethers into the barn, and others behind any thing that would shelter them ; from all which places they shot against the house, so that the bullets seemed to fly like hail, and quick- ly they wounded one man among us, then another, and then a third. About two hours, according to my observation in that amazing time, they had been about the house before they pre- vailed to fire it, which they did with flax and hemp which they brought out of the barn, and there being no defence about the house, only two flankers at two opposite corners, and one of them not finished ; they fired it once, and one ventured out and quenched it, but they quickly fired it again, and that took. Now is the dreadful hour come that I have often heard of in time of the war, as it was the case of others, but now mine eyes see it. Some in our house were fighting for their lives, others wallowing in blood, the house on fire over our heads, and the bloody heathen ready to knock us on the head jf we stirred out. Now might we hear mothers and children crying out for themselves and one another, " Lord, what shall ice do ! " Then I took my children, and one of my sisters [Mrs. Drew] hers to go forth and leave the house, but as soon as we came to the door and appeared, the Indians shot so thick that the bullets rattled against the house as if one had taken a handful of stones and threw them, so that we were forced to give back. * Mr. Willard, in his History of Lancaster, says he cannot ascertain that attacks were made in more than two places previous to that upon Mr. Rowlandson's house ; the first of which was Wheeler's garrison, at Wataqnodoc hill, now south-west part of Bolton. Here they killed Jonas Fairbanks and Joshua his son, fifteen years of age, and Richard Wheeler. Wheeler had been in town about fifteen years. The second was Pres- cott's garrison, near Poignand and Plant's cotton factory. Ephraim Sawyer was killed here ; and Henry Farrar and a Mr. Ball and his wife in other places. f Mr. Rowlandson's house was on the brow of a small hill, on land now owned by Nathaniel Chandler, Esq., about a third of a mile south-west of the meeting-house, on the road leading from the centre of the town to the village called New-Boston, about two rods from the road, which at that time ran near the house. 22 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. We had six stout dogs belonging to our garrison,* but none of them would stir, though at another time if an Indian had come to the door, they were ready to fly upon him and tear him down. The Lord hereby would make us the more to acknow- ledge his hand, and to see that our help is always in him. But out we must go, the fire increasing, and coming along behind us roaring, and the Indians gaping before us with their guns, spears, and hatchets to devour us. No sooner were we out of the house, but my brother-in-law t (being before wounded in defending the house, in or near the throat) fell down dead, whereat the Indians scornfully shouted and hollowed, and were presently upon him, stripping off his clothes. The bullets fly- ing thick, one went through my side, and the same, as would seem, through the bowels and hand of my poor child in my arras. One of my elder sister's children, named William, had then his leg broke, which the Indians perceiving, they knocked him on the head. Thus were we butchered by those merciless heathens, standing amazed, with the blood running down to our heels. My eldest sister t being yet in the house, and see- ing those woful sights, the infidels hailing mothers one way and children another, and some wallowing in their blood ; and her eldest son telling her that her son William was dead, and myself was wounded, she said, " Lord, let me die with them :" which was no sooner said but she was struck with a bullet, and fell down dead over the threshold. I hope she is reaping the fruit of her good labors, being faithful to the service of God in her place. In her younger years she lay under much trouble upon spiritual accounts, till it pleased God to make that precious scripture take hold of her heart, 2 Cor. 12 : 9, " And he said unto me, My grace is sufficient for thee." More than twenty years after, I have heard her tell how sweet and com- fortable that place was to her. But to return : The Indians laid hold of us, pulling me one way and the children another, and said, " Come, go along with us." I told them they would kill me; they answered, If I were willing to go along with them they would not hurt me. Oh ! the doleful sight that now was to behold at this house! Come, behold the works of the Lord, what desolations he has made in the earth. Of thirty-seven persons who were in this * Mr. Rowlandson's house was filled with soldiers and inhabitants, to the number of forty-two. t Thomas Rowlandson, brother to the clergyman. \ Mrs. Kerley, wife of Capt. Henry Kerley, to whom she was married m 1654. 6 We have stated in a previous note that there were forty-two personi MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 23 one house, none escaped either present death, or a bitter cap- tivity, save only one,* who might say as in Job 1 : 15, " And I only am escaped alone to tell the news." There were twelve killed, some shot, some stabbed with their spears, some knock- ed down with their hatchets. When we are in prosperity, Oh the little that we think of such dreadful sights, to see our dear mends and relations lie bleeding out their hearts-blood upon the ground. There was one who was chopt in the head with a hatchet, and stript naked, and yet was crawling up and down. It was a solemn sight to see so many Christians lying in their blood, some here and some there, like a company of sheep torn by wolves ; all of them stript naked by a company of hell-hounds, roaring, singing, ranting, and insulting, as if they would have torn our very hearts out; yet the Lord, by his almighty power, preserved a number of us from death, for there were twenty-four of us taken alive and carried captive. I had often before this said, that if the Indians should come, if should choose rather to be killed by them than taken alive, but when it came to the trial, my mind changed ; their glittering weapons so daunted my spirit, that I chose rather to go along with those (as I may say) ravenous bears, than that moment to end my days. And that I may the better declare what hap- pened to me during that grievous captivity, I shall particularly speak of the several Removes we had up and down the wil- derness. THE FIRST REMOVE. Now away we must go with those barbarous creatures, with our bodies wounded and bleeding, and our hearts no less than our bodies. About a mile we went lhat night, up upon a hill,t within sight of the town, where we intended to lodge. There was hard by a vacant house, de serted by the English before, for fear of the Indians ; I asked them whether I might not lodge in the house that night; to which they answered, "What, will you love Englishmen still ?" This was the dolefulest night that ever my eyes saw. Oh the roaring, and singing, and dancing, and yelling of those black creatures in the night, which made the place a lively resem- .n the house, in which number are included five soldiers not reckoned by Mrs. Rowlandson. * Ephraim Roper, whose wife was killed in attempting to escape. f George Hill, which has been so called for more than one hundred and fifty years. It is said to have taken its name from an Indian whom the English called George, and who had a wigwam upon it. The name in eludes the whole range of the fertile and delightful ridge on the west side of the town, nearly two miles in extent. From the southern part, which is almost a distinct hill, is a fine view of the town and surrounding coon- uy. 24 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. blance of hell. And miserable was the waste that was there made of horses, cattle, sheep, swine, calves, lambs, roasting pigs, and fowls, (which they had plundered in the town,) some roasting, some lying and burning, and some boiling, to feed our merciless enemies ; who were joyful enough, though we were disconsolate. To add to the dolefulness of the former day, nnd the dismalness of the present night, my thoughts ran upon my losses and sad, bereaved condition. All was gone, my hus- band gone,* (at least separated from me, he being in the Bay ; and to add to my grief, the Indians told me they would kill him as he came homeward,) my children gone, my relations and friends gone,t our house and home, and all our comforts within door and without, all was gone, (except my life,) and I knew not but the next moment that might go too. There remained nothing to me but one poor, wounded babe, and it seemed at present worse than death, that it was in such a pitiful condition, bespeaking compassion, and I had no re- freshing for it, nor suitable things to revive it. Little do many think what is the savageness and brutishness of this barbarous enemy, those even that seem to profess more than others among them, when the English have fallen into their hands. Those seven that were killed at Lancaster the summer be- fore upon a Sabbath day, and the one that was afterward killed upon a week-day, were slain and mangled in a barbarous man- ner, by One-eyed John and Marlborough's praying Indians, which Capt. Mosely brought to Boston, as the Indians told me. THE SECOND REMOVE. But now (the next morning) I must turn my back upon the town, and travel with them into the vast and desolate wilderness, I know not whither. It is not my tongue or pen can express the sorrows of my heart, and bitterness of my spirit, that I had at this departure ; but God was with me in a wonderful manner, carrying me along and bearing up my spirit, that it did not quite fail. One of the Indians carried my poor wounded babe upon a horse : it went moaning all along, " I shall die, I shall die" I went on foot after it with sorrow that cannot be expressed. At length I took it off the horse, and carried it in my arms, till my strength failed and I fell down with it. Then they set me upon a horse with my wounded child in my lap, and there being no furniture on the horse's back, as we were going down a steep hill, we both fell * Mr. Rowlandson, with Capt. Kerley and Mr. Drew, were at this time in Boston, soliciting the governor and council for more soldiers, for the protection of the place. f No less than seventeen of Mr. Rowlandson's family were put to death or taken prisoners. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 25 over the horse's head, at which they like inhuman creatures laughed, and rejoiced to see it, though I thought we should there have ended our days, overcome with so many difficulties. But the Lord renewed my strength still, and carried me along, that I might see more of his power, yea, so much that I could never have thought of, had I not experienced it. After this it quickly began to snow, and when night came on they stopt. And now down I must sit in the snow, by a lit- tle fire, and a few boughs behind me, with my sick child in my tap, and calling much for water, being now, through the wound, fallen into a violent fever ; my own wound also growing so stiff, that I could scarce sit down or rise up, yet so it must be, that I must sit all this cold, winter night upon the cold snowy ground, with my sick child in my arms, looking that every hour would be the last of its life, and having no Christian friend near me, either to comfort or help me. Oh, I may see the wonderful power of God, that my spirit did not utterly sink under my affliction ; still the Lord upheld me with his gracious and merciful spirit, and we were both alive to see the light of the next morning. THE THIRD REMOVE. The morning being come, they pre- pared to go on their way ; one of the Indians got upon a horse, and they sat me up behind him, with my poor sick babe in my lap. A very wearisome and tedious day I had of it; what with my own wound, and my child being so exceeding sick, and in a lamentable condition with her wound, it may easily be judged what a poor, feeble condition we were in, there being not the least crumb of refreshing that came within either nf our mouths from Wednesday night to Saturday night, except inly a little cold water. This day in the afternoon^ about an .lour by sun, we came to the place where they intended, viz. an Indian town called Wenimesset, [New Braintree] north- ward of Quabaug, [Brookfield.] When we were come, Oh the number of Pagans, now merciless enemies, that there came about me, that I may say as David, Psal. 27 : 13, " I had faint- ed unless I had believed" &c. The next day was the Sabbath. I then remembered how careless I had been of God's holy time ; how many Sabbaths I had lost and misspent, and how evilly I had walked in God's sight ; which lay so close upon my spirit, that it was easy for me to see how righteous it was with God to cut off the thread of my life, and cast me out of his presence for ever. Yet the Lord still showed mercy to me, and r elped me ; and as he wounded me with one hand, so he healed me with the other. This day there came to me one Robert Pepper, a man belonging to Roxbury, who was taken at Capt. Beers' fight, and had been now a considerable time 26 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. with the Indians, and up with them almost as far as Albany, to see King Philip, as he told me, and was now very lately come into these parts. Hearing, I say, that I was in this In- dian town, he obtained leave to come and see me. He told me he himself was wounded in the leg at Capt. Beers' fight, and was not able some time to go, but as they carried him, and that he took oak leaves and laid to his wound, and by the blessing of God he was able to travel again. Then took I oak leaves and laid to my side, and with the blessing of God it cured me nlso ; yet before the cure was wrought, I may say as it is in Psal. 38: 5, 6, "My wounds stink and are corrupt. I am troubled ; I am bowed down greatly ; I go mourning all the day long." I sat much alone with my poor wounded child in my lap, which moaned night and day, having nothing to revive the body or cheer the spirits of her; but instead of that, one Indian would come and tell me one hour, " Your master will knock your child on the head," and then a second, and then a third, " Your master will quickly knock your child on the head." This was the comfort I had from them ; miserable comfort- ers were they all. Thus nine days I sat upon my knees, with my babe in my lap, till my flesh was raw again. My child being even ready to depart this sorrowful world, they bid me carry it out to another wigwam, I suppose because they would not be troubled with such spectacles ; whither I went with a very heavy heart, and down I sat with the picture of death in my lap. About two hours in the night, my sweet babe like a lamb departed this life, on Feb. 18, 1676, it being about six years and five months old.* It was nine days from the first wounding in this miserable condition, without any refreshing of one nature or another except a little cold water. I cannot but take notice how at another time I could not bear to be in a room where a dead person was, but now the case is changed ; I must and could lie down with my dead babe all the night after. I have thought since of the wonderful goodness of God to me in preserving me so in the use of my reason and senses, in that distressed time, that I did not use wicked and violent means to end my own miserable life. In the morning when they understood that my child was dead, they sent me home to my master's wigwam. By my master in this writing must be understood Quannopin, who was a sagamore, and married King Philip's wife's sister ; not that he first took me, but I was sold to him by a Narraganset Indian, who took me when I first came out of the garrison. I went to take up my dead child * This child's name was Sarah ; born Sept. 15, 1669. MBS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 27 in my arms to carry it with me, but they bid me let it alone. There was no resisting, but go I must and leave it. When I had been awhile at my master's wigwam, I took the first op- portunity I could get to go look after my dead child. "When I came I asked them what they had done with it. They told me it was on the hill.* Then they went and showed me where it was, where I saw the ground was newly digged, and where they told me they had buried it. There I left that child in the wilderness, and must commit it and myself also in this wilderness condition to Him who is above all. God having taken away this dear child, I went to see my daughter Mary, who was at the same Indian town, at a wigwam not very far off, though we had little liberty or opportunity to see one another ; she was about ten years old, and taken from the door at first by a praying Indian, and afterwards sold for a gun. "When I came in sight she would fall a weeping, at which they were provoked, and would not let me come near her, but bid me be gone ; which was a heart-cutting word to me. I had one child dead, another in the wilderness, I knew not where, the third they would not let me come near to; "Me (as he said) have ye bereaved of my children; Joseph is not, and Simeon is not, and ye will take Benjamin also; all these things are against me." I could not sit still in this condition, but kept walking from one place to another ; and as I was going along, my heart was even overwhelmed with the thoughts of my condition, and that I should have children, and a nation that I knew not ruled over them. Whereupon I earnestly entreated the Lord that he would consider my low estate, and show me a token for good, and if it were his blessed will, some sign and hope of some relief. And indeed quickly the Lord answered in some measure my poor prayer ; for as I was going up and down mourning and lamenting my condition, my son [Joseph] came to me and asked me how I did. I had not seen him before since the destruction of the town ; and I knew not where he was, till I was informed by himself that he was among a smaller parcel of Indians, whose place was about six miles off. With tears in his eyes, he asked me whether his sister Sarah was dead, and told me he had seen his sister Mary, and prayed me that I would not be troubled in reference to himself. The occasion of his coming to see me at this time was this : there was, as I said, about six miles from us, a small plantation of Indians, where it seems he had been during his captivity, and at this time there were some forces of the In- * This hill, in the town of New Braintree, ia now known as the burial place of Mrs. Kowlandson's child. 28 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. dians gathered out of our company, and some also from them, amongst whom was my son's master, to go to assault and burn Medfield. In this time of his master's absence his dame brought him to see me. I took this to be some gracious answer to my earnest and unfeigned desire. The next day the Indians returned from Medfield;* all the company, for those thai belonged to the other smaller company came through the town that we now were at ; but before they came to us, Oh the out- rageous roaring and whooping that there was ! they began their din about a mile before they came to us. By their noise and whooping they signified how many they had destroyed ; which was at that time twenty-three. Those that were with us at home were gathered together as soon as they heard the whooping, and every time that the other went over their num- ber, these at home gave a shout, that the very earth rang again. And thus they continued till those that had been upon the expedition were come up to the sagamore's wigwam ; and then Oh the hideous insulting and triumphing that there was over some Englishmen's scalps that they had taken, as their man- ner is, and brought with them. I cannot but take notice of the wonderful mercy of God to me in those afflictions, in sending me a Bible. One of the Indians that came from Medfield fight, and had brought some plunder, came to me, and asked me if 1 would have a Bible ; he had got one in his basket. I was glad of it, and asked him if he thought the Indians would let me read. He answered yes. So I took the Bible, and in that melancholy time it came into my mind to read first the twenty- eighth chapter of Deuteronomy, which I did, and when I had read it my dark heart wrought on this manner : that there was no mercy for me, that the blessings were gone, and the curses came in their room, and that I had lost my opportunity. But the Lord helped me still to go on reading, till I came to chap. 30, the seven first verses ; where I found there was mercy promised again, if we would return to him by repentance ; and though we were scattered from one end of the earth to the other, yet the Lord would gather us together, and turn all those curses upon our enemies. I do not desire to live to forget this scripture, and what comfort it was to me. Now the Indians began to talk of removing from this place, some one way and some another. There were now besides myself nine English captives in this place, all of them children except one woman. I got an opportunity to go and take my leave of them, they being to go one way and I another. I msked them whether they were earnest with God for deliver * Medfield was attacked Feb. 21, (0. S) MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. SJ9 ance. They told me they did as they were able, and it was some comfort to me that the Lord stirred up children to look it him. The woman, viz. goodvvife Joslin.* told me she should never sec me again, and that she could find in her heart to run away by any means, for we were near thirty miles from any English town,t and she very big with child, having but one week to reckon, and another child in her arms two years old ; and bad rivers there were to go over, and we were feeble with our poor and coarse entertainment. I had my Bible with me. I pulled it out, and asked her whether she would read. We opened the Bible, and lighted on Psalm 27, in which Psalm we especially took notice of that verse, " Wait on the Lord, be of good courage, and he shall strengthen thine heart ; wait I say on the Lord." THE FOURTH REMOVE. And now must I part with the little company I had. Here I parted with my daughter Mary,1 whom I never saw again till I saw her in Dorchester, returned from captivity, and from four little cousins and neighbors, some of which I never saw afterward ; the Lord only knows the end of them. Among them also was that poor woman before men- tioned, who came to a sad end, as some of the company told me in my travel. She having much grief upon her spirits about her miserable condition, being so near her time, she would be often asking the Indians to let her go home. They not being willing to that, and yet vexed with her importunity, gathered a great company together about her, and stript her naked and set her in the midst of them ; and when they had sung and danced about her in their hellish manner as long as they pleased, they knocked her on the head, and the child in her arms with her. When they had done that, they made a fire and put them both into it, and told the other children that were with them, that if they attempted to go home they would serve them in like manner. The children said she did not shed one tear, but prayed all the while. But to turn to my own journey. We travelled about a half a day or a little more, and came to a desolate place in the wilderness, where there were no wigwams or inhabitants before. We came about the middle of the afternoon to this place, cold, wet, and snowy, and hungry, and weary, and no refreshing for man, but the cold ground to sit on, and our poor Indian cheer. * Abraham Joslin's wife. f This was true at that time, as Brookfield, (Quaboag,) within a few miles of "Wenimesset, was destroyed by the Indians in August, 1675, The nearest towns were those on Connecticut river. tBorn August 12, 1665. 3* 30 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. Heart-aching thoughts here I had about my poor children, who were scattered up and down among the wild beasts of the forest. My head was light and dizzy, either through hunger or bad lodging, or trouble, or all together, my knees feeble, my body raw by sitting double night and day, that I cannot ex- press to man the affliction that lay upon my spirit, but the Lord helped me at that time to express it to himself. I 1 open- ed my Bible to read, and the Lord brought that precious scrip- ture to me, Jer. 31 : 16, " Thus saith the Lord, refrain thy voice from weeping, and thine eyes from tears, for thy work shall be rewarded, and they shall come again from the land of the enemy." This was a sweet cordial to me when I was ready to faint. Many and many a time have I sat down and wept sweetly over this scripture. At this place we continued about four days. THE FIFTH REMOVE. The occasion, as I thought, of their removing at this time, was the English army's being near and following them ; for they went as if they had gone for their lives for some considerable way ; and then they made a stop, and chose out some of their stoutest men, and sent them back to hold the English army in play whilst the rest escaped ; and then, like Jehu, they marched on furiously, with their old and young : some carried their old, decrepit mothers, some carried one, and some another. Four of them carried a great Indian upon a bier ; but going through a thick wood with him, they were hindered, and could make no haste ; whereupon they took him upon their backs, and carried him one at a time, till we came to Bacquag* river. Upon Friday, a little after noon, we came to this river. When all the company was come up and were gathered together, I thought to count the number of them, but they were so many, and being somewhat in motion, it was beyond my skill. In this travel, because of my wound, I was somewhat favored in my load. I carried only my knitting- work, and two quarts of parched meal. Being very faint, I asked my mistress to give me one spoonful of the meal, but she would not give me a taste. They quickly fell to cutting dry trees, to make rafts to carry them over the river, and soon my turn came to go over. By the advantage of some brush which they had laid upon the raft to sit on, I did not wet my foot, while many of themselves at the other end were mid-leg deep, which cannot but be acknowledged as a favor of God to my weakened body, it being a very cold time. I was not be- fore acquainted with such kind of doings or dangers. " When * Or Payquage. now Miller's river. It empties into the Connecticut, between Northfieid and Montague. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 31 thou passetk through the waters I will be with thee, and through the rivers they shall not overflow thee" Isa. 43 : 2. A certain number of us got over the river that night, but it was the night after the Sabbath before all the company was got over. On the Saturday they boiled an old horse's leg which they had got, and so we drank of the broth, as soon as they thought it was ready, and when it was almost all gone they filled it up again. The first week of my being among them, I hardly eat any thing ; the second week I found my stomach grow very faint for want of something, and yet it was very hard to get down their filthy trash ; but the third week, though I could think how formerly my stomach would turn against this or that, and I could starve and die before I could eat such things, yet they were pleasant and savory to my taste. I was at this time knit- ting a pair of white cotton stockings for my mistress, and I had not yet wrought upon the Sabbath day. When the Sabbath came, they bid me go to work. I told them it was Sabbath day, and desired them to let me rest, and told them I would do as much more work to-morrow ; to which they answered me they would break my face. And here I cannot but take notice of the strange providence of God in preserving the heathen. They were many hundreds, old and young, some sick, and some lame ; many had papooses at their backs ; the greatest number at this time with us were squaws ; and yet they tra- velled with all they had, bag and baggage, and they got over this river aforesaid ; and on Monday they sat their wigwams on fire, and away they went. On that very day came the English army after them to this river, and saw the smoke of their wigwams, and yet this river put a stop to them. God did not give them courage or activity to go over after us. We were not ready for so great a mercy as victory and deliverance ; if we had been, God would have found out a way for the English to have passed this river, as well as for the Indians, with their squaws and children, and all their luggage. " O that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways ; I should soon have subdued their enemies, and turned my hand against their adversaries" Psal. 81 : 13, 14. THE SIXTH REMOVE. On Monday, as I said, they set their wigwams on fire, and went away. It was a cold morning, and before us there was a great brook with ice on it. Some waded through it up to the knees and higher, but others went till they came to a beaver dam, and I amongst them, where, through the good providence of God, I did not wet my foot. I went along that day mourning and lamenting, leaving farther my own country, and travelling farther into the vast anrt howling 32 MRS. ROWLANPSON'S CAPTIVITY. wilderness, and I understood something of Lot's wife's temp- tation when she looked back. We came that day to u great swamp, by the side of which we took up our lodging that night. When we came to the brow of the hill that looked to- ward the swamp, I thought we had been come to a great Indian town, though there were none but our own company; the In- dians were as thick as the trees ; it seemed as if there had been a thousand hatchets going at once. If one looked before one there was nothing but Indians, and behind one nothing but Indians ; and so on either hand ; and I myself in the midst, and no Christian soul near me, and yet how hath the Lord preserved me in safety ! Oh the experience that I have had of the goodness of God to me and mine ! THE SEVENTH REMOVE. After a restless and hungry night there, we had a wearisome time of it the next day. The swamp by which we lay was as it were a deep dungeon, and an exceeding high and steep hill before it. Before I got to the top of the hill, I thought my heart and legs and all would have broken and failed me. What through faintness and soreness of body, it was a grievous day of travel to me. As we went along, I saw a place where English cattle had been. That was a com- fort to me, such as it was. Quickly after that we came to an English path, which so took me that I thought I could there have freely lain down and died. That day, a little after noon, we came to Squaheag,* where the Indians quickly spread themselves over the deserted English fields, gleaning what they could find. Some picked up ears of wheat that were crickled down, some found ears of Indian corn, some found ground- nuts, and others sheaves of wheat that were frozen together in the shock, and went to threshing of them out. Myself got two ears of Indian corn, and whilst I did but turn my back, one of them was stole from me, which much troubled me. There came an Indian to them at that time, with a basket of horse- liver. I asked him to give me a piece. " What," says he, t: can you eat horse-liver ? " I told him I would try, if he would give me a piece, which he did ; and I laid it on the coals to roast ; but before it was half ready, they got half of it away from me ; so that I was forced to take the rest and eat it as it was, with the blood about my mouth, and yet a savory bit it was to me ; for to the hungry soul every bitter thing was sweet. A solemn sight methought it was, to see whole fields of wheat and Indian corn forsaken and spoiled, and the remainder of them to be food for our merciless enemies. That night we had a mess of wheat for our supper. * Or Squakeag, now Northfield. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 33 THE EIGHTH REMOVE. On the morrow morning we must go over Connecticut river, to meet with King Philip. Two canoes full they had carried over ; the next turn myself was to go ; but as my foot was upon the canoe to step in, there was a sudden outcry among them, and I must step back ; and instead of going over the river, I must go four or five miles up the river farther northward. Some of the Indians ran one way, and some another. The cause of this rout was, as I thought, their espying some English scouts, who were thereabouts. In this travel up the river, about noon the company made a stop, and sat down, some to eat and others to rest them. As I sat amongst them, musing on things past, my son Joseph unex- pectedly came to me. We asked of each other's welfare, be- moaning our doleful condition, and the change that had come upon us. We had husband and father, and children and sis- ters, and friends and relations, and house and home, and many comforts of this life ; but now we might say as Job, " Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shall I return. The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away ; blessed be the name of the Lord." I asked him whether he would read. He told me he earnestly desired it. I gave him my Bible, and he lighted upon that comfortable scripture, Psalm 118: 17, 18, "I shall not die, but live, and declare the works of the Lord. The Lord hath chastened me sore, yet he hath not given me over to death." " Look here, mother," says he, " did you read this ?" And here I may take occasion to mention one principal ground of my setting forth these lines, even as the Psalmist says, to declare the works of the Lord, and his wonderful power in carrying us along, preserving us in the wilderness while under the enemy's hand, and returning of us in safety again ; and his goodness in bringing to my hand so many comfortable and suitable scriptures in my distress. But to return. We travelled on till night, and in the morn- ing we must go over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but be amazed at the numerous crew of Pagans that were on the bank on the other side. When I came ashore, they gathered all about me, I sitting alone in the midst. I observed they asked one another questions, and laughed, and rejoiced over their gains and victories. Then my heart began to fail, and I fell a weeping; which was the first time, to my remembrance, that I wept before them. Al- though I had met with so much affliction, and my heart was many times ready to break, yet could I not shed one tear in their sight, but rather had been all this while in a maze, and like one astonished ; but now I may say as Psal. 137 : 1, " By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, 3 34 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. when we remembered Zion." There one of them asked me why I wept. I could hardly tell what to say ; yet I answered, they would kill me. " No," said he, " none will hurt you." Then came one of them, and gave me two spoonfuls of meal, to comfort me, and another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip. He bade me come in and sit do wn, and asked me whether I would smoke it a usual compliment now-a-days among the saints and sinners ; but this noway suited me ; for though I had formerly used tobacco, yet I had left it ever since I was first taken. It seems to be a bait the devil lays to make men lose their precious time. I remember with shame how formerly, when I had taken two or three pipes, I was presently ready for another, such a bewitching thing it is ; but I thank God, he has now given me power over it. Surely there are many who may be better employed than to sit sucking a stinking tobacco-pipe. Now the Indians gathered their forces to go against Nort ampton. Over night one went about yelling and hooting to give notice of the design. Whereupon they went to boiling of ground-nuts and parching corn, as many as had it, for 'heir provision ; and in the morning away they went. During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for his boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling I offered the money to my mistress, but she bid me keep it, and with it I bought a piece of horse-flesh. Afterward he asked" me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner. 1 went, and he gave me a pancake about as big as two fin- gers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bear's grease, but I thought I never tasted p.easanter meat in my life. There was a squaw who spake to me to make a shirt for her Sannup ; for which she gave me a piece of beef. An- other asked me to knit a pair of stockings, for which she gave me a quart of peas. I boiled my peas and beef together, and invited my master and mistress to dinner ; but the proud gos- sip, because I served them both in one dish, would eat nothing, except one bit that he gave her upon the point of his knife. Hearing that my son was come to this place, I went to see him, and found him lying flat on the ground. I asked him how he could sleep so. He answered me that he was not asleep, but at prayer, and that he lay so that they might not observe what he was doing. I pray God he may remember these things now he is returned in safety. At this place, the sun now get- ting higher, what with the beams and heat of the sun and smoke of the wigwams, I thought I should have been blinded. I could scarce discern one wigwam from another. There va? MRS. KOWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 35 one Mary Thurston, of Medfield, who, seeing how it was with me, lent me a hat to wear ; but as soon as I was gone, the squaw that owned that Mary Thurston came running after me, and got it away again. Here was a squaw who gave me a spoonful of meal ; I put it in my pocket to keep it safe, yet notwithstanding somebody stole it, but put five Indian corns in the room of it ; which corns were the greatest provision I had in my travel for one day. The Indians returning from Northampton * brought with them some horses, and sheep, and other things which they had taken. I desired them that they would carry me to Albany upon one of those horses, and sell me for powder ; for so they had sometimes discoursed. I was utterly helpless of getting home on foot, the way that I came. I could hardly bear to think of the many weary steps I had taken to this place. TE-E NINTH REMOVE. But instead of either going to Al- bany or homeward, we must go five miles up the river, and then go over it. Here we abode a while. Here lived a sorry Indian, who spake to me to make him a shirt ; when I had done it he would pay me nothing for it. But he living by the river-side, where I often went to fetch water, I would often be putting him in mind, and calling for my pay ; at last he told me, if I would make another shirt for a papoose not yet born, he would give me a knife, which he did when I had done it. I carried the knife in, and my master asked me to give it him, and I was not a little glad that I had anything that they would accept of and be pleased with. When we were at this place, my master's /naid came home : she had been gone three weeks into the Narragansett country to fetch corn, where they had stored up some in the ground. She brought home about a peck and a half of corn. This was about the time that their great captain, NaonantoJ was killed in the Narragansett country. My son being now about a mile from me, I asked liberty to go and see him. They bid me go, and away I went ; but quick- ly lost myself, travelling over hills and through swamps, and could not find the way to him. And I cannot but admire at the wonderful power and goodness of God to me, in that though I was gone from home and met with all sorts of Indians, and those I had no knowledge of, and there being no Christian soul near me, yet not one of them offered the least imaginable miscarriage to me. I turned homeward again, and met with my master, and he showed me the way to my son. When I came to him, I found him not well ; and withal he had a boil on his side which much * Northampton was attacked March 14, 1676. t Nanuntennoo. He was taken April 6th, 1676. See Book of the Ift dians, Book iii. 49, 50. Ed. 22 .% MRS. KOWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. troubled him. We bemoaned one another a while, as the Lord helped us, and then I returned again. When I was returned, I found myself as unsatisfied as I was before. I went up and down mourning and lamenting, and my spirit was ready to sink with the thoughts of my poor children. My son was ill, and 1 could not but think of his mournful looks, having no Christian friend near him, to do any office of love to him, either for soul or body. And my poor girl, I knew not where she was, nor whether she was sick or well, alive or dead. I repaired under these thoughts to my Bible, (my great comforter in that time,) and that scripture came to my hand, " Cast thy burden upon, the Lord, and he shall sustain thee." Psal. 55 : 22. But I was fain to go look after something to satisfy my hunger ; and going among the wigwams, I went into one, an' 3 there found a squaw who showed herself very kind to me, and gave me a piece of bear. I put it into my pocket and came home ; but could not find an opportunity to broil it, for fear they should get it from me. And there it lay all the day and night in my stinking pocket. In the morning, I went again to the same squaw, who had a kettle of ground-nuts boiling. I asked her to let me boil my piece of bear in the kettle, which she did, and gave me some ground-nuts to eat with it ; and I cannot but think how pleasant it was to me. I have sometimes seen bear baked handsomely amongst the English, and some liked it, but the thoughts that it was bear made me tremble. But now, that was savory to me that one would think was enough to turn the stomach of a brute creature. One bitter cold day, I could find no room to sit down before the fire. I went out, and could not tell what to do, but I went into another wigwam, where they were also sitting round the fire ; but the squaw laid a skin for me, and bid me sit down, and gave me some ground-nuts, and bid me come again, and told me they would buy me if they were able. And yet these were strangers to me that I never knew before. THE TENTH REMOVE. That day a small part of the com- pany removed about three quarters of a mile, intending farther the next day. When they came to the place they intended to lodge, and had pitched their wigwams, being hungry, I went again back to the place we were before at, to get something to eat ; being encouraged by the squaw's kindness, who bid me come again. When I was there, there came an Indian to look after me ; who, when he had found me, kicked me all along. I went home and found venison roasting that night, but they would not give me one bit of it. Sometimes I met with favor, and sometimes with nothing but frowns. THE ELEVENTH REMOVE. The next day in the morning, MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 37 they took their travel, intending a day's journey up the river , I took my load at my back, and quickly we came to wade over a river, and passed over tiresome and wearisome hills. One hill was so steep, that I was fain to creep up upon my knees, and to hold by the twigs and bushes to keep myself from falling backward. My head also was so light that I usually reeled as I went. But I hope all those wearisome steps that I have taken are but a forwarding of me to the heavenly rest. " / know, O Lord, that thy judgments are right, and that thou in faithfulness hath afflicted me" Psalm 119: 75. THE TWELFTH REMOVE. It was upon a Sabbath-day morn- ing that they prepared for their travel. This morning I asked my master whether he would sell me to my husband ; he an- swered, nux ; which did much rejoice my spirits. My mistress, before we went, was gone to the burial of a papoos, and return- ing, she found me sitting and reading in my Bible. She snatched it hastily out of my hand and threw it out of doors. I ran out and caught it up, and put it in my pocket, and never let her see it afterwards. Then they packed up their things to be gone, and gave me my load ; I complained it was too heavy, whereupon she gave me a slap on the face and bid me be gone. I lifted up my heart to God, hoping that redemption was not far off; and the rather because their insolence grew worse and worse. But thoughts of my going homeward, for so we bent our course, much cheered my spirit, and made my burden seem light, and almost nothing at all. But, to my amazement and great perplexity, the scale was soon turned ; for when we had got a little way, on a sudden my mistress gave out she would go no further, but turn back again, and said I must go back again with her ; and she called her sannup, and would have had him go back also, but he would not, but said he would go on, and come to us again in three days. My spirit was upon this, I confess, very impatient, and almost outrageous. I thought I could as well have died as went back. I cannot declare the trouble that I was in about it ; back again I must go. As soon as I had an opportunity, I took my Bible to read, and that qui- eting scripture came to my hand, Psalm 46 : 10, " Be still, and know that I am God;" which stilled my spirit for the present; but a sore time of trial I concluded I had to go through; my master being gone, who seemed to me the best friend I had of an Indian, both in cold and hunger, and quickly so it proved. Down I sat, with my heart as full as it could hold, and yet so hungry that I could not sit neither. But going out to see what I could find, and walking among the trees, I found six acorns and two chesnuts, which were some refreshment to me. To- 4 38 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. wards night I gathered me some sticks for my own comfort, that I might not lie cold ; but when we came to lie down, they bid me go out and lie somewhere else, for they had company, they said come in more than their own. I told them I could not tell where to go ; they bid me go look ; I told them if I went to another wigwam they would be angry and send me home again. Then one of the company drew his sword and told me he would run me through if I did not go presently. Then was I fain to stoop to this rude fellow, and go out in the night I knew not whither. Mine eyes hath seen that fellow afterwards walking up and down in Boston, under the appear- ance of a friendly Indian, and several others of the like cut. i went to one wigwam, and they told me they had no room. Then I went to another, and they said the same. At last, an old Indian bid me come to him, and his squaw gave me some ground-nuts ; she gave me also something to lay under my head, and a good fire we had ; through the good providence of God, I had a comfortable lodging that night. In the morn- ing, another Indian bid me come at night and he would give me six ground-nuts, which I did. We were at this place and time about two miles from Connecticut river. We went in the morning, to gather ground-nuts, to the river, and went back again at night. I went with a great load at my back, for they when they went, though but a little way, would carry all their irumpery with them. I told them the skin was off my back, but I had no other comforting answer from them than this, that .t would be no matter if my head was off too. THE THIRTEENTH REMOVE. Instead of going towards the day, which was what I desired, I must go with them five or six miles down the river, into a mighty thicket of brush ; where we abode almost a fortnight. Here one asked me to make a ^hirt for her papoos, for which she gave me a mess of broth, which was thickened with meal made of the bark of a tree ; and to make it better she had put into it about a handful of peas, and a few roasted ground-nuts. I had not seen my son a pretty while, and here was an Indian of whom I made enqui- ry after him, and asked him when he saw him. He answered me, that such a time his master roasted him, and that himself did eat a piece of him as big as his two fingers, and that he was very good meat. But the Lord upheld my spirit under this discouragement ; and I considered their horrible addicted- ness to lying, and that there is not one of them that makes the least conscience of speaking the truth. In this place, one cold night, as I lay by the fire, I removed a stick which kept the heat from me ; a squaw moved it down again, at which I looked up, and she threw an handful of ashes MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 39 in my eyes ; I thought I should have been quite 'hlinded and never have seen more ; but, lying down, the water ran out of my eyes, and carried the dirt with it, that by the morning I recovered my sight again. Yet upon this, and the like occa- sions, I hope it is not too much to say with Job, " Have pity upon me, have pity upon me, O ye my friends, for the hand of the LORD has touched me." And here, I cannot but remem- ber how many times, sitting in their wigwams, and musing on things past, I should suddenly leap up and run out, as if I had been at home, forgetting where I was, and what my condition was ; but when I was without, and saw nothing but wilderness and woods, and a company of barbarous heathen, my mind quickly returned to me, which made me think of that spoken concerning Samson, who said, " I will go out and shake myself as at other times, but he wist not that the Lord was departed from him." About this time I began to think that all my hopes of resto- ration would come to nothing. I thought of the English army, and hoped for their coming, and being retaken by them, but that failed. I hoped to be carried to Albany, as the Indians had discoursed, but that failed also. I thought of being sold to my husband, as my master spake ; but instead of that, my master himself was gone, and I left behind, so that my spirit was now quite ready to sink. I asked them to let me go out and pick up some sticks, that I might get alone, and pour out my heart unto the Lord. Then also I took my Bible to read, but I found no comfort here neither ; yet, I can say in all my sorrows and afflictions, God did not leave me to have any im- patient work toward himself, as if his ways were unrighteous ; but I knew that he laid upon me less than I deserved. After- ward, before this doleful time ended with me, I was turning the leaves of my Bible, and the Lord brought to me some scripture which did a little revive me ; as that, Isa. 55 : 8, "For my thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are my ways your ways, saith the Lord" And also that, Psalm 37 : 5, "Commit thy ways unto the Lord, trust also in him, and he shall bring it to pass." About this time, they came yelping from Hadley,* having there killed three Englishmen, and brought one captive with them, viz. Thomas Reed. They all gathered about the poor man, asking him many questions. I desired also to go and see him ; and when I came, he was crying bitterly, supposing * In the beginning of April, a number of the inhabitants of Hadley having ventured out some distance from the guard, for the purpose of til lage, were attacked by the Indians, and three of them killed. 40 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTP. .TY. they would quickly kill him. Whereupon I aske t one of th?m whether they intended to kill him ; he answered me they would not. He being a little cheered with that, I asked him about the welfare of my husband ; he told me he saw him such a time in the Bay, and he was well, but very melancholy. By which I certainly understood, though I suspected it before, that whatsoever the Indians told me respecting him was vanity and lies. Some of them told me he was dead, and they had killed him ; some said he was married again, and that the governor wished him to marry, and told him that he should have his choice ; and that all persuaded him tnat I was dead. So like were these barbarous creatures to him who was a liar from the beginning. As I was sitting once in the wigwam here, Philip's maid came with the child in her arms, and asked me to give her a piece of my apron to make a flap for it. I told her I would not ; then my mistress bid me give it, but I still said no ; the maid told me if I would not give her a piece, she would teai a piece off it. I told her I would tear her coat then : with that my mistress rises up, and takes up a stick big enough to have killed me, and struck at me with it, but I slept out, and she struck the stick into the mat of the wigwam. But while she was pulling it out, I ran to the maid, and gave her all my apron ; and so that storm went over. Hearing that my son was come to this place, I went to see him, and told him his father was well, but very melancholy He told me he was as much grieved for his father as for him- self. I wondered at his speech, for I thought I had enough upon my spirit, in reference to myself, to make me mindless of my husband and every one else, they being safe among their friends. He told me also, that a while before, his master, to- gether with other Indians, were going to the French for powder; but by the way the Mohawks met with them, and killed four of their company, which made the rest turn back again ; for which I desire that myself and he may ever bless the Lord ; for it might have been worse with him had he been sold to the French, than it proved to be in his remaining with the Indians I went to see an English youth in this place, one John Gil- bert, of Springfield. I found him laying without doors upon the ground. Tasked him how he did ; he told me he was very sick of a flux with eating so much blood. They had turned him out of the wigwam, and with him an Indian papoos, almost dead, (whose parents had been killed,) in a bitter cold day, without fire or clothes ; the young man himself had nothing on but his shirt and waistcoat. This sight was enough to melt a heart of flint. There they lay quivering in the cold, MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 41 the youth round like a dog, the papoos stretched out, with his eyes, nose, and mouth full of dirt, and yet alive, and groaning. I advised John to go and get to some fire ; he told me he could not stand, but I persuaded him still, lest he should lie there and die. And with much ado I got him to a fire, and went myself home. As soon as I was got home, his master's daugh- .er came after me, to know what I had done with the English- man ; I told her I had got him to a fire in such a place. Now had I need to pray Paul's prayer, 2 Thess. 3 : 2, " that we may be delivered from unreasonable and wicked men." For her satisfaction I went along with her, and brought her to him ; but before I got home again, it was noised about that I was running away, and getting the English youth along with me , that as soon as I came in, they began to rant and domineer, asking me where I had been, and what I had been doing, and saying they would knock me on the head. I told them I had been seeing the English youth, and that I would not run away. They told me I lied, and getting up a hatchet, they came to me and said they would knock me down if I stirred out again ; and so confined me to the wigwam. Now may I say with David, 2 Sam. 24 : 14, " I am in a great strait." If I keep in, I must die with hunger ; and if I go out, I must be knocked on the head. This distressed condition held that day, and half the next ; and then the Lord remembered me, whose mercies are great. Then came an Indian to me with a pair of stock- ings which were too big for him, and he would have me ravel them out, and knit them fit for him. I showed myself willing, and bid him ask my mistress if I might go along witr him a little way. She said yes, I might ; but I was not a little refreshed with that news, that I had my liberty again. Then I went along with him, and he gave me some roasted ground, nuts, which did again revive my feeble stomach. Being got out of her sight, I had time and liberty again to look into my Bible, which was rny guide by day, and my pil- low by night. Now that comfortable scripture presented itself to me, Isa. 45 : 7, " For a small moment have I forsaken thee, but with great mercies will I gather thee." Thus the Lord carried me along from one time to another, and made good to me this precious promise and many others. Then my son came to see me, and I asked his master to let him stay a while with me, that I might comb his head and look over him, for he was almost overcome with lice. He told me when I had done that he was very hungry, but I had nothing to relieve him, but bid him go into the wigwams as he went along, and see if he could get any thing among them ; which he did, and, it seems, tarried a little too long, for his master was angry with him, and 42 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. beat him, and then sold him. Then he came running to tejl me he had a new master, and that he had given him some ground-nuts already. Then I went along with him to his new master, who told me he loved him, and he should not want. So his master carried him away ; and I never saw him after- ward, till I saw him at Piscataqua, in Portsmouth. That night they bid me go out of the wigwam again ; my mistress's papoos was sick, and it died that night ; and there was one benefit in it, that there was more room. I went to a wigwam and they bid me come in, and gave me a skin to lie upon, and a mess of venison and ground-nuts, which was a choice dish among them. On the morrow they buried the papoos ; and afterward, both morning and evening, there came a company to mourn and howl with her ; though I confess I could not much condole with them. Many sorrowful days I had in this place ; often getting alone, " like a crane or a swallow, so did I chatter ; I did mourn 2s a dove; mine eyes fail with looking upward. O Lord, I am oppressed, undertake for me" Isa. 38 : 14. I could tell the Lord as Hezekiah, ver. 3, " Remember now, O Lord, I beseech thee, how I have walked be- fore thee in truth" Now had I time to examine all my ways. My conscience did not accuse me of unrighteousness towards one or another ; yet I saw how in my walk with God I had been a careless creature. As David said, " against thee only have 1 sinned." And I might say with the poor publican, " God be merciful unto me a sinner." Upon the Sabbath days I could look upon the sun, and think how people were going to the house of God to have their souls refreshed, and then home and their bodies also ; but 1 was destitute of both, and might say as the poor prodigal, " He would fain have filled his belly with the husks that the swine did eat, and no man gave unto him." Luke 15: 16. For I must say with him, "Father, I have sin- ned against heaven and in thy sight." Ver. 21. I remember how on the night before and after the Sabbath, when my fam- ily was about me, and relations and neighbors with us, we could pray, and sing, and refresh our bodies with the good creatures of God, and then have a comfortable bed to lie down on ; but instead of all this, I had only a little swill for the body, and then, like a swine, must lie down on the ground. I cannot express to man the sorrow that lay upon my spirit, the Lord knows it. Yet that comfortable scripture would often come to my mind, " For a small moment have I forsaken thee, but with great mercies will I gather thee." THE FOURTEENTH REMOVE. Now must we pack up and be jone from this thicket, bending our course towards the Bay towns ; I having nothing to eat by the way this day but a few MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 43 crums of cake that an Indian gave my girl the same day we were taken. She gave it me, and I put it in my pocket. There it lay, till it was so mouldy, for want of good baking, that one could not tell what it was made of; it fell all into crums, and grew so dry and hard that it was like little flints ; and this refreshed me many times when I was ready to faint. It was in my thoughts when I put it to my mouth, that if ever I returned I would tell the world what a blessing the Lord gave to such mean food. As we went along, they killed a deer, with a young one in her. They gave me a piece of the fawn, and it was so young and tender that one might eat the bones as well as the flesh, and yet I thought it very good. When night came on we sat down. It rained, but they quickly got up a bark wigwam, where I lay dry that night. I looked out in the morning, and many of them had lain in the rain all night, I knew by their reeking. Thus the Lord dealt merci- fully with me many times, and I fared better than many of them. In the morning they took the blood of the deer, and put it into the paunch, and so boiled it. I could eat nothing of that, though they eat it sweetly. And yet they were so nice in other things, that when I had fetched water, and had put the dish I dipped the water with into the kettle of water which I brought, they would say they would knock me down, for they said it was a sluttish trick. THE FIFTEENTH REMOVE. We went on our travel. I hav- ing got a handful of ground-nuts for my support that day, they gave me my load, and I went on cheerfully, with the thoughts of going homeward, having my burthen more upon my back than my spirit We came to Baquaug river again that day, near which we abode a few days. Sometimes one of them would give me a pipe, another a little tobacco, another a little salt, which I would change for victuals. I cannot but think what a wolfish appetite persons have in a starving con- dition ; for many times, when they gave me that which was hot, I was so greedy, that I should burn my mouth, that it would trouble me many hours after, and yet I should quickly do the like again. And after I was thoroughly hungry, I was never again satisfied ; for though it sometimes fell out that I had got enough, and did eat till I could eat no more, yet I was as, unsatisfied as I was when I began. And now could I see that scripture verified, there being many scriptures that we do not take notice of or understand till we are afflicted, Mic. 6 : 14, " Thou shalt eat and not be satisfied." Now might I see more than ever before the miseries that sin hath brought upon us. Many times I should be ready to run out against the heathen, but that scripture would quiet me again, Amos 3 : 6, " Shall 44 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. there be evil in the city, and the Lord hath not done it 9 " The Lord help me to make a right improvement of his word, that 1 might learn that great lesson, Mic. 6 : 8, 9, " He hath shotted *hee, O man, what is good ; and what doth the Lord require of free, but to do justly and love mercy, and walk humbly with thy jod? Hear ye the rod, and who hath appointed it." THE SIXTEENTH REMOVE. We began this remove with Wading over Baquaug river. The water was up to our knees, and the stream very swift, and so cold that I thought it would have cut me in sunder. I was so weak and feeble that I reeled as I went along, and thought there I must end my days at last, after my bearing and getting through so many difficulties. The Indians stood laughing to see me staggering along, but in ay distress the Lord gave me experience of the truth and goodness of that promise, Isa. 43: 2, ''When thou passeth through the water I ivill be with thee, and through the rivers, they shall not overflow thee." Then I sat down to put on my stockings and shoes, with the tears running down my eyes, and many sorrowful thoughts in my heart. But I got up to go along with them. Quickly there came up to us an Indian who informed them that I must go to Wachuset* to my mas- ter, for there was a letter come from the council to the saga- mores about redeeming the captives, and that there would be another in fourteen days, and that I must be there ready. My heart was so heavy before that I could scarce speak or go in the path, and yet now so light that I could run. My strength seemed to come again, and to recruit my feeble knees and aching heart ; yet it pleased them to go but one mile that night, and there we staid two days. In that time came a com- pany of Indians to us, near thirty, all on horseback. My heart skipped within me, thinking they had been Englishmen, at the first sight of them ; for they were dressed in English apparel, with hats, white neckcloths, and sashes about their waists, and ribbons upon their shoulders. But when they came near there was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians and the foul looks of those heathen, which much damped my spirits again. THE SEVENTEENTH REMOVE. A comfortable remove it was to me, because of my hopes. They gave me my pack and along we went cheerfully. But quickly my will proved more * Princeton. The mountain in this town still retains the name of Wa- chuset, notwithstanding a recent attempt to change it to Mount Adams. [I venerate the name of Adams, but I must protest against the heathen- like practice of destroying the old names of places. The interior of New York deserves to be chastised by an earthquake for such libellous con- duct. Ed.] MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 45 than my strength ; having little or no refreshment, my strength failed, and my spirits were almost quite gone. Now may I say as David, Psal. 109 : 22, 23, 24, "/ am poor and needy, and my heart is wounded within me. I am gone like a shadow when it declineth. I am tossed up and down like the locust. My knees are weak through fasting, and my Jlesh faileth of fat- ness." At night we came to an Indian town, and the Indians sat down by a wigwam discoursing, but I was almost spent and could scarce speak. I laid down my load and went into the wigwam, and there sat an Indian boiling of horse-feet, they being wont to eat the flesh first, and when the feet were old and dried, and they had nothing else, they would cut off the feet and use them. I asked him to give me a little of his broth, or water they were boiling it in. He took a dish and gave me one spoonful of samp, and bid me take as much of the broth as I would. Then I put some of the hot water to the samp, and drank it up, and my spirits came again. He gave me also a piece of the ruffe, or ridding of the small guts, and I broiled it on the coals ; and now I may say with Jona- than, "See, I pray you, how mine eyes are enlightened because I tasted a little of this honey" 1 Sam. 14: 20. Now is my spirit revived again. Though means be never so inconside- rable, yet if the Lord bestow his blessing upon them, they shall refresh both soul and body. THE EIGHTEENTH REMOVE. We took up our packs, and along Ave went ; but a wearisome day I had of it. As we went along, I saw an Englishman stripped naked and lying dead upon the ground, but knew not who he was. Then we came to another Indian town, where we staid all night. In -his town there were four English children captives, and one of them my own sister's. I went to see how she did, and she ivas well, considering her captive condition. I would have tarried that night with her, but they that owned her would not suffer it. Then I went to another wigwam, where they were boiling corn and beans, which was a lovely sight to see, but I could not get a taste thereof. Then I went into another wig- wam, where there were two of the English children. The squaw was boiling horses' feet. She cut me off a little piece, and gave one of the English children a piece also. Being very hungry, I had quickly eat up mine ; but the child could not bite it, it was so tough and sinewy, and lay sucking, gnaw ing, and slabbering of it in the mouth and hand ; then I took it of the child, and eat it myself, and savory it was to my tas l e : that I may say as Job, chap. 6 : 7, " The things that my soul refuseth to touch are as my sorrowful meat." Thus the Lord made that pleasant and refreshing which another time would 46 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. have been an abomination. Then I went home to my mis- tress' wigwam, and they told me I disgraced my master with begging, and if I did so any more they would knock me on the head. I told them they had as good do that as starve me to death. THE NINETEENTH REMOVE. They said when we went out that we must travel to \Vachuset this day. But a bitter weary day I had of it, travelling now three days together, without resting any day between. At last, after many weary steps, 1 saw Wachuset hills, but many miles off. Then we came to a great swamp, through which we travelled up to our knees in mud and water, which was heavy going to one tired before. Being almost spent, I thought I should have sunk down at last, and never got out; but I may say as in Psalm 94: 18, " When my foot slipped, thy mercy, O Lord, held me up," Going along, having indeed my life, but little spirit, Philip, who was in the company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, " Two weeks more and you shall be mistress again." I asked him if he spoke true. He said, " Yes, and quickly you shall come to your master again ;" who had been gone froru us three weeks. After many weary steps, we came to Wachuset, where he was, and glad was I to see him. He asked me when I washed me. I told him not this month. Then he fetched me some water himself, and bid me wash, and gave me a glass to see how I looked, and bid his squaw give me something to eat. So she gave me a mess of beans and meat, and a little ground-nut cake. I was wonderfully revived with this favor showed me. Psalm 106: 46, "He made them also to be pitied of all those that carried them away captive" My master had three squaws, living sometimes with one and sometimes with another : Onux, this old squaw at Avhose wigwam I was, and with whom my master had been these three weeks. Another was Wettimore,* with whom I had lived and served all this while. A severe and proud dame she was, bestowing every day in dressing herself near as much time as any of the gentry of the land ; powdering her hair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears, and bracelets upon her hands. When she had dressed herself, her work was to make girdles of wampum and beads. The third squaw was a younger one, by whom he had two papooses. By that time I was refreshed by the old squaw, Wettimore's maid came to call me home, at which I fell a * She had been the wife of Alexander, Philip's elder brother. See Bffk of the Indians MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVI'./. 47 weeping. Then the old squaw told me, to encoxitage me, that when I wanted victuals I should come to her, and that I should lie in her wigwam. Then I went with the maid, and juickly I came back and lodged there. The squaw laid a mat undei me, and a good rug over me ; the first time that I had any such kindness showed me. I understood that Wettimore thought, that if she should let me go and serve with the old squaw, she should be in danger to lose not only my service, but the re- demption-pay also. And I was not a little glad to hear this ; being by it raised in my hopes that in God's due time there would be an end of this sorrowful hour. Then came an Indian and asked me to knit him three pair of stockings, for which I had a hat and a silk handkerchief. Then another asked me to make her a shift, for which she gave me an apron. Then came Tom and Peter with the second letter from the council, about the captives. Though they were Indians, I gat them by the hand, and burst out into tears ; my heart was so full that I could not speak to them ; but recovering myself, 1 asked them how my husband did, and all my friends and acquaintance. They said they were well, but very melancholy. They brought me two biscuits and a pound of tobacco. The tobacco I soon gave away. When it was all gone one asked me to give him a pipe of tobacco. I told him it was all gon?. Then he began to rant and threaten. I told him when my hustatid came I would give him some. " Hang him, rogue,'' says he ; "I will knock out his brains if he comes here." And then again at the same breath they would say that if there should come an hundred without guns they would do them no hurt ; so unstable and like madmen they were. So that fear- ing the worst, I durst not send to my husband, though there were some thoughts of his coming to redeem and fetch me, not knowing what might follow ; for there was little more trust to them than to the master they served. When the letter was come, the sagamores met to consult about the captives, and called me to them, to inquire how much my husband would give to redeem me. When I came I sat down among them, as I was wont to do, as their manner is. Then they bid me stand up, and said they were th-e general court. They bid me speak what I thought he would give. Now knowing that al! that we had was destroyed by the Indians, I was in a great *trait. I thought if I should speak of but a little, it would be slighted and hinder the matter; if of a great sum, I knew not where it v>ould be procured; yet at a venture I said twenty pounds, yet desired them to take less ; but they would not hear of that, but sent the message to Boston, that for twenty pounds I should be redeemed. It ""s a praying Indian that wrole <\S MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. their letters for them.* There was another praying Indian who told me that he had a brother that would not eat horse, his conscience was so tender and scrupulous, though as large as hell for the destruction of poor Christians. Then he said he read that scripture to him, 2 Kings 6 : 25, " There was a famine in Samaria, and behold they besieged it, until an ass's head was sold for fourscore pieces of silver, and the fourth par: of a kab of dove's dung for five pieces ofsilter." He expound- ed this place to his brother, and showed him that it was lawful to eat that in a famine which it is not at another time. "And now," says he, "he will eat horse with any Indian of them all." There was another praying Indian.t who, when he had done all the mischief that he could, betrayed his own father into the English's hands, thereby to purchase his own life. Another praying Indian was at Sudbury fight, though, as he deserved, he was afterwards hanged for it. There was another praying Indian so wicked and cruel as to wear a string about his neck strung with Christian ringers. Another praying In- dian, when they went to Sudbury fight, went with them, and his squaw also with him, with her papoos at her back.t Be- fore they went to that fight, they got a company together to powow. The manner was as followeth. There was one that kneeled upon a deer-skin, with the com- pany around him in a ring, who kneeled, striking upon the ground with their hands and with sticks, and muttering or humming with their mouths. Besides him who kneeled in the ring there also stood one with a gun in his hand. Then he on the deer-skin made a speech, and all manifested assent to it ; and so they did many times together. Then they bid him with a gun go out of the ring, which he did ; but when he was out, they called him in again ; but he seemed to make a stand. Then they called the more earnestly, till he turned again. Then they all sang. Then they gave him two guns, in each hand one. And so he on the deer-skin began again ; and at the end of every sentence in his speaking they all assented, and humming or muttering with their mouths, and striking upon the ground with their hands. Then they bid him with the two guns go out of the ring again ; which he did * They may be seen in the Book of the Indians. f Peter Jethro. Ib . $ These remarks ot Mrs. Rowlandson are no doubt just. The praying Indians, after all, take them as a class, made but sorry Christians. More comfortable dwellings, a few blankets every year, some small privileges, and a little increase, for the time, of personal consideration, were motives sufficiently strong to induce savages to change their religious faith, which at best hung but very looselv about them. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S O4.PTIVITY. , 49 a little way. Then they called him again, but he made a stand, so they called him with greater earnestness; but he stood reeling and wavering, as if he knew not whether he should stand or fall, or which way to go. Then they called him with exceeding great vehemency, all of them, one and another. After a little while he turned in, staggering as he went, with his arms stretched out, in each hand a gun. As soon as he came in, they all sang and rejoiced exceedingly a while, and then he upon the deer-skin made another speech, unto which they all assented in a rejoicing manner; and so they ended their business, and forthwith went to Sudbury fight.* To my thinking, they went without any scruple but that they should prosper and gain the victory. And they went ou* not so rejoicing, but they came home with as great a victory ; for they said they killed two captains and almost an hundred men. One Englishman they brought alive with them, and he said it was too true, for they had made sad work at Sudbury ; as indeed it proved. Yet they came home without that rejoic- ing and triumphing over their victory which they were wont to show at other times ; but rather like dogs, as they say, which have lost their cars. Yet I could not perceive that it was for their own loss of men ; they said they lost not above five or six ; and I missed none, except in one wigwam. When they went they acted as if the devil had told them that they should gain the victory, and now they acted as if the devil had told them they should have a fall. Whether it were so or no, I cannot tell, but so it proved ; for they .quickly began to fall, and so held on that summer, till they came to utter ruin. They came home on a Sabbath day, and the pawaw that kneeled upon the deer-skin came home, I may say without any abuse, as black as the devil. When my master came home he came to me and bid me make a shirt for his papoos, of a Holland laced pillowbeer. About that time there came an Indian to me, and bid me come to his wigwam at night, and he would give me some pork and ground-nuts, which I did ; and as I was eating, another Indian said to me, " He seems to be your good friend, but he killed two Englishmen at Sudbury, and there lie the clothes behind you." I looked behind me, and there I saw bloody clothes, with bullet-holes in them ; yet the Lord suffered not this wretch to do me any hurt, yea, instead of that, he many times refreshed me : five or six times did he and his squaw refresh my feeble carcass. If I went to their wigwam at any time, they would always give me something, and yet thoy were * Sudbury was attacked 21st April. 4 23 60 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. strangers that I never saw before. Another squaw gave me a piece of fresh pork, and a little salt with it, and lent me her frying pan to fry it ; and I cannot but remember what a sweet, pleasant and delightful relish that bit had to me, to this day. So little do we prize common mercies, when we have them to the full. THE TWENTIETH REMOVE. It was their usual manner to remove when they had done any mischief, lest they should be found out ; and so they did at this time. We went about three or four miles, and there they built a great wigwam, big enough to hold an hundred Indians, which they did in prepa- ration to a great day of dancing. They would now say among themselves that the governor* would be so angry for his loss at Sudbury that he would send no more about the captives, which made me grieve and tremble. My sistert being not far from this place, and hearing that I was here, desired her mas- ter to let her come and see me, and he was willing to it, and would come with her ; but she, being ready first, told him she would go before, and was come within a mile or two of the place. Then he overtook her, and began to rant as if he had been mad, and made her go back agai'n in the rain ; so that I never saw her till I saw her in Charlestown. But the Lord requited many of their ill doings, for this Indian, her master, was hanged afterwards at Boston.! They began now to come from all quarters, against their merry dancing day. Amongst some of them came one goodwife Kettle. I told her my heart was so heavy that it was ready to break. " So is mine too," said she, " but yet I hope we shall hear some good news short- ly." I could hear how earnestly my sister desired to see me, and I earnestly desired to see her ; yet neither of us could get an opportunity. My daughter was now but a mile off, and I had not seen her for nine or ten weeks, as I had not seen my sister since our first taking. I desired them to let me go and see them, yea I entreated, begged and persuaded them to let me see my daughter ; and yet so hard-hearted were they that they would not suffer it. They made use of their tyrannical power whilst they had it, but through the Lord's wonderful mercy their time was now but short. On a Sabbath day, the sun being about an hour high in the afternoon, came Mr. John Hoar, (the council permitting him, and his own forward spirit inclining him,) together with the two forementioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the third let- ter from the council. When they came near, I was abroad. * Leverett. f Mrs. Drew. $ Mrs. Drew's master was probably Monoco. Several chiefs were hanged at the same time, viz. 26th Sept. 1676. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 51 They presently called me in, and bid me sit down and not stir. Then they catched up their guns and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the guns went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, and asked them what was the matter. I told them I thought they had killed the English- man, (for they had in the mean time told me that an English- man was come ;) they said no ; they shot over his horse, and under, and before his horse, and they pushed him this way and that way, at their pleasure, showing him what they could do. Then they let him come to their wigwams. I begged of them to let me see the Englishman, but they would not ; but there was I fain to sit their pleasure. When they had talked their fill with him, they suffered me to go to him. We asked each other of our welfare, and how my husband did, and all my friends. He told me they were all well, and would be glad to see me. Among other things which my husband sent me, there came a pound of tobacco, which I sold for nine shillings in money; for many of them for want of tobacco smoked hemlock and ground-ivy. It was a great mistake in any who thought I sent for tobacco, for through the favor of God that desire was overcome. I now asked them whether I should go home with Mr. Hoar. They answered no, one and another of them, and it being late, we lay down with that answer. In the morning Mr. Hoar invited the sagamores to dinner ; but when we went to get it ready, we found they had stolen the greatest part of the provisions Mr. Hoar had brought. And we may see the wonderful power of God, in that one passage, in that when there was such a number of them together, and so greedy of a little good food, and no English there but Mr. Hoar and myself, that there they did not knock us on the head and take what we had ; there being not only some provision, but also trading cloth, a part of the twenty pounds agreed upon. But instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of the fact, and said it was the matchit* Indians that did it. Oh that we could believe that there was nothing too hard for God. God showed his power over the heathen in this, as he did over the hungry lions when Daniel was cast into tbe den. Mr. Hoar called them betime to dinner, but they ate but little, they being so busy in dressing themselves and getting ready for their dance; which was carried on by eight of them, four men and four squaws, my master and mistress being two. He was dres- sed in his Holland shirt, with great stockings, his garters hung round with shillings, and had girdles of wampom upon his * Wicked. 52 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY head and shoulders. She had a kersey coat, covered with gir dies of wampom from the loins upward. Her arms from her elbows to her hands were covered with bracelets ; there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and several sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, her hair powdered, and her face painted red, that was always before black. And all the dancers were after the same manner. There were two others singing and knocking on a kettle for their music. They kept hopping up and down one after another, with a kettle of water in the midst, stand- ing warm upon some embers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on till almost night, throwing out their wampom to the standers-by. At night I asked them again if I should go home. They all as one said no, except my husband would come for me. When we were lain down, my master went out of the wigwam, and by and by sent in an Indian called James the printer, who told Mr. Hoar that my master would let me go home to-morrow if he would let him have one pint of liquor. Then Mr. Hoar called his own Indians, Tom and Pe- ter, and bid them all go and see if he would promise it before them three, and if he would he should have it ; which he did and had it. Philip, smelling the business, called me to him, and asked me what I would give him to tell me some good news, and to speak a good word for me, that I might go home to-morrow. I told him I could not tell what to give him, I would any thing I had, and asked him what he would have. He said two coats, and twenty shillings in money, half a bushel of seed corn, and some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, but I knew that good news as well as that crafty fox. My master, after he had his drink, quickly came ranting into the wigwam again, and called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him and saying he was a good man, and then again he would say, " hang him, a rogue." Being almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet presently say he should be hanged. Then he called for me. I trembled to hear him, and yet I was fain to go to him ; and he drank to me, showing no incivility. He was the first Indian I saw drunk, all the time I was among them. At last his squaw ran out, and he after her round the wigwam, with his money jingling at his knees, but she es- caped him ; but having and old squaw, he ran to her, and so through the Lord's mercy we were no more troubled with him that night. Yet I had not a comfortable night's rest j for I think I can say I did not sleep for three nights together. The night before the letter came from the council, I could not rest, I was so full of fears and troubles ; yea, at this time I could not rest night nor day. The next night I was overjoyed, Mr MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 53 Hoar being come, and that with such good tidings. The third night 1 was even swallowed up with the thoughts of going home again, and that I must leave my children behind me in the wilderness; so that sleep was now almost departed fiom mine eyes. On Tuesday morning they called their General Court, as they styled it, to consult and determine whether I should go home or no. And they all seemingly consented that I should go, except Philip, who would not come among them. But before I go any farther, I would take leave to mention a few remarkable passages of Providence, which I 'took spe- cial notice of in my afflicted time. 1. Of the fair opportunity lost in the long march, a little after the fort fight, when our English army was so numerous., and in pursuit of the enemy, and so near as to overtake seve- ral and destroy them ; and the enemy in such distress for food that our men might track them by their rooting the ground for ground-nuts, whilst they were flying for their lives : I say, that then our army should want provisions, and be obliged to leave their pursuit, and turn homeward, and the very next week the enemy came upon our town, like bears bereft of their whelps, or so many ravenous wolves, rending us and our lambs to death. But what shall I say ? God seemed to leave his people to themselves, and ordered all things for his own holy ends. " Shall there be evil in the city and the Lord hath not done it ? They are not grieved for the affliction of Joseph, therefore they shall go captive ivith the first that go captive. It is the Lord's doing, and it should be marvellous in our eyes." 2. I cannot but remember how the Indians derided the slow- ness and the dulness of the English army in its setting out ; for after the desolations at Lancaster and Medfield, as I went along with them, they asked me when I thought the English army would come after them. I told them I could not tell. " It may be they will come in May," said they. Thus they did scoff at us, as if the English would be a quarter of a year getting ready. 3. Which also I have hinted before, when the English army with new supplies were sent forth to pursue after the enemy, and they, understanding it, fled before them till they came to Baquaug river, where they forthwith went over safely ; that the river should be impassable to the English. I cannot but admire to see the wonderful providence of God in preserving the heathen for further affliction to our poor country. They could go in great numbers over, but the English must stop. God had an overruling hand in all those things. " 54 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 4. It was thought, if their corn were cut down, they would starve and die with hunger ; and all that could be found was destroyed, and .they driven from that little they had in store into the woods, in the midst of winter ; and yet how to admi- ration did the Lord preserve them for his holy ends, and the destruction of many still among the English ! Strangely did the Lord provide for them, that I did not sec, all the time I was among them, one man, woman, or child die with hunger. Though many times they would eat that that a hog would hardly touch, yet by that God strengthened them to be a scourge to his people. Their chief and commonest food was ground-nuts ; they eat also nuts and acorns, artichokes, lilly roots, ground beans, and several other weeds and roots that I know not. They would pick up old bones, and cut them in pieces at the joints, and if they were full of worms and maggots they would scald them over the fire, to make the vermin come out, and then boil them, and drink up the liquor, and then beat the great ends of them in a mortar, and so eat them. They would eat horses' guts and ears, and all sorts of wild birds which they could catch ; also bear, venison, beavers, tortoise, frogs, squirrels, dogs, skunks, rattle-snakes, yea the very bark of trees ; be- sides all sorts of creatures, and provisions which they plun- dered from the English. I can but stand in admiration to see the wonderful power of God, in providing for such a vast number of our enemies in the wilderness, where there was nothing to be seen but from hand to mouth. Many times in the morning the generality of them would eat up all they had, and yet have some farther supply against they wanted. But now our perverse and evil carriages in the sight of the Lord have so offended him, that instead of turning his hand against them, the Lord feeds and nourishes them up to be a scourge to the whole land. 5. Another thing that I would observe is, the strange provi- dence of God in turning things about when the Indians were at the highest and the English at the lowest. I was with the enemy eleven weeks and five days,* and not one week passed without their fury and some desolation by fire or sword upon one place or other. They mourned for their own losses, yet triumphed and rejoiced in their inhuman and devilish cruelty to the English. They would boast much of their victories, saying that in two hours' time they had destroyed such a cap- tain and his company, in such a place ; and boast how many towns they had destroyed, and then scoff and say they had done * Viz. from Feb. 10 to May 2d or 3d. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 55 them a good turn to send them to heaven so soon. Again they would say this summer they would knock all the rogues on the head, or drive them into the sea, or make them fly the country ; thinking surely, Agag-like, " The bitterness of death is passed." Now the heathen begin to think all is their own ; and the poor Christians' hopes fail, (as to man,) and now their eyes are more to God, and their hearts sigh heaven-ward, and they say in good earnest, " Help, Lord, or ive perish." When the Lord had brought his people to this, that they saw no help in any thing but himself, then he takes the quarrel into his own hand ; and though they made a pit as deep as hell for the Christians that summer, yet the Lord hurled themselves into it. And the Lord had not so many ways before to pre- serve them, but now he hath as many to destroy them. But to return again to my going home ; where we may see a remarkable change of providence. At first they were all against it, except my husband would come for me ; but after- ward they assented to it, and seeming to rejoice in it; some asking me to send them some bread, others some tobacco, oth- ers shaking me by the hand, offering me a hood and scarf to ride in : not one moving hand or tongue against it. Thus hath the Lord answered my poor desires, and the many ear- nest requests of others put up unto God for me. In my travels an Indian came to me, and told me if I were willing he and his squaw would run away, and go home along with me. I told them no, I was not willing to run away, but desired to wait God's time, that I might go home quietly and without fear. And now God hath granted me my desire. O the wonderful power of God that I have seen, and the experiences that I have had ! I have been in the midst of those roaring lions and savage bears, that feared neither God, nor man, nor the devil, by night and day, alone and in company, sleeping all sorts together, and yet not one of them ever offered the least abuse of unchastity to me in word or action ; though some are ready to say I speak it for my own credit ; but I speak it in the presence of God, and to his glory. God's power is as great now as it was to save Daniel in the lions' den, or the three children in the fiery furnace. Especially that I should come away in the midst of so many hundreds of enemies, and not a dog move his tongue. So I took my leave of them, and in coming along my heart melted into tears more than all the while I was with them, and I was almost swalloAved up with the thoughts that ever I should go home again. About the sun's going down, Mr. Hoar, myself, and the two Indians, came to Lancaster ; and solemn sight it was to me. There had I lived many comfor 1 56 MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. able years among my relations and neighbors, and now no<, one Christian to be seen, or one house left standing. We went on to a farm-house that was yet standing, where we lay all night ; and a comfortable lodging we had, though nothing but straw to lie on. The Lord preserved us in safety that night, raised us up again in the morning, and carried us along, that l>efore noon we came to Concord. Now was I full of joy, and yet not without sorrow : joy to see such a lovely sight, so many Christians together, and some of them my neighbors. There I met with my brother and brother-in-law,* who asked me if I knew where his wife was. Poor heart ! he had helped to bury her, and knew it not. She, being shot down by the house, was partly burnt ; so that those who were at Boston at the desolation of the town came back afterward and buried the dead, but did not know her. Yet I was not without sorrow, to think how many were looking and longing, and my own children among the rest, to enjoy that deliverance that I had now received ; and I did not know whether ever I should see them again. Being recruited with food and raiment, we went to Boston that day, where I met with my dear husband ; but the thoughts of our dear children, one being dead, and the other we could not tell where, abated our comfort in each other. I was not before so much hemmed in by the merciless and cruel heathen, but now as much with pitiful, tender-hearted, and compassion- ate Christians. In that poor and beggarly condition, I was received in, I was kindly entertained in several houses. So much love I received from several, (many of whom I knew not,) that I am not capable to declare it. But the Lord knows them all by name ; the Lord reward them sevenfold into their bosoms of his spirituals for their temporals. The twenty pounds, the price of my redemption, was raised by some Bos- ton gentlewomen, and Mr. Usher, [Hezekiah ?] whose bounty and charity I would not forget to make mention of. Then Mr. Thomas Shepard, of Charlestown, received us into his house, where we continued eleven weeks ; and a father and mother they were unto us. And many more tender-hearted friends we met with in that place. We were now in the midst of love, yet not without much and frequent heaviness of heart for our poor children and other relations who were still in affliction. The week following, after my coming in, the governor and council sent to the Indians again, and that not without success ; for they brought in my sister and goodwife Kettle. Their not Capt. Kerley. MRS. ROWLANDSOIS B CAPTIVITY. 57 knowing where our children were was a sore trial to us still ; and yet we were not without secret hopes of seeing them again. That which was dead lay heavier upon my spirits than those which were alive among the heathen ; thinking how it suffered with its wounds, and I was not able to relieve it, and how it was buried by the heathen in the wilderness from among all Christians. We were hurried up and down in our thoughts ; sometimes we should hear a report that they were gone this way and sometimes that, and that they were come in in this place or that ; we kept inquiring and listening to hear con- cerning them, but no certain news as yet. About this time the council had ordered a day of public thanksgiving, though I had still cause of mourning ; and being unsettled in our minds, we thought we would ride eastward, to see if we could hear any thing concerning our children. As we were riding along between Ipswich and Kowley, we met with Wil- liam Hubbard, who told us our son Joseph and my sister's son were come into Major Waldren's. I asked him how he knew it. He said the major himself told him so. So along we went till we came to Newbury ; and their minister being ab- sent, they desired my husband to preach the thanksgiving for them ; but he was not willing to stay there that night, but he would go^over to Salisbury, to hear farther, and come again in the morning, which he did, and preached there that day. At night, when he had done, one came and told him that his daughter was come into Providence. Here was mercy on both hands. Now we were between them, the one on the east, and the other on the west. Our son being nearest, we went to him first, to Portsmouth, where we met with him, and with the major also ; who told us he had done what he could, but could not redeem him under seven pounds, which the good people thereabouts were pleased to pay. The Lord reward the major, and all the rest, though unknown to me, for their labor of love. My sister's son was redeemed for four pounds, which the council gave order for the payment of. Having now re- ceived one of our children, we hastened toward the other. Going back through Newbury, my husband preached there on the Sabbath day, for which they rewarded him manifold. On Monday we came to Charlestown, where we heard that the governor of Rhode Island had sent over for our daugh- ter, to take care of her, being now within his jurisdiction , which should not pass without our acknowledgments. Bui she being nearer Rehoboth than Rhode Island, Mr. Newman went over and took care of her, and brought her to his own house. And the goodness of God was admirable to us in our low estate, in that he raised up compassionate friends on evory 68 MRS. KOWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. side, when we had nothing to recompense any for their love. The Indians were now gone that way, that it was apprehend- ed dangerous to go to her ; but the carts which carried provis- ion to the English army, being guarded, brought her wiih them to Dorchester, where we received her safe. Blessed be the Lord for it. Her coming in was after this manner : she was travelling one day with the Indians, with her basket at her back ; the company of Indians were got before her, and gone out of sight, all except one squaw. She followed the squaw till night, and then both of them lay down, having nothing over them but the heavens, nor under them but the earth. Thus she travelled three days together, having noth- ing to eat or drink but water and green hirtleberries. At last they came into Providence, where she was kindly entertained by several of that town. The Indians often said that I should never have her under twenty pounds, but now the Lord hath brought her in upon free cost, and given her to me the second time. The Lord make us a blessing indeed to each other. Thus hath the Lord brought me and mine out of the horrible pit, and hath set us in the midst of tender-hearted and com- passionate Christians. 'T is the desire of my soul that we may walk worthy of the mercies received and which we are receiving. Our family being now gathered together, the South church in Boston hired a house for us. Then we removed from Mr. Shepard's (those cordial friends) and went to Boston, where we continued about three quarters of a year. 1 * Still the Lord went along with us, and provided graciously for us. ] thought it somewhat strange to set up housekeeping with bare walls, but, as Solomon says, money ansioers all things ; and this we had through the benevolence of Christian friends, some in this town, and some in that, and others, and some from England, that in a little time we might look and see the house furnished with love. The Lord hath been exceeding good 10 us in our low estate, in that when we had neither house nor home, nor other necessaries, the Lord so moved the hearts of these and those towards us, that we wanted neither food nor raiment for ourselves or ours. Prov. 18 : 24, " There is a friend that sticketk closer than a brother." And how many such friends have we found, and now living among us ! And truly have we found him to be such a friend unto us in who.-^e house we lived, viz. Mr. James Whitcomb, a friend near hand and far off. I can remember the time when I used to sleep quietly, wiih * Till May, 1677. MRS. ROWLANDSON'S CAPTIVITY. 59 out working in my thoughts, whole nights together ; but now it is otherwise with me. When all are fast about me, and no eye open, but His who ever awaketh, my thoughts are upon things past, upon the aw f ul dispensations of the Lord towards u?, upon his wonderful power and might in carrying of us through so many difficulties, in returning us in safety, and suffering none to hurt us. I remember in the night season how the other day I was in the midst of thousands of enemies, and nothing but death before me. It was then hard work to per- suade myself that ever I should be satisfied with bread again. But now we are fed with the finest of the wheat, and, as I may say, with honey out of the rock. Instead of the husks we have ihefat calf. The thoughts of these things in the partic- ulars of them, and of the love and goodness of God towards us, make it true of me, what David said of himself, Psal. 6 : 6, " 7 water my couch with my tears." the wonderful power of God that mine eyes have seen, affording matter enough for my thoughts to run in, that when others are sleeping mine eyes are weeping. I have seen the extreme vanity of this world. One hour I have been in health, and wealth, wanting nothing, but the next hour in sickness, and wounds, and death, having nothing but sorrow and affliction. Before I knew what affliction meant I was ready sometimes to wish for it. When I lived in pros- perity, having the comforts of this world about me, my rela- tions by me, and my heart cheerful, and taking little care for any thing, and yet seeing many, whom I preferred before my- self, under many trials and afflictions, in sickness, weakness, poverty, losses, crosses, and cares of the world, I should be sometimes jealous lest I should have my portion in this life. But now I see the Lord had his time to scourge and chasten me. The portion of some is to have their affliction by drops, but the wine of astonishment, like a sweeping rain that leaveth no food, did the Lord prepare to be my portion. Affliction I wanted, and affliction I had, full measure, pressed down and running over. Yet I see when God calls persons to never so many difficulties, yet he is able to carry them through, and make them say they have been gainers thereby ; and I hope I can say, in some measure, as David, it is good for me that I have been afflicted. The Lord hath showed me the vanity of these outward things, that they are the vanities of vanities and vexation of spirit ; that they are but a shadow, a blast, a bubble, and things of no continuance. If trouble from smaller matter begin to rise in me, I have something at hand to check myself with, and say, " Why am I troubled ?" It was but the other day that if I had the world I would have given it for my free- 60 STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. dom, or to have been a servant to a Christian. 1 Save learned to look beyond present and smaller troubles, and to be quieted under them, as Moses said, Exod. 14 : 13, " Stand still and tee the salvation of the Lord." NARRATIVE OP THE CAPTIVITY OF QUINTIN STOCKWELL, WHO WAS TA- KEN AT DEERFIELD, IN MASSACHUSETTS, BY A PARTY OP INLAND INDIANS, IN THE YEAR 1677; COMMUNICATED IN HIS OWN WORDS, AND ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE EMINENT DR. INCREASE MATHER, IN THE YEAR 1634. A particular account of the irruption in which Stockwell and others fell into the hands of the Indians will be found in the BOOK OF THE INDIANS, Book iii, p. 97 and 98. Out of twenty-four at that time killed and taken, we learn the names only of these ; Quintin Stockwell, John Root, Sergeant Plimpton, Benjamin Steb bins, his wife, Benjamin Waite, and Samuel Rus- sell. Plimpton was burnt in their cruel manner, Root was killed, and Stebbins escaped. Of the others I have learned nothing. IN the year 1677, September the 19th, between sunset and dark, the Indians came upon us. I and another man, being together, we ran away at the outcry the Indians made, shout- ing and shooting at some others of the English that were hard by. We took a swamp that was at hand for our refuge ; the enemy espying us so near them, run after us, and shot many guns at us ; three guns were discharged upon me, the enemy being within three rods of me, besides many others before that. Being in this swamp, which was miry, I slumped in and fell down, whereupon one of the enemy stepped to me, with his hatchet lifted up to knock me on the head, supposing that I had been wounded and so unfit for any other travel. I, as it hap- pened, had a pistol by me, which, though uncharged, I presented to the Indian, who presently stepped back, and told me if I would yield I should have no hurt ; he said, which was not true, that they had destroyed all Hatfield, and that the woods were full of Indians, whereupon I yielded myself, and falling into their hands, was by three of them led away unto the place whence first I began to make my flight. Here two other In- dians came running to us, and the one lifting up the butt end of his gun, to knock me on the head, the other with his hand put by the blow, and said I was his friend. I was now by my STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. 61 own house, which the Indians burnt the last year, and I was about to build up again ; and there I had some hopes to escape from them. There was a horse just by, which they bid me take. I did so, but made no attempt to escape thereby, because the enemy was near, and the beast was slow and dull. Then was I in hopes they would send me to take my own horses, which they did ; but they were so frightened that I could not come near to them, and so fell still into the enemy's hands. They now took and bound me and led me away, and soon was I brought into the company of other captives, who were that day brought away from Hatfield, who were about a mile off; and here methought was matter of joy and sorrow both: joy to see company, and sorrow for our condition. Then were we pinioned and led away in the night over the mountains, in dark and hideous ways, about four miles further, before we took up our place for rest, which was in a dismal place of wood, on the east side of that mountain. We were kept bound all that night. The Indians kept waking, and we had little mind to sleep in this night's travel. The Indians dispersed, and as they went made strange noises, as of wolves and owls, and other wild beasts, to the end that they might not lose one another, and if followed they might not be discovered by the English. About the break of day we marched again, and got over that great river at Pecomptuck [Deerfield] river mouth, and there rested about two hours. Here the Indians marked out upon trees the number of their captives and slain, as their manner s. Now was I again in great danger, a quarrel having arose about me, whose captive I was ; for three took me. I thought I must be killed to end the controversy, so when they put it to me, whose I was, I said three Indians took me ; so they agreed to have all a share in me. I had now three masters, and he was my chief master who laid hands on me first ; and thus was I fallen into the hands of the worst of all the company, as ASHPELON, the Indian captain, told me ; which captain was all along very kind to me, and a great comfort to the English. In this place they gave us some victuals, which they had brought from the English. This morning also they sent ten men forth to the town [of Deerfield] to bring away what they could find. Some provision, some corn out of the meadow, they brought to us on horses, which they had there taken. From hence we went up about the falls, where we crossed that river again ; and whilst I was going, I fell right down lame of my old wounds, which I had in the war, and whilst I was thinking I should therefore be killed by the Indians, and what death I should die, my pain was suddenly gone, and I was much encouraged again. We had about eleven horses in that 6 62 STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. company, which the Indians used to convey burthens, and to carry women. It was afternoon when we now crossed that river. We travelled up it till night, and then took up our lodging in a dismal place, and were staked down, and spread out on our backs ; and so we lay all night, yea, so we lay many nights. They told me their law was that we should lie to nine nights, and by that time it was thought we should be out of our knowledge. The manner of staking down was thus : our arms and legs, stretched out, were staked fast down, and a cord about our necks, so that we could stir noways. The first night of staking down, being much tired, I slept as comfortable as ever. The next day we went up the river, and crossed it, and at night lay in Squakheag [Northfield] meadows. Our provision was soon spent, and while we lay in those mea- dows the Indians went a hunting, and the English army came out after us. Then the Indians moved again, dividing them- selves and the captives into many companies, that the English might not follow their tracks. At night, having crossed the river, we met again at the place appointed. The next day we crossed it again on Squakheag side, and there we took up our quarters for a long time. I suppose this might be about thirty miles above Squakheag; and here were the Indians quite out of all fear of the English, but in great fear of the Mohawks. Here they built a long wigwam, and had a great dance, as they call it, and concluded to burn three of us, and had got bark to do it with, and, as I understood afterwards, I was one that was to be burnt, sergeant Plimpton another, and Benjamin Waite's, wife the third. Though I knew not which was to be burnt, yet I perceived some were designed thereunto ; so much I un- derstood of their language. That night I could not sleep foi fear of next day's work ; the Indians, being weary with the dance, lay down to sleep, and slept soundly. The English were all loose ; then I went out and brought in wood, and mended the fire, and made a noise on purpose, but none awak- ed. I thought if any of the English would awake, we might kill them all sleeping. I removed out of the way all the guns and hatchets, but my heart failing me, I put all things where they were again. The next day, when we were to be burnt, our master and some others spoke for us, and the evil was pre- vented in this place. Hereabouts we lay three weeks together. Here I had a shirt brought to me to make, and one Indian said it should be made this way, a second another way, a third his way. I told them I would make it that way my chief master said ; whereupon one Indian struck me on the face with his fist. I suddenly rose up in anger, ready to strike again ; upon this happened a great hubbub, and the Indians ar.d English STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. 63 came about me. 1 was fain to humble myself to my master, so that matter was put up. Before I came to this place, my three masters were gone a hunting; I was left with another Indian, all the company being upon a march ; I was left with this Indian, who fell sick, so that I was fain to carry his gun and hatchet, and had opportunity, and had thought to have dispatched him and run away ; but did not, for that the English captives had promised the contrary to one another ; because, if one should run away, that would provoke the Indians, and endanger the rest that could not run away. Whilst we were here, Benjamin Stebbins, going with some Indians to Wachuset Hills, made his escape from them, and when the news of his escape came we v/ere all presently called in and bound; one of the Indians, a captain among them, and always our great friend, met me coming in, and told me Stebbins was run away ; and the Indians spake of burning us ; some, of only burning and biting off our fingers, by and by. He said there would be a court, and all would speak their minds, but he would speak last, and would say, that the Indian who let Stebbins run away was only in fault, and so no hurt should be done us, and added, " fear not ;" so it proved accor- dingly. Whilst we lingered hereabout, provision grew scarce ; one bear's foot must serve five of us a whole day. We began to eat horse-flesh, and eat up seven in all ; three were left alive, and not killed. After we had been here, some of the Indians had been down, and fallen upon Hadley, and were taken by the English, agreed with and let go again. They were to meet the English upon such a plain, there to make further terms. ASIIPALON was much for it, but Wachuset sachems, when they came, were much against it, and were for this : that we should meet the English, indeed, but there fall upon them and fight them, and take them. Then ASHPELON spake to us English, not to speak a word more to further that matter, for mischief would come of it. When those Indians came from Wachuset there came with them squaws and children, about four-score, who reported that the English had taken UNCAS, and all his men, and sent them beyond seas. They were much enraged at this, and asked us if it were true ; we said no. Then was ASHPALON angry, and said he would no more believe English- men. They examined us every one apart, and then they dealt worse with us for a season than before. Still provision was scarce. We came at length to a place called Squaw-Maug river ; there we hoped for salmon ; but we came too late. This place I account to be above two hundred miles above Deerfield. We now parted into two companies ; some went one way, and some went another way; and we went over a mighty mountain, it 64 STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. taking us eight days to go over it, and travelled very hard too, having every day either snow or rain. We noted that on this mountain all the water run northward. Here also we wanted provision ; but at length we met again on the other side of the mountain, viz. on the north side, at a river that runs into the lake ; and we were then half a day's journey off the lake. We staid here a great while, to make canoes to go over the lake. Here I was frozen, and again we were like to starve. All the Indians went a hunting, but could get nothing : divers days they powwowed, and yet got nothing; then they desired the English to pray, and confessed they could do nothing ; they would have us pray, and see what the Englishman's God could do. I prayed, so did sergeant Plimpton, in another place. The Indians reverently attended, morning and night. Next day they got bears ; then they would needs have us desire a blessing, and return thanks at meals ; after a while they grew weary of it, and the sachem did forbid us. When I was fro- zen, they were very cruel towards me, because I could not do as at other times. When we came to the lake we were again sadly put to it for provision. We were fain to eat touchwood fried in bear's grease. At last we found a company of raccoons, and then we made a feast ; and the manner was that we must eat all. I perceived there would be too much for one time, so one Indian who sat next to me bid me slip away some to him under his coat, and he would hide it for me till another time. This Indian, as soon as he had got my meat, stood up and made a speech to the rest, and discovered me ; so that the In- dians were very angry and cut me another piece, and gave me raccoon grease to drink, which made me sick and vomit. I told them I had enough ; so ever after that they would give me none, but still tell me I had raccoon enough. So I suffer- ed much, and being frozen, was full of pain, and could sleep but a little, yet must do my work. When they went upon the lake, and as they came to it, they lit of a moose and killed it, and staid there till they had eaten it all up. After entering upon the lake, there arose a great storm, and we thought we should all be cast away, but at last we got to an island, and there they went to powwowing. The powwow said that Benjamin Waite and another man was coining, and that storm was raised to cast them away. This afterward ap- peared to be true, though then I believed them not. Upon this island we lay still several days, and then set out again, but a storm took us, so that we lay to and fro, upon certain islands, about three weeks. We had no provision but raccoons, so that the Indians themselves thought they should be starved. They gave me nothing, so that I was sundry days without any pro- STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. 65 vision. We went on upon the lake, upon that isle, about a day's journey. We had a little sled upon which we drew our load. Before noon, I tired, and just then the Indians met with some Frenchmen ; then one of the Indians that took me came to me and called me all manner of bad names, and threw me down upon my back. I told him I could not do any more ; then he said he must kill me. I thought he was about to do it, for he pulled out his knife and cut out my pockets, and wrap- ped them about my face, helped me up, and took my sled and went away, giving me a bit of biscuit, as big as a walnut, which he had of the Frenchman, and told me he would give me a pipe of tobacco. When my sled was gone, I could run after him, but at last I could not run, but went a foot-pace. The Indians were soon out of sight. I followed as well as I could, and had many falls upon the ice. At last, I was so spent, I had not strength enough to rise again, but I crept to a tree that lay along, and got upon it, and there I lay. It was now night, and very sharp weather : I counted no other but that I must die here. Whilst I was thinking of death, an Indian hallooed, and I answered him ; he came to me, and called me bad names, and told me if I could not go he must knock me on the head. I told him he must then do so ; he saw how I had wallowed in the snow, but could not rise ; then he took his coat and wrapt me in it, and went back and sent two Indians with a sled. One said he must knock me on the head, the other said no, they would carry me away and burn me. Then they bid me stir my in- step, to see if that were frozen ; I did so. When they saw that, they said that was WURREGEN.* There was a chirur- geon among the French, they said, that could cure me ; then they took me upon a sled, and carried me to the fire, and made much of me ; pulled off my wet and wrapped me in dry clothes, and made me a good bed. They had killed an otter, and gave me some of the broth made of it, and a bit of the flesh. Here I slept till towards day, and then was able to get up and put on my clothes. One of the Indians awaked, and seeing me walk, shouted, as rejoicing at it. As soon as it was light, I and Samuel Russell went before on the ice, upon a river. They said I must go where I could on foot, else I should freeze. Samuel Russell slipt into the river with one foot ; the Indians called him back, and dried his stockings, and then sent us away, and an Indian with us to pilot us. We went four or five miles before they overtook us. I was then pretty well spent. Samuel Russell was, he said, faint, and wondered how I * See Book of the Indians, B. ii. 85. 5 24 66 STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. could live, for he had, he said, ten meals to my one. Then I was laid on the sled, and they ran away with me on the ice; the rest and Samuel Russell came softly after. Samuel Russell I never saw more, nor know I what became of him. They got but half way, and we got through to Shamblee about mid- night. Six miles off Shamblee, (a French town,) the river was open, and when I came to travel in that part of the ice, I soon tired ; and two Indians ran away to town, and one only was left ; he would carry me a few rods, and then I would go as many, and then a trade we drove, and so were long in going the six miles. This Indian was now kind, and told me that if he did not carry me I would die, and so I should have done, sure enough ; and he said I must tell the English how he helped me. When we came to the first house, there was no inhabitant. The Indian was also spent, and both were dis- couraged ; he said we must now die together. At last he left me alone, and got to another house, and thence came some French and Indians, and brought me in. The French were kind, and put my hands and feet in cold water, and gave me a dram of brandy, and a little hasty pudding and milk ; when I tasted victuals I was hungry, and could not have forborne it, but I could not get it. Now and then they would give me a little, as they thought best for me. I laid by the fire with the Indian that night, but could not sleep for pain. Next morn- ing the Indians and French fell out about me, because the French, as the Indians said, loved the English better than the Indians. The French presently turned the Indians out of doors, and kept me. They were very kind and careful, and gave me a little something now and then. While I was here all the men in that town came to see me. At this house I was three or four days, and then invited to another, and after that to another. In this place I was about thirteen days, and received much civility from a young man, a bachelor, who invited me to his house, with whom I was for the most part of the time. He was so kind as to lodge me in the bed with himself, gave me a shirt, and would have bought me, but could not, as the Indians asked one hundred pounds for me. We were then to go to a place called Sorel, and that young man would go with me, be- cause the Indians should not hurt me. This man carried me on the ice one day's journey, for I could not now go at all, and there was so much water on the ice we could go no further. So the Frenchman left me, and provision for me. Here we staid two nights, and then travelled again, for now the ice was strong, and in two days more we came to Sorel. When we got to the first house, it was late in the night ; and here again STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. 67 the people were kind. Next day, being in much pain, I asked the Indians to carry me to the chirurgeons, as they had promised, at which they were wroth, and one of them took up his gun to knock me, but the Frenchman would not suffer it, but set upon him and kicked him out of* doors. Then we went away from thence, to a place two or three miles off, where the Indians had wigwams. When I came to these wigwams some of the Indians knew me, and seemed to pity me. While I was here, which was three or four days, the French came to see me ; and it being Christmas time, they brought cakes and other provisions with them and gave to me, so that I had no want. The Indians tried to cure me, but could not. Then I asked for the chirurgeon, at which one of the Indians in anger struck me on the face with his fist. A Frenchman being by, spoke to him, but I knew not what he said, and then went his way. By and by came the captain of the place into the wigwam, with about twelve armed men, and asked where the Indian was that struck the Englishman. They took him and told him he should go to the bilboes, and then be hanged. The Indians were much terrified at this, as appeared by their countenances and trembling. I would have gone too, but the Frenchman bid me not fear ; that the Indians durst not hurt me. When that Indian was gone, I had two masters still. I asked them to carry me to that captain, that I might speak for the Indian. They answered, " You are a fool. Do you think the French are like the English, to say one thing and do another? They are men of their words." I prevailed with them, how- ever, to help me thither, and I spoke to the captain by an interpreter, and told him I desired him to set the Indian free, and told him what he had done for me. He told me he was a rogue, and should be hanged. Then I spoke more privately, alleging this reason, that because all the English captives were not come in, if he were hanged, it might fare the worse with them. The captain said " that was to be considered." Then he set him at liberty upon this condition, that he should never strike me more, and every day bring me to his house to eat victuals. I perceived that the common people did not like what the Indians had done and did to the English. When the Indian was set free, he came to me, and took me about the middle, and said I was his brother ; that I had saved his life once, and he had saved mine thrice. Then he called for brandy and made me drink, and had me away to the wigwams again. When I came there, the Indians came to me one by one, to shake hands with me, saying WURREGEN NETOP,* and * Friend, it is well Ed. 68 SARAH GERISH'S CAPTIVITY. were very kind, thinking no other but that I had saved tk Indian's life. The next day he carried me to that captain's house, and set me down.* They gave me my victuals and wine, and being left there a while by the Indians, I showed the captain my fingers, which when he and his wife saw they ran away from the sight, and bid me lap it up again, and sent for the chirurgeon ; who, when he came, said he could cure me, and took it in hand, and dressed it. The Indians towards night came for me ; I told them I could not go with them. They were displeased, called me rogue, and went away. That night I was full of pain ; the French feared that I would die ; five men did watch with me, and strove to keep me cheerly, for I was sometimes ready to faint. Oftentimes they gave me a little brandy. The next day the chirurgeon came again, and dressed me ; and so he did all the while I was among the French. I came in at Christmas, and went thence May 2d. Being thus in the captain's house, I was kept there till Benjamin Waite came ; and now my Indian master, being in want of money, pawned me to the captain for fourteen bea- vers' skins, or the worth of them, at such a day ; if he did not pay he must lose his pawn, or else sell me for twenty-one bea- vers, but he could not get beaver, and so I was sold. By being thus sold, adds Dr. Mather, he was in God's good time set at liberty, and returned to his friends in New England again. NARRATIVE OP THE CAPTIVITY AND SUFFERINGS OF MISS SARAH GER- ISH, WHO WAS TAKEN AT THE SACKING OF DOVER, IN THE YEAR 16S9, BY THE INDIANS; AS COMMUNICATED TO THE REVEREND DR. COTTON MATHER, BY THE REVEREND JOHN PIKE, MINISTER OF DOVER. SARAH GERISH, daughter of Capt. John Gerish, of Quo- checho or Cocheco, was a very beautiful and ingenious damsel, about seven years of age, and happened to be lodging at the garrison of Major Waldron, her affectionate grandfather, when the Indians brought that horrible destruction upon it, on the * His feet were so badly frozen that he bud not walked for a conside- rable time. Ed SARAH GERISH'S CAPTIVITY. 69 night of the 27th of June, 1689. She was always very fear- ful of the Indians ; but fear may we think now surprised her, when they fiercely bid her go into a certain chamber and call the people out ! She obey 'd, but finding only a little child in bed in the room, she got imo the bed with it, and hid herself in the clothes as well as she could. The fell savages quickly nulled her out, and made her dress for a march, but led her way with no more than one stocking upon her, on a terrible march through the thick woods, and a thousand other miseries, till they came to the Norway Planes.* From thence they made her go to the end of Winnipisiogee lake, thence east- ward, through horrid swamps, where sometimes they were obliged to scramble over huge trees fallen by storm or age, for a vast way together, and sometimes they must climb up long, steep, tiresome, and almost inaccessible mountains. Her first master was an Indian named Sebundowit, a dull sort of fellow, and not such a devil as many of them were, but he sold her to a fellow who was a more harsh and mad sort of a dragon. He carried her away to Canada. A long and sad journey now ensued, through the midst of a hideous desert, in the depth of a dreadful winter ; and who can enumerate the frights she endured before the end of her journey ? Once her master commanded her to loosen some of her upper garments, and stand against a tree while he charged his gun ; whereat the poor child shrieked out, " He is going to kill me !" God knows what he was going to do ; but the villian having charged his gun, he called her from the tree and for- bore doing her any damage. Upon another time her master ordered her to run along the shore witli some Indian girls, while he paddled up the river in his canoe. As the girls were passing a precipice, a tawny wench violently pushed her head- long into the river, but so it fell out that in this very place of her fall the bushes from the shore hung over the water, so that she was enabled to get hold of them, and thus saved her- self. The Indians asked her how she became so wet, but she did not dare to tell them, from fear of the resentment of her that had so nearly deprived her of life already. And here it may be remarked, that it is almost universally true, that young Indians, both male and female, are as much to be dreaded by captives as those of maturer years, and in many cases much more so ; for, unlike cultivated people, they have no restraints upon their mischievous and savage propensities, which they indulge in cruelties surpassing any examples here related They often vie with each other in attempting excessive acts of torture. * These planes are in the present town of Rochester, N. H. Editor. 70 SARAH GERISH'S CAPTIVITY. Once, being spent with travelling all day, and lying down wet and exhausted at night, she fell into so profound a sleep that in the morning she waked not. Her barbarous captors decamped from the place of their n ght's rest, leaving this little captive girl asleep and covered wi.h a snow that in the nighi had fallen ; but, at length awaking, what agonies may you imagine she was in, on finding herself left a prey for bears and wolves, and without any sustenance, in a howling wilderness, many scores of leagues from any plantation ! In this dismal situation, however, she had fortitude sufficient to attempt to follow them. And here again, the snow which had been her covering upon the cold ground, to her great discomfort, was now her only hope, for she could just discern by it the trace of the Indians ! How long it was before she overtook them is not told us, but she joined them and continued her captivity. Now the young Indians began to terrify her by constantly reminding her that she was shortly to be roasted to death. One evening much fuel was prepared between two logs, which they told her was for her torture. A mighty fire being made, her master called her to him, and told her that she should presently be burnt alive. At first she stood amazed ; then burst into tears ; and then she hung about her tiger of a master begging of him, with an inexpressible anguish, to save her from the fire. Hereupon the monster so far relented as to tell her " that if she would be a good girl she should not be burnt." At last they arrived at Canada, and she was carried into the Lord Intendant's house, where many persons of quality took much notice of her. It was a week after this that she remained in the Indian's hands before the price of her ransom could be agreed upon. But then the lady intendant sent her to the nunnery, where she was comfortably provided for ; and it was the design, as was said, for to have brought her up in the Romish religion, and then to have married her unto the son of the Lord Intendant. She was kindly used there until Sir William Phips, lying before Quebec, did, upon exchange of prisoners, obtain her lib- erty. After sixteen months' captivity she was restored unto her friends, who had the consolation of having this their desir- able daughter again with them, returned as it were from the dead. But this dear child was not to cheer her parents' path for a long period ; for on arriving at her sixteenth year, July 1697, death carried her off by a malignant fev- ELIZABETH HEARD'S CAPTIVITY. 71 NARRATIVE OF THE REMARKABLE ESCAPE OF WIDOW ELIZABETH HEARD, ALSO TAKEN AT THE DESTRUCTION OF MAJOR WALDRON'S GARRISON IN DOVER, AS COMMUNICATED TO DOCTOR COT- TON MATHER, BY THE REV. JOHN PIKE, MINISTER OF THE PLACE. MRS. ELIZABETH HEARD was a widow of good estate, a mother of many children, and a daughter of Mr. Hull, a reverend minister formerly living at Pascataqua, but at this time lived at Quochecho, the Indian name of Dover. Happening to be at Portsmouth on the day before Quochecho was cut off, she returned thither in the night with one daughter and three sons, all masters of families. When they came near Quochecho they were astonished with a prodigious noise of Indians, howl- ing, shooting; shouting, and roaring, according to their mannei in making an assault. Their distress for their families carried them still further up the river, till they secretly and silently passed by some numbers of the raging savages. They landed about an hun- dred rods from Major Waldron's garrison, and running up the hill, they saw many lights in the windows of the garrison, which they concluded the English within had set up for the direction of those who might seek a refuge there. Coming to the gate, they desired entrance, which not being readily granted, they called earnestly, bounced, knocked, and cried cut to those within of their unkindness, that they would not open the gate to them in this extremity. No answer being yet made, they began to doubt whether all was well. One of the young men then climbing up the wall, saw a horrible tawny in the entry, with a gun in his hand. A grievous consternation seized now upon them, and Mrs. Heard, sitting down without the gate, through despair and faintness, was unable to stir any further ; but had strength only to charge her children to shift for themselves, which she did in broken accents ; adding also that she must unavoidably there end her days. Her children, finding it impossible to carry her with iliem, with heavy hearts forsook her. Immediately after, however, she beginning to recover from her fright, was able to fly, and hide herself in a bunch of barberry bushes, in the garden ; and 72 ELIZABETH BEARD'S CAPTIVITY. then hastening from thence, because the day "light advanced, she sheltered herself, though seen by two of the Indians, in a thicket of other bushes, about thirty rods from the house. She had not been long here before an Indian came towards her, with a pistol in his hand. The fellow came up to her and stared her in the face, but said nothing to her, nor she to him. He went a little way back, and came again, and stared upon her as before, but said nothing ; whereupon she asked him what he would have. He still said nothing, but went away to the house, whooping, and returned unto her no more. Being thus unaccountably preserved, she made several essays to pass the river, but found herself unable to do it, and finding all places on that side of the river filled with blood and fire, and hideous outcries, she thereupon returned to her old bush, and there poured out her ardent prayers to God for help in this distress. She continued in this bush until the garrison was burnt, and the enemy had gone, and then she stole along by the river side, until she came to a boom, on which she passed over. Many sad effects of cruelty she saw left by the Indians in hei way. She soon after safely arrived at Captain Gerish's gar- rison, where she found a refuge from the storm. Here she also had the satisfaction to understand that her own garrison, though one of the first that was assaulted, had been bravely defended, and successfully maintained against the adversary. This gentlewoman's garrison was on the most extreme fron- tier of the province, and more obnoxious than any other, and therefore more incapable of being relieved. Nevertheless, by her presence and courage, it held out all the war, even for ten years together ; and the persons in it have enjoyed very emi- nent preservations. It would have been deserted, if she had accepted offers that were made her by her friends, to abandon it, and retire to Portsmouth among them, which would have been a damage to the town and land ; but by her encourage- ment this post was thus kept up, and she is yet [1702] living in much esteem among her neighbors. NOTE 1. MRS. HEARD was the widow of a Mr. John Heard. She had five sons, Benjamin, John, Joseph, Samuel and Tristram, and an equal number of daughters. The last-named son was waylaid and killed by the Indians in the year 1723. MS. CHRONICLES OF THE INDIANS. NOTE 2. It will doubtless seem surprising to the reader that Mrs. Heard should be suffered to escape captivity, when she was discovered by a grim warrior, who, without doubt, was seeking for some white inhab itant, on whom to wreak his vengeance. The facts seem to be these : Thirteen years before, namely, in 1676, when the four hundred Indians were surprised in Dover, (in a manner not at all doubtful as it respect* CAPTIVITY OF JOHN GYLES. 73 the chancier of their captors,) this same Mrs. Heard secreted a young Indian in her house, by which means he escaped that calamitous day. The reader of Indian history will not, now, I presume, harbor surprise at the conduct of the warrior. For the particulars of the event con- nected with this narrative, see THE BOOK OF THE INDIANS, Book iii. Chap. viii. Ed. MEMOIRS OF ODD ADVENTURES, STRANGE DELIVERANCES, ETC., IN THE CAPTIVITY OF JOHN GYLES, ESQ., COMMANDER OF THE GARRISON ON ST. GEORGE RIVER, IN THE DISTRICT OP MAINE. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AT BOSTON, 1736. INTRODUCTION. These private memoirs were collected from my minutes, at the earnest request of my second consort, for the use of our family, that we might have a memento ever ready at hand, to excite in ourselves gratitude and thankfulness to God ; and in our offspring a due sense of their dependence on the Sovereign of the universe, from the precariousness and vicissitudes of all sublunary enjoyments. In this state, and for this end, they have laid by me for some years. They at length falling into the hands of some, for whose judgment I had a value, I was pressed for a copy for the public. Others, desir- ing of me to extract particulars from them, which the multi- plicity and urgency of my affairs would not admit, I have now determined to suffer their publication. I have not made scarce any addition to this manual, except in the chapter of creatures, which I was urged to make much larger. I might have great- ly enlarged it, but I feared it would grow beyond its proportion. I have been likewise advised to give a particular account of my father, which I am not very fond of, having no dependence on the virtues or honors of my ancestors to recommend me to the favor of God or men ; nevertheless, because some think it is a respect due to the memory of my parents, whose name I was obliged to mention in the following story, and a satisfaction which their posterity might justly expect from me, I shall give some account of him, though as brief as possible. The flourishing state of New England, before the unhappy eastern wars, drew my father hither, whose first settlement was on Kennebeck river, at a place called Merrymeeting Bay, where he dwelt for some years ; until, on the death of my grand pa- 7 74 CAPTIVITY OF JOHN GYLES. renis, he, with his family, returned to England, to settie his affairs. This done, he came over with the design to have re- turned to his farm ; but on his arrival at Boston, the eastern Indians had begun their hostilities. He therefore begun a settlement on Long Island. The air of that place not so well agreeing with his constitution, and the Indians having become peaceable,, he again proposed to resettle his lands in Merrymeet- ing Bay ; but finding that place deserted, and that plantations were going on at Pemmaquid, he purchased several tracts of land of the inhabitants there. Upon his highness the duke of York resuming a claim to those parts, my father took out patents under that claim ; and when Pemmaquid was set off by the name of the county of Cornwall, in the province of New York, he was commissioned chief justice of the same by Gov. Duncan [Dongan.] * He was a strict Sabbatarian, and met with con- siderable difficulty in the discharge of his office, from the immoralities of a people who had long lived lawless. He laid out no inconsiderable income, which he had annually from England, on the place, and at last lost his life there, as will hereafter be related. I am not insensible of the truth of an assertion of Sir Roger L'Estrange, that " Books and dishes have this common fate : no one of either ever pleased all tastes." And I am fully of his opinion in this : " It is as little to be wished for as ex- pected ; for a universal applause is, at least, two thirds of a scandal." To conclude with Sir Roger, " Though I made this composition principally for my family, yet, if any man has a mind to take part with me, he has free leave, and is welcome ;" but let him carry this consideration along with him, " that he is a very unmannerly guest who forces himself upon anothei man's table, and then quarrels with his dinner." CHAPTER I. Containing the occurrences of the first year. On the second day of August, 1689, in the morning, my hon- ored father, THOMAS GYLES, Esq., went with some laborers, my two elder brothers and myself, to one of his farms, which laid upon the river about three miles above fort Charles,! adjoining Pemmaquid falls, there to gather in his English harvest, and we labored securely till noon. After we had dined, our people * He had been appointed governor of New York 30 Sept. 1682. Ed. \ Fort Charles stood on the spot where fort Frederick was, not long since, founded by Colonel Dunbar. The township adjoining thereto was called Jamestown, in honor to the duke of York. In this town, within a quarter of a mile of the fort, was my father's dwelling-house, from which he went out that unhappy morning. CAPTIVITY OF JOHN GYLES. 75 went to their labor, some in one field to their English hay, the others to another field of English corn. My father, the young- est of my two brothers, and myself, tarried near the farm-house in which we had dined till about one of the clock ; at which time we heard the report of several great guns at the fort. Upon which my father said he hoped it was a signal of good news, and that the great council had sent back the soldiers, to cover the inhabitants ; (for on report of the revolution they had deserted.) But to our great surprise, about thirty or forty In- dians,* at that moment, discharged a volley of shot at us, from behind a rising ground, near our barn. The yelling of the Indians,! the whistling of their shot, and the voice of my father, whom I heard cry out, " What now ! what now ! " so terrified me, (though he seemed to be handling a gun,) that I endeavor- ed to make my escape. My brother ran one way and I another, and looking over my shoulder, I saw a stout fellow, painted, pursuing me with a gun, and a cutlass glittering in his hand, which I expected every moment in my brains. I soon fell down, and the Indian seized me by the left hand. He offered me no abuse, but tied my arms, then lifted me up, and pointed to the place where the people were at .work about the hay, and led me that way. As we went, we crossed where my father was, who looked very pale and bloody, and walked very slowly. When we came to the place, I saw two men shot down on the flats, and one or two more knocked on their heads with hatch- ets, crying out, " O Lord," &c. There the Indians brought two captives, one a man, and my brother James, who, with me, had endeavored to escape by running from the house, when we were first attacked. This brother was about fourteen years of age. My oldest brother, whose name was Thomas, wonder- fully escaped by land to the Barbican, a point of land on the west side of the river, opposite the fort, where several fishing vessels lay. He got on board one of them and sailed that night. After doing what mischief they could, they sat down, and made us sit with them. After some time we arose, and the Indians pointed for us to go eastward. We marched about a quarter of a mile, and then made a halt. Here they brought my father to us. They made proposals to him, by old Moxus, who told him that those were strange Indians who shot him, * The whole company of Indians, according to Charlevoix, was one hundred. Ed. / t The Indians have a custom/stuttering a most horrid howl when they discharge guns, designing tfcereDy to terrify those whom they fight against. 76 CAPTIVITY OF JOHN GYLES. and that he was sorry for it. My father replied that he was a dying man, and wanted no favor of them, but to pray with nis children. This being granted him, he recommended us to the protection and blessing of God Almighty ; then gave us the best advice, and took his leave for this life, hoping in God that we should meet in a better. He parted with a cheerful voice, but looked very pale, by reason of his great loss of blood, which now gushed out of his shoes. The Indians led him aside ! I heard the blows of the hatchet, but neither shriek nor groan ! I afterwards heard that he had five or seven shot- holes through his waistcoat or jacket, and that he was covered with some boughs. The Indians led us, their captives, on the east side of the river, towards the fort, and when we came within a mile and a half of the fort and town, and could see the fort, we saw firing and smoke on all sides. Here we made a short stop, and then moved within or near the distance of three quarters of a mile from the fort, into a thick swamp. There I saw my mother and my two little sisters, and many other captives who were taken from the town. My mother asked me about my father. I told her he was killed, but could say no more for grief. She burst into tears, and the Indians moved me a little farther off, and seized me with cords to a tree. The Indians came to New Harbor, and sent spies several days to observe how and where the people were employed, &c., who found the men were generally at work at noon, and left about their houses only women and children. Therefore the Indians divided themselves into several parties, some am- bushing the way between the fort and the houses, as likewise between them and the distant fields ; and then alarming the farthest off first, they killed and took the people, as they moved towards the town and fort, at their pleasure, and very few escaped to it. Mr. Pateshall was taken and killed, as he lay with his sloop near the Barbican. On the first stir about the fort, my youngest brother was at play near it, and running in, was by God's goodness thus pre- served. Captain Weems, with great courage and resolution, defended the weak old fort* two days ; when, being much wounded, and the best of his men killed, he beat for a parley, which eventuated in these conditions : 1. That they, the Indians, should give him Mr. PateshalPs sloop. 2. That they should not molest him in carrying off the * I presume Charlevoix was misinformed about the strength of this place. He says, Us [the English] y avoient fait un fort bel etablissement, de- fendu par un fort, qui n'etoit a la verit6 que de pieux, mais assez reguliere ment construit, avec vingt canons month." JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 77 few pec pie that had got into the fort, and three captives that they had taken. 3. That the English should carry off in their hands what they could from the fort. On these conditions the fort was surrendered, and Captain Weems went off; and soon after, the Indians set on fire the fort and houses, which made a terrible blast, and was a melan- choly sight to us poor captives, who were sad spectators ! After the Indians had thus laid waste Pemmaquid, they moved us to New Harbor, about two miles east of Pemmaquicl, a cove much frequented by fishermen. At this place, there were, before the war, about twelve houses. These the inhab- itants deserted as soon as the rumor of war reached the place. When we turned our backs on the town, my heart was ready to break ! I saw my mother. She spoke to me, but I could not answer her. That night we tarried at New Harbor, and the next day went in their canoes for Penobscot. About noon, the canoe in which my mother was, and that in which I was, came side by side ; whether accidentally or by my mother's desire I cannot say. She asked me how I did. I think I said " pretty well," but my heart was so full of grief I scarcely knew whether audible to her. Then she said, " 0, my child ! how joyful and pleasant it would be, if we were going to old England, to see your uncle Chalker, and other friends there ! Poor babe, we are going into the wilderness, the Lord knows where !" Then bursting into tears, the canoes parted. That night following, the Indians with their captives lodged on an island. A few days after, we arrived at Penobscot fort, where I again saw my mother, my brother and sisters, and many other captives. I think we tarried here eight days. In that time, the Jesuit of the place had a great mind to buy me. My Indian master made a visit to the Jesuit, and carried me with him. And here I will note, that the Indian who takes a cap- tive is accounted his master, and has a perfect right to him, until he gives or sells him to another. I saw the Jesuit show ray master pieces of gold, and understood afterwards that he was tendering them for my ransom. He gave me a biscuit, which I put into my pocket, and not daring to eat it, buried it under a log, fearing he had put something into it to make me [ove him. Being very young, and having heard much of the Papists torturing the Protestants, caused me to act thus ; and I hated the sight of a Jesuit.* When my mother heard the * It is not to be wondered at that antipathy should be so plainly exhibited at this time, considering what had fteen going on in Engjand up to the latest dales ; but that children should have been taught, that Catholics had the power of winning over heretics by any mysterious pow- 7* 78 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. talk of my being sold to a Jesuit, she said to me, " Oh, my dear child, if it were God's will, I had rather follow you to your grave, or never see you more in this world, than you should be sold to a Jesuit ; for a Jesuit will ruin you, body and soul !"* It pleased God to grant her request, for she never saw me more ! Yet she and my two little sisters were, after several years' captivity, redeemed, but she died before I returned. My brother who was taken with me, was, after several years' captivity, most barbarously tortured to death by the Indians. My Indian master carried me up Penobscot river, to a vil- lage called Madawamkee, which stands on a point of land between the main river and a branch which heads to the east of it. At home I had ever seen strangers treated with the utmost civility, and being a stranger, I expected some kind treatment here ; but I soon found myself deceived, for I pres- ently saw a number of squaws, who had got together in a circle, dancing and yelling. An old grim-looking one took me by the hand, and leading me into the ring, some seized me by my hair, and others by my hands and feet, like so many furies ; but my master presently laying down a pledge, they released me. A captive among the - Indians is exposed to all manner of abuses, and to the extremest tortures, unless their master, or some of their master's relations, lay down a ransom ; such as a bag of corn, a blanket, or the like, which redeems them from their cruelty for that dance. The next day we went up that eastern branch of Penobscot river many leagues ; carried over land to a large pond, and from one pond to another, till, in a few days, we went down a river, called Medocktack, which vents itself into St. John's river. But before we came to the mouth of this river, we passed over a long carrying place, to Medocktack fort, which stands on a bank of St. ders, or other arts, furnished them by his satanic majesty, is a matter, to say the least, of no little admiration. Ed. * It may not be improper to hear how the Jesuits themselves viewed these matters. The settlement here was, according to the French account, in their dominions, and the English settlers "incommoded extremely from thence all the Indians in the adjacent country, who were the avowed friends of the French, and caused the government of Acadia no less inquietude, who feared with reason the effect of their intrigues in detaching the Indians from their alliance. The Indians, who undertook to break up the post at Pemmaquid, were Penobscots, among whom a Jesuit, named M. THHRT, a good laborer in the faith, had a numerous mission. The first atten- tion before setting out of these brave Christians was to secure aid of the God of battles, by confessions and the sacrament ; and they took care that their wives and children performed the same rites, and raised their pure hands to heaven, while their fathers and mothers went out to batUe against the heretics ." See Charlevoiz . E d JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 79 John's river. My master went before, and left me with an old Indian, and two or three squaws. The old man often said, (which was all the English he could speak,) "By and by come to a great town and fort." I now comforted myself in think- ing how finely I should be refreshed when I came to this great town. After some miles' travel we came in sight of a large corn- field, and soon after of the fort, to my great surprise. Two or three squaws met us, took off my pack, and led me to a large hut or wigwam, where thirty or forty Indians were dan- cing and yelling round five or six poor captives, who had been taken some months before from Quochech, at the time Major Waldron was so barbarously butchered by them. And before proceeding with my narrative I will give a short account of that action. Major Waldron's garrison was taken on the night of the 27th of June, 1689.* I have heard the Indians say at a feast that as there was a truce for some days, they contrived to send in two squaws to take notice of the numbers, lodgings and other circumstances of the people in his garrison, and if they could obtain leave to lodge there, to open the gates and whistle. (They said the gates had no locks, but were fastened with pins, and that they kept no watch.) The squaws had a favor- able season to prosecute their projection, for it was dull weather when they came to beg leave to lodge in the garrison. They told the major that a great number of Indians were not far from thence, with a considerable quantity of beaver, who would be there to trade with him the next day. Some of the people were very much against their lodging in the garrison, but the major said, " Let the poor creatures lodge by the fire." The squaws went into every apartment, and observing the numbers in each, when all the people were asleep, arose and opened the gates, gave the signal, and the other Indians came to them ; and having received an account of the state of the garrison, they divided according to the number of people in each apartment, and soon took and killed them all. The major lodged within an inner room, and when the Indians broke in upon him, he cried out, " What now ! what now !" and jumping out of bed with only his shirt on, seized his sword and drove them before him through two or three doors ; but for * The date stands in the old narrative, " in the beginning of April on the night after a Sabbath," which being an error, I have corrected it. What time in the night of the 27th the place was attacked, is not mentioned, but the accounts of it are chiefly dated the day following, viz. the 28th, when the tragedy was finished. The squaws had taken up their lodging there on the night of the 27th, and if the attack begun before midnight, which it probably did, the date in the text is the true one. Ed. 80 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVIT1. some i^ason, turning about towards the apartment he had just left, an Indian came up behind him, knocked him on the head with his hatchet, which stunned him, and he fell. They now seized upon him, dragged him out, and setting him upon a long table in his hall, bid him "judge Indians again." Then they cut and stabbed him, and he cried out, " 0, Lord ! O, Lord !" They bid him order his book of accounts to be brought, and to cross out all the Indians' debts,* (he having traded much with them.) After they had tortured him to death, they burned the garrison and drew off. This narration I had from their own mouths, at a general meeting, and have reason to think it true.t But to return to my narrative. I was whirled in among this circle of Indians, and we pris- oners looked on each other with a sorrowful countenance. Presently ov>e of them was seized by each hand and foot, by four Indians, who, swinging him up, let his back fall on the ground with full force. This they repeated, till they had danced, as they called it, round the whole wigwam, which was thirty or foity feet in length. But when they torture a boy they take hi:n up between two. This is one of their customs of torturing captives. Another is to take up a person by the middle, with his head downwards, and jolt him round till one would think his bowels would shake out of his mouth. Some- times they \rill take a captive by the hair of the head, and stooping him forward, strike him on the back and shoulder, till the blood gushes out of his mouth and nose. Sometimes an old shrivelled squaw will take up a shovel of hot embers and throw them into a captive's bosom. If he cry out, the Indians will laugh and shout, and say, " What a brave action our old grandmother has done." Sometimes they torture them with whips, &c. The Indians looked on me with a fierce countenance, as much as to say, it will be your turn next. They champed cornstalks, which they threw into my hat, as I held it in my hand. I smiled on them, though my heart ached. I looked on one, and another, but could not perceive that any eye pitied me. Presently came a squaw and a little girl, and laid down a bag of corn in the ring. The little girl took me by the hand, making signs for me to go out of the circle with them. Not knowing their custom, I supposed they designed to kill me, * When they gashed his naked breast, they said in derision, " I crost out my ateount" Ed. f In a previous note, to another narrative, I have referred the reader to my large work, (THE BOOK OF THE INDIANS,) where all the circumstances cf this shocking affair are detailed. Ed. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 81 and refused to go. Then a grave Indian came and gave me a short pipe, and said in English, " Smoke it ;" then he took me by the hand and led me out. My heart ached, thinking my- self near my end. But he carried me to a French hut, about a mile from the Indian fort. The Frenchman was not at home, but his wife, who was a squaw, had some discourse with my Indian friend, which I did not understand. We tarried about two hours, then returned to the Indian village, where they gave me some victuals. Not long after this I saw one of my fellow-captives, who gave me a melancholy account of their sufferings after I left them. After some weeks had passed, we left this village and went up St. John's river about ten miles, to a branch called Medock- scenecasis, where there was one wigwam. At our arrival an old squaw saluted me with a yell, taking me by the hair and one hand, but I was so rude as to break her hold and free myself. She gave me a filthy grin, and the Indians set up a laugh, and so it passed over. Here we lived upon fish, wild grapes, roots, &c., which was hard living to me. When the winter came on we went up the river, till the ice came down, running thick in the river, when, according to the Indian custom, we laid up our canoes till spring. Then we travelled sometimes on the ice, and sometimes on the land, till we came to a river that was open, but not fordable, where we made a raft, and passed over, bag and baggage. I met with no abuse from them in this winter's hunting, though I was put to great hardships in carrying burdens and for want of food. But they underwent the same difficulty, and would often encourage me, saying, in broken English, "By and by great deal moose." Yet they could not answer any question I asked them. And knowing little of their customs and way of life, I thought it tedious to be constantly moving from place to place, though it might be in some respects an advantage ; for it ran still in my mind that we were travelling to some settlement ; and when my burden was over-heavy, and the Indians left me behind, and the still evening coming on, I fancied I could see through the bushes, and hear the people of some great town ; which hope, though some support to me in the day, yet I found not the town at night. Thus we were hunting three hundred miles* from the sea, and knew no man within fifty or sixty miles of us. We were eight or ten in number, and had but two guns, on which we *A pardonable error, perhaps, considering the author's ignorance of the geography of the country. He could hardly have got three hundred miles from the mouth of the Penobscot, in a northerly direction, without crossing the St. Lawrence. Ed. 6 25 82 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. wholly depended for food. If any disaster had happened, we must all have perished. Sometimes we had no manner of sus- tenance for three or four days ; but God wonderfully provides for all creatures. In one of these fasts, God's providence was remarkable. Our two Indian men, who had guns, in hunting started a moose, but there being a shallow crusted snow on the ground, and the moose discovering them, ran with great force into a swamp. The Indians went round the swamp, and finding no track, returned at night to the wigwam, and told what had happened. The next morning they followed him on the track, and soon found him lying on the snow. He had, in crossing the roots of a large tree, that had been blown down, broken through the ice made over the water in the hole occasioned by the roots of the tree taking up the ground, and hitched one of his hind legs among the roots, so fast that by striving to get it out he pulled his thigh bone out of its socket at the hip ; and thus extraordinarily were we provided for in our great strait. Sometimes they would take a bear, which go into dens in the fall of the year, without any sort of food, and lie there four or five months without food, never going out till spring; in which time they neither lose nor gain in flesh. If they went into their dens fat they came out so, and if they went in lean they came out lean. I have seen some which have come out with four whelps, and both very fat, and then we feasted. An old squaw and a captive, if any present, must stand without the wigwam, shaking their hands and bodies as in a dance, and singing, " WEGAGE OH KELO won," which in English is, " Fat is my eating." This is to signify their thankfulness in feasting times. When one supply was spent we fasted till further success. The way they preserve meat is by taking the flesh from the bones and drying it in smoke, by which it is kept sound months or years without salt. We moved still further up the country after moose when our store was out, so that by the spring we had got to the northward of the Lady moun- tains.* When the spring came and the rivers broke up, we moved back to the head of St. John's river, and there made canoes of moose hides, sewing three or four together and pitching the seams with balsam mixed with charcoal. Then we went down the river to a place called Madawescook.t There an old man lived and kept a sort of trading house, where * If these are the same the French called Monts Notre Dame, our cap- tive was now on the borders of the St. Lawrence, to the north of the head of the bay of Chaleurs. Ed. t Probably the now well-known Madawasca, of " disputed territory* memory. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 83 we tarried several days ; then went farther down the river till we came to the greatest falls in these parts, called Checaneke- peag, where we carried a little way over the land, and putting off our canoes we went down-stream still. And as we passed down by the mouths of any large branches, we saw In- dians ; but when any dance was proposed, I was bought off. At length we arrived at the place where we left our birch canoes in the fall, and putting our baggage into them, went dor/n to the fort. There we planted corn, and after planting went a fishing, and to look for and dig roots, till the corn was fit to weed. After weeding we took a second tour on the same errand, then returned to hill our corn. After hilling we went some dis- tance from the fort and field, up the river, to take salmon and other fish, which we dried for food, where we continued till corn was filled with milk ; some of it we dried then, the other as it ripened. To dry corn when in the milk, they gather it in large kettles and boil it on the ears, till it is pretty hard, then shell it from the cob with clam-shells, and dry it on bark in the sun. When it is thoroughly dry, a kernel is no bigger than a pea, and would keep years, and when it is boiled again it swells as large as when on the ear, and tastes incomparably sweeter than other corn. When we had gathered our corn and dried it in the way already described, we put some into Indian barns, that is, into holes in the ground, lined and cov- ered with bark, and then with dirt. The rest we carried up the river upon our next winter's hunting. Thus God wonder- fully favored me, and carried me through the first year of my captivity. CHAPTER II. Of the abusive and barbarous treatment which several captives met with from the Indians. When any great number of Indians met, or when any captives had been lately taken, or when any captives desert and are retaken, they have a dance, and torture the unhappy people who have fallen into their hands. My unfortunate brother, who was taken with me, after about three years' captivity, deserted with another Englishman, who had been taken from Casco Bay, and was retaken by the Indians at New Harbor, and carried back to Penobscot fort. Here they were both tortured at a stake by fire, fo^some time ; then their noses and ears were cut off, and they made to eat them. After this they were burnt to death at the stake ; the Indians at the same time declaring that they would serve all deserters in the same manner. Thus they divert themselves in their dances. On the second spring of my captivity, my Indian master and 94 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. his squaw went to Canada, but sent me down the river will several Indians to the fort, to plant corn. The day before we came to the planting ground, we met two young Indian men, who seemed to be in great haste. After they had passed us, I understood they were going with an express to Canada, and that there was an English vessel at the mouth of the river. I not being perfect in their language, nor knowing that English vessels traded with them in time of war, supposed a peace was concluded on, and that the captives would be released ; I was so transported with this fancy, that I slept but little if any that night. Early the next morning we came to the village, where my ecstacy ended ; for I had no sooner landed, but three or four Indians dragged me to the great wigwam, where they were yelling and dancing round James Alexander, a Jersey man, who was taken from Falmouth, in Casco Bay. This was occasioned by two families of Cape Sable Indians, who, having lost some friends by a number of English fishermen, came some hundreds of miles to revenge themselves on poor captives. They soon came to me, and tossed me about till 1 was almost breathless, and then threw me into the ring to my fellow-captive ; and taking him out, repeated their barbarities on him. Then I was hauled out again by three Indians, who seized me by the hair of the head ; and bending me down by my hair, one beat me on the back and shoulders so long that my breath was almost beat out of my body. Then others put a tomhake* [tomahawk] into my hands, and ordered me to get up and sing and dance Indian, which I performed with the greatest reluctance, and while in the act, seemed determined to purchase my death, by killing two or three of those monsters of cruelty, thinking it impossible to survive their bloody treat- ment ; but it was impressed on my mind that it was not in their power to take away my life, so I desisted. Then those Cape Sable Indians came to me again like bears bereaved of their whelps, saying, " Shall we, who have lost relations by the English, suffer an English voice to be heard among us?" &c. Then they beat me again with the axe. * The tomhake is a warlike club, the shape of which may be seen in cuts of ETOWOHKOAM, one of the four Indian chiefs, which cuts are common amongst us. [Mr. Gyles refers to the four Iroquois chiefs, who visited England in the reign of Queen Anne. About those chiefs I have collect- ed and published the particulars in the Book of the Indians. And I will here remark that the compilers of the ponderous Indian Biography ana History, now in course of publication, under the names of James Hall and T. L. M'Kenny, have borrowed my labors with no sparing hand they have not even owned it ; having no faith, probably, that by so doing they might pay half the debt. "He who steals my purse steals trash," but h who robs me of my labors Ed.] JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 85 Now I repented that I had not sent two or three of them out of the world before me, for I thought I had much rather die than suffer any longer. They left me the second time, and the other Indians put the tomhake into my hands again, and com- pelled me to sing. Then I seemed more resolute than before to destroy some of them ; but a strange and strong impulse that I should return to my own place and people suppressed it, as often as such a motion rose in my breast. Not one of them showed the least compassion, but I saw the tears run down plentifully on the cheeks of a Frenchman who sat behind, though it did noi alleviate the tortures that poor James and I were forced to endure for the most part of this tedious day ; for they were continued till the evening, and were the most severe that ever I met with in the whole six years that I was a captive with the Indians. After they had thus inhumanly abused us, two Indians took us up and threw us out of the wigwam, and we crawled away on our hands and feet, and were scarce able to walk for several days. Some time after they again concluded on a merry dance, when I was at some distance from the wigwam dressing leather, and an Indian was so kind as to tell me that they had got James Alexander, and were in search for me. My Indian master and his squaw bid me run for my life into a swamp and hide, and not to discover myself unless they both came to me ; for then I might be assured the dance was over. I was now master of their language, and a word or a wink was enough to excite me to take care of one. I ran to the swamp, and hid in the thickest place I could find. I heard hallooing and whooping all around me ; sometimes some passed very near me, and I could hear some threaten and others flatter me, but I was not disposed to dance. If they had come upon me, I had resolved to show them a pair of heels, and they must have had good luck to have catched me. I heard no more of them till about evening, for I think I slept, when they came again, calling, " Chon ! Chon ! " but John would not trust them. After they were gone, my master and his squaw came where they told me to hide, but could not find me ; and, when I heard them say, with some concern, they believed the other Indians had frightened me into the woods, and that I was lost, I came out, and they seemed well pleased. They told me James had had a bad day of it ; that as soon as he was released he ran away into the woods, and they believed he was gone to the Mohawks. James soon returned, and gave a melancholy ac- count of his sufferings, and the Indians's fright concerning the Mohawks passed over. They often had terrible apprehensions of the incursions <^f those Indians. They are called also Ma- 86 JOHN GYLES' CAPTTVITY. quas, a most ambitious, haughty and blood-thirsty people, from whom the other Indians take their measures and manners, and their modes and changes of dress, &c. One very hot season, a great number gathered together at the village, and being a very droughty [thirsty] people, they kept James and myself night and day fetching water from a cold spring, that ran out of a rocky hill about three quarters of a mile from the fort. In going thither, we crossed a large interval cornfield, and then a descent to a lower interval, before we ascended the hill to the spring. James being almost dead, as well as I, with this con- tinual fatigue, contrived to frighten the Indians. He told me of his plan, but conjured me to secrecy, yet said he knew I could keep counsel ! The next dark night, James, going for water, set his kettle down on the descent to the lowest interval, and running back to the fort, puffing and blowing as though in the utmost surprise, told his master that he saw something near the spring that looked like Mohawks, (which were only stumps.) His master, being a most courageous warrior, went with him to make discovery. When they came to the brow of the hill, James pointed to the stumps, and withal touching his kettle with his toe, gave it motion down the hill ; at every turn its bail clattered, which caused James and his master to see a Mohawk in every stump, and they lost no time in " turning tail to," and he was the best fellow who could run the fastest. This alarmed all the Indians in the village. They were about thirty or forty in number, and they packed off, bag and baggage, some up the river and others down, and did not return under fifteen days ; and then the heat of the weather being finally over, our hard service was abated for this season. I never heard that the Indians understood the occasion of their fright ; but James and I had many a private laugh about it. But my most intimate and dear companion was one John Evans, a young man taken from Quochecho. We, as often as we could, met together, and made known our grievances to each other, which seemed to ease our minds ; but, as soon as it was known by the Indians, we were strictly examined apart, and falsely accused of contriving to desert. We were too far from the sea to have any thought of that, and finding our sto- ries agreed, did not punish us. An English captive girl abou this time, who was taken by Medocawando, would often false ly accuse us of plotting to desert ; but we made the truth so plainly appear, that she was checked and we were released. But the third winter of my captivity, John Evans went into the country, and the Indians imposed a heavy burden on him, while he was extremely weak from long fasting ; and as he was going off the upland over a place of ice, which was very JOHN GYLES CAPTIVITY. 8T hollow, he broke through, fell down, and cut his knee very much. Notwithstanding, he travelled for some time, but the wind and cold were so forcible, that they soon overcame him, and he sat or fell down, and all the Indians passed by him. Some of them went back the next day after him, or his pack, and found him, with a dog in his arms, both frozen to death. Thus all of my fellow-captives were dispersed and dead, but through infinite and unmerited goodness I was supported un- der and carried through all difficulties. CHAPTER III. Of further difficulties and deliverances. One winter, as we were moving from place to place, our hunters killed some moose. One lying some miles from our wig- wams, a young Indian and myself were ordered to fetch part of it. We set out in the morning, when the weather was promising, but it proved a very cold, cloudy day. It was late in the evening before we arrived at the place where the moose lay, so that we had no time to provide materials for fire or shelter. At the same time came on a storm of snow, very thick, which continued until the next morning. We made a small fire with what little rubbish we could find around us. The fire, with the warmth of our bodies, melted the snow upon us as fast as it fell ; and so our clothes were filled with water. However, early in the morning we took our loads of moose flesh, and set out to return to our wigwams. We had not travelled far before my moose-skin coat (which was the only garment I had on my back, and the hair chiefly worn off) was frozen stiff round my knees, like a hoop, as were my snow- shoes and shoe-clouts to my feet. Thus I marched the whole day without fire or food. At first I was in great pain, then my flesh became numb, and at times I felt extremely sick, and thought I could not travel one foot farther ; but I wonderfully revived again. After long travelling I felt very drowsy, and had thoughts of sitting down, which had I done, without doubt I had fallen on my final sleep, as my dear companion, Evans, had done before. My Indian companion, being better clothed, had left me long before. Again my spirits revived as much as if I had received the richest cordial. Some hours after sunset I reached the wigwam, and crawling in with my snow-shoes on, the Indians cried out, " The captive is frozen to death !" They took off my pack, and the place where that lay against my back was the only one that was not frozen. They cut off my shoes, and stripped off the clouts from my feet, which were as void of feeling as any frozen flesh could be. I had not sat long by the fire before the blood began to circulate, and my 88 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. feet to my ankles turned black, and swelled with bloody blis- ters, and were inexpressibly painful. The Indians said one to another, " His feet will rot, and he will die." Yet I slept well at night. Soon after, the skin came off my feet from my ankles, whole, like a shoe, leaving my toes naked, without a nail, and the ends of my great toe bones bare, which, in a little time, turned black, so that I was obliged to cut the first joint off with my knife. The Indians gave me rags to bind up my feet, and advised me to apply fir balsam, but withal added that they believed it was not worth while to use means, for I should certainly die. But, by the use of my elbows, and a stick in each hand, I shoved myself along as I sat upon the ground over the snow from one tree to another, till I got some balsam. This I burned in a clam-shell till it was of a consistence like salve, which I applied to my feet and ankles, and, by the di- vine blessing, within a week I could go about upon my heels with my staff. And, through God's goodness, we had pro- tisions enough, so that we did not remove under ten or fifteen lays. Then the Indians made two little hoops, something in She form of a snow-shoe, and sewing them to my feet, I was able to follow them in their tracks, on my heels, from place to place, though sometimes half leg deep in snow and water, which gave me the most acute pain imaginable ; but I must walk or die. Yet within a year my feet were entirely well ; and the nails came on my great toes, so that a very critical eye could scarcely perceive any part missing, or that they had been frozen at all. In a time of great scarcity of provisions, the Indians chased a large moose into the river, and killed him. They brought the flesh to the village, and raised it on a scaffold, in a large wigwam, in order to make a feast. I was very officious in supplying them with wood and water, which pleased them so well that they now and then gave me a piece of flesh half boiled or roasted, which I ate with eagerness, and I doubt not without due thankfulness to the divine Being who so extra- ordinarily fed me. At length the scaffold bearing the moose meat broke, and I being under it, a large piece fell, and knock- ed me on the head.* The Indians said I lay stunned a con- siderable time. The first I was sensible of was a murmuring noise in my ears, then my sight gradually returned, with an extreme pain in my hand, which was very much bruised ; and it was long before I recovered, the weather being very hot. I was once fishing with an Indian for sturgeon, and the Indian darting one, his feet slipped, and he turned the canoe * Whether he were struck by a timber of the scaffold, or a quantity of the meat on it, we are left to conjecture, and it is not very material. Ed. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 89 bottom upward, with me under it. I held fast to the cross-bar, as I could not swim, with my face to the bottom of the canoe ; but turning myself, I brought my breast to bear on the cross- bar, expecting every minute the Indian to tow me to the bank. But " he had other fish to fry." Thus I continued a quarter of an hour, [though] without want of breath, till the current drove me on a rocky point where I could reach bottom There I stopped, and turned up my canoe. On looking about for the Indian, I saw him half a mile off up the river. On going to him, I asked him why he had not towed me to the bank, seeing he knew I could not swim. He said he knew I was under the canoe, for there were no bubbles any where to be seen, and that I should drive on the point. So while he was taking care of his fine sturgeon, which was eight or ten feet in length, I was left to sink or swim. Once, as we were fishing for salmon at a fall of about fifteen feet of water, I came near being drownded in a deep hole at the foot of the fall. The Indians went into the water to wash themselves, and asked me to go with them. I told them I could not swim, but they insisted, and so I went in. They ordered me to dive across the deepest place, and if I fell short of the other side they said they would help me. But, instead of diving across the narrowest part, I was crawling on the bot- tom into the deepest place. They not seeing me rise, and knowing whereabouts I was by the bubbling of the water, a young girl dived down, and brought me up by the hair, other- wise I had perished in the water. Though the Indians, both male and female, go into the water together, they have each of them such covering on that not the least indecency can be observed, and neither chastity nor modesty is violated. While at the Indian village, I had been cutting wood and binding it up with an Indian rope, in order to carry it to the wigwam ; a stout, ill-natured young fellow, about twenty years of age, threw me backward, sat on my breast, pulled out his knife, and said he would kill me, for he had never yet killed one of the English. I told him he might go to war, and that would be more manly than to kill a poor captive who was do- ing their drudgery for them. Notwithstanding all I could say, be began to cut and stab me on my breast. I seized him by the hair, and tumbling him off of me, followed him with my fists and knee with such application that he soon cried "enough." But when I saw the blood run from my bosom, and felt the smart of the wounds he had given me, I at him again, and bid him get up, and not lie there like a dog; told him of his former abuses offered to me, and other poor captives, and that if ever he offered the like to me again, I would pay him 8* 90 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. double. I sent him before me, and taking up my burden of wood, came to the Indians, and told them the whole truth, and they commended me. And I do not remember that ever he offered me the least abuse afterwards, though he was big enough to have despatched two of me. CHAPTER IV. Of remarkable events of Providence in the deaths of several barbarous Indians. The priest of this river was of the order of St. Francis, a gentleman of a humane, generous disposition. In his sermons he most severely repre- hended the Indians for their barbarities to captives. He would often tell them that, excepting their errors in religicn, the Eng- lish were a better people than themselves, and that God would remarkably punish such cruel wretches, and had begun to exe- cute his vengeance upon such already ! He gave an account of the retaliations of Providence upon those murderous Cape Sable Indians above mentioned ; one of whom got a splinter into his foot, which festered and rotted his flesh till it killed him. Another run a fish-bone into her hand or arm, and she rotted to death, notwithstanding all means that were used to prevent it. In some such manner they all died, so that not one of those two families lived to return home.* Were it not for these remarks of the priest, I had not, perhaps, have noticed \hese providences. There was an old squaw who ever endeavored to outdo all others in cruelty to captives. Wherever she came into a wig- wam, where any poor, naked, starved captives were sittinp near the fire, if they were grown persons, she would stealthily take up a shovel of hot coals, and throw them into their bo- soms. If they were young persons, she would seize them by the hand or leg, drag them through the fire, &c. The Indians with whom she lived, according to their custom, left their vil- lage in the fall of the year, and dispersed themselves for hunt- ing. After the first or second removal, they all strangely forgot that old squaw and her grandson, about twelve years of age. They were found dead in the place where they were left some months afterwards, and no farther notice was taken of them by their friends. Of this the priest made special remark, for- asmuch as it is a thing very uncommon for them to negleci either their old or young people. In the latter part of summer, or beginning of autumn, the Indians were frequently frightened by the appearance of * Reference is probably had to those Indians, of whom the author has before spoken, as having come to the fort of those with whom he was among, to be cevenged on any whites for the loss of some of their friends who had been killed by white fishermen. Ed. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 91 strange Indians, passing up and down this river in canoes, and about that time the next year died more than one hun- dred persons, old and young ; all, or most of those who saw those strange Indians ! The priest said it was a sort of plague. A person seeming in perfect health would bleed at the mouth and nose, turn blue in spots, and die in two or three hours.* It was very tedious to me to remove from place to place this cold season. The Indians applied red ochre to my sores, [which had been occasioned by the affray before mentioned,] which by God's blessing cured me. This sickness being at the worst as winter came on, the Indians all scattered ; and the blow was so great to them, that they did not settle or plant at their village while I was on the river, [St. Johns,] and I know not whether they have to this day. Before they thus deserted the village, when they came in from hunting, they would be drunk and fight for several days and nights together, till they had spent most of their skins in wine and brandy, which was brought to the village by a Frenchman called Monsieur Sigenioncour. CHAPTER V. Of their familiarity with and frights from the devil, &c. The Indians are very often surprised with the appearance of ghosts and demons. Sometimes they are en- couraged by the devil, for they go to him for success in hunt- ing, &c. I was once hunting with Indians who were not Drought over to the Romish faith, and after several days they proposed to inquire, according to their custom, what success they should have. They accordingly prepared many hot stones, and laying them in a heap, made a small hut covered with skins and mats ; then in a dark night two of the powwows went into this hot house with a large vessel of water, which at times they poured on those hot rocks, which raised a thick steam, so that a third Indian was obliged to stand without, and lift up a mat, to give it vent when they were almost suffocated. There was an old squaw who was kind to captives, and never joined with them in their powwowing, to whom I manifested an earnest desire to see their management. She told me that if they knew of my being there they would kill me, and that when she was a girl she had known young persons to be taken away by a hairy man, and therefore she would not advise me to go, lest the hairy man should carry me away. I told * Calamitous mortalities are often mentioned as happening among the Indians, but that the appearance of strange Indians had any thing to do with it, will only excite admiration to the enlightened of this age. It was by a mortality something similar that the country about the coast of Massachusetts was nearly depopulated two or three years before the sett.e- ment of Plymouth. Ed. 92 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. her I was not afraid of the hairy man, nor could he hurt me if she would not discover me to the powwows. At length she promised me she would not, but charged me to be careful of myself. I went within three or four feet of the hot house, for it was very dark, and heard strange noises and yellings, such as I never heard before. At times the Indian who tended without would lift up the mat, and a steam would issue which looked like fire. I lay there two or three hours, but saw none of their hairy men, or demons. And when I found they had finished their ceremony, I went to the wigwam, and told the squaw what had passed. She was glad I had escaped without hurt, and never discovered what I had done. After some time inquiry was made of the powwows what success we were likely to have in our hunting. They said they had very likely signs of success, but no real ones as at other times. A few days after we moved up the river, and had pretty good hick. One afternoon as I was in a canoe with one of the pow- wows the dog barked, and presently a moose passed by within a few rods of us, so that the waves he made by wading rolled our canoe. The Indian shot at him, but the moose took very little notice of it, and went into the woods to the southward. The fellow said, " I will try if I can't fetch you back for all your haste." The evening following, we built our two wig- wams on a sandy point on the upper end of an island in the river, north-west of the place where the moose went into the woods ; and here the Indian powwowed the greatest part of the night following. In the morning we had a fair track of a moose round our wigwams, though we did not see or taste of it. I am of opinion that the devil was permitted to humor those unhappy wretches sometimes, in some things.* That it may appear how much they were deluded, or under the influence of satan, read the two stories which were related and believed by the Indians. The first, of a boy who was car- ried away by a large bird called a GuUoua, who buildeth her nest on a high rock or mountain. A boy was hunting with his bow and arrow at the foot of a rocky mountain, when the gulloua came diving through the air, grasped the boy in her talons, and although he was eight or ten years of age, she soared aloft and laid him in her nest, food for her young. * Whatever the Indians might have believed about the devil, one thing is pretty clear, that our captive had great faith in his abilities. Quite as easy a way to have accounted for moose tracks about their wigwag would have been to suppose that that animal might have been attracted by the uncouth noise of the powwow to approach them for the object of discovery. It is very common for wild animals to do so. Ed. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 93 The boy lay still on his face, but observed two of the young birds in the nest with him, having much fish and flesh to feed upon. The old one seeing they would not eat the boy, took him up in her claws and returned him to the place from whence she took him. I have passed near the mountain in a canoe, and the Indians have said, " There is the nest of the great bird that carried away the boy." Indeed there seemed to be a great number of sticks put together like a nest on the top of the mountain. At another time they said, " There is the bird, but he is now as a boy to a giant to what he was in former days." The bird which we saw was a large and speckled one, like an eagle, though somewhat larger.* When from the mountain tops, with hideous cry And clattering wings, the hungry harpies fly, They snatched * * * * * And whether gods or birds obscene they were, Our vows for pardon and for peace prefer. DRYDEN'S VIRGIL. The other notion is, that a young Indian in his hunting was belated, and losing his way, was on a sudden introduced to a large wigwam full of dried eels, which proved to be a bea- ver's house, in which he lived till the spring of the year, when he was turned out of the house, and being set upon a beaver's dam, went home and related the affair to his friends at large. CHAPTER VI. A description of several creatures com mordy taken by the Indians on St. John's river. I. OF THE BEAVER. The beaver has a very thick, strong neck ; his fore teeth, which are two in the upper and two in the under jaw, are concave and sharp like a carpenter's gouge. Their side teeth are like a sheep's, for they chew the cud. Their legs are short, the claws something longer than in other creatures. The nails on the toes of their hind feet are flat like an ape's, but joined together by a membrane, as those of the water-fowl, their tails broad and flat like the broad end of a paddle. Near their tails they have four bottles, two of which contain oil, the others gum ; the necks of these meet in one common orifice. The latter of these bottles contain the proper castorum, and not the testicles, as some have fancied, for they are distinct and separate from them, in the males only ; * Not exactly a.fish story, but it is certainly a bird story, and although Mr. Gyles has fortified himself behind " believed by the Indians," yet I fear his reputation for credulity will be somewhat enhanced in the mind of the reader. I think, however, it should not derogate from his character for veracity J4 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. whereas the castorum and oil bottles are common to male and female. With this oil and gum they preen themselves, so that when they come out of the water it runs off of them, as it does from a fowl. They have four teats, which are on their breasts, so that they hug up their young and suckle them, as women do their infants. They have generally two, and some- times four in a litter. I have seen seven or five in the matrix, but the Indians think it a strange thing to find so many in a litter ; and they assert that when it so happens the dam kills all but four. They are the most laborious creatures that I have met with. I have known them to build dams across a river, thirty or forty perches wide, with wood and mud, so as to flow many acres of land. In the deepest part of a pond so raised, they build their houses, round, in the figure of an Indian wigwam, eight or ten feet high, and six or eight in diameter on the floor, which is made descending to the water, the parts near the centre about four, and near the circumference between ten and twenty inches above the water. These floors are cov- ered with strippings of wood, like shavings. On these they sleep with their tails in the water ;* and if the freshets rise, they have the advantage of rising on their floor to the highest part. They feed on the leaves and bark of trees, and pond lily roots. In the fall of the year they lay in their provision for the approaching winter ; cutting down trees great and small. With one end in their mouths they drag their branches near to their house, and sink many cords of it. (They will cut [gnaw] down trees of a fathom in circumference.) They have doors to go down to the wood under the ice. And in case the fresh- ets rise, break down and carry off their store of wood, they often starve. They have a note for conversing, calling and warning each other when at work or feeding ; and while they are at labor they keep out a guard, who upon the first approach of an enemy so strikes the water with his tail that he may be heard half a mile. This so alarms the rest that they are all silent, quit their labor, and are to be seen no more for thai time. If the male or female die, the survivor seeks a mate, and conducts him or her to their house, and carry on affairs as above. II. OF THE WOLVERENE. [Gulo Luscus of L.] The wol- verene is a very fierce and mischievous creature, about the bigness of a middling dog ; having short legs, broad feet and * 1 recollect to have seen a similar statement by that singular genius THOMAS MORTON, of Mare Mount, in his more singular book, NEW EXG- LISH CANAAN, about beavers keeping their tails in the water. Morton, however, tells us the reason they do so. viz. "which else rvotdd overheat and ret o/ Ed. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 95 very sharp claws, and in my opinion may be reckoned a spe- cies of cat. They will climb trees and wait for moose and Dther animals which feed below, and when opportunity pre- sents, jump upon and strike their claws in them so fast that they will hang on them till they have gnawed the main nerve in their neck asunder, which causes their death. I have known many moose killed thus. I was once travelling a little way behind several Indians, and hearing them laugh merrily, when I came up I asked them the cause of their laughter. They showed me the track of a moose, and how a wolverene had climbed a tree, and where he had jumped off upon a moose. It so happened, that after the moose had taken seve- ral large leaps, it came under the branch of a tree, which strik- ing the wolverene, broke his hold and tore him off; and by his tracks in the snow it appeared he went off another way, with short steps, as if he had been stunned by the blow that had broken his hold. The Indians imputed the accident to the cunning of the moose, and were wonderfully pleased that it had thus outwitted the mischievous wolverene. These wolverenes go into wigwams which have been left for a time, scatter the things abroad, and most filthily pollute them with ordure. I have heard the Indians say that this ani- mal has sometimes pulled their guns from under their heads while they were asleep, and left them so defiled. An Indian told me that having left his wigwam with sundry things on the scaffold, among which was a birchen flask containing seve- ral pounds of powder, he found at his return, much to his sur- prise and grief, that a wolverene had visited it, mounted the scaffold, hove down bag and baggage. The powder flask hap- pening to fall into the fire, exploded, blowing up the wolverene, and scattering the wigwam in all directions. At length he found the creature, blind from the blast, wandering backward and forward, and he had the satisfaction of kicking and beat- ing him about ! This in a great measure made up their loss, and then they could contentedly pick up their utensils and rig out their wigwam. III. OF THE HEDGEHOG, [Histrix Dorsata,] or URCHIN, [Urson?] Our hedgehog or urchin is about the bigness of a hog of six months old. His back, sides and tail are full of sharp quilb, so that if any creature approach him, he will con- tract himself into a globular form, and when touched by his enemy, his quills are so sharp and loose in the skin they fix in the mouth of the adversary. They will strike with great force with their tails, so that whatever falls under the lash of them are certainly filled with their prickles ; but that they shoot their quills, as some assert they do, is n great mistake, as re- 96 JOHN PILES' CAP'iTVIlY. spects the American hedgehog, and I believe as to the Afri- can hedgehog or porcupine, also. As to the former, I have takon them at all seasons of the year. IV. OF THE TORTOISE. It is needless to describe the fresh- water tortoise, whose form is so well known in all parts; but their manner of propagating their species is not so universally known. I have observed that sort of tortoise whose shell is about fourteen or sixteen inches wide. In their coition they may be heard half a mile, making a noise like a woman wash- ing her linen with a batting staff. They lay their eggs in the sand, near some deep, still water, about a foot beneath the sur- face of the sand, with which they are very curious in covering them; so that there is not the least mixture of it amongst them, nor the least rising of sand on the beach where they are deposited. I have often searched for them with the Indians, by thrusting a stick into the sand at random, and brought up some part of an egg clinging to it ; when, uncovering the place, we have found near one hundred and fifty in one nest. Both their eggs and flesh are good eating when boiled. I have observed a difference as to the length of time in which they are hatching, which is between twenty and thirty days ; some sooner than others. Whether this difference ought to be im- puted to the various quality or site of the sand in which they are laid, (as to the degree of cold or heat,) I leave to the con- jecture of the virtuosi. As soon as they are hatched, the young tortoise breaks through the sand and betake themselves to the water, and, as far as I could discover, without any fur- ther care or help of the old ones. CHAPTER VII. Of their feasting. 1. Before they go to war. When the Indians determine on war, or are entering upon a particular expedition, they kill a number of their dogs, burn off their hair and cut them to pieces, leaving only one dog's head whole. The rest of the flesh they boil, and make a fine feast of it. Then the dog's head that was left whole is scorched, till the nose and lips have shrunk from the teeth, leaving them bare and grinning. This done, they fasten it on a stick, and the Indian who is proposed to be chief in the expe- dition takes the head into his hand, and sings a warlike song, in which he mentions the town they design to attack, and the principal man in it ; threatening that in a few days he will carry that man's head and scalp in his hand, in the same man- ner. When the chief has finished singing, he so places the dog's head as to grin at him who he supposes will go his second, who, if he accepts, takes the head in his hand and ings ; but : f he refuses to go, he turns the teeth to another ; JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. , 97 and thus from one to another till they have enlisted their com- pany. The Indians imagine that dog's flesh makes them bold and courageous. I have seen an Indian split a dog's head with a hatchet, take out the brains hot, and eat them raw with the blood running down his jaws ! 2. When a relation dies. In a still evening, a squaw will walk on the highest land near her abode, and with a loud and mournful voice will exclaim, " Oh hawe, hawe, halve," with a long, mournful tone to each hawe, for a long time together. After the mourning season is over, the relations of the deceased make a feast to wipe off tears, and the bereaved may marry freely. If the deceased was a squaw, the relations consult together, and choose a squaw, (doubtless a widow,) and send her to the widower, and if he likes her he takes her to be his wife, if not, he sends her back, and the relations choose and send till they find one that he approves of. If a young fellow determines to marry, his relations and the Jesuit advise him to a girl. He goes into the wigwam where she is, and looks on her. If he likes her appearance, he tosses a chip or stick into her lap, which she takes, and with a reserved, side look, views the person who sent it ; yet handles the chip with admiration, as though she wondered from whence it came. If she likes him she throws the chip to him with a modest smile, and then nothing is wanting but a ceremony with the Jesuit to consummate the marriage. But if she dislikes her suitor, she, with a surly countenance, throws the chip aside, and he comes no more there. If parents have a daughter marriageable they seek a hus- band for her who is a good hunter. If she has been educated to make monoodah, (Indian bags,) birch dishes, to lace snow- shoes, make Indian shoes, string wampum belts, sew birch canoes, and boil the kettle, she is esteemed a lady of fine accomplishments. If the man sought out for her husband have a gun and ammunition, a canoe, spear, and hatchet, a monoodah, a crooked knife, looking-glass and paint, a pipe, tobacco, and knot-bowl to toss a kind of dice in, he is accounted a gentleman of a plentiful fortune. Whatever the new-married man procures the first year belongs to his wife's parents. If the young pair have a child within a year and nine months, they are thought to be very forward and libidinous persons. By their play with dice they lose much time, playing whole days and nights together; sometimes staking their wh J e effects; though this is accounted a great vice by the old men. A digression. There is an old story told among the Indians of a family who had a daughter that was accounted a finished 7 26 98 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. beauty, having been adorned with the precious jewel, an Indian education ! She was so formed by nature, and polished by art, that they could not find for her a suitable consort. At length, while this family were once residing upon the head of Penob- scot river, under the White hills, called Teddon, this fine crea- ture was missing, and her parents could learn no tidings of her. After much time and pains spent, and tears showered in quest of her, they saw her diverting herself with a beautiful youth, whose hair, like her own, flowed down below his waist, swim- ming, washing, &c., in the water; but they vanished upon their approach. This beautiful person, whom they imagined to be one of those kind spirits who inhabit the Teddon, they looked upon as their son-in-law; and, according to their custom, they called upon him for moose, bear, or whatever creature they desired, and if they did but go to the water-side and signify their desire, the animal would come swimming to them ! I have heard an Indian say that he lived by the river, at the foot of the Teddon, the top of which he could see through the hole of his wigwam left for the smoke to pass out. He was tempted to travel to it, and accordingly set out on a sum- mer morning, and labored hard in ascending the hill all day, and the top seemed as distant from the place where he lodged at night as from his wigwam, where he began his journey. He now concluded the spirits were there, and never dared to make a second attempt. I have been credibly informed that several others have failed in like attempts. Once three young men climbed towards its summit three days and a half, at the end of which time they became strangely disordered with delirium, &c., and when their imagination was clear, and they could recollect where ihey were, they found themselves returned one day's journey. How they came to be thus transported they could not conjec- ture, unless the genii of the place had conveyed them. These White hills, at the head of Penobscot river, are, by the Indians, said to be much higher than those called Agiockochook, above Saco.* But to return to an Indian feast, of which you may request a bill of fare before you go. If you dislike it, stay at home. The ingredients are fish, flesh, or Indian corn, and beans boiled together ; sometimes hasty pudding made of pounded corn, whenever and as often as these are plenty. An Indian boils four or five large kettles full, and sends a messenger to each wigwam door, who exclaims, " Kuh menscoorebah .'" that is u I come to conduct you to a feast." The man within demands * Some additions to these traditions will be found in the Book of the In- dians, iii. 131. Ed. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 99 whether he must take a spoon or a knife in his dish, which he always carries with him. They appoint two or three young men to mess it out, to each man his portion, according to the number of his family at home. This is done with the utmost exactness. When they have done eating, a young fellow stands without the door, and cries aloud, " Mcnsecommook," " come and fetch!" Immediately each squaw goes to her husband and takes what he has left, which she carries home and eats with her children. For neither married women, nor any youth under twenty, are allowed to be present; but old widow squaws and captive men may sit by the door. The Indian men continue in the wigwam; some relating their warlike exploits, others something comical, others narrating their hunting exploits. The seniors give maxims of prudence and grave counsel to the young men ; and though every one's speech be agreeable to the run of his own fancy, yet they con- fine themselves to rule, and but one speaks at a time. After every man has told his story, one rises up, sings a feast song, and others succeed alternately as the company sees fit. Necessity is the mother of invention. If an Indian loses his fire, he can presently take two sticks, one harder than the other, (the drier the better,) and in the softest one make a hol- low, or socket, in which one end of the hardest stick being inserted, then holding the softest piece firm between his knees, whirls it round like a drill, and fire will kindle in a few minutes. If they have lost or left their kettle, it is but putting their victuals into a birch dish, leaving a vacancy in the middle, filling it with water, and putting in hot stones alternately ; they will thus thoroughly boil the toughest neck of beef. CHAPTER VIII. Of my three years captivity with the French. When about six years of my doleful captivity had passed, my second Indian master died, whose squaw and my first Indian master disputed whose slave I should be. Some malicious persons advised them to end the quarrel by putting a period to my life ; but honest father Simon, the priest of the river, told them that it would be a heinous crime, and advised them to sell me to the French. There came annually one or two men of war to supply the fort, which was on the river about 34 leagues from the sea. The Indians having advice of the arrival of a man of war at the mouth of the river, they, about thirty or forty in number, went on board ; for the gentle- men from France made a present to them every year, and set forth the riches and victories of their monarch, &c. At this time they presented the Indians with a bag or two of flour with 100 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVIT1 some prunes, as ingredients for a feast. I, wno was dressed tip in an old greasy blanket, without cap, hat, or shirt, (for I had had no shirt for the six years, except the one I had on at the time I was made prisoner,) was invited into the great cabin, where many well-rigged gentlemen were sitting, who would fain have had a full view of me. I endeavored to hide myself behind the hangings, for I was much ashamed ; thinking how I had once worn clothes, and of my living with people who could rig as well as the best of them. My master asked me whether I chose to be sold to the people of the man of war, or to the inhabitants of the country. I replied, with tears, that I should be glad if he would sell me to the English from whom I was taken ; but that if I must be sold to the French, I wished to be sold to the lowest inhabitants on the river, or those near- est to the sea, who were about twenty-five leagues from the mouth of the river ; for I thought that, if I were sold to the gentlemen in the ship, I should never return to the English. This was the first time I had seen the sea during my captivity, and the first time I had tasted salt or bread. My master presently went on shore, and a few days after all the Indians went up the river. When we came to a house which I had spoken to my master about, he went on shore with me, and tarried all night. The master of the house spoke kindly to me in Indian, for I could not then speak one word of French. Madam also looked pleasant on me, and gave me some bread. The next day I was sent six leagues further up the river to another French house. My master and the friar tarried with Monsieur Dechouffour, the gentleman who had entertained us the night before. Not long after, father Simon tame and said, " Now you are one of us, for you are sold to that gentleman by whom you were entertained the other night. I replied, " Sold! to a Frenchman!" I could say no more, went into the woods alone, and wept till I could scarce see or stand ! The word sold, and that to a people of that persua- sion which my dear mother so much detested, and in her last words manifested so great fears of my falling into ! These thoughts almost broke my heart. When I had thus given vent to my grief I wiped my e) r es, endeavoring to conceal its effects, but father Simon, perceiving my eyes were swollen, called me aside, and bidding me not to grieve, for the gentleman, he said, to whom I was sold, was of a good humor; that he had formerly bought two captives, both of whom had been sent to Boston. This, in some mea- sure, revived me ; but he added he did not suppose I would ever wish to go to the English, for the French religion was so much better. He said, also, he should pass that way in about JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 101 ten days, and if I did not like to live with the French better than with the Indians he would buy me again. On the day following, father Simon and my Indian master went up the river, six and thirty leagues, to their chief village, and I went down the river six leagues with two Frenchmen to my new master. He kindly received me, and in a few days madam made me an osnaburg shirt and French cap, and a coat out of one of my master's old coats. Then I threw away my greasy blanket and Indian flap, and looked as smart as . And 1 never more saw the old friar, the Indian village, or my Indian master, till about fourteen years after, when I saw my old Indian master at Port Royal, whither I had been sent by the government with a flag of truce for the exchange of prisoners ; and again, about twenty-four years since, he came to St. John's to fort George, to see me, where I made him very welcome. My French master held a great trade with the Indians which suited me very well, I being thorough in the languages of the tribes at Cape Sable and St. Johns. I had not lived long with this gentleman before he commit- ted to me the keys of his store, &c., and my whole employment was trading and hunting, in which I acted faithfully for my master, and never, knowingly, wronged him to the value of one farthing. They spoke to me so much in Indian that it was some time before I was perfect in the French tongue. Monsieur gene- rally had his goods from the men-of-war which came there annually from France. In the year 1696, two men-of-war came to the mouth of the river. In their way they had captured the Newport, Captain Payson, and brought him with them. They made the Indians some presents, and invited them to join in an expedition to Pemmaquid. They accepted it, and soon after arrived there. Capt. Chubb, who commanded that post, delivered it up with- out much dispute to Monsieur D'Iberville, as I heard the gen- tleman say, with whom I lived, who was there present.* Early in the spring I was sent with three Frenchmen to the mouth of the river, for provision, which came from Port Royal. We carried over land from the river to a large bay, where we were driven on an island by a north-east storm, where we were kept seven days, without any sustenance, for we expected a quick passage, and carried nothing with us. The wind con- * The reverend Dr. Mather says, wittily, as he says everything, " This Chubb found opportunity, in a pretty Chiibbish manner, to kill the famous Edgeremet and Ahenquid, a couple of principal Indians, on a Lord's day, the 16th of February, 1695. If there is any unfair dealing in this action 9* 102 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. tinuing boisterous, we could not return back, and the ice pre- vented our going forward. After seven days the ice broke up and we went forward, though we were so weak that we could scarce hear each other speak. The people at the mouth of the river were surprised to see us alive, and advised us to be cau- tious and abstemious in eating. By this time I knew as much of fasting as they, and dieted on broth, and recovered very well, as did one of the others ; but the other two would not be advised, and I never saw any persons in greater distress, till at length they had action of the bowels, when they recovered. A friar, who lived in the family, invited me to confession, but I excused myself as well as I could at that time. One evening he took me into his apartment in the dark and advised me to confess to him what sins I had committed. I told him I could not remember a thousandth part of them, they were so numerous. Then he bid me remember and relate as many as I could, and he would pardon them; signifying he had a bag to put them in. I told him I did not believe it was in the power of any but God to pardon sin. He asked me whether 1 had read the Bible. I told him I had, when I was a little boy, but it was so long ago I had forgotten most of it. Then he told me he did not pardon my sins, but when he knew them he prayed to God to pardon them ; when, perhaps, I was at my sports and plays. He wished me well and hoped I should be better advised, and said he should call for me in a little time. Thus he dismissed me, nor did he ever call me to confession afterwards. The gentleman with whom I lived had a fine field of wheat, in which great numbers of black-birds continually collected and made great havoc in it. The French said a Jesuit would come and banish them. He did at length come, and having all things prepared, he took a basin of holy water, a staff with a little brush, and having on his white robe, went into the field of wheat. I asked several prisoners who had lately been taken by privateers, and brought in there, viz. Mr. Woodbury, Cocks [Cox ?] and Morgan, whether they would go and see the cere- mony. Mr. Woodbury asked me whether I designed to go, of Chubb, there will be another February, not far off, wherein the avenger >f blood will take satisfaction." Hist. N. E. [Magnalia] B. vii. 79. Mr. Mather adds, " On the 4th or 5th of August, Chubb, with an un- common baseness, did surrender the brave fort of Pemraaquid into their hands." [For an account of the wretched fate of Chubb as well as thai of the whole transaction, see BOOK OF THE INDIANS, B. iii. 121, 122.] Unthinking men no sort of scruples make, And some are bad only for mischief's sake, But ev'n the best are guilty by mistake. JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. 103 and 1 told him yes. He then said I was as bad as a papist, and a d d fool. I told him I believed as little of it as he did, but that I was inclined to see the ceremony, that I might tell it to my friends. With about thirty following in procession, the Jesuit marched through the field of wheat, a young lad going before him bear- ing the holy water. Then the Jesuit, dipping his brush into the holy water, sprinkled the field on each side of him ; a little bell jingling at the same time, and all singing the words Or a pro nobis. At the end of the field they wheeled to the left about, and returned. Thus they passed and repassed the field of wheat, the black-birds all the while rising before them only to light behind. At their return I told a French lad that the friar had done no service, and recommended them to shoot the birds. The lad left me, as I thought, to see what the Jesuit would say to my observation, which turned out to be the case, for he told the lad that the sins of the people were so great that he could not prevail against those birds. The same friar as vainly attempted to banish the musketoes from Signecto, but the sins of the people there were also too great for him to pre- vail, but, on the other hand, it seemed that more came, which caused the people to suspect that some had come for the sins of the Jesuit also. Some time after, Col. Hawthorne attempted the taking of the French fort up this river. We heard of him some time before he came up, by the guard which Governor Villebon had stationed at the river's mouth. Monsieur, my master, had gone to France, and madam, his wife, advised with me. She desir- ed me to nail a paper on the door of her house, which paper read as follows : " I entreat the general of the English not to burn my house or barn, nor destroy my cattle. I don't suppose that such an army comes here to destroy a few inhabitants, but to take the fort above us. I have shown kindness to the English captives, as we were capacitated, and have bought two, of the Indians, and sent them to Boston. We have one now with us, and he shall go also when a convenient opportunity presents, and he desires it." When I had done this, madam said to me, " Little English," [which was the familiar name she used to call me by,] " we have shown you kindness, and now it lies in your power to serve or disserve us, as you know where our goods are hid in the woods, and that monsieur is not at home. I could have tent you to the fort and put you under confinement, but my respect to you and your assurance of love to us have disposed me to confide in you ; persuaded you will not hurt us or our 104 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY. affairs. And, now, if you will not run away to the English, who are coming up the river, but serve our interest, I will ac- quaint monsieur of it on his return from France, which will be very pleasing to him ; and I now give my word, you shall have liberty to go to Boston on the first opportunity, if you desire it, or any other favor in my power shall not be denied you." I replied : " Madam, it is contrary to the nature of the English to re- quite evil for good. I shall endeavor to serve you and your interest. I shall not run to the English, but if I am taken by them I shall willingly go with them, and yet endeavor not to disserve you either in your person or goods." The place where we lived was called Hagimsack, twenty-five leagues from the river's mouth, as I have before stated. We now embarked and went in a large boat and canoe two or three miles up an eastern branch of the river that comes from a large pond, and on the following evening sent down foui hands to make discovery. And while they were sitting in the house the English surrounded it and took one of the four. The other three made their escape in the dark and through the English soldiers, and coming to us, gave a surprising 1 ac- count of affairs. Upon this news madam said to me, " Cittle English, now you can go from us, but I h/>pe you will remem- ber your word." I said, " Madam, be not concerned. I will not leave you in this strait." She said, " I know not what to do with my two poor little babes!" I said, "Madam, the sooner we embark and go over the great pond the better.'' Accordingly we embarked and went over the pond. The next day we spoke with Indians, who were in a canoe, and they gave us an account that Signecto town was taken and burnt. Soon after we heard the great guns at Gov. Villebon's fort, which the English engaged several days. They killed one man, then drew off down the river; fearing to continue longer, for fear of being frozen in for the winter, which in truth they would have been. Hearing no report of cannon for several Jays, I, with two others, went down to our house to make discovery. We found our young lad who was taken by the English when they went up the river. The general had shown himself so honorable, that on reading the note on our door, he ordered it not to be burnt, nor the barn. Our cattle and other things he preserved, except one or two and the poultry for their use. At their return they ordered the young lad to be put on shore. Find- ing things in this posture, we returned and gave madam an account of it. She acknowledged the many favors which the English hai 1 JOHN GYLES' CAPTIVITY 105 showed her, with gratitude, and treated me with great civility. The next spring monsieur arrived from France in the man-of- war. He thanked me for my care of his affairs, and said he would endeavor to fulfil what madam had promised me. Accordingly, in the year 1698, peace being proclaimed, a sloop came to the mouth of the river with ransom for one Mi- chael Cooms. I put monsieur in mind of his word, telling him there was now an opportunity for me to go and see the English. He advised me to continue with him ; said he would do for me as for his own, &c. I thanked him for his kindness, but rather chose to go to Boston, hoping to find some of my relations yet alive. Then he advised me to go up to the fort and take my leave of the governor, which I did, and he spoke very kindly to me. Some days after I took my leave of ma- dam, and monsieur went down to the mouth of the river with me, to see me safely on board. He asked the master, Mr. Starkee, a Scotchman, whether I must pay for my passage, and if so, he would pay it himself rather than I should have it to pay at my arrival in Boston, but he gave me not a penny. The master told him there was nothing to pay, and that if the owner should make any demand he would pay it himself, rather than a poor prisoner should suffer ; for he was glad to see any English person come out of captivity. On the 13th of June, I took my leave of monsieur, and the sloop came to sail for Boston, where we arrived on the 19th of the same, at night. In the morning after my arrival, a youth came on board and asked many questions relating to my cap- .ivity, and at length gave me to understand that he was my little brother, who was at play with some other children at Pemmaquid when I was taken captive, and who escaped into the fort at that perilous time. He told me my elder brother, who made his escape from the farm, when it was taken, and our two little sisters, were alive, but that our mother had been dead some years. Then we went on shore and saw our elder brother. On the 2d of August, 1689, 1 was taken, and on the 19th of June, 1698, I arrived at Boston ; so that I was absent eight years, ten months, and seventeen days. In all which time, though I underwent extreme difficulties, yet I saw much of God's goodness. And may the most powerful and beneficent Being accept of this public testimony of it, and bless my expe- riences to excite others to confide in his all-sufficiency, through the infinite merits of JESUS CHRIST. 106 APPENDIX, containing minutes of the employments, public stations, etc., of JOHN GYLES, Esq., commander of the garri- son on St. George's river. After my return out of captivity, June 28th, 1698, I applied myself to the government for their favor. Soon after 1 was employed by old father Mitchel, of Maiden, to go as his inter- preter on trading account to St. John's river. October 14th, 1698, I was employed by the government, Lieutenant Governor Stoughton commander-in-chief, to go as interpreter, at three pounds per month, with Major Converse and old Capt. Alden to Penobscot to fetch captives. At our return to Boston I was dismissed ; but within a few days the governor sent for me to interpret a conference with Bomma- zeen, and other Indians then in jail. Some time after I was again put in pay in order to go inter- preter with Col. Phillips and Capt. Southack, in the province galley, to Casco bay, to exchange said Indians [Bommazeen and others] for English captives. In December, 1698, we returned to Boston with several captives which we had libe- rated, and I was dismissed the service, and desired to attend it in the spring. I pleaded to be kept in pay that I might have wherewith to support myself at school. I went into the coun- try, to Rowley, where boarding was cheap, to practise what little I had attained at school. March, 1699. With the little of my wages that I could reserve, I paid for my schooling and board, and attended the service upon request, and was again put into pay, and went with Col. Phillips and Maj. Converse in a large brigantine up Kennebeck river for captives, and at our return to Boston the province galley being arrived from New York with my lord Bellemont, and the province truck put on board, I was ordered on board the galley. We cruised on the eastern shore ; and in November, 1699, I was put out of pay, though I pleaded to be continued in it, seeing I must attend the service in the spring, and be at considerable expense in the winter for my schooling. In the spring of 1700, 1 attended the service, and was under pay again. On August 27th, a fort was ordered to be built at Casco bay, which was finished on the 6th of October following, and the province truck landed, and I was ordered to reside there as interpreter, with a captain, &c. Not long after, Gov. Dudley sent me a lieutenant's commission, with a memoran- dum on its back, " No further pay but as interpreter at thiee pounds per month." APPENDIX. 107 August 10th, 1703. The French and Indians besieged our fort for six days. (Major March was our commander.) On the 16th of the same month, Capt. Southack arrived in the prov- ince galley, and in the night following the enemy withdrew. May 19th, 1704. I received a few lines from his excellency directing me to leave my post, and accompany Col. Church on an expedition round the bay of Fundy.* September following I returned to my post, without any further wages or encourage- ment for that service than the beforementioned pay at the garrison. April, 1706. There was a change of the chief officer at our garrison. I chose to be dismissed with my old officer, which was granted. The same year his excellency Gov. Dudley presented me with a captain's commission, and ordered Colonel Saltonstall to detach fifty effective men to be delivered to me in order for a march. In May, 1707, I entered on an expedi- tion under Col. March, for Port Royal, at the termination of which I was dismissed. May 12th, 1708, I received orders from his excellency to go to Port Royal with a flag of truce to exchange prisoners, and brought off all. At my return I was dismissed the service. In 1709, I received a commission, and Colonel Noyes had orders to detach forty men, whom he put under me, with orders to join the forces for Canada. At Hull, August 1st, 1709, ] received orders from his excellency to leave my company with my lieutenants, and go to Port Royal with a flag of truce to exchange prisoners. I went in the sloop Hannah and Ruth, Thomas Waters, master. I had nine French prisoners, which were all that were in our governor's hands. These he ordered me to deliver to Gov. Supercass, " and to let him know that he [Gov. Dudley] expected him to deliver all the English prison- ers within his power, within six days, which I was ordered to demand and insist upon, agreeably to his promise last year." I was ordered to observe to him that Governor Dudley highly resented his breach of promise in not sending them early this spring, according to his parole of honor, by myself, when we had returned him upwards of forty of his people, and had made provision for bringing home ours ; and to make par- ticular inquiry after Capt. Myles, and to demand his and his company's release also. Accordingly, arriving at Port Royal, I was kindly entertained by Gov. Supercass ; brought off above one hundred prisoners. Soon after my return our forces were dismissed, and I received * A full account of this expedition under Col. Church will be found in Church's History- of Kbg Philip's War, &c. ed. 12mo., Boston, 1827, by the editor of this. 108 APPENDIX. no other consideration for my service than pay as captain of my company. August, 1715. I was desired, and had great promises made me by the proprietors, and received orders from his excellency to build a fort at Pejepscot, [now Brunswick, Me.] Soon after our arrival there the Indians came in the night, and forbid our laying one stone upon another. I told them I came with orders from Governor Dudley to build a fort, and if they dis- liked it they might acquaint him with it ; and that if they came forcibly upon us, they or I should fall on the spot. After such like hot words they left us, and we went on with our building, and finished it, November 25th, 1715, and our car- penters and masons left us. My wages were very small, yet the gentlemen proprietors ordered me only five pounds for my good services, &c. July 12th, 1722, a number of Indians engaged fort George about two hours, killing one person, and then drew off to kill- ing cattle, &c. April, 1725, I received orders from his honor Lieut. Gov. Dummer to go ten days' march up Ammiscoggin river, and in my absence the Indians killed two men at our fort. I received no further pay for said service, only the pay of the garrison. December 12th, 1725, I was dismissed from fort George, and Capt. Woodside received a commission for the command of that place. December 13th, 1725, I was commissioned for the garrisor at St. George river. September, 1726. I was detained some months from my post, by order of Gov. Dummer, to interpret for the Cape Sable Indians, who were brought in and found guilty.* There was no other person in the province that had their language. His honor and the honorable council presented me with ten pounds for this service, which I gratefully received. Nov. 28th, 1728, I was commissioned for the peace. I have had the honor to serve this province under eight commanders in chief, governors, and lieutenant governors, from the year 1698 to the year 1736 ; and how much longer my services may continue I submit to the Governor of the world, who overrules every circumstance of life, which relates to our happiness and usefulness, as in infinite wisdom he sees meet. * There were five of them belonging to the St. Francis tribe. They had seized on a vessel at Newfoundland belonging to Plymoutr. The act being considered piracy, they were all executed at Boston. (Ed. MS. Chronicles of the Indians, BURNING OF ROBERT ROGERS. Be calm, my Delius, and serene, However fortune change the scene. In thy most dejected state, Sink not underneath the weight ; Nor yet when happy days begin, And the fall tide comes rolling in, Let not a fierce unruly joy The settled quiet of thy mind destroy. However fortune change the scene, Be calm, my Delius, and serene. HORACE. THREE NARRATIVES OF EXCESSIVE DISTRESS OF PERSONS TAKEN AT THE DE- STRUCTION OF SALMON FALLS, IN THE STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ON THE TWENTY-SEVENTH OF MARCH, 1690; VIZ., THE CRUEL TORTURE OF ROBERT ROGERS, THE FIVE YEARS' CAPTIVITY OF MEHETABLE GOODWIN, AND THE FORTUNATE ESCAPE OF THOMAS TOOGOOD. FROM THE MAGNALIA CHRISTI AMERICANA, OF DOCTOR COTTON MATHER. WHEN the news of the destruction of Schenectady reached New England, it spread great alarm over the whole country. The wise men gave particular caution to all the frontier posts, urging them to keep strict watch, and to make strong their fortifications ; but the people in the east did not their duty, and Salmon Falls, a fine settlement upon a branch of Pascat- aqua river, fell into the hands of an infuriated and cruel enemy ; the particulars whereof are at large set forth in the work enti- tled THE BOOK OF THE INDIANS, to which we have before re- ferred. But, as has been observed, notwithstanding these warnings the people dreamed, that while the deep snow of the winter continued, they were safe enough, which proved as vain as a dream of a dry summer. Near thirty persons were slain, and more than fifty were led into what the reader will by and by call the worst captivity in the world. It would be a long story to tell what a particular share in this calamity fell to the lot of the family of one Clement Short. This honest man with his pious wife and three children were killed, and six or seven others of their children were made prisoners. The most of these arrived safe at Canada, through a thousand hardships, and the most of these were with more than a thousand mer 10 110 BURNING OF ROBERT ROGERS. cies afterwards redeemed from Canada, and returned unto their English friends again. But as we cannot take notice of all the individuals, we will pass to the notice of those named at the commencement of this narrative. Among the prisoners was one Kobert Rogers, with whom as the Indians journeyed they came to a hill, where this man, (being through his corpulency called Robin Pork) being under such an intolerable and unsupportable burden of Indian lug- gage, was not so able to travel as the rest ; he therefore, watching for an opportunity, made his escape. The wretches missing him, immediately went in pursuit of him, and it was not long before they found his burden cast in the way, and the tracks of his feet going ou l of the way. This they followed, and found him hid in a hollow tree. They dragged him out, stripped him, beat and pricked him, pushed him forward with the points of their swords, until they got back to the hill from whence he had escaped. It being almost night, they fastened him to a tree, with his hands behind him, then made them- selves a supper, singing and dancing around him, roaring, and uttering great and many signs of joy, but with joy little enough to the poor creature who foresaw what all this tended to. The Indians next cut a parcel of wood, and bringing it into a plain place, they cut off the top of a small red-oak tree, leaving the trunk for a stake, whereunto they bound their sacrifice. They first made a great fire near this tree of death, and bringing Rogers unto it, bid him take his leave of his friends, which he did in a doleful manner, such as no pen, though made of a harpy's quill, were able to describe the dolor of it. They then allowed him a little time to make his prayers unto heaven, which he did with an extreme fervency and agony; whereupon they bound him to the stake, and brought the rest of the prisoners, with their arms tied each to the other, and seat- ed them round the fare. This being done, they went behind the fire, and thrust it forwards upon the man with much laugh- ter and shouting ; and when the fire had burnt some time upon him, even till he was almost suffocated, they pulled away from him, to prolong his existence. They now resumed their dan- cing around him, and at every turn they did with their knives cut collops of his flesh out of his naked limbs, and throw them with his blood into his face. In this manner was their work continued until he expired. Being now dead, they set his body down upon the glowing coals of fire, and thus left him tied with his back to the stake, where he was found by some English forces soon after, who were in pursuit of these Indians MEHETABLE GOODWIN. Ill MEHETABLE GOODWIN, another of the captives of this band of Indians, who, it will be proper to notice, were led by the re- nowned Indian chief Hopehood,had a child with her about five months old. This, through hunger and hardship, she being unable to nourish from her breast, occasioned it to make griev- ous and distressing ejaculations. Her Indian master told her that if the child were not quiet he would soon dispose of it, which caused her to use all possible means that his Netop- skip* might not be offended ; and sometimes she would carry it from the fire out of his hearing, when she would sit down up to her waist in the snow, for several hours together, until it was exhausted and lulled to sleep. She thus for several days preserved the life of her babe, until he saw cause to travel with his own cubs farther afield ; and then, lest he should be retarded in his travel, he violently snatched the babe out of its mother's arms, and before her face knocked out its brains ; and having stripped it of its few rags it had hitherto enjoyed, ordered the mother to go and wash them of the blood wherewith they were stained ! Returning from this sad and melancholy task, she found the infant hanging by the neck in a forked bough of a tree. She requested liberty to lay it in the earth, but the savage said, " It is better as it is, for now the wild beasts cannot come at it ; " [I am sure they had been at it ;]t " and you may have the comfort of seeing it again, if ever you come that way." The journey now before them was like to be very long, as far as Canada, where Mrs. Goodwin's master's purpose -was to make merchandise of her, and glad was she to hear such happy tidings. But the desperate length of the way, and want of food, and grief of mind, wherewith she was now en- countered, caused her within a few days to faint under her difficulties ; when, at length, she sat down for some repose, with many prayers and tears unto God for the salvation of her soul, she found herself unable to rise, until she saw her furi- ous executioner coming towards her with fire in his eyes, the devil in his heart, and his hatchet in his hand, ready to bestow a mercy-stroke of death upon her. Then it was that this poor captive woman, in this extreme misery, got upon her knees, and with weeping and wailing and all expressions of agony and entreaty, prevailed on him to spare her life a little longer, and she did not question but God would enable her to * One of Dr. Mather's miserable misapplications of words. NETOP, among the Indians, signified friend. Ed. f I need not remind the reader that this is no interpretation of mine Ed. 112 THOMAS TOOGOOD. walk a little faster. The merciless tyrant was prevailed with to spare her this time ; nevertheless her former weakness quickly returning upon her, he was just going to murder her, when a couple of Indians, just at this moment coming in, called suddenly upon him to hold his hand. At this such a horror surprised his guilty soul, that he ran away from her ; but hearing them call his name, he returned, and then permit- ted these his friends to ransom his prisoner. After these events, as we were seated by the side of a river, we heard several guns go off on the opposite side, which the Indians concluded was occasioned by a party of Albany Indians, who were their enemies. Whereupon this bold blade [her old master] would needs go in a canoe to discover what they were. They fired upon and shot him through, together with several of his friends, before the discovery could be made. Some days after this, divers of his friends gathered a party to re- venge his death on their supposed enemies. With these they soon joined battle, and after several hours' hard fighting were themselves put to the rout. Among the captives which they left in their flight was this poor woman, who was overjoyed, supposing herself now at liberty ; but her joy did not last long, for these Indians were of the same sort as the others, and had been by their own friends, thus through a strange mistake, set upon. However, this crew proved more favorable to her than the former, and went away silently with their booty ; being loath to have any noise made of their foul mistake. And yet a few days after, such another mistake happened ; for meeting with another party of Indians, which they imagined were in the English interest, they also furiously engaged each other, and many were killed and wounded on both sides ; but the con- querors proved to be a party of French Indians this time, who took this poor Mrs. Goodwin and presented her to the French captain of the party, by whom she was carried to Canada, where she continued five years. After which she was brought safely back to New England. THOMAS TOOGOOD'S short narrative is introduced to relieve the reader from the contemplation of blood and misery. At the same time the other captives were taken, three Indians hotly pursued this man, and one of them overtaking him, while the rest perceiving it, staid behind the hill, having seen him quietly yield himself a prisoner. While the Indian was get- ting out his strings to bind his prisoner, he held his gun under his arm, which Toogood observing, suddenly sprang and wrested it from him and momtatarily presenting it at the ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. 113 Indian, protested he would shoot him down if he made the least noise. And so away he ran with it unto Quochecho. If my reader he now inclined to smile, when he thinks how simply poor Isgrim looked, returning to his mates behind the hill, without either gun or prey, or any thing but strings, to remind him of his own deserts, I am sure his brethren felt not less so, for they derided him with ridicule at his misadventure. The Indians are singularly excessive in the practice of sporting at the misfortunes of one another in any case they are outwit- ted, or have been guilty of committing any blunder. MARY PLAISTED was another of the unfortunate captives at that time and place, but only a few particulars of extreme suf- ferings are related. She had been out of her bed of family sickness but three weeks when she was taken, and like others she was obliged to wade through swamps and snow, when at length she was relieved of the burthen of her infant son by her cruel master, who, after dashing out its brains, threw it into a river ! GOD'S MERCY SURMOUNTING MAN'S CRUELTY, EXEMPLIFIED IN THE CAPTIVITY AND SURPRISING DELIVE- RANCE OF ELIZABETH HANSON, WIFE OF JOHN HANSON, OF KNOXMARSH, AT KECHEACHY, IN DOVER TOWNSHIP, WHO WAS TAKEN CAPTIVE WITH HER CHILDREN AND MAID-SERVANT, BY THE INDIANS IN NEW ENGLAND, IN THE YEAR 1724. The substance of which was taken from her own mouth, and now published for general service. The third edition. Phila- delphia: reprinted; Danvers, near Salem: reprinted and 4old by E. Russell, next the Bell Tavern, MDCCLXXX. At the same place may be had a number of new Books, &c., some of which are on the times. Cash paid for Rags. (T7"This edition of Mrs. Hanson's narrative is copied from that printed at Dover, N. H., in 1821. The above is a copy of the title page of that af 1780. These editions correspond, and I have discovered no disagree- ments in them. From a MS. extract, in the hand-writing of Mr. John Farmer, upon the cover of a copy of the Dover edition, it seems there was some doubt in his mind about the exact date of the capture of the Han- .son family ; for in that memorandum above mentionad, purporting to have been taken from the Boston News-Letter of 1722, it is stated to have happened on the 27th of August of that year. I have not been able to refer to the News-Letter, but I find the event noticed in Pemberton's MS. Chronology as happening on the 7th of September, 1724. I have D" 27 8 114 ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. doubt of the correctness of the date in the narrative, myself, but mention the fact, that some brother antiquary may have the pleasure which may accrue from an investigation. Ed. REMARKABLE and many are the providences of God towards his people for their deliverance in a time of trouble, by which we may behold, as in lively characters, the truth of that saying, " That he is a God near at hand, and always ready to help and assist those that fear him and put their confidence in him." The sacred writings give us instances of the truth hereof in days of old, as in th* cases of the Israelites, Job, David, Dan- iel, Paul, Silas, and many others. Besides which, our modern histories have plentifully abounded with instances of God's fatherly care over his people, in their sharpest trials, deepest distresses, and sorest exercises, by which we may know he is a God that changeth not, but is the same yesterday, to-day and forever. Among the many modern instances, I think I have not met with a more singular one of the mercy and preserving hand of God, than in the case of ELIZABETH HANSON, wife of JOHN HANSON, of Knoxmarsh,* in Kecheachy, [Cochecho] in Dover township, in New England, who was taken into captivity the twenty-seventh day of the sixth month, called June, 1724, and carried away (with four children and a servant) by the Indians; which relation, as it was taken from her own mouth, by a friend is as follows: As soon as the Indians discovered themselves, (having, as we afterwards understood, been skulking in the fields some days, watching their opportunity, when my dear husband, with the rest of our men, were gone out of the way,) two of them came in upon us, and then eleven more, all naked, with their guns and tomahawks, and in a great fury killed one child immedi- ately, as soon as they entered the door, thinking thereby to strike in us the greater terror, and to make us more fearful of them. After which, in like fury, the captain c&me up to me ; but at my request he gave me quarter. There were with me our servant and six of our children ; two of the little ones being at play about the orchard, and my youngest child, but fourteen days old, whether in cradle or arms, I now remember not Being in this condition, I was very unfit for the hardships I after met with, which I shall endeavor briefly to relate. They went to rifling the house in a great hurry, (fearing, as I suppose, a surprise from our people, it being late in the after- noon,) and packed up some linen, woollen and what other * A name, the use of which was long since discontinued. Ed. ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. 115 things pleased them best, and when they had done what they would, they turned out of the house immediately ; and while they were at the door, two of my younger children, one six, and the other four years old, came in sight, and being under a great surprise, cried aloud, upon which one of the Indians running to them, took them under the arms, and brought them to us. My maid prevailed with the biggest to be quiet and still ; but the other could by no means be prevailed with, but continued shrieking and crying very much, and the Indians, to ease themselves of the noise, and to prevent the danger of a discovery that might arise from it, immediately, before my face, knocked his brains out. I bore this as well as I could, not daring to appear disturbed or to show much uneasiness, lest they should do the same to the others ; but should have been exceeding glad if they had kept out of sight until we had gone from the house. Now having killed two of my children, they scalped them, (a practice common with these people, which is, whenever they kill any enemies, they cut the skin off from the crown of *.hc:_ heads, and carry it with them for a testimony and evidence that they have killed so many, receiving sometimes a reward for every scalp,) and then put forward to leave the house in great haste, without doing any other spoil than taking what they had packed together, with myself and little babe, fourteen days old, the boy six years, and two daughters, the one about fourteen and the other about sixteen years, with my servant girl. It must be considered, that I having lain in but fourteen days, and being but very tender and weakly, and removed now out of a good room, well accommodated with fire, bedding, and other things suiting a person in my condition, it made these hardships to me greater than if I had been in a strong and healthy frame ; yet, for all this, I must go or die. There was no resistance. In this condition aforesaid we left the house, each Indian having something ; and I with my babe and three children that could go of themselves. The captain, though he had as great a load as he could well carry, and was helped up with it, did, for all that, carry my babe for me in his arms, which I took to be a favor from him. * Thus we went through several swamps and some brooks, they carefully avoiding all paths of any track like a road, lest by our footsteps we should be followed. We got that night, I suppose, not quite ten miles from our house in a direct line ; then taking up their quarters, lighted a fire, some of them lying down, while others kept watch. I 116 ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. being both wet and weary, and lying on the cold ground in the open woods, took but little rest. However, early in the morning, we must go just as the day appeared, travelling very hard all that day through sundry rivers, brooks and swamps, they, as before, carefully avoiding all paths for the reason already assigned. At night, I was both wet and tired exceedingly ; having the same lodging on the cold ground, in the open woods. Thus, for twenty-six days, day by day we travelled very hard, sometimes a little by water, over lakes and ponds ; and in this journey we went up some high mountains, so steep that I was forced to creep up on my hands and knees; under which difficulty, the Indian, my mas- ter, would mostly carry my babe for me, which I took as a great favor of God, that his heart was so tenderly inclined to assist me, though he had, as it is said, a very heavy burden of his own ; nay, he would sometimes take my very blanket, so that I had nothing to do but to take my little boy by the hand for his help, and assist him as well as I could, taking him up in my arms a little at times, because so small ; and when we came to very bad places, he would lend me his hand, or coming behind, would push me before him ; in all which, he showed some humanity and civility, more than I could have expected : for which privilege I was secretly thankful to God, as the moving cause thereof. Next to this we had some very great runs of water and brooks to wade through, in which at times we met with much difficulty, wading often to our middles, and sometimes our girls were up to their shoulders and chins, the Indians carrying my boy on their shoulders. At the side of one of these runs or rivers, the Indians would have my eldest daughter, Sarah, to sing them a song. Then was brought into her remembrance that passage in the 137th Psalm, " By the rivers of Babylon," [&c.] When my poor child had given me this account, it was very affecting, and my heart was very full of trouble, yet on my child's account I was glad that she had so good an incli- nation, which she yet further manifested in longing for a Bible, that we might have the comfort of reading the holy text at vacant times, for our spiritual comfort under our present afflic- tion. Next to the difficulties of the rivers, were the prodigious swamps and thickets, very difficult to pass through, in which places my master would sometimes lead me by the hand, a great way together, and give me what help he was capable of under the straits we went through; and we, passing, one after another, the first made it pretty passable for the hindmost. But the greatest difficulty, that deserves the first to be named, . BASSOS AKD ME DAUGHTER SARAH. (Seep. 117} ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. 117 was want of food, having at times nothing to eat but pieces of old beaver-skin match-coats, which the Indians having hid, (for they came naked as is said before,) which in their going back again they took with them, and they were used more for food than raiment. Being cut into long narrow straps, they gave us little pieces, which by the Indians' example we laid on the fire until the hair was singed away, and then we ate them as a sweet morsel, experimentally knowing " that to the hungry soul every bitter thing is sweet." It is to be considered further, that of this poor diet we had but very scanty allowance ; so that we were in no danger of being overcharged. But that which added to my trouble, was the complaints of my poor children, especially the little boy. Sometimes the Indians would catch a squirrel or beaver, and at other times we met with nuts, berries, and roots which they digged out of the ground, with the bark of some trees ; but we had no corn for a great while together, though some of the younger Indians went back and brought some corn from the English inhabitants, (the harvest not being gathered,) of which we had a little allowed us. But when they caught a beaver, we lived high while it lasted ; they allowed me the guts and garbage for myself and children ; but not allowing us to clean and wash them, as they ought, made the food very irksome to us to feed upon, and nothing besides pinching hunger could have made it any way tolerable to be borne. The next difficulty was no less hard to me ; for my daily travel and hard living made my milk dry almost quite up, and how to preserve my poor babe's life was no small care on my mind ; having no other sustenance for her, many times, but cold water, which I took in my mouth, and let it fall on my breast, when I gave her the teat to suck in, with what it could get from the breast ; and when I had any of the broth of the beaver's guts, or other guts, I fed my babe with it, and as well as I could I preserved her life until I got to Canada, and then I had some other food, of which, more in its place. Having by this time got considerably on the way, the Indians parted, and we were divided amongst them. This was a sore grief to us all ; but we must submit, and no way to help our- selves. My eldest daughter was first taken away, and carried to another part of the country, far distant from us, where for the present we must take leave of" her, though with a heavy heart. We did not travel far after this, before they divided again, taking my second daughter and servant maid from me, into another part of the country. So, I having now only my babe at mv breast, and little boy six years old, we remained with 118 ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. the captain still. But my daughter and servant underwent great hardships after they were parted from me, travelling three days without any food, taking nothing for support but cold water ; and the third day, what with the cold, the wet, and hunger, the servant fell down as dead in a swoon, being both very cold and wet, at which the Indians, with whom they were, were surprised, showing some kind of tenderness, being unwil- ling then to lose them by death, having got them so near home ; hoping, if they lived, by their ransom to make considerable profit of them. In a few days after this, they got near their journey's end, where they had more plenty of corn, and other food. But flesh often fell very short, having no other way to depend on for it but hunting ; and when that failed, they had very short commons. It was not long ere my daughter and servant were likewise parted, and my daughter's master being sick, was not able to hunt for flesh ; neither had they any corn in that place, but were forced to eat bark of trees for a whole week. Being almost famished in this distress, Providence so order- ed that some other Indians, hearing of their misery, came to visit them, (these people being very kind and helpful to one another, which is very commendable,) and brought to them the guts and liver of a beaver, which afforded them a good repast, being but four in number, the Indian, his wife and daughter, and my daughter. By this time my master and our company got to our jour- ney's end, where we were better fed at times, having some corn and venison, and wild fowl, or what they could catch by hunting in the woods ; and my master having a large family, fifteen in number, we had at times very short commons, more especially when game was scarce. But here our lodging was still on the cold ground, in a poor wigwam, (which is a kind of little shelter made with the rind of trees, and mats for a covering, something like a tent.) These are so easily set up and taken down, that they often remove them from one place to another. Our shoes and stockings, and our other clothes, being worn out in this long journey through the bushes and swamps, and the weather coming in very hard, we were poorly defended from the cold, for want of necessaries ; which caused one of my feet, one of the little babe's, and both of the little boy'?, to freeze ; and this was no small exercise, yet, through mercy, we all did well. Now, though we got to our journey's end, we were never long in one place, but very often removed from one place to another, carrying our wigwams with us, which we could do without much difficulty. This, being for the convenience of ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. 119 hunting, made our accommodations much more unpleasant, than if \ve had continued in one place, by reason the coldness and dampness of the ground, wb"-e our wigwams were pitch- ed, made it very unwholesome, and unpleasant lodging. Having now got to the Indian fort, many of the Indians came to visit us, and in their way welcomed my master home, and held a great rejoicing, with dancing, firing of guns, beating on hollow trees, instead of drums ; shouting, drinking, and feast- ing after their manner, in much excess, for several days together, which I suppose, in their thoughts, was a kind of thanks to God, put up for their safe return and good success. But while they were in their jollity and mirth, my mind was greatly ex- ercised towards the Lord, that I, with my dear children, sepa- rated from me, might be preserved from repining against God under our affliction on the one hand, and on the other we might have our dependence on him, who rules the hearts of men, and can do what he pleases in the kingdoms of the earth, knowing that his care is over them who put their trust in him ; but I found it very hard to keep my mind as I ought, in the resignation which is proper it should be, under such afflictions and sore trials as at that time I suffered in being under various fears and doubts concerning my children, that were separated from me, which helped to add to and greatly increase my troubles. And here I may truly say, my afflictions are not to be set forth in words to the extent of them. We had not been long at home ere my master went a hunt- ing, and was absent about a week, he ordering me in his absence to get in wood, gather nuts, &c. I was very diligent cutting the wood and putting it in order, not having very far to carry it. But when he returned, having got no prey, he was very much out of humor, and the disappointment was so great that he could not forbear revenging it on us poor cap- tives. However, he allowed me a little boiled corn for myself and child, but with a very angry look threw a stick or corn cob at me with such violence as did bespeak he grudged our eat- ing. At this his squaw and daughter broke out into a great crying. This made me fear mischief was hatching against us. I immediately went out of his presence into another wig- wam ; upon which he came after me, and in a great fury tore my blanket off my back, and took my little boy from me, and struck him down as he went along before him ; but the poor child not being hurt, only frightened in the fall, start- ed up and ran away without crying. Then the Indian, my master, left me ; but his wife's mother came and sat down by me, and told me I must sleep there that night. She then going from me a little time, came back with a small skin to cover my 120 ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. feet withal, informing me that my master intended now to kill us, and I, being desirous to know the reason, expostulated, that in his absence I had been diligent to do as I was ordered by him. Thus as well as I could I made her sensible how unreason- able he was. Now, though she could not understand me, nor I her, but by signs, we reasoned as well as we could. She therefore made signs that I must die, advising me, by point- ing up with her fingers, in her way, to pray to God, endeavor- ing by her signs and tears to instruct me in that which was most needful, viz. to prepare for death, which now threatened me : the poor old squaw was so very kind and tender, that she would not leave me all the night, but laid herself down at my feet, designing what she could to assuage her son-in-law's wrath, who had conceived evil against me, chiefly, as I under- stood, because the want of victuals urged him to it. My rest was little this night, my poor babe sleeping sweetly by me. I dreaded the tragical design of my master, looking every hour for his coming to execute his bloody will upon us , but he being weary with hunting and travel in the woods, having toiled for nothing, went to rest and forgot it. Next morning he applied himself again to hunting in the woods, but I dread- ed his returning empty, and prayed secretly in my heart that he might catch some food to satisfy his hunger, and cool his ill humor. He had not been gone but a little time, when he returned with booty, having shot some wild ducks ; and now he appeared in a better temper, ordered the fowls to be dressed with speed ; for these kind of people, when they have plenty, spend it as freely as they get it, using with gluttony and drunkenness, in two days' time, as much as with prudent man- agement might serve a week. Thus do they live for the most part, either in excess of gluttony and drunkenness, or under great straits of want of necessaries. However, in this plenti- ful time, I felt the comfort of it in part with the family ; hav- ing a portion sent for me and my little ones, which was very acceptable. Now, I thinking the bitterness of death was over for this time, my spirits were a little easier. Not long after this he got into the like ill humor again, threatening to take away my life. But I always observed whenever he was in such a temper, he wanted food, and was pinched with hunger. But when he had success in hunting, to take either bears, bucks, or fowls, on which he could fill his belly, he was better humored, though he was naturally of a t^ery hot and passionate temper, throwing sticks, stones, or whatever lay in his way, on every slight occasion. This made me in continual danger of my life ; but God, whose provi- dence is over all his works, so preserved me that I never ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. 121 received any damage from him, that was of any great conse- quence to me ; for which I ever desire to be thankful to my Maker. When flesh was scarce we had only the guts and garbage allowed to our part ; and not being permitted to cleanse the guts any other Avise than emptying the dung [out], without so much as washing them, as before is noted ; in that filthy pickle we must boil them and eat them, which was very unpleasant. But hunger made up that difficulty, so that this food, which was very often our lot, became pretty tolerable to a sharp ap- petite, which otherwise could not have been dispensed with. Thus I considered, none knows what they can undergo until they are tried ; for what I had thought in my own family not fit for food, would here have been a dainty dish and sweet morsel. By this time, what with fatigue of spirits, hard labor, mekn diet, and often want of natural rest, I was brought so low, that my milk was dried up, my babe very poor and weak, just skin and bones ; for I could perceive all her joints from one end of the back to the other, and how to get what would suit her weak appetite, I was at a loss ; on which one of the Indian squaws, perceiving my uneasiness about my child, began some discourse with me, in which she advised me to take the ker- nels of walnuts, clean them and beat them with a little water, which I did and when I had so done the water looked like milk ; then she advised me to add to this water a little of the finest of Indian corn meal, and boil it a little together. I did so, and it became palatable, and was very nourishing to the babe, so that she began to thrive and look well, who was before more like to die than live. I found that with this kind of diet the Indians did often nurse their infants. This was no small comfort, to me ; but this comfort was soon mixed with bitter- ness and trouble, which thus happened : my master taking notice of my dear babe's thriving condition, would often look upon her and say when she was fat enough she would be killed, and he would eat her ; and pursuant to his pretence, at a certain time, he made me fetch him a stick that he had pre- pared for a spit to roast the child upon, as he said, which when I had done he made me sit down by him and undress the infant. When the child was naked he felt her arms, legs, and thighs, and told me she was not fat enough yet ; I must dress her again until she was better in case. Now, though he thus acted, I could not persuade myself that he intended to do as he pretended, but only to aggravate and afflict me ; neither ever could I think but our lives would be preserved from his barbarous hands, by the overruling power 122 ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. of Him in whose providence I put ny trust both day and night. A little time after this, my master fell sick, and in his sick- ness, as he lay in his wigwam, he ordered his own son to beat my son ; but the old squaw, the Indian boy's grandmother, would not suffer him to do it : then his father, being provoked, caught up a stick, very sharp at one end, and with great vio- lence threw it from him at my son, and hit him on the breast, with which my child was much bruised, and the pain with the surprise made him turn as pale as death ; I entreating him not to cry, and the boy, though but six years old, bore it with won- derful patience, not so much as in the least complaining, so that the child's patience assuaged the barbarity of his heart : who, no doubt, would have carried his passion and resentment much higher, had the child cried, as always complaining did aggra- vate his passion, and his anger grew hotter upon it. Some little time after, on the same day, he got upon his feet, but far from being well. However, though he was sick, his wife and daughter let me know he intended to kill us, and I was under a fear, unless providence now interposed, how it would end. I therefore put down my child, and going out of his presence, went to cut wood for the fire as I used to do, hoping that would in part allay his passion ; but withal, ere I came to the wig- wam again, I expected my child would be killed in this mad fit, having no other way but to cast my care upon God, who had hitherto helped and cared for me and mine. Under this great feud, the old squaw, my master's moth- er-in-law, left him, but my mistress and her daughter abode in the wigwam with my master, and when I came with my wood, the daughter came to me, whom I asked if her father had killed my child, and she made me a sign, no, with a counte- nance that seemed pleased it was so ; for instead of his further venting his passion on me and my children, the Lord in whom I trusted did seasonably interpose, and I took it as a merciful deliverance from him, and the Indian was under some sense of the same, as himself did confess to them about him after- wards. Thus it was, a little after he got upon his feet, the Lord struck him with great sickness, and a violent pain, as appeared by the complaint he made in a doleful and hideous manner ; which when I understood, not having yet seen him, I went to another squaw, that was come to see my master, which could both speak and understand English, and inquired of her if my mistress (for so I always called her, and him master) Jhought that master would die. She answered yes, it was very likely he would, being worse and worse. Then I told her he ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. 123 struck my boy a dreadful blow without any provocation at all, and had threatened to kill us all in his fury and passion , upon which the squaw told me my master had confessed the above abuse he offered my child, and that the mischief he had done was the cause why God afflicted him with that sickness and pain, and he had promised never to abuse us in such sort more : and after this he soon recovered, but was not so pas- sionate ; nor do I remember he ever after struck either me or my children, so as to hurt us, or with that mischievous intent as before he used to do. This I took as the Lord's doing, and it was marvellous in my eyes. Some few weeks after, this, my master made another re- move, having as before made several ; but this was the longest ever he made, it being two days' journey, and mostly upon ice. The first day's journey the ice was bare, but the next day, some snow falling, made it very troublesome, tedious, and difficult travelling ; and I took much damage in often falling ; having the care of my babe, that added not a little to my uneasiness. And the last night when we came to encamp, it being in the night, I was ordered to fetch water ; but having sat awhile on the cold ground, I could neither go nor stand ; but crawling on my hands and knees, a young Indian squaw came to see our people, being of another family, in compassion took the kettle, and knowing where to go, which I did not, fetched the water for me. This I took as a great kindness and favor, that her heart was inclined to do me this service. I now saw the design of this journey. My master being, as I suppose, weary to keep us, was willing to make what he could of our ransom ; therefore, he went further towards the French, and left his family in this place, where they had a great dance, sundry other Indians coming to our people. This held some time, and while they were in it, I got out of their way in a corner of the wigwam as well [as] I could ; but every time they came by me in their dancing, they would bow my head towards the ground, and frequently kick me with as great fury as they could bear, being sundry of them barefoot, and others having Indian mockosons. This dance held some time, and they made, in their manner, great rejoicings and noise. It was not many days ere my master returned from the French ; but he was in such a humor when he came back, he would not suffer me in his presence. Therefore I had a little shelter made with some boughs, they having digged through the snow to the ground, it being pretty deep. In this hole I and my poor children were put to lodge ; the weather being very sharp, with hard frost, in the month called January, made it more tedious to m* and my children. Our stay was not 124 ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. long in this place before he took me to the French, in order for a chapman. When we came among them I was exposed for sale, and he asked for me 800 livres. But his chapman not complying with his demand, put him in a great rage, offering him but 600 ; he said, in a great passion, if he could not have his demand, he would make a great fire and burn me and the babe, in the view of the town, which was named Fort Royal. The Frenchman bid the Indian make his fire, " and I will," says he, " help you, if you think that will do you more good than 600 livres," calling my master fool, and speaking roughly to him, bid him be gone. But at the same time the Frenchman was civil to me ; and, for my encouragement, bid me be of good cheer, for I should be redeemed, and not go back with them again. Retiring now with my master for this night, the next day I was redeemed for six hundred livres ; and in treating with my master, the Frenchman queried why he asked so much" for the child's ransom ; urging, when she had her belly full, she would die. My master said, " No, she would not die, having already lived twenty-six days on nothing but water, believing the child to be a devil." The Frenchman told him, " No, the child is ordered for longer life ; and it has pleased God to preserve her to admiration." My master said no, she was a devil, and he believed she would not die, unless they took a hatchet and beat her brains out. Thus ended their discourse, and I was, as aforesaid, with my babe, ransomed for six hun- dred livres ; my little boy, likewise, at the same time, for an additional sum of livres, was redeemed also. I now having changed my landlord, my table and diet, as well as my lodging, the French were civil beyond what I could either desire or expect. But the next day after I was re- deemed, the Romish priest took my babe from me, and accord- ing to their custom, they baptized her, urging if she died before that she would be damned, like some of our modern pretended reformed priests, and they gave her a name as pleased them best, which was Mary Ann Frossways, telling me my child, if she now died, would be saved, being baptized ; and my landlord speaking to the priest that baptized her, said, " It would be well, now Frossways was baptized, for her to die, being now in a state to be saved," but the priest said, " No, the child having been so miraculously preserved through so many hardships, she may be designed by God for some great work, and by her life being still continued, may much more glorify God than if she should now die." A very sensible remark, and I wishjt may prove true. 1 having been about five months amongst the Indians in ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. 125 about one month after I got amongst the French, my dear husband, to my unspeakable comfort and joy, came to me, who was now himself concerned to redeem his children, two of our daughters being still captives, and only myself and two little ones redeemed ; and, through great difficulty and trouble, he recovered the younger daughter. But the eldest we could by no means obtain from their hands, for the squaw, to whom she was given, had a son whom she intended my daughter should in time be prevailed with to marry. The Indians are very civil towards their captive women, not offering any in- civility by any indecent carriage, (unless they be much over- come in liquor,) which is commendable in them, so far. However, the affections they had for my daughter made them refuse all offers and terms of ransom ; so that, after my poor husband had waited, and made what attempts and en- deavors he could to obtain his child, and all to no purpose, we were forced to make homeward, leaving our daughter, to our great grief, .behind us, amongst the Indians, and set for- ward over the lake, with three of our children, and the ser- vant maid, in company with sundry others, and, by the kind- ness of Providence, we got well home on the 1st day of the 7th month, 1725. From which it appears I had been from home, amongst the Indians and French, about twelve months and six days. In the series of which time, the many deliverances and won- derful providences of God unto us, and over us, hath been, and I hope will so remain to be, as a continued obligation on my mind, ever to live in that fear, love, and obedience to God, duly regarding, by his grace, with meekness ard wisdom, to approve myself by his spirit, in all holiness of life and godli- ness of conversation, to the praise of him that hath called me, who is God blessed forever. But my dear husband, poor man ! could not enjoy himself m quiet with us, for want of his dear daughter Sarah, that was left behind; and not willing to omit anything for her redemption which lay in his power, he could not be easy with- out making a second attempt ; in order to which, he took his journey about the 19th day of the second month, 1727, in compa- ny with a kinsman and his wife, who went to redeem some of their children, and were so happy as to obtain what they went about. But my dear husband being taken sick on the way, grew worse and worse, as we were informed, and was sensible he should not get over it ; telling my kinsman that if it was the Lord's will he must die in the wilderness, he was freely given up to it. He was under a good composure of mind, and sensible to his last moment, and died, as near as we can 126 ELIZABETH HANSON'S CAPTIVITY. judge, in about the half way between Albany and Canada, in my kinsman's arms, and is at rest, I hope, in the Lord : and though my own children's loss is very great, yet I doubt not but his gain is much more ; I therefore desire and pray, that the Lord will enable me patiently to submit to his will in all things he is pleased to suffer to be my lot, while here, ear- nestly supplicating the God and father of all our mercies to be a father to my fatherless children, and give unto them that blessing, which maketh truly rich, and adds no sorrow with it ; that as they grow in years they may grow in grace, and experience the joy of salvation, which is come by Jesus Christ, our Lord and Savior. Amen. Now, though my husband died, by reason of which his la- bor was ended, yet my kinsman prosecuted the thing, and left no stone unturned, that he thought, or could be advised, was proper to the obtaining my daughter's freedom ; but could by no means prevail ; for, as is before said, she being in another part of the country distant from where I was, and given to an old squaw, who intended to marry her in time to her son, using what persuasion she could to effect her end, sometimes by fair means, and sometimes by severe. In the mean time a Frenchman interposed, and they by per- suasions enticing my child to marry, in order to obtain her freedom, by reason that those captives married by the French are, by that marriage, made free among them, the Indians having then no pretence longer to keep them as captives ; she therefore was prevailed upon, for the reasons afore assigned, to marry, and she was accordingly married to the said French' man. Thus, as well, and as near as I can from my memory, (not being capable of keeping a journal,) I have given a short but a true account of some of the remarkable trials and wonderful deliverances which I never purposed to expose; but that I hope thereby the merciful kindness and goodness of God may be magnified, and the reader hereof provoked with more care and fear to serve him in righteousness and humility, and then my designed end and purpose will be answered. E. H. 127 A NARRATIVE OP THE CAPTIVITY OP NEHEMIAH HOW, WHO WAS TAKEN BY THE INDIANS AT THE GREAT MEADOW FORT ABOVE FORT DUMMER, WHERE HE WAS AN INHABITANT, OCTO- BER HTH, 1745. Giving an account of what he met with in his travelling to Canada, and while he was in prison there. Together with an account ol MR. How's death at Canada. Psalm cxixvii : 1,2, 3, and 4. Boston: N. E. Printed and sold opposite to the Prison in Queen Street, 1748. AT the Great Meadow's fort, fourteen miles above fort Dum- mer, October llth, 1745, where I was an inhabitant, I went out from the fort about fifty rods to cut wood ; and when I had done, I walked towards the fort, but in my way heard the crack" ling of fences behind me, and turning about, saw twelve or thirteen Indians, with red painted heads, running after me ; on which I cried to God for help, and ran, and hallooed as I ran, to alarm the fort. But by the time I had run ten rods, the Indians came up with me and took hold of me. At the same time the men at the fort shot at the Indians, and killed one on the spot, wounded another, who died fourteen days after he got home, and likewise shot a bullet through the powder-horn of one that had hold of me. They then led me into the swamp and pinioned me. I then committed my case to God, and prayed that, since it was his will to deliver me into the hands of those cruel men, I might find favor in their eyes ; which request God in his infinite mercy was pleased to grant ; for they were generally kind to me while I was with them. Some of the Indians at that time took charge of me, others ran into the field to kill cattle. They led me about half a mile, where we staid in open sight of the fort, till the Indians who were killing cattle came to us, laden with beef. Then they went a little further to a house, where they staid to cut the meat from the bones, and cut the helve off of my axe, and stuck it into the ground, pointing the way we went. Then we travelled along the river side, and when we had got about three miles, I espied a canoe coming down on the further side of the river, with David Rugg and Robert Baker, belonging to our fort. I made as much noise as I could, by hammering, &c., that they might see us before the Indians saw them, and so get ashore and escape. But the Indians saw them, and shot across the river, twenty or thirty guns at them, by which the first-mentioned man was killed, but the other, Robert Baker, got ashore and escaped. Then some of the Indians swam across the river and brought the canoe to us ; 28 128 NEHEMIAH HOW'S CAPTIVITY. having stripped and scalped the dead man, and then we wem about a mile further, when we came to another house, where we stopped. While there we heard men running by the bank of the river, whom I knew to be Jonathan Thayer, Samuel Nutting and my son Caleb How. Five of the Indians ran to head them. My heart asked for them, and prayed to God to save them from the hands of the enemy. I suppose they hid under the bank of the river, for the Indians were gone some time, but came back without them, blessed be God. We went about a mile further, where we lodged that night, and roasted the meat they had got. The next day we travel- led very slow, by reason of the wounded Indian, which was a great favor to me. We lodged the second night against Num- ber Four [since Charlestown, N. H.] The third day we like- wise travelled slowly, and stopped often to rest, and get along the wounded man. We lodged that night by the second small river that runs into the great river against Number Four. The fourth day morning the Indians held a piece of bark, and bid me write my name, and how many days we had tra- velled ; " for," said they " may be Englishmen will come here." That was a hard day to me, as it was wet and we went over prodigious mountains, so that I became weak and faint ; for I had not eaten the value of one meal from the time I was taken, and that being beef almost raw without bread or salt. When I came first to the foot of those hills, I thought it was impossi- ble for me to ascend them, without immediate help from God ; therefore my constant recourse was to him for strength, which he was graciously pleased to grant me, and for which I desire to praise him. We got that day a little before night to a place where they had a hunting house, a kettle, some beer, Indian corn, and salt. They boiled a good mess of it. I drank of the broth, eat of the meat and corn, and was wonderfully refreshed, so that I felt like another man. The next morning we got up early, and after we had eaten, my master said to me, " You must quick walk to day, or I kill you." I told him I would go as fast as I could, and no faster, if he did kill me. At which an old Indian, who was the best friend I had, took care of me. We travelled that day very hard, and over steep hills, but it being a cool, windy day, I performed it with more ease than before ; yet I was much tired before night, but dare not com- plain. The next day the Indians gave me a pair of their shoes, so that I travelled with abundant more ease than when I wore my own shoes. I ate but very little, as our victuals were almost spent When the sun was about two hours high, the Indians NEHEM1AH HOW'S CAPTIVITY. 129 scattered to hunt, and they soon killed a fawn, and three small bears, so that we had again meat enough ; some of which we boiled and eat heartily of, by which I felt strong. The next day we travelled very hard, and performed it with ease, insomuch that one of the Indians told me I was a very strong man. About three o'clock we came to the lake, where they had five canoes, pork, Indian corn, and tobacco. We got into the canoes, and the Indians stuck up a pole about eight feet long with the scalp of David Rugg on the top of it painted red, with the likeness of eyes and mouth on it. We sailed about ten miles, and then went on shore, and after we had made a fire, we boiled a good supper, and eat heartily. The next day we set sail for Crown Point, but when we were within a mile of the place, they went on shore, where were eight or ten French and Indians, two of whom, before I got on shore, came running into the water, knee deep, and pulled me out of the canoe. There they sung and danced around me a while, when one of them bid me sit down, which I did. Then they pulled ofFmy shoe;? as I was but young; but I must learn to behave like a warrior, and do great things, arid never be found in any such little actions. The lake being again calm,t we proceeded, and arrived safe at Sunyendeand, which was a Wyandot town that lay upon a small creek which empties into the little lake below the mouth of Sandusky. The town was about eighty rood above the mouth of the creek, on the south side of a large plain, on which timbei grew, and nothing more but grass or nettles. In some places there were large flats where nothing but grass grew, about three feet high when grown, and in other places nothing but nettles, very rank, where the soil is extremely rich and loose , here they planted corn. In this town there were also French traders, who purchased our skins and fur, and we all got new clothes, paint, tobacco, &c. * The Dutch he called Skoharehaugo, which took its derivation from a Dutch settlement called Skoharey. f The lake, when calm, appears to be of a sky-blue color though when ifted in a vessel it is like other clear water. 33 202 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. After I had got my new clothes, and my head done off like a red-headed woodpecker, I, in company with a number of young Indians, went down to the corn-field to see the squaws at work. When we came there they asked me to take a hoe, which I did, and hoed for some time. The squaws applauded me as a good hand at the business ; but when I returned to the town the old men, hearing of what I had done, chid me. and said that I was adopted in the place of a great man, and must not hoe corn like a squaw. They never had occasion to reprove me for any thing like this again ; as I never was extremely fond of work, I readily complied with their orders. As the Indians on their return from their winter hunt bring in with them large quantities of bear's oil, sugar, dried veni- son, &c., at this time they have plenty, and do not spare eating or giving ; thus they make way with their provision as quick as possible. They have no such thing as regular meals, breakfast, dinner, or supper ; but if any one, even the town folks, would go to the same house several times in one day, he would be invited to eat of the best ; and with them it is bad manners to refuse to eat when it is offered. If they will not eat it is interpreted as a symptom of displeasure, or that the persons refusing to eat were angry with those who invited them. At this time homony, plentifully mixed with bear's oil and sugar, or dried venison, bear's oil, and sugar, is what they offer to every one who comes in any time of the day ; and so they go on until their sugar, bear's oil, and venison are all gone, and then they have to eat homony by itself, without bread, salt, or any thing else ; yet still they invite every one that comes in to eat whilst they have any thing to give. It is thought a shame not to invite people to eat while they have any thing; but if they can in truth only say we have got nothing to eat, this is accepted as an honorable apology. All the hunters and warriors continued in town about six weeks after we came in; they spent this time in painting, going from house to house, eating, smoking, and playing at a game resem- bling dice, or hustle-cap. They put a number of plum-stones in a small bowl; one side of each stone is black, and the other white; they then shake or hustle the bowl, calling, hits, kits, hits, honesey, honesey, rago, ragoj which signifies calling for white or black, or what they wish to turn up ; they then turn the bowl, and count the whites and blacks. Some were beat- ing their kind of drum and singing ; others were employed in playing on a sort of flute made of hollow cane ; and others playing on the jew's-harp. Some part of this time was also aken up in attending the council house, where the chiefs, and COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 203 as many others as chose, attended ; and at night they were frequently employed in singing and dancing. Towards the last of this time, which was in June, 1756, they were all en- gaged in preparing to go to war against the frontiers of Vir- ginia. When they were equipped, they went through their ceremonies, sung their war-songs, &c. They all marched off, from fifteen to sixty years of age ; and some boys, only twelve years old, were equipped with their bows and arrows, and went to war ; so that none were left in town but squaws and children, except myself, one very old man, and another, about fifty years of age, who was lame. The Indians were then in great hopes that they would drive all the Virginians over the lake, which is all the name they know for the sea. They had some cause for this hope, be- cause, at this time, the Americans were altogether unac- quainted with war of any kind, and consequently very unfit to stand their hand with such subtle enemies as the Indians were. The two old Indians asked me if I did not think that the Indians and French would subdue all America, except New England, which they said they had tried in old times. I told them I thought not. They said they had already drove them all out of the mountains, and had chiefly laid waste the great valley betwixt the North and South mountain, from Potomac to James river, which is a considerable part of the best land in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, and that the white people appeared to them like fools ; they could neither guard against surprise, run, nor fight. These, they said, were their reasons for saying that they would subdue the whites. They asked me to offer my reasons for my opinion, and told me to speak my mind freely. I told them that the white people to the east were very numerous, like the trees, and though they appeared to them to be fools, as they were not acquainted with their way of war, yet they were not fools ; therefore, after some time, they will learn your mode of war, and turn upon you, or at least defend themselves. I found that the old men them- selves did not believe they could conquej America, yet they were willing to propagate the idea in ordc-r to encourage the young men to go to war. When the warriors left this town, we had neither meat, sugar, or bear's oil left. All that we had then to live on was corn pounded into coarse meal or small homony ; this they boiled in water, which appeared like well thickened soup, without salt or any thing else. For some time we had plenty of this kind of homony ; at length we were brought to very short allowance, and as the warriors did not return as soon as they expected, we were in a starving condition, and but one 204 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. gun in the town, and very little ammunition. The old lame Wyandot concluded that he would go a hunting in a canoe, and take me with him, and try to kill deer in the water, as it was then watering time. We went up Sandusky a few miles, then turned up a creek and encamped. We had lights pre- pared, as we were to hunt in the night, and also a piece of bark and some bushes set up in the canoe, in order to conceal ourselves from the deer. A little boy that was with us held the light ; I worked the canoe, and the old man, who had his gun loaded with large shot, when we came near the deer, fired, and in this manner killed three deer in part of one night. We went to our fire, ate heartily, and in the morning returned to town in order to relieve the hungry and distressed. When we came to town the children were crying bitterly on account of pinching hunger. We delivered what we had taken, and though it was but little among so many, it was divided according to the strictest rules of justice. We immediately set out for another hunt, but before we returned a part of the war- riors had come in, and brought with them on horseback a quantity of meat. These warriors had divided into different parties, arid all struck at different places in Augusta county. They brought in with them a considerable number of scalps, prisoners, horses, and other plunder. One of the parties Drought in with them one Arthur Campbell, that is now Colo- nel Campbell, who lives on Holston river, near the Royal Oak. As the Wyandots at Sunyendeand and those at De- troit were connected, Mr. Campbell was taken to Detroit; but he remained some time with me in this town. His com- pany was very agreeable, and I was sorry when he left me. During his stay at Sunyendeand he borrowed my Bible, and made some pertinent remarks on what he had read. One passage was where it is said, " It is good for man that he bear the yoke in his youth." He said we ought to be re- signed to the will of Providence, as we were now bearing the yoke in our youth. Mr. Campbell appeared to be then about sixteen or seventeen years of age. There was a number of prisoners brought in by these parties, and when they were to run the gauntlet I went and told them how they were to act. One John Savage was brought in, a middle-aged man, or about forty years old. He was to run the gauntlet. I told him what he had to do ; and after this I fell into one of the ranks with the Indians, shouting and yelling like them ; and as they were not very severe on him, as he passed me, I hit him with a piece of pumpkin, which pleased the Indians much, but hurt my feelings. About the time that these warriors came in, the green corn COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 205 was beginning to ts of use, so that we had either green corn or venison, and sometimes both, which was, comparatively high living. When we could have plenty of green corn, or roasting ears, the hunters became lazy, and spent their time, as already mentioned, in singing and dancing, &c. They ap- peared to be fulfilling the scriptures beyond those who profess to believe them, in that of taking no thought of to-morrow ; and also in living in love, peace, and friendship together, without disputes. In this respect they shame those who pro- fess Christianity. In this manner we lived until October; then the geese, swans, ducks, cranes, &c., came from the north, and alighted on this little lake, without number, or innumerable. Sunyen- deand is a remarkable place for fish in the spring, and fowl both in the fall and spring. As our hunters were now tired with indolence, and fond of their own kind of exercise, they all turned out to fowling, and in this could scarce miss of success ; so that we had now plenty of homony and the best of fowls ; and sometimes, as a rarity, we had a little bread, which was made of Indian corn meal, pounded in a homony block, mixed with boiled beans, and baked in cakes under the ashes. This with us was called good living, though not equal to our fat, roasted, and boiled venison, when we went to the woods in the fall ; or bear's meat and beaver in the winter ; or sugar, bear's oil, and dry venison in the spring. Some time in October, another adopted brother, older than Tontileaugo, came to pay us a visit at Sunyendeand, and he asked me to take a hunt with him on Cayahaga. As they always used me as a free man, and gave me the liberty of choosing, I told him that I was attached to Tontileaugo, had never seen him before, and therefore asked some time to con- sider of this. He told me that the party he was going with would not be along, or at the mouth of this little lake, in less than six days, and I could in this time be acquainted with him, and judge for myself. I consulted with Tontileaugo on this occasion, and he told me that our old brother Tecaugh- retanego (which was his name) was a chief, and a better man than he was, and if I went with him I might expect to be well used ; but he said I might do as I pleased, and if I staid he would use me as he had done. I told him that he had acted in every respect as a brother to me ; yet I was much pleased with my old brother's conduct and conversation ; and as he was going to a part of the country I had never been in, I wished to go with him. He said that he was perfectly willing. 206 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. I then went with Tecaughretanego to the mouth of the little lake, where he met with the company he intended going with, which was composed of Caughnewagas and Ottawas. Here I was introduced to a Caughnewaga sister, and others I had never before seen. My sister's name was Mary, which they pronounced Maully. I asked Tecaughretanego how it came that she had an English name. He said that he did not know that it was an English name ; but it was the name the priest gave her when she was baptized, which he said was the name of the mother of Jesus. He said there were a great many of the Caughnewagas and Wyandots that were a kind of half Roman Catholics ; but as for himself, he said, that the priest and him could not agree, as they held notions that contradicted both sense and reason, and had the assurance to tell him that the book of God taught them these foolish ab- surdities : but he could not believe the great and good Spirit ever taught them any such nonsense ; and therefore he con- cluded that the Indians' old religion was better than this new way of worshipping God. The Ottawas have a very useful kind of tents which they carry with them, made of flags, plaited and stitched together in a very artful manner, so as to turn rain or wind well each mat is made fifteen feet long, and about five feet broad. In order to erect this kind of tent, they cut a number of long straight poles, which they drive in the ground, in form of a circle, leaning inwards ; then they spread the mats on these poles, beginning at the bottom and extending up, leaving only a hole in the top uncovered, and this hole answers the place of a chimney. They make a fire of dry split wood in the middle, and spread down bark mats and skins for bedding, on which they sleep in a crooked posture all round the fire, as the length of their beds will not admit of stretching them- selves. In place of a door they lift up one end of a mat and creep in, and let the mat fall down behind them. These tents are warm and dry, and tolerably clear of smoke. Their lumber they keep under birch-bark canoes, which they carry out and turn up for a shelter, where they keep every thing from the rain. Nothing is in the tents but themselves and their bedding. This company had four birch canoes and four tents. We were kindly received, and they gave us plenty of homony, and wild fowl boiled and roasted. As the geese, ducks, swans, &c., here are well grain-fed, they were remarkably fat, especially the green-necked ducks. The wild fowl here feed upon a kind of wild rice that COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 207 grows spontaneously in the shallow water, or wet places along the sides or in the corners of the lakes. As the wind was high and we could not proceed on our voyage, we remained here several days, and killed abundance of wild fowl, and a number of raccoons. When a company of Indians are moving together on the lake, as it is at this time of the year often dangerous sailing, the old men hold a council ; and when they agree to embark, every one is engaged immediately in making ready, without offering one word against the measure, though the lake may be boisterous and horrid. One morning, though the wind ap- peared to me to be as high as in days past, and the billows raging, yet the call was given yohoh-yokoh, which was quickly answered by all ooh-ooh, which signifies agreed. We were all instantly engaged in preparing to start, and had considera- ble difficulties in embarking. As soon as we got into our canoes we fell to paddling with all our might, making out from the shore. Though these sort of canoes ride waves beyond what could be expected, yet the water several times dashed into them. When we got out about half a mile from shore, we hoisted sail, and as it was nearly a west wind, we then seemed to ride the waves with ease, and went on at a rapid rate. We then all laid down our paddles, excepting one that steered, and there was no water dashed into our canoes until we came near the shore again. We sailed about sixty miles that day, and encamped some time before night. The next day we again embarked, and went on very well for some time ; but the lake being boisterous, and the wind not fair, we were obliged to make to shore, Avhich we accom- plished with hard work and some difficulty in landing. The next morning a council was held by the old men. As we had this day to pass by a long precipice of rocks on the shore about nine miles, which rendered it impossible for us to land, though the wind was high and the lake rough, yet, as it was fair, we were all ordered to embark. We wrought ourselves out from the shore and hoisted sail, (what we used in place of sail-cloth were our tent mats, which an- swered the purpose very well,) and went on for some time with a fair wind, until we were opposite to the precipice, and then it turned towards the shore, and we began to fear we should be cast upon the rocks. Two of the canoes were con- siderably farther out from the rocks than the canoe I was in. Those who were farthest out in the lake did not let down their sails until they had passed the precipice; but as we were nearer the rock, we were obliged to lower our sails, and 203 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. paddle with all our might. With much difficulty we cleared ourselves of the rock, and landed. As the other canoes had landed before us, there were immediately runners sent off tc *ee if we were all safely landed. This night the wind fell, and the next morning the lake was tolerably calm, and we embarked without difficulty, and paddled along near the shore, until we came to the mouth of Cayahaga, which empties into lake Erie on the south side, betwixt Canesadooharie and Presq' Isle. We turned up Cayahaga and encamped, where we staid and hunted for several days ; and so we kept moving and hunting until we came to the forks of Cayahaga. This is a very gentle river, and but few ripples, or swift running places, from the mouth to the forks. Deer here were tolerably plenty, large and fat; but bear and other game scarce. The upland is hilly, and principally second and third rate land ; the timber chiefly black oak, white oak, hickory, dogwood, &c. The bottoms are rich and large, and the tim- ber is walnut, locust, mulberry, sugar-tree, red haw, black haw, wild apple-trees, &c. The West Branch of this river interlocks with the East Branch of Muskingum, and the East Branch with the Big Beaver creek, that empties into the Ohio about thirty miles below Pittsburgh. From the forks of Cayahaga to the East Branch of Musk- ingum there is a carrying place, where the Indians carry their canoes, &c., from the waters of lake Erie into the wa- ters of the Ohio. From the forks I went over with some hunters to the East Branch of Muskingum, where they killed several deer, a num- ber of beavers, and returned heavy laden with skins and meat, which we carried on our backs, as we had no horses. The land here is chiefly second and third rate, and the tim- ber chiefly oak and hickory. A little above the forks, on the East Branch of Cayahaga, are considerable rapids, very rocky for some distance, but no perpendicular falls. About the first of December, 1756, we were preparing for leaving the river : we buried our canoes, and as usual hung up our skins, and every one had a pack to carry. The squaws also packed up their tents, which they carried in large rolls that extended up above their heads, and though a great bulk, yet not heavy. We steered about a south-east course, and could not march over ten miles per day. At night we lodged in our flag tents, which, when erected, were nearly in the shape of a sugar-loaf, and about fifteen feet diameter at the ground. In this manner we proceeded about forty miles, and win- COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 209 tered in these tents, on the waters of Beaver creek, near a little lake or large pond, which is about two miles long and one broad, and a remarkable place for beaver. It is a received opinion among the Indians that the geese turn to beavers, and the snakes to raccoons ; and though Te- caughretanego, who was a wise man, was not fully persuaded that this was true, yet he seemed in some measure to be car- ried away with this whimsical notion. He said that this pond had been always a great place for beaver. Though he said he knew them to be frequently all killed, (as he thought,) yet the next winter they would be as plenty as ever. And as the beaver was an animal that did not travel by land, and there being no watpr communication to or from this pond, how could such a number of beavers get there year after year ? But as this pond was also a considerable place for geese, when they came in the fall from the north, and alighted in this pond, they turned beavers, all but the feet, which remained nearly the same. I said, that though there was no water communication in or out of this pond, yet it appeared that it was fed Uy springs, as it was always clear, and never stagnated ; and as a very large spring rose about a mile below this pond, it was likely that this spring came from this pond. In the fall, when this spring is comparatively low, there would be air under ground suffi- cient for the beavers to breathe in, with their heads above water, for they cannot live long under water, and so they might have a subterraneous passage by water into this pond. Tecaughretanego granted that it might be so. About the sides of this pond there grew great abundance of cranberries, which the Indians gathered up on the ice when the pond was frozen over. These berries were about as large as rifle bullets, of a bright red color, an agreeable sour, though rather too sour of themselves, but when mixed with sugar had a very agreeable taste. In conversation with Tecaughretanego, I happened to be talking of the beavers catching fish. He asked me why I thought that the beaver caught fish. I told him that I had read of the beaver making dams for the conveniency of fishing. He laughed, and made game of me and my book. He said the man that wrote that book knew nothing about the beaver. The beaver never did eat flesh of any kind, but lived on the bark of trees, roots, and other vegetables. In order to know certainly how this was, when we killed a beaver I carefully examined the intestines, but found no ap- pearance of fish ; I afterwards made an experiment on a pet beaver which we had, and found that it would neither eat fish 14 210 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. nor flesh ; therefore I acknowledged that the book 1 had read was wrong. I asked him if the beaver was an amphibious animal, or if it could live under water. He said that the beaver was a kind of subterraneous water animal that lives in or near the water ; but they were no more amphibious than the ducks and geese were, which was constantly proven to be the case, as all the beavers that are caught in steel traps are drowned, provided the trap be heavy enough to keep them under water. As the beaver does not eat fish, I inquired of Tecaughretanego why the beaver made such large dams. He said they were of use to them in various respects- both for their safety and food. For their safety, as by raising the water over the mouths of their holes, or subterraneous lodging places, they could not be easily found ; and as the beaver feeds chiefly on the bark of trees, by raising the water over the banks they can cut down saplings for bark to feed upon without going out much upon the land ; and when they are obliged to go out on land for this food they frequently are caught by the wolves. As the beaver can run upon land but little faster than a water tortoise, and is no fighting animal, if they are any distance from the water they become an easy prey to their enemies. I asked Tecaughretanego what was the use of the beavers' stones, or glands, to them ; as the she beaver has two pair, which is commonly called the oil stones, and the bark stones. He said that as the beavers are the dumbest of all animals, and scarcely ever make any noise, and as they were working creatures, they made use of this smell in order to work in concert. If an old beaver was to come on the bank and rub his breech upon the ground, and raise a perfume, the others will collect from different places and go to work : this is also of use to them in travelling, that they may thereby search out and find their company. Cunning hunters, finding this out, have made use of it against the beavers, in order to catch them. What is the bait which you see them make use of but a compound of the oil and bark stones ? By this perfume, which is only a -false signal, they decoy them to the trap. Near this pond beaver was the principal game. Before the water froze up we caught a great many with wooden and steel traps ; but after that, we hunted the beaver on the ice. Some places here the beavers build large houses to live in ; and in other places they have subterraneous lodgings in the banks. Where they lodge in the ground we have no chance of hunting rthem on the ice ; but where they have houses, we go with rmalls and handspikes, and break all the hollow ice, to prevent rthem from getting their heads above the water under it. Then COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 211 we break a hole in the house, and they make their escape into the water ; but as they cannot live long under water, they are obliged to go to some of those broken places to breathe, and the Indians commonly put in their hands, catch them by the hind leg, haul them on the ice, and tomahawk them. Some- times they shoot them in the head when they raise it above the water. I asked the Indians if they were not afraid to catch the beavers with their hands. They said no : they were not much of a biting creature ; yet if they would catch them by the fore foot they would bite. I went out with Tecaughretanego and some others a beaver hunting ; but we did not succeed, and on our return we saw where several raccoons had passed while the snow was soft, though there was now a crust upon it ; we all made a halt, looking at the raccoon tracks. As they saw a tree with a hole in it, they told me to go and see if they had gone in thereat ; and if they had to halloo, and they would come and take them out. When I went to that tree, I found they had gone past ; but I saw another the way they had gone, and proceeded to examine that, and found they had gone up it. I then began to halloo, but could have no answer. As it began to snow and blow most violently, I returned and proceeded after my company, and for some time could see their tracks ; but the old snow being only about three inches deep, and a crust upon it, the present driving snow soon filled up the tracks. As I had only a bow, arrows, and tomahawk with me, and no way to strike fire, I appeared to be in a dismal situation; and as the air was dark with snow, I had iittle more prospect of steering my course than I would in the night. At length I came to a hollow tree, with a hole at one side that I could go in at. I went in, and found that it was a dry place, and the hollow about three feet diameter, and high enough for me to stand in. I found that there was also a considerable quantity of soft, dry rotten wood around this hol- low ; I therefore concluded that I would lodge here, and that I would go to work, and stop up the door of my house. I stripped off my blanket, (which was all the clothes that I had, excepting a breech-clout, leggins and moccasins,) and with my tomahawk fell to chopping at the top of a fallen tree that lay near, and carried wood, and set it up on end against the door, until I had it three or four feet thick all around, except- ing a hole I had left to creep in at. I had a block prepared that t could haul after me to stop this hole ; and before I went in I put in a number of small sticks that I might more effec- tually stop it on the inside. When I went in, I took my toma- hawk and cut down all the dry rotten wood I could get, and 212 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. beat it small. With it I made a bed like a goose-nest or hog- bed, and with the small sticks stopped every hole, until my house was almost dark. I stripped off my moccasins, and danced in the centre of my bed, for about half an hour, in order to warm myself. In this time my feet and whole body were agreeably warmed. The snow, in the mean while, had stopped all the holes, so that my house was as dark as a dun- geon, though I knew it could not yet be dark out of doors. I then coiled myself up in my blanket, lay down in my little round bed, and had a tolerable night's lodging. When I awoke all was dark not the least glimmering of light was to be seen. Immediately I recollected that I was not to expect light in this new habitation, as there was neither door nor window in it. As I could hear the storm raging, and did not suffer much cold as I was then situated, I concluded I would stay in my nest until I was certain it was day. When I had reason to conclude that it surely was day, I arose and put on my moccasins, which I had laid under my head to keep from freezing. I then endeavored to find the door, and had to do all by the sense of feeling, which took me some time. At length I found the block, but it being heavy, and a large quan- tity of snow having fallen on it, at the first attempt I did not move it. I then felt terrified among all the hardships I had sustained, I never knew before what it was to be thus deprived of light. This, with the other circumstances attending it, appeared grievous. I went straightway to bed again, wrapped my blanket round me, and lay and mused a while, and then prayed to Almighty God to direct and protect me as he had done heretofore. I once again attempted to move away the block, which proved successful ; it moved about nine inches. With this a considerable quantity of snow fell in from above, and I immediately received light ; so that I found a very great snow had fallen, above what I had ever seen in one night. I then knew why I could not easily move the block, and I was so rejoiced at obtaining the light that all my other difficulties seemed to vanish. I then turned into my cell, and returned God thanks for having once more received the light of heaven. At length I belted my blanket about me, got my tomahawk, bow and arrows, and went out of my den. I was now in tolerable high spirits, though the snow had fallen above three feet deep, in addition to what was on the ground before ; and the only imperfect guide I had in order to steer my course to camp was the trees, as the moss generally grows on the north-west side of them, if they are straight. I ^proceeded on, wading through the snow, and about twelve o'clock (as it appeared afterwards, from that time to night, for (See p. 318) COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 213 it was yet cloudy) I came upon the creek that our camp was on, about half a mile below the camp ; and when I came in sight of the camp, I found that there was great joy, by the shouts and yelling of the boys, &c. When I arrived, they all came round me, and received me gladly ; but at this time no questions were asked, and I was taken into a tent, where they gave me plenty of fat beaver meat, and then asked me to smoke. When I had done, Te- caughretanego desired me to walk out to a fire they had made. I went out, and they all collected round me, both men, women, and boys. Tecaughretanego asked me to give them a particu- lar account of what had happened from the time they left me yesterday until now. I told them the whole of the story, and they never interrupted me ; but when I made a stop, the inter- vals were filled with loud acclamations of joy. As I could no* at this time talk Ottawa or Jibewa well, (which is nearly the same,) I delivered my story in Caughnewaga. As my sister Molly's husband was a Jibewa, and could understand Caugh- newaga, he acted as interpreter, and delivered my story to the Jibewas and Ottawas, which they received with pleasure. When all this was done, Tecaughretanego made a speech to me in the following manner : " Brother, You see we have prepared snow-shoes to go after you, and were almost ready to go when you appeared ; yet, as you had not been accustomed to hardships in your coun- try, to the east, we never expected to see you alive. Now we are glad to see you in various respects : we are glad to see you on your own account ; and we are glad to see the prospect of your filling the place of a great man, in whose room you were adopted. We do not blame you for what has happened, we blame ourselves ; because we did not think of this driving snow filling up the tracks, until after we came to camp. " Brother, Your conduct on this occasion hath pleased us much ; you have given us an evidence of your fortitude, skill, and resolution ; and we hope you will always go on to do great actions, as it is only great actions that can make a great man." I told my brother Tecaughretanego that I thanked them for their care of me, and for the kindness I always received. I told him that I always wished to do great actions, and hoped I never would do any thing to dishonor any of those with whom I was connected. I likewise told my Jibewa brother-in-law to tell his people that I also thanked them for their care and kindness. The next morning some of the hunters went out on snow- shoes, killed several deer, and hauled some of them into camp 214 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. upon the snow. They fixed their carrying strings (which are broad in the middle and small at each end) in the fore feet and nose of the deer, and laid the broad part of it on their heads or about their shoulders, and pulled it along ; and when it is moving, will not sink in the snow much deeper than a snow-shoe ; and when taken with the grain of the hair, slips along very easily. The snow-shoes are made like a hoop-net, and wrought with buckskin thongs. Each shoe is about two feet and a half long, and about eighteen inches broad before, and small behind, with cross-bars, in order to fix or tie them to their feet. After the snow had lain a few days, the Indians tomahawked the deer, by pursuing them in this manner. About two weeks after this there came a warm rain, and took away the chief part of the snow, and broke up the ice ; then we engaged in making wooden traps to catch beavers, as we had but few steel traps. These traps are made nearly in the same manner as the raccoon traps already described. One day, as I was looking after my traps, I got benighted, by beaver ponds intercepting my way to camp ; and as I had neglected to take fireworks with me, and the weather very cold, I could find no suitable lodging place ; therefore, the only expedient I could think of to keep myself from freezing was exercise. I danced and hallooed the whole night with all my might, and the next day came to camp. Though I suffered much more this time than the other night I lay out, yet the Indians were not so much concerned, as they thought I had fireworks with me ; but when they knew how it was, they did not blame me. They said that old hunters were frequently involved in this place, as the beaver dams were one above another on every creek and run, so that it is hard to find a fording place. They applauded me for my fortitude, and said, as they had now plenty of beaver skins, they would purchase me a new gun at Detroit, as we were to go there the next spring ; and then if I should chance to be lost in dark weather, I could make a fire, kill provision, and return to camp when the sun shined. By being bewildered on the waters of Musk- ingum, I lost repute, and was reduced to the bow and arrow, and by lying out two nights here I regained my credit. After some time the waters all froze again, and then, as formerly, we hunted beavers on the ice. Though beaver meat, without salt or bread, was the chief of our food this winter, yet we had always plenty, and I was well contented with my diet, as it appeared delicious fare, after the way we had lived the winter before. Some time in February, we scaffolded up our fur and skins. COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 215 and moved about ten miles in quest of a sugar camp, or a suit- able place to make sugar, and encamped in a large bottom on the head waters of Big Beaver creek. We had some diffi- culty in moving, as we had a blind Caughnewaga boy, about fifteen years of age, to lead ; and as this country is very brushy, we frequently had him to carry. We had also my Jibewa brother-in-law's father with us, who was thought by the Indians to be a great conjuror ; his name was Manetohcoa. This old man was so decrepit that we had to carry him this route upon a bier, and all our baggage to pack on our backs. Shortly after we came to this place, the squaws began tc make sugar. We had no large kettles with us this year, and they made the frost, in some measure, supply the place of fire, in making sugar. Their large bark vessels, for holding the stock water, they made broad and shallow ; and as the weather is very cold here, it frequently freezes at night in sugar time : and the ice they break and cast out of the vessels. I asked them if they were not throwing away the sugar. They said no ; it was water they were casting away; sugar did not freeze, and there was scarcely any in that ice. They said I might try the experiment, and boil some of it, and see what I would get. I never did try it ; but I observed that, after several times freezing, the water that remained in the vessel changed its color, and became brown and very sweet. About the time we were done making sugar the snow went off the ground ; and one night a squaw raised an alarm. She said she saw two men with guns in their hands, upon the bank on the other side of the creek, spying our tents ; they were supposed to be Johnston's Mohawks. On this the squaws were ordered to slip quietly out some distance into the bushes, and all who had either guns or bows were to squat in the bushes near the tents ; and if the enemy rushed up, we were to give them the first fire, and let the squaws have an opportunity of escaping. I got down beside Tecaughretanego, and he whis- pered to me not to be afraid, for he would speak to the Mo- hawks, and as they spoke the same tongue that we did they would not hurt the Caughnewagas or nv; ; but they would kill all the Jibewas and Ottawas that they could, and take us along with them. This news pleased me well, and I heartily wished for the approach of the Mohawks. Before we withdrew from the tents they had carried Mane- tohcoa to the fire, and gave him his conjuring tools, which were dyed feathers, the bone of the shoulder-blade of a wildcat, to- bacco, &c. And while we were in the bushes, Manetohcoa was in a tent at the fire, conjuring away to the utmost of his ability. At length he "called aloud for us all to come in, which 34 216 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. was quickl} obeyed. When we came in he lold us that after he had gone through the whole of his ceremony, and expected to see a number of Mohawks on the flat bone when it was warmed at the fire, the pictures of two wolves only appeared. He said, though there were no Mohawks about, we must not be angry with the squaw for giving a false alarm ; as she had occasion to go out and happened to see the wolves, though it was moonlight, yet she got afraid, and she conceited it was Indians with guns in their hands. So he said we might all gc to sleep, for there was no danger; and accordingly we did. The next morning we went to the place, and found wolf tracks, and where they had scratched with their feet like dogs ; but there was no sign of moccasin tracks. If there is any such thing as a wizard, I think Manetohcoa was as likely to be one as any man, as he was a professed worshipper of the devil. But let him be a conjuror or not, I am persuaded that the In- dians believed what he told them upon this occasion, as well as if it had come from an infallible oracle ; or they would not, after such an alarm as this, go all to sleep in an unconcerned manner. This appeared to me the most like witchcraft of any thing I beheld while I was with them. Though I scrutinized their proceedings in business of this kind, yet I generally found that their pretended witchcraft was either art or mistaken no- tions, whereby they deceived themselves. Before a battle they spy the enemy's motions carefully, and when they find that they can have considerable advantage, and the greatest prospect of success, then the old men pretend to conjure, or to tell what the event will be ; and ihis they do in a figurative manner, which wi41 bear something of a different interpretation, which generally comes to pass nearly as they foretold. Therefore the young warriors generally believed these old conjurors, which had a tendency to animate and excite them to push on with vigor. Some time in March, 1757, we began to move back to the forks of Cayahaga, which was about forty or fifty miles. And as we had no horses, we had all our baggage and several hun- dred weight of beaver skins, and some deer and bear skins, all to pack on our backs. The method we took to accomplish this was by making short days' journeys. In the morning we would move on, with as much as we were able to carry, about five miles, and encamp, and then run back for more. We com- monly made three such trips in the day. When we came to the great pond, we staid there one day to rest ourselves, and to kill ducks and geese. While we remained here, I went in company with a young Caughnewaga, who was about sixteen or seventeen years of COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 217 age, Chinnohete by name, in order to gather cranberries. As he was gathering berries at some distance from me, three Jib- ewa squaws crept up undiscovered, and made at him speedily, but he nimbly escaped, and came to me apparently terrified. I asked him what he was afraid of. He replied, did you not see those squaws ? I told him I did, and they appeared to be 'n a very good humor. I asked him wherefore then he was afraid of them. He said the Jibewa squaws were very bad women, and had a very ugly custom among them. I asked him what that custom was. He said that when two or three of them could catch a young lad, that was betwixt a man and a boy, out by himself, if they could overpower him, they would strip him by force, in order to see whether he was coming on to be a man or not. He said that was what they intended when they crawled up and ran so violently at him ; but, said he, I am very glad that I so narrowly escaped. I then agreed with Chinnohete in condemning this as a bad custom, and an exceedingly immodest action for young women to be guilty of. From our sugar camp on the head waters of Big Beaver creek to this place is not hilly. In some places the woods are tolerably clear, but in most places exceedingly brushy. The land here is chiefly second and third rate. The timber on the upland is white oak, black oak, hickory, and chesnut. There is also in some places walnut upland, and plenty of good water. The bottoms here are generally large and good. We again proceeded on from the pond to the forks of Caya haga, at the rate of about five miles per day. The land on this route is net very hilly; it is well watered, and in many places ill timbered, generally brushy, and chiefly second and third rate land, intermixed with good bottoms. When we came to the forks, we found that the skins we had scaffolded were all safe. Though this was a public place, and Indians frequently passing, and our skins hanging up in view, yet there were none stolen. And it is seldom that Indians do steal any thing from one another. And they say they never did, until the white people came among them, and learned some of them to lie, cheat, and steal ; but be that as it may, they never did curse or swear until the whites learned them. Some think their language will not admit of it, but I am not of that opinion. If I was so disposed, I could find language to curse or swear in the Indian tongue. I remember that Tecaughretanego, when something displeas- ed him, said, God damn it. I asked him if he knew what he then said. He said he did, and mentioned one of their degrad- ing expressions, which he supposed to be the meaning or something like the meaning of what he had said. I told hira 218 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. that it did not bear the least resemblance to it ; that what he had said was calling upon the Great Spirit to punish the object he was displeased with. He stood for some time amazed, and then said, if this be the meaning of these words, what sort of people are the whites ? When the traders were among us, these words seemed to be intermixed with all their discourse. He told me to reconsider what I had said, for he thought I must be mistaken in my definition. If I was not mistaken, he said, the traders applied these words not only wickedly, but oftentimes very foolishly and contrary to sense or reason. He said he remembered once of a trader's accidentally breaking his gun-lock, and on that occasion calling out aloud, God damn it ; surely, said he, the gun-lock was not an object worthy of punishment for Owaneeyo, or the Great Spirit. He also ob- served the traders often used this expression when they were in a good humor, and not displeased with any thing. I acknow- ledged that the traders used this expression very often, in a most irrational, inconsistent, and impious manner ; yet I still asserted that I had given the true meaning of these words. He replied, if so, the traders are as bad as Oonasahroona, or the under ground inhabitants, which is the name they give the devils, as they entertain a notion that their place of residence is under the earth. We took up our birch-bark canoes which we had buried, and found that they were not damaged by the winter ; but they not being sufficient to carry all that we now had, we made a large chesnut-bark canoe, as elm bark was not to be found at this place. We all embarked, and had a very agreeable passage down the Cayahaga, and along the south side of lake Erie, until we passed the mouth of Sandusky ; then the wind arose, and we put in at the mouth of the Miami of the lake, at Cedar Point, where we remained several days, and killed a number of turkeys, geese, ducks, and swans. The wind being fair, and the lake not extremely rough, we again embarked, hoisted up sails, and arrived safe at the Wyandot town, nearly oppo- site to fort Detroit, on the north side of the river. Here we found a number of French traders, every one very willing to deal wth us for our beaver. . We bought ourselves fine clothes, ammunition, paint, tobacco, &c., and, according to promise, they purchased me a new gun; yet we had parted with only about one third of our beaver. At length a trader came to town with French brandy ; we pur- chased a keg of it, and held a council about who was to get drunk and who was to keep sober. I was invited to get drunk, but I refused the proposal ; then they told me that I must be COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 219 one of those who were to take care of the drunken people. I chd not like this ; but of two evils I chose that which I thought was the least and fell in with those who were to conceal the arms, and keep every dangerous weapon we could out of their way, and endeavor, if possible, to keep the drinking club from killing each other, which was a very hard task. Several times we hazarded our own lives, and got ourselves hurt, in prevent- ing them from slaying each other. Before they had finished this keg, near one third of the town was introduced to this drinking club ; they could not pay their part, as they had already disposed of all their skins ; but that made no odds all were welcome to drink. When they were done with this keg, they applied to the tra- ders, and procured a kettle full of brandy at a time, which they divided out with a large wooden spoon ; and so they went on, and never quit while they had a single beaver skin. When the trader had got all our beaver, he moved off to the Ottawa town,- about a mile above the Wyandot town. When the brandy was gone, and the drinking club sober, they appeared much dejected. Some of them were crippled, others badly wounded, a number of their fine new shirts tore, and several blankets were burned. A number of squaws were also in this club, and neglected their corn-planting. We could now hear the effects of the brandy in the Ottawa town. They were singing and yelling in the most hideous manner, both night and day ; but their frolic ended worse than ours : five Ottawas were killed and a great many wounded. After this a number of young Indians were getting their ears cut, and they urged me to have mine cut likewise, but they did not attempt to compel me, though they endeavored to persuade me. The principal arguments they used were, its being a very great ornament, and also the common fash- ion. The former 1 did not believe, and the latter I could not deny. The way they performed this operation was by cutting the fleshy part of the circle of the ear, close to the gristle, quite through. When this was done they wrapt rags round this fleshy part until it was entirely healed ; they then hung lead to it, and stretched it to a wonderful length : when it was sufficiently stretched, they wrapped the fleshy part round with brass wire, which formed it into a semicircle about four inches diameter. Many of the young men were now exercising themselves in a game resembling foot-ball, though they commonly struck the ball with a crooked stick made for that purpose ; also a game something like this, wherein they used a wooden ball, about three inches diameter, and the instrument they moved it 220 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. with was a strong staff, about five feet long, with a hoop net on the end of it large enough to contain the ball. Before they begin the play, they lay off about half a mile distance in a clear plain, and the opposite parties all attend at the centre where a disinterested person casts up the ball, then the oppo- site parties all contend for it. If any one gets it into his net, he runs with it the way he wishes it to go, and they all pursue him. If one of the opposite party overtakes the person with the ball, he gives the staff a stroke, which causes the ball to fly out of the net ; then they have another debate for it, and if the one that gets it can outrun all the opposite party, and can carry it quite out, or over the line at the end, the game is won ; but this seldom happens. When any one is running away with the ball, and is likely to be overtaken, he commonly throws it, and with this instrument can cast it fifty or sixty yards. Sometimes when the ball is almost at the one end, matters will take a sudden turn, and the opposite party may quickly carry it out at the other end. Oftentimes they will work a long while back and forward before they^ can get the ball over the line, or win the game. About the 1st of June, 1757, the warriors were preparing to go to war, in the Wyandot, Pottowatomy, and Ottawa towns : also a great many Jibewas came down from the upper lakes and after singing their war-songs, and going through their common ceremonies, they marched off against the frontiers of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, in their usual manner, singing the travelling song, slow firing, &c. On the north side of the river St. Lawrence, opposite to fort Detroit, there is an island, Avhich the Indians call the Long Island, and which they say is above one thousand miles long, and in some places above one hundred miles broad. They further say that the great river that comes down by Can- esatauga, and that empties into the main branch of St. Law- rence, above Montreal, originates from one source with the St. Lawrence, and forms this island. Opposite to Detroit, and below it, was originally a prairie, and laid off in lots about sixty rods broad, and a great length ; each lot is divided into two fields, which they cultivate year about. The principal grain that the French raised in these fields was spring wheat and peas. They built all their houses on the front of these lots on the river-side ; and as the banks of the river are very low, some of the houses are not above three or four feet above the sur- face of the water; yet they are in no danger of being disturb- ed by freshets, as the river seldom rises above eighteen irches COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 221 because it is the communication of the river St. Lawrence, from one lake to another. As dwelling-houses, barns and stables are all built on the front of these lots, at a distance it appears like a continued row of houses in a town, on each side of the river, for a long way. These villages, the town, the river and the plains, being all in view at once, afford a most delightful prospect. The inhabitants here chiefly drink the river water ; and as it comes from the northward, it is very wholesome. The land here is principally second rate, and, comparatively speaking, a small part is first or third rate ; though about four or five miles south of Detroit there is a small portion that is worse than what I would call third rate, which produces abun- dance of whortleberries. There is plenty of good meadow ground here, and a great many marshes that are overspread with water. The timber is elm, sugar-tree, black ash, white ash, abundance of water ash, oak, hickory, and some walnut. About the middle of June, the Indians were almost all gone to war, from sixteen to sixty ; yet Tecaughretanego remained in town with me. Though he had formerly, when they were at war with the southern nations, been a great warrior and an eminent counsellor, and I think as clear and able a reasoner upon any subject that he had an opportunity of being acquaint- ed with as I ever knew ; yet he had all along been against this war, and had strenuously opposed it in council. He said, if the English and French had a quarrel, let them fight their own battles themselves ; it is not our business to intermeddle therewith. Before the warriors returned, we were very scarce of pro- vision ; and though we did not commonly steal from one another, yet we stole during this time any thing that we could eat from the French, under the notion that it was just for us to do so, because they supported their soldiers; and our squaws, old men and children were suffering on the account of the war, as our hunters were all gone. Some time in August, the warriors returned, and brought in with them a great many scalps, prisoners, horses and plunder ; and the common report among the young warriors was, that they would entirely subdue Tulhasaga, that is the English, or it might be literally rendered the Morning Light inhabit- ants. About the first of November, a number of families were preparing to go on their winter hunt, and all agreed to cross the lake together. We encamped at the mouth of the river the firrt night, and a council was held, whether we should 222 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. cross through by the three islands, or coast it round the lake. These islands lie in a line across the lake, and are just in sight of each other. Some of the Wyandots, or Ottawas, frequent- ly make their winter hunt on these islands ; though, except- ing wild fowl and fish, there is scarcely any game here but raccoons, which are amazingly plenty, and exceedingly large and fat, as they feed upon the wild rice, which grows in abundance in wet places round these islands. It is said that each hunter, in one winter, will catch one thousand raccoons. It is a received opinion among the Indians that the snakes and raccoons are transmigratory, and that a great many of the snakes turn raccoons every fall, and raccoons snakes every spring. This notion is founded on observations made on the snakes and raccoons in this island. As-the raccoons here lodge in rocks, the trappers make their wooden traps at the mouth of the holes ; and as they go daily to look at their traps, in the winter season, they commonly find them filled with raccoons ; but in the spring, or when the frost is out of the ground, they say, they then find their traps filled with large rattlesnakes ; and therefore conclude that the rac- coons are transformed. They also say that the reason why they are so remarkably plenty in the winter, is, every fall the snakes turn raccoons again. I told them that though I had never landed on any of these islands, yet, from the unanimous accounts I had received, I believed that both snakes and raccoons were plenty there ; but no doubt they all remained there both summer and winter, only the snakes were not to be seen in the latter ; yet I did not believe that they were transmigratory. These islands are but seldom visited; because early in the spring, and late in the fall, it is dangerous sailing in their bark canoes ; and in the summer they are so infested with various kinds of serpents, (but chiefly rattlesnakes,) that it is danger- ous landing. I shall now quit this digression, and return to the result of the council at the mouth of the river. We concluded to coast it round the lake, and in two days we came to the mouth of the Miami of the Lake, and landed on Cedar Point, where we remained several days. Here we held a council, and con- cluded we would take a driving hunt in concert and in part- nership. The river in this place is about a mile broad, and as it and the lake forms a kind of neck, which terminates in a point, all the hunters (which were fifty-three) went up the river, and we scattered ourselves from the river to the lake. When we first began to move we were .aot in sight of each other, but as COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 223 we all raised the yell, we could move regularly together by the noise. At length we came in sight of each other, and appeared to be marching in good order ; before we came to the point, both the squaws and boys in the canoes were scat- tered up the river and along the lake, to prevent the deer from making their escape by water. As we advanced near the point the guns began to crack slowly, and after some time the fir- ing was like a little engagement. The squaws and boys were busy tomahawking the deer in the water, and we shooting them down on the land. We killed in all about thirty deer, though a great many made their escape by water. We had now great feasting and rejoicing, as we had plenty of homony, venison and wild fowl. The geese at this time appeared to be preparing to move southward. It might be asked what is meant by the geese preparing to move. The Indians represent them as holding a great council at this time concerning the weather, in order to conclude upon a day, that they may all at or near one time leave the northern lakes, and wing their way to the southern bays. When matters are brought to a conclusion, and the time appointed that they are to take wing, then they say a great number of expresses are sent off, in order to let the different tribes know the result of this council, that they may be all in readiness to move at the time appointed. As there is a great commotion among the geese at this time, it would appear by their actions that such a council had been held. Certain it is that they are led by instinct to act in concert, and to move off regularly after their leaders. Here our company separated. The chief part of them went up the Miami river, which empties into lake Erie at Cedar Point, whilst we proceeded on our journey in company with Tecaughretanego, Tontileaugo, and two families of the Wyan- dots. As cold weather was now approaching, we began to feel the doleful effects of extravagantly and foolishly spending the large quantity of beaver we had taken in our last winter's hunt. We were all nearly in the same circumstances ; scarce- ly one had a shirt to his back ; but each of us had an old blanket, which we belted round us in the day, and slept in at night, with a deer or bear skin under us for our bed. When we came to the falls of Sandusky, we buried our birch-bark canoes, as usual, at a large burying-place for that purpose, a little below the falls. At this place the river falls about eight feet over a rock, but not perpendicularly. With much difficulty we pushed up our wooden canoes ; some of us went up the river, and the rest by land with the horses, until SJ24 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. we came to the great meadows or prairies, that lie between Sandusky and Sciota. When we came to this place, we met with some Ottawe hunters, and agreed with them to take what they call a ring hunt, in partnership. We waited until we expected rain was near falling to extinguish the fire, and then we kindled a large circle in the prairie. At this time, or before the bucks began to run, a great number of deer lay concealed in the grass, in the day, and moved about in the night ; but as the fire burned in towards the centre of the circle, the deer fled before the fire; the Indians were scattered also at some distance before the fire, and shot them down every opportunity, which was very fre- quent, especially as the circle became small. When we came to divide the deer, there were about ten to each hunter, which were all killed in a few hours. The rain did not come on that night to put out the outside circle of the fire, and as the wind arose, it extended through the whole prairie, which was about fifty miles in length, and in some places nearly twenty in breadth. This put an end to our ring hunting this season, and was in other respects an injury to us in the hunting business ; so that upon the whole we received more harm than benefit by our rapid hunting frolic. We then moved from the north end of the glades, and encamped at the carrying place. This place is in the plains, betwixt a creek that empties into Sandusky and one that runs into Sciota. And at the time of high water, or in the spring season, there is but about one halt mile of portage, and that very level, and clear of rocks, timber, or stones ; so that with a little digging there may be water carriage the whole way from Sciota to lake Erie. From the mouth of Sandusky to the falls is chiefly first rate land, lying flat or level, intermixed with large bodies of clear meadows, where the grass is exceedingly rank, and in many places three or four feet high. The timber is oak, hickory, walnut, cherry, black ash, elm, sugar-tree, buckeye, locust and beech. In some places there is wet timber land the timbei in these places is chiefly water ash, sycamore, or button-wood. From the falls to the prairies, the land lies well to the sun ; it is neither too flat nor too hilly, and is chiefly first rate ; the timber nearly the same as below the falls, excepting the water ash. There is also here some plats of beech land, that appears to be second rate, as it frequently produces spice-wood. The prairie appears to be a tolerably fertile soil, though in many places too wet for cultivation ; yet I apprehend it would pro- duce timber, were it only kept from fire. The Indians are of the opinion that the squirrels plant ai the timber, as they bury a number of nuts for food, and only COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 225 one at a place. When a squirrel is killed, the various kinds of nuts. thus buried will grow. I have observed that when these prairies have only escaped fire for one year, near where a single tree stood there was a young growth of timber supposed to be planted by the squir- rels. But when the prairies were again burned, all this young growth was immediately consumed ; as the fire rages in the grass to such a pitch, that numbers of raccoons are thereby burned to death. On the west side of the prairie, or betwixt that and Sciota, there is a large body of first rate land the timber, walnut, lo- cust, sugar-tree, buckeye, cherry, ash, elm, mulberry, plum-trees, spice-wood, black haw, red haw, oak, and hickory. About the time the bucks quit running, Tontileaugo, his wife and children, Tecaughretanego, his son Nunganey and myself, left the Wyandot camps at the carrying place, and crossed the Sciota river at the south end of the glades, and proceeded on about a south-west course to a large creek called Ollentangy, which I believe interlocks with the waters of the Miami, and empties into Sciota on the west side thereof. From the south end of the prairie to Ollentangy there is a large quantity of beech land, intermixed with first rate land. Here we made our winter hut, and had considerable success in hunting. After some time, one of Tontileaugo's step-sons (a lad abou eight years of age) offended him, and he gave the boy a mode- rate whipping, which much displeased his Wyandot wife. She acknowledged that the boy was guilty of a fault, but thought that he ought to have been ducked, which is their usual mode of chastisement. She said she could not bear to have her son whipped like a servant or slave ; and she was so displeased, that when Tontileaugo went out to hunt, she got her two horses, and all her effects, (as in this country the husband and wife have separate interests,) and moved back to the Wyandot camp that we had left. When Tontileaugo returned, he was much disturbed on hearing of his wife's elopement, and said that he would never go after her, were it not that he was afraid that she would get bewildered, and that his children that she had taken with her might suffer. Tontileaugo went after his wife, and when they met they made up the quarrel ; and he never returned, but left Tecaughretanego and his son, (a boy about ten years of age,) and myself, who remained here in our hut all winter. Tecaughretanego had been a first-rate warrior, statesman and hunter, and though he was now near sixty years of age, was yet equal to the common run of hunters, but subject to the rhrumatism, which deprived him of the use of his legs. 226 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. Shortly after Tontileaugo left us, Tecaughretanego became 'ame, and could scarcely walk out of our hut for two months. I had considerable success in hunting and trapping. Though Tecaughretanego endured much pain and misery, yet he bore it all with wonderful patience, and would often endeavor to entertain me with cheerful conversation. Sometimes he would applaud me for my diligence, skill and activity ; and at other times he would take great care in giving me instructions con- cerning the hunting and trapping business. He would also tell me that if I failed of success we would suffer very much, as we were about forty miles from any one living, that we knew of; yet he would not intimate that he apprehended we were in any danger, but still supposed that I was fully adequate to the task. Tontileaugo left us a little before Christmas, and from that until some time in February we had always plenty of bear meat, venison, &c. During this time I killed much more than we could use, but having no horses to carry in what I killed, I eft part of it in the woods. In February, there came a snow, with a crust, which made a great noise when walking on it, and frightened away the deer ; and as bear and beaver were scarce here, we got entirely out of provision. After I had hunted two days without eating any thing, and had very short allowance for some days before, I returned late in the evening, faint and weary. When I came into our hut, Tecaughretane- go asked what success. I told him not any. He asked me if I was not very hungry. I replied that the keen appetite seem- ed to be in some measure removed, but I was both faint and weary. He commanded Nunganey, his little son, to bring me something to eat, and he brought me a kettle with some bones and broth. After eating a few mouthfuls, my appetite violently returned, and I thought the victuals had a most agreeable rel- ish, though it was only fox and wildcat bones, which lay abou' the camp, which the ravens and turkey-buzzards had picked ; these Nunganey had collected and boiled, until the sinews that remained on the bones would strip off. I speedily finished my allowance, such as it was, and when I had ended my sweet repast, Tecaughretanego asked me how I felt. I told him thai I was much refreshed. He then handed me his pipe and pouch, and told me to take a smoke. I did so. He then said he had something of importance to tell me, if I was now composed ind ready to hear it. I told him that I was ready to hear him. He said the reason why he deferred his speech till now v/af because few men are in a right humor to hear good talk wbeii they are extremely hungry, as they are then generally fretfu! and discomposed, but as you appear now to enjov calmnw* COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTTVIj.'*. 227 and serenity of mind, I will now communicate t& you the thoughts of my heart, and those things that I know to be true. " Brother, As you have lived with the white people, you have not had the same advantage of knowing that the great Being above feeds his people, and gives them their meat in due season, as we Indians have, who are frequently out of provi- sions, and yet are wonderfully supplied, and that so frequently, that it is evidently the hand of the great Ovvaneeyo* that doth this. Whereas the white people have commonly large stocks of tame cattle, that they can kill when they please, and also their barns and cribs filled with grain, and therefore have not the same opportunity of seeing and knowing that they are supported by the Ruler of heaven and earth. " Brother, I know that you are now afraid that we will all perish with hunger, but you have no just reason to fear this. " Brother, I have been young, but am now old ; I have been frequently under the like circumstances that we now are, and that some time or other in almost every year of my life ; yet I have hitherto been supported, and my wants supplied in time 'of need. " Brother, Owaneeyo sonKtimes suffers us to be in want, in order to teach us our dependence upon him, and to let us know that we are to love and serve him ; and likewise to know the worth of the favors that we receive, and to make us more thankful. " Brother, Be assured that you will be supplied with food, and that just in the right time ; but you must continue diligent in the use of means. Go to sleep, and rise early in the morn- ing and go a hunting ; be strong, and exert yourself like a man, and the Great Spirit will direct your way." The next morning I went out, and steered about an east course. I proceeded on slowly for about five miles, and saw deer frequently ; but as the crust on the snow made a great noise, they were always running before I spied them, so that I could not get a ?hot. A violent appetite returned, and I be- came intolerably hungry. It was now that I concluded I would run off to Pennsylvania, my native country. As the s-r.ow was on the ground, and Indian hunters almost the whole of the way before me, I had but a poor prospect of making my escape, but my case appeared desperate. If I staid here, I thought I would perish with hunger, and if I met with Indians they could but kill me. I then proceeded on as fast as I could walk, and when I got * This is the name of God, in their tongue, and signifies the owner aid ruler of all things. 228 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. about ten or twelve miles from our hut, I came upon fresh buffalo tracks ; I pursued after, and in a short time came in sight of them as they were passing through a small glade. I ran with all my might and headed them, where I lay in am- bush, and killed a very large cow. I immediately kindled a fire and began to roast meat, but could not wait till it was done ; I ate it almost raw. When hunger was abated, I began to be tenderly concerned for my old Indian brother and the little boy I had left in a perishing condition. I made haste and packed up what meat I could carry, secured what I left from the wolves, and returned homewards. I scarcely thought on the old man's speech while I was almost distracted with hunger, but on my return was much affected with it, reflected on myself for my hard-heartedness and ingratitude, in attempting to run off and leave the venera- ble old man and little boy to perish with hunger. I also con- sidered how remarkably the old man's speech had been verified in our providentially obtaining a supply. I thought also of that part of his speech which treated of the fractious disposi- tions of hungry people, which was the only excuse I had for my base inhumanity, in attempting to leave them in the most deplorable situation. As it was moonlight, I got home to our hut, and found the old man in his usual good humor. He thanked me for my exertion, and bid me sit down, as I must certainly be fatigued, and he commanded Nunganey to make haste and cook. I told him I would cook for him, and let the boy lay some meat on the coals for himself; which he did, but ate it almost raw, as I had done. I immediately hung on the kettle with some wa- ter, and cut the beef in thin slices, and put them in. When it had boiled a while, I proposed taking it off the fire, but the old man replied, " let it be done enough." This he said in as patient and unconcerned a manner as if he had not wanted one single meal. He commanded Nunganey to eat no more beef at that time, lest he might hurt himself, but told him to sit down, and after some time he might sup some broth ; this command he reluctantly obeyed. When we were all refreshed, Tecaughretanego delivered a speech upon the necessity and pleasure of receiving the neces- sary supports of life with thankfulness, knowing that Owanee- yo is the great giver. Such speeches from an Indian may be thought by those who are unacquainted with them altogether incredible ; but when we reflect on the Indian war, we may readily conclude that they are not an ignorant or stupid sort of people, or they would not have been such fatal enemies. When they came into our country they outwitted us j and when we COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 229 sent armies into their country, they outgeneralled and beat us with inferior force. Let us also take into consideration that Tecaughretanego was no common person, but was among the Indians as Socrates in the ancient heathen world ; and it may be equal to him, if not in wisdom and in learning, yet perhaps in patience and fortitude. Notwithstanding Tecaughretanego's uncommon natural abilities, yet in the sequel of this history you will see the deficiency of the light of nature, unaided by revelation, in this truly great man. The next morning Tecaughretanego desired me to go back and bring another load of buffalo beef. As I proceeded to do so, about five miles from our hut I found a bear tree. As a sapling grew near the tree, and reached near the hole that the bear went in at, I got dry dozed or rotten wood, that would catch and hold fire almost as well as spunk. This wood I tied up in bunches, fixed them on my back, and then climbed up the sapling, and with a pole I put them, touched with fire, into the hole, and then came down and took my gun in my hand. After some time the bear came out, and I killed and skinned it, packed up a load of the meat, (after securing the remainder from the wolves,) and returned home before night. On my return, my old brother and his son were much rejoiced at my success. After this we had plenty of provisions. We remained here until some time in April, 1758. At this time Tecaugretanego had recovered so that he could walk about. We made a bark canoe, embarked, and went down Ollentangy some distance, but the water being low, we were in danger of splitting our canoe upon the rocks ; therefore Tecaughretan- ego concluded we would encamp on shore, and pray for rain. When we encamped Tecaughretanego made himself a sweat house, which he did by sticking a number of hoops in the ground, each hoop forming a semicircle ; this he covered all round with blankets and skins. He then prepared hot stones, which he rolled into this hut, and then went into it himself with a little kettle of water in his hand, mixed with a variety of herbs, which he had formerly cured, and had now with him in his pack ; they afforded an odoriferous perfume. When he was in, he told me to pull down the blankets behind him, and cover all up close, which I did, and then he began to pour water upon the hot stones, and to sing aloud. He continued in this vehement hot place about fifteen minutes. All this he did in order to purify himself before he would address the Supreme Being. When he came out of his sweat house, he began to burn tobacco and pray. He began each petition with oh, ho, ho, ho, which is a kind of aspiration, and signifies an ardent wish. I observed that all his petitions were only foi 230 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. immediate or present temporal blessings. He began his ad dress by thanksgiving in the following manner : " O Great Being ! I thank thee that I have obtained the use of my legs again ; that I am now able to walk about and kill turkeys, &c. without feeling exquisite pain and misery. I know that thou art a hearer and a helper, and therefore I will call upon thee. " Oh, ho, ho, ho, " Grant that my knees and ankles may be right well, and that I may be able, not only to walk, but to run and to jump logs, as I did last fall. " Oh, ho, ho, ho, " Grant that on this voyage we may frequently kill bears, as may be crossing the Sciota and Sandusky. " Oh, ho, ho, ho, " Grant that we may kill plenty of turkeys along the banks, to stew with our fat bear meat. " Oh, ho, ho, ho, " Grant that rain may come to raise the Ollentangy about two or three feet, that we may cross in safety down to Sciota, without danger of our canoe being wrecked on the rocks And now, O Great Being! thou knowest how matters stand ; thou knowest that I am a great lover of tobacco, and though I know not when I may get any more, I now make a present of the last I have unto thee, as a free burnt offering ; therefore I expect thou wilt hear and grant these requests, and I, thy sor- vant, will return thee thanks, and love thee for thy gifts." During the whole of this scene I sat by Tecaughretanego, and as he went through it with the greatest solemnity, I was seriously affected with his prayers. I remained duly com- posed until he came to the burning of the tobacco ; and as ] knew that he was a great lover of it, and saw him cast the last of it into the fire, it excited in me a kind of merriment, and I insensibly smiled. Tecaughretanego observed me laughing, which displeased him, and occasioned him to address me in the following manner. " Brother : I have somewhat to say to you, and I hope you will not be offended when I tell you of your faults. You know that when you were reading your books in town I would not let the. boys or any one disturb you ; but now, when I was praying, I saw you laughing. I do not think that you look upon praying as a foolish thing ; I believe you pray yourself. But perhaps you may think my mode or manner of praying foolish ; if so, you ought in a friendly manner to instruct me, and not make sport of sacred things." T acknowledged my error, and on this he handed me his COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 231 pipe to smoke, in token of friendship and reconciliation, though at this time he had nothing to smoke but red willow bark. I told him something of the method of reconciliation with an offended God, as revealed in my Bible, which I had then in possession. He said that he liked my story better than that of the French priests, but he thought that he was now too old to begin to learn a new religion, therefore he should continue to worship God in the way that he had been taught, and that if salvation or future happiness was to be had in his way of worship, he expected he would obtain it, and if it was incon- sistent with the honor of the Great Spirit to accept of him in his own way of worship, he hoped that Owaneeyo would accept of him in the way I had mentioned, or in some other way, though he might now be ignorant of the channel through which favor or mercy might be conveyed. He said that he believed that Owaneeyo would hear and help every one that sincerely waited upon him. Here we may see how far the light of nature could go ; per- haps we see it here almost in its highest extent. Notwith- standing the just views that this great man entertained of Providence, yet we now see him (though he acknowledged his guilt) expecting to appease the Deity, and procure his favor, by burning a little tobacco. We may observe that all heathen nations, as far as we can find out either by tradition or the light of nature, agree with revelation in this, that sacrifice is necessary, or that some kind of atonement is to be made in order to remove guilt and reconcile them to God. This, accompanied with numberless other witnesses, is sufficient evidence of the rationality of the truth of the Scriptures. A few days after Tecaughretanego had gone through his ceremonies and finished his prayers, the rain came and raised the creek a sufficient height, so that we passed in safely down to Sciota, and proceeded up to the carrying place. Let us now describe the land on this route from our winter hut, and down Ollentangy to the Sciota, and up it to the carrying place. About our winter cabin is chiefly first and second rate land. A considerable way up Ollentangy, on the south-west side thereof, or betwixt it and the Miami, there is a very large prairie, and from this prairie down Ollentangy to Sciota is generally first rate land. The timber is walnut, sugar-tree, ash, buckeye, locust, wild cherry, and spice-wood, intermixed with some oak and beech. From the mouth of Ollentangy, on the east side of Sciota, up to the carrying place, there is a large body of first and second rate land, and tolerably well watered. The timber is ash, sugar-tree, walnut, locust, oak. and beech. Up near the carrying place the land is a little 35 232 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. hilly, but the soil good. We proceeded from this place down Sandusky, and in our passage we killed four bears and a number of turkeys. Tecaughretanego appeared now fully persuaded that all this came in answer to his prayers, and who can say with any degree of certainty that it was not so ? When we came to the little lake at the mouth of Sandusky we called at a Wyandot town that was then there, callei Sunyendeand. Here we diverted ourselves several days by catching rock fish in a small creek, the name of which is also Sunyendeand, which signifies rock fish. They fished in the night with lights, and struck the fish with gigs or spears. Tht rock fish here, when they begin first to run up the creek U spawn, are exceedingly fat, sufficiently so to fry themselves The first night we scarcely caught fish enough for present use for all that was in the town. The next morning I met with a prisoner at tlfts place by the name of Thompson, who had been taken from Virginia. He told me, if the Indians would only omit disturbing the fish for one night, he could catch more fish than the whole town could make use of. I told Mr. Thompson that if he was cer- tain he could do this, that I would use my influence with the Indians to let the fish alone for one night. I applied to the chiefs, who agreed to my proposal, and said they were anxious to see what the Great Knife (as they called the Virginian) could do. Mr. Thompson, with the assistance of some other prisoners, set to work, and made a hoop-net of elm bark ; they then cut down a tree across the creek, and stuck in stakes at the lower side of it to prevent the fish from passing up, leaving only a gap at the one side of the creek ; here he sat with his net, and when he felt the fish touch the net he drew it up, and frequently would haul out two or three rock fish that would weigh about five or six pounds each. He continued at this until he had hauled out about a wagon load, and then left the gap open in order to let them pass up, for they could not go far on account of the shallow water. Before day Mr. Thomp- son shut it up, to prevent them from passing down, in order to let the Indians have some diversion in killing them in daylight. When the news of the fish came to town, the Indians all collected, and with surprise beheld the large heap of fish, and applauded the ingenuity of the Virginian. When they saw the number of them that were confined in the water above the tree, the young Indians ran back to the town, and in a short time returned with their spears, gigs, bows and arrows, &c., and were the chief part of that day engaged in killing rock fish, insomuch that we had more than we could use or pre- serve. As we had no salt, or any way to keep them, they lay COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 233 upon the banks, and after some time great numbers of turkey- buzzards and eagles collected together and devoured them. Shortly after this we left Sunyendeand, and in three days arrived at Detroit, where we remained this summer. Some time in May we heard that General Forbes, with seven thousand men, was preparing to carry on a campaign against fort Du Quesne, which then stood near where fort Pitt was afterwards erected. Upon receiving this news, a number of runners were sent off by the French commander at Detroit to urge the different tribes of Indian warriors to repair to fort Du Quesne. Some time in July, 1758, the Ottawas, Jibewas, Potowato- mies, and Wyandots, rendezvoused at Detroit, and marched oil to fort Du Quesne, to prepare for the encounter of General Forbes. The common report was that they would serve him as they did General Braddock, and obtain much plunder. From this time until fall, we had frequent accounts of Forbes's army, by Indian runners that were sent out to watch their motion. They espied them frequently from the mountains ever after they left fort Loudon. Notwithstanding their vigi- lance, Colonel Grant, with his Highlanders, stole a march upon them, and in the night took possession of a hill about eighty rods from fort Du Quesne ; this hill is on that account called Grant's Hill to this day. The French and Indians knew not that Grant and his men were there, until they beat the drum and played upon the bagpipes just at daylight. They then flew to arms, and the Indians ran up under cover of the banks of Alleghany and Monongahela for some distance, and then sallied out from the banks of the rivers, and took possession of the hill above Grant ; and as he was on the point of it, in sight of the fort, they immediately surrounded him, and as he had his Highlanders in ranks, and in very close order, and the Indians scattered and concealed behind trees, they defeated him with the loss only of a few warriors ; most of the High- landers were killed or taken prisoners. After this defeat the Indians held a council, but were divided in their opinions. Some said that General Forbes would now turn back, and go home the way that he came, as Dunbar had done when General Braddock was defeated ; others supposed he would come on. The French urged the Indians to stay and see the event ; but as it was hard for the Indians to be absent from their squaws and children at this season of the year, a great many of them returned home to their hunting. After this, the remainder of the Indians, some French regulars, and a number of Canadians, marched off in quest of General Forbes. They met his army near fort Ligoneer, and attacked 234 COLONEL SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. hem, but were frustrated in their design. They said that Forbes's men were beginning to learn the art of war, and that there were a great number of American riflemen along with the red-coats, who scattered out, took trees, and were good marksmen; therefore they found they could not accomplish their design, and were obliged to retreat. When they returned from the battle to fort Du Quesne, the Indians concluded that they would go to their hunting. The French endeavored to persuade them to stay and try another battle. The Indians said if it was only the red-coats they had to do with, they could soon subdue them, but they could not withstand Asha- lecoa, or the Great Knife, which was the name they gave the Virginians. They then returned home to their hunting, and the French evacuated the fort, which General Forbes came and took possession of, without further opposition, late in the year 1758, and at this time began to build fort Pitt. When Tecaughretanego had heard the particulars of Grant's defeat, he said that he could not well account for his contra- dictory and inconsistent conduct. He said, as the art of war consists in ambushing and surprising our enemies, and in preventing them from ambushing and surprising us, Grant, in the first place, acted like a wise and experienced warrior in artfully approaching in the night without being discovered ; but when he came to the place, and the Indians were lying asleep outside of the fort, between him and the Alleghany river, in place of slipping up quietly, and falling upon them with their broadswords, they beat the drums and played upon the bagpipes. He said he could account for this inconsistent conduct no other way than by supposing that he had made too free with spirituous liquors during the night, and became intoxicated about daylight. But to return. This year we hunted up Sandusky and down Sciota, and took nearly the same route that we had done the last hunting season. We had considerable success, and returned to Detroit some time in April, 1759. Shortly after this, Tecaughretanego, his son Nungany and myself, went from Detroit (in an elm-bark canoe) to Caughne- waga, a very ancient Indian town, about nine miles above Montreal, where I remained until about the first of July. I then heard of a French ship at Montreal that had English prisoners on board, in order to carry them over sea and ex- change them. I went privately off from the Indians, and got also on board ; but as General Wolfe had stopped the river St. Lawrence we were all sent to prison in Montreal, where 1 remained four months. Some time in November we were all sent off from this place to Crown Point, and exchanged COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 235 Bany in the year 1760, 1 came home to Conococheague, and found that my people could never ascertain whether I was killed or taken until my return. They received me with great joy, but were surprised to see me so much like an Indian both in my gait and gesture. Upon inquiry, I found that my sweetheart was married a few days before I arrived. My feelings I must leave on this occasion for those of my readers to judge who have felt the pangs of disappointed love, as it is impossible now for me to describe the emotion of soul I felt at that time. Now there was peace with the Indians, which lasted until the year 1763. Some time in May, this year, I married, and about that time the Indians again commenced hostilities, and were busily engaged in killing and scalping the frontier inha- bitants in various parts of Pennsylvania. The whole Cono- cocheague valley, from the North to the South Mountain, had been almost entirely evacuated during Braddock's war. This state was then a Quaker government, and at the first of this war the frontiers received no assistance from the state. As the people were now beginning to live at home again, they thought it hard to be drove away a second time, and were determined, if possible, to make a stand ; therefore they raised as much money by collections and subscriptions as would pay a company of riflemen for several months. The subscribers met, and elected a committee to manage the business. The committee appointed me captain of this company of rangers, and gave me the appointment of my subalterns. I chose two of the most active young men that I could find, who had also been long in captivity with the Indians. As we enlisted our men, we dressed them uniformly in the Indian manner, with breech-clouts, leggins, moccasins, and green shrouds, which we wore in the same manner that the Indians do, and nearly as the Highlanders wear their plaids. In place of hats we wore red handkerchiefs, and painted our faces red and black like Indian warriors. I taught them the Indian discipline, as I knew of no other at that time, which would answer the purpose much better than British. We succeeded beyond expectation in defending the frontiers, and were extolled by our employers. Near the conclusion of this expedition I accepted of an ensign's commission in the regular service, under King George, in what was then called the Pennsylvania line. Upon my resignation, my lieutenant succeeded me in command the rest of the time they were to serve. In the fall (the same year) I went on the Susquehanna campaign against the Indians, under the command of General Armstrong. In this route we burnt the Delaware and Monsey towns, on 236 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. .he west branch of the Susquehanna, and destroyed all theii corn. In the year 1764 I received a lieutenant's commission, and went out on General Bouquet's campaign against the Indians on the Muskingum. Here we brought them to terms, and promised to be at peace with them, upon condition that they would give up all our people that they had then in captivity among them. They then delivered unto us three hundred of the prisoners, and said that they could not collect them all at this time, as it was now late in the year, and they were far scattered ; but they promised that they would bring them all into fort Pitt early next spring, and as security that they would do this, they delivered to us six of their chiefs as hos- tages. Upon this we settled a cessation of arms for six months, and promised, upon their fulfilling the aforesaid condition, to make with them a permanent peace. A little below fort Pitt the hostages all made their escape. Shortly after this the Indians stole horses and killed some peo- ple on the frontiers. The king's proclamation was then circu- lating and set up in various public places, prohibiting any per- son from trading with the Indians until further orders. Notwithstanding all this, about the first of March, 1765, a number of wagons, loaded with Indian goods and warlike stores, were sent from Philadelphia to Henry Pollens, Cono- cocheague, and from thence seventy pack horses were loaded with these goods, in order to carry them to fort Pitt. This alarmed the country, and Mr. William Duffield raised about fifty armed men, and met the pack horses at the place where Mercersburg now stands. Mr. Duffield desired the employers to store up their goods, and not proceed until further orders. They made light of this, and went over the North Mountain, where they lodged in a small valley called the Great Cove. Mr. Duf- field and his party followed after, and came to their lodging, and again urged them to store up their goods ; he reasoned with them on the impropriety of the proceedings, and the great dangei the frontier inhabitants would be exposed to, if the Indians should now get a supply : he said, as it was well known that they had scarcely any ammunition, and were almost naked, to supply them now would be a kind of murder, and would be illegally trading at the expense of the blood and treasure of the fron- tiers. Notwithstanding his powerful reasoning, these traders made game of what he said, and would only answer him by ludicrous burlesque. When I beheld this, and found that Mr. Duffield would not compel them to store up their goods, I collected ten of my old warriors, that I had formerly disciplined in the Indian way, went COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 237 off privately after night, and encamped in the woods. The next day, as usual, we blacked and painted, and waylaid them near Sidelong Hill. I scattered my men about forty rod along the side of the road, and ordered every two to take a tree, and about eight or ten rod between each couple, with orders to keep a reserve fire, one not to fire until his comrade had loaded his gun ; by this means we kept up a constant, slow fire upon them, from front to rear. We then heard nothing of these tra- ders' merriment or burlesque. When they saw their pack- horses falling close by them, they called out, pray, gentlemen, what would you have us to do ? The reply was, collect all your loads to the front, and unload them in one place ; take your private property, and immediately retire. When they were gone, we burnt what they left, which consisted of blankets, shirts, vermillion, lead beads, wampum, tomahawks, scalping- knives, &c. The traders went back to fort Loudon, and applied to the commanding officer there, and got a party of Highland soldiers, and went with them in quest of the robbers, as they called us ; and without applying to a magistrate, or obtaining any civil authority, but barely upon suspicion, they took a number of creditable persons prisoners, (who were chiefly not any way concerned in this action,) and confined them in the guard- house in fort Loudon. I then raised three hundred riflemen, marched to fort Loudon, and encamped on a hill in sight of the fort. We were not long there, until we had more than double as many of the British troops prisoners in our camp as they had of our people in the guard-house. Captain Grant, a Highland officer, who commanded fort Loudon, then sent a flag of truce to our camp, where we settled a cartel, and gave them, above two for one, which enabled us to redeem all our men from the guard-house, without further difficulty. After this, Captain Grant kept a number of rifle guns which the Highlanders had taken from the country people, and refused to give them up. As he was riding out one day, we took him prisoner, and detained him until he delivered up the arms ; we also destroyed a large quantity of gunpowder that the tra- ders had stored up, lest it might be conveyed privately to the Indians. The king's troops and our party had now got entirely out of the channel of the civil law, and many unjustifiable things were done by both parties. This convinced me more than ever I had been before of the absolute necessity of the civil law in order to govern mankind. About this time the following song was composed by Mr George Campbell, (an Irish gentleman, who had been edu 238 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. cated in Dublin,) and was frequently sung to the tune of the Black Joke. Ye patriot souls, who love to sing, Who serve your country and your king, In wealth, peace and royal estate ; Attention give whilst I rehearse A modern fact in jingling verse, How party interest strove what it could To profit itself by public blood, But justly met its merited fate. Let all those Indian traders claim Their just reward, inglorious fame, For vile, base and treacherous ends. To Pollens, in the spring, they sent Much warlike stores, with an intent To carry them to our barbarous foes, Expecting that nobody dare oppose, A present to their Indian friends. Astonish'd at the wild design, Frontier inhabitants combin'd With brave souls to stop their career , Although some men apostatiz'd, Who first the grand attempt advis'd, The bold frontiers they bravely stood, To act for their king and their country's good In joint league, and strangers to fear. On March the fifth, in sixty-five, The Indian presents did arrive, In long pomp and cavalcade, Near Sidelong Hill, where in disguise Some patriots did their train surprise, 4nd quick as lightning tumbled their loads, Ind kindled them bonfires in the woods, And mostly burnt their whole brigade. It London when they heard the news, They scarcely knew which way to choose, For blind rage and discontent ; At length some soldiers they sent out, With guides for to conduct the route, And seized some men that were trav'ling there And hurried them into Loudon, where They laid them fast with one consent. But men of resolution thought Too much to see their neighbors caught For no crime but false surmise : Forthwith they join'd a warlike band, And march'd to Loudon out of hand, And kept the jailers pns'ners thers, Until our friends enlarged were, Without fraud or any disguise. COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. Let mankind censure or commend This rash performance in the end, Then both sides will find their account 'Tis true no law can justify To burn our neighbor's property, But when this property is design'd To serve the enemies of mankind, It's high treason in the amount. After this, we kept up a guard of men on the frontiers for several months, to prevent supplies being sent to the Ind>ns, until it was proclaimed that Sir William Johnson had made peace with them, and then we let the traders pass unmolested. In the year 1766, I heard that Sir William Johnson, the king's agent for settling affairs with the Indians, had purchased from them all the land west of the Appalachian Mountains that lay between the Ohio and Cherokee river ; and as I knew by conversing with the Indians in their own tongue that there was a large body of rich land there, I concluded I would take a tour westward and explore that country. I set out about the last of June, ]766, and went in the first place to Holslein river, and from thence I travelled westward in company with Joshua Horton, Uriah Stone, William Baker and James Smith, who came from near Carlisle. There were only four white men of us, and a mulatto slave about eigh- teen years of age, that Mr. Horton had with him. We ex- plored the country south of Kentucky, and there was no more sign of white men there then than there is now west of the head waters of the Missouri. We also explored Cumberland and Tennessee rivers, from Stone's* river down to the Ohio. When we came to the mouth of Tennessee, my fellow- travellers concluded that they would proceed on to the Illinois, and see some more of the land to the west ; this I would not agree to. As I had already been longer from home than what I expected, I thought my wife would be distressed, and think I was killed by the Indians ; therefore I concluded that I would return home. I sent my horse with my fellow-travellers to the Illinois, as it was difficult to take a horse through the mountains. My comrades gave me the greatest part of the ammunition they then had, which amounted only to half a pound of powder, and lead equivalent. Mr. Horton also lent me his mulatto boy, and I then set off through the wilderness for Caro- lina * Stone's river is a south branch of Cumberland, and empties into it above Nashville. We first gave it this name in our journal, in May, 1767, after one of my fellow-travellers, Mr. Uriah Stone, and I am told that it retains the same name unto this day. 240 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. About eight days after I left my company at the mouth of Tennessee, on my journey eastward, I got a cane stab in my foot, which occasioned my leg to swell, and I suffered much pain. I was now in a doleful situation ; far from any of the human species, excepting black Jamie, or the savages, and I knew not when I might meet with them. My case appeared despe- rate, and I thought something must be done. All the surgical instruments I had was a knife, a moccasin awl, and a pair of bullet-moulds ; with these I determined to draw the snag from my foot, if possible. I stuck the awl in the skin, and with the knife I cut the flesh away from around the cane, and then I commanded the mulatto fellow to catch it with the bullet- moulds, and pull it out, which he did. When I saw it, it seemed a shocking thing to be in any person's foot ; it will there- fore be supposed that I was very glad to have it out. The black fellow attended upon me, and obeyed my directions faith- fully. I ordered him to search for Indian medicine, and told him to get me a quantity of bark from the root of a lynn tree, which I made him beat on a stone, with a tomahawk, and boil it in a kettle, and with the ooze I bathed my foot and leg ; what remained when I had finished bathing I boiled to a jelly and made poultices thereof. As I had no rags, I made use of ihe green moss that grows upon logs, and wrapped it round with elm bark ; by this means, (simple as it may seem,) the swell- ing and inflammation in a great measure abated. As stormy weather appeared, I ordered Jamie to make us a shelter, which he did by erecting forks and poles, and covering them over with cane tops, like a fodder house. It was about one hun- dred yards from a large buffalo road. As we were almost out of provision, I commanded Jamie to take my gun, and I went along as well as I could, concealed myself near the road, and killed a buffalo. When this was done, we jerked* the lean, and fried the tallow out of the fat meat, which we kept to stew with our jerk as we needed it. While I lay at this place, all the books I had to read was a psalm-book and Watts, upon Prayer. Whilst in this situation, I composed the following verses, which I then frequently sung. Six weeks I've in this desert been, With one mulatto lad : Excepting this poor stupid slave, No company I had. * Jerk is a name well known by the hunters and frontier inhabitants for meat cnt in small pieces and laid on a scaffold, over a slow fire, whereby it is roasted until it is thoroughly dry. COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 241 In solitude I here remain, A cripple very sore, No friend or neighbor to be found, My case for to deplore. I'm far from home, far from the wife Which in my bosom lay, Far from, the children dear, which used Around me for to play. This doleful circumstance cannot My happiness prevent, "While peace of conscience I enjoy, Great comfort and content. I continued in this place until I could walk slowly, without crutches. As I now lay near a great buffalo road, I was afraid that the Indians might be passing that way, and discover my fire-place, therefore I moved off some distance, where I remained until I killed an elk. As my foot was yet sore, I concluded that I would stay here until it was healed, lest by travelling too soon it might again be inflamed. In a few weeks after I proceeded on, and in October I arrived in Carolina. I had now been eleven months in the wilderness, and during this time I neither saw bread, money, women, nor spirituous liquors ; and three months of which I saw none of the human species, except Jamie. When I came into the settlement, my clothes were almost worn out, and the boy had nothing on him that ever was spun. He had buckskin leggins, moccasins, and breech-clout ; a bear- skin dressed with the hair on, which he belted about him, and a raccoon-skin cap. I had not travelled far after I came in before I was strictly examined by the inhabitants. I told them the truth, and where I came from, &c.; but my story appeared so strange to them that they did not bolieve me. They said that they had never heard of any one coming through the mountains from the mouth of Tennessee, and if any one would undertake such a journey, surely no man would lend him his slave. They said that they thought that all I had told them were lies, and on suspicion they took me into custody, and set a guard over me. While I was confined here, I met with a reputable old acquaintance, who voluntarily became my voucher, and also told me of a number of my acquaintances that now lived near this place, who had moved from Pennsylvania ; on this being made public I was liberated. I went to a magistrate and obtained a pass, and one of my old acquaintances made me a present of a shirt. I then cast away my old rags ; and all the 16 342 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. clothes I now had was an old beaver hat, buckskin leggins, moc- casins, and a new shirt ; also an old blanket, which I com- monly carried on my back in good weather. Being thus equipped, I marched on with my white shirt loose, and Jamie with his bear-skin about him ; myself appearing white, and Jamie very black, alarmed the dogs wherever we came, so that they barked violently. The people frequently came out and asked me where we came from, &c. I told them the truth, but they for the most part suspected my story, and I generally- had to show them my pass. In this way I came on to fort Chissel, where I left Jamie at Mr. Horton's negro quarter, according to promise. I went from thence to Mr. George Adams's, on Reed Creek, where I had lodged, and where I had left my clothes as I was going out from home. When 1 dressed myself in good clothes, and mounted on horseback, no man ever asked me for a pass ; therefore I concluded that a horse-thief, or even a robber, might pass without interruption, provided he was only well dressed, whereas the shabby villian would be immediately detected. I returned home to Conococheague in the fall of 1767. When I arrived, I found that my wife and friends had despair- ed of ever seeing me again, as they had heard that I was killed by the Indians, and my horse brought into one of the Chero- kee towns. In the year 1769, the Indians again made incursions on the frontiers ; yet the traders continued carrying goods and warlike stores to them. The frontiers took the alarm, and a number of persons collected, destroyed and plundered a quantity of their powder, lead, &c., in Bedford county. Shortly after this, some of these persons, with others, were apprehended and laid in irons in the guard-house in fort Bedford, on suspicion of being the perpetrators of this crime. Though I did not altogether approve of the conduct of this new club of black boys, yet I concluded that they should not lie in irons in the guard-house, or remain in confinement, by arbitrary or military power. I resolved, therefore, if possible, to release them, if they even should be tried by the civil law afterwards. ,1 collected eighteen of my old black boys, that I had seen tried in the Indian war, &c. I did not desire a large party, lest they should be too much alarmed at Bedford, and accordingly prepared for us. We marched along the public road in daylight, and made no secret of our design. We told those whom we met that we were going to take fort Bedford, which appeared to them a very unlikely story. Before this, I made it known to one William Thompson, a man whom J cou\d trust, and who lived there. Him I employed as a spy, COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 243 and sent him along on horseback before, with orders to meet me at a certain place near Bedford, one hour before day. The next day a little before sunset, we encamped near the crossings of Juniata, about fourteen miles from Bedford, and erected tents, as though we intended staying all night, and not a man in my company knew to the contrary, save myself. Knowing that they would hear this in Bedford, and wishing it to be the case, I thought to surprise them by stealing a march. As the moon rose about eleven o'clock, I ordered my boys to march ; and we went on at the rate of five miles an hour, until Ave met Thompson at the place appointed. He told us that the commanding officer had frequently heard of us by tra- vellers, and had ordered thirty men upon guard. He said they knew our number, and only made game of the notion of eigh- teen men coming to rescue the prisoners, but they did not expect us until towards the middle of the day. I asked him if the gate was open. He said it was then shut, but he ex- pected they would open it as usual at daylight, as they appre- hended no danger. I then moved my men privately up under the banks of Juniata, where we lay concealed about one hun- dred yards from the fort gate. I had ordered the men to keep a profound silence until we got into it. I then sent off Thomp- son again to spy. At daylight he returned, and told us that the gate was open, and three sentinels were standing on the wall ; that the guards were taking a morning dram, and the arms standing together in one place. I then concluded to rush into the fort, and told Thompson to run before me to the arms. We ran with all our might, and as it was a misty morning, the sentinels scarcely saw us until we were within the gate, and took possession of the arms. Just as we were entering, two of them discharged their guns, though I do not believe they aimed at us. We then raised a shout, which surprised the town, though some of them were well pleased with the neAvs. We compelled a blacksmith to take the irons off the prisoners, and then we left the place. This, I believe, was the first British fort in America that was taken by what they called American rebels. Some time after this I took a journey westward, in order to survey some located land I had on and near the Youhogany. As I passed near Bedford, while I was walking and leading my horse, I was overtaken by some men on horseback, like travellers. One of them asked my name, and on telling it, they immediately pulled out their pistols, and presented them at me, calling upon me to deliver myself, or I was a dead man- I stepped back, presented my rifle, and told them to stand off. One of them snapped a pistol at me, and another was prepar- 244 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. ing to shoot, when I fired my piece. One of them also fired near the same time, and one of my fellow-travellers fell. The assailants then rushed up, and as my gun was empty, they took and tied me. I charged them with killing my fellow-traveller, and told them he was a man that I had accidentally met with on the road, that had nothing to do with the public quarrel. They asserted that I had killed him. I told them that my gun blowed, or made a slow fire ; that I had her from my face be- fore she went off, or I would not have missed my mark; and from the position my piece was in when it went off, it was no v . likely that my gun killed this man, yet I acknowledged I wai not certain that it was not so. They then carried me to Bed- ford, laid me in irons in the guard-house, summoned a jury of the opposite party, and held an inquest. The jury brought me in guilty of wilful murder. As they were afraid to keep me iong in Bedford, for fear of a rescue, they sent me privately through the wilderness to Carlisle, where I was laid in heavy irons. Shortly after I came here, we heard that a number of my old olack boys were coming to tear down the jail. I told the she- riff that I would not be rescued, as I knew that the indictment was wrong; therefore I wished to stand my trial. As I had found the black boys to be always under good command, I expected I could prevail on them to return, and therefore wish- ed to write to them ; to this the sheriff readily agreed. I wrote a letter to them, with irons on my hands, which was immedi- ately sent ; but as they had heard that I was in irons, they would come on. When.we heard they were near the town, I told the sheriff I would speak to them out of the window, and if the irons were off I made no doubt but I could prevail on them to desist. The sheriff ordered them to be taken off, and just as they were taking off my bands the black boys came running up to the jail. I went to the window and called to them, and they gave attention. I told them, as my indictment was for wilful murder, to admit of being rescued would appear dishonorable. I thanked them for their kind intentions, and told them the greatest favor they could confer upon me would be to grant me this one request, to withdraiv from the jail and return in peace ; to this they complied, and withdrew. While I was speaking, the irons were taken off my feet, and never again put on. Before this party arrived at Conococheague, they met about three hundred more on the way, coming to their assistance, and were resolved to take me out ; they then turned, and all came together to Carlisle. The reason they gave for coming again was, because they thought that government was so enraged at COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 245 me, that I would not get a fair trial. But my friends and myself together again prevailed on them to return in peace. At this time the public papers were partly filled with these occurrences. The following is an extract from the Pennsylva- nia Gazette, No. 2132, Nov. 2d, 1769. "Conocockeagtie, October 16th, 1769. " MESSRS. HALL & SELLERS, " Please to give the following narrative a place in your Ga^ zette, and you will much oblige " Your humble servant, " WILLIAM SMITH." "Whereas, in this Gazette of September 28th, 1769, there appeared an extract of a letter from Bedford, September 12th, 1769, relative to James Smith, as being apprehended on sus- picion of being a black boy, then killing his companion, &c., I took upon myself, as bound by all the obligations of truth, jus- tice to character, and to the world, to set that matter in a true light ; by which I hope the impartial world will be enabled to obtain a more just opinion of the present scheme of acting in this end of the country, as also to form a true idea cf the truth, candor, and ingenuity of the author of the said extract, in stating that matter in so partial a light. The state of the case (which can be made appear by undeniable evidence) was this. James Smith, (who is styled the principal ringleader of the black boys, by the said author,) together with his younger brother and brother-in-law, were going out in order to survey and improve their land on the waters of Youghoghany, and as the time of their return was long, they took with them their arms, and horses loaded with the necessaries of life ; and as one of Smith's brothers-in-law was an artist in surveying, he had also with him the instruments for that business. Travel- ling on the way, within about nine miles of Bedford, they overtook and joined company with one Johnson and Moorhead, who likewise had horses loaded, part of which loading was liquor, and part seed wheat, their intentions being to make improvements on their lands. When they arrived at the part- ing of the road on this side Bedford, the company separated. One part going through the town, in order to get a horse shod- were apprehended, and put under confinement, but for what crime they knew not, and treated in a manner utterly incon- sistent with the laws of their country and the liberties of Englishmen ; whilst the other part, viz. James Smith, John- son, and Moorhead, taking along the other roid, were met by 246 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTUKES. John Holmes, Esq., to whom James Smith spoke in a friendly manner, but received no answer. Mr. Holmes hasted, and gave an alarm in Bedford, trom whence a party of men were sent in pursuit of them ; but Smith and his companions not naving the least thought of any such measures being taken, (why should they ?) travelled slowly on. After they had gain- ed the place where the roads joined, they delayed until the other part of their company should come up. At this time a number of men came riding, like men travelling ; they asked Smith his name, which he told them ; on which they imme- diately assaulted him as a highwayman, and with presented pistols commanded him to surrender or he was a dead man ; upon which Smith stepped back, asked them if they were highwaymen, charging them at the same time to stand off, when immediately Robert George (one of the assailants) snapped a pistol at Smith's head, and that before Smith offered to shoot, (which said George himself acknowledged upon oath ;) whereupon Smith presented his gun at another of the assail- ants, who was preparing to shoot him with his pistol. The said assailant having a hold of Johnson by the arm, two shots were fired, one by Smith's gun, the other from a pistol, sn quick as just to be distinguishable, and Johnson fell. After which, Smith was taken and carried into Bedford, where John Holmes, Ese., the informer, held an inquest on the corpse, one of the assailants being as an evidence, (nor was there any other troubled about the matter.) Smith was brought in guilty of wilful murder, and so committed to prison. But a jealousy arising in the breasts of many, that the inquest, either through inadvertency, ignorance, or some other default, was not so fair as it ought to be, William Deny, coroner of the county, upon requisition made, thought proper to re-examine the matter, and summoning a jury of unexceptionable men out of three townships men whose candor, probity, and honesty, is unquestionable with all who are acquainted with them, and having raised the corpse, held an inquest in a solemn manner during three days. In the course of their scrutiny they found Johnson's shirt blacked about the bullet-hole by the powder of the charge by which he was killed, whereupon they examined into the dis- tance Smith stood from Johnson when he shot, and one of the assailants, being admitted to oath, swore to the respective spots of ground they both stood on at that time, which the jury mea- sured, and found to be twenty-three feet nearly ; then, trying the experiment of shooting at the same shirt, both with and against the wind, and at the same distance, found no effects, nor the least stain from the powder on the shirt. And let any person that pleases make the experiment, and I will venture to COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 247 affirm he shall find that, powder will not stain at half the dis- tance above mentioned, if shot out of a rifle gun, which Smith's was. Upon the whole, the jury, after the most accurate exa- mination and mature deliberation, brought in their verdict that some one of the assailants themselves must necessarily have been the perpetrators of the murder. " I have now represented the matter in its true and genuine colors, and which I will abide by. I only beg liberty to make a few remarks and reflections on the above-mentioned extract. The author says, ' James Smith, with two others in company, passed round the town, without touching,' by which it is plain he would insinuate, and make the public believe, that Smith, and that part of the company, had taken some by-road, which is utterly false, for it was the king's highway, and the straight- est, that through Bedford being something to the one side ; nor would the other part of the company have gone through the town but for the reason already given. Again, the author says that ' four men were sent in pursuit of Smith and his com- panions, who overtook them about five miles from Bedford, and commanded them to surrender, on which Smith presented his gun at one of the men, who was struggling with his companion, fired it at him, arid shot his companion through the back/ Here I would just remark, again, the unfair and partial account given of this matter by the author. Not a word mentioned of George snapping his pistol before Smith offered to shoot, or of another of the assailants actually firing his pistol, though he confessed himself afterwards he had done so ; not the least mention of the company's baggage, which, to men in the least open to a fair inquiry, would have been sufficient proof of the innocence of their intentions. Must not an effusive blush overspread the face of the partial representer of facts, when he finds the veil he had thrown over truth thus pulled aside, and she exposed to naked view? Suppose it should be granted that Smith shot the man, (which is not, and I presume never can be proved to be the case,) I would only ask, was he not on his own defence ? Was he not publicly assaulted ? Was he not charged, at the peril of his life, to surrender, without knowing for what? no warrant being shown him, or any declaration made of their authority. And seeing these things are so, would any judicious man, any person in the least acquainted with the laws of the land, or morality, judge him guilty of wilful mur- der ? But I humbly presume every one who has an oppor- tunity of seeing this will, by this time, be convinced that the proceedings against Smith were truly unlawful and tyrannical, perhaps unparalleled by any instance in a civilized nation ; for to endeavor to kill a man in the apprehending of him, in 36 248 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. o^der to bring him to trial for a fact, and that too on a suppos- ed one, is undoubtedly beyond all bounds of law or govern ment. " If the author of the extract thinks I have treated him un- fair, or that I have advanced any thing he can controvert, let him come forward, as a fair antagonist, and make his defence and I will, if called upon, vindicate all that I have advanced against him or his abettors. " WILLIAM SMITH." I remained in prison four months, and during this time i often thought of those that were confined in the time of the persecution, who declared their prison was converted into a pal- ace. I now learned what this meant, as I never since or before experienced four months of equal happiness. When the supreme court sat, I was severely prosecuted. At the commencement of my trial the judges, in a very unjust and arbitrary manner, rejected several of my evidences ; yet, as Robert George (one of those who was in the affray when 1 was taken) swore in court that he snapped a pistol at me before I shot, and a concurrence of corroborating circumstan- ces amounted to strong presumptive evidence that it could not possibly be my gun that killed Johnson, the jury, without hesitation, brought in their verdict, NOT GUILTY. One of the judges then declared that not one of this jury should ever hold an office above a constable. Notwithstanding this proud, ill- natured declaration, some of these jurymen afterwards filled honorable places, and I myself was elected the next year, and sat on the board* in Bedford county, and afterwards I served in the board three years in Westmoreland county. In the year 1774, another Indian war commenced, though at this time the white people were the aggressors. The pros- pect of this terrified the frontier inhabitants, insomuch that the great part on the Ohio waters either fled over the moun- tains eastward or collected into forts. As the state of Penn- sylvania apprehended great danger, they at this time appoint- ed me captain over what was then called the Pennsylvania line. As they knew I could raise men that would answer their purpose, they seemed to lay aside their former inveteracy. In the year 1776, I was appointed a major in the Pennsyl- vania association. When American independence was de- clared, I was elected a member of the convention in West- moreland county, state of Pennsylvania, and of the Assembly as long as I proposed to serve. * A board of commissioners was annually elected in Pennsylvania t regulate taxes and lay the county levy. COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES'. 249 While I attended the Assembly in Philadelphia, in the year 1777, I saw in the street some of my old boys, on their way to the Jerseys, against the British, and they desired me to go with them ; I petitioned the house for leave of absence, in order to head a scouting party, which was granted me. We marched into the Jerseys, and went before General Washing- ton's army, waylaid the road at Rocky Hill, attacked about two hundred of the British, and with thirty-six men drove them out of the woods, into a large open field. After this, we at- tacked a party that were guarding the officers' baggage, and took the wagon and twenty-two Hessians ; and also retook some of our continental soldiers, which they had with them. In a few days we killed and took more of the British than was of our party. At this time I took the camp fever, and was carried in a stage wagon to Burlington, where I lay until I recovered. When I took sick, my companion, Major James M'Common, took the command of the party, and had greater success than I had. If every officer, and his party, that lifted arms against the English, had fought with the same success that Major M'Common did, we would have made short work of the British war. When I returned to Philadelphia, I applied to the Assembly for leave to raise a battalion of riflemen, which they appeared very willing to grant, but said they could not do it, as the power of raising men and commissioning officers were at that time committed to General Washington ; therefore they ad- vised me to apply to his excellency. The following is a true copy of a letter of recommendation which I received at this time from the council of safety : "IN COUNCIL OF SAFETY. Philadelphia, February Wth, 1777. " SIR Application has been made to us by James Smith, Esq., of We: t- moreland, a gentleman well acquainted with the Indian easterns and their manner of carrying on war, for leave to raise a battalion of marks- men, expert in the use of rifles, and such as are acquainted with the Indian method of fighting, to be dressed entirely in their fashion, for the purpose of annoying and harassing the enemy in their marches and en- campments. We think two or three hundred men in that way might be very useful. Should your excellency be of the same opinion, and direct such a corps to be formed, we will take proper measures for raising the men on the frontiers of this state, and follow such other directions as your excellency shall give in this matter. " To his Excellency, General Washington." " The foregoing is a copy of a letter to his excellency, General Wasn- ington, from the council of safety. '* JACOB S. HOWELL, Secretary."' After this I received another letter of recommendation, which is as follows : 250 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVLWTURES. "We, whose names are underwritten, do certify that Jame3 Smith (now of the county of Westmoreland,) was taken pvisoner by the Indians in an expedition before General Braddock's defeat, in the year 1755, and remained with them until the year 1760 ; and also that he served as ensign, in the year 1763, under the pay of the province of Pennsylvania, and as lieutenant in the year 1764, and as captain in the year 1774 ; and as a military officer he has sustained a good character ; and we do recom- mend him as a person well acquainted with the Indians' method of fight- ing, and, in our humble opinion, exceedingly fit for the command of a ranging or scouting party, which we are also humbly of opinion he could, (if legally authorized,) soon raise. Given under our hands at Phiiadel phi*, this 13th day of March, 1777. THOMAS PAXTON, Capt. JONATHAN HODUE, Esq. WILLIAM DUFFIELD, Esq. WILLIAM PARKER, Capt. DAVID ROBE, Esq. ROBERT ELLIOT, JOHN PIPER, Col. JOSEPH ARMSTRONG, Col. WILLIAM M'CoMB, ROBERT PEEBLES, Lt. Col. WILLIAM PEPPER, Lt. Col. SAMUEL PATTON, Capt. JAMES M'LANE, Esq. WILLIAM LYON, Esq." JOHN PROCTOR, Col. With these and some other letters of recommendation, whic* I have not now in my possession, I went to his excel- lency, who lay at Morristown. Though Genera] Washington did rut* fall in with the scheme of white men turning Indians, yet he proposed giving me a major's place in a battalion of riflermm already raised. I thanked the general for his proposal, but as i entertained no high opinion of the colonel I Avas to serve under, and with whom I had no prospect of getting my old boys again, I thought I would be of more use in the cause we were then struggling to support to remain with them as a militia officer ; therefore I did not accept this offer. In the year 1778, I received a colonel's commission, and after my return to Westmoreland the Indians made an attack upon our frontiers. I then raised men and pursued them, and the second day we overtook and defeated them. We likewise took four scalps, and recovered the horses and plunder which they were carrying off. At the time of this attack, Captain John Hinkston pursued an Indian, both their guns being empty, and after the fray was over he was missing. While we were inquiring about him, he came walking up, seemingly uncon- cerned, with a bloody scalp in his hand ; he had pursued the Indian about a quarter of a mile, and tomahawked him. Not long after this, I was called upon to command four hundred riflemen on an expedition against the Indian town on French Creek. It was some time in November before I received orders from General M'Intosh to march, and then we were poorly equipped and scarce of provision. We marched in three columns, forty rod from each other. There were also COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 251 flankers on the outside of each column, that marched abreast in the rear, in scattered order ; and even in the columns the men were one rod apart ; and in the front the volunteers marched abreast in the same manner of the flankers, scouring the woods. In case of an attack, the officers were immedi- ately to order the men to face out and take trees ; in this posi- tion, the Indians could not avail themselves by surrounding us, or have an opportunity of shooting a man from either side of the tree. If attacked, the centre column was to reinforce whatever part appeared to require it most. When we en- camped, our encampment formed a hollow square, including about thirty or forty acres ; on the outside of the square, there were sentinels placed, whose business it was to watch for the enemy, and see that neither horses nor bullocks went out ; and when encamped, if any attacks were made by an enemy, each officer was immediately to order the men to face out and take trees, as before mentioned ; and in this form, they could not take the advantage by surrounding us, as they commonly had done when they fought the whites. The following is a copy of general orders, given at this time, which I have found among my journals : "AT CAMP OPPOSITE FORT PITT. " November 29th, 1778. "GENERAL ORDERS. " A copy thereof is to be given to each Captain and Subaltern, and to be read to each Company. " You are to march in three columns, witn flankers on the front and rear, and to keep a profound silence, and not to fire a gun, except at the enemy, without particular orders for that purpose ; and in case of an attack, let it be so ordered that every other man only is to shoot at once, excepting oa extraordinary occasions ; the one half of the men to keep a reserve fire until their comrades load ; and let every one be particularly careful not to fire at any time without a view of the enemy, and that not at too great a distance. I earnestly urge the above caution, as I have known very remarkable and gxevous errors of this kind. You are to encamp on the hollow square, except the volunteers, who, according to their own request, are to encamp on the front of the square. A suffi- cient number of sentinels are to be kept round the square at a proper distance. Every man is to be under arms at the break of day, and to parade opposite to their fire-places, facing out, and when the officers examine their arms, and find them in good order, and give necessary direcuons, they are to be dismissed, with order! to have their arms near them, and be always in readiness. " Given by *' JAMES SMITH, Cclonel." In this manner, we pioceeded on to French Creek, where 252 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES we found the Indian town evacuated. I then went on further than my orders called for, in quest of Indians ; but our pro- vision being nearly exhausted, we were obliged to return. On our way back we met with considerable difficulties on account of high waters and scarcity of provision ; yet "ve never lost one horse, excepting some that gave out. After peace was made with the Indians, I met with some of them in Pittsburg, and inquired of them in their own tongue concerning this expedition, not letting them know I was there. They told me that they watched the movements of this army ever after they had left fort Pitt, and as they passed through the glades or barrens they had a full view of them from the adjacent hills, and computed their number to be about one thousand. They said they also examined their camps, both before and after they were gone, and found they could not make an advantageous attack, and therefore moved off from their town and hunting ground before we arrived. In the year 1788, I settled in Bourbon county, Kentucky, seven miles above Paris, and in the same year was elected a member of the convention that sat at Danville to confer about a separation from the state of Virginia ; and from that year until the year 1799, I represented Bourbon county either in cenvention or as a member of the General Assembly, excep! two years that I was left a few votes behind. COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. 253 ON THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE INDIANS. The Indians are a slovenly people in their dress. They seldom ever wash their shirts, and in regard to cookery they are exceedingly filthy. When they kill a buffalo they will sometimes lash the paunch of it round a sapling, and cast it into the kettle, boil it, and sup the broth ; though they com- monly shake it about in cold water, then boil and eat it. Not- withstanding all this, they are very polite in their own way, and they retain among them the essentials of good manners; though they have few compliments, yet they are complaisant to one another, and when accompanied with good humor and discretion, they entertain strangers in the best manner their circumstances will admit. They use but few titles of honor. In the military line the titles of great men are only captains or leaders of parties. In the civil line, the titles are only counsellors, chiefs, or the old wise men. These titles are never made use "of in addressing any of their great men. The language commonly made use of in addressing them is grandfather, father, or uncle. They have no such thing in use among them as Sir, Mr., Madam, or Mistress. The com- mon mode of address is, my friend, brother, cousin, or mother, sister, &c. They pay great respect to age, or to the aged fathers and mothers among them of every rank. No one can arrive at any place of honor among them but by merit. Either some exploit in war must be performed before any one can be advanced in the military line, or become eminent for wisdom before they can obtain a seat in council. It would appear to the Indians a most ridiculous thing to see a man lead on a company of warriors, as an officer, who had himself never been in a battle in his life. Even in case of merit they are slow in advancing any one, until they arrive at or near middle age. They invite every one that comes to their house or camp to eat, while they have any thing to give ; and it is accounted bad manners to refuse eating when invited. They are very tenacious of their old mode of dressing and painting, and do not change their fashions as we do. They are very fond of tobacco, and the men almost all smoke it mixed with sumach leaves or red willow bark, pulverized, though they seldom use it in any other way. They make use of the pipe also ab a token of love and friendship. In courtship they also differ from us. It is a common thing among them for a young woman, if in love, to make suit to a young man ; though the first address may be by the man, yet 264 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. the other is the most common. The squaws are generally very immodest in their words and actions, and will often put the young men to the blush. The men commonly appear to be possessed of much more modesty than the women ; yet I have been acquainted with some young squaws that appeared really modest : genuine it must be, as they were under very little restraint in the channel of education or custom. When the Indians meet one another, instead of saying how do you do, they commonly salute in the following manner : you are my friend the reply is, truly friend, I am your friend ; or, cousin, you yet exist the reply is, certainly I do. They have their children under tolerable command ; seldom ever whip them, and their common mode of chastising is by duck- ing them in cold water ; therefore their children are more obedient in the winter season than they are in the summer, though they are then not so often ducked. They are a peaceable people, and scarcely ever wrangle or scold, when sober ; but they are very much addicted to drinking, and men and women will become basely intoxicated, if they can by any means procure or obtain spirituous liquor, and then they are commonly either extremely merry and kind, or very turbulent, ill-humored and disorderly. ON THEIR TRADITIONS AND RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS. As the family that I was adopted into was intermarried with the Wyandots and Ottawas, three tongues were commonly spoken, viz. : Caughnewaga, or what the French call Iroque, also the Wyandot and Ottawa. By this means I had an oppor- tunity of learning these three tongues ; and I found that these nations varied in their traditions and opinions concerning reli- gion ; and even numbers of the same nation differed widely in their religious sentiments. Their traditions are vague, whim- sical, romantic, and many of them scarce worth relating, and not any of them reach back to the creation of the world. The Wyandots come the nearest to this. They tell of a squaw that was found when an infant in the water, in a canoe, made of bulrushes. This squaw became a great prophetess, and did many wonderful things : she turned water into dry land, and at length made this continent, which was at that time only a very small island, and but a few Indians in it. Though they were then but few, they had not sufficient room to hunt ; therefore this squaw went to the water-side, and prayed that this little island might be enlarged. The Great Being then heard her prayer, and sent great numbers of water tortoises and musk- rats, which brought with them mud and other materials fo' INDIAN CUSTOMS. 255 enlarging this island, and by this means, they say, it was increased to the size that it now remains ; therefore, they say, that the white people ought not to encroach upon them, or take their land from them, because their great grandmother made it. They say that about this time the angels or heavenly inhabitants, as they call them, frequently visited them and talked with their forefathers, and gave directions how to pray, and how to appease the Great Being when he was offended. They told them they were to offer sacrifice, burn tobacco, buf- falo and deer bones ; but they were not to burn bear's or raccoon's bones in sacrifice. The Ottavvas say that there are two Great Beings that govern and rule the universe, who are at Avar with each other ; the one they call Maneto, and the other Matckemaneto. They say that Maneto is all kindness and love, and that Matche- maneto is an evil spirit, that delights in doing mischief; and some of them think that they are equal in power, and there- fore worship the evil spirit out of a principle of fear. Others doubt which of the two may be the most powerful, and there- fore endeavor to keep in favor with both, by giving each of them some kind of worship. Others say that Maneto is the first great cause, and therefore must be all powerful and su- preme, and ought to be adored and worshipped, whereas Matchemaneto ought to be rejected and despised. Those of the Ottawas that worship the evil spirit pretend to be great conjurors. I think if there is any such thing now in the world as witchcraft it is among these people. I have been told wonderful stories concerning their proceedings, but never was eye-witness to any thing that appeared evidently supernatural. Some of the Wyandots and Caughnewagas profess to be Roman Catholics ; but even these retain many of the notions of their ancestors. Those of them who reject the Roman Catholic religion hold that there is one great first cause, whom they call Owaneeyo, that rules and governs the universe, and takes care of all his creatures, rational and irrational, and gives them their food in due season, and hears the prayers of all those that call upon him ; therefore it is but just and reasona- ble to pray, and offer sacrifice to this Great Being, and to do those things that are pleasing in his sight; but they differ widely in what is pleasing or displeasing to this Great Being. Some hold that following nature or their own propensities is the way to happiness, and cannot be displeasing to the Deity, because he delights in the happiness of his creatures, and does nothing in vain, but gave these dispositions with a design to lead to happiness, and therefore they ought to be followed 256 COLUNEL SMITH'S ADVENTITRES. Others reject this opinion altogether, and say that following their own propensities in this manner is neither the means of happiness nor the way to please the Deity. Tecaughretanego was of opinion that following nature in a limited sense was reasonable and right. He said that most of the irrational animals, by following their natural propen- sities, were led to the greatest pitch of happiness that their natures and the world they lived in would admit of. He said that mankind and the rattlesnakes had evil dispositions, that led them to injure themselves and others. He gave instances of this. He said he had a puppy that he did not intend to raise, and in order to try an experiment he tied this puppy on a pole, and held it to a rattlesnake, which bit it several times ; that he observed the snake shortly after rolling about appar- ently in great misery, so that it appeared to have poisoned itself as well as the puppy. The other instance he gave was concerning himself. He said that when he was a young man he was very fond of the women, and at length got the venereal disease, so that, by following this propensity, he was led to injure himself and others. He said our happiness depends on our using our reason, in order to suppress these evil disposi- tions ; but when our propensities neither lead us to injure urselves nor others we might with safety indulge them, or even pursue them as the means of happiness. The Indians, generally, are of opinion that there are great numbers of inferior deities, which they call Carreyagaroona, which signifies the heavenly inhabitants. These beings they suppose are employed as assistants in managing the affairs of the universe, and in inspecting the actions of men ; and that even the irrational animals are engaged in viewing their actions, and bearing intelligence to the gods. The eagle, for this purpose, with her keen- eye, is soaring about in the day, and the owl, with her nightly eye, perched on the trees around their camp in the night ; therefore, when they observe the eagle or the owl near they immediately offer sacrifice, or burn tobacco, that they may have a good report to carry to the gods. They say that there are also great numbers of evil spirits, which they call Onasahroona, which signifies the inhabitants of the lower region. These, they say, are employed in dis- turbing the world, and the good spirits are always going after *hem, and setting things right, so that they are constantlv working in opposition to each other. Some talk of a future state, but not with any certainty ; at best their notions are vague and unsettled. Others deny a future state altogether, and say that, after death, they neither think nor live. As the Caughnewagas and the Six Nations speak nearly INDIAN CUSTOMS. 257 ihe same language, their theology is also nearly alike. When I met with the Shawanees, or Delawares, as I could not speak their tongue, I spoke Ottawa to them, and as it bore some resemblance to their language, we understood each other in some common affairs ; but, as I could only converse with them very imperfectly, I cannot from my own knowledge, with cer- tainty, give any account of their theological opinions. ON THEIR POLICE, OR CIVIL GOVERNMENT. I have often heard of Indian kings, but never saw any. How any term used by the Indians in their own tongue, for the chief man of a nation, could be rendered king, I know not. The chief of a nation is neither a supreme ruler, monarch, or potentate ; he can neither make war or peace, leagues or treaties ; he cannot impress soldiers, or dispose of magazines ; he cannot adjourn, prorogue, or dissolve a general assembly, nor can he refuse his assent to their conclusions, or in any manner control them. With them there is no such thing as hereditary succession, title^ of nobility, or royal blood, even talked of. The chief of a nation, even with the consent of his assembly, or council, cannot raise one shilling of tax off the citizens, but only receive what they please to give as free and voluntary donations. The chief of a nation has to hunt for his living as any other citizen. How then can they, with any propriety, be called kings ? I apprehend that the white people were formerly so fond of the name of kings, and so ignorant of their power, that they concluded the chief man of a nation must be a king. As they are illiterate, they consequently have no written code of laws. What they execute as laws are either old cus- toms, or the immediate result of new councils. Some of their ancient laws or customs are very pernicious, and disturb the public weal. Their vague law of marriage is a glaring in- stance of this, as the man and his wife are under no legal obligation to live together if they are both willing to part. They have little form or ceremony among them in matrimony, but do like the Israelites of old ; the man goes in unto the woman, and she becomes his wife. The years of puberty, and the age of consent, is about fourteen for the women, and eighteen for the men. Before I was taken by the Indians, I had often heard that in the ceremony tf marriage the man gave the woman a deer's leg, and she gave him a red ear of corn, signifying that she was to keep him in bread, and he was to keep her in meat. I inquired of them concerning the truth of this, and they said they knew nothing of it, further than 17 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. that they had heard it was the ancient custom among some nations. Their frequent changing of partners prevents propa- gation, creates disturbances, and often occasions muraer and bloodshed, though this is commonly committed under the pre- tence of being drunk. Their impunity to crimes committed when intoxicated with spirituous liquors, or their admitting one crime as an excuse for another, is a very unjust law or custom. The extremes they run into in dividing the necessaries of life are hurtful to the public weal ; though their dividing meat when hunting may answer a valuable purpose, as one family may have success one day, and the other the next ; but their carrying this custom to the town, or to agriculture, is striking at the root of industry, as industrious persons ought to be rewarded, and the lazy suffer for their indolence. They have scarcely any penal laws ; the principal punish- ment is degrading ; even murder is not punished by any for- mal law, only the friends of the murdered are at liberty to slay the murderer if some atonement is not made. Their not an- nexing penalties to their laws is perhaps not as great a crime, or as unjust and cruel, as the bloody laws of England, which we have so long shamefully practised, and which are to be in force in this state until our penitentiary house is finished, which is now building, and then they are to be repealed. Let us also take a view of the advantages attending Indian police : They are not oppressed or perplexed with expensive litigation ; they are not injured by legal robbery ; they have no splendid villains that make themselves grand and great upon other people's labor; they have neither church nor state erected as money-making machines. ON THEIR DISCIPLINE AND METHOD OF WAR. I have often heard the British officers call the Indians the undisciplined savages, which is a capital mistake, as they have all the essentials of discipline. They are under good com- mand, and punctual in obeying orders ; they can act in con- cert, and when their officers lay a plan and give orders, they will cheerfully unite in putting all their directions into imme- diate execution ; and by each man observing the motion or movement of his right-hand companion, they can communicate the motion from right to left, and march abreast in concert, and in scattered order, though the line may be more than a mile long, and continue, if occasion requires, for a considerable distance, without disorder or confusion. They can perform various necessary manoeuvres, either slowly, or as fast as they INDIAN CUSTOMS. 259 can run ; they can form a circle or semicircle. The circle they make use of in order to surround their enemy, and the semicircle if the. enemy has a river on one side of them. They can also form a large hollow square, face out and take trees ; this they do if their enemies are about surrounding them, to prevent being shot from either side of the tree. When they go into battle they are not loaded or encumbered with many clothes, as they commonly fi,ght naked, save only breech- clout, leggins, and moccasins. There is no such thing as cor- poreal punishment used in order to bring them under such good discipline ; degrading is the only chastisement, and they are so unanimous in this that it effectually answers the pur- pose. Their officers plan, order, and conduct matters until they are brought into action, and then each: man is to fight as though he was to gain the battle himself. General orders are commonly given in time of battle either to advance or retreat, and is done by a shout or yell, which is well understood, and then they retreat or advance in concert. They .are generally well equipped, and exceedingly expert and active in the use of arms. Could it be supposed that undisciplined troops could defeat Generals Braddock, Grant, &c. ? It may be said by some that the French were also engaged in this war. True, they were ; yet I know it was the Tndians that laid the plan, and with small assistance put it into execution. The Indians had no aid from the French, or any other power, when they besieged fort Pitt in the year 1763, and cut off the communi- cation for a considerable time between that post and fort Lou don, and would have defeated General Bouquet's army (who were on the way to raise the siege) had it not been for the assistance of the Virginia volunteers. They had no Brit- ish troops with them when they defeated Colonel Crawford, near the Sandusky, in the time of the American war with Great Britain ; or when they defeated Colonel Loughrie, on the Ohio, near the Miami, on his way to meet General Clarke : this was also in the time of the British war. It was the In- dians alone that defeated Colonel Todd, in Kentucky, near the Blue Licks, in the year 1782 ; and Colonel Harmer, betwixt the Ohio and lake Erie, in the year 1790, and General St, Glair, in the year 1791 ; and it is said that there were more ol our men killed at this defeat than there were in any one battle during our contest with Great Britain. They had no aid when they fought even the Virginia riflemen, almost a whole day, at the Great Kenhawa, in the year 1774 ; and when they found they could not prevail against the Virginians they made a most artful retreat. Notwithstanding they had the Ohio to cross, some continued firing whilst others were crossing the 260 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. river; in this manner they proceeded, until they all got over, before the Virginians knew that they had retreated, and in this retreat they carried off all their wounded. In the most of the feregoing defeats they fought with an inferior number, though in this, I believe, it was not the case. Nothing can be more unjustly represented than the different accounts we have had of their number, from time to time, both by their own computations, and that of the British. While I was among them I saw the account of the number that they, in those parts, gave to the French, and kept it by me. When they, in their own council-house, were taking an account of their number, with a piece of bark, newly stripped, and a small stick, which answered the end of a slate and pencil, I took an account of the different nations and tribes, which I added to- gether, and found there were not half the number which they had given the French ; and though they were then their allies, and lived among them, it was not easy finding out the decep- tion, as they were a wandering set, and some of them almost always in the woods hunting. I asked one of the chiefs what was their reason for making such different returns. He said it was for political reasons, in order to obtain greater presents from the French, by telling them they could not divide such and such quantities of goods among so many. In the year of General Bouquet's last campaign, 1764, I saw the official return made by the British officers of the num- ber of Indians that were in arms against us that year, which amounted to thirty thousand. As I was then a lieutenant in the British service, I told them I was of opinion that there was not above one thousand in arms against us, as they were divided by Broadstreet's army, being then at lake Erie. The British officers hooted at me, and said they could not make England sensible of the difficulties they labored under in fighting them, as England expected that their troops could fight the undisciplined savages in America five to one, as they did the East Indians, and therefore my report would not an- swer their purpose, as they could not give an honorable account of the war but by augmenting their number. I am of opinion that from Braddock's war until the present time there never were more than three thousand Indians, at any time, in arms against us west of fort Pitt, and frequently not half that num- ber. According to the Indians' own accounts, during the whole of Braddock's war, or from 1755 till 1758, they killed or took fifty of our people for one that they lost. In the war that commenced in the year 1763 they killed comparatively few of our people, and lest more of theirs, as the frontiers (especially the Virginians) had learned something of their INDIAN CUSTOMS. 261 method of war ; yet they, in this war, according to their own accounts, (which I believe to be true,) killed or took ten of our people for one they lost. Let us now take a view of the blood and treasure that was spent in opposing- comparatively a few Indian warriors, with only some assistance from the French, the first four years of the war. Additional to the amazing destruction and slaughter that the frontiers sustained from James river to Susquehanna, and about thirty miles broad, the following campaigns were also carried on against the Indians : General Braddock's, in the year 1755; Colonel Armstrong's, against the Cattanyan town on the Alleghany, 1757 ; Gen. Forbes's, in 1758 ; Gen. Stanwick's, in 1759; General Monkton's, in 1760; Colonel Bouquet's, in 1761 and 1763, when he fought the battle of Brushy Run, and lost above one hundred men, but, by the assistance of the Virginia volunteers, drove the Indians ; Col. Armstrong's, up the west branch of Susquehanna, in 1763 ; General Broadstreet's, up lake Erie, in 1764 ; Gen. Bouquet's against the Indians at Muskingum, 1764; Lord Dunmore's, in 1774; Gen. M'Intosh's, in 1778; Colonel Crawford's, shortly after his ; Gen. Clarke's, in 1778, 1780 ; Colonel Bowman's, in 1779 ; General Clarke's, in 1782, against the Wabash in 1786 ; Gen. Logan's, against the Shawanees, in 1786 ; Gen. Wilkinson's, in ; Colonel Harmer's, in 1790 ; and Gen. St. Glair's, in 1791 ; which, in all, are twenty-two campaigns, besides smaller expeditions ; such as the French Creek expe- dition, Colonel Edwards's, Loughrie's, &c. All these were exclusive of the number of men that were internally employed as scouting parties, and in erecting forts, guarding stations, &c. When xve take the foregoing occurrences into consideration, may we not reasonably conclude, that they are the best disci- plined troops in the known world ? Is it not the best discipline that has the greatest tendency to annoy the enemy and save their own men ? I apprehend that the Indian discipline is as well calculated to answer the purpose in the woods of America, as the British discipline in Flanders ; and British discipline in the woods is the way to have men slaughtered, with scarcely any chance of defending themselves. Let us take a view of the benefits we have received by what little we have learned of their art of war, which cost us dear, and the loss we have sustained for want of it, and then see if it will not be well worth our while to retain what we have, and also to endeavor to improve in this necessary branch of busi- ness. Though we have made considerable proficiency in this line, and in some respects outdo them, viz. as marksmen, and m cutting our rifles, and keeping them in good order ; yet I 262 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. apprehend we are far behind in their manoeuvres, or in being able to surprise, or prevent a surprise. May we not conclude that the progress we had made in their art of war contributed considerably towards our success, in various respects, when contending with Great Britain for liberty ? Had the British king attempted to enslave us before Braddock's war, in all pro- bability he might readily have done it, because, except the New Englanders, who had formerly been engaged in war with the Indians, we were unacquainted with any kind of war. But after fighting such a subtle and barbarous enemy as the In- dians, we were not terrified at the approach of British red-coats. Was not Burgoyne's defeat accomplished, in some measure, by the Indian mode of fighting ? And did not General Morgan's riflemen, and many others, fight with greater success in con- sequence of what they had learned of their art of war ? Ken- tucky would not have been settled at the time it was, had the Virginians been altogether ignorant of this method of war. In Braddock's war the frontiers were laid waste for above three hundred miles long, and generally about thirty broad, excepting some that were living in forts, and many hundreds, or perhaps thousands, killed or made captives, and horses, and all kinds of property carried off. But, in the next Indian war, though we had the same Indians to cope with, the frontiers almost all stood their ground, because they were by this time, in some measure, acquainted with their manoeuvres ; and the want of this in the first war was the cause of the loss of many hundreds of our citizens, and much treasure. Though large volumes have been written on morality, yet it may be all summed up in saying, do as you would wish to be done by. So the Indians sum up the art of war in the follow- ing manner. The business of the private warriors is to be under command, or punctually to obey orders ; to learn to march abreast in scattered order, so as to be in readiness to surround the enemy, or to prevent being surrounded ; to be good marksmen, and active in the use of arms ; to practise running ; to learn to endure hunger or hardships with patience and fortitude ; to tell the truth at all times to their officers, but more especially when sent out to spy the enemy. Concerning Officers. They say that it would be absurd to appoint a man an officer whose skill and courage had never been tried ; that all officers should be advanced only according to merit ; that no one man should have the absolute command of an army ; that a council of officers are to determine when and how an attack is to be made ; that it is the business of the officers to lay plans to take every advantage of the enemy ; to INDIAN CUSTOMS. 263 ambush and surprise them, and to prevent being ambushed and surprised themselves. It is the duty of officers to prepare and deliver speeches to the men, in order to animate and encourage them ; and on the march, to prevent the men, at any time, from getting into a huddle, because if the enemy should surround them in this position they would be exposed to the enemy's fire. It is likewise their business at all times to endeavor to annoy their enemy, and save their own men, and therefore ought never to bring on an attack without considerable advan- tage, or without what appeared to them the sure prospect of victory, and that with the loss of few men ; and if at any time they should be mistaken in this, and are like to lose many men by gaining the victory, it is their duty to retreat, and wait for a better opportunity of defeating their enemy, without the dan- ger of losing so many men. Their conduct proves that they act upon these principles ; therefore it is that, from Braddock's war to the present time, they have seldom ever made an un- successful attack. The battle at the mouth of the Great Ken- hawa is the greatest instance of this ; and even then, though the Indians killed about three for one they lost, yet they re- treated. The loss of the Virginians in this action was seventy killed, and the same number wounded. The Indians lost twenty killed on the field, and eight who died afterwards of their wounds. This was the greatest loss of men that I ever knew the Indians to sustain in any one battle. They will commonly retreat if their men are falling fast ; they will not stand cutting like the Highlanders or other British troops ; but this proceeds from a compliance with their rules of war rathei than cowardice. If they are surrounded they will fight while there is a man of them alive, rather than surrender. When Colonel John Armstrong surrounded the Cattanyan town, on the Alleghany river, Captain Jacobs, a Delaware chief, with some warriors, took possession of a house, defended themselves for some time, and killed a number of our men. As Jacobs could speak English, our people called on him to surrender. He said that he and his men were Avarriors, and they would all fight while life remained. He was again told that they sh )uld be well used if they would only surrender ; and if not, the house should be burned down over their heads. Jacobs replied, he could eat fire ; and when the house was in a flame, he, and they that were with him, came out in a fighting posi- tion, and were all killed. As they are a sharp, active kind of people, and war is their principal study, in this they have arrived at considerable perfection. We may learn of the In- dians what is useful and laudable, and at the same time lay aside their barbarous proceedings. It is much to be lamented, 37 264 COLONEL SMITH'S ADVENTURES. that some of our frontier riflemen are too prone to imitate them in their inhumanity. During the British war, a considerable number of men from below fort Pitt crossed the Ohio, and marched into a town of friendly Indians, chiefly Delawares, who professed the Moravian religion. As the Indians appre- hended no danger, they neither lifted arms nor fled. Afte) these riflemen were some time in the town, and the Indians altogether in their power, in cool blood they massacred the whole town, without distinction of age or sex. This was an act of barbarity beyond any thing I ever knew to be committed by the savages themselves. Why have we not made greater proficiency in the Indian art of war ? Is it because we are too proud to imitate them, even though it should be a means of preserving the lives of many of our citizens ? No ! We are not above borrowing language from them, such as homony, pone, tomahawk, &c., which is of little or no 'use to us. I apprehend, that the reasons why we nave not improved more in this respect are as follow : no important acquisition is to be obtained but by attention and diligence ; and as it is easier to learn to move and act in con- cert in close order in the open plain, than to act in concert in scattered order in the woods, so it is easier to learn our disci- pline than the Indian manoeuvres. They train up their boys in the art of war from the time they are twelve; or fourteen years of age ; whereas, the principal chance our people had of learning was by observing their manoeuvres when in action against us. I have been long astonished that no one has writ- ten upon this important subject, as their art of war would not only be of use to us in case of another rupture with them ; but were only part of our men taught this art, accompanied with our continental discipline, I think no European power, after trial, would venture to show its head in the American woods. If what I have written should meet the approbation of my countrymen, perhaps I may publish more upon this subject in a future edition. 265 A FAITHFUL NARRATIVE ")F THE MANY DANGERS AND SUFFERINGS, AS WELL AS WONDERFUL AND SURPRISING DELIVERANCES, OF ROBERT EASTBURN, DURING HIS LATE CAPTIVITY AMONG THE INDIANS. WRITTEN BY" HIMSELF. Published at the earnest request of many persons, for the benefit of the Public. With a recommen- datory Preface by the Rev. Gilbert Tennent. Psalms 24, 6, 7, and 193, 2, 4. Philadelphia : Printed. Boston : Reprinted and sold by Green & Russell, oppo- site the Probate Office in Queen street, 1753. PREFACE. Candid Reader : The author (and subject) of the ensuing narrative (who is a deacon of our church, and has been so for many years) is of such an established good char- acter, that he needs no recommendation of others where he is known ; a proof of which was the general joy of the inhab- itants of this city, occasioned by his return from a miserable captivity ; together with the readiness of divers persons to con- tribute to the relief of himself and necessitous family, without any request of his, or the least motion of that tendency. But seeing the following sheets are like to spread into many places where he is not known, permit me to say that, upon long acquaintance, I have found him to be a person of candor, integrity, and sincere piety, whose testimony may with safety be depended upon ; which give his narrative the greater weight, and may induce to read it with the greater pleasure. The design of it is evidently pious ; the matters contained in 266 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. it, and manner of handling them, will, I hope, be esteemed by the impartial to be entertaining and improving. I wish it may, by the divine benediction, be of great and durable ser- vice. I am thy sincere servant in the gospel of Jesus Christ. GILBERT TENNENT. Philadelphia. January 19th, 1758. KIND READERS : On my return from my captivity I had no thoughts of publishing any observations of mine to the world in this manner. As I had no opportunity to keep a journal, and my memory being broken and capacity small, I was disinclined to undertake it. But a number of friends were pressing in their persuasions that I should do it ; with whose motions I complied, from a sincere regard to God, my king and country, so far as I know my own heart. The following pages contain, as far as I can remember, the most material passages that happened within the compass of my observation while a prisoner in Canada. The facts therein related are certainly true, but the way of representing some things espe- cially, is not so regular, clear and strong as I could wish ; but I trust it will be some apology, that I am not so much acquaint- ed with performances of this kind as many others, who mav be hereby excited to give better representations of things, far beyond my knowledge. I remain your unfeigned well-wisher and humble servant, ROBERT EASTBURN. Philadelphia, January 19, 1758. A FAITHFUL NARRATIVE, &c. About thirty tradesmen and myself arrived at Captain Williams' fort, at the carrying place, in our way to Oswego, the 26th of March, 1756. Captain Williams informed me that he was like to be cum- bered in the fort, and therefore advised us to take the Indian house for our lodging. About ten o'clock next day, a negro man came running down the road and reported that our slaymen were all taken by the enemy. Captain Williams, on hearing this, sent a sergeant and about twelve men to see if it were true. I being at the Indian house, and not thinking myself safe there, in case of an attack, and being also sincerely willing to serve my king and country, in the best manner I could in my pres- ent circumstances, asked him if he would take company. He replied, with all his heart ! hereupon I fell Mnto the rear with my arms, and marched after them. When we had advanced about a quarter of a mile, we heard a shot, followed with dole- ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 267 ful cries of a dying man, which excited me to advance, in order to discover the enemy, who I soon perceived were pre- pared to receive us. In this difficult situation, seeing a large pine tree near, I repaired to it for shelter ; and while the enemy were viewing our party, I, having a good chance of killing two at a shot, quickly discharged at them, but could not cer- tainly know what execution was done till some time after. Our company likewise discharged and retreated. Seeing myself in danger of being surrounded, I was obliged to retreat a different course, and to my great surprise fell into a deep mire, which the enemy by following my track in a light snow soon discovered, and obliged me to surrender, to prevent a cruel death ; they standing ready to drive their darts into my body, in case I refused to deliver up my arms. Presently after I was taken, I was surrounded by a great number, who stripped me of my clothing, hat and neckcloth, so that I had nothing left but a flannel vest without sleeves, put a rope on my neck, bound my arms fast behind me, put a long band round my body, and a large pack on my back, struck me a severe blow on the head, and drove me through the woods before them. It is not easy to conceive how distressing such a condition is. In the mean time I endeavored with all my little remaining strength to lift up my eyes to God, from whom alone I could with reason expect relief. Seventeen or eighteen prisoners were soon added to our number, one of whom informed me that the Indians were angry with me, reported to some of their chiefs that I had fired on them, wounded one and killed another ; for which he doubted not they would kill me. I had not as yet learned what number the enemy's parties consisted of; there being only about one hundred Indians who had lain in ambush on the road to kill or take into captivity all that passed between the two forts. Here an interpreter came to me to inquire what strength Captain Williams had to defend his fort. After a short pause I gave such a discour- aging answer, (yet consistent with truth,)* as prevented their attacking it, and of consequence the effusion of much blood. Hereby it evidently appeared that I was suffered to fall into the hands of the enemy to promote the good of my country- men, to better purpose than I could by continuing with them. In the mean time the enemy determined to destroy Bull's * It is a great pity that our modern managers of Indian affairs had not indulged in such scrupulous veracity. They would probably say our captive was " more nice than wise." But perhaps he was like an olc acquaintance of mine, who used to say sometimes that " he al-most told a lie" though not quite. Ed 268 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. fort, (at the head of Wood Creek,) which they soon effected ; all being put to the sword, except five persons, the fort burnt, the provisions and powder destroyed, (saving only a little for their own use.) Then they retired to the woods and joined their main body, including which, consisted of four hundred French and three hundred Indians, commanded by one of the principal gentlemen of Quebec. As soon as they got together, (having a priest with them,) they fell on their knees and returned thanks for their victory. An example this, worthy of imitation ! an example which may make profane, pretended Protestants blush, if they are not lost to all sense of shame,* who, instead of acknowledging a God, or providence, in their military undertakings, are continually reproaching him with oaths and curses. Is it any wonder the attempts of such are blasted with disappointment and disgrace ? The enemy had several wounded men, both French and Indians, among them, whom they carried on their backs ; besides these, about fifteen of their number were killed, and of us about forty. It being by this time near dark, and some Indians drunk, they only marched about four miles and encamped. The Indians untied my arms, cut hemlock boughs and strewed round the fire, tied my band to two trees, with my back on the green boughs, (by the fire,) covered me with an old blanket, and lay down across my band, on each side, to prevent my escape while they slept. Sunday the 28th, we rose early ; the commander ordered a hasty retreat towards Canada, for fear of General Johnson. In the mean time, one of our men said he understood the French and Indians designed to join a strong party, and fall on Oswego, before our forces at that place could get any pro- vision or succor ; having, as they thought, put a stop to our relieving them for a time. When encamped in the evening, the commanding officer ordered the Indians to bring me to his tent, and asked me by an interpreter if I thought General Johnson would follow them. I told him I judged not, but rather thought he would proceed to Oswego, (which was indeed my sentiment, grounded upon prior information, and then expressed to prevent the execution of their design.) He further inquired what my trade was. I told him, that of a smith. He then persuaded me, when I got to Canada, to send for my wife, " for," said he, " you can get a rich living there." But when he saw that he could not prevail, he asked me no more ques- * What would Captain Gyles have said to such praise of Catholics and their religion ? and by a Protestant too. He would no doubt have said that the devil had helped them, inasmuch as no good spirit would have heard the prayers of "wicked papists." Ed. ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 69 tions, but commanded me to my Indian master. Having this opportunity of conversation, I informed the general that his Indian warriors had stripped me of my clothing, and would be glad if he would be good enough to order me some relief; to which he replied, " I should get clothes when I came to Can- ada," which was cold comfort to one almost frozen. On my return, the Indians, perceiving I was unwell and could not eat their coarse food, ordered some chocolate, which they had brought from the carrying place, to be boiled for me, and see- ing me eat that appeared pleased. A strong guard was kept every night. One of our men being weakened by his wounds, and rendered unable to keep pace with them, was killed and scalped on the road ! I was all this time almost naked, travelling through deep snow, and wading through riv- ers, cold as ice ! After seven days' march, we arrived at lake Ontario, where I eat some horse-flesh, which tasted very agreeably, for to a hungry man, as Solomon observes, every bitter thing is sweet On the Friday before we arrived at the lake, the Indians killed a porcupine. The Indians threw it on a large fire, burnt off the hair and quills, roasted and eat of it, with whom I had. a part. The French carried several cf tneir wounded men ail thf-. way upon their backs , many of whom wcr- ae fcreeches in their travels in this cold .seaeor; oemg strong hardy men. The Indians had thret: o r Jaeir party wounded, which they likewise carried on their oacks. I wish there was more of this hardiness, so necessary for war, in our nation, which would open a more encouraging scene than appears at present. The prisoners were so divided, that but few could converse together on the march, and what was still more disagreeable and dis- tressing, an Indian who had a large bunch of green scalps, taken off our men's heads, marched before me, and another with a sharp spear behind, to drive me after him, by which means the scalps were often close to my face. And as we marched, they frequently every day gave the dead shout, which was re- peated as many times as there were captives and scalps taken. I may with justice and truth observe, that our enemies leave no stone unturned to compass our ruin. They pray, work, and travel to bring it about, and are unwearied in the pursuit, while many among us sleep in a storm which has laid a good part of our country desolate, and threatens the whole with destruction. April 4th. Several French batteaux met us, and brought a large supply of provision, the sight of which caused great joy, for we were in great want. Then a place was soon erected to 270 ROBER1 EASTBURNS CAPTIVITY. celebrate mass in, which being ended, we all went over the mouth of a river, where it empties itself into the east end of lake Ontario. A great part of our company set off on foot towards Oswegatchy, while the rest were ordered into batteaux and carried towards the extreme of St. Lawrence, (where that river takes its beginning,) but by reason of bad weather, wind, rain, and snow, whereby the waters of the lake were troubled, we were obliged to lie by, and haul our batteaux on shore. Here I lay on the cold shore two days. Tuesday set off, and entered the head of St. Lawrence in the afternoon ; came too late at night, made fires, but did not lie down to sleep. Em- barking long before day, and after some miles' progress down the river, saw many fires on our right hand, which were made by the men who left us and went by land. With them we staid till day, then again embarked in our batteaux. The weather was very bad, (it snowed fast all day ;) near night we arrived at Oswegatchy. I was almost starved to death, but hoped to stay in this Indian town till warm weather ; slept in an Indian wigwam, rose early in the morning, (being Thursday,) and soon to my grief discovered my disappointment. Several of the prisoners had leave to tarry here, but I must go two hun- dred miles further down stream, to another Indian town. The moving being extremely cold, I applied to a French merchant or trader for some old rags of clothing, for I was almost naked, but to no purpose. About ten o'clock, I was ordered into a boat, to go down the river, with eight or nine Indians, one of whom was the man wounded in the skirmish before mentioned.* At night we went on shore ; the snow being much deeper than before, we cleared it away and made a large fire. Here, when the wound- ed Indian cast his eyes upon me, his old grudge revived ; he took my blanket from me and commanded me to dance round the fire barefoot, and sing the prisoner's song, which I utterly refused. This surprised one of my fellow-prisoners, who told me they would put me to death, for he understood what they said. He therefore tried to persuade me to comply, but I de- sired him to let me alone, and was through great mercy enabled to reject his importunity with abhorrence. This Indian also continued urging, saying, you shall dance and sing ; but ap- prehending my compliance sinful, I determined to persist in declining it at all adventures, and leave the issue to the divine disposal. The Indian, perceiving his orders disobeyed, was fired with indignation, and endeavored to push me into the fire, which I leaped over, and he, being weak with his wounds, and * The author probably refers to the time he was taken. Ed ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 271 not being assisted by any of his brethren, was obliged to desist. For this gracious interposure of Providence, in preserving me both from sin and danger, I desire to bless God while I live. Friday morning I was almost perished with cold. Saturday we proceeded on our way, and soon came in sight of the uppei part of the inhabitants of Canada. Here I was in great hopes of some relief, not knowing the manner of the Indians, who do not make many stops among the French in their return from war till they get home. However, when they came neai some rapid falls of water, one of my fellow-prisoners and several Indians, together with myself, were put on shore to travel by land, which pleased me well ; it being much warmer running on the snow than to lie still in the batteau. We passed by several French houses, but stopped at none ; the vessel going down a rapid stream, it required haste to keep pace with her, and we crossed over a point of land and found the batteau waiting for us, as near the shore as the ice would permit. Here we left the St. Lawrence and turned up Conasadauga river, but it being frozen up, we hauled our batteau on shore, and each of us took our share of her loading on our backs, and marched towards Conasadauga, an Indian town, which was our designed port, but could not reach it that night. We came to a French house, cold, weary, and hungry. Here my old friend, the wounded Indian, again appeared, and related to the Frenchman the affair of my refusing to dance, who immedi- ately assisted him to strip me of my flannel vest, which was my all. Now they were resolved to compel me to dance and sing. The Frenchman was as violent as the Indian in pro- moting this imposition ; but the woman belonging to the house seeing the rough usage I had, took pity on me and rescued me out of their hands, till their heat was over, and prevailed with the Indian to excuse me from dancing, but he insisted that I must be shaved, and then he would let me alone. (I had at that time a long beard, which the Indians hate.) With this motion I readily complied, and then they seemed contented. Sunday, April llth, we set off towards Conasadauga, and travelled about two hours, when we saw the town over a great river, which was still frozen. The Indians stopped, and we were soon joined with a number of our own company, which we had not seen for several days. The prisoners, in number eight, were ordered to lay down their packs, and be painted. The wounded Indian painted me, and put a belt of wampum round my neck, instead of the rope I had worn four hundred miles. Then we set off for the town on the ice, which was four miles over. Our heads were not allowed to be covered, lest our fine paint should be hid, the weather in the mean time 272 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. very cold, like to freeze our ears. After we had advanced nearer to the town, the Indian women came out to meet us, and relieved their hushands of their packs. As soon as we landed at Conasadauga a large body of In dians came and encompassed us round, and ordered the prison- ers to dance and sing the prisoner's song, (which I was still enabled to decline.) At the conc.usion they gave a shout, and opened the ring to let us run, and then fell on us with their fists, and knocked several down. In the mean time, one ran before to direct us to an Indian house which was open, and as soon as we got in we were safe from beating. My head was sore with bruises, and pained me several days. The squaws were kind to us, gave us boiled corn and beans to eat, and fire, to warm us, which was a great mercy, for I was both cold and hungry. This town lies about thirty miles north-west of Mont- real. I staid here till the ice was gone, which was about ten days, and then was sent to Cohnewago, in company with some Indians, who, when they came within hearing, gave notice by their way of shouting that they had a prisoner, on which the whole town rose to welcome me, which was the more distress- ing as there was no other prisoner in their hands. When we came near shore, a stout Indian took hold of me, and hauled me into the water, which was knee deep, and very cold. As soon as I got ashore the Indians gathered round me, ordered me to dance and sing, although I was stiff with cold and wet, and lying long in the canoe. I only stamped to prepare for my race, and was encompassed with about five hundred Indians, who danced and sung, and at last gave a shout and opened the circle. About one hundred and fifty Indian lads made ready to pelt me with dirt and gravel-stones, and on my starting off gave me a smart volley, but from which I did not suffer much hurt. An Indian seeing me running, met me, seized and held me fast, till the boys had stored themselves again with small stones, and then let me go. Now I fared much worse than before, for a small stone among the mud hit my right eye, and my head and face were so covered with the dirt that I could scarce see my way ; but discovering the door of an Indian house standing open, I ran in. From this retreat I was soon dragged to be pelted more, but the Indian women, being more merciful, interposed, took me into a house, brought me water to wash, and gave me boiled corn and beans to eat. The next day I was brought to the centre of the town and cried accord- ing to the Indian custom, in order to be sent to a family of Indians two hundred miles up stream, at Oswegatchy, and there to be adopted and abused no more. To this end I was delivered to three young men, who said I was their brother ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 273 and set forward on our way to the aforesaid town, with about twenty more, but by reason of bad weather we were obliged to encamp on a cold, stony shore three days, and then proceed- ed on. We called at Conasadauga, staid there about a week, in which time I went and viewed four houses at a distance from the town, about a quarter of a mile from each other, in which are represented in large paintings the sufferings of our Savior, designed to draw the Indians to the papist's religion. The work is curiously dons. A little further stand three houses near together, on a high hill, which they call mount Calvary, with three large crosses before them, which completes the whole representation. To all these houses the papists and Indians repair, in performing their grand processions, which takes up much time. The pains the papists take to propagate such a bloody reli- gion is truly surprising ; and the zeal they employ to propagate superstition and idolatry should make Protestants ashamed of their lukewarmness. A priest asked me " if I was a Catho- lic." I answered him, "no;" to which he replied, "no bon." When I told a fellow-captive of this, he said by my answer the priest understood that I was not a Christian. Shortly aftei another asked me the same question, and I answered, " yes, but not a Roman Catholic ;" but he too said " no bon ! no bon ! " We next set off on our journey for Oswegatchy, against a rapid stream, and being long in it, and our provisions growing short, the Indians put to shore a little before night. My lot was to get wood, others were ordered to get fires, and some to hunt. Our kettle was put over the fire with some pounded Indian corn, and after it had boiled about two hours my oldest Indian brother returned with a she beaver, big with young, which he soon cut to pieces and threw into the kettle, together with the guts, and took the four young beavers whole as they were found in embryo, and put them likewise into the kettle, and when all was well boiled, gave each of us a large dish full of the broth, of which we eat freely, and then part of the old beaver ; the tail of which was divided equally among us, there being eight at our fire. The four young beavers were cut in the middle, and each of us got half a beaver. I watched for an opportunity to hide my share, (having satisfied myself be- fore that tender dish came to hand,) which if they had seen would have much displeased them.* The other Indians catch- * The reader will observe here a parallel custom to that in practice a hundred years before among the Indians who carried off Stockwell. They compelled him to diink raccoon fat because he wished to save some of the flesh of one for another time. See Stockwell's Narrative. ^Ed. 18 274 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. ed young muskrats, thrust a stick through their bodies, and roasted it without skinning or dressing, and so eat them. Next morning we hastened on our journey, which continued several days, till we came near Oswegatchy, where we landed about three miles from the town on the contrary side of the river. Here I was to be adopted. My father and mother, whom I had never seen before, were waiting, and ordered me into an Indian house, where we were directed to sit down silent for a considerable time. The Indians appeared very sad, and my mother began to cry, and continued to cry aloud for some time, and then dried up her tears and received me for her son, and took me over the river to the Indian town. The next day I was ordered to go to mass with them, but I refused once and again ; yet they continued their importunities several days. Seeing they could not prevail with me, they seemed much dis- pleased with their new son. I was then sent over the river to be employed in hard labor, as a punishment for not going to mass, and not allowed a sight of or any conversation with my fellow-prisoners. The old Indian man with whom I was ordered to work had a wife and children. He took me into the woods with him, and made signs for me to chop, and he soon saw that I could handle the axe. Here I tried to rec- oncile myself to this employ, that they might have no occasion against me, except concerning the law of my God. The old man began to appear kind, and his wife gave me milk and bread when we came home, and when she got fish, gave me the gills to eat, out of real kindness ; but perceiving I did not like them, gave me my own choice, and behaved lovingly. When we had finished our fence, which had employed us about a week, I showed the old squaw my shirt, (having worn it from the time I was first taken prisoner, which was about seven weeks,) all in rags, dirt and lice. She said it was not good, and brought me a new one with ruffled sleeves, saying " that is good," which I thankfully accepted. The next day they carried me back to the Indian town, and permitted me to con- verse with my fellow-prisoners. They told me we were all to be sent to Montreal, which accordingly came to pass. On our arrival at Montreal we had our lodgings first in the Jesuits' convent, where I saw a great number of priests and people who came to confession. After some stay we were ordered to attend with the Indians in a grand council, held before the head general, Vaudreuil. We prisoners sat in our rank, (surrounded with our fathers and brethren,) but were asked no questions. The general had a number of officers to attend him in council, where a noted priest, called Picket, sat at his right hand, who understands the Indian tongue well ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 275 and does more hurt to the English than any other of his order in Canada. His dwelling is at Oswegatchy. Here I was in- formed that some measures were concerted to destroy Oswego, which had been long in agitation. We met on our journey many batteaux going up stream, with provision and men for an attack on our frontiers, which confirmed the report. The council adjourned to another day, and then broke up. My Indian father and mother took me with them to several of their old acquaintances, who were French, to show them their lately adopted son. These persons had been concerned with my father and other Indians in destroying many English families in their younger days, and, (as one standing by who under- stood their language said,) were boasting of their former mur- ders ! After some days the council was again called, before which several of the Oneida chiefs appeared and offered some complaints against the French's attacking our carrying place, it being their land. But the general labored to make them easy, and gave them sundry presents of value, which they accepted. The French are exceedingly careful to prevent spirituous liquors being sold among the Indians, and if any inhabitant is proved guilty of it, their temporal interest is quite broken, and corporal punishment is inflicted on such offenders Herein the French are vastly superior to us. The Indians do not fear our numbers, (which they deride,) because of our un- happy divisions, in consequence of which they expect to con- quer us entirely. Knowing these Oneidas were acquainted with Capt. Wil- liams, at the carrying place, I sent a letter by them to let my family and friends know that I was yet alive, and lodged for redemption ; but it never came to hand. The treaty being ended, the general sent about ten gallons of red wine to the Indians, which they divided among us. Afterwards came the presents, consisting of coats, blankets, shirts, skins, (to make Indian shoes,) cloth, (for stockings,) powder, lead-shot, and to each a bag of paint for their own use, &c. After we prisoners had our share my mother came to me with an interpreter, and told me I might stay in the town at a place she had found for me, if I pleased. This proposal I almost agreed to, but one of my fellow-prisoners, with whom I had had before some discourse about making our escape, op- posed the motion, and said, " Pray do not stay, for, if you do, we shall not be able to form a plan for our deliverance." So I told her I chose to go home with her, and soon set off by land, in our way thither, to Laschene, distant from Montreal about nine miles. Here we left our canoes, and proceeded without delay on our journey, in which I saw, to my sorrow, 276 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. great numbers of soldiers and much provisions in motion towards lake Ontario. After a painful and distressing jour- ney, we arrived at Oswegatchy, where we likewise saw many batteaux, with provisions and.soldiers, daily passing by in their way to Frontenac, which greatly distressed me for Oswego. Hence I resolved, if possible, to give our people notice of their danger. To this end, I told two of my fellow-prisoners tha it was not a time to sleep, and asked them if they would go with me, to which they heartily agreed. But we had no pro- vision, and were closely eyed by the enemy, so that we could not lay up a stock out of our allowance. However, at this time, Mr. Picket had concluded to dig a large trench round the town. I therefore went to a negro, the principal manager of this work, (who could speak English, French, and Indian well,) and asked him if he could get employ for two others and myself, which he soon did. For this service we were to have meat, [board,] and wages. Here we had a prospect of procuring provision for our flight. This, after some time, I obtained for myself, and then asked my brethren if they were ready. They said " they were not ydl, but that Ann Bow- man (our fellow-prisoner) had brought one hundred and thirty dollars from Bull's fort, [when it was destroyed, as has been related,] and would give them all they needed." I told them it was not safe to disclose such a secret to her, but they blamed me for entertaining such fears, and applied to her for provi- sions, letting her know our intention. She immediately in- formed the priest of it ! We were forthwith apprehended, the Indians informed of it, and a court called. Four of us were ordered by this court to be confined in a room, under a strong guard, within the fort, for several days. From hence, another and myself were sent to Cohnewago, under a strong guard of sixty Indians, to prevent my plotting any more against the French, and to banish all hope of my escape ! When we arrived at this place, it pleased God to incline the captain of the guard to show me great kindness in giving me liberty to walk or work where I pleased, within any small dis- tance. I went to work with a French smith for six livres and five sous per week. This sum the captain let me have to my- self, and further favored me with the privilege of lodging at his mother's house, (an English woman named Mary Harris, taken captive when a child from Deerfield, in New England,) who told me she was my grandmother, and was kind ; bu the wages being small, and not sufficient to procure such cloth- ng as I was in want of, I proceeded no farther with the smith, but went to my uncle Peter, and told him I wanted clothes, and that it would be better to let me go to Montreal, and work OBERT EAST.BURN'8 CAPTIVITY. 277 there, where I could clothe myself better than by staying with him. He after some reasoning consented. I set off on my journey to Montreal, and on my entering the city met an English smith, who took me to \vork with him. After some time we settled to work in a shop opposite the general's door, where we had an opportunity of seeing a great part of the forces of Canada, both French and Indians, who were commonly brought there before their going out to war, and likewise all prisoners. By this means we got intelligence how our people Avere preparing for defence ; but no good news from Oswego, which made me fear, knowing that great num- bers of French had gone out against it, and hearing there were but few to defend it. Prayers were put up in all the churches of Canada, and great processions made, in order to procure success to their arms against poor Oswego ; but our people knew little of their danger till it was too late. For, to my surprise, the dismal news came that the French had taken one of the Oswego forts. In a few hours, in confirmation of this news, I saw the Eng- lish standards, the melancholy trophies of victory, and the French rejoicing at our downfall, and mocking us, poor pri- soners, in our exile and extremity, which was no great argu- ment either of humanity or true greatness of mind. Great joy appeared in all their faces, which they expressed in loud shouts, firing of cannon, and returning thanks in their churches. But our faces were covered with shame, and our hearts filled with grief !* Soon after, I saw several of the officers brought in prisoners in small parties, and soldiers in the same manner, who were confined within the wallj [of the fort] in a starving condition, in order to make them work, which some complied with, while others bravely refused ; and last of all came the tradesmen, among whom was my son, who, looking round, saw me, to his great surprise, for he had supposed I was dead. This joyful sight so affected him that he wept ; nor could I refrain from the express.! .n of a father's tenderness, in the same kind, upon so extraordinary an occasion ; it was far more than I can dis- close in writing, and therefore must cover it with a veil of silence. But he, with all my Philadelphia friends, being guarded by soldiers, with fixed bayonets, we could not come near each other. They were sent to the common pound, but I hastened to the interpreter to try to get my son set at liberty, which was soon effected. When we had the happh:ess of an interview, he gave me some information of the state of our * Oswego was taken July 15th, 1756, and 1400 English were made prisoners. Ed. 278 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. family, and told me that, as soon as the news reached home that 1 was killed or taken, his mother was not allowed any further wages of mine, which grieved me much, and added to my other afflictions. In the mean time it gave me some pleasure in this situation to see an expression of equal affection and prudence in my son's conduct, who, though young in years, (about seventeen,) that he, in such a confused state of things, had taken care to bring, with much labor and fatigue, a large bundle, of consi- derable value to me, of clothing, &c., of which I was in great need. He likewise saved a quantity of wampum which we brought from New York, and afterwards sold it here for one hundred and fifty livres. He travelled with me part of the journey towards Oswego, but not being so far on his way as J was when taken, did not fall into the enemy's hands until that place was taken. At that time he was delivered in a remarkable manner from a wretched captivity among distant Indians. His escape was in this manner : fifteen young white prisoners were selected out to be delivered into their power, who, from a well-known custom among the Indians, there was no doubt, were to supply the places of those they had lost in the war. Of this number was my son. The French artfully concealed their destination, and pretended they were designed to labor in the batteaux. My son, seeing that most of the selection were small lads, doubted their pretensions, for they were not equal to such performance. Watching his opportu- nity, he slipped from his place in the ranks unnoticed, and lay concealed until his place was filled by another. The other unhappy youths were delivered up a sacrifice to the Indian enemy, to be instructed in popish principles, and be employed in murdering their countrymen, yea, perhaps, their own fa- thers, mothers, and brethren ! O horrible ! O lamentable ! The insatiable thirst of the French for empire* is height- ened, doubtless, from the pardons they receive from the pope and their priests, [as will appear from the following facts :] On a Sabbath day I went to see what was the occasion of a great concourse of people at a chapel. I found a kind of fair, at which were sold cakes, wine, brandy, &c. Numbers of people were going in and out of the chapel, over the door of which was a board hanging, and on it was written, in large capital letters, " Indulgence plenary, or full pardon." To return to my narrative. * The author wished probably to convey the idea that the French might commit any crimes in the acquisition of empire, without fear of fijtur punishment, so long as they availed themselves of absolution, which i< appears, from his next paragraph, was very prominently held forth. Ed. ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 279 When the people taken at Oswego were setting out on their way to Quebec, I made application for liberty to go with them, but the interpreter said I was an Indian prisoner, and the general would not suffer it till the Indians were satisfied ; and as they lived two hundred miles from Montreal, it could not be done at that time. Finding that all arguments on that head would not avail, because I was not included in the capitu- lation, I told the interpreter my son must go and leave me, to be ready at Quebec to go home when the Oswego people went, which probably would be soon. He replied, " It would be better to keep him with me, for it might be a mean to get me clear much sooner." The officers belonging to Oswego would gladly have had me with them, but found it impracticable. This was an in- stance of kindness and condescension for which I was greatly obliged. Capt. Bradley gave me a good coat, vest, and shirt, and a young gentleman, who formerly lived in Philadelphia, (by name James Stone, doctor at Oswego,) gave me four pis- toles. These expressions of kindness I remember with grati- tude, and, if ever in my power, will requite. This money, with what my son brought me, I was in hopes would go far towards procuring my release from my Indian masters. But seeing a number of prisoners in sore distress, among whom were Capt. Grant and Capt. Shepherd, and about seven more in company, I thought it my duty to relieve them, and commit my release to the disposal of Providence, nor was this suffered to turn to my disadvantage in the issue, for my deliverance was brought about in due time, in another and unexpected way. This company informed me of their intention to escape ; accordingly I gave them all the help in my power, saw them clear of the town on a Saturday evening, before the sentries were set at the gates, and advised them not to part from each other, and delivered to Capt. Shepherd two pocket compasses ; but, contrary to this counsel, they parted, and saw each other no more. By their separating, Captain Grant and Sergeant Newel were deprived of the benefit of a compass ; the others got safe to fort William Henry, as I was informed by Sergeant Hen- ry, who was brought in prisoner, being taken in a battle, when the gallant and indefatigable Capt. Rogers made a brave stand against more than twice his number.* But I have not heard * About the 21st of May, 1756, Capt. Rogers, with only eleven men, am- bushed the carrying place between lakes George and Champlain, fired on a party of twenty-two Frenchmen, and killed six. He had let another party of 118 men pass only "a few minutes before," who immediately returned and rescued the others, and obliged the English to fly. Rogers says nothing about having any of his men taken, but took one himself. Rogers' Journal. Ed. o 280 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. any account of Capt. Grant. I was enabled, through much mercy, to continue communicating relief to other prisoners out of the wages I received for my labors, which was forty livrea per month. In the latter part of winter, coal and iron were so scarce that it was difficult to get work. I then offered to work for my board, rather than to be thrust into a stinking dungeon, or sent among the Indians. The interpreter took some pains, which I thankfully acknowledge, without success, in my behalf. However, as I offered to work without wages, a Frenchman took me and my son in upon these terms. Here we staid one week, and hearing of no other chance, our employer offered us thirty livres a month to blow the bellows and strike, which I did for about two months, and then was discharged, and travelled about, from place to place, having no fixed abode. In this dilemma I was obliged to spend my little earnings for food to live upon, and my lodging was the hay-loft. I then made my case known to the kind interpreter, and requested him to consider of some means for my relief. He said he would. Meanwhile, as I was taking a walk in the city, I met an Indian prisoner [a prisoner among them] that belonged to the town where my father lived. He reported that a great part of the Indians there had just arrived with the resolution to carry me back with them ; and knowing him to be a very honest fellow, I believed him, and fled from the town, and concealed myself from the Indians. Schemes were now formed for an escape, and well prosecuted to a fortunate issue. General Vaudveuil gave me and my son liberty (under his hand) to go Jo Quebec, and to work there at our pleasure, without confine- ment, as prisoners of war. By this means I was freed from paying a ransom. The commissary, Monsieur Portwee, [?] being about to set off for Quebec, my son informed me I must come to town in the evening, a passage being provided for us. I waited till near dark, and then entered the town with great caution, to escape the Indians, who kept watch for me, and had done so for some time, which made it very difficult and dangerous to move ; but as they had no knowledge of my son, he could watch their motions without suspicion. In the morning, upon seeing an Indian set to watch for me over against the house I was in, I quickly made my escape through the back part of the house, over some high pickets, and so out of the city to the river-side, and fled. A friend, knowing my scheme for deliverance, kindly assisted me to conceal myself. The commissary had now got ready for his voyage, of which my son gave me no- ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 281 tice. With no lingering motion I repaired to the boat, was received on board, got off undiscovered, and saw the Indians no more ! A very narrow and surprising escape from, a violent death ! for they had determined to kill me if ever I attempted to leave them. I arrived at Quebec May 1st. The honorable Col. Peter Schuyler, hearing of my coming there, kindly sent for me, and after inquiries about my welfare generously told me I should be supplied, and need not trouble myself for support. This public-spirited gentleman, who is indeed an honor to his coun- try, did in like manner nobly relieve many other poor prisoners at Quebec. Here I had full liberty to walk where I pleased to view the city, which is well situated for strength, but far from being impregnable. Here, I hope, it will not be judged improper to give a short hint of the French governor's conduct. Even in time of peace he gives the Indians great encouragement to murder and cap- tivate the poor inhabitants on our frontiers.* An honest good man, named William Ross, was taken prisoner twice in time of peace. When he was first taken he learned a little of the French language, was afterwards redeemed, and got to his place of abode. Some years after, he, with two sons, was again taken, and brought to Quebec. The governor seeing the poor man was lame, and that one of his legs was smaller than the other, reproved the Indians for not killing him, asking them " what they brought a lame man there for who could do nothing but eat ! You should have brought his scalp !" However, another of his countrymen, more merciful than his excellency, knowing the poor prisoner to be a quiet, hard- working man, redeemed him from the Indians, and two other Frenchmen bought his two sons. Here they had been slaves more than three years when I first arrived at Quebec. This account I had from Mr. Ross himself, who further added, that the governor gave the Indians presents to encourage them to proceed in that kind of work, which is a scandal to any civil- ized nation, and what many pagans would abhor. Here, also, I saw one Mr. Johnson, who was taken in a time of peace, with his wife and three small children. A fourth was born on the way, whom Mrs. Johnson named Captive. t All of these had been prisoners between three and four years. Several * The author certainly discovers great care for veracity in the course of his narrative, but he may have erred here. We hope he has. Ed. f On Mrs. Johnson's return out of captivity she had published a very full and excellent account of it, which has gone through at least four editions since 1796. The last (Lowell. 1834) is qu'* 'mperfect. Ed 24* 282 ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. young men, and Mr. Johnson's wife's sister, were likewise taken with them, and made slaves. Our cartel being ready, I obtained liberty to go to England in her. We set sail the 23d of July, 1757, in the morning, and discharged our pilot about four o'clock in the afternoon. After that we neither cast anchor nor lead till we got clear of the great river St. Lawrence ; from which I conclude the navi- gation to be much safer than the French have reported. In 28 days we arrived at Plymouth, which occasioned great joy [to us], for we were ragged, lousy, sick, and in a manner starved ; and many of the prisoners, (who were in all about three hundred,) were sick of the small -pox. Myself and son having each a blanket coat, (which we bought in Canada to keep us warm,) and now expecting relief, gave them to poor sick men, almost naked. We were not allowed to go en shore, but were removed to a king's ship, and sent to Ports- mouth, where we were still confined on board near two weeks, and then removed to the Mermaid, to be sent to Boston. We now repented our well-meant though rash charity in giving our coats away, as we were not to get any more ; all applica- tions to the captain for any kind of covering being in vain. Our joy was turned into sorrow at the prospect of coming on a cold coast, in the beginning of winter, almost naked, which was not a little increased by a near view of our mother country ; the soil and comforts of which we were not suffered to touch or taste.* September the 6th we sailed for Boston, with a fleet in con- voy, at which we arrived on the 7th of November, in the evening. It being dark, and we strangers and poor, it was dif- ficult to get a lodging. I had no shoes, and but pieces of stockings, and the weather very cold. We were indeed directed to a tavern, but found cold entertainment there ; the master of the house, seeing a ragged and lousy company, turned us out to wander in the dark. He was suspicious of us, and feared we came from Halifax, where the small-pox then was, and told us he was ordered not to receive such as came from thence. We soon met a young man who said he cou'J find lodgings for us, but still detained us by asking many questions. I told him we were in no condition to answer them till we came to a more comfortable place, which * Such barbarous treatment of poor prisoners, by a government like that of England, who had hazarded their lives in its cause, is almost incredible. Thus brutes might treat men, but men will not deal so with n>en. A miserable old cartel hulk may contain germs destined to shake the thrones of tyrants. Ed. ROBERT EASTBURN'S CAPTIVITY. 283 he quickly found, where we were used well ; but as we were lousy, we could not expect beds. The next morning we made application for clothing. Mr Erving, son-in-law to the late General Shirley, gave us relief, not only in respect of apparel, but also three dollars per man, to bear our charges to Newport. When I put on fresh clothes I was seized with a cold fit, which was followed by a high fever, and in that condition obliged to travel on foot as far as Providence, in our way to Rhode Island. In this journey I was exceedingly distressed. Our comforts in this life are often embittered with miseries, which are doubtless great mercies when they are suitably improved. At Newport we met with Captain Gibbs, and agreed with him for our passage to New York, where we arrived, November 21st, and met with many friends, who expressed much satisfaction at our return, and treated us kindly, particularly Mr. Livingston and Mr. Wal- dron. November the 26th, 1757, I arrived at Philadelphia, to the great joy of all my friends, and particularly of my poor afflicted wife and family, who thought they should never see me again, till we met beyond the grave. Being returned, sick and weak in body, and empty-handed, not having any thing for my fam- ily's and my own support, several humane and generous per- sons, of different denominations, in this city, without any appli- cation of mine, have freely given seasonable relief. For which may God grant them blessings in this world, and in the world to come everlasting life, for Christ's sake ! But to hasten to the conclusion, suffer me with humility and sorrow to observe that our enemies seem to make a better use of a bad religion than we do of a good one. They rise up long before day in winter and go through the snow in the coldest seasons to perform their devotions in the churches. When these are over they return, to be ready for their work as soon as daylight appears. The Indians are as zealous in religion as the French. They oblige their children to pray morning and evening, particularly at Canasadauga. Our case appears to me indeed gloomy, notwithstanding our enemies are inconsiderable in numbers, compared with us ; yet they are united as one man, while we may justly be compared to a house divided against itself, and therefore cannot stand long in our present situation. May Almighty God graciously incline us to look to him for deliverance, to repent of our sins, reform our lives, and unite in the vigorous and manly use of aJl proper means to this end. AMEN. 284 NARRATIVE )P THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SETTLEMENT OF GREEN- BRIER, VIRGINIA, TOGETHER WITH THE CAPTURE AND SURPRISING CONDUCT OF MRS. CLENDENIN, WHO WAS AMONG THOSE WHO ESCAPED THE TOMAHAWK OF THE INDIANS AT THAT MASSACRE. [Whether the following narrative was ever in print, except as it stands in Mr. Martin's Gazetteer of Virginia, I have never learned. It would seem from the following note accompanying it in that work, "that it was extracted from memoirs of Indian wars on the western frontiers of Vir- ginia, communicated to the Philosophical Society of Virginia, by Charles A. Stuart, Esq., of Augusta Co." Ed.] AFTER peace was confirmed between England and France in the year 1761, the Indians commenced hostilities in 1763,* when all the inhabitants in Greenbrier were totally cut off by a party of Indians, headed by the chief warrior Cornstalk. t The principal settlements were on Muddy Creek. These Indians, in number about sixty, introduced themselves into the people's houses under the mask of friendship, where every civility was offered them by the people, providing them with * Hostilities had not ceased between the whites and the Indians, as will be seen by a reference to the CHRONICLES OF THE INDIANS lor this and the preceding years. Ed. fThe life and barbarous death of this great chief aie iven at length in the BOOK OF THE INDIANS, v. 42, 44. Ed MRS. CLENDENIN'S CAPTIVITY. 285 victuals and other accommodations for their entertainment, when, on a sudden, they fall upon and kill the men, and make prisoners of the women and children. From thence they passed over into the Levels, where some families were collected at the house of Archibald Clendenin, where the Honorable Balard Smith now lives. There were between fifty and one hundred persons, men, women and children. There the Indians were entertained, as at Muddy Creek, in the most hos- pitable manner. Mr. Clendenin had just arrived from a hunt, with three fat elks, upon which they were feasted in a boun- tiful manner. In the mean time an old woman, with a sore leg, was show- ing her distress to an Indian, and inquiring if he could admin- ister to her any relief. He said he thought he could, and drawing his tomahawk, instantly killed her, and all the men, almost, that were in the house. One, named Conrad Yolkom, only escaped. He, being at some distance from the house, was alarmed by the cries and shrieks of the women and children, fled with all his might to Jackson's river, and alarmed the peo- ple there. They however were loath to believe his tale until they saw the Indians approaching. All fled before them ; and they pursued on to Carr's Creek, in Rockbridge county, where many families were killed and taken by them. At Clendenin'j a scene of much cruelty was performed, not only by the Indian? but some such as the terrors of their approach influenced thereto In this I refer to an act committed by a negro woman, who v escaping from the Indians killed her own child, whose crie.< she had reason to fear would lead to her capture ! Mrs. Clendenin did not fail to abuse the Indians with hei tongue, with the most reproachful epithets she could command although the tomahawk was brandishing at the same moment overhead ; but instead of bringing it down upon her, the less effectual means of silencing her clamors was resorted to, namely, lashing her in the face and eyes with the bleeding scalp of her dead husband ! The provisions were all taken over to Muddy Creek, and a party of Indians retained them there till the return of the oth- ers from Carr's Creek, when the whole were marched off to- gether. On the day they started from the foot of Kenney's Knob, going over the mountain, Mrs. Clendenin gave her infant child to another female prisoner, to carry, to relieve her for a few paces, and in a few moments after, a favorable opportunity offering for escape, she improved it with such alacrity into a dense thicket which they were at the time pass- ing, that not an Indian saw her or could tell which way she Teent. The opportunity was rendered more favorable by the ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. manner in which the Indians at the time were marching They had placed the prisoners in the centre, and dividing themselves into two companies, one marched before them and the other followed in their rear, having each flank open, and this gave her the desired chance of escape. It was not until all had left the place that the cries of Mrs. Clendenin's child caused the Indians to inquire for its mother. When they found she had made her escape, a monster Indian observed " he would bring the cow to her calf," and taking the infant by the heels, dashed out its brains against a tree ! and as though this was not enough, the miscreant throwing it down into the van, the whole company inarched over it, the hoofs of the horses tearing out its bowels, and the feet of the Indians tracked the grouad as they went with its blood ! Mrs. Clendenin returned that night to her own house, a dis- tance of more than ten miles. Here she found her husband's dead body, which she covered with rails. She found him as he had been killed, with one of his children in his arms. He was shot down as he was making his escape over a fence. She now returned to her friends ; and thus ends the remark- able, though short captivity of a woman, more to be admired for her courage than some other qualities not less desirable in the female character. NARRATIVE JF THE CAPTIVITY OP ALEXANDER HENRY, ESQ., WHO, IN THE TIME OF PONTIAK'S WAR, FELL INTO THE HANDS OF THE HURON INDIANS. DETAILING A FAITHFUL ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF THE GARRISON OF MICHILIMACKI- NAC, AND THE MASSACRE OF ABOUT NINETY PEOPLE. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. [Mr. Henry was an Indian trader in America for about sixteen years. He came to Canada with the army of General Amherst, and pre- viou? tc his being made prisoner by the Indians experienced a variety of fortune. His narrative, as will be seen, is written with great candor as well as ability, and to the discriminating reader needs no encomium. He was living in Montreal in 1809, as appears from the date of his pre- face to his Travels, which he published in New York that year, with a dedi- cation to Sir Joseph Banks. Ed.] WHEN I reached Michilimackinac I found several other traders, who had arrived before me, from different parts of the country, and who, in general, declared the dispositions of the Indians to be hostile to the English, and even apprehended ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 287 some attack. M. Laurent Ducharme distinctly informed Major Etherington that a plan was absolutely conceived for destroying him, his garrison and all the English in the upper country ; but the commandant believing this and other reports to be without foundation, proceeding only from idle or ill-disposed persons, and of a tendency to do mischief, express- ed much displeasure against M. Ducharme, and threatened to send the next person who should bring a story of the same kind, a prisoner, to Detroit. The garrison, at this time, consisted of ninety privates, two subalterns and the commandant ; and the English merchants at the fort were four in number. Thus strong, few entertained anxiety concerning the Indians, who had no weapons but small arms. Meanwhile, the Indians, from every quarter, were daily assembling, in unusual numbers, but with every appearance of friendship, frequenting the fort, and disposing of their peltries, in such a manner as to dissipate almost every one's fears. For myself, on one occasion, I took the liberty of observing to Major Etherington that, in my judgment, no confidence ought to be placed in them, and that I was informed no less than four hundred lay around the fort. In return the major only rallied me on my timidity ; and it is to be confessed that if this officer neglected admonition, on his part, so did I on mine. Shortly after my first ariival at Michilimackinac, in the preceding year, a Chippeway, named Wawatam, began to come often to my house, betraying in his demeanor strong marks of personal regard. After this had continued some time, he came on a certain day, bringing with him his whole family, and at the same time a large present, consisting of skins, sugar and dried meat. Having laid these in a heap, he commenced a speech, in which he informed me that some years before he had observed a fast, devoting him- self, according to the custom of his nation, to solitude, and to the mortification of his body, in the hope to obtain, from the Great Spirit, protection through all his days ; that on this occasion he had dreamed of adopting an Englishman as his son, brother and friend ; that from the moment in which he first beheld me he had recognised me as the person whom the Great Spirit had been pleased to point out to him fora brother; that he hoped that I would not refuse his present ; and that he should forever regard me as one of his family. I could do no otherwise than accept the present, and declare my willingness to have so good a man as this appeared to be for my friend and brother. I offered a present in return for that which I had received, which Wawatam accepted, and then 288 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. thanking me for the favor which he said that I had rendered him, he left me, and soon after set out on his winter's hunt. Twelve months had now elapsed since the occurrence of this incident, and I had almost forgotten the person of my brother, when, on the second day of June, Wawatam came again to my house, in a temper of mind visibly melancholy and thoughtful. He told me that he had just returned from his wintering ground, and I asked after his health ; but without answering my question, he went on to say, that he was sorry to find me returned from the Sault ; that he intended to go to that place himself, immediately after his arrival at Michili- mackinac ; and that he wished me to go there along with him and his family the next morning. To all this he joined an inquiry, whether or not the commandant had heard bad news, adding that during the winter he had himself been frequently disturbed with the noise of evil birds ; and further suggesting that there were numerous Indians near the fort, many of whom had never shown themselves within it. Wawatam was about forty-five years of age, of an excellent character among his nation, and a chief. Referring much of what I heard to the peculiarities of the Indian character, I did not pay all the attention which they will be found to have deserved to the entreaties and remarks of my visitor. I answered that I could not think of going to the Sault so soon as the next morning, but would follow him there after the arrival of my clerks. Finding himself unable to prevail with me, he withdrew for that day ; but early the next morning he came again, bringing with him his wife, and a present of dried meat. At this interview, after stating that he had several packs of beaver, for which he intended to deal with me, he expressed a second time his apprehensions from the numerous Indians who were round the fort, and ear- nestly pressed me to consent to an immediate departure for the Sault. As a reason for this particular request, he assured me that all the Indians proposed to come in a body, that day, to the fort, to demand liquor of the commandant, and that he wished me to be gone before they should grow intoxicated. I had made, at the period to which I am now referring, so much progress in the language in which Wawatam addressed me, as to be able to hold an ordinary conversation in it ; but the Indian manner of speech is so extravagantly figurative that it is only for a perfect master to follow and comprehend it entirely. Had I been further advanced in this respect, I think that I should have gathered so much information, from this my friendly monitor, ai> would have put me into possession of the design of the enemy, and enabled me to save as well others as ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 289 myself; as it was, it unfortunately happened that I turned a deaf ear to every thing, leaving Wawatam and his wife, after long and patient, but ineffectual efforts, to depart alone, with dejected countenances, and not before they had each let fall some tears. In the course of the same day, I observed that the Indians came in great numbers into the fort, purchasing tomahawks, (small axes of one pound weight,) and frequently desiring to see silver arm-bands, and other valuable ornaments, of which I had a large quantity for sale. The ornaments, however, they in no instance purchased, but, after turning them over, left them, saying that they would call again the next day. Their motive, as it afterward appeared, was no other than the very artful one of discovering, by requesting to see them, the par- ticular places of their deposit, so that they might lay their hands on them in the moment of pillage with the greater cer- tainty and dispatch. At night, I turned in my mind the visits of Wawatam ; but, though they were calculated to excite uneasiness, nothing in- duced me to believe that serious mischief was at hand. The next day, being the fourth of June, was the king's birth-day. The morning was sultry. A Chippeway came to tell me that his nation was going to play at baggatiway, with the Sacs or Saakies, another Indian nation, for a high wager. He invited me to witness the sport, adding that the commandant was to be there, and would bet on the side of the Chippeways. In consequence of this information, I went to the commandant, and expostulated with him a little, representing that the Indians might possibly have some sinister end in view ; but the com- mandant only smiled at my suspicions. Baggatiway, called by the Canadians le jeu de la crosse, is played with a bat and ball. The bat is about four feet in length, curved, and terminating in a sort of racket. Two posts are planted in the ground, at a considerable distance from each other, as a mile or more. Each party has its post, and the game consists in throwing the ball up to the post of the adver- sary. The ball at the beginning is placed in the middle of the course, and each party endeavors as well to throw the ball out of the direction of its own post, as into that of the adver- sary's. I did not go myself to see the match which was now to be played without the fort, because, there being a canoe prepared to depart, on the following day, for Montreal, I employed myself in writing letters to my friends ; and even when a fellow-tra- der, Mr. Tracy, happened to call upon me, saying that another canoe had just arrived from Detroit, and proposing that I J-7 290 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. should go with him to the beach, to inquire the news, it si happened that I still remained, to finish my letters ; promising to follow Mr. Tracy in the course of a few minutes. Mr. Tracy had not gone more than twenty paces from the door, when I heard an Indian war-cry, and a noise of general con- fusion. Going instantly to my \vindow, I saw a crowd of Indians, within the fort, furiously cutting down and scalping every Englishman they found. In particular, I witnessed the fate of Lieutenant Jemette. I had in the room in which I was a fowling-piece, loaded with swan-shot. This I immediately seized, and held it for a few minutes, waiting to hear the drum beat to arms. In this dreadful interval I saw several of my countrymen fall, and more than one struggling between the knees of an Indian, who, holding him in this manner, scalped him while yet living. At length, disappointed in the hope of seeing resistance made to the enemy, and sensible of course that no effort of my own unassisted arm could avail against four hundred Indians, I thought only of seeking shelter. Amid the slaughter which was raging, I observed many of the Canadian inhabitants of the fort calmly looking on, neither opposing the Indians nor suffering injury; and from this circumstance I conceived a hope of finding security in their houses. Between the yard-door of my own house and that of M. Langlade, my next neighbor, there was only a low fence, over which I easily climbed. At my entrance I found the whole family at the windows, gazing at the scene of blood before them. I addressed myself immediately to M. Langlade, beg- ging that he would put me into some place of safety, until the heat of the affair should be over ; an act of charity by which he might perhaps preserve me from the general massacre ; but while I uttered my petition, M. Langlade, who had looked for a moment at me, turned again to the window, shrugging his shoulders, and intimating that he could do nothing for me : " Que voudriez-vous que j'enferais?" This was a moment for despair ; but the next, a Pani wo- man,* a slave of M. Langlade's, beckoned to me to follow her. She brought me to a door, which she opened, desiring me to enter, and telling me that it led to the garret, where I must go and conceal myself. I joyfully obeyed her directions ; and she, having followed me up to the garret-door, locked it after me, and with great presence of mind took away the key. This shelter obtained, if shelter I could hope to find it, I was * The Panics are an Indian nation of the south ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 29. naturally anxious to know what might still be passing without. Through an aperture, which afforded me a view of the area of the fort, I beheld, in shapes the foulest and most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of barbarian conquerors. The dead were scalped and mangled ; the dying were writhing and shrieking under the unsatiated knife and tomahawk; and from the bodies of some, ripped open, their butchers were drinking the blood, scooped up in the hollow of joined hands, and quaffed amid shouts of rage and victory. I was shaken not only with horror, but with fear. The sufferings which I witnessed, I seemed on the point of experiencing. No long time elapsed before, every one being destroyed who could be found, there was a general cry of "All is finished!" At the same instant I heard some of the Indians enter the house in which I was. The garret was separated from the room below only by a layer of single boards, at once the flooring of the one and the ceiling of the other. I could therefore hear every thing that passed ; and the Indians no sooner came in than they inquired whether or not any Englishman were in the house. M. Lang- lade replied that "he could not say; he did not know of any;" answers in which he did not exceed the truth ; for the Pan! woman had not only hidden me by stealth, but kept my secret and her own. M. Langlade was therefore, as I presume, as far from a wish to destroy me as he was careless about saving me, when he added to these answers, that " they might exa- mine for themselves, and would soon be satisfied as to the object of their question." Saying this, he brought them to the garret-door. The state of my mind will be imagined. Arrived at the door, some delay was occasioned by the absence of the key, and a few moments were thus allowed me in which to look around for a hiding-place. In one corner of the garret was a heap of those vessels of birch-bark used in maple-sugar making, as I have recently described. The door was unlocked and opening, and the Indians ascend- ing the stairs, before I had completely crept into a small open- ing which presented itself at one end of the heap. An instant after, four Indians entered the room, all armed with tomahawks, and all besmeared with blood upon every part of their bodies. The die appeared to be cast. I could scarcely breathe ; but I thought that the throbbing of my heart occasioned a noise loud enough to betray me. The Indians walked in every direction about the garret, and one of them approached me so closely that at a particular moment, had he put forth his hand, he must have touched me. Still I remained undiscovered; a circumstance to which the dark color of my clothes, and the 292 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. want of light in a room which had no window, and in the corner in which I was, must have contributed. In a word, after taking several turns in the room, during which they told M. Langlade how many they had killed, and how many scalps they had taken, they returned down stairs, and I, with sensa- tions not to be expressed, heard the door, which was the barrier between me and my fate, locked for the second time. There was a feather-bed on the floor ; and on this, exhausted as I was by the agitation of my mind, I threw myself down and fell asleep. In this state I remained till the dusk of the evening, when I was awakened by a second opening of the door. The person that now enterecl was M. Langlade's wife, who was much surprised at finding me, but advised me not to be uneasy, observing that the Indians had killed most of the English, but that she hoped I might myself escape. A shower of rain having begun to fall, she had come to stop a hole in the roof. On her going away, I begged her to send me a little water to drink ; which she did. As night was now advancing, I continued to lie on the bed, ruminating on my condition, but unable to discover a resource from which I could hope for life. A flight to Detroit had no probable chance of success. The distance from Michilimacki- nac was four hundred miles ; I was without provisions ; and the whole length of the road lay through Indian countries, countries of an enemy in arms, where the first man whom I should meet would kill me. To stay where I was threatened nearly the same issue. As before, fatigue of mind, and not tranquillity, suspended my cares, and procured me further sleep. The game of baggatiway, as from the description above will have been perceived, is necessarily attended with much vio- lence and noise. In the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if it cannot be thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which it can be diverted from that designed by the adversary. At such a moment, therefore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature alarm, than that the ball should be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor that, having fallen there, it should be followed on the instant by all engaged in the game, as well the one party as the other, all eager, all struggling, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exercise. Nothing could be less fitted to excite premature alarm; nothing, therefore, could be more happily devised, under the circumstances, than a stratagem like this ; and this was, in fact, the stratagem which the Indians had em- ployed, by which they had obtained possession of the fort, and by which they had been enabled to slaughter and subdue its ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 293 garrison, and such of its other inhabitants as they pleased. To be still more certain of success, they had prevailed upon as many as they could, by a pretext the least liable to suspicion, to come voluntarily without the pickets ; and particularly the commandant and garrison themselves. The respite which sleep afforded me, during the night, was put an end to by the return of morning. I was again on the rack of apprehension. At sunrise, I heard the family stirring ; and presently after Indian voices, informing M. Langlade that they had not found my hapless self among the dead, and that they supposed me to be somewhere concealed. M. Langlade appeared, from what followed, to be by this time acquainted with the place of my retreat, of which, no doubt, he had been informed by his wife. The poor woman, as soon as the In- dians mentioned me, declared to her husband, in the French tongue, that he should no longer keep me in his house, but deliver me up to my pursuers ; giving as a reason for this measure, that, should the Indians discover his instrumentality in my concealment, they might revenge it on her children, and that it was better that I should die than they. M. Langlade resisted at first this sentence of his wife's, but soon suffered her to prevail, informing the Indians that he had been told I was in his house, that I had come there without his knowledge, and that he would put me into their hands. This was no sooner expressed than he began to ascend the stairs, the In- dians following upon his heels. I now resigned myself to the fate with which I was menaced ; and regarding every attempt at concealment as .vain, I arose from the bed, and presented myself full in view to the Indians who were entering the room. They were all in a state of intoxication, and entirely naked, except about the middle. One of them, named Wenniway, whom I had previously known, and who was upward of six feet in height, had his entire face and body covered with charcoal and grease, only that a white spot, of two inches in diameter, encircled either eye. This man, walking up to me, seized me with one hand by the collar of the coat, while in the other he held a large carving knife, as if to plunge it into my breast ; his eyes meanwhile were fixed steadfastly on mine. At length, after some seconds of the most anxious suspense, he dropped his arm, saying, " I won't kill you ! " To this he added, that he had been frequently engaged in wars against the English, and had brought away many scalps ; that on a certain occasion he had lost a brother, whose name was Musinigon, and that I should be called after him. A reprieve upon any terms placed me among the living, and 25* 39 294 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. gave me back the sustaining voice of hope ; but Wenniway ordered me down stairs, and there informing me that I was to be taken to his cabin, where, and indeed everywhere else, the Indians were all mad with liquor, death again was threatened, and not as possible only, but as certain. I mentioned my fears on this subject to M. Langlade, begging him to represent the danger to my master. M. Langlade, in this instance, did not withhold his compassion, and Wenniway immediately consented that I should remain where I was, until he found another op- portunity to take me away. . Thus far secure, I re-ascended my garret-stairs, in order to place myself the furthest possible out of the reach of insult from drunken Indians ; but I had not remained there more than an hour, when I was called to the room below, in which was an Indian, who said that I must go with him out of the fort, Wenniway having sent him to fetch me. This man, as well as Wenniway himself, I had seen before. In the preceding year, I had allowed him to take goods on credit, for which he was still in my debt ; and some short time previous to the sur- prise of the fort he had said, upon my upbraiding him with want of honesty, that " he would pay me before long ! " This speech now came fresh into my memory, and led me to suspect that the fellow had formed a design against my life. I com- municated the suspicion to M. Langlade ; but he gave for answer that " I was not now my own master, and must do as I was ordered." The Indian, on his part, directed that bafore I left the house I should undress myself, declaring that my coat and shirt would become him better than they did me. His pleasure in this respect being complied with, no other alternative was left me than either to go out naked, or to put on the clothes of the In- dian, which he freely gave me in exchange. His motive for thus stripping me of my own apparel was no other, as I after- ward learned, than this, that it might not be stained with blood when he should kill me. I was now told to proceed ; and my driver followed me close, until I had passed the gate of the fort, when I turned toward the spot where I knew the Indians to be encamped. This, however, did not suit the purpose of my enemy, who seized me by the arm, and drew me violently in the opposite direction, to the distance of fifty yards above the fort. Here, finding that I was approaching the bushes and sand-hills, I determined to proceed no further, but told the Indian that I believed he meant to murder me, and that if so he might as well strike where I was as at any greater distance. He replied, with coolness, that my suspicions were just, and that he meant to pay me in this ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 296 manner for my goods. At the same time he produced a knife, and held me in a position to receive the intended blow. Both this and that which followed were necessarily the affair of a moment. By some effort, too sudden and too little dependent on thought to be explained or remembered, I was enabled to arrest his arm, and give him a sudden push, by which I turned him from me, and released myself from his grasp. This was no sooner done than I ran toward the fort, with all the swift- ness in my power, the Indian following me, and I expecting every moment to feel his knife. I succeeded in my flight ; and, on entering the fort, I saw Wenniway standing in the midst of the area, and to him I hastened for protection. Wen- niway desired the Indian to desist ; but the latter pursued me round him, making several strokes at me with his knife, and foaming at the mouth with rage at the repeated failure of his purpose. At length Wenniway drew near to M. Langlade's house ; and the door being open, I ran into it. The Indian followed me ; but on my entering the house, he voluntarily abandoned the pursuit. Preserved so often, and so unexpectedly, as it had now been my lot to be, I returned to my garret, with a strong inclina- tion to believe that, through the will of an overruling power, no Indian enemy could do me hurt ; but new trials, as I believed, were at hand, when, at ten o'clock in the evening, I was roused from sleep, and once more desired to descend the stairs. Not less, however, to my satisfaction than surprise, 1 was sum- moned only to meet Major Etherington, Mr. Bostwick and Lieutenant Lesslie, who were in the room below. These gentlemen had been taken prisoners, while looking at the game, without the fort, and immediately stripped of all their clothes. They were now sent into the fort, under the charge of Canadians, because, the Indians having resolved on getting drunk, the chiefs were apprehensive that they would be murdered if they continued in the camp. Lieutenant Jemette and seventy soldiers had been killed ; and but twenty Englishmen, including soldiers, were still alive. These were all within the fort, together with nearly three hundred Cana- dians belonging to the canoes, &c. These being our numbers, myself and others proposed to Maj. Etherington to make an effort for regaining possession of the fort, and maintaining it against the Indians. The Jesuit missionary was consulted on the project ; but he discouraged us, by his rep- resentations, not only of the merciless treatment which we must expect from thj Indians, should they regain their superiority, but of the little dependence which was to be placed upon our Canadian auxiliaries. Thus the fort and prisoners remained 296 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. in the hands of the Indians, though, through the whole night, the prisoners and whites were in actual possession, and they were without the gates. That whole night, or the greater part of it, was passed in mutual condolence ; and my fellow-prisoners snared my garret. In the morning, being again called down, I found my master Wenniway, and was desired to follow him. He led me to a small house, within the fort, where, in a narrow room, and almost dark, I found Mr.Ezekiel Solomons, an Englishman from Detroit, and a soldier, all prisoners. With these, I remained in pain- ful suspense, as to the scene that was next to present itself, till ten o'clock in the forenoon, when an Indian arrived, and pres- ently marched us to the lake-side, where a canoe appeared ready for departure, and in which we found that we were to embark. Our voyage, full of doubt as it was, would have commenced immediately, but that one of the Indians, who was to be of the party, was absent. His arrival was to be waited for ; and this occasioned a very long delay, during which we were exposed to a keen north-east wind. An old shirt was all that covered me ; I suffered much from the cold ; and in this extremity, M. Langlade coming down to the beach, I asked him for a blanket, promising if I lived to pay him for it, at any price he pleased ; but the answer I received was this, that he could let me have no blanket unless there were some one to be security for the payment. For myself, he observed, I had no longer any property in that country. I had no more te say to M. Langlade ; but presently seeing another Canadian, named John Cuchoise, I addressed to him a similar request, and was not refused. Naked as I was and rigorous as was the weather, but for the blanket I must have perished. At noon, our party was all collected, the prisoners all embarked, and we steered for the Isles du Castor, [Beaver Island,] in lake Michigan. The soldier who was our companion in misfortune was made fast to a bar of the canoe, by a rope tied round his neck, as is the manner of the Indians in transporting their prisoners. The rest were left unconfined ; but a paddle was put into each of our hands, and we were made to use it. The Indians in the canoe were seven in number, the prisoners four. I had left, as it will be recollected, Major Etherington, Lieutenant Lesslie and Mr. Bostwick, at M. Langlade's, and was now joined in misery with Mr. Ezekiel Solomons, the soldier, and the Englishman who had newly arrived from Detroit. This was on the sixth day of June. The fort was taken on the fourth ; I surrendered myself to Wenniway on the fifth ; and this was the third day of our distress. ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY 297 We were bound, as I have said, for the Isles du Castor, which lie in the mouth of lake Michigan; and we should have crossed the lake, but that a thick fog came on, on account of which the Indians deemed it safer to keep the shore close under their lee. We therefore approached the lands of the Ottawas, and their village of L'Arbre Croche, already men- tioned as lying about twenty miles to the westward of Michili- mackinac, on the opposite side of the tongue of land on which the fort is built. Every half hour, the Indians gave their war-whoops, one for every prisoner in their canoe. This is a general custom, by the aid of which all other Indians, within hearing, are apprized of the number of prisoners they are carrying. In this manner, we reached Wagoshense, Fox-point, a long point, stretching westward into the lake, and which the Ottawas make a carrying place, to avoid going round it. It is distant eighteen miles from Michilimackinac. > After the Indians had made their war-whoop, as before, an Ottawa appeared upon the beach, who made signs that we should land. In consequence, we approached. The Ottawa asked the news, and kept the Chippeways in further conversation, till we were within a few yards of the land, and in shallow water. At this moment, a hundred men rushed upon us, from among the bushes, and dragged all the prisoners out of the canoes, amid a terrifying shout. We now believed that our last sufferings were approaching; but no sooner were we fairly on shore, and on our legs, than the chiefs of the party advanced, and gave each of us their hands, telling us that they were our friends, and Ottawas, whom the Chippeways had insulted, by destroying the English without consulting with them on the affair. They added that what they had done was for the purpose of saving our lives, the Chippeways having been carrying us to the Isles du Castor only to kill and devour us. The reader's imagination is here distracted by the variety of our fortunes, and he may well paint to himself the state of mind of those who sustained them, who were the sport or the vic- tims of a series of events, more like dreams than realities, more like fiction than truth ! It was not long before we were embarked again, in the canoes of the Ottawas, who, the same evening, relanded us at Michilimackinac, where they marched us into the fort, in view of the Chippeways, confounded at beholding the Ottawas espouse a side opposite to their own. The Ottawas, who had accompanied us in sufficient num- bers, took possession of the fort. We, who had changed mas- 298 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. ters, but were still prisoners, were lodged in the house of the commandant, and strictly guarded. Early the next morning, a general council was held, in which the Chippeways complained much of the conduct of the Ottawas in robbing them of their prisoners ; alleging that all the Indians, the Ottawas alone excepted, were at u-ar with the English ; that Pontiac had taken Detroit ; that the king of France had awoke, and repossessed himself of Quebec and Montreal ; and that the English were meeting destruction, not only at Michilimackinac, but in every other part of the world. From all this they inferred that it became the Ottawas to restore the prisoners, and to join in the war ; and the speech was followed by large presents, being part of the plunder of the fort, and which was previously heaped in the centre of the room. The Indians rarely make their answers till the day after they have heard the arguments offered. They did not depart from their custom on this occasion ; and the council therefore adjourned. We, the prisoners, whose fate was thus in controversy, were unacquainted at the time with this transaction ; and therefore enjoyed a night of tolerable tranquillity, not in the least sus- pecting the reverse which was preparing for us. Which of the arguments of the Chippeways, or whether or not all were deemed valid by the Ottawas, I cannot say ; but the council was resumed at an early hour in the morning, and, after several speeches had been made in it, the prisoners were sent for, and returned to the Chippeways. The Ottawas, who now gave us into the hands of the Chippeways, had themselves declared that the latter designed no other than to kill us, and make broth of us. The Chippe- ways, as soon as we were restored to them, marched us to a village of their own, situate on the point which is below the fort, and put us into a lodge, already the prison of fourteen soldiers, tied two and two, with each a rope about his neck, and made fast to a pole which might be called the supporter of the building. I was left untied ; but I passed a night sleepless and lull of wretchedness. My bed was the bare ground, and I was again reduced to an old shirt, as my entire apparel ; the blanket which I had received, through the generosity of M. Cuchoise, having been taken from me among the Ottawas, when they seized upon myself and the others, at Wagoshense. I was, besides, in want of food, having for two days eaten noth- ing. I confess that in the canoe with the Chippeways I was offered bread ; but, bread, with what accompaniment ! They ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 299 nad a loaf, which they cut with the same knives that they had employed in the massacre knives still covered with blood. The blood they moistened with spittle, and rubbing it on the bread, offered this for food to their prisoners, telling 1 them to eat the blood of their countrymen. Such was my situation on the morning of the seventh of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three ; but a few hours produced an event which gave still a new color to my lot. Toward noon, when the great war-chief, in company with Wenniway was seated at the opposite end of the lodge, my friend and brother, Wawatam, suddenly came in. During the four days preceding, I had often wondered what had become of him. In passing by he gave me his hand, but went immediately toward the great chief, by the side of whom and Wenniway, he sat himself down. The most uninterrupted silence prevailed ; each smoked his pipe ; and this done, Wawatam arose, and left the lodge, saying to me, as he passed, " Take courage !" An hour elapsed, during which several chiefs entered, and preparations appeared to be making for a council. At length, Wawatam re-entered the lodge, followed by his wife, and both loaded with merchandise, which they carried up to the chiefs, and laid in a heap before them. Some moments of silence followed, at the end of which Wawatam pronounced a speech, every word of which, to me, was of extraordinary interest : " Friends and relations," he began, " what is it that I shall say ? You know what I feel. You all have friends and brothers and children, whom as yourselves you love ; and you, what would you experience, did you, like me, behold your dearest friend your brother in the condition of a slave; a slave, exposed every moment to insult, and to menaces of death ? This case, as you all know, is mine. See there (pointing to myself) my friend and brother among slaves, him- self a slave ! "You all well know that long before the war began I adopted him as my brother. From that moment he became one of my family, so that no change of circumstances could break the cord which fastened us together. " He is my brother; and, because I am your relation, he is therefore your relation too : and how, being your relation, can he be your slave ? " On the day on which the war began, you were fearful, lest on this very account I should reveal your secret. You requested, therefore, that I would leave the fort, and even cross the lake. I did BO, but did it with reluctance 300 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. I did it with reluctance, notwithstanding that you, Meneh- wehna, who had the command in this enterprise, gave me your promise that you would protect my friend, delivering him from all danger, and giving him safely to me. 41 The performance of this promise I now claim. I come not with empty hands to ask it. You, Menehwehna, best know whether or not, as it respects yourself, you have kept your word, but I bring these goods, to buy off every claim which any man among you all may have on my brother, as his prisoner." Wawatam having ceased, the pipes were again filled ; and, after they were finished, a further period of silence followed. At the end of this, Menehwehna arose, and gave his reply : " My relation and brother," said he, " what you have spoken is the truth. We were acquainted with the friendship which subsisted between yourself and the Englishman, in whose behalf you have now addressed us. We knew the danger of having our secret discovered, and the consequences which must follow ; and you say truly that we requested you to leave the fort. This we did out of regard for you nnd your family ; for, if a discovery of our design had been made, you would have been blamed, whether guilty or not ; and you would thus have been involved in difficulties from which you could not have extricated yourself. 44 It is also true that I promised you to take care of your friend ; and this promise I performed, by desiring my son, at the moment of assault, to seek him out, and bring him to my lodge. He went accordingly, but could not find him. The day after I sent him to Langlade's, when he was informed that your friend was safe ; and had it not been that the Indians were then drinking the rum which had been found in the fort, he would have brought him home with him, according to my orders. 44 1 am very glad to find that your friend has escaped. We accept your present ; and you may take him home with you." Wawatam thanked the assembled chiefs, and taking me by the hand, led me to his lodge, which was at the distance of a few yards only from the prison-lodge. My entrance appeared to give joy to the whole family ; food was immediately pre- pared for me ; and I now ate the first hearty meal which I had made since my capture. I found myself one of the family ; and but that I had still my fears, as to the other Indians, I felt as happy as the situation could allow. In the course of the next morning, I was alarmed by a noise in the prison-lodge ; and looking through the openings of the ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 301 lodge in which I was, I saw seven dead bodies of white men dragged forth. Upon my inquiry into the occasion, I was informed that a certain chief, called by the Canadians Le Grand Sable, had not long before arrived from his winter's hunt ; and that he, having been absent when the war begun, and being now desirous of manifesting to the Indians at large his hearty concurrence in what they had done, had gone into the prison- lodge, and there with his knife put the seven men whose bodies I had seen to death. Shortly after, two of the Indians took one of the dead bodies, which they chose as being the fattest, cut off the head, and divided the whole into five parts, one of which was put into each of five kettles, hung over as many fires kindled for this purpose, at the door of the prison-lodge. Soon after things were so far prepared, a message came to our lodge, with an invitation to Wawatam to assist at the feast. An invitation to a feast is given by him who is the master of it. Small cuttings of cedar wood, of about four inches in length, supply the place of cards ; and the bearer by word of mouth states the particulars. Wawatam obeyed the summons, taking with him, as is usual, to the place of entertainment, his dish and spoon. After an absence of about half an hour, he returned, bringing in his dish a human hand, and a large piece of flesh. He did not appear to relish the repast, but told me that it was then, and always had been the custom among all the Indian nations, when returning from war, or on overcoming their enemies, to make a war-feast from among the slain. This he said inspir- ed the warrior with courage in attack, and bred him to meet death with fearlessness. In the evening of the same day, a large canoe, such as those which came from Montreal, was seen advancing to the fort. It was full of men, and I distinguished several passengers. The Indian cry was made in the village ; a general muster ordered ; and to the number of two hundred they marched up to the fort, where the canoe was expected to land. The canoe, suspecting nothing, came boldly to the fort, where the passen- gers, as being English traders, were seized, dragged through the water, beat, reviled, marched to the prison-lodge, and there stripped of their clothes and confined. Of the English traders that fell into the hands of the Indians at the capture of the fort, Mr. Tracy was the only one who lost his life. Mr. Ezekiel Solomons and Mr. Henry Bostwick were taken by the Ottawas, and after the peace carried down to Montreal, and there ransomed. Of ninety troops, about seventy were killed ; the rest, together with those of the posts 26 302 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY in the Bay des Puants, and at the river Saint Joseph, were also kept in safety by the Ottawas till the peace, and then either freely restored, or ransomed at Montreal. The Ottawas never overcame their disgust at the neglect with which they had been treated, in the beginning of the war, by those who after- ward desired their assistance as allies. In the morning of the ninth of June, a general council was held, at which it was agreed to remove to the island of Michi- limackinac, as a more defensible situation in the event of an attack by the English. The Indians had begun to entertain apprehensions of want of strength. No news had reached them from the Potawatamies, in the Bay des Puants ; and they were uncertain whether or not the Monomins* would join them. They even feared that the Sioux would take the English side. This resolution fixed, they prepared for a speedy retreat. At noon the camp was broken up, and we embarked, taking with us the prisoners that were still undisposed of. On OUT passage we encountered a gale of wind, and there were some appearances of danger. To avert it, a dog, of which the legs were previously tied together, was thrown into the lake ; an offering designed to soothe the angry passions of some offended Manito. As we approached the island, two women in the canoe in which I was began to utter melancholy and hideous cries. Precarious as my condition still remained, I experienced some sensations of alarm from these dismal sounds, of which I could not then discover the occasion. Subsequently, I learned that it is customary for the women, on passing near the burial-places of relations, never to omit the practice of which I was now a witness, and by which they intend to denote their grief. By the approach of evening we reached the island in safety, and the women were not long in erecting our cabins. In the morning, there was a muster of the Indians, at which there were found three hundred and fifty fighting men. In the course of the day there arrived a canoe from Detroit, with ambassadors, who endeavored to prevail on the Indians to repair thither to the assistance of Pontiac ; but fear was now the prevailing passion. A guard was kept during the day, and a watch by night, and alarms were very frequently spread. Had an enemy appeared, all the prisoners would have been put to death ; and I suspected that, as an Englishman, I should share their fate. * Manomines, or Malomines. In the first syllable, the substitution of 1 for n, and n for I, marks one of the differences in the Chippeway and Al- gonquin dialects. In the mouth of an Algonquin, it is Miehilimaekinae in that of a Chippeway, MichininacJcinac. ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 303 Several days had now passed, when one morr ing a contin a :d alarm prevailed, and I saw the Indians running in a con- tused manner toward the beach. In a short time I learned that two large canoes from Montreal were in sight. All the Indian canoes were immediately manned, and those from Montreal were surrounded and seized, as they turned a point behind which the flotilla had been concealed. The goods were consigned to a Mr. Levy, and would have been saved if the canoe men had called them French property ; but they were terrified and disguised nothing. In the canoes was a large proportion of liquor, a dangerous acquisition, and which threatened disturbance among the In- dians, even to the loss of their dearest friends. Wawatam, always watchful of my safety, no sooner heard the noise ot drunkenness, which in the evening did not fail to begin, than he represented to me the danger of remaining in the village, and owned that he could not himself resist the temptation of joining his comrades in the debauch. That I might escape all mischief, he therefore requested that I would accompany him to the mountain, where I was to remain hidden till the liquor should be drank. We ascended the mountain accordingly. It is this mountain which constitutes that high land in the middle of the island, of which I have spoken before, as of a figure considered as resembling a turtle, and therefore called Michilimackinac. It is thickly covered with wood, and very rocky toward the top. After walking more than half a mile, we came to a large rock, at the base of which was an opening, dark within, and appear- ing to be the entrance of a cave. Here, Wawatam recommended that I should take up my lodging, and by all means remain till he returned. On going into the cave, of which the entrance was nearly ten feet wide, I found the further end to be rounded in its shape, like that of an oven, but with a further aperture, too small, however, to be explored. After thus looking around me, I broke small branches from the trees, and spread them for a bed ; then wrapped myself m my blanket, and slept till daybreak. On awaking I felt myself incommoded by some object upon which I lay ; and removing it, found it to be a bone. This 1 supposed to be that of a deer, or some other animal, and what might very naturally be looked for in the place in which it was ; but, when daylight visited my chamber, I discovered, with some feelings of horror, that I was lying on nothing less than a heap of human bones and skulls, which covered all the floor ! The day passed without the return of Wawatam, and with J04 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. out food. As night approached, I found myself unab/e to meet its darkness in the charnel-house, which, nevertheless, I had viewed free from uneasiness during the day. I chose, there- fore, an adjacent bush for this night's lodging 1 , and slept under it as before; but in the morning, I awoke hungry and dispir- ited, and almost envying the dry bones, to the view of which 1 returned. At length the sound of a foot reached me, and my Indian friend appeared, making many apologies for his long absence, the cause of which was an unfortunate excess in the enjoyment of his liquor. This point being explained, I mentioned the extraordinary sight that had presented itself in the cave to which he had commended my slumbers. He had never heard of its existence before ; and, upon examining the cave together, we saw reason to believe that it had been anciently filled with human bodies. On returning to the lodge, I experienced a cordial reception from the family, which consisted of the wife of my friend, his two sons, of whom the eldest was married, and whose wife, and a daughter of thirteen years of age, completed the list-. Wawatam related to the other Indians the adventure of the bones. All of them expressed surprise at hearing it, and de- clared that they had never been aware of the contents of this cave before. After visiting it, which they immediately did, almost every one offered a different opinion as to its history. Some advanced, that at a period when the waters overflowed the land, (an event which makes a distinguished figure in the history of their world,) the inhabitants of this island had fled into the cave, and been there drowned ; others, that those same inhabitants, when the Hurons made war upon them, (as tradi- tion says they did,) hid themselves in the cave, and being discovered, were there massacred. For myself, I am disposed to believe that this cave was an ancient receptacle of the bones of prisoners, sacrificed and devoured at war-feasts. I have always observed that the Indians pay particular attention to the bones of sacrifices, preserving them unbroken, and deposit- ing them in some place kept exclusively for that purpose. A few days after the occurrence of the incidents recorded above, Menehwehna, whom. I now found to be the great chief of the village of Michilimackinac, came to the lodge of my friend ; and when the usual ceremony of smoking was finish- ed, he observed that Indians were now daily arriving from Detroit, some of whom had lost relations or friends in the war, and who would certainly retaliate on any Englishman they found ; upon which account, his errand was to advise that I should be dressed like an Indian, an expedient whence I migh hope to escape all future insult. ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 305 I could not but consent to the proposal, and the chief was so kind as to assist my friend and his family in effecting that very day the desired metamorphosis. My hair was cut off, and my head shaved, with the exception of a spot on the crown, of about twice the diameter of a crown-piece. My face was painted with three or four different colors ; some parts of it red, and others black. A shirt was provided for me, painted with vermilion, mixed with grease. A large collar of wampum was put round my neck, and another suspended on my breast. Both my arms were decorated with large bands of silver above the elbow, besides several smaller ones on the wrists ; and my legs were covered with mitases, a kind of hose, made, as is the favorite fashion, of scarlet cloth. Over all, I was to wear a scarlet blanket or mantle, and on my head a large bunch of feathers. I parted, not without some regret, with the long hair which was natural to it, and which I fancied to be ornamental ; bat the ladies of the family, and of the village in general, ap- peared to think my person improved, and now condescended to call me handsome, even among Indians. Protected, in a great measure, by this disguise, I felt myself more at liberty than before ; and the season being arrived in which my clerks, from the interior, were to be expected, and some part of my property, as I had a right to hope, recovered, I begged the favor of Wawatam that he would enable me to pay a short visit to Michilimackinac. He did not fail to com ply, and I succeeded in finding my clerks ; but, either through the disturbed state of the country, as they represented to be the case, or through their misconduct, as I had reason to think, I obtained nothing ; and nothing, or almost nothing, I now began to think would be all that I should need during the rest of my life. To fish and to hunt, to collect a few skins, and exchange them for necessaries, was all that I seemed destined to do, and to acquire, for the future. I returned to the Indian village, where at this time much scarcity of food prevailed. We were often for twenty-four hours without eating; and when in the morning we had no victuals for the day before us, the custom was to black our faces with grease and charcoal, and exhibit, through resigna- tion, a temper as cheerful as if in the midst of plenty. A repetition of the evil, however, soon induced us to leave the island in search of food ; and accordingly we departed for the Bay of Boutchitaouy, distant eight leagues, and where we found plenty of wild-fowl and fish. While in the bay, my guardian's daughter-in-law was taken in labor of her first child. She was immediately removed out of the common lodge ; and a small one, for her separate accoin- 20 306 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. modation, was begun and finished by the women in less than half an hour. The next morning we heard that she was very ill, and the family began to be much alarmed on her account ; the more so, no doubt, because cases of difficult labor are very rare among Indian women. In this distress. Wawatam requested me to accompany him into the woods ; and on our way in- formed me that if he could find a snake, he should soon secure relief to his daughter-in-law. On reaching some wet ground, we speedily obtained the object of our search, in a small snake, of the kind called the garter-snake. Wawatam seized it by the neck, and, holding it fast, while it coiled itself round his arm, he cut off its head, catching the blood in a cup that he had brought with him. This done, he threw away the snake, and carried home the blood, which he mixed with a quantity of water. Of this mixture he administered first one table-spoonful, and shortly after a second. Within an ho\ir the patient was safely deli- vered of a fine child ; and Wawatam subsequently declared that the remedy, to which he had resorted, was one that never failed. On the next day, we left the Bay of Boutchitaouy ; and the young mother, in high spirits, assisted in loading the canoe, barefooted, and knee-deep in the water. The medical information, the diseases and the remedies of the Indians, often engaged my curiosity during the period through which I was familiar with these nations ; and I shall take this occasion to introduce a few particulars connected 'vith their history. The Indians are in general free from disorders ; and an instance of their being subject to dropsy, gout, or stone, never came within my knowledge. Inflammations of the lungs are among their most ordinary complaints, and rheumatism stiL more so, especially with the aged. Their mode of life, in which they are so much exposed to the wet and cold, sleeping on the ground, and inhaling the night air, sufficiently account? for their liability to these diseases. The remedies on which they most rely are emetics, cathartics, and the lancet; bul especially the last. Bleeding is so favorite an operation among the women that they never lose an occasion of enjoying it, whether sick or well. I have sometimes bled a dozen women in a morning as they sat in a row, along a fallen tree, begin- ning with the first, opening the vein, then proceeding to the second, and so on, having three or four individuals bleeding at the same time. In most villages, and particularly in those of the Chippe- ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 307 ways, this service was required of me ; and no persuasion of mine could ever induce a woman to dispense with it. In all parts of the country, and among all the nations that I have seen, particular individuals arrogate to themselves the an of healing, but principally by means of pretended sorcery ; and operations of this sort are always paid for by a present made before they are begun. Indeed, whatever, as an impostor, may be the demerits of the operator, his reward may generally be said to be fairly earned by dint of corporal labor. I was once present at a performance of this kind, in which the patient was a female child of about twelve years of age. Several of the elder chiefs were invited to the scene ; and the same compliment was paid to myself, on account of the medi- cal skill for which it was pleased to give me credit. The physician (so to call him) seated himself on the ground ; and before him, on a new stroud blanket, was placed a basin of water, in which were three bones, the larger ones, as it appeared to me, of a swan's wing. In his hand he had his shishiquoi, or rattle, with which he beat time to his medicine- song. The sick child lay on a blanket, near the physician. She appeared to have much fever, and a severe oppression of the lungs, breathing with difficulty, and betraying symptoms of the last stage of consumption. After singing for some time, the physician took one of the bones out of the basin : the bone was hollow ; and one end being applied to the breast of the patient, he put the other into his mouth, in order to remove the disorder by suction. Having persevered in this as long as he thought proper, he suddenly seemed to force the bone into his mouth, and swallow it. He now acted the part of one suffering severe pain ; but, presently, finding relief, he made a long speech, and after this returned to singing, and to the accompaniment of his rattle. With the latter, during his song, he struck his head, breast, sides, and back ; at the same time straining, as if to vomit forth the bone. Relinquishing this attempt, he applied himself to suction a second time, and with the second of the three bones ; and this also he soon seemed to swallow. Upon its disappearance, he began to distort himself in the most frightful manner, using every gesture which could convey the idea of pain ; at length he succeeded, or pretended to suc- ceed, in throwing up one of the bones. This was handed about to the spectators, and strictly examined; but nothing remarkable could be discovered. Upon this, he went back to his song and lattle ; and after some time threw up the second of the two bones. In the groove of this, the physician, upon examination, found, and displayed to all present, a small white 308 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. substance, resembling a piece of the quill of a feather, It was passed round the company from one to the other ; and declared, by the physician, to be the thing causing the disorder of his patient. The multitude believe that these physicians, whom the French call jongleurs, or jugglers, can inflict as well as remove disorders. They believe that by drawing the figure of any person in sand or ashes, or on clay, or by considering any object as the figure of a person, and then pricking it with a sharp stick, or other substance, or doing, in any other manner, that which done to a living body would cause pain or injury, the individual represented, or supposed to be represented, will suffer accordingly. On the other hand, the mischief being done, another physician, of equal pretensions, can by suction remove it. Unfortunately, however, the operations which I have described were not successful in the instance referred to ; for, on the day after they had taken place, the girl died. With regard to flesh-wounds, the Indians certainly effect astonishing cures. Here, as above, much that is fantastic occurs; but the success of their practice evinces something solid. At the Sault de Sainte-Marie I knew a man who, in the result of a quarrel, received the stroke of an axe in his side. The blow was so violent, and the axe driven so deep, that the wretch who held it could not withdraw it, but left it in the wound, and fled. Shortly after, the man was found, and brought into the fort, where several other Indians came to his assistance. Among these, one, who was a physician, imme- diately withdrew, in order to fetch his penegusan, or medicine- bag, with which he soon returned. The eyes of the sufferer were fixed, his teeth closed, and his case apparently desperate. The physician took from his bag a small portion of a very white substance, resembling that of a bone ; this he scraped into a little water, and forcing open the jaws of the patient with a stick, he poured the mixture down his throat. What followed was, that in a very short space of time the wounded man moved his eyes ; and beginning to vomit, threw up a small lump of clotted blood. The physician now, and not before, examined the wound, from which I could see the breath escape, and from which a part of the omentum depended. This the physician did not set about to restore to its place, but, cutting it away, minced it into small pieces, and made his patient swallow it. The man was then carried to his lodge, where 1 visited him daily. By the sixth day he was able to walk about ; and within a month he grew quite well, except that he was troubled ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 309 with a cough. Twenty years after his misfortune he was still alive. Another man, being on his wintering-ground, and from home, hunting beaver, was crossing a lake, covered with smooth ice, with two beavers on his back, when his foot slipped, and he fell. At his side, in his belt, was his axe, the blade of which came upon the joint of his wrist ; and, the weight of his body coming upon the blade, his hand was completely separated from his arm, with the exception of a small piece of the skin. He had to walk three miles to his lodge, which was thus far away. The skin, which alone retained his hand to his arm, he cut through, with the same axe which had done the rest ; and fortunately having on a shirt, he took it off, tore it up, and made a strong ligature above the wrist, so as in some measure to avoid the loss of blood. On reaching his lodge, he cured the wound himself, by the mere use of simples. I was a witness to its perfect healing. I have said that these physicians, jugglers, or practitioners of pretended sorcery, are supposed to be capable of inflicting diseases ; and I may add, that they are sometimes themselves sufferers on this account. In one instance I saw one of them killed, by a man who charged him with having brought his brother to death by malefic arts. The accuser, in his rage, thrust his knife into the belly of the accused, and ripped it open. The latter caught his bowels in his arms, and thus walked toward his lodge, gathering them up, from time to time, as they escaped his hold. His lodge was at no con- siderable distance, and he reached it alive, and died in it. Our next encampment was on the island of Saint-Martin, off Cape Saint-Ignace, so called from the Jesuit mission of Saint Ignatius to the Hurons, formerly established there. Our object was to fish for sturgeon, which we did with great suc- cess ; and here, in the enjoyment of a plentiful and excellent supply of food, we remained until the twentieth day of Au- gust. At this time, the autumn being at hand, and a sure prospect of increased security from hostile Indians afforded, Wawatam proposed going to his intended wintering-ground The removal was a subject of the greatest joy to myself, on account of the frequent insults, to which I had still to submit, from the Indians of our band or village, and to escape from which I would freely have gone almost anywhere. At our wintering-ground we were to be alone ; for the Indian families, in the countries of which I write, separate in the winter season, for the convenience as well of subsistence as of the chase, and re-associate in the spring and summer. In preparation, our first business was to sail for Michili- 40 310 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. mackinac, where, being arrived, we procured from a Canadian trader, on credit, some trifling articles, together with ammuni- tion, and two bushels of maize. This done, we steered di- rectly for lake Michigan. At L'Arbre Crochc we stopped one day on a visit to the Ottawas, where all the people, and par- ticularly Okinochumaki, the chief, the same who took me from the Chippeways, behaved with great civility and kindness. The chief presented me with a bag of maize. It is the Ottawas, it will be remembered, who raise this grain for the market of Michilimackinac. Leaving L'Arbre Croche, we proceeded direct to the mouth of the river Aux Sables, on the south sida of the lake, and distant about a hundred and fifty miles from fort Michili- mackinac. On our voyage, we passed several deep bays and rivers, and I found the banks of the lake to consist in mere sands, without any appearance of verdure ; the sand drifting from one hill to another, like snow in winter. Hence, all the rivers, which here entered the lake, are as much entitled to the epithet of sandy as that to which we were bound. They are also distinguished by another particularity, always observa- ble in similar situations. The current of the stream being met, when the wind is contrary, by the waves of the lake, it is driven back, and the sands of the shore are at the same time washed into its mouth. In consequence, the river is able to force a passage into the lake, broad only in proportion to its utmost strength ; while it hollows for itself, behind the sand- banks, a basin of one, two, or three miles across. In these rivers we killed many wild-fowl and beaver. To kill beaver, we used to go several miles up the rivers, before the approach of night, and after the dusk came on suffer the canoe to drift gently down the current, without noise. The beaver in this part of the evening come abroad to procure food, or materials for repairing their habitations: and as they are not alarmed by the canoe, they often pass it within gun- shot. While we thus hunted along our way, I enjoyed a personal freedom of which I had been long deprived, and became as expert in the Indian pursuits as the Indians themselves. On entering the river Aux Sables, Wawatam took a dog, tied its feet together, and threw it into the stream, uttering, at the same time, a long prayer, which he addressed to the Great Spirit, supplicating his blessing on the chase, and his aid in the support of the family, through the dangers of a long winter. Our lodge was fifteen miles above the mouth of the stream. The principal animals which the country afforde' 1 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 311 vere the stag or red deer, the common American deer, the bear, raccoon, beaver and marten. The beaver feeds in preference on young wood of the birch, aspen and poplar tree, (populus nigra, called by the Canadians Hard,) but in defect of these on any other tree, those of the pine and fir kinds excepted. These latter it employs only for building its dams and houses. In wide meadows, where no wood is to be found, it resorts, for all its purposes, to the roots of the rush and water lily. It consumes great quantities of food, whether of roots or wood ; and hence often reduces itself to the necessity of removing into a new quarter. Its house has an arched dome-like roof, of an elliptical figure, and rises from three to four feet above the surface of the water. It is always entirely surrounded by water ; but, in the banks adjacent, the animal provides holes or washes, of which the entrance is below the surface, and to which it retreats on the first alarm. The female beaver usually produces two young at a time, but not unfrequently more. During the first year the young remain with their parents. In the second they occupy an adjoining apartment, and assist in building, and in procuring food. At two years old, they part, and build houses of their own ; but often rove about for a considerable time, before they fix upon a spot. There are beavers, called by the Indians old bachelors, who live by themselves, build no houses, and work at no dams, but shelter themselves in holes. The usual method of taking these is by traps, formed of iron, or logs, and baited with branches of poplar. According to the Indians, the beaver is much given to jealousy. If a strange male approaches the cabin, a battle immediately ensues. Of this the female remains an unconcerned spectator, careless to which party the law of conquest may assign her. Among the beaver which we killed, those who were with me pretended to show demonstrations of this fact ; some of the skins of the males, and almost all of the older ones, bearing marks of violence, while none were ever to be seen on the skins of the females. The Indians add, that the male is as constant as he is jeal- ous, never attaching himself to more than one female ; while the female, on her side, is always fond of strangers. The most common way of taking the beaver is that of breaking up its house, which is done with trenching-tools, dur- ing the winter, when the ice is strong enough to allow of approaching them ; and when, also, the fur is in its most valu able state. Breaking up the house, however, is only a preparatory step 312 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAP1WITY. During this operation, the family make their escape to one 01 more of their washes. These are to be discovered by striking the ice along the bank, and where the holes are a hollow sound is returned. After discovering and searching many of these in vain, we often found the whole family together, in the same wash. I was taught occasionally to distinguish a full wash from an empty one, by the motion of the water above its entrance, occasioned by the breathing of the animals concealed in it. From the washes they must be taken out with the hands ; and in doing this, the hunter sometimes receives severe wounds from their teeth. While a hunter, I thought, with the Indians, that the beaver flesh was very good ; bui after that of the ox was again within my reach, I could not relish it. The tail is accounted a luxurious morsel. Beavers, say the Indians, were formerly a people endowed with speech, not less than with the other noble faculties they possess ; but the Great Spirit has taken this away from them, lest they should grow superior in understanding to mankind. The raccoon was another object of our chase. It was my practice to go out in the evening, with dogs, accompanied by the youngest son of my guardian, to hunt this animal. The raccoon never leaves its hiding-place till after sunset. As soon as a dog falls on a fresh track of the raccoon, he gives notice by a cry, and immediately pursues. His barking enables the hunter to follow. The raccoon, which travels slowly, and is soon overtaken, makes for a tree, on which he remains till shot. After the falling of the snow, nothing more is necessary, for taking the raccoon, than to follow the track of his feet. In this season, he seldom leaves his habitation ; and he never lays up any food. I have found six at a time, in the hollow of one tree, lying upon each other, and nearly in a torpid state. In more than one instance, I have ascertained that they have lived six weeks without food. The mouse is their principal prey. tfaccoon hunting was my more particular and daily employ. I usually went out at the first dawn of day, and seldom returned till sunset, or till I had laden myself with as many animals as I could carry. By degrees I became familiarized with this kind of life ; and had it not been for the idea, of which I could not divest my mind, that I was living among savages, and for the whispers of a lingering hope, that I should one day be released from it or if I could have forgotten that I had ever been otherwise than as I then was I could have enjoyed as much happiness in this as in any other situation. One evening, on my return from hunting, I found the fire ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 313 put out, and the opening in the top of the lodge covered over with skins ; by this means excluding, as much as possible, external light. I further observed that the ashes were remov- ed from the fire-place, and that dry sand was spread where they had been. Soon after, a fire was made withoutside the cabin, in the open air, and a kettle hung over it to boil. I now supposed that a feast was in preparation. I supposed so only, for it would have been indecorous to inquire into the meaning of what I saw. No person, among the Indians themselves, would use this freedom. Good breeding requires that the spectator should patiently wait the result. As soon as the darkness of night had arrived, the family, including myself, were invited into the lodge. I was now requested not to speak, as a feast was about to be given to the dead, whose spirits delight in uninterrupted silence. As we entered, each was presented with his wooden dish and spoon, after receiving which we seated ourselves. The door was next shut, and we remained in perfect darkness. The master of the family was the master of the feast. Still in the dark, he asked every one, by turn, for his dish, and put into each two boiled ears of maize. The whole being served, he began to speak. In his discourse, which lasted half an hour, he called upon the manes of his deceased relations and friends, beseeching them to be present, to assist him in the chase, and to partake of the food which he had prepared for them. When he had ended, we proceeded to eat our maize, which we did without other noise than what was occasioned by our teeth. The maize was not half boiled, and it took me an hour to consume my share. I was requested not to break the spikes, [cob,] as this would be displeasing to the departed spirits of their friends. When all was eaten, Wawatam made another speech, with which the ceremony ended. A new fire was kindled, with fresh sparks, from flint and steel ; and the pipes being smoked, the spikes were carefully buried, in a hole made in the ground for that purpose, within the lodge. This done, the whole family began a dance, Wawatam singing, and beating a drum. The dance continued the greater part of the night, to the great pleasure of the lodge. The night of the feast was that of the first day of November. On the twentieth of December, we took an account of the produce of our hunt, and found that we had a hundred beaver skins, as many raccoons, and a large quantity of dried veni son ; all which was secured from the wolves, by being placed upon a scaffold. A hunting excursion, into the interior of the country, was 27 314 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. resolved on ; and early the next morning the bundles were made up by the women for each person to carry. I remarked that the bundle given to me was the lightest, and those carried by the women the largest and heaviest of the whole. On the first day of our march, v/e advanced about twenty miles, and then encamped. Being somewhat fatigued, I could not hunt ; but Wawatam killed a stag, not far from our en- campment. The next morning we moved our lodge to the carcass. At this station we remained two days, employed in drying the meat. The method was to cut it into slices, of the thickness of a steak, and then hang it over the fire in the smoke. On the third day we removed, and marched till two o'clock in the afternoon. While the women were busy in erecting and preparing the lodges, I took my gun and strolled away, telling Wawatam that I intended to look out for some fresh meat for supper. He answered, that he would do the same ; and on this we both left the encampment, in different directions. The sun being visible, I entertained no fear of losing my way ; but in following several tracks of animals, in moment- ary expectation of falling in with the game, I proceeded to a considerable distance, and it was not till near sunset that I thought of returning. The sky, too, had become overcast, and I was therefore left without the sun for my guide. In this situ- ation, I walked as fast as I could, always supposing myself to be approaching our encampment, till at length it became so dark that I ran against the trees. I became convinced that I was lost ; and I was alarmed by the reflection that I was in a country entirely strange to me, and in danger from strange Indians. With the flint of my gun I made a fire, and then laid me down to sleep. In the night, it rained hard. I awoke cold and wet ; and as soon as light appeared, I recommenced my journey, sometimes walk- ing and sometimes running, unknowing where to go, bewil- dered, and like a madman. Toward evening, I reached the border of a large lake, of which I could scarcely discern the opposite shore. I had never heard of a lake an this part of the country, and there- fore felt myself removed further than ever from the object of my pursuit. To tread back my steps appeared to be the most likely means of delivering myself; and I accordingly deter- mined to turn my face directly from the lake, and keep this direction as nearly as I could. A heavy snow began to descend, and night soon afterward came on. On this, I stopped and made a fire; and stripping a tree of its sheet of bark, lay down under it to shelter me from ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 316 the snow. All night, at small distances, the wolves howled around, and to me seemed to be acquainted with my misfor- tune. Amid thoughts the most distracted, I was able at length to fall asleep ; but it was not long before I awoke, refreshed, and wondering at the terror to which I had yielded myself. That I could really have wanted the means of recovering my way, appeared to me almost incredible, and the recollection of it like a dream, or as a circumstance which must have proceeded from the loss of my senses. Had this not happened, I could never, as I now thought, have suffered so long, without calling to mind the lessons which I had received from my Indian friend, for the very purpose of being useful to me in difficul- ties of this kind. These were, that, generally speaking, the tops of pine trees lean toward the rising of the sun ; that moss grows toward the roots of trees on the side which faces the north ; and that the limbs of trees are most numerous, and larg- est, on that which faces the south. Determined to direct my feet by these marks, and persuaded that I should thus, sooner or later, reach lake Michigan, which I reckoned to be distant about sixty miles, I began my march at break of day. I had not taken, nor wished to take, any nourishment since I left the encampment ; I had with me my gun and ammunition, and was therefore under no anxiety in regard to food. The snow lay about half a foot in depth. My eyes were now employed upon the trees. When their tops leaned different ways, I looked to the moss, or to the branches ; and by connecting one with another, I found the means of travelling with some degree of confidence. At four o'clock in the afternoon, the sun, to my inexpressible joy, broke from the clouds, and I had now no further need of examining the trees. In going down the side of a lofty hill, I saw a herd of red deer approaching. Desirous of killing one of them for food, I hid myself in the bushes, and on a large one coming near, presented my piece, which missed fire, on account of the prim- ing having been wetted. The animals walked along, without taking the least alarm ; and, having reloaded my gun, I fol- lowed them, and presented a second time. But now a disaster of the heaviest kind had befallen me ; for, on attempting to fire, I found that I had lost the cock. I had previously lost the screw by which it was fastened to the lock ; and to prevent this from being lost also, I had tied it in its place, with a lea- ther string. The lock, to prevent its catching in the boughs, I had carried under my molton coat. Of all the sufferings which I had experienced, this seemed 316 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. to me the most severe. I was in a strange country, and knew not how far I had to go. I had been three days without food; I was now without the means of procuring myself either food or fire. Despair had almost overpowered me ; but I soon re- signed myself into the hands of that Providence, whose arm had so often saved me, and returned on my track, in search of what I had lost. My search was in vain, and I resumed my course, wet, cold and hungry, and almost without clothing. The sun was setting fast, when I descended a hill, at the bottom of which was a small lake, entirely frozen over. On drawing near, I saw a beaver lodge in the middle, offering some faint prospect of food ; but I found it already broken up. While I looked at it, it suddenly occurred to me that I had seen it before ; and turning my eyes round the place, I dis- covered a small tree which I had myself cut down, in the autumn, when, in company with my friends, I had taken the beaver. I was no longer at a loss, but knew both the distance and the route to the encampment. The latter was only to fol- low the course of a small stream of water, which ran from the encampment to the lake on which I stood. An hour before, I had thought myself the most miserable of men ; and now I leaped for joy, and called myself the happiest. The whole of the night, and through all the succeeding day, I walked up the rivulet, and at sunset reached the encampment where I was received with the warmest expressions of pleasure by the family, by whom I had been given up for lost, after a long and vain search for me in the woods. Some days elapsed, during which I rested myself, and re- cruited my strength ; after this, I resumed the chase, secure that, as the snow had now fallen, I could always return by the way I went. In the course of the month of January, I happened to ob- serve that the trunk of a very large pine tree was much torn by the claws of a bear, made both in going up and down. On further examination, I saw that there was a large opening in the upper part, near which the smaller branches were broken. From these marks, and from the additional circumstance that there were no tracks on the snow, there was reason to believe that a bear lay concealed in the tree. On returning to the lodge, I communicated my discovery; and it was agreed that all the family should go together in the morning, to assist in cutting down the tree, the girth of which was not less than three fathom. The women at first opposed the undertaking, because our axes, being only of a pound and a half weight, were not well adapted to so heavy a labor ; but the hope of finding a large bear, and obtaining from its fat a ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 317 great quantity of oil, an article at the time much wanted, at length prevailed. Accordingly, in the morning, we surrounded the tree, both men ana women, as many at a time as could conveniently work at it ; and here we toiled like beaver till the sun went down. This day's work carried us about half way through the trunk ; and the next morning we renewed the attack, continuing it till about two o'clock in the afternoon, when the tree fell to the ground. For a few minutes, everything remained quiet, and I feared that all our expectations were disappointed ; but as I advanced to the opening, there came out, to the great satisfac- tion of all our party, a bear of extraordinary size, which, before she had proceeded many yards, I shot. The bear being dead, all my assistants approached, and all, but more particularly my old mother, (as J was wont to call her,) took his head in their hands, stroking and kissing it seve- ral times ; begging a thousand pardons for taking away her life ; calling her their relation and grandmother ; and request- ing her not to lay the fault upon them, since it was truly an Englishman that had put her to death. This ceremony was not of long duration ; and if it was I that killed their grandmother, they were not themselves behind- hand in what remained to be performed. The skin being taken off, we found the fat in several places six inches deep. This, being divided into two parts, loaded two persons ; and the flesh parts were as much as four persons could carry. In all, the carcass must have exceeded five hundred weight. As soon as we reached the lodge, the bear's head was adorn- ed with all the trinkets in the possession of the family, such as silver arm-bands and wrist-bands, and belts of wampum, and then laid upon a scaffold, set up for its reception, within the lodge. Near the nose was placed a large quantity of to- bacco. The next morning no sooner appeared than preparations were made for a feast to the manes. The lodge was cleaned and swept ; and the head of the bear lifted up, and a new stroud blanket, which had never been used before, spread under it. The pipes were now lit ; and Wawatam blew tobacco smoke into the nostrils of the bear, telling me to do the same, and thus appease the anger of the bear, on account of my having killed her. I endeavored to persuade my benefactor and friendly adviser that she no longer had any life, and assured him that I was under no apprehension from her displeasure ; but the first proposition obtained no credit, and the second gave but little satisfaction. At length, the fpa being ready, Wawatam commenced a 318 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. speech, resembling in many things his address to the manes of his relations and departed companions; hut having this peculiarity, that he here deplored the necessity under which men labored thus to destroy their friends. He represented, however, that the misfortune was unavoidable, since without doing so they could by no means subsist. The speech ended, we all ate heartily of the bear's flesh ; and even the head itself, after remaining three days on the scaffold, was put into the kettle. It is only the female bear that makes her winter lodging in the upper parts of trees, a practice by which her young are secured from the attacks of wolves and other animals. She brings forth in the winter season ; and remains in her lodge till the cubs have gained some strength. The male always lodges in the ground, under the roots of trees. He takes to this habitation as soon as the snow falls, and remains there till it has disappeared. The Indians remark that the bear comes out in the spring with the same fat which he carried in in the autumn, but after exercise of only a few days becomes lean. Excepting for a short part of the season, the male lives constantly alone. The fat of our bear was melted down, and the oil filled six porcupine skins. A part of the meat was cut into strips ana fire-dried, after which it was put into the vessels containing the oil, where it remained in perfect preservation until the middle of summer. February, in the country and by the people where and among whom I was, is called the Moon of Hard or Crusted Snow ; for now the snow can bear a man, or at least dogs, in pursuit of animals of the chase. At this season, the stag is very suc- cessfully hunted, his feet breaking through at eA r ery step, and ';he crust upon the snow cutting his legs with its sharp edges to the very bone. He is consequently, in this distress, an easy prey ; and it frequently happened that we killed twelve in the short space of two hours. By this means we were soon put into possession of four thousand weight of dried venison, which was to be carried on our backs, along with all the rest of our wealth, for seventy miles, the distance of our encampment from that part of the lake shore at which in the autumn we left our canoes. This journey it was our next business to per- form. Our venison and furs and peltries were to be disposed of at Michilimackinac, and it was now the season for carrying them to market. The women therefore prepared our loads ; and the morning of departure being come, we set off at daybreak, and continued our march till two o'clock in the afternoon ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 319 Where we stopped we erected a scaffold, on which we depo- sited the bundles we had brought, and returned to our encamp- ment, which we reached in the evening. In the morning, we carried fresh loads, which being deposited with the rest, we returned a second time in the evening. This we repeated, till all was forwarded one stage. Then, removing our lodge to the place of deposit, we carried our goods, with the same patient toil, a second stage ; and so on, till we were at no great dis- tance from the shores of the lake. Arrived here, we turned our attention to sugar-making, the management of which, as I have before related, belongs to the women, the men cutting wood for the fires, and hunting and fishing. In the midst of this, we were joined by several lodges of Indians, most of whom were of the family to which I be- longed, and had wintered near us. The lands belonged to this family, and it had therefore the exclusive right to hunt on them. This is according to the custom of the people ; for each family has its own lands. I was treated very civilly by all the lodges. Our society had been a short time enlarged by this arrival of our friends, when an accident occurred which filled all the village with anxiety and sorrow. A little child, belonging to one of our neighbors, fell into a kettle of boiling syrup. It was instantly snatched out, but with little hope of its recovery. So long, however, as it lived, a continual feast was observed ; and this was made to the Great Spirit and Master of Life, that he might be pleased to save and heal the child. At this feast I was a constant guest ; and often found difficulty in eating the large quantity of food which, on such occasions as these, is put upon each man's dish. The Indians accustom them- selves both to eat much and to fast much with facility. Several sacrifices were also offered ; among which were dogs, killed and hung upon the tops of poles, with the addition of stroud blankets and other articles. These also were given to the Great Spirit, in humble hope that he would give efficacy to the medicines employed. The child died. To preserve the body from the wolves, it was placed upon a scaffold, where it remained till we went to the lake, on the border of which was the burial-ground of the family. On our arrival there, which happened in the beginning of April, I did not fail to attend the funeral. The grave was made of a large size, and the whole of the inside lined with birch bark. On the bark was laid the body of the child, ac- companied with an axe, a pair of snow-shoes, a small kettle, several pairs of common shoes, its own strings of beads, and ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. because it was a girl, a carrying-belt and a paddle. The kei- tle was filled with meat. All this was again covered with bark ; and at about two feet nearer the surface, logs were laid across, and these again cov- ered with bark, so that the earth might by no means fall upon the corpse. The last act before the burial performed by the mother, crying over the dead body of her child, was that of taking from it a lock of hair for a memorial. While she did this I endeavored to console her, by offering the usual arguments : that the child was happy in being released from the miseries of this present life, and that she should forbear to grieve, because it would be restored to her in another world, happy and ever- lasting. She answered that she knew it, and that by the lock of hair she should discover her daughter, for she would take it with her. In this she alluded to the day when some pious hand would place in her own grave, along with the carrying- belt and paddle, this little relic, hallowed by maternal tears. I have frequently inquired into the ideas and opinions of the Indians in regard to futurity, and always found that they were somewhat different in different individuals. Some suppose their souls to remain in this world, although invisible to human eyes ; and capable, themselves, of seeing and hearing their friends, and also of assisting them, in mo- ments of distress and danger. Others dismiss from the mortal scene the unembodied spirit, and send it to a distant world or country, in which it receives reward or punishment, according to the life which it has led in its prior state. Those who have lived virtuously are trans- ported into a place abounding with every luxury, with deer and all other animals of the woods and water, and where the earth produces, in their greatest perfection, all its sweetest fruits. While, on the other hand, those who have violated or neglected the duties of this life, are removed to a barren soil, where they wander up and down, among rocks and morasses, and are stung by gnats as large as pigeons. While we remained on the border of the lake a watch was kept every night, in the apprehension of a speedy attack from the English, who were expected to avenge the massacre of Michilimackinac. The immediate grounds of this apprehen- sion were the constant dreams, to this effect, of the more aged women. I endeavored to persuade them that nothing of the kind would take place ; but their fears were not to be subdued. Amid these alarms, there came a report concerning a rea' though less formidable enemy discovered in our neighborhood This was a panther, which one of our young men had seer., ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 321 and vrhich animal sometimes attacks and carries away the Indian children. Our camp was immediately on the alert, and we set off into the woods, about twenty in number. We had not proceeded more than a mile before the dogs found the pan- ther, and pursued him to a tree, on which he was shot. He was of a large size. On the twenty-fifth of April we embarked for Michilimacki- nac. At La Grande Traverse we met a large party of Indians, who appeared to labor, like ourselves, under considerable alarm ; and who dared proceed no further, lest they should be destroyed by the English. Frequent councils of the united bands were held ; and interrogations were continually put to myself as to whether or not I knew of any design to attack them. I found that they believed it possible for me to have a foreknowledge of events, and to be informed by dreams of all things doing at a distance. Protestations of my ignorance were received with but little satisfaction, and incurred the suspicion of a design to conceal my knowledge. On this account, therefore, or because I saw them tormented with fears which had nothing but imagination to rest upon, I told them, at length, that I knew there was no enemy to insult them ; and that they might proceed to Michili- mackinac without danger from the English. I further, and with more confidence, declared that if ever my countrymen returned to Michilimackinac I would recommend them to their favor, on account of the good treatment which I had received from them. Thus encouraged, they embarked at an early hour the next morning. In crossing the bay we experienced a storm of thunder and lightning. Our port was the village of L'Arbre Croche, which we reached in safety, and where we staid till the following day. At this village we found several persons who had been lately at Michilimackinac, and from them we had the satisfaction of learning that all was quiet there. The remainder of our voy- age was therefore performed with confidence. In the evening of the twenty-seventh we landed at the fort, which now contained only two French traders. The Indians who had arrived before us were very few in number ; and by all, who were of our party, I was used very kindly. I had the entire freedom both of the fort and camp. Wawatam and myself settled our stock, and paid our debts ; and this done, I found that my share of what was left consisted in a hundred beaver-skins, sixty raccoon-skins, and six otter, of the total value of about one hundred and sixty dollars. With these earnings of my winter's toil I proposed to purchase clothes, of which I was much in need, having been six months 21 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. without a shirt ; but, on inquiring into the prices of goods, 1 found that all my funds would not go far. I was able, how- ever, to buy two shirts, at ten pounds of beaver each ; a pair of leggins, or pantaloons, of scarlet cloth, which, with the ribbon to garnish them fashionably, cost me fifteen pounds of beaver ; a blanket, at twenty pounds of beaver ; and some other articles, at proportionable rates. In this manner my wealth was soon reduced ; but not before I had laid in a good stock of ammunition and tobacco. To the use of the latter I had be- come much attached during the winter. It was my principal recreation after returning from the chase ; for my companions in the lodge were unaccustomed to pass the time in conversa- tion. Among the Indians the topics of conversation are but few, and limited, for the most part, to the transactions of the day, the number of animals which they have killed, and of those which have escaped their pursuit, and other incidents of the chase. Indeed, the causes of taciturnity among the Indians may be easily understood, if we consider how many occasions of speech, which present themselves to us, are utterly unknown to them : the records of history, the pursuits of science, the disquisitions of philosophy, the systems of politics, the busi- ness and the amusements of the day, and the transactions of the four corners of the world. Eight days had passed in tranquillity, when there arrived a band of Indians from the Bay of Saguenaum. They had assisted at the siege of Detroit, and came to muster as many recruits for that service as they could. For my own part, I was soon informed that, as I was the only Englishman in the place, they proposed to kill me, in order to give their friends a mess of English broth to raise their courage. This intelligence was not of the most agreeable kind ; and in consequence of receiving it, I requested my friend to carry me to the Sault de Sainte-Marie, at which place I knew the Indians to be peaceably inclined, and that M. Cadotte enjoyed a powerful influence over their conduct. They considered M. Cadotte as their chief; and he was not only my friend, but a friend to the English. It was by him that the Chippeways of lake Superior were prevented from joining Pontiac. Wawatam was not slow to exert himself for my preserva- tion, but, leaving Michilimackinac in the night, transported myself and all his lodge to Point Saint-Ignace, on the opposite side of the strait. Here we remained till daylight, and then went into the Bay of Boutchitaouy, in which we spent three days in fishing and hunting, and where we found plenty of wild-fowl. Leaving the bay, we made for the Isle aux Ou- tardes, where we were obliged to put in, on account of the ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 323 wind's coming ahead. We proposed sailing for the Sault the next morning. But when the morning came, Wawatam's wife complained that she was sick, adding, that she had had bad dreams, and knew that if we went to the Sault we should all be destroyed. To have argued, at this time, against the infallibility of dreams, would have been extremely unadvisable, since I should have appeared to be guilty not only of an odious want of faith, but also of a still more odious want of sensibility to the possible calamities of a family which had done so much for the alle- viation of mine. I was silent ; but the disappointment seemed to seal my fate. No prospect opened to console me. To return to Michilimackinac could only ensure my destruction ; and to remain at the island was to brave almost equal danger, since it lay in the direct route between the fort and the Mis- sisaki, along which the Indians from Detroit were hourly expected to pass on the business of their mission. I doubted not but, taking advantage of the solitary situation of the family, they would carry into execution their design of killing me. Unable therefore to take any part in the direction of our course, but a prey at the same time to the most anxious thoughts as to my own condition, I passed all the day on the highest part to which I could climb of a tall tree, and whence the lake, on both sides of the island, lay open to my view. Here I might hope to learn, at the earliest possible, the ap- proach of canoes, and by this means be warned in time to con- ceal myself. On the second morning I returned, as soon as it was light, to my watch-tower, on which I had not been long before I discovered a sail coming from Michilimackinac. The sail was a white one, and much larger than those usually employed by the Northern Indians. I therefore in- dulged a hope that it might be a Canadian canoe, on its voyage to Montreal ; and that I might be able to prevail upon the crew to take me with them, and thus release me from all my troubles. My hopes continued to gain ground ; for I soon persuaded myself that the manner in which the paddles were used, on board the canoe, was Canadian, and not Indian. My spirits were elated ; but disappointment had become so usual with me that I could not suffer myself to look to the event with any strength of confidence. Enough, however, appeared at length to demonstrate itself to induce me to descend the tree, and repair to the lodge, with my tidings and schemes of liberty. The family congratulated me on the approach of so fair an opportunity of escape ; and 324 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. my father and brother (for he was alternately each of these) lit his pipe, and presented it to me, saying, " My son, this may be the last time that ever you and I shall smoke out of the same pipe ! I am sorry to part with you. You know the affection which I have always borne you, and the dangers to which I have exposed myself and family, to preserve you from your enemies ; and I am happy to find that my efforts promise not to have been in vain." At this time a boy came into the lodge, informing us that the canoe had come from Michili- mackinac, and was bound to the Sault de Sainte-Marie. It was manned by three Canadians, and was carrying home Madame Cadotte, the wife of M. Cadotte, already mentioned. My hopes of going to Montreal being now dissipated, I resolved on accompanying Madame Cadotte, with her permis- sion, to the Sault. On communicating my wishes to Madame Cadotte, she cheerfully acceded to them. Madame Cadotte, as I have already mentioned, was an Indian woman of the Chippeway nation, and she was very generally respected. My departure fixed upon, I returned to the lodge, where I packed up my wardrobe, consisting of my two shirts, pair of leggins, and blanket. Besides these, I took a gun and am- munition, presenting what remained further to my host. I also returned the silver arm-bands with which the family had decorated me the year before. We now exchanged farewells with an emotion entirely reciprocal. I did not quit the lodge without the most grateful sense of the many acts of goodness which I had experienced in it, nor without the sincerest respect for the virtues which I had witnessed among its members. All the family accom- panied me to the beach ; and the canoe had no sooner put off than Wawatam commenced an address to the Kichi Manito, beseeching him to take care of me, his brother, till we should next meet. This he had told me would not be long, as he intended to return to Michilimackinac for a short time only, and would then follow me to the Sault. We had proceeded to too great a distance to allow of our hearing his voice before Wawatam had ceased to offer up his prayers. Being now no longer in the society of the Indians, I laid aside the dress, putting on that of a Canadian : a molton or blanket coat, over my shirt ; and a handkerchief about my head, hats being very little worn in this country. At daybreak, on the second morning of our voyage, we embarked, and presently perceived several canoes behind us. As they approached, we ascertained them to be the fleet, jound for the Missisaki, of which I had been so long in dread. t amounted to twenty sail. ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 325 On coming up with us, and surrounding our canoe, and amid general inquiries concerning the news, an Indian chal- lenged me for an Englishman, and his companions support- ed him, by declaring that I looked very like one ; but I affected not to understand any of the questions which they asked me, and Madame Cadotte assured them that I was a Canadian, whom she had brought on his first voyage from Montreal. The following day saw us safely landed at the Sault, where I experienced a generous welcome from M. Cadotte. There were thirty warriors at this place, restrained from joining in the war only by M. Cadotte's influence. Here, for five days, I was once more in possession of tran- quillity ; but on the sixth a young Indian came into M. Cadotte's, saying that a canoe full of warriors had just arrived from Michilimackinac ; that they had inquired for me ; and that he believed their intentions to be bad. Nearly at the same time, a message came from the good chief of the village, desiring me to conceal myself until he should discover the views and tem- per of the strangers. A garret was the second time my place of refuge ; and it was not long before the Indians came to M. Cadotte's. My friend immediately informed Mutchikiwish, their chief, who was related to his wife, of the design imputed to them, of mischief against myself. Mutchikiwish frankly acknow ledged that they had had such a design ; but added that if displeasing to M. Cadotte, it should be abandoned. He then further stated, that their errand was to raise a party of war- riors to return with them to Detroit ; and that it had been their intention to take me with them In regard to the principal of the two objects thus disclosed, M. Cadotte proceeded to assemble all the chiefs and warriors of the village ; and these, after deliberating for some time among themselves, sent for the strangers, to whom both M. Cadotte and the chief of the village addressed a speech. In these speeches, after recurring to the designs confessed to have been entertained against myself, who was now declared to be under the immediate protection of all the chiefs, by whom any insult I might sustain would be avenged, the ambassadors were peremptorily told that they might go back as they came, none of the young men of this village being foolish enough to join them. f/ A moment after, a report was brought, that a canoe had just arrived from Niagara. As this was a place from which every one was anxious to hear news, a message was sent to these fresh strangers, requesting them to como to the council. 28 41 326 ALEXANDER HENRY S CAPTIVITY. The strangers came accordingly, and being seated, a long silence ensued. At length, one of them, taking up a belt of wampum, addressed himself thus to the assembly : " My friends and brothers, I am come, with this belt, from our S^reat father, Sir William Johnson. He desired me to come to you as his ambassador, and tell you that he is making a great feast at fort Niagara ; that his kettles are all ready, and his fires lit. He invites you to partake of the feast, in com- mon with your friends, the Six Nations, which have all made peace with the English. He advises you to seize this oppor- tunity of doing the same, as you cannot otherwise fail of being destroyed ; for the English are on their march, with a great army, which will be joined ly different tiations of Indians. In a word, before the fall of the leaf, they will be at Michili- mackinac, and the Six Nations with them." The tenor of this speech greatly alarmed the Indians of the Sault, who, after a very short consultation, agreed to send twenty deputies to Sir William Johnson, at Niagara. This was a project highly interesting to me, since it offered me the means of leaving the country. I intimated this to the chief of the village, and received his promise that I should accompany the deputation. Very little time was proposed to be lost, in setting forward on the voyage : but the occasion was of too much magnitude not to call for more than human knowledge and discretion ; and preparations were accordingly made for solemnly invoking and consulting the GREAT TURTLE. For invoking and consulting the Great Turtle, the first thing to be done was the building of a large house or wigwam, within which was placed a species of tent, for the use of the priest and reception of the spirit. The tent was formed of moose-skins, hung over a frame-work of wood. Five poles, or rather pillars, of five different species of timber, about ten feet in height, and eight inches in diameter, were set in a circle of about four feet in diameter. The holes made to re- ceive them were about two feet deep ; and the pillars being set, the holes were filled up again, with the earth which had been dug out. At top the pillars were bound together by a circular hoop, or girder. Over the whole of this edifice were spread the moose-skins, covering it at top and round the sides, and made fast with thongs of the same ; except that on one side a part was left unfastened, to admit of the entrance of the priest. The ceremonies did not commence but with the approach of night. To give light within the house, several fires were kin- dled round the tent. Nearly the whole village assembled in the house, and myself among the rest. It was not long before ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 327 the priest appeared, almost in a state of nakedness. As he approached the tent the skins were lifted up, as much as was necessary to allow of his creeping under them, on his hands and knees. His head was scarcely withinside, when the edifice, massy as it has been described, began to shake ; and the skins were no sooner let fall, than the sounds of numerous voices were heard beneath them, some yelling, some barking as dogs, some howling like wolves, and in this horrible con- cert were mingled screams and sobs, as of despair, anguish and the sharpest pain. Articulate speech was also uttered, as if from human lips, but in a tongue unknown to any of the audience. After some time, these confused and frightful noises were succeeded by a perfect silence ; and now a voice, not heard before, seemed to manifest the arrival of a new character in the tent. This was a low and feeble voice, resembling the cry of a young puppy. The sound was no sooner distin- guished, than all the Indians clapped their hands for joy, ex- claiming, that this was the Chief Spirit, the TURTLE, the spirit that never lied ! Other voices, which they had discriminated from time to time, they had previously hissed, as recognising them to belong to evil and lying spirits, which deceive man- kind. New sounds came from the tent. During the space of half an hour, a succession of songs were heard, in which a diver- sity of voices met the ear. From his first entrance, till these songs were finished, we heard nothing in the proper voice of the priest ; but now, he addressed the multitude, declaring the presence of the GREAT TURTLE, and the spirit's readiness to answer such questions as should be proposed. The questions were to come from the chief of the village, who was silent, however, till after he had put a large quantity of tobacco into the tent, introducing it at the aperture. This was a sacrifice offered to the spirit ; for spirits are supposed by the Indians to be as fond of tobaceo as themselves. The tobacco accepted, he desired the priest to inquire whether or not the English were preparing to make war upon the Indians ; and whether or not there were at fort Niagara a large num- ber of English troops. These questions having been put by the priest, the tent instantly shook ; and for some seconds after it continued to rock so violently that I expected to see it levelled with the ground. All this was a prelude, as I supposed, to the answers to be given ; but a terrific cry announced, with sufficient intelligibility, the departure of the TURTLE. A qjarter of an hour elapsed in silence, and I waited impa- 828 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. uently to discover what was to be the next incident in this scene of imposture. It consisted in the return of the spirit, whose voice was again heard, and who now delivered a con- tinued speech. The language of the GREAT TURTLE, like that which we had heard before, was wholly unintelligible to every ear, that of his priest excepted ; and it was, therefore, not till the latter gave us an interpretation, which did not commence before the spirit had finished, that we learned the purport of this extraordinary communication. The spirit, as we were now informed by the priest, had, during his short absence, crossed lake Huron, and even pro- ceeded as far as fort Niagara, which is at the head of lake Ontario, and thence to Montreal. At fort Niagara, he had seen no great number of soldiers ; but on descending the St. Lawrence, as low as Montreal, he had found the river covered with boats, and the boats filled with soldiers, in number like the leaves of the trees. He had met them on their way up the river, coming to make war upon the Indians. The chief had a third question to propose, and the spirit, without a fresh journey to fort Niagara, was able to give an instant and most favorable answer. " If," said the chief, " the Indians visit Sir William Johnson, will they be received as friends ?" " Sir William Johnson," said the spirit, (and after the spirit the priest,) " Sir William Johnson will fill their canoes with presents, with blankets, kettles, guns, gunpowder and shot, and large barrels of rum, such as the stoutest of the Indians will not be able to lift ; and every man will return in safety to his family." At this, the transport was universal ; and, amid the clap- ping of hands, a hundred voices exclaimed, " I will go, too ! I will go too !" The questions of public interest being resolved, individuals were now permitted to seize the opportunity of inquiring into the condition of their absent friends, and the fate of such as were sick. I observed that the answers, given to these ques- tions, allowed of much latitude of interpretation. Amid this general inquisitiveness, I yielded to the solicita- tions of my own anxiety for the future ; and having first, like the rest, made my offering of tobacco, I inquired whether or not I should ever revisit my native country. The question being put by the priest, the tent shook as usual ; after which I received this answer : " That I should tat e courage, and fear no danger, for that nothing would happen U, hurt me ; and that I should, in the end, reach my friends and country in safety." ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. 329 These assurances wrought so strongly on my gratitude, that 1 presented an additional and extra offering of tobacco. The Great Turtle continued to be consulted till near mid- night, when all the crowd dispersed to their respective lodges. I was on the watch, through the scene I have described, to detect the particular contrivances by which the fraud was carried on ; but such was the skill displayed in the perform- ance, or such my deficiency of penetration, that I made no discoveries, but came away as I went, with no more than those general surmises which will naturally be entertained by every reader.* On the 10th of June, I embarked with the Indian deputa- tion, composed of sixteen men. Twenty had been the num- ber originally designed ; and upward of fifty actually engaged themselves to the council for the undertaking ; to say nothing of the general enthusiasm, at the moment of hearing the GREAT TURTLE'S promises. But exclusively of the degree of timidity which still prevailed, we are to take into account the various domestic calls, which might supersede all others, and detain many with their families. In the evening of the second day of our voyage, we reached the mouth of the Missisaki, where we found about forty Indians, by whom we were received with abundant kindness, and at night regaled at a great feast, held on account of our arrival. The viand was a preparation of the roe of the stur geon, beat up, and boiled, and of the consistence of porridge. After eating, several speeches were made to us, of which the general topic was a request that we should recommend the village to Sir William Johnson. This request was also spe- cially addressed to me, and I promised to comply with it. On the 14th of June, we passed the village of La Cloche, of which the greater part of the inhabitants were absent, being already on a visit to Sir William Johnson. This circumstance greatly encouraged the companions of my voyage, who now saw that they were not the first to run into danger. The next day, about noon, the wind blowing very hard, we were obliged to put ashore at Point aux Grondines, a place of * M. de Champlain has left an account of an exhibition of the nature here described, which may be seen in Charlevoix's Histoire et Description Generale de la Nouvelle France, livre IV. This took place in the year 1609, and was performed among a party of warriors, composed of Algon- quins, Montagnez and Hurons. Carver witnessed another, among the Christinaux. In each case, the details are somewhat different, but the outline is the same. M. de Champlain mentions that he saw the jongleur shake the stakes or pillars of the tent. I was not so fortunate ; but this is the obvious explanation of that part of the mystery to which it refers. Captain Carver leaves the whole in darkness. 330 ALEXANDER HENRY'S CAPTIVITY. which some description has been given above. While the In- dians erected a hut, I employed myself in making a fire. As I was gathering wood, an unusal sound fixed my attention for a moment ; but, as it presently ceased, and as I saw nothing from which I could suppose it to proceed, I continued my em ployment, till, advancing further, I was alarmed by a repetition. I imaginal that it came from above my head; but after look- ing that way in vain, I cast my eyes on the ground, and there discovered a rattlesnake, at not more than two feet from my naked legs. The reptile was coiled, and its head raised con- siderably above its body. Had I advanced another step before my discovery, I must have trodden upon it. I no sooner saw the snake than I hastened to the canoe, in order to procure my gun ; but the Indians, observing what I was doing, inquired the occasion, and being informed, begged me to desist. At the same time they followed me to the spot, with their pipes and tobacco-pouches in their hands. On re- turning, I found the snake still coiled. The Indians, on their part, surrounded it, all addressing it by turns and calling it their grandfather ; but yet keeping at some distance. During this part of the ceremony they filled their pipes ; and now each blew the smoke toward the snake, who, as it appeared to me, really received it with pleasure. In a word, after remaining coiled, and receiving incense, for the space of half an hour, it stretched itself along the ground ii. visible good humor. Its length was between four and five feet. Having remained outstretched for some time, at last it moved slowly away, the Indians following it, and still addressing it by the title of grandfather, beseeching it to take care of their families during their absence, and to be pleased to open the heart of Sir William Johnson, so that he might show them charity, and fill their canoe with rum. One of the chiefs added a petition that the snake would take no notice of the insult which had been offered him by the Englishman, who would even have put him to death but for the interference of the Indians, to whom it was hoped he would impute no part of the offence. They further requested that he would remain and inhabit their country, and not return among the English, that is, go eastward. After the rattlesnake was gone, I learned that this was the firel time that an individual of the species had been seen so far to the northward and westward of the river Des Fran opportunity to make our copy more perfect than either of the others. FINIS, INDEX. Adam*, George, 242 Adams, Mr. , a captive In Canada, 1ST Adams, John, a captive, 150-1 Aikings, William, a captive, 135 Alexander, James, a captive, 84-5 Alden, Capt.,sent to redeem captives, 106 Aldrick, John, a captive in Canada, 137 Alvord, Lieutenant, SCO Amrusus, husband of Eunice Williams. 129 Andersen, James, a captive, 134 ; his father killed, 137 Anderson, Samuel, a captive, 13-1 Andrews, Phinehas, dies in captivity, 137 Arnold, .liberates Frances Noble. 171, Armstrong, Col. John, 261 ; his expedition, 263 Armstrong, Col. Joseph, 250 Armstrong, Capt. , 359 Isallecoa, (Mohawk Solomon.) 187 Ashby, captives taken there, 139 Aihpelon, leads a party and surprises Deer- field, 60-1 ; protects the captives, 63 Auge, Mad. St., 166-7, 170-1 Bailey, Capt. , dies in captivity, 137 Bailey, Jacob, dies in captivity, 137 Baker, Robert, narrow escape of, 127 Baker, William, 239 Ball, Mr. and wife killed at Lancaster, 21 Bali, , family of attacked, 338 Ballock, LJeut. , 130 Banks, Sir Joseph, 236 Batherick, Jonathan, a captive, 136 Beavers, account of. 93-4; carious facts respecting, 209-10,312 Bellemont, Gov , 106 Sell, John, 155 Bennet, Richard, dies in captivity, 137 Berran, John, a captive, 135 Blake, Lieut., of Epsom, anecdotes of 146-7 Blodget, , a soldier killed at Ashby, 140 Bomazeen, a chief, prisoner in Boston, 106 Book of the Indians, cited, iii., vii. 35, 46, 48, 65, 73, 80, 84, 98, 102, 109, 284, 355 Boatwick.Mr. , a captive, 295 ; ransom- ed, 301 Bouquet, Col., howsa'd from defeat, 259-60 Bowman, Ann, a captive, 276 Boyd, Ensign, killed, 352 Bozarth, Experience, her desperate resist- ance, 335 Braban, Giat, dies in captivity, 187 Braddock, Gen., Indians opinion of his army, 183 ; his defeat, 184 j by Indians, 259,261 Bradford, John, of Lexington, Ky., 179 Bradley, Capt., 279 Bradshaw, John, dies in captivity, 137 Bridgman, Jonathan, a captive, 136 Brooks, Mr. William, 347 Brown, Deacon , 135 Brown, Timothy, a captive, 135 Bryant, Sarah, widow, married, 137 Burbank, Caleb, a captive, 140 Burbank, Jonathan, a captive, 140 ; re- deemed, 142; killed, 142 Burbank, Samuel, a captive, 135 ; dies 138- 140 Butler, Gen., the Indian who scalped him taken, 352 Cadotte, M , 323, 324 Caldwell. Rev. James, killed, 179 Campbell, Arthur, a captive, 204 Carter, , 351 Carver, Capt. Jonathan, uis captivity, 172-8 Catawbas, some account of, 189-90 Chalker, , 77 Chapman, Capt. , 137 Chipman, William, a captive, 133 Christ!, his exploit at Epsom, 144 Chronicles of the Indians, 131, 134,284 Chubb, Capt., surrenders Fort Pemmaquid. 101 Church, Col. Benjamin, 107 Clark, Hansom, escapes from Dade's massa ere, 355 . Clendenin, Archibald. 284 Clendenin, Mrs. captivity of, 284-6 Closier, James, 351 Cloutman, Edward, a captive, 184 ; escape; 137 Cochecho see Quochecho Cole, Capt., 359 Conjuration, 216 Convers. Maj. James, 106 Cook, Eiisha, killed, 135 Coome, Michael, ransomed, 105 Corbett, Jesse, 142 Corbly, Rev. John, his narrative of the destruction of his family, 336-7 Cornstalk, breaks up the Greenbrier Set- tlement, 284 Cortez, his capture of Narvaez, 11 Courtship, Indian mode of, 253 Cox, Mr. , a prisoner to the French, 103 Crawford, Col., his defeat, 259 Crib, Capt., discovery of his sword, 352 Cuchoise, John, his kindness to a captive 296 Cummings. Timothy, a captive, 135 Dade's defeat and death, 355 Davis, John, dies in captivity, 137 Dayly, William, dies in captivity, 137 Dechouffour, Minns., 100 De Courcy, , his melancholy fate, 357 Deerfield, surprise of people there. 60-1 Denox, Joseph, dies in captivity, 138 Deny, Wiliam, 246 Devil, Indian notions of, 218, 255-6 D'Iberville, Mons., 101 Dill, John, dies in Captivity, 138 Dover, Waldron's garrison at, destroyed, 71 Downing, Robert, a captive. 136 Drew, Mrs., a captive. 21, 50 Duchanne,'M. L., 287 Dudley, Gov., 106 Duffield, William, 250 Dugon, Michael, dies in captivity, 137 Dummer. Gov., 108 Dunbar, Roberr. a captive, escapes, 136 Dunham, Jonathan, dies in captivity, 137 Eames, Nathan, a captive, 136 ; dies, 137 Eastburn. Robert, narrative of his captivity 265-83 INDEX. Elliot, Robert, 250 English, the Talhasaga, 221 Erving, Mr. , 283 Efitaing, Count de, at Boston, 163 Ethrington, Maj. 287, 295 Evan*, John, a captive, 86 ; miserably perishes, 87 Evans, Samuel, dies in captivity, 138 Fairbanks, Jonas and Joshua, killed, 21 Farnsworth, Stephev a captive, 134 Farrar, Henry, killed at Lancaster, 21, Fitch, John, narrative of his captivity, 139-40 Florida, ravaged by the Spaniards, 11-20 Folke, George, himself and family mur- dered, 152 Forbes, General, his expedition, 233, 261 Fort, Abraham, dies in captivity, 138 Fort, Capt. John, dies in captivity, 138 Fowler, Mary, captivity of, 140-43 Frazier Capt., killed, 355 Futbush, Phinehas, a captive, 136 Gaffield, Benjamin, drowned, 157 Gaffleld, Eunice, a captive, 157 Gaines, Gen., buries the dead killed in Dade's fight, 356 Garwafs, William, dies in captivity, 137 George, Robert, 246-9 Gerish, John, 68, 72 Gerish, Sarah, captivity of, 68-70 Gibbs, Capt., of Newport, 283 Gilbert, John, a captive, 40-1 Girty, Thomas, his residence, 352 God, Indian notions of, 218, 255 ; of in- ferior gods, 256, 324, 330-1 Gooden, Pike, dies in captivity, 137 Goodman, Samuel, dies in captivity, 136, 138 Goodwin, Mehetable, a captive, 111-12 Grant, Capt., in captivity, 279 Grant, Col., his defeat, 233, 259 Gray, Joseph, dies in captivity, 138 Greathouse, Capt., taken, 343; killed, 245 Grout, Hilkiah, his escape from Indians, 156-7 Grout, Mrs. Submit, in captivity, 157 Gyles, Capt. John, narrative of his cap- tivity, 73-109 Gyles, Mr. Thomas, killed, 75 Hadley, men killed there, 39 Hagimsack, Indian settlement, 104 Hall and M'Kenny's Indian Biography, 84 Handy, William, 180 Hanson family, captivity of, 113-26 Hanson, Elizabeth, her captivity, 113-26 Hanson, John, his death, 125-6 Harmer, Gen., his defeat, 259 Harris, Mary, in captivity, 276 Harlhan, Jonathan, dies in captivity, 13' Hawks, John, a captive, 136 Hawthorne, Col., goes against the French, 103 Heard, Mrs. Elizabeth, remarkable es- cape of, 71 Heard, Mr. John, 72 Heard, Tristram, killed, 72 Henry, Alexander, taken captive, 286 Henry, Sergeant, a captive, 279 24 Herbeson, Massa, narrative of his caplhrt ty, 349-52 Hessians, capture of some, 249 Hinkston, Capt. John, exploit of, 250 Hitchcock, Nathaniel, a captive, 137 oar, Mr. John, ventures among the hos- tile Indians to redeem captives, 50 ; succeeds, 52-3 ; returns with some to Boston, 55-6 [lodge, Jonathan, 250 Holmes, John, 246 Holmes, Mary, a captive, 166 Hoosuck Fort, prisoners taken there, 136-7 Hopehood, a leader at Salmon Falls, 111 Horton, Joshua, 239 Howard, Col , 165 flow, Caleb, narrow escape of, 128, 156 How, Caleb, a captive, 160-1 How, Daniel, a captive, 136-7 Howell, Jacob 8., 249 How, Jemimah, captivity of, 156-65 How, Nehemiah, captivity of, 127-38 How, Squire, a captive, 158 Hubbard, William, 57 Hubbell, Capt. William, his extraordina ry bravery, 342-8 Hull, Rev. Mr. , 71 Humphreys, Col. D., 164 Huntington, Hezekiah, dies in captivity, 138 Irvin, Mrs. Margaret, wife ofCol. Jas Smith, 179-80 Jacobs, Capt., conduct at Kittaning,263 James, the printer, 52 Jamelte, Lieut., murdered, 290 JefTers, , 351 Jelloway, George, 351 Jennings, , a soldier, killed at Ah- by, 139 Johnsons, Misses, captives. 169 Johnson, Mrs., a captive, 281 Johnson, , killed, 245-6 Johnson. Sir William. 268, a council with the Indians, 326, 328,332 John, one-eyed, Monoco, his murders at Lancaster, 24, 50 Jones, Rev. Enos, 139 Jones, John, a captive, 136 Jordan, Capt. James, dies in captivity, 138 Joslin, Mrs. , a captive, 29 ; shock. ing manner of her dealh, t&. Jones, Thomas, dies in captivity, 135-6 Kelly, John,his Narrative of Mrs. Noble'i captivity, 165 Kenhawa, Great, battle of, 259 ; number of Indians killed in, 263 Kerley, Mrs. , killed at Lancaster, 22 Kelly, William, killed at Lancaster, 22 Kelly, Captain Henry, 56 Kettle, goodwife, a captive, 50 ; redeem ed, 56 Kilpatrick, , 343 ; killed, 346 King, not applicable to Indian chiefs, S7 Kinlade, James, a captive, 132-3 Lancaster, destroyed by Indians, 20-23 INDEX. -, 290-3 ; inhuman- Langlade, Mr. Ity of, 296 I.i-sslic Lieut., 295 Lewis. Crun. marries a dau. or an Indian captive, 163 Lewis, John, massacr'd with his family, 151 Light, Daniel, 343 ; wounded, 344 Livingston, Mr. , 283 Lloyd, Lieut. . 359 />gan, Gen., his Indian expedition, 2C1 Loughrie, Col., his defeat, 259 ; further ac- count of, 352 Lovet, Samuel, a captive, 136 ; dies, 137 Lunenburgh, why BO named, 139 Ljilin's Fort destroyed, 131, 134 Lydle, Leonard, married, 137 : dies Lydle, Sarah, dies in captivity, 138 Lynd, Hon. Judge, 132 Lyon, William, 250 Manetohcoa, an Ojibewa conjurer, 215 Manhcim, Frederick, narrative of his cap- tivity, 333 Manners and customs of Indians, how to be judged of, iii., iv. ; ceremony of the Nipmucks before Sudbury fight, 48-9 ; their celebration of that victory. 61-2 ; their miserable food at times, 54 ; pre- parations to burn captives, 62 ; a pow- wow, 64 ; young Indians more barbar- ous than old ones , 69 ; modes of i torture,80,84-5; barbarities of females, 90 ; Indians do not neglect their old or young people, ib. Superstitions, 91-2 ; feasts before going to war. 96 ; display of scalps, 129-30 ; barbarities, 151-2; conjuration, 216; a singular custom of females, 217 ; ball playing, 220. Madockawando, 86 Madawamkee, 78 Madawescook 82 March. Maj., 107 Margra, James, dies in captivity, 138 Marriage, how conducted by Indians, 257 Mather, Dr. I., his account of Stockwell's captivity, 60-8 M'Comb, William, 250 M'Common, Maj., 249 M'Coy, Isabella, her captivity, 148-7 M'Clarv, Capt. , 146 M'Clung, John A., vii. M'Olure, Capt. , 171 Medfield, expedition against, 28 Medockseenecasis, 81 Medocktack, 78 Merrill Phinehas, 165 Metcalf, [Dr. Samuel L.,] vii., 342 Michilimackinack, surpr'd by the Indians, 286-92 Miller, Jacob, massacred with his family, lol M'Intosh, Gen., 250,261 Mitehel, , of Maiden, 1C6 M'Lane, James, 250 Mocoso, a Florida chief, makes war on Ucita, and destroys his town , 15 ; pro- tects Ortez, 16-20 Uohawks, N. England Indians dread of, vi.: lull some Nipmucks, 40; the north- ern Indians in continual fear ot 02,85 Mohawk, Solomon, 187-9 Monkton, Gen., his Indian expedition, 261 Monoco, a Nipmuck chief, hanged see one-eyed John. Monro, Col., surrenders Icrt- William Henry, 173 ; dies, 177 Montcalm, Gen., reduces ->'ort William Henry, 172-3 ^ Moorehead, , 2i5 Moravian Indians, massacre of, 264 Mosely, Capt. Samuel, 24 Moxus. at the capture of Pemmaquid, 75 Mudge, Lieut., killed, 355 Munson, Lieut., his captivity, 352-3 Myles, Capt., 107 Nalton, Thomas, killed, 136 Nanuntenno, notice of his death, 35 Narratives, collections of Indian, vii. Narvaez, P. de, his expedition to Florida, 11,12 Newell, Sergeant, escapes captivity, 279 Newman, Mr., of liehoboth, 57 Noble, Joseph, a captive, 168 Noble, Lazarus, 165 ; taken, 166 Noble. Mrs. Frances, her captivity, 165-73 Norman, Mr., 137 Northampton, expedition against, 34-5 Norton, Kev. John, a captive, 136-7 Noyes, Col., 107 Nutting, Samuel, narrow escape of, 128 Onux, a wife of Quinnapin, 46 Ortiz, John, nar. of his captivity, 11 ; how he fell into the hands of the Indians, 12 i sentenced to be burnt to death, but is rescued by the chiefs daughter, 13 ; night adventure with wolves, ]> ; 'again sentenced to die, and again saved by the chiefs daughter, 16; escapes to the chief, Mocoso, who pro- tects him, 17 ; falls into the hands ol the Spaniards under Soto, 18 ; his death, 19 Oswego, taken by the Indians and French, 277 Owen, James, killed, 136 Parker, Isaac, a captive, 134 Parker, Capt. William, 250 Pateshall, Mr., killed at Pemmaquid, 76 Patton, Capt. Samuel, 250 Payson,Capt., captured by the French, 101 Paxton, Capt. Thomas, 250 Pealtomy, Indian chief, 128-9 Peebles, Col. Robert, 250 Pecomptuck, Deerfield, 61 Pemmaquid, laid waste, 77 ; surrendered to the French by Capt. Chubb, 101 Pennos, a chief, saves the life of a captive, 141 Pepper, Col. William, 250 Pepper, Robert, a captive. 25-26 Perkins, , a soldier, his narrow escape, 139-40 Perry, John, a captive, 130 Philip, leader at the taking of Lancaster, 20; visited by Mrs. Kowlandson, 33; with h?r at her redemption, 52 ; dis- pleased with that proceeding, 53 INDEX. Phillips, Col., 106 Phipps, Submit, a captive, 158, 169 Phips, Sir Wm., redeems captives, 70. 135 Phips, William, kills an Indian, 130, -157 Picket, priest of Oswegatchy, 275-6 Piper, Col. John, 250 Plaffer, Lawrence, dies in captivity, 134 Plaisted, Mary, a captive, 113 Plascut, William, 343 Plausawa, his incursion at Epsom, 144-5, 147 Plimpton, John, burnt by the Indians, 60 Pontlac,his war, 286, 302 Pote, William, a captive, 133 Powowing, the manner of, 48 Pratt, Amos, a captive, 186 ; dies, 138 Proctor, Col. John, 250 Quannopin, Mrs. Rowlandson's master, 26 ; leads a great dance after Sudbury fight, 5.1-a Quochecho, [properly Cochecho,] 68, 71, 79, 86 . Ramsay, Dr. , 360 Rattlesnake, a sort of deity with the Indi- ans, 330-1 Ray, , 343 Read, Jacob, a captive, 134 : dies, 137 Read, John, dies in captivity, 137 Reed, Josiah, killed, 136 Reed's Block House, 339 Reed, Thomas, a captive, taken at lladley, 39 Richards, John, a captive, 136 Robb, David, 250 Robertson, Capt. , 137 Rogers, Capt., his fight at Lake George, &ty Rogers, Margaret, after. Mrs. Smith, 179 Rogers, Robert, tortured to death, 109-10 Rogers, William, 336 Root, John, killed at Deerfield, 60 Roper, Ephraim,. escapes the massacre at Lancaster, 23 Roper, Mrs. , killed there, ib. Ross, William, a captive, 281 Rowlandson, Mrs. Mary, wounded and taken captive, 20 ; her first remove, 23 ; second do^ 24 ; fall from a horse, third remove, 25 ; her wound healed, 26 ; her child dies, ib. ; meets with her son, 27 ; with Mrs. Joslin, 29 ; fourth remove, ib. ; fifth do., 30 ; or- dered to work Sundays, 31 ; sixth re- move, ib. ; seventh, do., 32 ; eighth do., 33 ; visited by her son, ib. ; meet- ing with King Philip, 34 ; ninth re- move, 35 ; attempt to visit her son, 16.; remarkable kindness of certain Indi- ans to her, 36 ; abuse from one, ib. ; twelfth remove, 37 ; barbarous treat- ment, 38 ; a squaw blinds her with ashes, 38-39; other abuse, and at- tempts to deceive her, 40 ; again meets her son, ib, ; fourteenth remove, 42 ; fared better than her masters, on some occasions, 43 ; fifteenth remove, ib. ; sixteenth do. ; hears a rumor of attempts to ransom her, ib. ; eight- eenth remove, 45 ; nineteenth do. ; interview with Philip, ib. ; arrives at Wachuset, 46 ; receives kindnesses, 49, twentieth remove, 50 ; Mr. Hoar ar- rives with her ransom, 51 ; it is ao cepted, 52 ; Indians hold a court upon her liberation, 53 ; liberated, 2 May, 65 ; arrives at Boston the day follow- ing, 56 ; her gratitude, 56 ; hears of the redemption of two of her children, which she soon finds true, 67 ; con- clusion, 58-60 Rowlandson, Thomas, killed at Lancaster. 22 Rugg, David, killed, 127 Russell, Samuel, a captive, 60, 65 J his fate unknown, 66 Sabatis, his incursion at Epsom, 144 Saccapee, Mons., falls in love with his slave, 162-3 ; romance concerning, 164-6 Salmon Falls, captives taken there, 109 Salutation, Indian manner of, 253 Saneld, John, dies in captivity, 138 Saratoga, destruction of, 131, 134-5 Savage, John, a captive, 204 Sawyer, Ephraim, killed, 21 Schuyler, Col. Peter, relieves Mrs. Howe from great peril while a captive, 163-4 ; 281 Schuyler, Capt. , killed, 134 Scofield, Philip, a captive, 137 ; dies, 138 Scott, Mrs. Frances, her captivity, 338-42 Scott, Joseph, a captive, 136 Scott. Moses, a captive, 136 ; his wife dies 137 Scott, Stephen, a captive, 137 Scott, William, a captive, 137 Sebundowit, a leader at Waldron's mass* ere, 69 Shearly, Mr. , 135 Shepherd, Capt., a captive, 279 Shepard, Jacob, a captive, 136 Shepard, Mr. Thomas, 66, 68 Shirely, General, 283 Short, Clement, captured at Salmon Falls 109 Shute, John, 171 Simon, Father, a Jesuit on St. John River, 101 Sinconds, Benjamin, a captive. 136 Small, Maj. , 164 Sinead, Daniel, dies in captivity, 138 Smead, John and family, captives, 136; his wife dies in captivity, 138 Smith, Col. James, narrative of his cap- tivity, 178-264; escapes, 234; goes against the Indians under Armstrong, 235 ; under Boquet, 236 Smith, John, a captive, 137 Smith, Richard, a captive, 137 Smith, William, 180, 245-8 Snider, Jacob, murdered with his fomily 150 Solomons, Ezekiel, a captive, 296 ; ran somed, 301 Soto, Ferd. de, lands in Florida, 18 ; hla expedition and death, 19-20. Southack, Capt., 106-7 Southerland, James, a captive, 133 INDEX. Spaflbrd, Capt. John, a prisoner, 134 Sqakheag, Northtield, 62, Stanwtx, Gen., his expedition, 261 Starker, Mr., a Scotchman, 105 St. Clalr, Gen., his defeat, 259 Stebbins, Benjamin, a captive, 60 ; his escape, 63 Slock well, Quint in, narrative of his cap- tivity, 60-8 Stone, James, of Philadelphia, 279 Stone, Uriah, 239 Storer, John, 343 Stoughton. Gov. Wm., 106 Stroud, William, a captive, 132 Subs, Richard, a captive, 137 Sudbury fight, 49 Sunderland, John, a captive, 137 Supercass, Gov., 107 Tainter, Benjamin, a captive, 137 Tecanyaterighto, a chief, 187, 205, 225 -32 Tennent, Gilbert, 265-6 Tether, Christian, dies in captivity, 138 Thayer, Jonathan, narrow escape of, 128 Thompson, J. W. B.. remarkable escape of, 357 Thompson, , a captive, 232 Thompson, William, 242-3 Thurston, Mary, a captive, 35 Tilton, Jonathan, 171 Todd, Col., his defeat, 259 Toutileaugo, companion of Col. Smith in captivity, 191-205, 223 Toogood, Thomas, escapes out of captiv- ity, il2 Tracy, Mr. Trent, Capt. Tucker, -, 289 ; killed, 301 , killed, 138 343 ; wounded, 344 ; killed, 347 Tute, Mrs. Jemima see Howe, Jemima Ucita, a Florida chief, 13 ; twice con- demns his captive, Ortix, to death, 13, 16 ; overthrown in a war with Mocoso, 15 Uncas, report concerning, 63 Usher, Mr., benevolence to Mn. Row- landunn, 56 Vaudreui), GOT. de. hi* kindness to cer- tain captives, 163,974,280 Venhon, Samuel, dies in captivity,! * Vigoras, Arnold, killed, 181 Villebon, Gov., 103 ; fort, 104 Virginians, Great Knife, Ashalekoa, 234 Wachuset Hills, (in Princeton,) 63 Wait, Benjamin, a captive, 60, 64, 68 Waldron, Maj., redeems a child of Mr Rowlandson, 57 ; his garrison, 68 incidents of the attack upon, 71 its capture, 79-80 Waldron, Mr., , 283 Wallace, George, of Epsom, 144, 146 Warren, David, a captive, 136 Washington, Gen., 249-60 Waters, Thomas, 107 Wawatam, a Chippeway chief, 287-9 saves the life of a captive, 300 Webb, Gen., his misfortune at Fort Wil- liam Henry, 172-3 Weems, Capt., surrenders the fort at Pemmaquid, 76 Wettamore, wife of ftuinnapin, 46-58 Wheeler, Richard, killed at Lancaster, 21 Wheelwright, Mr , redeems cap- tives, 167 Whitlden, James, 165 ; dies, 166 Whidden, Timothy, taken captive, 166 Whitcomb, Mr. James, 58 Wilkins, John, 349 Willard, MBJ , 138 Williams, Capt. ,266,275 Williams, Eunice, her husband. 129 Willinmson, Capt. Jonathan, a captive. 138 Williamson, Peter, his captivity, 147-56 William Henry, (Fort,) taken by the French, 172-3 Wilson, Capt. , takes captive* from Canada, 171 Winniway, at the surprise ofMichili- mackinack, 293, 296 Woodbury, Mr , a prisoner to the French, 102 Woodside, Capt., 108 Woodwell, Benjamin, a captive, 140 Woodwell, David, a captive, 135 Woodwell, Daniel, his wire dies, 137 Woodwell, Mary, a captive, 140 >Woodwell, Thomas, a captive, 140 Yolkom. Conrad, escapes mMMCr*, KB University of California Library Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. ;, REC|DYRL PSD 234 ml v m %a3/\iNn3\\v . \V\E-UNIVERX/A .vlOSANf.Flfr, I II HI II HI 1 1111 IIP 3 1158 00399 00^ ,^EUNIVER% ^105 SK S* CP fil" ^ I <^^T ~r o