UN:V RSITY OF 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 SAN DIEGO
 
 1 s * 
 
 presented to the 
 UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 SAN DIEGO 
 
 Joan Jensen
 
 BOLSHEVISM 
 ITS CURE 
 
 BY 
 
 DAVID GOLDSTEIN 
 MARTHA MOORE AVERY 
 
 PUBLISHERS 
 
 BOSTON SCHOOL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY 
 
 468 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE 
 
 BOSTON, MASS.
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1919 
 AVERY AND GOLDSTEIN 
 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
 
 TO THE KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS 
 
 IN RECOGNITION OF ITS WORLD-FAMED WAR 
 WORK 
 
 IN APPRECIATION OF ITS FAR-SIGHTED EDUCATIONAL 
 
 CAMPAIGN DEFENDING FAITH AND FATHERLAND 
 
 AGAINST THE ASSAULT OF SOCIALISM
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 We were so early in the field combating International 
 Socialism that it was a whole decade before the first 
 edition of our book, Socialism: The Nation of Father- 
 less Children (1903), secured much of any notice, al- 
 though it was highly commended by our then President 
 Roosevelt, Samuel Gompers, His Eminence Cardinal 
 O'Connell and other men vigorously interested in the 
 relief of the masses as against the oppression of many 
 masters of industry. Later editions were given a rather 
 wide reading 50,000 copies having been circulated. 
 
 After we entered the world-war we thought, perhaps, 
 the movement to run up the red flag over every capitol 
 in the world had spent its projective force. But the 
 Dictatorship of the Proletariat in Russia gave dire proof 
 that its full fury had not until then broke loose in any 
 nation and recalled to us an obligation to our country 
 and our faith that could not in conscience be denied. 
 In the days long gone, when we were neither Catholics 
 nor reasoning rightly as to historic testimony, we were 
 under that hallucination that sets many faces to look the 
 wrong way for the right thing equitable social rela- 
 tionships. At length, being forced to the understanding 
 that Marxians hold a philosophy quite at variance with 
 sound principles and to practises contrary to moral re- 
 quirements we withdrew early in nineteen hundred from
 
 iv INTKODUCTION 
 
 the Socialist movement after a long and futile attempt to 
 persuade the party to repudiate its socially disruptive 
 doctrines. 
 
 Indeed it was not a blissful experience but it was 
 wholesome at last to learn that the stability and peace 
 of nations is based upon a recognition of what God 
 intended the state to be, not upon any man-made scheme 
 that departs from the Ten Commandments. 
 
 We have come to know that the Encyclical of Pope 
 Leo XIII The Condition of the Working Class 
 written in 1891 gives the right direction to the efforts of 
 those who would reconcile the two rival camps called 
 capital and labor. To plant the Cross of Christ between 
 the two armies is but the beginning of the work to save 
 nations. So that we send forth Bolshevism : Its Cure 
 in the hope that all those who love Old Glory better 
 than the red flag will give heed to the essential differ- 
 ence between those who would work the will of the 
 Marxian destroyers and those who would give to our own 
 dearly beloved Columbia what is due to her under God. 
 
 A glance at our table of contents will reveal the struc- 
 ture of the book, that it is grounded upon truth, natural 
 and revealed, thus setting up the standards by which 
 to make correct judgments. The contents will show how 
 vast a field is covered by this movement, generally 
 known as Socialism, that in its latest phases is now called 
 Bolshevism. Since Socialism is alleged to be a philoso- 
 phy of life that takes its rise in a so-called scientific un- 
 derstanding of the economic relationships of man to 
 man, it is our purpose to show the wide spreading activ-
 
 INTRODUCTION v 
 
 ities of this movement that it may never take on in this 
 country its final phase of red ruin as in Russia. Our 
 expectation is that robust Americanism will call a halt 
 to this force of destruction before it tramples law and 
 order under foot. It is not surprising that the public 
 mind has long been and still is in a state of confusion 
 as to what Socialism-Bolshevism is, for its subject mat- 
 ter is truly too vast to be confined within a given sphere 
 of social activity. Its meaning can be seen only by a 
 synthetic view of things human for the simple reason 
 that it contemplates a complete overthrowing of the 
 Christian civilization that was builded upon the down- 
 fall of the Pagan authority of Greece and Rome. Once 
 again, it would have a state where God is unknown; 
 where human will is responsible only to human author- 
 ity; where justice is this to-day and that to-morrow. 
 
 We begin by showing that the deep springs of its ac- 
 tion lie in rebellion, in atheistic materialism; that its 
 world force is drawn up in hostile array to Christian 
 civilization; that its philosophy and its psychology 
 vitiate every mind and every organization that gives 
 it a sympathetic service, that within the four grand 
 divisions of human society, namely, the domestic sphere, 
 the social sphere, the political sphere and the economic 
 sphere, no department escapes its mental and moral 
 blight. 
 
 The two world powers of construction and destruc- 
 tion are placed in contrast one to the other and the op- 
 posing standards of Faith and Fatalism make it clear 
 to logical minds that order as opposed to chaos rests upon
 
 vi INTRODUCTION 
 
 the belief in Almighty God and in obedience to His 
 commands. We show that the structure of human so- 
 ciety is sound and yet sounder in so far as right-reason 
 is obeyed and man's love for man is made manifest, and 
 that, society is sick and yet sicker in so far as it takes 
 Socialist remedies, since reconstruction upon solid prin- 
 ciples is not its object but rather the complete destruc- 
 tion of the private ownership of capital and the aboli- 
 tion of the wage system. 
 
 Having set down as philosophical opposites the Chris- 
 tian principles of moral responsibility as against the So- 
 cialist principles of irresponsibility, we pass to those 
 of might as against right. Good and evil are affairs 
 of the heart one sound the other diseased but might 
 as against right is seen in the deeds of men. It is be- 
 cause irreligion is now so common as to supply a great 
 and growing host of men who are subject to a still fur- 
 ther undermining of their morale that upon the domain 
 of Caesar the Socialist-Bolsheviki can raise so great 
 a tumult, here, there and everywhere. The perversity 
 of their long time propaganda in undermining love and 
 loyalty to our home-land is set forth at some length and 
 brought up to date by citing their treasonable efforts 
 during the world-war. We then pass on to the some- 
 what obscure struggle between those who stand for right 
 as against wrong upon the broad field of education and 
 artistic culture. Here, indeed, their most insidious 
 efforts are greatly rewarded. Their atheist philosophy 
 is leavening the whole lump of so-called free thought 
 with a Pagan view of things human as relentless as it
 
 INTRODUCTION vii 
 
 is cruel. It is as truly a culture of sense perception 
 as was that of degenerate Rome under the rule of Nero. 
 When the facts are pointed out to them, we must assume 
 that even those men and women who love God but lit- 
 tle and their country much will take pause to consider 
 that Godless education leads to an utter breakdown of 
 patriotism and so to the necessary conclusion that once 
 love of country is gone there is no binding force of loy- 
 alty in any land. 
 
 Having sketched their several modes of propagating 
 their doctrine we come to the thing objectively to 
 Bolshevism itself ; which term is only another name for 
 Socialism in operation upon a national scale. 
 
 Here we show the so-called scientific tests by which to 
 recognize the Socialist regime in Russia by its deter- 
 mination to overthrow the principles of just govern- 
 ment ; by denying the right of private property and by 
 permitting only one class the working class to take 
 part in its administration of affairs. 
 
 Coming back to sane and lofty deeds of faith in God 
 and loyalty to country we make final pause, knowing we 
 have done what we could for God and fatherland. 
 
 Well aware of the terrible indictment we bring against 
 the Bolsheviki we have permitted them to convict them- 
 selves by the use of their own data, quoting only such 
 authorities as may not with truth be denied a national 
 and international leadership amongst them. 
 
 Here and there we have paid some little attention to 
 a popular writer who, while preaching the selfsame 
 philosophy that Lenin and Trotsky are practising, dis-
 
 viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 claims all responsibility, as Marxians, for the horrors of 
 the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia. It is our 
 hope that such a one may come to see how ludicrously 
 inconsistent such an attempt is in those who appeal to 
 the principle of cause and effect for the facts in the 
 case. 
 
 To our many friends throughout the country who have 
 sent us kind acknowledgments of the usefulness of our 
 book Socialism: The Nation of Fatherless Children 
 we recommend Bolshevism: Its Cure as practically 
 adapted to give information and argument to educators, 
 editors, writers and speakers, a fair view of the dangers 
 to our country of Bolshevism, and a strong indication 
 that one must look the right way for the right thing 
 Its Cure.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION iii 
 
 C H A PXE R 
 
 I. TWO WORLD POWERS 1 
 
 " THE BLACK INTERNATIONAL " 13 
 
 THE RED INTERNATIONAL 14 
 
 II. STANDARDS OF FAITH AND OF FATAL- 
 
 ISM 28 
 
 CIVIL SOCIETY 31 
 
 SOCIAL INTERCOURSE 32 
 
 THE COMMERCIAL SPHERE 34 
 
 THE DOMESTIC SPHERE 37 
 
 SOCIALISM DENIES THE MARRIAGE BOND ... 66 
 
 SOCIALISM ASSERTS SEX FREEDOM .... 67 
 
 SOCIALISTS ADVOCATE FREE LOVE 70 
 
 SOCIALISM PROMOTES EASY DIVORCE .... 71 
 
 III. PATRIOTISM 78 
 
 THE HIERARCHY'S CALL 101 
 
 CARDINAL GIBBONS 103 
 
 CARDINAL FARLEY 103 
 
 CARDINAL O'CONNELL 104 
 
 WAR ITSELF 107 
 
 "To WHOM, SHALL WE Gof " 115 
 
 IV. THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER OR THE 
 
 RED FLAG 119 
 
 CHILDREN CAST OFF THE AMERICAN FLAG . . . 137 
 INNOCENCE AND GUILT 139 
 
 V. WOULD CORRUPT THE ARMY AND THE 
 
 NAVY 149 
 
 " SOCIALIST CRIPPLING OF WARSHIPS " . . . . 166 
 
 THE DICK MILITARY LAW 167 
 
 CITIZEN ARMY 178
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 MAKING PERVERTS OF SOLDIERS 
 SOLDIERS BARRED FROM MEMBERSHIP . 
 EXPERIENCE IN COUP D'ETAT THAT FAILED 
 THE BALLOT Too SLOW . 
 
 VI. BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 211 
 
 INTER-COLLEGIATE SOCIALIST SOCIETY .... 213 
 
 RAND SCHOOL 221 
 
 TEACHERS' BUREAU 226 
 
 HIGH SCHOOLS 230 
 
 YOUNG PEOPLES SOCIALIST LEAGUE .... 234 
 
 BOY SCOUTS 236 
 
 SOCIALIST SUNDAY SCHOOLS 256 
 
 MODERN SCHOOLS 256 
 
 FRANCISCO FERRER 256 
 
 FERRER SCHOOLS 277 
 
 PUBLIC AND PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS 280 
 
 VII. BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 296 
 
 WHAT is BOLSHEVISM? 302 
 
 THE CLASS STRUGGLE 303 
 
 CLASS-LESS SOCIETY 308 
 
 THE SOCIALIST STATE 316 
 
 DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 321 
 
 DEMIOCRACY 326 
 
 PARIS COMMUNE 329 
 
 SOVIETS 337 
 
 EXPROPRIATING THE EXPROPRIATORS .... 843 
 
 FREE SPEECH FREE PRESS 358 
 
 MARITAL RELATIONSHIP 364 
 
 AN UNACCEPTED CHALLENGE 368 
 
 ALL-RUSSIAN CONSTITUTION ON DIVORCE . . . 372 
 
 WORLD REVOLUTION 376 
 
 PROPHECY 383 
 
 VIOLENCE 386 
 
 VIII. THE POPE AND THE WAR 395 
 
 POPE AND BELGIUM' 405 
 
 THE POPE AND ITALY 409
 
 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 TWO WOELD POWERS 
 
 THE members of the Catholic Church and its coun- 
 terfeit organizations Communism Socialism 
 Bolshevism are now coming to grips. Civiliza- 
 tion may indeed be thrown back into chaos ere this evil 
 association spends its force, but it is certain that so 
 long as men shall live on earth the Church of Christ 
 will be here to call sinners to repentance that they may 
 spend their immortal life in Heaven. Of course, it is 
 not sufficient for the support of civilization that citizens 
 may merely know the action of these opposing forces 
 but also, or rather, that there shall, at least, be found 
 ten men to serve Csesar for the love of God. 
 
 For half a century the world has been warned that 
 life was becoming intolerable to those who stand for 
 social justice as against the men who lust for power and 
 riches. Pope Leo XIII sent out the warning and the 
 true remedy. Socialism sent out the demand that pri- 
 vate property should cease to exist because the Deca- 
 logue was outworn. But the world would not listen, it 
 went its way, while the tide of just resentment by those 
 who love the right and hate the wrong crept higher!
 
 2 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Meantime the cries of the masses for justice and mercy 
 were mingled with the blasphemies that cursed God, 
 whom they deny, and His Church that they know not. 
 It was just prior to the world conflict that America was 
 assured by the report of the President Emeritus of Har- 
 vard, who had taken a swing around the world, at the 
 hest of the Carnegie Foundation, that all was well 
 that war was afar off. 
 
 But though the mills of God grind slowly, there comes 
 the time when Eternal Justice is seen to have in keep- 
 ing the fate of nations as well as the conscience of men. 
 
 No, we have no need to cite the horrors of the past 
 four years of the world-war; but rather the great need 
 to fairly face the future that the Bolsheviki would pre- 
 pare for the peoples of the earth. Otherwise our joy at 
 the signing of the armistice by Germany on November 
 the eleventh, nineteen-eighteen, may be merely a passing 
 event. For the underlying forces in human society that 
 make for peace and war are as conspicuous to-day as 
 they were before the dogs of war were let loose upon an 
 unoffending neighbor. As Christ and Caiphas, right 
 faces might in its effort to persuade men of good will 
 to put into practise those just principles that are above 
 the guarantee of an enduring peace between nation and 
 nation between man and man. But, above and below 
 these national forces that have spent their blood and 
 their treasure in offensive and defensive action, two or- 
 ganizations of world-wide proportions The Catholic 
 Church and the International Socialist movement 
 have stood out so prominently during the recent conflict
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 3 
 
 that men with ears heretofore closed to the sacred voice 
 of the one as against the materialistic assertions of the 
 other are coming to see that civilization itself is on the 
 scales ready to be tipped over into chaos if the powerful 
 and the rich will not return to those neighborly relations 
 demanded by the Author of Nations. 
 
 When the fatal shot struck down the heir to the throne 
 of Austria, Pius X, knowing the temper of all Europe, 
 implored in vain that they would stay their slaughter. 
 But the din of war drowned out the voice of the Vicar 
 of Christ and with the clash of arms came the death 
 broken-hearted of this holy man seated upon the 
 throne of the Fisherman : " Now I begin to think as the 
 end is approaching, that the Almighty in His inexhaust- 
 ible goodness wishes to spare me the horrors Europe is 
 undergoing " were the passing words of Pius X 
 " The children's Pope." 
 
 When Benedict XV had ascended the pontifical throne 
 his first Encyclical set forth the causes of the world-war 
 and the remedies needed to compose differences : 
 
 " Now when from the height of this Apostolic dignity, 
 We can, as if at one glance, contemplate the course of 
 human events, and when We see before Us the miserable 
 conditions of civil society We are affected with acute sorrow. 
 And how could We, as the common Father of all men, not 
 be sorely troubled at the sight of Europe, and, indeed, of 
 the wbole world the most terrible and most painful spec- 
 tacle perhaps that has ever been presented in the course of 
 history? We warmly beseech rulers and Governments to 
 consider the tears and the blood already shed and to hasten to 
 restore to the people the precious blessings of peace. May
 
 4 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the merciful God grant that, as on the appearance of the 
 Divine Redeemer upon the earth, so at the beginning of Our 
 duty as His Vicar, the angels' voices may proclaim ' Peace 
 on earth to men of good will' (Luke ii, 14), and We pray 
 that they may listen who have in their hands the destinies 
 of States. Assuredly there are other ways and other methods 
 by which justice can be done to injured rights. Let the 
 belligerents, laying down their arms, have recourse to these, 
 animated by good faith and intention. It is through love 
 of them and of all nations and not from any motive of Our 
 own that We speak. Let them not, then, permit Our friendly 
 and paternal voice to be raised in vain. 
 
 " But it is not merely the sanguinary war which darkens 
 passions and troubles and embitters Our spirit. There is 
 another furious war which eats at the entrails of modern 
 society a war which terrifies every person of good sense, 
 because whilst it has accumulated, and will accumulate ruin 
 amongst nations, it contains in itself the seeds of the present 
 disastrous struggle. From the moment when the rules and 
 practises of Christian wisdom ceased to be observed in 
 States rules and practises which alone guarantee the sta- 
 bility and peace of institutions these States necessarily 
 began to tremble at their foundations, and there followed 
 such a change in ideas and customs that, if God does not 
 soon intervene, it appears as if the dissolution of human 
 society is at hand. 
 
 " The disorders that have arisen are : 
 
 " 1st. Want of mutual love amongst men; 
 
 " 2nd. Contempt for authority; 
 
 " 3rd. Injustice in the relations between the different 
 classes of society; 
 
 " 4th. Material welfare made the only object of man's ac- 
 tivity (as if there were not other and much more desirable 
 blessings to be gained). 
 
 " These, in Our opinion, are the four causes why human
 
 society is so greatly disturbed. It is necessary then that 
 energy be exercised generally for the purpose of removing 
 such disorders and restoring Christian principles, if the ob- 
 ject is to put an end to discord and compose differences." 
 
 The world knows that this appeal to those " who have 
 in their hands the destinies of States " was not heeded. 
 But, our Father Almighty has a way to compel a hear- 
 ing. Like as the " Scourge of God " swept down upon 
 a decaying Pagan culture so has Bolshevism risen like 
 a high tide inundating the despotic lust of power that 
 had for centuries held captive the right of the Vicar of 
 Christ to rule over His children in Russia. Its flood 
 swept over into the land of Luther where the false prin- 
 ciple of Higher Criticism had long since ripened into 
 the atheist assent that right is the creature of might. 
 Then came the recognition by those in whose hands are 
 the destinies of States that their foe within was a force 
 that must be reckoned with and the hand of European 
 suicide was stayed. Yet, not before our own America 
 had played so glorious a part in the world conflict that 
 Columbia must henceforth be given a powerful voice 
 in winning for the subject peoples their right to a self- 
 determined government. 
 
 As it should be, after a fall when self-will has left 
 us bruised, battered and burnt, that reflecting upon the 
 right and the wrong of the world conflict we are able to 
 see the conduct of Christ and Caiphas as a warning 
 that God is not mocked that in His own good time, 
 through the conflict of right with might, men come 
 face to face with first principles. If nations will not
 
 6 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 correct the contempt for authority by an impartial ruling 
 of justice ; if they will not institute the reign of equity 
 upon the field of commerce, then that " furious war 
 which eats at the vitals of modern society " will not stop 
 at the eastern shore of the Atlantic, but set up its reign 
 of terror on our own soil and overspread the world. 
 
 Truly both reason and experience attest that He that 
 is not with Me is against Me. So must we choose ! Not 
 as between Christ and Caesar, but between Christ and 
 Caiphas for we are bound to love and serve, at once, 
 both God and Country. The time of reckoning seems 
 not afar off. For the choice is not now between na- 
 tional existence with God merely left out, but rather 
 between national extinction and the restoration of 
 Christian principles with their application to all the 
 affairs of the classes and the masses. In one word, the 
 choice of those who wield unjust power and exploit 
 the poor with ill-gotten gains, is to make restitution or 
 to be caught with all of us in the on-rush of the men 
 who will not serve God, neither Country nor Master. 
 
 The issue is clearly seen by those who with super- 
 natural light observe the character building of men and 
 of nations as they are ground betwixt the upper and 
 nether millstone. Pope Leo XIII covered the whole 
 ground of this irresponsible power and pointed out the 
 necessity of Christian Democracy, if civil society were 
 to survive the oncoming shock. As against this re- 
 ligious power, of which the Bishop of Rome is the Liv- 
 ing Visible Head, the opposing force, Communism
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 7 
 
 Socialism Bolshevism is arrayed. We shall per- 
 mit Vladimir Llitch Ulianoff Nickolai Lenin in 
 Soviets at Work, to give the warrant for using Com- 
 munism, Socialism, or Bolshevism as these three shades 
 of meaning are required, since his dictum rests pre- 
 cisely upon the principles of the Communist Manifesto 
 that have since 1848 supplied the ground for what is 
 generally known as " Scientific Socialism." 
 
 " The Bolsheviks formerly a faction within the Social- 
 Democratic Labor Party, have recently changed their name 
 to Communist Party to distinguish themselves from -the other 
 Social-Democratic groups. 
 
 " The terms Bolsheviks and Mensheviks date back to 1903, 
 when at a congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor 
 Party a difference arose on a seemingly unimportant question 
 (editorial supervision of the party organ), when upon a vote 
 which decided the question there naturally was a majority 
 and minority. Those who were with the majority were 
 nicknamed Bolsheviks and those with the minority Menshe- 
 viks, deriving their names from the Russian words Bol- 
 shinstvo and Menshinstvo, meaning majority and minority 
 respectively." 
 
 Socialists know very well that to de-Catholicize the 
 people means the de-Christianization of the world. But, 
 to de-Christianize the world were the triumph of his Sa- 
 tanic Majesty. Be it so! and they sing a hymn in 
 honor of that first and greatest rebellion against the 
 Giver of Life (the Rebel, Socialist weekly, Halletsville, 
 Texas, Oct. 21, 1916) :
 
 8 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 A PRAYER TO LUCIFER 
 BY COVINGTON HALL 
 
 Mighty Spirit ! Lord of Light ! 
 Beautiful and brave and bright! 
 Rather than in Heaven crawl, 
 Give me strength with Thee to fall ! 
 
 Glorious, unconquered Chief, 
 Warring on through years of grief, 
 Give me strength to share Thy load, 
 Let me die on freedom's road! 
 
 Rebel Leader, true as steel, 
 Thou who hast refused to kneel, 
 Hated by King, Priest and Slave, 
 Give me strength to be as brave ! 
 
 Mighty Spirit, strong and bright! 
 Splendid Bearer of the Light ! 
 Oversoul of liberty, 
 Up the pathway of the free, 
 Give me strength to follow Thee! 
 
 From this dictum they argue, thus only one world- 
 force would remain, and that power would be under 
 the control of Socialism. However, we may let the 
 Chairman of the International Socialist Bureau (Emil 
 Vandevelde) set forth their official opinion: 
 
 " It is an indubitable fact that, notwithstanding appear-
 
 TWO WOK1D POWERS 9 
 
 ances to the contrary, Europe is now de-Catholizing her- 
 self. One might even go further with safety and say that 
 she is de-Christianizing herself. Slowly but surely, with the 
 irresistible movement of a geological subsidence, faith is 
 waning among the industrial workers and even among the 
 peasants. One may safely assert that about twenty years 
 ago nearly every one held to some religious creed. Free- 
 thinkers were few and to be found only in the middle class. 
 Societies for promoting secular marriages and burials existed 
 only in the larger cities. To-day we see them spreading and 
 multiplying throughout the industrial centers and wherever 
 mining and manufacturing are carried on. In Belgium, in 
 France, in Germany, the workmen who follow no particular 
 creed number hundreds of thousands yes, millions and 
 as their hopes of a heavenly kingdom dissolve, other hopes 
 assert themselves with a growing intensity. Wherever free 
 thought penetrates, Socialism enters also. We know, it is 
 true, many workmen who become Socialists without re- 
 linquishing, or without totally abandoning their religious 
 convictions ; but aside from ' yellows ' and ' blacklegs,' acting 
 solely from mercenary motives, we neither know nor can 
 conceive of any freethinking workman who is not at the 
 same time a Socialist. 
 
 " In the old world, two gigantic coalitions are formed 
 l}y the elimination of intermediaries: The Black interna- 
 tional and the Red international. On the one hand all those 
 who hold that authority should descend from above and who 
 find in the Catholic Church the perfect expression of their 
 ideal, the most flexible guardian of their class privileges; on 
 the other hand are those who insist that authority shall come 
 from the people, and who, by the logic of circumstances, can 
 found their hopes on nothing but Social Democracy. 
 
 " Between these two extremes Protestantism hesitates and 
 Liberalism shifts from place to place. One may welcome 
 or deplore the fact of this coming concentration of forces
 
 10 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 about the Catholic Church on the one side, and Social 
 Democracy on the other. But, none can deny that this con- 
 centration is inevitable, and that the future struggles will 
 have to be fought out between these two armies. To those, 
 therefore, who are interested in the social movement in 
 Europe, we say : ' Observe, above all else, if you wish to 
 consider only the essential factors, the political activities of 
 the Roman Catholic Church and those of International 
 Socialism.' " (New York Independent, Dec., 1904, Vol. 15, p. 
 817.) 
 
 There is no modification of pronouncement by So- 
 cialists here at home. The Cross of Christ must yield 
 to the red flag. 'So confidently do they predict that 
 the " red international will down the black interna- 
 tional " that the leading Socialist daily the New 
 York Call presents its readers with a cartoon, well 
 spread over a page of its paper, of their flag supplanting 
 the Cross. A Socialist workman of giant proportions 
 wearing a leather apron and a French Revolutionary 
 Liberty Cap is standing in front of the magnificent 
 Cologne Cathedral " The charnel house of dead men's 
 bones, of ignorance and superstition " - hoisting the 
 red flag above the Cross that tops the steeple. Bishops 
 and priests with miter, croziers and money bags are 
 running away in confusion. Tagging on to the cord 
 about the Bishop's waist are the military officers. The 
 legend beneath " Down with the Black and Up with 
 the Red!" For God and Caesar have been put to 
 rout. 
 
 Tersely reechoing the words of the International So- 
 cialist Chairman, the United States Congressman from
 
 11 
 
 Milwaukee Victor L. Berger, member of the National 
 Executive Committee of the Socialist party and editor 
 of the Milwaukee Leader, when being interviewed by 
 the Boston Herald said: 
 
 " I predict that in the final summing up it will be a 
 fight between the red and the black international." 
 
 " What do you mean by the black international? " 
 
 " The Roman Catholic Church." 
 
 Certainly Catholics are not in doubt about the issue 
 of the conflict. As surely as God is not mocked; as 
 surely as the Almighty weighs the slightest offense 
 against His Majesty in the scales of exact justice and as 
 surely as our Heavenly Father is merciful to repentant 
 sinners, just so sure are we that the Gates of Hell shall 
 not prevail against the Church of Christ: For, our 
 Blessed Lord Himself has said so. 
 
 Neither is there any doubt, humanly speaking, about 
 the correctness of the Socialists' estimate as to the part 
 Protestantism or Liberalism is plaving in the world- 
 
 A / o 
 
 conflict, as between the two opposing forces one Cath- 
 olic-universal, supra-national, the other non-national 
 and world wide. As Protestant Christians hesitate to 
 go to Canossa at the call of the Pope they are pushed on 
 to so-called Liberalism, while Liberals shift from one 
 unsound defense to another, finally taking their destined 
 place in a blank denial of the supernatural. Thus they 
 leave the brunt of the battle against the Lord God of 
 Hosts to the army of Socialists, whose power for destruc- 
 tion none now may dispute. 
 
 It is true, however, that individual Protestants and
 
 12 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 Liberals who love truth above all things and so are will- 
 ing to pay the price of liberty within the Law are, in 
 large numbers, finding their way by the grace of 
 God back over a stony road to Rome. 
 
 This were indeed a logical sequence, since nothing 
 less than a rational explanation of the meaning of life 
 will satisfy the demands of the human heart and mind. 
 And, since apart from the supernatural revelation 
 within the keeping of the Catholic Church no man is 
 able to tell us how it is that a good God reigns over 
 a bad world. So it is, then, in God's goodness, that to 
 those who " knock " the meaning of life here and here- 
 after is opened unto them. 
 
 Socialism would supersede the Church. It explains 
 the fact of life by a process of evolution that starts off 
 with a " causeless cause " for the cosmos and brings 
 conscious man forth from a non-conscious universe made 
 up of mere matter and force. It explains that the 
 meaning of life ends with death; save for such of his 
 words and his deeds as react upon those left behind. 
 
 How then, should a body of men dead both to the love 
 and the fear of God conceive of the Catholic Church as 
 other than a man-made institution whose " political 
 activities " stand directly in the path of Socialism, the 
 object of which is to create a " classless society"? A 
 society not merely within this, that or another nation, 
 but, rather, counterfeiting the Church militant on earth 
 by their battle cry : " Working-men of all countries 
 unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains and 
 a world to win"
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 13 
 
 " THE BLACK INTERNATIONAL " 
 
 The history of the world attests to the truth that 
 men have never ceased to recognize the Pope as the 
 supreme head of that Living Organism natural and 
 supernatural which is by the Socialists opprobriously 
 designated the " Black International." There is no 
 break in the Apostolic Succession. There are some 300,- 
 000,000 persons of all races and climes who acknowledge 
 allegiance to the Pope as their Spiritual Father their 
 authority and guide, on earth, in matters of faith and 
 morals. From the beginning of the Christian era, 
 Catholics have held that the power exercised by the 
 Pope was originally conferred upon Simon, the Fisher- 
 man; when in response to Simon's confession of super- 
 natural faith, Christ our Lord said : " Thou art Peter 
 and on this Rock I will build My Church, and the 
 Gates of Hell shall not prevail against It." In perpet- 
 ual light Catholics have always held that as Christ's 
 Church was to endure forever, as Christ was to be with 
 His Church until the consummation of the world, as the 
 Gates of Hell were not to prevail against it, consequently 
 the power of Peter was to pass down to his Apostolic 
 Successors through all the ages of time. This belief 
 history substantiates first in the selection of Linus (67 
 A. D.), Cletus (76 A. D.) and so on all down the centuries 
 until time brings us to Benedict XV, the 259th successor 
 of Peter, whose power of the Keys he exercises. This 
 being so, Catholics, therefore, believe Pope Benedict XV 
 to be the Chief Pastor of the universal flock as Peter
 
 14 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 was Chief Pastor of the Apostles, entrusted by Christ 
 with the divine authority to teach all nations " to ob- 
 serve all things whatsoever I have commanded you." In 
 a general way when we speak of the Pope we mean the 
 Church itself that Christian Organism within which 
 abides the love, the light and the life of Christ, the 
 Saviour of Mankind, established in the year 33 A. D. 
 
 THE RED INTERNATIONAL 
 
 Socialists themselves proudly designate as the " Red 
 International " that society made up chiefly of repre- 
 sentatives from groups organized sociologically, indus- 
 trially and politically. The political groups are known 
 variously as Social Democratic, Socialist, Socialist- 
 Labor, Collectivist and Communist parties. Embrac- 
 ing all the known shades of open and organized revolt 
 against what is termed the Present Order, Capitalism, 
 Wage-Slavery, etc., etc., the International gathers 
 strength from decade to decade notwithstanding the fact 
 that its course has been twice interrupted and reorgan- 
 ized. Or, to use the Socialist phrase, " The point of the 
 Revolution has been broken " for the second time. 
 
 The first International, organized in London (1864) 
 under the title The International Workingman's As- 
 sociation, called together about half a hundred delegates, 
 representing six nationalities, with trade unionists in 
 the ascendency. Many of the continental delegates were 
 in exile in England with Karl Marx as the most not- 
 able personage. 
 
 The ostensible purpose of the London conference was
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 15 
 
 to find means to prevent the importation of cheap labor 
 from the continent into England ; to organize and assist 
 wage-earners to obtain better economic conditions. Yet 
 underlying these practical issues the real purpose of 
 the leaders was " to afford a central medium of com- 
 munication between workingmen's societies existing in 
 different countries " for the propagation of their doc- 
 trine of revolt against " class-rule." The trade union 
 element brought forth a resolution under the leadership 
 of Mazzini advocating harmonious and reciprocal re- 
 lation between capital and labor. In opposition to this 
 draft Marx declared for the " abolition of class-rule " 
 and his resolution was carried although the English 
 workingmen made up nearly one-half of the delegates 
 assembled. So it was that Marx became the dominating 
 figure at the initial gathering of the International, and 
 Socialism started upon its world-wide career. 
 
 So opposite were the practical aims of the trade union- 
 ists from the demands of the Socialists, Anarchists, Com- 
 munists on the Continent that the English workmen 
 virtually withdrew from the organization. 
 
 The affairs of the Red International were conducted 
 through congresses held in different countries and 
 through a General Council located in London, with 
 Marx as German Secretary. The first of these con- 
 gresses was held in Geneva 1866. It was attended by 
 about sixty delegates who were more " radical " than 
 those assembled at London. 
 
 By the time the second congress was convened at 
 Lausanne, Switzerland, the full-fledged spirit of revolt
 
 16 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 had developed as expressed in the closing words of the 
 President : 
 
 " We want no more governments, for governments oppress 
 us by taxes; we want no more armies, for armies massacre 
 and murder us; we want no religion, for religion chokes the 
 understanding." 
 
 Upon the entrance of Michael Bakunin, a Russian, 
 into the International Workingmen's Association at the 
 congress of 1869 began a struggle between the Bakunians 
 and the Marxians for supremacy. While holding the 
 self-same atheistic philosophy, their methods for the 
 realization of the " new society " very soon developed 
 antagonism sufficient to " break the point of the Revolu- 
 tion " and thus extend their cult of destruction under 
 the segis of Socialism and Anarchism with Marx and 
 Bakunin respectively in the lead throughout the world. 
 The failure of the Paris Commune, which the Interna- 
 tional is said to have inspired, added to the disruption 
 of these two forces while the success of the Bakuninites 
 in getting their program adopted at the Basle Congress 
 (1869) added fuel to the flame; and plans were laid to 
 drive the Russian revolutionist out of the International. 
 The final clash came in 1872 with the Socialists in the 
 lead, as the Anarchists had been deprived of their leader. 
 The Marxians had succeeded in having Congress con- 
 vene at The Hague. They knew that Bakunin would be 
 unable to attend as he had been " exiled from both 
 French and German territory, and being at the time a 
 resident of Switzerland, he was unable to reach Holland
 
 17 
 
 without crossing one or other of the countries named." 
 (Report Int. Workers' Congress. The Leader Press, 
 London, 1896.) Nor was this all, " The Committee of 
 credentials which was packed by Marx's supporters " 
 gave them the control of the congress by a majority of 
 " three votes." Bakunin was expelled from the Inter- 
 national. However, the lead was still so unsafe for the 
 Marxians that it was " deliberately " decided that death 
 to the organization was preferable to the non-Marxian 
 control of the International. The General Council was 
 thus transferred to New York, far away from Bakunin's 
 influence. 
 
 Here in America the first International languished 
 and died. Mr. F. A. Sorge, a life-long friend of Karl 
 Marx, endeavored to keep the organization alive. He 
 called a convention in Philadelphia for July 15, 1876. 
 Ten delegates assembled to represent the working-class 
 of America and one who claimed to represent a Social- 
 ist group in Germany. So discouraged were they at 
 the small attendance that the International was formally 
 dissolved upon issuing a declaration that reads, in part, 
 as follows : 
 
 u Fellow Working-Men, The International convention at 
 Philadelphia has abolished the General Council of the Inter- 
 national Working-Men's Association, and the external bond 
 of the organization exists no more. 
 
 " The International is dead ! The bourgeoisie of all coun- 
 tries will again exclaim, and with ridicule and joy it will 
 point to the proceedings of the convention as documentary 
 proof of the defeat of the labor movement of the world. 
 Let us not be influenced by the cry of our enemies ! . . ."
 
 18 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 It were indeed a correct view that the defeat of the 
 Socialist insurrection (Paris Commune 1871) had 
 brought death to the first attempt at world-wide action 
 in the interest of working-class rule and that its tomb- 
 stone was set up in Philadelphia. After eighteen years 
 had passed the bourgeoisie were made aware that al- 
 though the International was dead, it still lives. It had 
 learned something of politics in this interim, making its 
 reappearance not so much as a workingmen's economic 
 organization but rather with the emphasis upon political 
 parties. The new series of the International Congresses 
 of Socialists began in Paris in 1889. The Social Demo- 
 cratic Party of Germany was easily in the lead. To-day 
 a political party organization, more or less defined, 
 exists in every nation. 
 
 The Paris Socialist Congress (1900) established an 
 International Socialist Bureau with Headquarters in 
 Brussels. Thus the second Eed International entered 
 upon its career. Through this Bureau the Secretaries 
 of the various countries extended and expanded their 
 propaganda. Several congresses were held as follows: 
 
 FIRST INTERNATIONAL SECOND INTERNATIONAL 
 
 Geneva 1866 Paris 1889 
 
 Lausanne 1867 Brussels 1891 
 
 Brussels 1868 Zurich 1893 
 
 Basle 1869 London 1896 
 
 Hague 1872 Paris 1900 
 
 Philadelphia 1876 Amsterdam 1904 
 
 Stuttgart 1907 
 
 Copenhagen 1910 
 
 Basle . . 1912
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 19 
 
 Everywhere public opinion and governmental action 
 was being influenced by Socialist propaganda. Its phil- 
 osophy insists that it has found the key to the meaning 
 of life and that it will, if not by ballot, then by bullet, 
 settle once for all the injustices that are suffered by the 
 proletariat by the abolition of private property by 
 the repudiation of the Ten Commandments and the 
 Giver of them. So it was at the beginning of our 
 century that " Red ruin and the breaking up of laws " 
 was well on its way sweeping out what little belief many 
 talented " after Christians " still cherished in the super- 
 natural life, who together with atheist Jews God save 
 the mark ! and a few renegade Catholics formed a 
 force that had already become a powerful factor, here, 
 too, in America in opposition to those right principles 
 and sound institutions that are our proud inheritance as 
 a free people. This was but a natural sequence, that 
 organized revolt should fan the fire of social discontent 
 because of despotism, of autocracy ; because of the wan- 
 ton use of public power by elected servants ; because of 
 vast accumulations of wealth made by grinding the face 
 of the poor ; because of a contempt for public authority 
 that shielded the mighty while condemning the petty 
 offender. In one word by the great revolt of four hun- 
 dred years ago, the soil of murder and rapine was being 
 mellowed by those nations and those men who arrogated 
 to themselves the right of private judgment as against 
 Divine Authority. Since noblesse oblige had been 
 largely exchanged for laissez faire. 
 
 Upon the outbreak of the world-war the rational na-
 
 20 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 ture, implanted in the human race by Almighty God, 
 asserted itself in the heart and mind of a multitude of 
 Socialists sufficiently to call back the utter repudiation 
 of love of country. Hence the Socialist International 
 Bureau ceased to function. " Let weaklings go to the 
 International, I go to Hinderiburg ," said the editor of 
 the Chemnitzer Volksstimme. Deserted by the action 
 of the Social Democratic Party of Germany their 
 ideal political organization in its support of the policy 
 of the German government the hand of death slowly 
 closed over the second Red International. To quote 
 an American authority A. M. Simons : 
 
 " When the war broke out the Socialist International more 
 than failed. It not only broke into as many factions as 
 there were warring nationalities; its constituent members 
 went over to the enemy and, in many cases, sought to use 
 the very ties created by International Organization to serve 
 the ends of the deadliest enemies of Socialism." (The New 
 Review, Vol. 3, No. 17.) 
 
 No less emphatic is the assertion of an international 
 authority Rosa Luxemburg : 
 
 " The German Social Democracy handed its political 
 resignation on August 4tb, 1914. On that same day, tbe 
 Socialist International collapsed. All attempts to deny this 
 fact or to conceal it merely serve to perpetuate the conditions 
 which brought it about." (New Review, N. Y., Aug. 1, 
 1915.) 
 
 Surely one who has the world for one's country has 
 no country. Yet, it is quite one thing to profess this
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 21 
 
 Internationalism and honor it by the motto " The 
 World is My Country " at the base of a statue on Com- 
 monwealth Avenue as the citizens of Boston are doing, 
 but quite another to carry this anarchistic opinion to its 
 logical and treasonable conclusion as the minority groups 
 of all the Socialist parties of the several countries are 
 doing. If, however, we sow the wind shall we rightly 
 expect to escape the whirlwind? 
 
 The truth is that nations are not immune as is the 
 Church against the assaults from the Gates of Hell. 
 With the corollary that, although the life of the nation 
 is but mortal, it, too, owes its existence to the Providence 
 of God. Reasoning, then, with natural gratitude for its 
 deliverance, one might assume that the recent experience 
 of the most innocent, perhaps, and surely the most af- 
 flicted of all the nations in the world-conflict, would have 
 been the last rather than the first to hail the advent of 
 the third Red International. But, the great Rebel who 
 first brought disorder into the world has still his fol- 
 lowers. In spite of the glorious part taken there by a 
 Prince of the Church, the Socialists of Belgium were 
 the first to sound the toxin for a fresh onslaught through- 
 out the world of Red Rebellion. From under the cap- 
 tion " The International is Dead Long Live the In- 
 ternational" we quote: 
 
 " The First International vanished. An inglorious death 
 met the second International. But the International still 
 lives, still is the personification of the great watchword: 
 ' Workers of all countries, unite ! ' The first and second In- 
 ternationals have gone, but now comes the third to once
 
 22 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 more sound the clarion call, the revolutionary red Third In- 
 ternational ! " (" Socialiste Beige," Revolutionary Age, Dec. 
 21, 1918.) 
 
 Some three weeks later the Belgian Labor Party sent 
 a committee to meet the Executive Committee of the 
 French Socialist Party. Their purpose was jointly to 
 send out a call for an International Congress to meet in 
 Brussels. It was proposed that delegates should be 
 chosen from " those members of the International Social- 
 ist Bureau who represent the proletariat of the Allied 
 Powers. This meeting would have for its object to ex- 
 amine under what conditions it will be possible to recon- 
 struct, upon the basis of sincerity and mutual confidence, 
 the Socialist and Labor International." 
 
 The French Socialists objected, since the Socialist 
 parties of the sometime Central Powers were an integral 
 part, indeed the larger part, of the International Social- 
 ist Bureau, their delegates should not be excluded with- 
 out a hearing. So that project was killed a-borning. 
 
 From the news we are able to gather it now appears 
 that not one but two Internationals will be established. 
 One made up of " Social Patriots " the other of the 
 Bolsheviki everywhere. Taking our cue in part from 
 the leader of the Russian Bolsheviki, we see some little 
 hope of a return to sanity of groups of men who before 
 the war were unconscious of their loyalty to their own 
 country and too of the fundamental right of every man 
 to own private property in capital. We shall permit 
 Lenin to define the meaning of the " Social Patriot."
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 23 
 
 " The Social Patriots are Socialists in words and patriots 
 in fact, who agree to defend their fatherland in an imperial- 
 istic war, and particularly this imperialistic war. These men 
 are our class enemies. They have gone over to the bourgeois 
 camp. The Social Patriots are the enemies of our class, they 
 are bourgeois in the midst of the labor movement. They 
 represent layers or groups of the working class which have 
 been practically bought by the bourgeoisie, through better 
 wages, positions of honor, etc., and which help their bour- 
 geoisie to exploit and oppress smaller and weaker nations, and 
 to take part in the division of capitalistic spoils." (" Task 
 of the Proletariat in Our Revolution," Petrograd, Sept., 
 1917.) 
 
 The " Social Patriots " are those internationalists 
 who met at Berne at the call of Arthur Henderson of 
 England and Camille Huysmans, Secretary of the de- 
 funct International Socialist Bureau of the second In- 
 ternational ; and the congress was made up of Socialists 
 and Trade Unionists. It was repudiated by Socialists 
 of the country in which it assembled and generally by the 
 Bolshevist element of the organized movement through- 
 out the world. 
 
 By what is said against it, rather more than by what 
 it says for itself we gather our hope for a return to the 
 normal activities of Trade Unions, and so a return to 
 the world force that has in its keeping social health. 
 The Social Democratic Party of Switzerland declared 
 (February, 1919) : 
 
 " We refuse to be represented at a conference where those 
 morally responsible for the murder of Liebknecht and Rosa 
 Luxemburg will sit beside Comrades who even in the next
 
 24 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 few weeks will fall, new sacrifices to the government Social- 
 ists. 
 
 " We greet the Kussian revolution, and take up the battle 
 cry of the Russian and German revolutionists, calling the 
 proletariat to the world revolution." 
 
 In our own country the Berne Congress was repudi- 
 ated in a resolution adopted by the Central Executive 
 Committee of the Russian, Lettish, Ukrainian, Esthon- 
 ian and Lithuanian Eederations of the Socialist party of 
 America, we quote from their report February 9, 1919 : 
 
 " The Berne Congress favors a bourgeois League of Na- 
 tions, instead of a Socialist League of revolutionary nations ; 
 it is promoting a fraudulent bourgeois democracy instead of 
 a proletarian revolution : it favors a Wilson peace of phrases 
 instead of a Lenin peace of revolutionary deeds; it is a 
 vipers' nest of Social Patriots and betrayers of Socialism." 
 
 The Bolsheviki here will have none of the Berne Con- 
 gress, yet there is no mistaking their intention to further 
 the world revolution : 
 
 " The last convulsive gasp of the International. Its corpse 
 is now a stinking carrion. There must be a new Inter- 
 national of revolutionary Socialism of the final struggle and 
 victory." (Revolutionary Age, Boston, Feb. 22, 1919.) 
 
 The uncompromising elements of the Socialist move- 
 ment in Europe have listed the several divisions of their 
 strength throughout the world ; have outlined their prin- 
 ciples, program and aims and invited all their numer-
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 25 
 
 ous national divisions to join in setting up the third 
 International. The document is sent out by the Com- 
 munist parties, known also as the Bolsheviki (Russia), 
 Spartacus (Germany) or left wing Socialists (Scandi- 
 navia, the Balkans and other countries). 
 
 It is signed by the representatives of eight countries 
 who are attached to the Foreign Bureau of the Bol- 
 sheviki and countersigned by G. Tchitcherin, Russian 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 For: 
 
 1. The Central Committee of the Russian Communist 
 Party (Lenin-Trotsky). 
 
 2. The Foreign Bureau of the Communist Party of Poland 
 (Manchiewsky). 
 
 3. The Foreign Bureau of the Communist Party of Hun- 
 gary (Rudniovsky). 
 
 4. The Foreign Bureau of the Communist Party of German 
 Austria (Duda). 
 
 5. The Russian Bureau of the Communist Party of Lett- 
 land (Rosin). 
 
 6. The Central Committee of Finland (Siirola). 
 
 Y. The Executive Committee of the Balkan Revolutionary 
 Social Democratic Federation (Rakowski). 
 
 8. For the S. L. P., American (Boris Reinstein). 
 
 Since the Bolshevists know their own, we present 
 their list in full. Upon a recognition of the program 
 sent out these groups will be considered " full-fledged " 
 members of the Third International : 
 
 1. Spartacus Group (German). 
 
 2. Communist Party (Bolsheviki-Russia).
 
 26 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 3. Communist Party (German- Austria). 
 
 4. Communist Party (Hungary). 
 
 5. Communist Party (Poland). 
 
 6. Communist Party (Finland). 
 
 7. Communist Party (Esthonia). 
 9. Communist Party (Lettland). 
 
 10. Communist Party (Lithuania). 
 
 11. Communist Party (White Russia). 
 
 12. Communist Party (Ukrainia). 
 
 13. The revolutionary elements of the Czech Social Demo- 
 cratic Party. 
 
 14. The " Narrow-Minded " Bulgarian Social-Democratic 
 Party. 
 
 15. The Rumanian Social-Democratic Party. 
 
 16. The Left Wing of the Serbian Social-Democratic 
 Party. 
 
 17. The Left Social-Democratic Party, of Sweden. 
 
 18. The Norwegian Social-Democratic Party. 
 
 19. The group " Klassenkampen " (Denmark). 
 
 20. The Communist Party (Holland). 
 
 21. The revolutionary elements of the Belgian Labor Party. 
 22 and 23. The groups and organizations and syndicalist 
 
 movements in France, which in the main and on the whole, 
 agree with Loriot. 
 
 24. The Left Social-Democrats of Switzerland. 
 
 25. The Italian Socialist Party. 
 
 26. The Left element of the Spanish Socialist Party. 
 
 27. The Left elements of the Portuguese Socialist Party. 
 
 28. The British Socialist Party, particularly that tendency 
 represented by MacLean. 
 
 29. Socialist Labor Party (England). 
 
 30. I. W. W. (England). 
 
 31. I. W. W. of Great Britain. 
 
 32. The revolutionary elements of the Irish Labor organi- 
 zations.
 
 TWO WORLD POWERS 27 
 
 33. The revolutionary elements of Shop Stewards (Great 
 Britain). 
 
 34. Socialist Labor Party (America). 
 
 35. The Left elements of the American Socialist Party (the 
 tendency represented by Debs and the Socialist Propaganda 
 League). 
 
 36. I. W. W. (America). 
 
 37. I. W. W. (Australia). 
 
 38. Workers' International Industrial Union (America). 
 
 39. The Socialist groups of Tokio and Yokohama (repre- 
 sented by Comrade Katayama). 
 
 40. The Young People's Socialist International. 
 
 Surely here is a formidable force organized for de- 
 struction and we confidently say that the Catholic 
 Church which created our western civilization is the 
 one power that can resist its advance and so preserve 
 the human progress that has been made on earth since 
 our Blessed Lord gave the charge to Peter, " Feed my 
 lambs, feed my sheep."
 
 II 
 
 STANDARDS OF FAITH AND OF FATALISM 
 
 HAVING established the existence of a world force 
 in active opposition to the Universal the 
 Catholic Church the standards by which socialistic- 
 fatalism opposes itself to faith, above and beyond the 
 mere reaction of things material, may well be brought 
 out to show how completely antagonistic Socialist theory 
 and its practical application Bolshevism is to 
 Christian principles and practise within organized so- 
 ciety. The candid mind will admit that upon the do- 
 main of the modern Caesar the State which may be 
 marked off into its four grand divisions the civil ; 
 the social ; the commercial and the domestic spheres 
 may be clearly seen the impress of those Christian doc- 
 trines, principles, practises and sentiments that after 
 having conquered the ancient Pagan world erected the 
 structure of civilization as we know it to-day, with its 
 ever restless desire to have God's will done on earth as 
 it is in Heaven. 
 
 In truth, Socialism itself in its negative way is a 
 tribute to Catholicity. When it condemns the evils that 
 afflict modern life it does so upon the basis of morality 
 and in terms that correctly correspond to Christian 
 thought and sentiment. Yet, this is utterly inconsistent 
 
 28
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 29 
 
 with its basic doctrine that men are in no wise respon- 
 sible for their individual conduct since their will is not 
 free to choose the good from the evil. And, further- 
 more, since good and evil are not absolute principles 
 but rather mere attitudes of mind, one may indeed be 
 relatively more or less " class-conscious " that is all 
 there is to morality ! 
 
 " Modern thought doesn't concern itself much about what 
 is theoretically ' right,' but instead about what is socially 
 useful. The more you analyze a supposed ' right ' the more 
 you are led to see in it merely some one's concept of what 
 ought to be. In other words, the notion of a ' right ' cannot 
 be established on any natural or logical basis. It used to be 
 supposed that the Almighty had granted to humankind cer- 
 tain securities known as ' rights ' and after Rousseau's time 
 it was supposed by many men that nature herself had 
 definitely fixed them ; hence the term ' natural rights.' But 
 both ideas have had to give way. What the world is now 
 fighting for is the establishment of a social order in which 
 every one finds opportunity for his fullest development." 
 (Head of Information Department of Appeal to Reason, 
 Girard, Kan., Dec. 28, 1918.) 
 
 However, since right-reason forces the conclusion that 
 the conduct of man in the family, in his industrial 
 relations and in political and social affairs is de- 
 pendent upon the principles, true or false, to which he 
 pays allegiance, it becomes a matter of public safety to 
 insist that free-will actions are moral or immoral as 
 one's conduct conforms to the constitution natural to 
 mankind: that is to say to God's law. The issue may 
 be clearly seen by contrasting the view held by So-
 
 30 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 cialists as to the origin of man with the belief held by 
 Catholics and competent men of science. " Matter in 
 motion " is the irrational first cause for the former ; 
 while the First Cause for the latter is our Omniscient 
 Father Almighty God. 
 
 From the consequence that man is an entity in him- 
 self a distinct personality having free-will he is 
 morally bound to obey the law of his nature. His only 
 right, therefore, lies in obedience, yet he has the power 
 of disobedience. He has rights since God has given 
 them and responsibilities towards God, towards his 
 fellow men and with regard to himself. He is com- 
 manded to love his neighbors as himself. As, by his nat- 
 ural constitution, the man and his neighbors dwell within 
 civil society, we shall set forth some of the simple prin- 
 ciples that perforce govern Christians and then, in con- 
 trast to these principles of right-reason, show forth the 
 notions of man's relationships as they are found in So- 
 cialist propaganda here and abroad. Necessarily, as 
 Christ's Vicar interprets the moral law for the govern- 
 ment of Catholics and as their recognized Socialist au- 
 thorities interpret their theory of the origin of man 
 and his activity, as motived by a series of " class-strug- 
 gles," there is all the difference between light and dark- 
 ness ; between right and wrong in the opinions and senti- 
 ments held by the one group and the other. What then, 
 is the Catholic attitude towards the State of whatsoever 
 form of just government ?
 
 FAITH ATO FATALISM 31 
 
 CIVIL SOCIETY 
 
 By the command of the Lord-God, to render unto 
 Caesar the things that belong to Caesar, patriotism be- 
 comes a positive law for Christians a religious obli- 
 gation. Civil authority is not indeed personal. It does 
 not reside in the official as an individual as the doc- 
 trine of the divine right of kings would make it out 
 but rather it belongs to that public entity that moral 
 body, the Commonwealth. The will of the nation like 
 the will of the family, its unit, is cohesive. In it is the 
 bond of the worth of the individual, with immortal life, 
 and the bond of the worth of the family, the unit that 
 makes up the mortal life of the country. In the will of 
 the Commonwealth is, too, the bond of internal and ex- 
 ternal peace for safeguarding the rights of its members, 
 while it claims from them their duties towards their 
 country. 
 
 Patriotism, the supreme quality of this organic bond, 
 demands the subordination of personal interests, of fam- 
 ily kinships and of party loyalty in times of national 
 stress. Not indeed for the glory of the State, primarily, 
 but rather for the glory of the Author of Nations under 
 whose providence and protection men are born to know 
 God, to love God, and to serve Him as the sum and sub- 
 stance of our life on earth. It was not our country that 
 gave us our natural rights, but rather God who gave us 
 our Country to protect our rights on earth. So it is that 
 the supreme sacrifice of life itself, is rightly given to 
 one's country for the love of God ; since the country we
 
 32 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 are morally bound to love and to serve was given to us 
 by God for the protection of our life, liberty, property 
 and family. Hence within, not without, love and loy- 
 alty to God reside love and loyalty to country. 
 
 Conversely, patriotism will not permit of the use of 
 public power for the extension of private fortunes ; nor 
 for the promotion of individual honor save for disin- 
 terested service rendered to the body politic. Hence 
 the social organism functioning normally in times of 
 peace demonstrates internal order. But in times of war 
 organized force moral and physical is necessary 
 for the defense of rights and the enforcement of jus- 
 tice, that peace and security may return as in normal 
 times. Yet, since the injury done to the whole race 
 by the rebellion of our first parents has- consequences 
 of social as of personal disorder the virtue of patriotism 
 by inspiring heroic deeds forms a noble guard of eternal 
 vigilance of our country's honor the price we pay 
 for liberty ! All of us know that only ten men are 
 needed to save a city. 
 
 SOCIAL INTERCOURSE 
 
 The earth and the fulness thereof was given to man 
 and since man must eat his bread in the sweat of his 
 brow it consequently follows that each and every one of 
 us, throughout all ages, should render due service to his 
 own day and generation in return for the means of liv- 
 ing not indeed at a dead level, but of picturesque and 
 interesting variety. For as some persons have one talent, 
 others five and still others ten talents expressing qualities
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 33 
 
 and intensities of an infinitely changing development it 
 should be evident that the flux and flow of social classes 
 are natural to the aggregation of families that make up 
 a nation. For men are born equal in this they are 
 sons of God and heirs of Heaven. Although their ma- 
 terial and intellectual advantages vary greatly, yet their 
 moral opportunities are such that each individual soul 
 may by God's grace find the path to eternal hap- 
 piness. To love one another is the law and to work out 
 our particular talents in the service of our fellow men 
 is our opportunity to do unto others as we would have 
 them do unto us. Yet, if to the highest we will not re- 
 spond, God's justice sees to it that we pay to the last jot 
 and tittle what we owe to others. Since, then, we are 
 commanded every day to pray to be forgiven our tres- 
 passes as we forgive those who trespass against us, woe 
 be to those of us who do not in honor "prefer one another 
 by an exchange of courtesies that come as fittingly from 
 the lowly as from the exalted, since the brotherhood of 
 man is vastly more than a platitude. 
 
 Resting upon Christian standards, social intercourse 
 creates a public opinion that is at once sound and beau- 
 tiful, and a multitude of activities are developed for 
 cultural enjoyment, while freedom in the expression 
 of tastes, rather than slavery to fashion, is given for the 
 ornate or the simple life. With love and justice as the 
 two pillars of social culture, what should hinder the 
 classes and the masses from dwelling together in friendly 
 relationship ?
 
 34 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 There is no mistaking the individual right to the own- 
 ership of economic wealth operated with a view to 
 increase one's private property if the Decalogue is not 
 out of date. Nor to the individual right of a permanent 
 inheritance of lucrative property. Otherwise, the 
 foundation were lacking for the sufficient reason that 
 private property is necessary to the support of the fam- 
 ily the family being the unit of the state. Since buy- 
 ing and selling is the ground floor of commerce the con- 
 clusion is without flaw that civil society is conditioned 
 upon the exchange of commodities and services for its 
 existence. 
 
 But justice is the foundation of the world it claims 
 primary recognition in all the relations of man with 
 man. So be it ! "Upon the words of our Blessed Lord 
 Himself, wage-paying and wage-taking is based upon 
 the principle of economic justice. Just a little study 
 should make it clear that the reasons for the exchange 
 of work for money is an act of social advantage, al- 
 though the reasons of the employer for giving the wage 
 may differ never so greatly from the reasons of the em- 
 ployee who receives the wage. Yet, while the exchange 
 of money for work gives the one and the other personal 
 satisfaction, the basis of exchange is not personal advan- 
 tage but rather it is equity. Measure for measure in 
 economic value must by either party to the transaction 
 be given and received, else injustice spoils the act by 
 giving it the baneful character of robbing the one or
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 35 
 
 the other. It is clear then that a right understanding 
 of the principles involved in buying and selling and a 
 rightful discharge of duties, on either side of the bar- 
 gain, will satisfy men of good will. To the envious 
 man, justice is not sufficient. The laborers who re- 
 ceived their just wage a penny a day grumbled 
 when at our Lord's injunction His steward gave a penny 
 also to those who, having found no man to hire them, 
 went to work at the eleventh hour. 
 
 Moreover, no Christian disputes the principle that 
 since all we have, and life itself, must be given in serv- 
 ice to God it is mere common sense that the wealth a 
 man has is held in trust. Consequently, the private 
 property consumed in the production of more wealth 
 must be used, ultimately, to promote the honor and glory 
 of God. Noblesse oblige is not merely a chivalrous senti- 
 ment, it is a Christian statute, applicable to the sphere 
 of commerce. 
 
 As for the wage-earner, his right to the life that God 
 gave carries with it a right to the means of life. On 
 this ground Pope Leo XIII sets forth the legislation 
 that at the very lowest round of the wage scale a man 
 shall receive money sufficient to maintain himself and 
 his family in frugal comfort and, too, something to lay 
 by for a rainy day or for the disabilities of old age. 
 More than this ! If through no fault of their own the 
 idle men in the market place begin work at the eleventh 
 hour, justice requires that the necessities of living be 
 supplied to them. If not by their neighbors, the capital- 
 ists, then by the Commonwealth.
 
 36 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Yet even justice were cold comfort to those who, as 
 the street phrase has it, are down and out. The Sa- 
 maritan who was beaten and robbed on his way to Jeri- 
 cho may have been a saint or a sinner we do not know. 
 But, we do know that his condition called for succor. 
 Furthermore, we know that those who passed him by 
 " on the other side " were his neighbors, having the 
 sternest obligation to be his keeper. Thanks be to God ! 
 there came a man who gave the necessary aid with the 
 measure of generosity heaped up to the brim and running* 
 over. 
 
 Let it not be said that although the wage-system is 
 permanent in principle and in itself entirely just, that 
 wage-earners are doomed to remain in that economic 
 station for life. Not so, for men are ascending and de- 
 scending the industrial ladder from wage-earner to 
 capitalist and from capitalist to wage-earner every 
 day in the year. 
 
 No more can the principle of economic competition be 
 separated from that of economic cooperation. For men 
 cooperate and compete within a single industrial plant, 
 yet they are in combination for the purpose of winning 
 the competition prize the market. Just as up and 
 down come together at the horizon so the two extremes 
 of competition and cooperation meet on common ground, 
 each to correct the excesses of either. For under 
 the providence of the Author of Nations the Common- 
 wealth is entitled to the best work of all its citizens, and 
 like as the power and skill of a man's right hand is 
 combined with the power and skill of his left hand
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 37 
 
 in order to work out the design in his mind into a pro- 
 duct for his own advantage, likewise while keeping 
 close within their mutual rights and duties may our 
 citizens work to the advantage of the body-politic while 
 working also for their own advantage. 
 
 The Church, the Commandments, the Gospels, and 
 right reasoning make it clear that the capitalist has a 
 right to his justly gotten gains; yet, it is also as clear 
 that he has the power to get and to keep ill gotten gains. 
 Also, the wage-worker has a right to the full value of 
 his toil. Yet, the cry of the laborer that his just wage 
 has been kept by fraud goes up to Heaven for redress. 
 Even so! Since it shall profit a man nothing to gain 
 the whole world at the loss of his soul, redress is surely 
 on its way and woe be to those who carry rebellion in 
 their hearts to their graves. 
 
 THE DOMESTIC SPHEEE 
 
 As commerce is the material foundation of civilized 
 life, so is the family the natural the moral founda- 
 tion of the social organism. Hence it is that the health 
 of a nation may be known to be good by the freedom of 
 its families from blasting and corrupting motives and 
 influences. Catholics have but one voice as to the stan- 
 dards that are necessary for the maintenance of family 
 integrity. For the sufficient reason that the Church has 
 but one voice on the matter God's voice. Christians 
 must then, of necessity, recognize marriage as divine in 
 its origin while its purpose is natural to the existence of 
 the human race.
 
 38 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Within the marriage bond " these twain are one 
 flesh " in a life union. 
 
 Marriage is a state of life mutually entered into by 
 one's own free-will consent. 
 
 The formation of this moral body the family 
 has two primary functions, the propagation of the race 
 and the mutual comfort and happiness of husband and 
 wife. 
 
 Within the body politic man stands as the responsible 
 head of the family; while within the precincts of the 
 home woman has the leading responsibility. Thus, 
 these iw&in, made one, perfectly complement each the 
 other in the every-day duties and dignities that the ex- 
 igencies of life bring to the family. 
 
 The primary and chief duty of parents is that of rear- 
 ing children in the love and fear of God ; that they may 
 glorify their Father in Heaven. The parents' secon- 
 dary duty is like unto their first: By education, fit- 
 ting their children to love their neighbor as they love 
 themselves and to pay due love to their country and 
 due loyalty and obedience to Caesar the authority of 
 a nation that is rightly empowered to govern, upon the 
 consent of the governed. Since the family government 
 is prior to that of the Commonwealth and since the fam- 
 ily is the necessary unit of the Commonwealth, God's 
 commands lay the foundation of all government and are 
 first to be obeyed to the end that the sufferings of 
 Christ shall accomplish their mission, namely, the re- 
 demption of mankind. 
 
 So it is that Christians hold ever in mind the super-
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 39 
 
 natural character of the family relation the gift by 
 which parents in cooperation with Almighty God clothe 
 the human soul with its physical body. Nor is it ever 
 forgotten that our Divine Lord marked off with especial 
 sanctification the entrance upon parental obligation, 
 by His presence at the marriage feast at Cana there it 
 was that Christ worked His first miracle. 
 
 From the fact that God has been driven out of So- 
 cialist consideration and that even the First Cause of 
 all creation is asserted to be a " causeless cause " the 
 teachings of Socialism are at once seen to be irreconcil- 
 able with the moral code of the Church. They have no 
 sanction for their shifting standards of belief and con- 
 duct save only the will of their " class-conscious " ma- 
 jority; of which the Bolsheviki is a recent and rather 
 overwhelming demonstration. 
 
 But, Christian morality is plainly based upon positive 
 law. One must believe in God, free-will, the Christian 
 concept of the family, of the state, of private property 
 and of individual moral responsibility as interpreted by 
 the Pope for the government of Catholics. 
 
 All this is lightly brushed aside by a puff of wind 
 from the lips of their founders and leaders as " bour- 
 geois morality " something quite out of date. More- 
 over, it is fiercely conceived to be their especial mission 
 to oppose and to overthrow the entire structure of soci- 
 ety ; while they await the oncoming of what the " evolu- 
 tionary " future shall bring forth from the " womb of 
 Capitalism." This negative, destructive attitude, is re- 
 lied upon with as complete a fatalistic confidence as
 
 40 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 one may rightly have with a tried-out chemical formula. 
 To change the " capitalist system " by destroying it, is 
 the way to form that " new society " of their dreams. 
 This is quite logical, for it rests upon a profoundly un- 
 reasonable, if one may be allowed the term, premise, 
 that all factors, be they spiritual, political, social or do- 
 mestic, are but emanations from the economic class con- 
 flicts between man and man. The negation of man's 
 spiritual nature and the assumption that materialism is 
 the cause of idealism sets forth the explanation of the 
 Socialist method of propaganda. By doing nothing on 
 the principle of construction they propose to translate 
 their philosophy into act. 
 
 There is no mistaking the essential meaning of Social- 
 ist philosophy. Let us quote a classic of Karl Marx 
 a world authority : 
 
 " The economic structure of society is the real foundation, 
 on which rise legal and political superstructures and to 
 which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The 
 mode of production in material life determines the general 
 character of the social, political and spiritual processes of 
 life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their 
 existence, but, on the contrary, their social existence deter- 
 mines their consciousness." (P. 11, " Critique of Political 
 Economy," N. Y., 1904.) 
 
 Neither common sense, world experience nor Chris- 
 tian enlightenment can come to our aid in the interpre- 
 tation of the premise here laid down by Marx: That 
 the mode of production determines the spiritual pro- 
 cesses of life : that " social existence " is the source of
 
 FAITH AOT> FATALISM 41 
 
 individual consciousness. Quite to the contrary one 
 must have recourse to the Socialist discovery that the 
 what and the why of life is confined to three score years 
 and ten : that it is the " economic structure of society " 
 - the relationships sustained by men in the production 
 and exchange of commodities for individual profit re- 
 acting upon the " tool-using animal " that has induced a 
 mass consciousness of which the individual partakes. 
 But, angels and men defend us! The conscious prin- 
 ciple that which makes us each an individual soul, 
 fit for immortal life, is what this latest heresy would 
 rob the race of. Socialists would substitute for the 
 image of God a mere by-product of the clash between eco- 
 nomic classes. Something like the light struck by flint 
 against flint is produced as economic class strikes against 
 economic class the combat being perpetual. This 
 never ceasing strife polishes up the wits that have some- 
 how come from " matter in motion " as the final cause 
 of the human race. Something as the pebbles on the 
 shore are polished by the thunderous ocean as the tide 
 heaves in and out, so are the wits of the individuals 
 the cells of the social organism sharpened as one set 
 the capitalists fight in taking and holding from the 
 other set the workers who likewise fight to hold 
 and to keep the wealth that is produced. 
 
 Their theory has it that from class-consciousness there 
 shall evolve race-consciousness, when the fight has been 
 fought to the finish. Then harmony shall reign, since 
 a " classless society " will have but one interest self- 
 interest in improving its methods of production for the
 
 42 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 benefit of all its individuals its cells. The end all 
 and be all of life shall come. Let all eat, drink and be 
 merry for to-morrow all die. Alas! poor Yorick! 
 Why should a live cell speculate about a dead cell ? 
 
 Surely not a little study is necessary to learn the 
 meaning lying within the cumbersome language of the 
 man, who above all others has laid down the dogmas 
 of the Socialist cult. Yet, it is evident that Marx's 
 followers the world over have mastered the irrational 
 system of thought and are in general accord with their. 
 German master. 
 
 Throwing aside the moral obligation under which we 
 all stand towards God, our fellow men, and towards our- 
 selves as " meaningless and confusing " a leading Ameri- 
 can authority Morris Hillquit sets down his al- 
 legiance to the spurious principle that the one only fac- 
 tor relative to moral enlightenment is the " purely so- 
 cial factor." 
 
 " The factors determining the degree and direction of 
 moral development will be found in the philosophy of Karl 
 Marx, who alone consistently introduced the spirit of Dar- 
 winism into the study of social phenomena by substituting 
 the economic interpretation of history and the resultant doc- 
 trine of the class struggle in the more modern stages of social- 
 development for the instinct of self preservation and the re- 
 sulting doctrine of the struggle for existence in its lower 
 stages." ("Socialism in Theory and Practice," pp. 51-52.) 
 
 Denying the Decalogue, by ignoring it, with the as- 
 sumption that standards for human conduct come up 
 from time to time with the changing relations upon the
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 43 
 
 field of commerce, Socialists now assume that the " mo- 
 rality of the ruling class " is being overcome by the " new 
 morality of the working class." Of course, the rational 
 view is that since the Ten Commandments are the con- 
 stant the never changing moral law, they are as ap- 
 plicable at an earlier stage of social development as at a 
 later date in the history of the race. Yet, Mr. Hillquit 
 follows up his fallacious argument by adding two up-to- 
 date commandments, man-made. To quote (p. 63) : 
 
 " The two historical slogans given to the modern socialist 
 and labor movement by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, 
 ' the emancipation of the working-man can only be ac- 
 complished by the working-men themselves ' ; and ' Working- 
 men of all countries, unite, you have nothing to lose but 
 your chains ; you have a world to gain ! ' may truly be said 
 to be the main precepts of the new morality of the working- 
 class." 
 
 Plainly it is not this materialistic doctrine that at- 
 tracts so many workers and holds them captive to the 
 Juggernaut car of the latest paganism. It is rather the 
 stirring of the holy spirit of freedom within them that 
 by impatience with the mills of God that grind so 
 slowly, turns them away from the straight and narrow 
 paths that must be trod by the light of reason. 
 
 The Socialist platforms of our country are not so 
 coolly, so brazenly atheistic s in setting forth their fatal- 
 istic standards of morality. Yet, the Godless basis is 
 there, for it is the leaders who form the platform to at- 
 tract the attention of the rank and file of the worldly 
 ambitious and discontented men: of men with many a
 
 44 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 just grievance that should have been righted, and would 
 have been righted if there were to be found in every city 
 and town within the dominion of Caesar ten men wholly 
 determined that the law of Christ should be applied. 
 
 The key note of the 1908 platform is struck dogmatic- 
 ally : " Human life depends upon food, clothing and 
 shelter " to be sure ! Yet, this is the lesser half of 
 the truth since human life depends absolutely upon the 
 will of God. Indeed, since the necessities of life are, 
 too, as truly God's free gifts to man as life itself, it is 
 wholly gratuitous to assert that " Only when these 
 things are assured is freedom, culture and higher de- 
 velopment possible." It should be held in view that 
 higher development, in the mind of the makers of this 
 platform, has reference to the progress of the race to- 
 wards the super-man a sort of creature that may be 
 expected to inhabit the earth, once the war of classes has 
 climaxed in the " classless society." 
 
 Then, too, reasoning rightly and consulting our ex- 
 perience, we see that a state of human freedom is en- 
 tirely compatible with the work of getting one's bread 
 and butter by whatsoever honorable means. Happily, 
 a vast number of our American population may testify 
 to their religious and civil liberty. Moreover, it is com- 
 mon recognition that true culture is impossible upon 
 the materialistic and animalistic foundation of human 
 society, because of the supreme fact that man lives not 
 by bread alone. Eor just as true courtesy is an out- 
 ward evidence of one's conviction of the equality of 
 human souls, so is a broad culture an outward expression
 
 FAITH AKD FATALISM 45 
 
 of one's intellectual understanding that although men 
 have a vast variety of natural gifts and genius in vary- 
 ing degrees, the services of one particular class of work- 
 ers are as essential to the well-being of our citizenry as 
 another be those services rendered by men of genius 
 most highly developed since Divine Economy rules 
 over the acts of men en masse within the Common- 
 wealth. This is the basis of the equality of man upon 
 the domain of Csesar. Hence when God is left out of 
 human reckoning the loss acts upon the intellect like the 
 deadly fumes of gas. It creeps into the unwary mind 
 poisoning those who are not immuned by their faith in a 
 just foundation of things human. Despair is one of its 
 noxious products. What would be the use to work 
 against fate, if by fate both employer and employee 
 were the mere sport of blind force ? 
 
 Yet, this impossible task is the contract that Social- 
 ism has taken upon itself. To quote further from the 
 platform of 1908 : " The capitalist class . . . is 
 bound to exploit the workers to the very limit of their 
 endurance and to sacrifice their physical, moral and 
 mental welfare to its own insatiable greed." Just what 
 rightful business the word " moral " has in this connec- 
 tion no man can tell ! Yet the explanation is simple. 
 Mankind is given a rational nature and however hard 
 one may try to slink away from his conscious principle, 
 it abides. The image of God is not to be blotted out at 
 the behest of man : 
 
 " So long as the light holds out to burn 
 The vilest sinner may return."
 
 46 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 But not after! 
 
 Knowing how difficult, aye impossible, it is for even 
 those steeped in the poison of the " materialistic con- 
 ception of history " to stick to their text, and conse- 
 quently that the true records of the race are freely min- 
 gled with their false principle of economic determinism, 
 to the confusion of well-meaning men : that Socialist de- 
 nunciation of the evils of the day which in fact exist 
 in a measure hardly to be exaggerated seems to prom- 
 ise to the lowly that they are about to bring them into 
 their own ; knowing that the wrong cause is supported 
 not indeed to gain a mess of pottage for which they are 
 willing to barter their souls but with the expectation 
 that social justice may be secured for all, we deem it es- 
 sential to cover this fatalistic foundation of Socialist 
 propaganda somewhat thoroughly. For it should be 
 clearly seen for what it is the fundamental negation 
 of the rational constitution of the race. Hence directly 
 contrary in its norm of conduct to those Catholic prin- 
 ciples those truths, and those alone, that shall save 
 our beloved country from disaster. 
 
 This is their touchstone : " Class morality " has 
 ruled individual morality out of the court of mankind. 
 Now, since " class morality " is indeed something new 
 under the sun we shall establish the fact of its place 
 in this world movement and show how strictly its pre- 
 cepts are adhered to throughout our western civilization. 
 
 The " Socialist Bible " Das Kapital lays down 
 the dogma that ramifies throughout every department of 
 their scheme to set up a free society :
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 47 
 
 " My standpoint from which the evolution of the economic 
 formation of society is viewed as a process of natural history, 
 can less than any other make the individual responsible for 
 relations whose creature he socially remains, however much 
 he may subjectively raise himself above them." (" Capital," 
 p. 15, Kerr edition.) 
 
 First to make sure we have the genuine article 
 made, not by the working-man for the working-man, but 
 by a highly gifted German-Jew, whose father had re- 
 nounced his religious connections that he might prac- 
 tise the profession of law we quote from the plat- 
 form of the Socialist party (1912) of our own country, 
 the gist of " economic determinism." Having enumer- 
 ated all the other agencies that go to make up the struc- 
 ture of our body politic as " absolutely controlled " by 
 the capitalist class, the " religious and moral agencies" 
 are set down as the climax. Certainly we hold no brief 
 for other religious bodies, but as obedient lay members 
 of the Catholic Church we protest with all our mind, 
 heart and strength that Her activities here on earth are 
 neither " subsidized " nor controlled by the capitalist 
 class. Not one of the 15,817 Parish Churches nor one 
 of the 6642 Parish Schools, academies, colleges and 
 universities is under the control of any group of capi- 
 talists nor of any individual capitalist. It is God's 
 word Christ and Him Crucified that is preached, 
 for the love of souls. The Commandments and the Ser- 
 mon on the Mount give the standards for Christian mo- 
 rality ; while on every Sunday in the year the gospel les- 
 son is set forth with the purpose of enforcing the prac-
 
 48 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 tical application of the law and the counsels of Christ 
 to the every-day relations of life personal, social, civil 
 and domestic. From infancy to death Catholics are 
 under the direct influence and in holy association with 
 the Giver of Life of Justice of Love. 
 
 However, one word aside from our main purpose may 
 be said regarding the Socialist platform. Notwith- 
 standing its utterly perverse basis there are many 
 measures listed to which right-minded men may freely 
 give assent. Measures that good citizens strive to have 
 enacted into our statutes and enforced. But these 
 measures do not follow as a consequence from the 
 morally irresponsible doctrine of Socialism. Quite to 
 the contrary they are grounded in Chrisian principles. 
 One may look back to the days of the craft guilds 
 when society was directed by the Vicar of Christ to 
 see many of them, not merely advocated, but in practise. 
 The shorter hour working day; better sanitary condi- 
 tions in factories, mines and mills ; the abolition of child 
 labor; better housing conditions; craft insurance; em- 
 ployment for the unemployed ; reclamation of arid and 
 swamp lands; etc., etc., are frankly used by Socialist 
 parties for propaganda purposes. Socialist leaders 
 know very well that once men have been attracted by 
 measures to the advantage of the wage-earners and so 
 induced to take the first step, by voting their ticket, they 
 may be initiated later, " and then, after we have made 
 them members of the Socialist Party, we can talk to 
 them inside our ranks,, talk of the higher philosophies 
 and of the logical consequences of our explanation of
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 49 
 
 society and nature." (Ernest Unterman, Official Pro- 
 ceedings S. P. Convention, Indianapolis, 1908.) 
 
 The explanation is indeed crucial. Yet, it is in sub- 
 stance given at the conclusion of the Practical Measures 
 of the platform, 1912. 
 
 " Such measures of relief as we may be able to force from 
 capitalism are but a preparation of the workers to seize the 
 whole power of government, in order that they may thereby 
 lay hold of the whole system of industry and thus come to 
 their rightful inheritance." 
 
 The working class is thus taken under the tutelage of 
 Socialists who propose to initiate them in that see of 
 their political power by which every mother's son has 
 his private property in capital, well gotten or illy gotten, 
 taken from him. Thus it is clear that treason and theft 
 are held to be the " class morality " by which workmen 
 may come into " their rightful inheritance." Yet, since 
 it was " the introduction and spread of salad-oil " that 
 has put agnosticism almost if not quite at a respectable 
 par with the Church of England (Engels " Socialism 
 Utopian and Scientific " ) who knows but that up will be 
 down and right will be left even in our own day ? Es- 
 pecially as Prof. Charles Zueblin (Conference on Social- 
 ism, Chickering Hall, Boston) has lent the great weight 
 of his dictum to them in making down up and up down : 
 " The International Socialist movement does more to 
 preach unflinching morality than any other organization 
 in the world." 
 
 Surely from this time on chaos should be order.
 
 50 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 Hold ! We are saved by material intervention ! Since 
 Jane Addams " Newer Ideals of Peace " makes it 
 certain that : 
 
 " The Socialists are making almost the sole attempt to 
 preach a morality sufficiently all embracing and international 
 to keep pace with material internationalism which has 
 standardized the threads of screws and the size of bolts." 
 
 Who will now have the least possible doubt that the 
 " standardization " of the threads of screws and the size 
 of bolts will work even a greater regeneration in the 
 morals of the race than the spread in the use of salad 
 oil ? It alone, reduced English churchmen and agnos- 
 tics to one dead level, almost, why then put a limit to 
 the effectiveness of a truly mechanical device ? Again ! 
 This " scientific knowledge " is having a wider circula- 
 tion than is given by Miss Addams' book by itself. The 
 Socialists know their own when they see it. Besides 
 being the one and only authority on the " philosophy of 
 life " they know who are and who are not Christians. 
 Quite consistently they use in " War : What For ? " a 
 book well calculated " to drain the recruiting stations 
 and thin the ranks of soldiery " this identical quo- 
 tation with the introduction " Listen again to the 
 best-known and the best-loved Christian woman in the 
 United States, Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, 
 Chicago." 
 
 A newer ideal with a vengeance ! a morality that 
 finds its sanction in material progress, and if it would 
 be up to date, must keep pace with international pro-
 
 FAITH AKD FATALISM 51 
 
 ductions. A morality that has quite stripped itself free 
 from God's law that is never new, never old, but ever 
 ready for application to whatsoever changes the genius 
 of race may bring about, for the material well-being of 
 mankind. Alas ! When women join in spreading 
 darkness for light a process as old as the hills upon 
 which his Satanic Majesty first tempted men to their 
 eternal damnation it is time for the most prejudiced 
 against the Catholic Church in the interest of their 
 country, if not for the love of the faith, to sweep their 
 spirit in the dead of the night. 
 
 No, the Socialist party platform is not a commentary. 
 One must go to their leaders to learn what in fact is be- 
 neath the planks of the platform. Long ago, Wilhelm 
 Liebknecht an international authority, said in " So- 
 ciaism : What It Is and What It Seeks," " the agita- 
 tors, the journalists and the learned of the party must 
 give the commentary." Quite so! Especially since 
 the platforms are largely shaped to attract raw recruits, 
 rather than to give an adequate idea of what the party 
 really stands for. Who, save the veteran followers of 
 Marx, Engels, Hillquit, Debs and Berger, in the State 
 of Ohio, could tell what their platform of five words 
 calls for? "The World for the Workers" (1918). 
 Yet, after all is said their grand objective is as vague as 
 these five words to the novice. Stated in their own 
 terms their positive objective is necessarily obscure. 
 The " expropriation " of the capitalist class the, tak- 
 ing of land and capital now in private hands and making 
 them collective property to be administered in a " class-
 
 52 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 less " society, cannot be intellectually grasped since a 
 " classless " society is irrational, therefore meaningless. 
 This basic objection has never been fairly faced. When 
 the leaders are asked how their principles are to be 
 successfully carried out, they ring a multitude of 
 changes all pitched in the classic key given by Marx: 
 '' We are not making cook-shop receipts for the future 
 society" 
 
 Why, then, should one bother about the immorality of 
 Socialist standards if their objective is irrational ? Let 
 their movement come to naught. The answer is, that 
 men are not deprived of their active principle because 
 they hold immoral notions, nor because their aims are 
 not rational, neither because the foundation of their 
 movement is false. The danger is in the fact that al- 
 though the Socialist movement is incapable of construc- 
 tion it is quite capable of destruction. Besides 
 
 and this is the pith of the whole matter 
 
 if their propaganda did not rotate around a 
 body of truth it could not gather a destructive force of 
 any social consequence. What lover of economic justice 
 does not respond to the demand of the wage-earners for 
 their just share in the advantages of the wealth they 
 produce ? What lover of civil liberty does not desire to 
 see men free within the restrictions of a just 
 government? Borrowing these great principles from 
 Christian morality and citing their flagrant abuses in 
 our modern society, gives a holy fire to the words of these 
 false prophets, enabling them to lead a multitude of un- 
 critical men the wrong way for the right thing. It
 
 FAITH AOT) FATALISM 53 
 
 was ever thus ! having incited the mob, it cries out 
 " Crucify Him ! Crucify Him ! " If we would see 
 what disaster, what horror, a little truth, with a deal of 
 error, can do let us look at Russia. There the majority 
 of the Socialist movement the Bolsheviki attempt- 
 ing to carry out their ideal program for creating a 
 classless society gives us a spectacle that tells its own 
 tale. 
 
 Our obligation is plain right relations and condi- 
 tions bring peace within the Commonwealth. 
 
 But, since the generality must be convinced that the 
 stability of our country is menaced we shall do what 
 we can for its safety by permitting Socialist authorities 
 to set forth their own doctrine in their own way. No 
 possible denunciation of their perverse principles could 
 be as conclusive, to those who are able to appreciate the 
 full meaning of their statements. 
 
 Running true but far ahead of its Protestant 
 origin by its denial of the authority of Christ's Vicar 
 to regulate the conduct of kings with regard to the in- 
 herent rights of their peoples and with regard to their 
 moral conduct one towards another, Socialism repudiates 
 moral authority altogether. Thus reducing the power 
 of what is right below the level of the power of might. 
 Hence the majority may work its own human will. 
 
 Because of their utter repudiation of absolute author- 
 ity the study of Socialism obliges one to give chief con- 
 sideration to what is denied rather than to what is af- 
 firmed, in order to view their standards of thought and 
 conduct from the proper perspective.
 
 54 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Socialism Denies the Existence of God Thereby 
 repudiating the first principle of morality. 
 
 " When science began to establish the fact of the mechani- 
 cal origin of the universe " it " threw the theological creator 
 out of his own creation." (Ernest Unterman, " Science and 
 Kevolution," pp. 158-159.) 
 
 " Socialism knows the absence or impairment of the belief 
 in God is one of the most powerful factors for its (Social- 
 ism's) extension, because the priests of all religions have 
 been, throughout all phases of history, the most potent allies 
 of the ruling classes in keeping the masses pliant and sub- 
 missive under the yoke by means of the enchantment of 
 religion, just as the tamer keeps a wild beast submissive by 
 the terrors of the cracks of his whip." (Enrico Ferri, 
 " Socialism and Modern Science," p. 63.) 
 
 Socialism denies that man is made in the image of 
 God Therefore, he is devoid of divine attributes. 
 
 " In the image of himself (man) he created Him (God) ; 
 not vice versa." (August Bebel, " Woman and Socialism," 
 p. 438.) 
 
 " It is no longer God and Man, nor even Man and God, 
 but Man only, with God an anthropomorphic shadow, related 
 to man not as his creator, but as created by him. God and 
 Man are not ' two ' but in reality ' one.' " (Arthur Morrow 
 Lewis, " Evolution Social and Organic," p. 133.) 
 
 Socialism denies belief in religion Thereby re- 
 pudiating all moral standards for thought, word and 
 deed. 
 
 " Religion is the opium of the people. It is the striving of
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 55 
 
 the people for an imaginary happiness. It springs from a 
 state of society that requires an illusion." (Karl Marx, 
 " Critique of the Philosophy of Law by Hegel.") 
 
 Reporting to the National Socialist Party Convention, 
 Indianapolis, May 12-28, 1912 (Proceedings, p. 247- 
 248) the Executive Committee of the National Lettish 
 organization urges opposition to Christian morality: 
 
 " The ethics of Socialism and religion are directly opposed 
 to each other. Christianity teaches brotherly love for all, 
 Socialism discriminates among social classes. It (Socialism) 
 preaches the class struggle among those whose interests are 
 opposed. . . . the Church puts the stamp of approval (good) 
 or disapproval (bad), according to some superhuman ethics, 
 dictated by a being unknown to mankind." 
 
 " While large masses of the people are completely in 
 ignorance about the most elementary parts of natural science 
 it is an easy task for the Church to beguile the workers 
 and to make them intellectual cripples. Once they have 
 become such, they gladly accept the spiritual crutches ex- 
 tended to them by the servants of the Church. . . ." 
 
 " Our members ought to be enlightened about the evolu- 
 tion of the universe, development of mankind, and other 
 important matters of natural science in order that any kind 
 of superstition may be eliminated from midst our ranks." 
 
 This self-same hostile attitude towards religion is 
 taken in every country. The British Socialist Party 
 Manifesto (1911) that is "issued not as the view of an 
 individual ~bui as the accepted manifesto of the Socialist 
 party on the subject of Socialism and Religion" begins 
 by quoting Karl Marx that religion is a mere " reflex 
 of the real world " and that the " mystical veil," religion,
 
 56 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 will be " stripped off " when we shall have " a society 
 of freely associated men." The Manifesto then pro- 
 ceeds in its own language : 
 
 "It is, therefore, a profound truth that Socialism is the 
 natural enemy of religion.. Through Socialism alone will 
 the relations between men in society, and their relations to 
 Nature, become reasonable, orderly, and completely intelligi- 
 ble, leaving no nook or cranny for superstition. The entry 
 of Socialism is consequently, the exodus of religion." 
 
 Socialism denies the claims of the old Jewish theory 
 and the claims of the religion of Christ that morality 
 and ethics are fundamentally based upon religion 
 the relations of man to his Maker. 
 
 "Morality and ethics have nothing to do with organized 
 religion. The contrary is asserted only by weak-minded 
 persons and hypocrites." (August Bebel, " Woman and 
 Socialism," p. 321.) 
 
 Socialism denies eternal principles the necessity 
 of universal standards. 
 
 " There never could be and there cannot be a standard of 
 moral principles suitable to all times and conditions." 
 (Philip Kappaport, Chicago, 1913, "Looking Forward," p. 
 93.) 
 
 " Truth is relative, not absolute. There are no absolute 
 standards of right and wrong." (Joseph Cohen, " Socialism 
 for Students," p. 120.) 
 
 So easily by mere denial is God, Revealed re- 
 ligion and the Ten Commandments ruled out of reckon-
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 57 
 
 ing by the followers of those who pose as having the 
 only rational view of life, in retrospect and in prospect. 
 Upon their imperial SBgis of denial, Socialists proceed to 
 lay down the law. Surely the universal practise 
 amongst men of judging this good and that bad must 
 be accounted for. Consequently they had better begin 
 with the customs of savage tribes. Why ? Oh ! because 
 the knowledge we have of these peoples is our latest 
 acquisition. Is it not plain that our earliest records, 
 both inspired or secular, were written by civilized 
 peoples. Thus the less we know the more Socialists as- 
 sume to know about the infancy of the race. 
 
 With neither spiritual light nor human intelligence 
 to begin with albeit God's perfect creation to the 
 contrary men must await their time to " learn to 
 produce food in abundance " before " the practise of 
 man-eating and killing its own members becomes im- 
 moral." (" Socialism in Theory and Practise " 
 Hillquit, p. 53.) Ergo, this the proof that moral stand- 
 ards are evolutionary not eternally fixed. Moreover, 
 to give good measure and some thrown in, it is taken for 
 granted that cannibalism was the common " moral " 
 practise during the infancy of the race. Of course, one 
 must naturally be given a lower standard from which to 
 evolve upward. Yet, since both history and science are 
 agreed that cannibalism has been found only in isolated 
 instances as a food supply, and then amongst degen- 
 erate tribes, somehow the underpinning of Socialist 
 " morals " has dropped out altogether. Happily our 
 native Americans have rather a clean record :
 
 58 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " Cannibalism simply for the sake of food could hardly be 
 said to exist (among Indians), but, as a war ceremony or 
 sacrifice following a savage triumph, the custom was very 
 general, particularly on the Texas coast and among the Iro- 
 quoian and Algonquian tribes of the east." (Professor James 
 Mooney, U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 
 D. C., p. 750, Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 7.) 
 
 If not history, nor science, then a little logical think- 
 ing should be of service to those who are wont to con- 
 demn the evils of our day with the principles set forth 
 by the Ten Commandments the natural law im- 
 planted in each and every one of the human race. For 
 they have but to view their own inconsistency by con- 
 trasting the principles with which they win sympathy, 
 from those who defend the oppressed, and the fatuity 
 with which they set out their hope for a " free society." 
 Evidently it has not yet occurred to these doctrinaires 
 that if there were no static force, there would be nothing 
 by which to recognize the opposite dynamic force. 
 And, thus, to reason, the moral law necessarily holds 
 as against all pressure against it by its opposite im- 
 moral force. Yet, if neither history, science nor logical 
 thinking, from a basic ground that satisfies human 
 reason, finds favor, there remains conscience. It per- 
 sists calling men back to the natural law of their 
 being. And at the end of life there is the Judgment. 
 No, hell is not paved with good intentions, and the law 
 is not far away from any one of us. 
 
 " Quidquid fit contraconscientiam, sedificat ad gehennam " 
 The rule and measure of duty is not utility, nor expedience,
 
 FAITH ASTD FATALISM 59 
 
 nor the happiness of the greatest number, nor State con- 
 venience, nor fitness, order and the pulchrum. Conscience is 
 not a long-sighted selfishness, nor a desire to be consistent 
 with oneself; but it is a messenger from Him Who both in 
 nature and in grace, speaks to us behind a veil, and teaches 
 and rules us by His representatives. Conscience is the Vicar 
 of Christ, a prophet in its informations, a monarch in its 
 peremptoriness, a priest in its blessings and anathemas, and 
 even though the eternal priesthood throughout the Church 
 could cease to be, in it the sacerdotal principle would remain 
 and would have sway." (The Fourth Lateran Council of 
 the Catholic Church, A. D. 1215.) 
 
 Seeing that their denials would sweep away the foun- 
 dation of things rational, let us now turn the tables and 
 see what Socialists set forth as their positive doctrine. 
 
 Socialism asserts man's origin from the brute creation, 
 unqualifiedly. 
 
 "Darwin dealt the metaphysical concept of Nature the 
 heaviest blow by his proof that all organic human beings, 
 plants, animals, and man himself, are the products of a 
 process of evolution going on through millions of years." 
 (Frederick Engels, " Socialism Utopian and Scientific," p. 
 83.) 
 
 " Neither as a thinking man nor as a moral being is man 
 essentially different from the animal" (p. 119). "Probably 
 man is not sprung from the highest type of apes, the man 
 apes, which are tending to die out, but from a lower species 
 of four-handed animals" (p. 75). (Karl Kautsky, "Ethics 
 and the Materialist Conception of History.") 
 
 Not to call upon religious experience for testimony, 
 the objection is, that neither science nor common knowl-
 
 60 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 edge upholds this dictum of no essential difference be- 
 tween mankind and the animals. Just to the contrary, 
 since " animals do not think." Animals have not the 
 positive art principle; man is so endowed. When ani- 
 mals build it is according to a design that they work 
 out by instinct. It is God's wisdom, of which they 
 partake non-consciously, that guides them. When ani- 
 mals are domesticated, the will of man dominates their 
 acts to that degree which makes them useful to him. 
 Man is the " tool-using animal " for the sufficient reason 
 that he has reason plus instinct. Animals use sub- 
 stances and forces negatively they act in negative 
 obedience with perfect conformity to the law of 
 their being. On the contrary, man uses substances, ob- 
 jects and forces positively; knowingly he carries out his 
 own positively created designs. God gives the animals 
 all things of natural creation which by his intui- 
 tion man sees to be good for his purposes. By his free 
 will man selects this and that. Having created his 
 designs out of that immaterial stuff that the human mind 
 alone is capable of using, the man proceeds to work up 
 the things he has appropriated, from the natural store- 
 house, into utilities. So it is that by universal experi- 
 ence an immeasurable gulf has ever been known to lie 
 between the brute creation and the human race. 
 
 Not only do Socialists hold this gross error that 
 man is different only in degree, not in kind, from the 
 animals as against the common testimony of all the 
 ages but they will not yield even to the world's most 
 reputable and renowned scientists in the matter. Even
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 61 
 
 though " newspaper " science still flatters this ignorant 
 assumption it should be the common knowledge of criti- 
 cal minds that the great biologists hold the undivided 
 opinion that there is no data extant to prove the so- 
 called Darwinian evolutionary theory of man's animal 
 descent. Yet, since the fact is that " a comprehensive 
 grasp of the Socialist philosophy implies a knowledge of 
 Darwinian theories" ("Evolution Social and Or- 
 ganic," p. 41, A. M. Lewis), the conclusion is that both 
 the one and the other is quite out of reason, since they 
 are in unity. 
 
 Together with other of the world's greatest authorities 
 on this matter may be found the names of many priests 
 and Catholic laymen. Eev. H. Muckermann, S. J., pro- 
 fessor of biology, thus concludes an article (Catholic 
 Encyclopedia, Vol. 5, p. 670) : 
 
 " There is no evidence in favor of an ascending evolution 
 of organic forms. For there is no trace of even a merely 
 probable argument in favor of the animal origin of man. 
 The earliest human fossils and the most ancient traces of 
 culture refer to a true Homosapiens as we know him to-day." 
 
 With one prominent exception, it may fairly be said 
 that the leading men of science hold the views quoted 
 from Fr. Muckermann. That one exception is rather 
 a camouflage, than an endorsement of the theory of 
 man's origin from the ape. For it was the misfortune 
 or mayhap fortune of Ernest Haeckel to be dis- 
 credited at the college of Jena by his German as- 
 sociates in science for using fictitious diagrams of the
 
 62 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 " missing link " in the interest of a blood connection be- 
 tween the man and the monkey. 
 
 In his brilliant and scholarly book " The Oldest 
 Riddle and the Newest Answer " (London, 1904) a 
 reply to Haeckel, John Gerard, S.J., F.L.S., gives a list 
 of Continental scholars " all of whom either reject Dar- 
 winism altogether^ or admit it only with fatal reserva- 
 tions." Viz : 
 
 Blanchard, Wigaud, Wolff, Hamann, Pauly, Driesch, Plate, 
 Hertwig, Heer, Kolliker, Emier, Von Hartmann, Schilde, 
 Du Bois-Reymond, Virchow, Rageli, Schaafhauser, Fechner, 
 Jakob, Huber, Joseph Rauke, and Van Bauer. An equally 
 long list of American scholars could be named. Let us 
 quote from two, Dr. N. S. Shaler, professor of geology at 
 Harvard University, once an advocate of the Darwinian 
 theory of evolution says: "It begins to be evident to 
 naturalists, that the Darwinian hypothesis is still essentially 
 unverified. Notwithstanding the evidence derived from the 
 study of animals and plants under domestication, it is not 
 yet proved that a single species of the two or three millions 
 now inhabitating the earth had been established solely, or 
 mainly by the operation of natural selection." 
 
 " Professor Arthur Keith in ' The Antiquity of Man,' 
 speaking of the latest discovery the Neanderthal Man, 
 observed: 'When we come to review critically the facts 
 relating to the earlier discoveries, made in England, France 
 and Italy, we were compelled to admit that men of the 
 modern type had been in existence long before the extinction 
 of the Neanderthal type.'" 
 
 But Socialists are not to be turned back from their 
 confidence in the novelty of Darwinism merely because 
 twentieth-century scientists repudiate its claims. Their
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 63 
 
 mechanical theory renders them science-proof. Neither 
 the lack of data nor the force of argument is of any avail. 
 " // science has departed from Socialism so much the 
 worse for science." Did not Marx discover the science 
 of life ? that " mind is matter in motion " ? What 
 then care they what other people think or say. The 
 agnostics who still question whether or not God exists 
 are quite too pink and white for their red blood. Only 
 in their most ideological mood is the word soul employed 
 and then, of course, it has completely changed its mean- 
 ing. In the " Evolution of Man " a book most in- 
 dustriously circulated, one lecturer alone disposing of 
 two entire editions an appeal is made from the depths 
 of his human " soul," since all are brothers, never to 
 step on a beetle : 
 
 "And from the depths of the human soul, . . . still an- 
 other voice whispers into my inner ear. ... It is that other 
 simple message which tells us : ' Thou shalt not torture any 
 animal uselessly; thou shalt not wantonly break any flower, 
 for they, too, are distant relations in the great flow of life, 
 they, too, are still your brothers in the unfathomable recesses 
 of nature. Helpless stands that flower, or that glittering 
 little beetle before you, just like a trembling little child. 
 But the child grows up into a man, and who knows what 
 this flower or that beetle may become some day, or what 
 may have become of others like them, millions of years ago ! " 
 (P. 12, William Bolsche.) 
 
 Assuming the chemical and mechanical origin of the 
 universe : Socialism denies free will. 
 
 Blotting out free will is simple enough by their
 
 64 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 method dogmatism resting on desire. The stubborn 
 facts that attest the freedom of man's will are brushed 
 airily to one side in their desire to prove what is not so 
 the absence of an intelligent First Cause. 
 
 Failing first of all to distinguish between the organic 
 and the inorganic: failing again to make the vital dis- 
 tinction between the animal acts and the rational acts 
 of the individual man, Socialists argue that the free 
 will of man postulates acts without causes. In other 
 words they deny self-determination to the soul. And 
 this is but carrying atheism to its logical conclusion. 
 If, indeed, a " causeless cause " rests behind all phe- 
 nomena there is, of course, no intelligent cause any- 
 where to be found, neither within nor without. Now 
 this argument proves too much, for the fact of the mat- 
 ter is that the rational view is compelled by the human 
 experience of all the ages to acknowledge, that within 
 an environment where cause and effect act and react 
 according to the reign of physical, material and animal 
 law the human mind, at will, can interject acts free 
 from the determination that results from mere material 
 causes. That is to say, man is endowed by his positive 
 art principle with the capacity to create within creation 
 a material phenomena that is easily distinguished from 
 the works of nature herself and, too, he is able to create 
 a psychology that is morally good or bad. So it is 
 against universal experience and right-reason that 
 Socialists assert that: 
 
 " The Marxist absolutely denies the freedom of the will.
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 65 
 
 Every human action is inevitable." (" Socialism, Positive 
 and Negative," p. 65, Kobert Hives La Monte.) 
 
 " The will does not choose of itself, as was supposed by 
 the inventors of free will, that product of the impotency of 
 the psychological analysis not yet arrived at maturity." 
 ("Essays on the Materialistic Conception of History," An- 
 tonio Labriola, p. 206.) 
 
 " The admission of the Free-will is out of the question " 
 (Enrico Ferri). 
 
 The admission of free will certainly would be out of 
 the question if Socialists could first blot out the exist- 
 ence of God, and, then, the fact of civilization itself. 
 For the mind reasoning rightly asserts the existence of 
 Supreme Intelligence and the fact of civilization proves 
 human intelligence in the construction of every city 
 and town where within certain limits free choice is 
 shown. Enrico Ferri proceeds: 
 
 "Free will would imply that the human will, confronted 
 by the choice of making voluntary a certain determination, 
 has the last decisive word under the pressure of circumstances 
 contending for and against this decision: . . ." (P. 65, 
 " The Positive School of Criminology," Chicago, 1913.) 
 
 The retort scientific is it has ! It may be left to 
 Robert Blatchford to put their fatalistic doctrine into 
 the mouth of the soap-boxer to be passed on with speed 
 to the army of the Revolution: 
 
 " If our heredity and our environment be good, we must 
 act well, we cannot help it; if they be ill, we must act ill, 
 we cannot help it. Suppose a tramp has murdered a child 
 on the highway, has robbed her of a few coppers and has 
 thrown her body into a ditch : Do you mean to say that
 
 66 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 tramp could not help doing that? Do you mean he is not 
 to blame not to be punished? Yes, I mean to say all 
 these things and if all of these things are not true, this book 
 is not worth the paper it is written on." (" Not Guilty.") 
 
 Yet, since " Not Guilty " wears the habit of a man 
 and uses rational words, he should be expected to know 
 that the words good, bad and true have no significance 
 if men have not the choice of being true or false to the 
 law of their being the choice of being good or bad. 
 
 SOCIALISM DENIES THE MARRIAGE BOND 
 
 Here we come to the crux of the whole subject-matter 
 under observation for the dissolution of civilization 
 is the price of Socialism of Bolshevism. At length, 
 after all these Protestant years since the blasting of 
 the marriage bond became the cause of a state religion 
 by human will established, it is now alleged that a scien- 
 tific sanction has been formed for a " free society." 
 
 Just as one lie leads to another in bolstering up a 
 bad cause, so one social assault upon the moral constitu- 
 tion of civil society leads to another, in the attempt to 
 maintain the corrupt position at first taken. It is, 
 then, clear enough that those who would give license free 
 reign over law, with headlong course should run to their 
 goal the death of decency. So it is not until the 
 Socialist attack upon private property has been pushed 
 home to its source that it is seen for what it essentially 
 is the point at which to stab human society in its 
 vitals. Once the vast majority of the units that go to 
 make up the Commonwealth shall have been disrupted,
 
 FAITH AOT) FATALISM 67 
 
 it is certain that civilization were sick unto death. Yet, 
 it is as certain that one guard may be employed by a 
 nation and one only a return to the Ark of the 
 Covenant. For God made these twain one flesh by the 
 bond of marriage and He established the right of private 
 property for the secure maintenance of the family. 
 
 SOCIALISM ASSERTS SEX FREEDOM 
 
 Socialist " science " reverses the will of God and gives 
 to private property the role of setting up the bad practise 
 of one man one wife. In " The Origin of the Family " 
 a classic that is accepted by all of the authoritative 
 Bolshevist writers the world over the economic origin 
 of the family usurps the place of the family of divine 
 origin. The book was written out by Friedrich Engels 
 from notes left by Karl Marx. The argument runs its 
 course to the proposed emancipation of women. Not, 
 however, without the self-same inconsistencies that per- 
 force accompany their every phase of doctrine. " The 
 modern monogamous family " came into existence from 
 the fact that in the earlier period of the struggle for 
 existence the man being the stronger for no known 
 reason naturally held a superior economic position. 
 Following up this advantage over the woman, she was 
 held in subjection at the pleasure of the male until the 
 practise gradually became somewhat general. For 
 some unknown reason, men were caused by their desire 
 to favor their own offspring by bequests of property 
 at death. Thus the accumulation of wealth, in the days 
 of primitive production, laid the foundation for our
 
 68 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 present " capitalist society " ; within which we are but 
 cogs in an economic wheel that moves everybody along 
 with it in spite of ourselves. The reason being that 
 we are not yet sufficiently class conscious to throw off 
 the right of private property, together with the rest of 
 our obligations under the Ten Commandments. 
 
 However, the argument proceeds to a climax, near at 
 hand. Since the means of producing the necessities of 
 living are now so highly developed that woman's work 
 is very nearly, if not quite, as efficient as man's work, 
 the conclusion is absolute that the period in time is 
 now upon us for the introduction by fate of eco- 
 nomic equality and with it comes the emancipation of 
 woman from the burdens of the family, while, of course, 
 the man is scotfree. 
 
 Great is Diana! Because Socialism embraces the 
 whole philosophy of life, minus a heavenly home, it 
 will, forsooth, have no marriages on earth. It's all 
 very well for Christians to talk of the individual being 
 the unit of the society in the Kingdom of God and of 
 the family being the unit of the society on earth, but 
 since Socialists deny tribute to Caesar there shall be no 
 families on earth. 
 
 The transition is staged to take place upon " the in- 
 troduction of the whole female sex into the public in- 
 dustries" ("The Origin of the Family," p. 89.) 
 The consequence is certainly momentous : " With the 
 transformation of the means of production into collective 
 property the monogamous family ceases to be the eco- 
 nomic unit of society/' No doubt about it for this
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 69 
 
 dogma rests upon the ipse dixit of Engels and Marx. 
 Socialists know just what will happen if not just when. 
 Are not Engels and Marx the men and is not Eosa the 
 woman who from the preeminence of the class-conscious 
 have scaled the dizzy heights of race-consciousness, be- 
 fore all others? To be sure, Engels and Marx are 
 long since dead, but Rosa, poor Eosa, the mob has just 
 taken her life. So it shall be that from the degrading 
 economic dependence of her home the very throne of 
 the mother women en masse shall be sometime free 
 to tend a modern machine instead of the baby. For the 
 care and education of " legal and illegal " (p. 91) chil- 
 dren become a public matter. 
 
 There is, indeed, some doubt as to what manner of 
 man the race shall become with the purely animal in- 
 stinct of sex love as the one and only condition of mat- 
 ing and parting. But, at all events this is the method 
 by which the race shall arrive at the freedom-well of 
 the super-men. They have no need nor no longing to 
 go home. At any rate, 
 
 " A positive cessation of fondness or its replacement by a 
 new passionate love makes a separation a blessing for both 
 parties and for society. But, humanity will be spared the 
 useless wading through the mire of a divorce (court) case." 
 (" Origin of the Family," p. 99.) 
 
 Eeally it is so simple no marriage, no divorce. 
 We should be entirely willing to await developments. 
 To quote : 
 
 " What we may anticipate about the adjustment of sexual 
 relations after the impending downfall of capitalist produc-
 
 70 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 tion is mainly of a negative nature and mostly confined to 
 elements that will disappear. But what will be added ? That 
 will be decided after a new generation has come to ma- 
 turity: . . ." ("Origin of the Family," p. 109.) 
 
 SOCIALISTS ADVOCATE FEEE LOVE, 
 
 Socialist philosophy regarding the relation of the 
 sexes is not a mere speculation as to future conduct and 
 results. It has a practical application as to the viola- 
 tion of the Christian law of marriage here and now and 
 a quarrel with the binding force of the legal tie. No 
 one of the great international authorities has stated the 
 case more frankly than the distinguished Englishman, 
 Ernest Belf ort Bax. To quote : 
 
 " A man may justly reject the dominant sexual morality : 
 he may condemn the monogamic marriage-system which ob- 
 tains to-day; he may claim the right of free union between 
 men and women; he may contend he is perfectly at liberty 
 to join himself, either temporarily or permanently, with a 
 woman; and that the mere legal form of marriage has no 
 binding force for him." (" Outlooks from a New Stand- 
 point," p. 114.) 
 
 This is the cold and cruel craft of a brilliant mind 
 gone wrong. Its appeal is to the vicious judgments of 
 men, inducing them to throw off their marital obliga- 
 tions on the ground of animal freedom. Utterly re- 
 nouncing the duty of self-purity in the man; utterly 
 repudiating the right of the wife in the one flesh of 
 these twain; utterly ignoring the right of organized 
 society that its units shall be kept sound in the interest
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 71 
 
 of public, moral and physical health. This is bad 
 enough ! But, the lurid warmth of the appeals 1 to 
 women for a generous self-sacrifice is much more telling 
 in the corruption of the family. The New York Call 
 (Oct. 20, 1918) in its home section, "Woman's Page," 
 urges women themselves to throw off religious restraints 
 and conventions in the interest of economic, political 
 and social freedom. The matter is taken from Edward 
 Carpenter's " Love's Coming of Age " (Chicago, 1903). 
 Here is the call to universal death and damnation. God 
 forbid a response thereto ! 
 
 " There is no solution, except in the freedom of woman 
 which means, of course, also the freedom of the masses of 
 the people, men and women, and the ceasing altogether of 
 economic slavery. There is no solution which will not in- 
 clude the redemption of the terms ' free woman ' and ' free 
 love' to their true and rightful significance. Let every 
 woman whose heart bleeds for the sufferings of her sex 
 hasten to declare herself, and to constitute herself, as far 
 as she possibly can, a free woman. Let her accept the term 
 with all the odium that belongs to it; let her insist on 
 her right to speak, dress, think, act, and, above all, to use 
 her sex as she deems best ; let her face the scorn and ridicule ; 
 let her ' lose her own life,' if she like ; assured that only 
 so can come deliverance, and that only when the free woman 
 is honored will the prostitute cease to exist." 
 
 SOCIALISM PROMOTES EASY DIVORCE 
 
 In their dramas, novels, short stories and in their 
 so-called scientific works, from their professorial chairs, 
 from their lecture halls and on the street corners Social- 
 ists have outrun every other evil force in the world that
 
 72 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 makes for easy divorce. But, when their speaking is 
 official, in the ward-room, the Legislature, the halls of 
 Congress, their vote follows their talk in favor of any 
 and every measure that would lessen the integrity of 
 the state. Where, for the nonce, the Socialist majority 
 the Bolsheviki are in political control, the license 
 to deny marital obligation, at will, is enacted into the 
 statutes. Let us set forth the proof in their own words 
 of class-conscious confidence : 
 
 " The dissolution of the marriage relation will become 
 as purely a personal and private affair as is the assumption 
 of the relation now." (" Puritanism," Clarence Meily, p. 
 133.) 
 
 Philip Rappaport is presumed to be an expert upon 
 this phase of Socialism. In " Looking Forward " a 
 very popular setting forth of the doctrine so ponderously 
 promulgated in " The Origin of the Family " the 
 soap-boxers find their arguments in language that they 
 can convey to the audience that run together on the street 
 corners : 
 
 " Moral or religious scruples against divorce generally 
 should not prevail. These are matters of conscience entirely 
 foreign to the nature of a valid civil contract, and entirely 
 within the province of individual judgment." ("Looking 
 Forward," p. 119.) 
 
 Here may be seen the principle of private judgment 
 no longer in its green but in its rotten ripe fruit. To 
 continue :
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 73 
 
 " Divorce, although always an individual problem, would 
 not be a social problem at all, if it were not made one by 
 superstition, bigotry and intolerance." (" Looking For- 
 ward," p. 133.) 
 
 Reason here is truly fled to brutish beasts, as one 
 cannot touch the subject of divorce save the rights of 
 parents are brought into personal conflict relative to the 
 mutual privileges and obligations one has vested in the 
 other. It was no mere sentimental boast, but rather a 
 profound understanding of the human constitution, that 
 Shakespeare puts into the mouth of Portia : 
 
 "With leave, Bassanio; I am half yourself, 
 And I must freely have the half of anything 
 That this same paper brings you." 
 
 Then, too, divorce is a family, rather than an indi- 
 vidual, question, relative to the natural right of the 
 children to the care and command of their parents, 
 before they attain to the use of free-will. Moreover, 
 divorce is a social question, since a conflict necessarily 
 ensues between the authority of parents and the author- 
 ity of organized society. Parental authority over their 
 children, being conditioned upon life itself, is prior to 
 the authority of the commonwealth over its citizens. 
 Consequently parents have no natural right to abrogate 
 their authority in favor of the state nor has the state 
 the social right to usurp the authority to care for and 
 command these children. Obviously, again, the state 
 has not the moral right to give over the children to the 
 one or the other of their parents, since the children have
 
 74' BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 the right to the joint care of both their parents. The 
 conclusion is rational divorce acts against the natural 
 rights of the individual, the family and organized so- 
 ciety by breaking up the stability of the marriage bond. 
 Yet, after all, it is not so much right argument that 
 is needed to overcome Socialist propaganda when it 
 takes on the sentimental phase as it is that sense of 
 purity that abhors what is evil. Chastity is not so much 
 in reason as in emotion. Not so much in right- 
 thought about God as in right-relation with God. 
 However, it seems necessary to permit Socialists to 
 bespeak their own subversive doctrine relative to family 
 purity. 
 
 " If the marriage-tie could be easily dissolved, there would 
 be an unceasing endeavor to keep alive the holy flame of 
 love once existing, and the blissful state of wooing would 
 never come to an end. I am firmly of the opinion that the 
 best means to accomplish a reduction in the number of 
 divorces is to make divorce very easy." (" Looking For- 
 ward," p. 12.) 
 
 " In their chapter ' Socialism Triumphant ' William Morris 
 and Ernest Belfort Bax (joint authors 'Socialism: Its 
 Growth and Outcome,' Chicago, 1909, p. 226) resume that 
 under Socialism ' a new development of the family would take 
 place, on the basis, not of a predetermined life-long business 
 arrangement, to be formally and nominally held to irrespec- 
 tive of circumstances, but on mutual inclination and affec- 
 tion, an association terminable at the will of either party.' " 
 
 Speaking of the " liberal " divorce laws, for which 
 the Socialists fought unitedly in the Chamber of
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 75 
 
 Deputies, Jean Jaures (" New York Independent " 
 August 20, 1908) is quoted, saying: 
 
 " They were free to make the marriage and should in 
 the same way be free to unmake it. In fact, just as the 
 will of one of the parties could have prevented the marriage, 
 so the will of one should be able to end it. The power to 
 annul should, of course, be all the stronger when' both 
 parties desire it." 
 
 After some forty-odd years of restless propaganda 
 theory has passed into fact. In Russia the Bolsheviki, 
 as the Socialists are popularly called, have, alas, come 
 into their own. The Russian Socialist Federated Soviet 
 Republic has enacted legislation for that most distracted 
 country. The Decree of Divorce issued by the Council 
 of Peoples Commissaires, Section No. 1, reads " Di- 
 vorce shall be granted upon application made by either 
 or both parties/' 
 
 From the foregoing citations it should be certain that 
 Socialism prosecutes its scheme with determination 
 against the very heartbeat of civil society. Nor should 
 this be a wonder that rebellion against the whole 
 order of creation should run to the extreme limit of 
 its evil power in the destruction and corruption of 
 human society. One more quotation from this enemy 
 of God and men shall suffice to set forth their standards 
 and their purpose that finds its only sanction in the 
 shifty sands of blind force. 
 
 " Socialist philosophy proves conclusively that the realiza- 
 tion of the positive political and economic ideals of socialism
 
 76 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 involves the atrophy of Religion, the metamorphosis of the 
 Family and the Suicide of the State." (" Socialism Positive 
 and Negative," p. 89.) 
 
 Since it is before the bar of God's justice that all 
 human schemes, good and bad, receive their acid test 
 it is to the Pope that we shall go for those standards 
 relative to the family from which mankind may not 
 depart with impunity. 
 
 " Truly it is hardly possible to describe how great are the 
 evils that flow from divorce. Matrimonial contracts are 
 by it made variable ; mutual kindness is weakened ; deplorable 
 inducements to unfaithfulness are supplied; harm is done 
 to the education and training of children; occasion is af- 
 forded for the breaking up of homes; the seeds of dis- 
 sension are sown among families; the dignity of womanhood 
 is lessened and brought low, and women run the risk of being 
 deserted after having ministered to the pleasures of man. 
 Since, then, nothing has such power to lay waste families 
 and destroy the mainstay of kingdoms as the corruption of 
 morals, it is easily seen that divorces are in the highest 
 degree hostile to the prosperity of families and States, 
 springing as they do from the depraved morals of the people, 
 and, as experience shows us, opening out a way to every 
 kind of evil doing in public alike and in private life. 
 
 " The constant and watchful care of the Church in guard- 
 ing marriage, by the preservation of its sanctity, is so well 
 understood as not to need proof. That the judgment of 
 the Council of Jerusalem reprobated licentious and free 
 love (Acts xv, 29), we all know; as also that the incestuous 
 Corinthian was condemned by the authority of blessed Paul 
 (I Cor. v, 5). Again, in the very beginning of the Christian 
 Church were repulsed and defeated, with the like unremit- 
 ting determination, the efforts of many who aimed at the
 
 FAITH AND FATALISM 77 
 
 destruction of Christian marriage, such as the Gnostics, 
 Manicheans, and Montanists ; and in our own time, Mormons, 
 St. Simonians, Phalansterians, and Communists. 
 
 "In like manner, moreover, a law of marriage just to all, 
 and the same for all, was enacted by the abolition of the 
 old distinction between slaves and free-born men and women ; 
 and thus the rights between husbands and wives were made 
 equal; for, as St. Jerome says, 'with us that which is un- 
 lawful for women is unlawful for men also, and the same 
 restraint is imposed on equal conditions.' The self-same 
 rights also were firmly established for reciprocal affection 
 and for the interchange of duties ; the dignity of the woman 
 was asserted and assured; and it was forbidden to the man 
 to inflict capital punishment for adultery, or lustfully and 
 shamelessly to violate his plighted faith. 
 
 "It is also a great blessing that the Church has limited, 
 as far as is needful the power of fathers of families, so that 
 sons and daughters wishing to marry are not in any way 
 deprived of their rightful freedom; that, for the purpose of 
 spreading more widely the supernatural love of husbands and 
 wives, she has decreed marriages within certain degrees of 
 consanguinity or affinity to be null and void; that she has 
 taken the greatest pains to safeguard marriage, as much as 
 possible, from error and violence and deceit; that she has 
 always wished to preserve the holy chasteness of the mar- 
 riage bed, personal rights, the honor of husband and wife, 
 and the security of religion. 
 
 "Lastly, with such power and with such foresight of 
 legislation has the Church guarded this divine institution, 
 that no one who thinks rightly of these matters can fail 
 to see how, with regard to marriage, she is the best guardian 
 and defender of the human race ; and how withal her wisdom 
 has come forth victorious from the lapse of years, from the 
 assaults of men, and from the countless changes of public 
 events." ("Christian Marriage," Pope Leo XIII.)
 
 Ill 
 
 PATRIOTISM 
 
 PATRIOTISM? That all-embracing motive that 
 unites the natural virtues in a supreme love for 
 the body-politic as a moral entity: That civic passion 
 from which proceeds devoted service to one's country 
 in times of peace : That self-sacrifice that prompts one 
 to give his all for his home-land in times of war. So 
 it is that within the scope of Pagan glory, patriotism 
 stands full orbed. Heroic deeds done for love of coun- 
 try ever count first above all earthly gifts of wealth, 
 honor, power or fame. Men born of such mothers as 
 Volumnia hold above all earthly treasure above all 
 earthly joy the gift of one's blood for one's country. 
 
 Volumnia " I tell thee, daughter, I spring not more in 
 joy at first hearing he was a man-child than now in first see- 
 ing he had proved himself a man." 
 
 Virgilia " But had he died in the business, madam ; how 
 then?" 
 
 'Volumnia " Then his good report should have been my 
 son; I therein would have found issue. Hear me profess 
 sincerely: had I a dozen sons, each in my love alike and 
 none less dear than thine and my good Marcius, I had rather 
 had eleven die nobly for their country than one voluptuously 
 surfeit out of action." 
 
 Virgilia " His bloody brow ! O Jupiter, no blood ! " 
 
 Away, you fool ! It more becomes a man 
 78
 
 PATRIOTISM 79 
 
 than gilt his trophy; the breasts of Hecuba, when she did 
 suckle Hector, looked not lovelier than Hector's forehead 
 when it spit forth blood at Grecian sword, contemning." 
 
 But when to the natural virtue of patriotism Religion 
 lends her vision, men arise and sign a pledge with 
 David : 
 
 u If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand be for- 
 gotten. Let my tongue cleave to my jaws if I do not remem- 
 ber thee: If I make not Jerusalem the beginning of my 
 joy. (Psalm 136.) 
 
 Even in the exalted mood of patriotism, David 
 tempers his pledge Jerusalem shall be the beginning 
 of his joy since God is the end, the completion of all 
 joy. Thus it is a very practical matter of every-day 
 duty to inculcate the virtue of patriotism and to practise 
 it, since God is the Maker of Man and the Author of 
 Nations. 
 
 The Catholic Church has ever held her children in 
 duty bound to cherish and to love the country in which 
 they live and receive such enjoyments as this mortal 
 life affords. Pope Leo XIII " On the Chief Duties 
 of Christians as Citizens" -places patriotism as a 
 strict obligation, natural and supernatural. Thus at 
 once is separated and united the domain of Caesar, to 
 whom we must pay tribute, with our duty towards God : 
 
 " The natural law enjoins us to love devotedly and to 
 defend the country in which we had birth, and in which 
 we were brought up, so that every good citizen hesitates
 
 80 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 not to face death for his native land." (Encyclical Letter, 
 Jan. 10, 1890.) 
 
 Accepting, then, the principle that patriotism of the 
 highest flame is motived by religion, we may logically 
 expect as we run down to lesser faith to find lesser 
 patriotism in those " after-Christians " who have re- 
 placed Catholicism with a sort of natural religion. But 
 when we shall have come down to the perversity of a 
 materialistic philosophy, there, indeed, patriotism is al- 
 together excluded, for it has no support in natural law 
 or in supernatural sanction. Yet, withal, God is not 
 mocked for men are men. 
 
 Love of country finds no place in the philosophy of 
 Socialist doctrinaires. Patriotism is a sentiment culti- 
 vated by the bourgeoisie in their own interest and so of 
 no binding force. Adherents to modern class-struggle 
 are guided by " The Socialist Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence " The Communist Manifesto given to the 
 world by Karl Marx and Frederich Engels in 1848. 
 This. Manifesto by a method of negation prompts its 
 advocates to unpatriotic thought and action. To quote : 
 " The working men have no country. We cannot take 
 from them what they have not got " is its argument in 
 answer to the proposition that " The Communists are 
 further reproached with desiring to abolish countries 
 and nationalities." The document proceeds to make it 
 certain that it is the world supremacy of the proletariat 
 that is the aim, to which the Manifesto is the guide. 
 This view holds sway the world over with the followers
 
 PATRIOTISM 81 
 
 of the red flag. " Aside from its historic and political 
 significance, the Communist Manifesto will remain a 
 conspicuous monument in the literature of the world; 
 as long as thoughts possess a sense and words have a 
 sound" (Editor " Die Gleichbert/' the Radical Re- 
 view, 1ST. Y., July, 1917). 
 
 However democratic the form of government, their 
 revolutionary aim is ever in view The World for the 
 Workers. Socialists in our own country are no excep- 
 tion. The Communist Manifesto dominates the party 
 policy of the Socialist and the Socialist Labor parties 
 of the United States. Eugene V. Debs, four times 
 presidential candidate of the Socialist Party, during an 
 address in Tremont Temple, Boston (Oct. 26, 1915) 
 scorned the very idea of patriotism in the working class ! 
 
 " Talk about men of Europe fighting for patriotism and 
 love of their country? The workingman in any part of the 
 world never had a country to fight for." 
 
 The Socialist Labor Party, never in the rear as to 
 
 revolutionary pronouncements, makes its voice heard 
 
 through Arthur E. Reimer Candidate for President 
 
 - in a " Working-Class Message on Preparedness " 
 
 (The Weekly People, N. Y., Dec. 25, 1915). 
 
 " At the risk of being called traitors the Socialist Labor 
 Party does not consider any country under capitalis't rule 
 worthy of defense. We say, and we say without fear of 
 contradiction and in the face of the opposition that naturally 
 will confront the Socialist Labor Party, that there is no 
 country, including the United States, a capitalist country, 
 that is worthy of the working class spilling its blood for it."
 
 82 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Only a few days later than this Christmas Day 
 repudiation of loyalty to their country the National 
 Executive Committee of the Socialist Labor Party (Jan. 
 2, 1916) passed a resolution endorsing the sentiments 
 of its presidential nominee. It was officially declared : 
 
 " The working class should not consider any country under 
 capitalist rule worthy of defense no matter what the cir- 
 cumstance may be." 
 
 This were quite enough to prove that the Marxian 
 dogma " Workingmen have no country " is relied 
 upon by both Socialist parties as the solid ground for 
 treasonable utterance. Yet, we shall, from a mass of 
 evidence select additional matter taken from a critique 
 of John Spargo relative to the St. Louis Emergency 
 Convention by the Socialist party leaders. This con- 
 vention sent out its report against the participation of 
 our country in the European war and " mass action " 
 was threatened against our government. Mr. Spargo 
 was a member of " The Committee on War and Mili- 
 tarism." Objecting to the " Majority Report " Mr. 
 Spargo says of his former comrades: 
 
 " At least six members expressed themselves as being ut- 
 terly opposed to any action by the workers in defense of the 
 nation : ' The workers have no country ; it is a capitalist's 
 country, whether they are governed by Czar Nicholas or 
 Woodrow Wilson, or whether the government is republican 
 or monarchial, is a matter of complete indifference to the 
 class-conscious workers,' ' Suppose we were invaded by Ger- 
 many or by Mexico, why should we care? Instead of fight- 
 ing them we should welcome the invaders as our brothers '
 
 PATRIOTISM 83 
 
 these statements which I wrote down at the time fairly 
 indicate the point of view of the most influential element 
 in the Committee. Later, the spokesman of the group fought 
 for hours against the use of such phrases as ' our government ' 
 consistently adhering to their theory that the working-class 
 can have no country and no government. They opposed 
 the inclusion in the program of action specific collectivist 
 measures, on the ground that such measures would, if 
 adopted, 'help the capitalists to win the war.' They op- 
 posed the inclusion of a proposal to work for the humani- 
 tarian treatment of prisoners and the observance of lawful 
 and humane methods of war, on the ground that such action 
 would ' make war more tolerable.' " (" Americanism and 
 Social Democracy," N. Y., 1918, pp. 280-281.) 
 
 Surely, these then comrades of Mr. Spargo gave strict 
 adhesion to the doctrine of the Communist Manifesto. 
 What was Socialism in times of peace should, to them, 
 be Socialism in times of war. But to Mr. Spargo this 
 was a time " when a fella needs a friend." So being 
 anxious to take Marx with him out of the Socialist 
 Party since his own war sentiments were almost unani- 
 mously outvoted, Mr. Spargo ascribes to Marx's youth- 
 ful enthusiasm his 1847 declaration that " workingmen 
 have no country." He argues that later in life Marx 
 " advocated policies which implied the abandonment of 
 his youthful generalizations." Assuming this to be 
 a correct view for which we see no substantial evi- 
 dence whatsoever the fact remains that, save here 
 and there, a man has seceded from this time-worn 
 treason, the party followers of Marx, especially in our 
 own country, have abandoned not one iota of their anti- 
 patriotic attitude towards integral nations. Capitalism
 
 84 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 is world-wide, ergo Socialism shall be world-wide! 
 This issue has ever served as the touchstone that dis- 
 tinguishes reform from revolution, the Socialist from 
 the reformer. 
 
 However, far be it from our purpose to insist upon 
 the consistency of Socialists towards their doctrines. 
 This were utterly impossible since their principles are 
 void of a rational foundation, while men are perforce 
 rational beings. Operating from a false premise as to 
 human nature their acts are, at times, necessarily at 
 variance with their doctrine. Their philosophy denies 
 free-will but since Socialists are gifted by God with 
 a rational nature, they are sure to operate upon the 
 assumption that free-will is an attribute of human 
 nature. They affect to reject reform altogether, but 
 their " present demands " are largely made up of 
 measures taken from reform platforms. Again, Social- 
 ists raise up their voices in favor of self-determination 
 of India, not because they would admit that Indian 
 workmen have a country, but as a means of propaganda 
 against England a capitalist government. 
 
 Whether or not Marx penned his shibboleth against 
 patriotism in the unreasoning exuberance of youth, the 
 Socialist party still adheres to its treasonable intention : 
 
 " As an American Socialist party, we pledge our fidelity to 
 the principles of international Socialism, as embodied in 
 the thought and action of the Socialists of all nations. The 
 chief significance of all national boundaries, and of so-called 
 patriotisms which the ruling class of each nation is seeking 
 to revive, is the power which these give to capitalism to
 
 PATRIOTISM 85 
 
 keep the workers of the world from uniting and to throw 
 them against each other in the struggles of contending 
 capitalist interests for the control of the yet unexploited 
 markets of the world, or the remaining sources of profit." 
 (Chicago Platform.) 
 
 This international pledge to carry into practise the 
 dogma that workmen have no country was kept by 
 many who held elective office in national assemblies. 
 Karl Liebknecht's " lone vote " was accounted an heroic 
 act, since in obedience to the mandate of the Inter- 
 national Socialist Congresses he had voted against the 
 war credits. Eugene V. Debs sings his praise edi- 
 torally : 
 
 " When Karl LiebTcnecht stood up in the German reichstag, 
 solitary and alone, even among his own Socialist colleagues, 
 and voted against the war credit of five billion marks to pro- 
 long the international butchery which has been going on 
 these past several months, he proved himself a true repre- 
 sentative of the Socialist movement and a genuine revolu- 
 tionary hero worthy of the commendation of Socialists 
 throughout the world." (" Rip Saw," St. Louis, Feb., 1915.) 
 
 This same dogma was strictly obeyed by Ramsey 
 MacDonald when he " opposed in Parliament the in- 
 flation of British armaments, as all members are pledged 
 to do in their respective countries/' (London Socialist 
 Review.) So, too, was this dogma enacted by more than 
 one thousand members of the Independent Labor Party 
 in England, who in consequence were put behind the 
 bars during the war. It was this underlying assump- 
 tion that all government must be broken down in favor
 
 86 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 of working class rule that caused the revolt of Lenine 
 and Trotsky against a legitimate Constituent Assembly 
 in Russia: That urged on the Socialist conspiracy to 
 break down the morale of the Italian Army that brought 
 about the disaster at Caporetto: That, no doubt, 
 tempted Frederich Adler to murder the Prime Minister 
 of Austria. It was this degraded view that " work- 
 ing men have no country " bred in the bone of Jean 
 Longuet a grandson of Karl Marx which led him 
 to oppose self-defense of France. In our own Congress, 
 Meyer London, has the unenviable record of refusing 
 to vote for army and navy appropriations after our 
 country entered the world war in the interest of demo- 
 cratic government. 
 
 Reasoning rightly the internationalism proposed by 
 Socialists is not what the true sense of the word con- 
 notes. The term assumes a relationship between two 
 or more integral bodies of men. That is to say the 
 moral integrity of nations is recognized by the fact of 
 the relationship that binds them together either in law 
 or in action whereas the view of a world society held 
 by Socialists blots out individual nations. It were more 
 to the point to insist that Socialism is anti-national 
 rather than inter-national. Indeed, it may be seen that 
 in doctrine and in practise Socialism is national only 
 in the sense that it makes use of governments to break 
 down nations ; for it is within national limits that eco- 
 nomic classes are permitted to exist and defended by 
 public opinion, law and force. Their inflated and dis- 
 tended vision takes in a one-class administration of this
 
 PATRIOTISM 87 
 
 world's economic goods; and the means to this dizzy 
 objective is a proletarian dictatorship in country after 
 country until a classless society of economic equality 
 may take on world proportions. To quote the 
 Manifesto on this point: 
 
 " The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from 
 them what they have not got. Since the proletariat must 
 first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the 
 leading class in the nation, must constitute itself the nation, 
 it is, so far, national, though not in the bourgeois sense of 
 the word." 
 
 Brought down to the concrete it is clear that Socialism 
 is national only so far as it makes use of the instruments 
 of a given country its press, platform, election ma- 
 chinery, its popular opinion, etc., to gain " political 
 supremacy " that it may further a world-wide revo- 
 lution. 
 
 " Shall we place the integrity and safety of this fatherland 
 created by the bourgeoisie over the interests of the inter- 
 national Socialist revolution ? " 
 
 is the question scornfully asked by Nikolai Lenin, Prime 
 Minister of Russia, in his Moscow Communication of 
 Aug. 20, 1918, in his defense for the signing of the 
 Brest-Litovsk treaty. His action is his answer No. 
 In the nature of things, Socialists are obliged to carry 
 on their propaganda within the confines of existing 
 States. But evidence is manifold that it seeks to make 
 the state " die out." This being so a necessary con-
 
 88 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 elusion is that Socialist parties are not political parties 
 in any proper sense of the word. Their object is not 
 to carry on the affairs of the nation not to reform the 
 methods of government for the good of the Common- 
 wealth; their object is frankly treasonable the over- 
 throw of civil society, which they dub the " Capitalist 
 State." 
 
 The St. Louis Emergency Convention of the Socialist 
 Party (April, 1917) declared: 
 
 " The Social revolution not political office is the end and 
 aim of the Socialist Party. No compromise, no political 
 trading." 
 
 The World War put the human nature of the Socialist 
 to the touchstone, the virtue of patriotism being the issue. 
 Then it was that the natural love of country flared up 
 in the breasts of Socialists who had forgotten their God 
 and had for years dabbled in treason. Many men who 
 used to be Revolutionary Socialists lined up with the 
 governments of their country ; voted the war credits and 
 accepted executive positions of great responsibility, quite 
 contrary to the mandates of the International Socialist 
 Congress that they had sworn to defend. So it is that 
 by the scourge of war God brings men back to a sense 
 of their duty to Caesar as Christ our Lord whipped those 
 who traded in the Temple into a sense of their duty 
 towards Jehovah their Father in Heaven. 
 
 For instance Emile Vandervelde, Chairman of the 
 Socialist Bureau, having in charge the affairs of the 
 second red international, came to our country as an
 
 PATRIOTISM 89 
 
 especial envoy of the King of Belgium. During his 
 mission in America, Vandervelde kept deliberately away 
 from association with his fellow Socialists here, much 
 to their chagrin. Yet, during this time, over in Bel- 
 gium his comrades were singing L'International : 
 
 The International Party 
 Shall be the human race! 
 
 Notwithstanding, they were firing bullets into their 
 German comrades. 
 
 In France, Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat accepted 
 portfolios in the Cabinet of Briand and Millerand: 
 both of whom had previously been driven out of the 
 Socialist party because they had accepted positions in 
 " a bourgeois government." 
 
 Scheidemann and his fellow Deputies, with one ex- 
 ception, turned their backs upon their time-tried propa- 
 ganda shibboleth Not a man and not a dollar for 
 military purposes and lined up with the Kaiser 
 voting the war budgets. The exception was Liebknecht. 
 Later he headed the Spartacus group those who were 
 Internationalists first and Germans afterwards. Mr. 
 Scheidemann defended himself and his followers in a 
 letter to the New Yorker Volkszeitung (Socialist 
 daily, Sept. 10, 1914) : " We Social Democrats have 
 not ceased to be Germans because we joined the Socialist 
 International." 
 
 But the sacrifice of nationality is precisely the price 
 that Socialist principles exact from every comrade 
 that he shall leave his homeland and make the world
 
 90 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 his country. Hence the retort is apt: You ceased to 
 be Germans when you joined the International you 
 ceased to be International when you responded to the 
 call of the German fatherland. When you depart from! 
 the teaching of Marx you cease to be Socialists. So, in 
 fact, it was that the great Social Democratic Party of 
 Germany renounced the Revolution for Reform. 
 Surely the mills of God grind slowly but at length 
 the grist comes out in favor of the nature of man 
 in favor of common sense. When a man with malice 
 aforethought chooses the world for his country, he be- 
 comes an outlaw, a man without a country, a traitor 
 to his government, a man deliberately outside the 
 moral constitution of human society, a recreant to 
 his race, for the race is made up of nations. This is 
 simple common sense, for God gave man his nature 
 and the nations of the earth are by Him established. 
 Because of the protection of the State the rights of men 
 are maintained and their duties done. 
 
 jN^o, those Socialists who rediscovered their patriotism, 
 in whatsoever country, were not let off easily by their 
 sometime comrades in the International. It was the 
 same in the countries of the Allies and in America as 
 it was within the central empires, wrath was freely 
 expressed. The American Socialist, official organ of 
 Socialist Party (Chicago, Dec. 12, 1914) vents forth 
 its bitter woe through the pen of Oscar Ameringer 
 lecturer and pamphleteer: 
 
 " A tidal wave of patriotism swept the countries, and tore 
 the best and clearest heads into the mad rush. German
 
 PATRIOTISM 91 
 
 Socialists shouted 'Hoch der Kaiser.' Herve, the unter- 
 rified foe of war yelled ' Vive le Czar ' ; Sambat and Guesde 
 joined the French cabinet with Millerand the Kenegade. 
 Vandervelde becomes royal minister and peddles atrocity 
 tales in England and America without finding time to call 
 on a single prominent comrade on his journey and without 
 visiting the headquarters of the party in a neutral country, 
 as happened here in Chicago. Gorki, Maeterlinck, Haupt- 
 mann, Wells, Sudermann, Anatole France, Kropotkin, 
 Haeckel turn violent patriots." 
 
 The conclusion, here, should be that it was just be- 
 cause these men had the " best and clearest heads " 
 amongst the Socialist groups, that they came back to 
 sanity, by rendering unto Caesar what is due to Caesar, 
 since each man in his respective country obeyed his 
 country's mandate. However, it was left for John R. 
 McMahon who has written extensively for party press 
 to come a little nearer to the issue. In strict con- 
 formity with his false philosophy he reverses the order 
 of things natural, by making the return of the prodigal 
 son a crime. To quote: 
 
 " Socialism in Europe is guilty of a monstrous crime. 
 It has swallowed its principles, spat upon brotherhood, be- 
 trayed the class it professes to represent, everlastingly dis- 
 graced the red banner of internationalism. It has sur- 
 rendered to the enemy; it has joined with enthusiastic 
 abandon the capitalistic and dynastic butchers who are turn- 
 ing Europe into a people's killing bed. 
 
 " These are severe charges for a Socialist to make against 
 Socialists. I make them, and I know that hundreds of my 
 comrades in this country are making them in their hearts, 
 though they may not have yet publicly expressed them.
 
 92 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 " Troelstra, leader of the Dutch Socialists, says that after 
 the war the international movement will have to be re- 
 constructed. He is right. Socialism will have to vivisect 
 from itself its shining apostles in many lands Vander- 
 velde of Belgium, Guesde of France, several Englishmen and 
 Austrians, Deputy Haase and a large number of his fellow 
 Judases masquerading as Socialists in the German Reich- 
 stag. And the rank and file of the Socialist army must be 
 purged of perhaps half its members, who are perfectly 
 good patriots and butchers with a sickly tendency toward 
 reform. 
 
 " All our news from Europe is censored. Is it not possible 
 that cunning military authorities have invented the patriotic 
 spasms of Gustave Herve, the fatherland drivel of Germany, 
 the motherland whine of England, and that appeal of German 
 Socialists (God save the name!) to Italian and Dutch com- 
 rades to " come on in, the blood is fine " ? Let us assume 
 that these things have been invented, that the military au- 
 thorities are writing and publishing the Socialist news- 
 papers and Socialist manifestos of Europe. Assume so 
 much, and yet we can hardly doubt the equally monstrous 
 facts that Vandervelde, a leader of the international party, 
 took a job in the war cabinet of Belgium, that Jules Guesde, 
 the once venerable revolutionist of France, became a war 
 minister of the French republic, and that English Socialism's 
 best word to the combatants (excepting Keir Hardie's stal- 
 wart but vain protest) has been to use the bayonet on our 
 foreign comrades gently. 
 
 " Millions who had been singing 
 
 The International Party 
 Shall Ite-the human race! 
 
 took up the refrain of ' Deutschland iiber Alles ! ' ' Allons, 
 enfants de la Patrie! ' and ' God Save the King! ' " (Inde- 
 pendent, N. Y., Oct. 12, 1914.)
 
 PATRIOTISM 93 
 
 From another element in the melting-pot of Socialism 
 we select a statement from a prominent writer 
 William Morris Feigenbaum. (New York Call, June 
 4, 1916.) 
 
 "Internationalism is a structure that we strove long and 
 manfully to build up. Internationalism was a structure that 
 meant much to millions. But the time of war came. The 
 trumpet blew. The flag waved. The cheap and shoddy Em- 
 peror made a claptrap speech about the sword being forced 
 into his hand. And millions of Socialist voters goose-stepped 
 after Hindenburg, as if they had never considered them- 
 selves Comrades of the French and the Belgians and the 
 English! And the French and the Kussians and the Aus- 
 trians were as bad." 
 
 With the exception of a few leaders, here, who, under 
 the pressure of loyalty to country, resigned from party 
 membership, the entire body of the organized Socialist 
 movement of the United States was hostile to the "war 
 Socialists " of Europe. A vigorous propaganda was 
 initiated to hold American Socialists back to the treason- 
 able principles of the International as against the 
 natural promptings of love and duty that calls sound 
 men to the defense of their country and so gives them 
 that heroic distinction that all delight to honor. 
 
 As it began to appear certain that our country would 
 enter the conflict, the New York Call offered prizes 
 for the best terse statements " concerning war and the 
 Socialist attitude towards it." Evidently many men 
 put despicable words on paper in answer to the Call's 
 request for a terse statement of what in the nature of
 
 94 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 things must prove to be disloyalty. Charles A. Maurer, 
 editor of the Reading (Pa.) Labor Advocate was found 
 to have filled the Call's highest expectations and so won 
 the first prize for his answer: 
 
 " In the event of sudden declaration of war against this 
 country what should the Socialists do? 
 
 " Answer : If war should be declared by this country, then 
 the Socialists should refuse and advise all workers to refuse 
 to enlist and fight conscription to the last ditch. Also agi- 
 tate strikes in industries everywhere." (New York Call, 
 June 26, 1916.) 
 
 It was so long a time since God had been in fashion 
 with the governments of the world that Socialists were 
 surprised to find that patriotism should have so much 
 blood. They had persuaded a multitude of men to 
 abandon the thought and the practise of religion; to 
 deny the family as a moral entity; to deny the hope 
 of justice to the working class so long as the state de- 
 fended the right of private property in productive capi- 
 tal ; to deny even the integrity of nations that it was 
 their confident assumption that within their camp 
 patriotism was dead. 
 
 But, when the war drum sounded that ever-living 
 principle was found stirring to action even in the 
 breasts of their materialistically minded comrades ; then, 
 it was that every effort must be put forward for killing 
 the " Patriotic bee " that was buzzing in the workman's 
 bonnet. Thus it was so much the extension of their 
 propaganda as the saving of their own force that oc- 
 cupied the movement for a time. In answer to the ac-
 
 PATRIOTISM 85 
 
 cusation that Socialism undermines patriotism the New 
 York Call boasts: 
 
 " So it does, and is proud of it, if by patriotism is 
 meant that mawkish sentiment -which causes a man for the 
 sum of $15 a month to get out and get himself killed in 
 defense of a country of which he owns not a single foot and 
 can never hope to own any. If a wage slave is paid only 
 enough to live on anyhow, what difference to him does it 
 make whether his boss is a Britisher or a Chinaman?" 
 (Sept. 25, 1912.) 
 
 But the accusation stands! As patriotism is not a 
 " mawkish sentiment " nor is it a part of patriotism 
 to live contentedly as a " wage-slave." Besides, 
 whether or not a man owns land and many of our 
 best citizens are not land owners, it is his privilege and 
 his duty to aid in forming a correct public opinion, by 
 a defense of his faith and his fatherland. Moreover, 
 he may so place his vote as to be sure that his convictions 
 will be wrought out into the warp and woof of a good 
 government. It is all a matter of right-thinking and of 
 courageous action in this our own free land. 
 
 In the Anti-Military edition of the World (Socialist 
 Weekly, Oakland, California, Vol. 2, p. 181) Selig 
 Schulberg avers : 
 
 " The Socialist must understand that as long as a wage 
 slave has a patriotic bee buzzing in his bonnet, he is in no 
 shape to understand what is meant by International Social- 
 ism. 
 
 "It is our imperative duty to murder the patriotic bees, 
 and the sooner we accomplish this the sooner will this and
 
 96 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the coming generation of mankind enjoy the entire product 
 of their toil." 
 
 It has long been the Socialist policy to pull down the 
 honor of those great patriots who spent their fortune and 
 their blood that lovers of liberty might here build up 
 a nation free from oppression and greed. From two 
 of their foremost authorities we shall take testimony : 
 
 "No part of American history has been so completely 
 buried beneath a mish-mash of patriotism and humbug as 
 the Eevolution of 1776. 
 
 " A very superficial examination of the annals of this 
 period will reveal evidence enough to show that, even ac- 
 cording to orthodox historians, the ' fathers of their coun- 
 try ' were a rafher select circle of smugglers and land 
 thieves." (Arthur Morrow Lewis, " Vital Problems of Social 
 Evolution," pp. 92-93.) 
 
 Ernest TJnterman says : 
 
 " An American workingman who celebrates the fourth of 
 July is like a French workingman who celebrates the 18th 
 Brumaire of Napoleon Bonaparte, or a Russian workingman 
 who celebrates the victory of the Romanoffs. He is cele- 
 brating the victory of his oppressors" (p. 128). Mr. Unter- 
 man declares that Washington was a liar and a thief (p. 
 116) ; Jefferson, Franklin and Hamilton, unscrupulous land 
 grabbers (p. 117) ; Lafayette a haughty aristocrat (p. 118) ; 
 Steuben a despot and Hancock a smuggler (p. 117, " The 
 World's Revolutions," Ernest TJnterman). 
 
 In practise as in theory Socialist leaders insist, as 
 against the force of common sense, in carrying out the
 
 PATRIOTISM 97 
 
 teachings of their masters Marx and Engels. The 
 recent action of the Socialist members of the New 
 York Board of Aldermen in voting for the Victory 
 Arch in honor of the soldiers who so loyally and 
 valiantly defended the honor of our country and our 
 flag under Generals Foch and Pershing at first 
 glance seems to be an exception. It is not ! These un- 
 lucky wights, who in a fit of stupor voted for the Victory 
 Arch, were haled before a joint meeting of the six 
 Central Committees of the Socialist Party of Greater 
 New York, assembled in the People's House to review 
 the work of their seven aldermen. Their apology is as 
 ludicrous as it is pitiful: 
 
 "Personally," said Alderman Algernon Lee, "I can say 
 that no greater favor can be done me than by relieving me 
 of my job as alderman. It is hard, unpleasant work, and 
 there is other Socialist work that I would far rather do. 
 I will say, for me and all my colleagues, that we all heartily 
 regret that vote as a vote for something that tends to incul- 
 cate a chauvinistic and jingo spirit; and if it had not been 
 for the circumstance that the vote was sprung on us in a 
 minute, without warning, and that I, for one was fagged out, 
 that I had been 36 hours without sleep, that I was in a daze, 
 I assure you that I for one would have voted no, and would 
 have told the Comrades to do likewise." 
 
 It surely is a satisfaction to note that under the 
 influence of well poised men those of unbalanced thought 
 come back to the normal. Even as these Socialist 
 aldermen, who, by a long course of perverse reasoning 
 and teaching believe themselves to be fully persuaded
 
 98 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 that the self-sacrifice and heroic courage of patriots is 
 the means of inculcating " a chauvinistic and jingo 
 spirit," are cured for the nonce of treason. 
 
 There is no doubt that many a man striving to up- 
 hold the natural virtues for love of country is now well 
 aware that the vicious propaganda of Socialism in our 
 country in all countries is cause for positive alarm. 
 He, too, though from a very different point of view, 
 needs to get more than an occasional glimpse of that 
 safe and sound state of the truly Catholic mind. Yet, 
 merely a glimpse gives such an one pause. The wonder 
 grows! Is it after all the truth that Almighty God 
 has given into the keeping of the Catholic hierarchy 
 of the world under the headship of the Pope of Rome 
 the known cure for national evils? So the case 
 stands! Help us, Lord, or we perish! But it is true. 
 Honest men have but to see for themselves that the 
 Church has set forth the practical application of the 
 Ten Commandments to every-day life within the scope 
 of civil society. Besides, there are sane examples of 
 the brotherhood of man here and there within in- 
 dustry and commerce. With regard to the family as 
 the unit of the Commonwealth, the example of Catholics 
 throughout the world is the one truly righteous element 
 in civilization since the Church is the defense of the 
 inviolability of the marriage bond as God ordained it. 
 
 The conclusion is perfect a closer knowledge of the 
 one true religion would go far to induce men of good- 
 will no more to follow after strange gods.
 
 PATRIOTISM 99 
 
 Personally, we rejoice in the truth that makes men 
 free: in being followers of Christ under the banner of 
 our dearly beloved leader, Boston's great Archbishop 
 Cardinal O'Connell : in the privilege that was ours some 
 twelve years ago to hear His Eminence deliver his elo- 
 quent address on that ideal patriot Joan of Arc 
 that bespoke Socialism as it is : 
 
 " Amid the new and strange doctrines which . . . Social- 
 ism has begotten in our own time none is falser, none more 
 inhuman, none more vicious and dangerous in its effects 
 and conclusions than that foolish and degrading theory by 
 which the sentiment of patriotism is flouted and denied. By 
 its endeavors to tear out from the human heart all its inborn 
 sentiments of reverence for rulers and for law it seeks to 
 kill in humanity its natural love for home and all that is 
 expressed by that sacred word. To them nothing is sacred, 
 neither God nor his altars, nor his ministers, nor home, nor 
 native land, nor wife, nor family. For Socialism, according 
 to its accredited teachers, would wipe out forever from human 
 life, all the sweet consolations as well as all the noble duties 
 which these human relations have ever inspired in the normal 
 man. No fatherland, no banner, no fireside, no altar, no 
 ruler, no God. Thus are summed up all the damnable nega- 
 tions of this satanic doctrine, which overturns with one fell 
 blow all the holiest principles of human life. No wonder that 
 where the voice of these prophets of evil is listened to and 
 obeyed the disorder of hell reigns." 
 
 Most certainly, the world-wide unity of Catholics in 
 defense of faith, patriotism and purity against blas- 
 phemy, treason and adultery, has brought down upon 
 Holy Catholic Church the venom of anti-patriots.
 
 100 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 POPE BUNKUM IV & GO. 
 
 ROME 
 
 THE WORLD'S MOST RELIABLE AND 
 
 SUCCESSFUL DEALERS IN 
 
 SUPERSTITION 
 
 We Carry the Original, Genuine Gospel 
 Goods Guaranteed to Produce Anesthesia 
 Among the Masses, So That the Victims 
 Can Be Skinned in" Times of Peace, or 
 Made to Shoot Each Other in Times of 
 War 
 
 The Patronage of the Ruling Classes of All 
 Nations Religiously Solicited 
 
 SVRegularly Ordained Representatives hi 
 Every Country 
 
 PROF. W. WARSOON 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 CHAMBERMAID TO THE AMERICAN 
 
 AMMUNITION MAKERS 
 
 Boosted by the Press.. pulpit, Politicians and 
 Other Plutocratic Agencies Subsidized 
 for the Purpose of Moulding Public 
 Opinion 
 
 Money-Making Wars Systematically Started 
 With the Least Possible Suspicion on the 
 Part of the Hornswoggled People 
 
 rThe Professor Is a Self-Mad* Authority on the Inter, 
 pretatlon of the Rules Regulating Civilized War- 
 faro. Those Financially Interested In Wars, 
 And Who Desire His Services, Will Please 
 Notify Him In Advance How They Wish These 
 Rules Interpreted
 
 PATRIOTISM 101 
 
 Apologizing for its vileness the above presents exhibits 
 that appeared in the Melting Pot (St. Louis, June, 
 1916) an atheist Socialist anti-patriotic monthly 
 that goes out highly recommended by Eugene V. Debs, 
 agitator-superior ; Margaret Sanger, the " queen " of 
 the birth control propaganda, and other leading radicals, 
 to create a vile public opinion consonant with the filth 
 that it spews forth. 
 
 It was our country's entrance into war 'that brought 
 out into the open public view, the sharply opposing doc- 
 trines of the Pope and Socialism as they apply to the 
 authority and domain of Ca?sar. Catholics to the last 
 man, woman and youth were precisely and ardently 
 loyal. While all those who are guided by the teachings 
 of modern Socialism to regard the international revolu- 
 tion as their means and a classless society as the 1 end 
 all and be all of human effort, were at best anti-patriotic, 
 at worst treasonable. 
 
 Immediately, after war was officially declared the 
 hierarchy of the Catholic Church in the United States 
 addressed to President Wilson the determination of 
 Catholics to stand true to our country, our government 
 and our flag. 
 
 THE HIERARCHY'S CALL 
 
 " Standing firmly upon our solid Catholic tradition and 
 history from the very foundation of this nation, we reaffirm 
 in this hour of stress and trial our most sacred and sincere 
 loyalty and patriotism toward our country, our Government, 
 and our flag. Moved to the very depths of our hearts by 
 the stirring appeal of the President of the United States
 
 102 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 and by the action of our national Congress, we accept whole- 
 heartedly and unreservedly the decree of that legislative 
 authority proclaiming this country to be in a state of war. 
 We have prayed that we might be spared the dire necessity 
 of entering the conflict. But now that war has been declared, 
 we bow in obedience to the summons to bear our part in it, 
 with fidelity, with courage, and with the spirit of sacrifice, 
 which as loyal citizens we are bound to manifest for the 
 defense of the most sacred rights and the welfare of the 
 whole nation. Acknowledging gladly the gratitude that we 
 have always felt for the protection of our spiritual liberty 
 and the freedom of our Catholic institutions under the 
 flag, we pledge our devotion and our strength in the main- 
 tenance of our country's glorious leadership in those pos- 
 sessions and principles which have been America's proudest 
 boast. Inspired neither by hate nor fear, but by the holy 
 sentiments of truest patriotic fervor and zeal, we stand ready, 
 we and all the flock committed to our keeping, to cooperate 
 in every way possible with our President and our national 
 Government, to the end that the great and holy cause of 
 liberty may triumph, and that our beloved country may 
 emerge from this hour of test stronger and nobler than 
 ever. Our people now, as ever, will rise as one man to 
 serve the nation. Our priests and consecrated women will 
 once again as in every former trial of our country, win by 
 their bravery, their heroism, and their service, new admira- 
 tion and approval. We are all true Americans, ready, as 
 our age, our ability, and our condition permit, to do what- 
 ever is in us to do, for the preservation, the progress, and 
 the triumph of our beloved country. May God direct and 
 guide our President and our Government, that out of this 
 trying crisis in our national life may at length come a 
 closer union among all the citizens of America, and that an 
 enduring and blessed peace may crown the sacrifices which 
 war inevitably entails."
 
 PATRIOTISM 103 
 
 CARDINAL GIBBONS 
 
 Cardinal Gibbons, in patriotic words, delivered a 
 memorable address from the pulpit of his Cathedral in 
 Baltimore the Sunday after our country was officially 
 declared to be in a state of war: 
 
 " The primary duty of a citizen is loyalty to country . . . 
 exhibited by an absolute and unreserved obedience to hia 
 country's call . . . manifested by solemn service, not by 
 empty declamation. ... In the present emergency it be- 
 hooves every American citizen to do his duty, to uphold the 
 hands of the President and the Congress in the solemn ob- 
 ligations that confront us, to pray that the Lord of Hosts 
 may inspire them to such measures as will redound to the 
 glory of our country, to righteousness of aim and conduct 
 and to the future permanent peace of the world." 
 
 CARDINAL FARLEY 
 
 From the pulpit of his See in New York, Cardinal 
 Farley solemnly declared on that same fateful Sunday : 
 
 "Our President and our national Kepresentatives having 
 spoken, our response to the voice of authority which they 
 embody will be to rally around our flag with complete ful- 
 ness of devotion, with loyal hearts and sturdiest arms, to 
 place all that we have and all that we are, at the service of 
 our country. We will not shrink from any sacrifice in her 
 behalf. We will render to her what our Catholic faith and 
 teaching both sanction and sanctify. No demand on our 
 citizenship will go unanswered or find us other than true 
 Americans, true children of the Church, which never was 
 found wanting in any crisis of our country."
 
 104 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 CARDINAL, 
 
 On that same Easter Sunday (1917) at his See in 
 Boston, Cardinal O'Connell lifted up his voice : 
 
 " God and our Nation ! Let us lift to Heaven the cry. 
 Let the love of true freedom blessed, God-given freedom, 
 which above all other lands our country has cherished and 
 defended let that be the thrilling power that will quicken 
 our pulses into a still greater love of America than we have 
 ever known till now. Whatever we can do in honor and 
 justice, that we must in conscience do to defeat our enemy 
 and make our Flag triumphant." 
 
 Ah ! dear Lord ! what a contrast is the enlightened at- 
 titude and action of Catholics to the lack of understand- 
 ing of things human and the perverse conduct of 
 Socialists! The Emergency Convention of the Social- 
 ist Party ('St. Louis, April 7, 1917) sent out its report 
 signed by the Committee on war and militarism : 
 
 KATE EICHARDS O'HARE, Chairman. 
 
 VICTOR L. BERGER. 
 
 JOB HARRIMAN. 
 
 MORRIS HILLQUIT. 
 
 DAN HOGAN. 
 
 FRANK MIDNEY. 
 
 PATRICK QUINLAN. 
 
 C. E. EUTHENBERG. 
 
 MAYNARD SHIPLEY. 
 
 GEORGE SPIESS, JR. 
 
 ALGERNON LEE, Secretary. 
 
 To quote in part : 
 
 " The Socialist party of the United States, in the present 
 grave crisis, solemnly reaffirms its allegiance to the principle
 
 PATEIOTISM 105 
 
 of internationalism and working class solidarity the world 
 over, and proclaims its unalterable opposition to the war 
 just declared by the government of the United States. 
 
 " The Socialist party of the United States is xinalterably 
 opposed to the system of exploitation and class rule which is 
 upheld . and strengthened by military power and sham na- 
 tional patriotism. We, therefore, call upon the workers of 
 all countries to refuse support to their governments in their 
 wars. The wars of the contending national groups of capi- 
 talists are not the concern of the workers. The only struggle 
 which would justify the workers in taking up arms is the 
 great struggle of the working class of the world to free 
 itself from economic exploitation and political oppression as 
 against the false doctrine of national patriotism. We uphold 
 the ideal of international working class solidarity. In sup- 
 port of capitalism, we will not willingly give a single life or 
 a single dollar; in support of the struggle of the workers for 
 freedom we pledge our all. 
 
 " Our entrance into the European conflict at this time 
 will serve only to multiply the horrors of the war, to increase 
 the toll of death and destruction and to prolong the fiendish 
 slaughter. It will bring death, suffering and destitution to 
 the people of the United States and particularly to the work- 
 ing class. It will give the powers of reaction in this country 
 the pretext for an attempt to throttle our rights and to 
 crush our democratic institutions, and to fasten upon this 
 country a permanent militarism. 
 
 " We recommend to the workers and pledge ourselves to 
 the following course of action : 
 
 " 1. Continuous, active, and public opposition to the war, 
 through demonstrations, mass petitions, and all other means 
 within our power. 
 
 "2. Unyielding opposition to all proposed legislation for 
 military or industrial conscription. Should such conscrip- 
 tion be forced upon the people, we pledge ourselves to con-
 
 106 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 tinuous efforts for the repeal of such laws and to the support 
 of all mass movements in opposition to conscription. We 
 pledge ourselves to oppose with all our strength any attempt 
 to raise money for the payment of war expense by taxing 
 the necessaries of life or issuing bonds which will put the 
 burden upon future generations. We demand that the 
 capitalist class, which is responsible for the war, pay its 
 cost. Let those who kindled the fire furnish the fuel. 
 
 " 3. Vigorous resistance to all reactionary measures, such 
 as censorship of press and mails, restriction of the rights of 
 free speech, assemblage, and organization, or compulsory 
 arbitration and limitation of the right to strike. 
 
 " 4. Consistent propaganda against military training and 
 militaristic teaching in the public schools. 
 
 " 5. Extension of the campaign of education among the 
 workers to organize them into strong, class-conscious, and 
 closely unified political and industrial organizations to en- 
 able them by concerted and harmonious mass action to 
 shorten this war and to establish lasting peace. 
 
 " 6. Widespread educational propaganda to enlighten the 
 masses as to the true relation between capitalism and war, 
 and to rouse and organize them for action, not only against 
 present war evils, but for the prevention of future wars 
 and for the destruction of the causes of war." 
 
 These declarations were adopted by a vote of 140 of 
 the less than 200 delegates who attended the Emergency 
 Convention of the Socialist Party, in the Planters' 
 Hotel, St. Louis. This action of the convention was 
 endorsed by a referendum vote of 11,041 to 782 of their 
 organized Socialist membership throughout the country. 
 Surely it was with great speed that the enemy over- 
 sowed the good seed of patriotism with the cockle of 
 treason. The very next day after war was declared,
 
 PATRIOTISM 107 
 
 before any other organization had spoken, Socialism 
 declared against patriotism. While the first to pledge 
 loyalty to our flag, wheresoever it should be borne, was 
 the entire body of Catholic citizens through the voice 
 of the American hierarchy. 
 
 WAR ITSELF 
 
 The consequences that come from publishing broad- 
 cast this action of the Emergency Convention as news 
 and still more from putting it, as a text book, into the 
 hands of thousands of aggressive agitators is quite be- 
 yond our concrete view. Yet, it is safe to say that to 
 its poison should be traced many an assault upon patriot- 
 ism. It is not to war per se that Socialism objects: 
 Not at all ! Its " unalterable opposition to the war 
 just declared by the government of the United States " 
 is upon the assumption that " the only struggle which 
 would justify the workers taking up arms is the great 
 struggle of the working class to free itself from eco- 
 nomic exploitation and political oppression against a 
 false doctrine of national patriotism." 
 
 In simple words as national patriotism is the one 
 and only kind of patriotism ever known to mankind 
 throughout the ages, Socialism will have none of it, 
 simply because it is an integral part of human nature, 
 for they have made over human nature after a pattern 
 all their own. Surely, no man can fancy a monkey 
 to have patriotic emotions and this animal basis is 
 the ground upon which Socialists estimate the actions of 
 men. They will fight! yes! Not for the principle of
 
 108 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the self-determination of nations but for the very self- 
 same reason that the " capitalist class " sets on the dogs 
 of war the spoils. "Internationalism! the only 
 war in which workers should enlist is the class war." 
 This is the instruction given by Arthur Le Sueur 
 member of the Socialist party Ex. Com. January, 1916. 
 It is for Socialism that " we will mount the barricades 
 and fight like tigers/' is the urge of Morris Hillquit, 
 than whom no man has a louder voice in the party. In 
 his honor the New York Call (May 14, 1917) one 
 month after our country entered the war, put his battle 
 cry into rhyme with the refrain : 
 
 " And fight our fight on the barricades! " 
 All over our home-land in manifold detail, their argu- 
 ment proceeds against the justice of our cause in defense 
 of American right or American honor. This war " is 
 a crime against the people of the United States and 
 against the nations of the world." Against this special 
 pleading, in the interest of a classless society that must 
 be established by a proletarian dictatorship such as that 
 of Lenin and Trotsky the world knows that our sac- 
 rifice of blood and treasure was freely made for no 
 selfish ends, no indemnities or compensation, no desire 
 for military glory or dominion. ' ~No, the " crime " is 
 not ours as a nation ! The crime lies at the door of 
 Socialism as our courts amply testify. 
 
 Yet, it is not a crime to seek foreign markets. ~Not 
 alone is buying and selling as old as the history of man 
 but to the sanction of universal practise and common- 
 sense there is added the sanction of the old law, and
 
 PATRIOTISM 109 
 
 the old law itself is further extended in the instruction 
 given by our Lord Himself as the Gospels will testify. 
 So it is most commendable enterprise to carry the 
 products of industry the knowledge of science and art 
 into a far country and to return home laden with a 
 just exchange in material wealth. The flag must in- 
 deed go with trade, since national honor must be ob- 
 served by our citizens who sell, and national honor 
 must be paid by those with whom we trade. Economic 
 justice is the basis of the exchange of material goods for 
 material goods; which results to the mutual advantage 
 of buyer and seller, and without commerce civilization 
 were void. It is true, alas! that the ground of equity 
 has too often been betrayed by international transactions, 
 especially with primitive peoples. But Catholics have 
 no quarrel with those who seek justice. Indeed, in- 
 justice is their cause of quarrel and greatly it has been 
 waged throughout all the Christian centuries, in the 
 especial interest of the oppressed and the poor. To be 
 sure it is this betrayal of the equities involved in trade 
 that often leads to war between nations. But, this 
 issue is not yet pushed home. When the state commits 
 a crime against its neighbor state, it is men who perform 
 the unlawful acts. So the crime of the state is the 
 personal sin of the men engaged in undoing their neigh- 
 bors of other countries. Hence the denial of the 
 brotherhood of man is the real issue under consideration. 
 How ridiculously inconsistent, then, for Socialists to 
 inveigh against the exploitation of the poor by the rich 
 since all such indignities and crimes rest upon a belief
 
 110 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 in the Fatherhood of God, not upon the animal origin of 
 man that Socialists profess. We shall trust to the 
 Holy Father's opinion that the nations of the European 
 war were " all equally guilty." Yet, that fact does not 
 argue against the defense of their several national lives 
 when the conflict is on, partly inherited from other years 
 of strife and partly induced by unworthy motives that 
 appeal to the selfish interests of rulers. Surely, if in 
 a personal quarrel one has been the most to blame, one 
 must defend his life when the fight comes on. ISTor 
 does it mitigate against the part our country so honor- 
 ably played in preventing the " suicide " of all Europe, 
 for a looker-on is bound to step in to prevent the death 
 of the under dog. ISTow this is but another way of 
 saying that the Socialist way to prevent " crime " is 
 the way to commit crime. JSTamely the extinction of 
 organized society. They would let nations " die out " 
 in favor of those men who claim the world for their 
 country. 
 
 Yet, here we come to the crux of the whole matter, 
 and its evils are as broad as they are long. The " dic- 
 tatorship of the proletariat " would swallow up the 
 identity of nations in the International, where might 
 is right and the supreme state would swallow up the 
 authority of God, and so rest human rights upon human 
 will. No, Catholics will give to Cassar what belongs to 
 Caesar, and to God what belongs to God. So it is simple 
 enough whether the Catholic be in high station or in 
 low station there is but one Supreme Giver for him, 
 it is as simple, -^- with human nature as it is that
 
 PATEIOTISM 111 
 
 the Pope is the one person on earth having the power to 
 keep in order those who acknowledge their Maker, be 
 they emperors, kings, premiers or presidents. 
 
 The Socialist Party threatened to conduct " a con- 
 tinuous active, public opposition to the war " using all 
 means within its power: 
 
 1. The party would oppose all attempts to raise 
 money by the sale of bonds: 
 
 2. It would support " mass-action " in opposition to 
 conscription if it were voted into law by the govern- 
 ment: 
 
 3. It would set up " vigorous resistance " to any 
 form of censorship of press or speech. It would like- 
 wise oppose governmental efforts to limit strikes ; to en- 
 force compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes dur- 
 ing the war ; it would strive against military training in 
 schools. At the same time the Socialist Party pledged 
 itself to extend with greater vigor a campaign to or- 
 ganize " class-conscious " industrial unions. That is to 
 say the form of union now operated by the I. W. W. 
 and the Russian Bolsheviki. 
 
 We assume there is no especial cause to believe that 
 foreign monies entered into the make-up of the Emer- 
 gency Convention report. Yet, that it gave comfort to 
 the enemy there can be no doubt. The secret of Social- 
 ist action, if it be a secret, lies in their basic mission 
 the destruction of Christian civilization. They find 
 honor in perversity and glory in treason. Seymour 
 Steadman, member of the Nat. Ex. Com. of the Socialist 
 Party, when defending his comrades for a violation of
 
 112 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 the Espionage Act, before Judge Landis, plays the part 
 of prophet : 
 
 " Their children in the years to come would consider the 
 St. Louis majority report the most comprehensive statement 
 of the cause of war ever penned." 
 
 Perversity does not even spare the little ones! What a 
 bond of dishonor to bear. How blessed are the children of 
 noble sires who give them counsel : " Let all the ends thou 
 aimst at be thy country's, thy God's, and truth's." 
 
 That report was hardly out-run by the anti-patriotic 
 traitors elsewhere within the confines of our country 
 and it may be doubted if any European state at war was 
 so badly plagued by a document, put out in the open, 
 more unpatriotic, incendiary or treasonable. Is it, 
 then, any wonder that when the determination of the 
 report was translated into personal action, that Debs, 
 Berger, Germer, Tucker, Engdahl, Kruse, Fraina, Kate 
 Richards O'Hare, Mrs. Phelps Stokes and the hundreds 
 of others are under indictment or convicted for violation 
 of the Espionage Act? But an indictment is a badge 
 of honor, something to boast of. Art Young, the car- 
 toonist sets out this distinction pictorially in Max East- 
 man's Magazine (the Liberator, Nov., 1918). In a 
 half open door a sergeant-at-arms threatens the new- 
 comers and below the picture is this legend: 
 
 Are you a Socialist? 
 
 Certainly. 
 
 Show your indictment. 
 
 In acknowledging the compliment of being a good 
 Socialist, " because he can show his indictment " be-
 
 PATEIOTISM 113 
 
 fore an audience of 10,000 people assembled in the Coli- 
 seum in Chicago (Nov. 17, 1918) by William Bross 
 Lloyd, the Chairman, Victor L. Berger responded " I 
 can show four indictments of about sixty counts. I was 
 not indicted because I had committed any crime. / 
 was indicted because I stood for Socialism, that was the 
 only reason." The audience applauded to the echo; 
 seeming not to know that the " reason " was quite suf- 
 ficient. 
 
 Socialists flaunt their indictments all over the country 
 as a proof of having waged a good fight in the interest of 
 free speech. The assumption is that whatever furthers 
 their cause may by right be said, be it never so wrong. 
 But, it is the license of speech not free speech that wins 
 them converts. One has the right to do only what one 
 ought to want to do. That ought ties every man fast to 
 the Ten Commandments, that are utterly repudiated by 
 the followers of Marx as being of use, perhaps, during 
 the infancy of the race, but now hopelessly out of date. 
 Power to do wrong we all have, and it is with their power 
 that Socialists mean to establish a " dictatorship of the 
 proletariat " on the ruins of Christian civilization which 
 they are pleased to term " capitalism." They mean to 
 run the red flag up over the dome of the capitol build- 
 ing at Washington over every national capitol in the 
 world. 
 
 Curiously enough, what is sauce for the goose is not 
 sauce for the gander no, this legend will not fit, for 
 if one should expect consistency from Socialism it would 
 be a proof that he himself had given over the rock of
 
 114 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 right-reason for the shifty sand of now-you-have-it-and- 
 now-you-don't. Freedom of the press and free speech 
 when Socialists are in control confuses and poisons the 
 mind of the populace. Yet, it is in the name of liberty 
 that Socialists protest against the right of free speech 
 being cut off in time of war. While a violation of the 
 espionage law brings for them nothing but approval 
 from their comrades. With one voice they all agree 
 with Morris Hillquit's telegram to those who were con- 
 victed for defying this war regulation : 
 
 w The conviction is an act of frank and brutal class 
 justice. It is a deliberate challenge to the Socialist move- 
 ment the Socialists will take up the challenge." 
 
 There should be no doubt about their determination 
 to do so, for it is their purpose to carry the class war 
 into every department of organized society. They 
 know, that when they strike at patriotism they lay the 
 ax at the very roots of national life. Socialists are 
 afraid of nothing for they have blinded themselves to 
 the existence of God. While the consequences of dis- 
 loyalty to their country is their most fruitful means of 
 perverse propaganda. 
 
 The conclusion is perfect if Americans desire Co- 
 lumbia to gloriously live her thousand years, her rich 
 sons must accept the responsibility of their stewardship. 
 They must do justice and love mercy in dealing with 
 the laborers who are ever worthy of their hire. The 
 right relation of man to man comes first, the volume of a 
 just profit second.
 
 PATRIOTISM 115 
 
 The wage earners the little ones of Christ are 
 much more sinned against than sinning. They have the 
 Gospel preached to them and they sense that politicians 
 plot against their rights where statesmen should guard 
 them. They know that a gamble for gold reduces their 
 rightful standard of living and submerges thousands 
 upon thousands below the level of decency. 
 
 " To WHOM SHALL WE Go ? " 
 
 The Catholic Church ever true to the teaching of her 
 Founder stands for patriotism for peace not for war. 
 The Church knows and she teaches the peace promised 
 by Christ to men of good-will. National good-will-is 
 then the condition of unity within and a strong right 
 arm of defense against bad-will from without. If, in- 
 deed, lust for power and greed for wealth would give 
 place to justice and to right, then truly we might " beat 
 our swords into plowshares and our spears into pruning- 
 hooks." Catholics are well taught that the state has 
 rights that must be respected as the laws of God. If, 
 then, all other means shall have failed, the state may re- 
 sist by war encroachments upon her rights and upon her 
 borders. The state may go out to maintain, by force 
 of arms, what concerns her vital well-being as a com- 
 monwealth. " By me Icings reign and lawgivers de- 
 cree just things." (Prov. viii, 15.) Surely it was 
 no accident that during the World War the glorious up- 
 standing of all other patriots gladly gave place to that of 
 Cardinal Mercier :
 
 116 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " God will save Belgium, my Brethren, you cannot doubt it. 
 
 " Nay rather, He is saving her. 
 
 " Across the smoke of conflagration, across the stream of 
 blood, have you not glimpses, do you not perceive signs of 
 His love for us ? Is there a patriot among us who does not 
 know that Belgium has grown great? Nay, which of us 
 would have the heart to cancel this last page of our national 
 history? Which of us does not exult in the brightness of 
 the glory of this shattered nation? When in her throes 
 she brings forth heroes, our Mother Country gives her own 
 energy to the blood of those sons of hers. Let us acknowl- 
 edge that we needed a lesson in patriotism. There were 
 Belgians, and many such, who wasted their time and their 
 talents in futile quarrels of class with class, of race with 
 race, of passion with personal passion. 
 
 "Yet, when on the second of August, a mighty foreign 
 power, confident of its own strength and defiant of the faith 
 of treaties, dared to threaten us in our own independence, 
 then did all Belgians, without difference of party, or con- 
 dition, or of origin, rise up as one man, close ranged about 
 their own king, and their own government, and cry to the 
 invader : ' Thou shalt not go through.' 
 
 " At once, instantly, we were conscious of our own patriot- 
 ism. For down within us all is something deeper than per- 
 sonal interests, than personal kinships, than party feeling, 
 and this is the need and the will to devote ourselves to 
 that more general interest which Rome termed the public 
 thing, Res publica. And this profound will within us is 
 patriotism. 
 
 " Our country is not a mere concourse of persons or of 
 families inhabiting the same soil, having amongst them- 
 selves relations, more or less intimate, of business, of neigh- 
 borhood, of a community of memories, happy or unhappy. 
 Not so; it is an association of living souls, subject to a 
 social organization to be defended and safeguarded at all
 
 PATRIOTISM 117 
 
 costs, even the cost of blood, under the leadership of those 
 presiding over its fortunes. And it is because of this general 
 spirit that the people of a country live a common life in 
 the present, through the past, through the aspirations, the 
 hopes, the confidence in the life to come, which they share 
 together. Patriotism an internal principle of order and of 
 unity, an organic bond of the members of a nation, was 
 placed by the finest thinkers of Greece and Rome at the 
 head of the natural virtues. Aristotle, the prince of philoso- 
 phers of antiquity, held disinterested service of the City 
 that is the State to be the very ideal of human duty. 
 And the religion of Christ makes of patriotism a positive 
 law; there is no perfect Christian who is not also a perfect 
 patriot. For our religion exalts the antique ideal, showing 
 it to be realizable only in the Absolute. Whence, in truth, 
 comes this universal, this irresistible impulse which carries 
 at once the will of the whole nation in one single effort of 
 cohesion and of resistance in face of the hostile menace 
 against her unity and her freedom? Whence comes it that 
 in an hour all interests were merged in the interest of all, 
 and that all lives were together, offered in willing immola- 
 tion? Not that the State is worth more than the individual 
 or the family, seeing that the good of the family and of 
 the individual is the cause and reason of the organization 
 of the State. Not that our country is a Moloch on whose 
 altar lives may lawfully be sacrificed. The rigidity of ancient 
 morals and the despotism of the Caesars suggested that false 
 principle and Modern Militarism tends to revive it that 
 the State is omnipotent, and that the discretionary power 
 of the State is the rule of Eight. Not so, replies Christian 
 theology, Right is Peace, that is, the interior order of a 
 nation, founded upon Justice. And Justice itself is absolute 
 only because it formulates the essential relation of man with 
 God and of man with man. Moreover, war for the sake of 
 war is a crime. War is justifiable only if it is the necessary 
 means for securing peace. St. Augustine said : ' Peace
 
 118 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 must not be a preparation for war. And war is not to be 
 made except for the attainment of peace.' In the light of 
 this teaching, which is repeated by St. Thomas Aquinas, 
 patriotism is seen in its religious character. Family in- 
 terests, class interests, party interests, and the material good 
 of the individual take their place, in the scale of values, 
 below the ideal of patriotism, for that ideal is Eight, which 
 is absolute. Furthermore, that ideal is the public recognition 
 of Right in national matters, and of national Honor. Now 
 there is no Absolute except God. God alone by His sanctity 
 and His sovereignty, dominates all human interests and 
 human wills. And to affirm the absolute necessity of the 
 subordination of all things to Eight, to Justice, to Truth is 
 implicitly to affirm God. 
 
 " When, therefore, humble soldiers whose heroism we praise 
 answer us with characteristic simplicity, ' We only did our 
 duty,' or 'We were bound in honor,' they express the re- 
 ligious character of their patriotism. Which of us does not 
 feel that patriotism is a sacred thing, and that a violation of 
 national dignity is in a manner profanation and a sacrilege ? " 
 (Patriotism and Endurance, Xmas,
 
 IV 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 
 
 OR 
 
 THE RED FLAG 
 
 OUR well beloved Red, White and Blue is the sym- 
 bol of those primary attributes of justice that, 
 woven into the warp and woof of our country, secure to 
 all its citizens their God-given rights ; Freedom of con- 
 science and of worship; equality before the law; pro- 
 tection of property. Our flag symbolizes not indeed 
 the perfect country for that is in Heaven, not on earth, 
 but the best that man has produced in his desire to es- 
 tablish a government where the oppressed of the earth 
 shall freely make their home. 
 
 " Blest with victory and peace, may the heaven-rescued land 
 Praise the Power that hath made and preserved us a nation. 
 Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just, 
 And this be our motto, ' In God is our trust.' 
 And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave 
 O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." 
 
 The red flag symbolizes a revolt against God as the 
 Author of men and of nations. It definitely repudiates 
 the authority of Caesar. In place of the principle of 
 justice, as the foundation of the state, it floats as 
 the basic law of human society a series of variable no- 
 
 119
 
 120 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 tions amongst men, caused by the changing modes of 
 producing wealth for profit, and the consequent changes 
 in economic classes, as century after century rolls on. 
 The red flag symbolizes the power of an irresistible force 
 the irresponsible power that brought Capitalism to 
 this age; the irresponsible power that shall bring the 
 proletariat to the economic throne in the age to come. 
 
 " Then raise the scarlet standard high 
 
 Beneath its folds, we'll live and die, 
 Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer, 
 We'll keep the red flag flying here." 
 
 From the time when modern Socialism launched its 
 world-wide campaign upon the authority of the Com- 
 munist Manifesto, the followers of Marx and Engels 
 have vociferously preached the base notion that " work- 
 ingmen have no country/' From that day to this the 
 red flag has been the arch enemy of all those emblems 
 that stand as symbols of national integrity be the form 
 of government despotic, theocratic, oligarchical or demo- 
 cratic. The task of the workingmen is to win the world 
 for their country. Why not? Since these puny men 
 have wiped God out of His world, why should they not 
 undertake the lesser task of razing all nations to the 
 ground and of planting the red flag over the universal 
 ruin of what was once the nations of the earth? In- 
 deed, it is easy enough to justify this assault against 
 nations by the tests of their philosophy. Man is not to 
 them gifted by God with a rational nature. No, their 
 irrational assumption is that the rational faculties have
 
 THE STARrSP ANGLED BANNER 121 
 
 been by the experiences of time, super-added to the 
 animal faculties. The animal faculties being the " nat- 
 ural " endowment. If, then, one is so irrational and 
 illogical as to accept this theory of the existence of the 
 human race, one may insist that it is his environment 
 that made that makes man. Furthermore, if one 
 admits that rational faculties have been added by animal 
 experiences why not pile unreason on unreason and con- 
 ceive the super-man to be on the road waving the red 
 flag? 
 
 It was in France (1848) that the national emblem 
 - the tri-colored banner was first assailed by Social- 
 ists : 
 
 "Down with the flag of kings! of crime, 
 Hurrah for the red symbol of freedom ! " 
 
 But our own starry banner is not less obnoxious than 
 the banner of France to the men with the red flag. Eu- 
 gene V. Debs, than whom no man, in John Spargo's 
 view, has done nobler service " to keep the altar fires of 
 Revolution bright " cries out 
 
 "All hail the Labor Day of May! 
 
 Eaise high this day the blood-red Standard of the Revolu- 
 tion! 
 The banner of the Workingman; 
 
 The flag, the only flag of Freedom." 
 
 (P. 305, "Debs: His Life, Writings and History.") 
 
 When taken to task for raising aloft the red flag in- 
 stead of our own red, white and blue banner, Socialists 
 set forth internationalism, the world-country as the
 
 122 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 meaning of their symbol. Forsooth! Red is their 
 color because " the blood of all peoples is red" (" Mod- 
 ern Socialism," C. H. Vail, p. 13.) Profound indeed! 
 Blood is red, but red blood is not a distinctively human 
 characteristic since the blood of the brute creation is 
 just as red as human blood. Yet, this assumed reason 
 is quite in line with the philosophy that knows no dis- 
 tinct line of demarcation between the human and the 
 brute creation, for Socialists are cock-sure to a man that 
 they are merely a higher form of animal brother to 
 the ape. Yet, since science knows very well the dif- 
 ference between the blood corpuscles of the ape and the 
 man; this popular satisfaction rests upon mere igno- 
 rance. Further still, since the " missing link " has 
 not been found and since there is not the slightest pros- 
 pect that it shall ever be found this assumption that sat- 
 isfies a multitude of men rests upon something other 
 than ignorance there is a species of ill will in it. 
 Here is the core of the matter ill will. Now, after 
 these seventy years of propaganda and experiment, the 
 Bolshevikist reign of terror in Russia shows the world 
 what in fact is the quality of the power that is sym- 
 bolized by the red -flag. Surely it manifests destruc- 
 tion upon a colossal scale. Indeed no, the objection to 
 the banner of these modern revolutionists is not based 
 upon its color. To encroach upon the ground of the 
 mystic, it is because red in the hands of passion signi- 
 fies the force of the color; red in the hands of reason 
 signifies the form of the color. The form of red is fire 
 under rational control; the force of the red being fire
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 123 
 
 under irrational control. One fire is constructive, the 
 other destructive. To put it into the vernacular, we 
 expect little of the man who " sees red." The red flag 
 in the hands of the man of Morocco would be a demon- 
 stration of loyalty to their country ; in the hands of Har- 
 vard men the red flag shows love for their Alma Mater. 
 So it is that, for very different reasons, we may say 
 with the Editor of the Class Struggle (N. Y. Dec. 
 1918) that 
 
 " The fight against the red flag is not merely against 
 a symbol, but against the aggressive and revolutionary char- 
 acter of our movement." 
 
 Precisely, not against the color of the flag, but against 
 the intention of the movement to float their symbol over 
 every national capitol in the world as a sign of Social- 
 ism Victorious. It is against this destructive force that 
 our quarrel is being waged. 
 
 Above all others Daniel De Leon may be trusted to 
 push their conclusions to the limit, for he holds ever in 
 mind the organization of the Catholic Church as the 
 model per contra for a world-wide Socialist empire. To 
 be sure, De Leon's is a material heaven here on earth and 
 it is his perverse conviction since God is a myth 
 that the Catholic Church is merely a man-made political 
 institution with the purpose of ruling from Rome the 
 whole world in the interest of the hierarchy. De Leon's 
 flag, he is pleased to believe, is the extreme opposite 
 not the papal flag of the few holding in slavery the 
 many, but the red flag that shall lay low the priests and
 
 124 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 capitalists, thus bringing spiritual slaves and wage 
 slaves to the top of the heap, or rather as the vision 
 scans a dead level there would be no top. Meantime De 
 Leon stages the probable coming to grips of the " Red " 
 with the "White and Yellow." We quote from The 
 Red Flag and the White and Yellow (produced in the 
 Weekly People Feb. 13, 1913, and reproduced March 
 8th, 1919). 
 
 " There have been now and anon legislative attempts aimed 
 at the exclusion of the Red Flag from public displays and 
 processions. 
 
 " The Red Flag makes no bones of its purpose. Its purpose 
 is the overthrow of the existing capitalist order of society, 
 and the substitution of the same with the Socialist or Indus- 
 trial order. 
 
 " It is not the Red Flag of Socialism alone that is to-day 
 proclaiming Revolution in the land. The White and Yellow 
 Flag of the Ultramontane Papal Polity is doing the same 
 thing. 
 
 " It matters not to the Socialist that the Papal-proposed 
 Revolution in the land is one that Socialism will oppose 
 tooth and nail ; it matters not to the Socialist. 
 
 " Legislation against the Red Flag savors, accordingly, of 
 treason to the Spirit and the Letter of the organic law of 
 the land; hence, of treason to the American Flag itself, the 
 folds of which protect whatever amendment to the Consti- 
 tution, whether 'Red' or 'White and Yellow.'" 
 
 Poor De Leon! What a courageous spirit gone 
 wrong. Of that race who wander over the face of the 
 earth without a country because they could not and 
 would not distinguish between the Ruler of the King-
 
 THE STABrSPANGLED BANKER 125 
 
 dom of Heaven when He came to earth in fulfilment of 
 His promise to the Jews, and the national kingdom over 
 which Ca3sar then reigned. De Leon was a most aggres- 
 sive foe of the Church of Christ. Throughout his long 
 career he persisted in ignoring the Cross of Christ as 
 the symbol of the Universal Church seeing only the 
 White and Yellow symbol of the Pope's jurisdiction over 
 that piece of territory where the government of Christ's 
 Church carries out the Command : " Go and teach ye 
 all nations; teaching them to observe all things whatso- 
 ever I have commanded you." As Washington, D. C., is 
 the seat of the Federal Government of these United 
 States so is the Papal flag the emblem that locates the 
 territory from which those individuals throughout the 
 world are governed who acknowledge the authority of 
 the Pope in matters of faith and morals. It is no mere 
 accident that Marx, Engels, De Leon, Berger, Hillquit 
 and Trotsky men without a country should be 
 leaders in propagating internationalism, since interna- 
 tionalism is intended to destroy nations. Moreover, it 
 was in this country, under De Leon as the master mind, 
 that leaders of the Bolsheviki of Russia were trained. 
 That our free country offered the greatest license in 
 propagating treason is not a mere accident. Our lead- 
 ing citizens have long since harrowed the soil of dis- 
 loyalty all unwittingly no doubt. Cities have erected 
 monuments to those who offensively boast The World 
 is my country. This is now the cry of the rebellion 
 against all government the cry of the man who would 
 have murdered the French premier, Clemenceau.
 
 126 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 Because the reasoning of Socialism is never upon the 
 solid ground of God first, ourselves next, and all things 
 else third, its imagery is ever lacking in balanced pro- 
 portion in common sense. 
 
 " There are many men and women to-day who are earnestly 
 and fervently patriotic in the bourgeois sense. ' The Star 
 Spangled Banner' makes them thrill with emotion. They 
 will shed tears over the story of the true-hearted lad who left 
 his sweetheart to obey his country's call, and died while try- 
 ing to save the colors. Every Socialist knows that all these 
 stories and songs are some of the means that the ruling class 
 uses to cultivate a feeling of national patriotism, and that 
 so long as such a feeling exists among many people their 
 supremacy is safe. 
 
 " In the Socialist school a feeling of international patriot- 
 ism will be aroused. The children will be made to feel that 
 the workingmen of all nations are brothers. They have a 
 common enemy capitalism. They have a common aim 
 its overthrow." (N. Y. Worker, March 7, 1908.) 
 
 So it is that the red flag " international patriot- 
 ism " seeks to swallow up the Star-Spangled Banner 
 " national patriotism." Yet, since " national patriot- 
 ism " is the only kind of patriotism there is in the 
 world the standard by which we love another country 
 like unto our own and since " international patriot- 
 ism " means nothing at all save a base counterfeit of the 
 love of the Cross of Christ, it is necessary sharply to dis- 
 tinguish religion from patriotism. 
 
 Embraced within the love of God is love of country, 
 but with God left out, love of country has no com- 
 pelling force. Patriotism is in its essence national,
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 127 
 
 hence the man who chooses the world for his country has 
 no country, therefore, he is lacking the standards by 
 which to love any country. For since God is the Au- 
 thor of nations a man under God's authority must love 
 another nation like unto the love he gives his own and it 
 goes without saying that his country like his life is his 
 own. If his country is not defended, it is proof that 
 he loves neither the one nor the other. But a man's love 
 for his own and other countries does not wipe out the 
 fact of other nations any more than it wipes out the in- 
 dividuality of our neighbor because we are commanded 
 to love our neighbor as ourselves. This, however, is 
 what Socialist philosophy attempts to do. Their " so- 
 cial organism " means a crawling, sprawling humanity 
 in which the individual soul, in the image of his Maker, 
 is not reckoned with. This is their essential denial of 
 immortality. 
 
 Now that which is above, beyond, around and be- 
 neath the love of a man for his flag is rightly symbolized 
 by the Cross of Christ. But the followers of Christ are 
 men and women with individual souls, since neither fam- 
 ilies nor nations are members of the Church suffering, 
 the Church militant, the Church triumphant. .But, 
 while the person is the unit under the Cross of Christ 
 the banner of God the family is the unit under the 
 Red, White and Blue. Religion is by Socialism clev- 
 erly counterfeited. Having denied the individual soul, 
 it would wipe out families and nations together with 
 private property and it is this bizarre vision of the world, 
 as a herd of tool-using animals that prompts the imagery
 
 128 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 that is stimulated at the sight of the red flag. They 
 see red when " international patriotism " is contem- 
 plated, for therein is neither religion nor patriotism ; the 
 one spiritual, the other moral, has no place in their ma- 
 terialistic scheme. 
 
 We hold no brief for the defense of " capitalism " 
 when the term connotes the grinding of the face of the 
 poor the using of public power for private gain and 
 glory. We shall do what we can to put under the Red, 
 White and Blue those practises that Pope Leo has 
 named Christian Democracy. But, all may be sure 
 that " Revenge is mine, I will repay saith the Lord " 
 and that He will reward and punish according to exact 
 justice. Meantime, we rejoice greatly that love and 
 obedience to our flag is being strengthened by the fer- 
 vent emotion that wells up in the heart at hearing of gal- 
 lant deeds and of noble sacrifice. Ah ! to see our coun- 
 try's flag afloat in a foreign land! How it makes the 
 tears of joy to flow. 
 
 The Czar of the Milwaukee movement can at all times 
 be found with the anti-patriots. Any insult to the 
 American flag is justified : When Clarence S. Darrow 
 a lawyer of the Tolstoyian anarchistic type 
 was denounced in the public press for his refusal to rise 
 when the band played the Star-Spangled Banner, in one 
 of the leading hotels in Seattle, it was Victor Berger who 
 upheld the affront, in a signed editorial: 
 
 " The flag fetish is silly when it is not hypocritical. 
 And it is hypocritical when it is not silly.
 
 THE STAB-SPANGLED BANNEK 129 
 
 " I would personally just as soon get up when the band 
 plays ' Hiawatha ' or ' Hail, Hail, the Gang's all Here ' as for 
 ' The Star Spangled Banner.' ' Hiawatha ' stands for a good 
 time, ' The Star-Spangled Banner ' stood for Hell in Colo- 
 rado and stands for the same in Pennsylvania and other 
 places." 
 
 Like outrages with the intent to wound and injure 
 the patriotic spirit are not uncommon and they are fre- 
 quently violently crass. A mild sensation was sprung 
 in labor circles when the President of the A. F. of L. was 
 charged with having addressed a meeting while standing 
 on the flag. Mr. Gompers defended himself. He de- 
 clared his respect and honor for our national emblem 
 and explained that the flag was draped around not across 
 the table on which he stood. This occasion was made 
 much of in the New York Call (Feb. 10, 1912). We 
 present the last half of an article under the caption 
 " Respect the Uniform; Honor the Flag " (italics ours). 
 
 " ' At least honor the flag ! ' they cry in desperation. 
 1 Honor the flag which stands for freedom, equality and fra- 
 ternity ! ' 
 
 " What flag? The American flag? The Stars and Stripes? 
 The flag which floats over every hell hole of mine and mill 
 and prison? The flag which floats over station house and 
 barracks whence issue police and soldiers to hatter down and 
 murder workers exercising their constitutional rights of free 
 speech and free assemblage? Honor the flag which you our 
 masters, have changed from a flag of liberty into a symbol 
 of the cruelest exploitation and vilest oppression of the new 
 civilization? 
 
 " If I had been Samuel Gompers when he was reproached 
 by the capitalists for placing his foot on the American flag, 
 I should have answered:
 
 130 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 " ' Yes, I TRAMPLED ON IT, and, more than that i SPIT 
 UPON YOUR FLAG, not mine. I loathe the Stars and Stripes, 
 once the symbol of liberty for all, but now the stripes repre- 
 sent the bloody stripes left by your lash on the back of the 
 worker, and the stars the bullet and bayonet wounds in his 
 breast. TO HELL WITH YOUR FLAG ! ' 
 
 " There is and can be but one flag for which an intelligent 
 working man can have any respect, the flag of humanity, 
 the red flag of the working-class. It stands for justice, for 
 equality of opportunity, for the abolition of war, the end of 
 oppression and exploitation, for carefree childhood, for glo- 
 rious, unfettered manhood and womanhood, and for honored 
 and protected old age. 
 
 " When the red flag flies above our homes and our nations, 
 we shall honor it and love it. But, until it does we refuse 
 to recognize or respect any flag which is merely the symbol o/ 
 and protects some national section of international capital- 
 ism. DOWN WITH THE SCARS AND STRIPES ! RUN UP THE RED 
 FLAG OF HUMANITY ! " 
 
 The lady-reds seem to see red redder than the mere 
 man-reds. We have before us Rose Pastor Stokes' de- 
 fense of the revolutionary emblem. While, indeed, it 
 makes the conventional radical argument that the red 
 flag is red because its red color testifies to the common 
 red blood of humanity and so, of course, in Socialist 
 thought, the red blood of the man and the brute mingle 
 in a common brotherhood the red of Mrs. Stokes' 
 language gives out a most destructive fire. However, it 
 is quite the tendency of the lady-reds to run into poetry 
 when their flag is reprobated. On the occasion when in 
 the Great and General Court of Massachusetts a ban was 
 placed on the Socialist banner The Women's Day Edi-
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 131 
 
 tion of the N. Y. Call (Feb. 28, 1915) was inspired to 
 " come back " with a piece of vice printed in the fierce 
 garb of what should be the form of poetry. The pen of 
 Katherine Richmond sets down eight stanzas. We pre- 
 sent the last : 
 
 " And on Massachusetts' priest-damned shore, 
 
 Where the Red Flag is denied, 
 When Liberty's clarion call is heard 
 
 The rulers are defied; 
 And in the fights for freedom, 
 
 Which by rebel slaves is led, 
 In the hearts of the brave and dauntless 
 
 Burns bright the Flag of Red." 
 
 Should it not give pause to many a candid mind upon 
 learning that the red enemy of our fatherland is the 
 red red enemy of our faith? Both are struck at once. 
 Back of the ordered freedom of our fatherland is the 
 faith that holds to the Rock of Ages. Yet, should it 
 not give one courage to realize that so long as men enough 
 acknowledge the moral law to be the foundation of all 
 just government; so long as men enough acknowledge 
 God as the Author of the Ten Commandments just so 
 long shall Columbia's flag wave over a free and mighty 
 people whom Socialism is powerless to corrupt ? 
 
 Indeed, it is an especial compliment aye an especial 
 call to Catholics that they should bear the brunt of 
 the attack. No, not as capitalists, nor as a " police force 
 for the capitalist class/' but as the stoutest defenders of 
 God's authority in all the world. For it is true that 
 Pope and people one and all reprobate the red flag
 
 132 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 of disorder of rebellion of " The Revolution." 
 No fear of the curse of the red flag ladies ! It will not 
 avail to blast the faith of the good priests nor to blast the 
 rockbound coast of the Old Bay State. Here the 
 Church blossoms like a rose under the vigilant care of 
 our well beloved Cardinal Archbishop. And, many a 
 man not born in the faith comes to that Prince of the 
 Church William Cardinal O'Connell for the ade- 
 quate explanation of the phenomenon " An All-Red 
 Russia." 
 
 Louise Bryant (Six Months in Russia) tells of a day 
 when Russia was reddest. The occasion was the burial 
 of a man like a dog. The " Red Burial " in Moscow. 
 The " Red Square " was hung in red. Great red ban- 
 ners were flung to the breeze with " inscriptions about 
 the revolution." Nothing but good red revolutionary 
 blood coursed through the veins of the workmen and 
 peasants there present. The bourgeoisie and the aristo- 
 crats were absent murdered or in hiding. Ah, it was 
 glorious! The fate of the empire in the hands of the 
 red revolutionists! "All the churches and all the 
 shrines were closed. How impressive it was ! No cere- 
 mony, no priests; everything so simple and so real." 
 
 The lady reds are rather chronic press letter writers. 
 The Secretary of the Navy, some time since, gave them 
 occasion to " strike back " because of his denunciation of 
 the red flag in an address delivered at Seattle, Washing- 
 ton. From all over the country came letters of protest. 
 We comment upon one of these open letters for two 
 reasons, first to show that the red flag has replaced the
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 133 
 
 Cross of Christ as the symbol of their hope and again 
 to note the persistency with which those of radical cul- 
 ture use, falsely, a quotation from the Encyclopedia 
 Britannica. Mrs. Charles Edward Russell (Chicago, 
 Aug. 2, 1913) whose husband upholds the red flag in 
 Russia as " the universal bond of world-wide hope " 
 deprecates the " peculiar inappropriateness in denounc- 
 ing an emblem of Christianity " which the red flag is by 
 inference said to be. The Hon. Josephus Daniels is re- 
 ferred to 
 
 " The Encyclopedia Brittanica in an article on Socialism 
 you will find this statement : ' The ethics of Socialism are 
 closely akin to, if not identical with, the ethics of Christian- 
 ity.' 
 
 " Consequently there is a peculiar inappropriateness in de- 
 nouncing an emblem of Christianity before an organization 
 such as the Young Men's Christian Association." 
 
 If, however, our Secretary of the Navy, or any one 
 of the Socialists, should take the trouble to look up the 
 reference he could not but find that the Encyclopedia 
 Britannica is not the authority for the quotation that 
 Mrs. Russell employs, namely " The ethics of Socialism 
 are closely akin to, if not identical with the ethics of 
 Christianity." Yet, because their propaganda has so 
 frequently, during the past thirty years, used this quota- 
 tion apart from its proper setting, there is no doubt that 
 many " slave minds " wno camp together with their 
 " class conscious " comrades really believe that the Bri- 
 tannica gives its sanction to this making of black white. 
 Thus confidence in what is not so rings these changes
 
 134 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 innocently ; others for tactical reasons. However, there 
 are Socialists who repudiate and reprobate the notion 
 that the red flag and the Cross of Christ symbolize ethics 
 that are " akin or identical." Desiring an interna- 
 tional authority one may consult the Commonweal 
 (London, Vol. 4, No. 116) on the matter; the Editor 
 of the Comrade (1ST. Y. May, 1903) states the case 
 plainly : " We do not in most cases believe it. We 
 repeat it because it appeals to the slave mind of the 
 world. The very basis of Christianity is a denial of the 
 basic principles of Socialism." ff Socialism Christian- 
 ized would be Socialism emasculated and destroyed." 
 Of course, the " slave mind " is the mind that rests se- 
 curely upon reason enforced and enlightened by reve- 
 lation. In a word natural revelation and supernatural 
 revelation controls the Christian mind, holds it to law 
 and order. From this combination of life and light 
 comes the sage and the seer. 
 
 Indeed, we are not defenders of the Encyclopedia 
 Britannica. On the contrary we are well aware that its 
 too frequent perversion of Catholic principles and his- 
 tory make it an unreliable guide on things Christian. 
 Yet, its statement relative to the content of the Socialist 
 propaganda is quite to the issue. There is a little 
 fringe of folk, at the outskirts of the movement who still 
 cling sentimentally to Christian precepts, without being 
 aware of the logic of its doctrine ; while the multitude of 
 its followers are controlled in their thought by the lead- 
 ers who insist upon the frankest and most outspoken 
 materialistic conception of history.
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 135 
 
 We submit that the quotation in full will not permit 
 Mrs. Russell to run up the red flag as anything like a 
 fair substitute for the Cross of Christ : 
 
 "It is needless to say that the theories of socialism have 
 been held in connection with the most varying opinions in 
 philosophy and religion. A great deal of the historic social- 
 ism has been regarded as a necessary implicate of idealism. 
 Most of the prevailing socialism of the day is based on the 
 frankest and most outspoken revolutionary materialism. On 
 the other hand, many socialists hold that their system is a 
 necessary outcome of Christianity, that socialism and Chris- 
 tianity are essential the one to the other; and it should be 
 said that the ethics of socialism are closely akin to the ethics 
 of Christianity, if not identical with them." (Page 206, Vol. 
 22, 9th Edition Encly. Britannica.) 
 
 We know only too well many persons void of the 
 Living Faith who, distraught because the world, the 
 flesh and the devil seem to them to be in almost complete 
 control of the body-politic, clutch at the red flag as the 
 symbol of hope. Yet, there is no use of going the wrong 
 way for the right thing. Nor is there any wisdom in 
 letting the pest of Socialism run its course to the end 
 when the cure is in the Cross of Christ. But the evi- 
 dence shows that the red flag is still in its ascendant. 
 Mr. Albert Rhys Williams a sometime Congrega- 
 tional minister, now authorized agent of Lenin-Trotsky 
 " to manage the Bolsheviki bureau of information in the 
 United States " when appearing before the Senate 
 Committee investigating this propaganda Mr. Williams 
 was questioned about the red flag by Senator Overman
 
 136 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 (Feb. 21, 1919). His jaunty answer was: "It ex- 
 cites some people. 
 
 " If you suppress it, they will find some other symbol. In 
 Germany they suppressed the red flag and so they adopted the 
 red flower and all the Socialist women began to wear red pet- 
 ticoats and they held up a few inches of the outer skirt so 
 everybody could see the color of the petticoat. I think there 
 is entirely too much hullabaloo about the red flag." 
 
 No doubt, the suppression of the symbol by a mere 
 force leads to a still more determined effort to float the 
 red flag over the Stars and Stripes. But is there no hope 
 since the suppression of their symbol leads to still more 
 determined perversity to establish internationalism on 
 the ruins of nations the one following the other in 
 rapid cycles ? Yes, undoubtedly, there is, namely a 
 readjustment of our national affairs political, eco- 
 nomic, domestic and social upon the principles laid 
 down by the founders of our government. Here is the 
 necessity for instruction in ethics and morals we 
 must think straight and act straight if we desire the 
 blessings of the commonwealth. But primarily, the 
 education of ethics and morals is the office of the Church 
 " Going, therefore, teach ye all nations, teaching them 
 all things whatsoever I have commanded you." Then 
 it comes to this : The rank and file of the red flag fol- 
 lowers are like unto the little children of the poor who 
 are ground down by the rich more sinned against 
 than sinning. Their leaders know what they do, not 
 so with the rabble. Our Blessed Lord prayed : " Fa- 
 ther, forgive them for they know not what they do."
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANKER 137 
 
 How is it, then, if our country would rid us of propa- 
 ganda under the red flag, that our nationally accredited 
 agents John Spargo, A. M. Simons, Louis Kopelin, 
 Charles Edward Russell and Alexander Howat the 
 Socialist Commission to Europe, may receive from Sec- 
 retary of State Lansing commendation ? " You have 
 done a great service not only to your country, but to hu- 
 manity." " The Mission took part in the presentation 
 of a red flag to General Garibaldi, the grandson of the 
 revolutionist, by the Trieste Socialists, now in Paris." 
 (The New Appeal, Oct. 5, 1918.) 
 
 CHILDREN CAST OFF THE AMERICAN FLAG 
 
 The evil effect of the Red Flag propaganda has de- 
 scended from their fathers and mothers upon the school 
 children. In proof we shall cite but two of the many 
 instances that our data recounts. 
 
 " Oscar Whiting, ten years old, a pupil in the Reed public 
 school, Camden, N. J., was suspended because he refused to 
 salute the American flag. 
 
 "It seems the lad has failed to salute the flag since the 
 opening of school, the teachers failing to observe the infrac- 
 tion of the rules. His detection was due to an indignation 
 meeting of the other pupils. The pupils reported the matter 
 to Miss Holl and she asked the boy why be had not saluted 
 the colors. 
 
 " ' My parents are Socialists,' be replied, ' and have told me 
 not to salute the flag.' 
 
 "'Why not?' Miss Holl asked. 
 
 " ' I don't know,' the youth said. ' They told me not to take 
 my hat off to a flag unless it was all red.'
 
 138 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " The boy was sent home. At the noon hour he returned 
 accompanied by his mother. She demanded that Miss Holl 
 admit the lad, but the principal refused. The mother became 
 so insistent that it was necessary for the teacher to call a 
 policeman." (The Live Issue, Vol. 1, No. 37, N. Y.) 
 
 The open rebellion of a thirteen year old girl was 
 proudly sent broadcast by the Radical Review (N. Y., 
 July, 1918). The incident took place in the public 
 schools of Salt Lake City, Utah. It was required that 
 the pupils should salute our flag and recite : 
 
 " I pledge allegiance to my flag and to the republic for 
 which it stands. One nation indivisible, with liberty and jus- 
 tice for all." 
 
 This Lena Eyler refused to do. In answer to the in- 
 quiry of the principal of the Franklin Grammar School, 
 the girl cast off the American flag and defended the red 
 
 " I owe nothing to the American flag. It no longer stands 
 for the noble principles in which it was conceived. If I must 
 salute a flag it will be the red flag of Socialism because I 
 think it stands more truly for liberty and justice than the 
 Stars and Stripes." 
 
 The writer goes on to say : 
 
 "What the bourgeois school of Salt Lake City deprives 
 Lena Eyler of Socialist tuition must substitute. The scepter 
 of Education is passing from the Bourgeois to the Proletariat. 
 The pure flame that burns in that child's breast must not be 
 suffered to consume itself. Fanned with the fan of So- 
 cialist fulness of information, that flame is rising, lambent 
 through the length and breadth of the land."
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 139 
 
 Surely, were the scepter of education with " Socialist 
 fulness " in the hands of a Godless school system our 
 Sodom and Gomorrah were at hand. But is it not the 
 handwriting on the wall that Socialism is informing the 
 world of its intention to make all education Godless un- 
 der their banner of savage blood red ? 
 
 INNOCENCE AND GUFLT 
 
 It is true that every man is at once innocent and 
 guilty since a man is a liar if he says he is not a 
 sinner. Yet, there is a vast an impassable gulf 
 between those who love God and fear Him and those 
 who deny God and deny sin. The very creed of Social- 
 ism forbids the love of God and the fear of God. God 
 has no existence in their dogmas, the Ten Command- 
 ments were fit only for the servile infancy of the race. 
 It is only by holding in mind this underlying premise of 
 their movement that an intelligent view of their protes- 
 tations of the superiority of their intentions over the pur- 
 poses of men who are indeed guilty of extortion and 
 usurpation can be seen. When Socialists boast of be- 
 ing " open and honest " they express that desperate 
 courage that is like to the fight of the rat in the corner. 
 Socialists make one but one use of Christian prin- 
 ciples, they serve mightily for the condemnation and 
 the confusion of others. As for using Christian prin- 
 ciples in the search for their own sins ! perish the 
 thought, there is no God. This being so we shall set 
 forth their purpose to supplant the cross of Christ with 
 the red flag and of taking possession of the nations of
 
 140 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the earth under the sign of the red flag. May-Day 
 our Blessed Mother's Day is their time for grandiose 
 declamation. 
 
 In the May-Day issue of the Chicago Daily Socialist 
 (1912) Morris Hillquit delivers himself in a signed 
 editorial. 
 
 "Friday, the militant hosts of Socialism and labor will 
 march in proud procession to the inspiring tune of the 
 ' Marseillaise ' or the ' Internationale,' carrying the defiant 
 emblem of their hopes and their challenge the red flag of 
 Socialism. 
 
 " As Usual also a savage howl of mingled rage and fear will 
 go up from the capitalist press, the capitalist pulpit and the 
 capitalist government. The parasites of all nations have a 
 morbid aversion to the red color. Their guilty conscience in- 
 terprets it as a symbol of carnage and bloodshed. 
 
 " We Socialists glory in the red flag as the symbol of kin- 
 ship of all that bears human countenance ; we revere it as an 
 augury of world-wide peace, harmony and brotherhood, we 
 cling to it as the inspiring standard in the great international 
 fight against corruption, exploitation and oppression. We are 
 proud of the red flag. Our allegiance to it is open and honest. 
 
 " But how about you, apologists of the existing system ? 
 You, who taunt us with our flag and flaunt into our faces the 
 Stars and Stripes? What claim do you have to the emblem 
 of American independence, democracy and justice ? 
 
 " The Stars and Stripes are not YOUR emblem ! You 
 have long pawned the stars to the trusts and monopolies and 
 your stripes for the stripes of the prison garb. Your true 
 emblem is the black flag of the pirate. 
 
 " Since the fight of Socialism is a fight to re-establish 
 equality, democracy and social justice in this country, the 
 Socialists alone uphold the true purity and honor of the
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 141 
 
 Stars and Stripes. Since the fight of Socialism is at the 
 same time a fight for the entire human race, the red flag 
 supplements the Stars and Stripes. When Socialism will 
 win its battles, both emblems will flutter together from all 
 huts and palaces, gaily proclaiming in their multiform colors 
 that mankind is free." 
 
 Let us discriminate : When the term " parasite " 
 is used to express the acts of those men who are respon- 
 sible for political and economic abuses, we accept it as 
 fitting. So, too, when the term " existing system " is 
 used to denote those trusts and monopolies that flourish 
 as the wicked on earth, we accept it as fitting. But when 
 the word parasite is used by Socialists, the term is so 
 all-embracing as to leave nobody in the country with a 
 decent regard for the economic and political rights of 
 others, neither is there left a great body of men who 
 loyally stand for their country and their God. These 
 are they who defend our country with their strength, 
 their life and their money. These are they to whom the 
 Most Reverend Patrick J. Hayes, D. D., Archbishop 
 of New York, at Solemn Military Mass, Battery Park 
 Memorial Day, 1918 addressed these words: 
 
 " Here to this very ground, the gateway of America, seek- 
 ing a haven of refuge, a land of opportunity, have come 
 legions of immigrants. America looked out upon the At- 
 lantic, with a cry of welcome to all, saying ' Enter ye in.' 
 To-day she stands on this same consecrated ground and 
 bids these new sons of hers, many, sons by adoption, to go 
 forth across the waters over which your forefathers or 
 yourselves have ventured and not to return until you have 
 planted the glorious Stars and Stripes upon the citadel of
 
 142 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 darkness that liberty and civilization may not perish from 
 the earth." 
 
 "No, not for these priest and people is it a 
 " guilty " conscience, but rather it is history and ex- 
 perience that forbids them to conclude that " carnage 
 and bloodshed " is what our flag symbolizes. They 
 know that the red flag symbolizes desecration of re- 
 ligion, degradation of the family, confiscation of prop- 
 erty, murder and rapine together with the overthrow of 
 government. It were as sensible to expect the lion and 
 the lamb to lie down together in peace, that the as- 
 sassin and his victim will dwell together in love, as to 
 expect the Red flag and Old Glory to flutter in har- 
 monious union. 
 
 Ah ! But the hypocrisy of the mental picture of the 
 red flag supplementing the Stars and Stripes ! Is not 
 the Stars and Stripes the full orbed sum of human lib- 
 erty the promise of social prosperity and security if 
 we will but work it out ? We know that it was not to 
 " supplement " the tri-color of France that the red flag 
 was raised aloft by the Commune of 1871. Ear from 
 it. The red flag was run up on the Hotel de Ville to 
 supplant the banner of France ; while the German enemy 
 was thundering at Paris gates the Socialist enemy was 
 taking possession within : When the Allies defeated the 
 Germans the Liebknecht-Luxemburg group that 
 are praised so highly by their American comrades ran 
 up the red flag on the Royal Palace of Berlin not to 
 " supplement " but to supplant the flag of Germany.
 
 THE STAK-SP ANGLED BAOTTER 143 
 
 When the Bolsheviki overthrew the Constituent As- 
 sembly, the red flag went up on the Winter Palace of 
 Petrograd not to " supplement " the first democratic flag 
 of Russia, but to supplant it with the Dictatorship of 
 the Proletariat. To come home when a motion was 
 made at the Washington State Convention (1912) of the 
 Socialist Party to have Old Glory displayed together 
 with the red flag, the delegates defeated the resolve by a 
 vote of two to one. Lacking the power, Socialist poli- 
 ticians talk of supplementing our symbol of liberty with 
 theirs of license ; having the power they haul down na- 
 tional banners and run up the International flag of des- 
 potism the color of blood. 
 
 The diplomatic " Comrade " " Hillquit," is not so 
 frank as is Ernest Belfort Bax of England an inter- 
 national authority his frankness, not his doctrine, is 
 to be commended when he says : 
 
 "Hasten the day . . . when the working classes of the 
 civilized world will, with one consent, finally abandon the 
 national flags of their masters, and range themselves under 
 the banner of Socialism. . . ." (Social Democrat, London, 
 Vol. 8, No. 7.) 
 
 " The day " has come, but not gone, in Russia as there 
 are yet alive many who are not slaves to the will of 
 Lenin-Trotsky. For ourselves, the question is Shall 
 we hasten the Socialist day ? Or, shall we say They 
 shall not pass? 
 
 Abroad and at home the will to crush nations under 
 the wheels of the Socialist juggernaut may be seen by 
 what they do. When the deliberations of the first Inter-
 
 144 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 national Socialist Congress (Geneva 1866) were over, 
 a red flag fete brought the occasion to an end. A steam- 
 boat on Lake Leman was chartered for an excursion. It 
 was gaily decorated and a band provided inspiriting 
 music. All the home and foreign delegates were aboard. 
 The flags of many nations floated from the ropes run- 
 ning to the mast head, and it was significantly bare. 
 The band struck up the Internationale as the steamer 
 glided smoothly out into the lake. Then came a mighty 
 shout from hundreds of throats, " Hurrah for the Red 
 Republic," and up went the red flag to the topmost 
 place. Ah ! was it the red flag of Switzerland with the 
 white cross ? No, not so, it was minus the cross. It 
 was the blood red flag that symbolized the power that 
 should lay low the flag of every nation under the sun. 
 It was the red flag that pronounced the sentence No 
 God, No Master. It was the threat of nationality 
 wiped out of a world without religion. 
 
 We have had in our own country a fantastical scene 
 but with the same meaning. A Socialist clergyman 
 Bouck White, whom Eugene V. Debs has ordained as 
 " the only Christian minister " in New York, has 
 brought the Geneva fete quite up to date. Having de- 
 livered a sermon in " The Church of Social Revolution " 
 on " The Idolatry of the Flag " ; and delivered himself 
 of the accusation that " patriotism is a relic of the dark 
 ages " ; that " the American flag has come to be the 
 pavilion of property rights," Mr. White hied himself to 
 the back yard. Behind the church, together with his 
 comrades, the gentlemen proceeded to the ceremony of
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 145 
 
 melting all the nations down to dregs in a huge iron pot. 
 One after another the flags of the several nations of the 
 earth were placed in the pot our sacred emblem in full 
 view. There was a flash of brimstone and devouring 
 flames, leaping high, that reduced them all to nothing- 
 ness. Ah! how great and glorious is the use of me- 
 chanics following after the materialist conception of 
 history. Lo, and behold! The red flag of Interna- 
 tionalism waves above the hot pot. The feat is roundly 
 applauded and the blasphemous " amen " is sounded. 
 
 Let no sensible man think that this contumacious act 
 of their pastor was resented by his Socialist flock. 
 Quite to the contrary: 
 
 a The congregation of the church, however, stands squarely 
 behind its pastor in the position he has taken. This was 
 made evident by the discussion that followed the sermon. 
 Professor Imbert, of the department of history of Columbia 
 University, arose to say that he agreed with everything that 
 Bouck White had said and that half the boys under him 
 at the university held the same views. In the event of 
 the matter being forced to an issue, he said, they were willing 
 to go to any lengths with White." (New York Call, March 
 27, 1916.) 
 
 Bouck White was brought before the court for thus 
 insulting our flag and given a well deserved term in the 
 penitentiary. The judge expressed regret that the law 
 did not permit him to give the offender a longer sen- 
 tence. Desecrating the flag was merely a huge joke to 
 the Socialist daily of New York. It bemoaned the event 
 since :
 
 146 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 "Dear Comrade Bouck White languishes in jail because 
 he could not resist the temptation to make a little flag soup 
 in his back yard." (Call, Sept. 3, 1916.) 
 
 Surely, it is superfluous to note that this man who 
 engages in crass and familiar chat about our Blessed 
 Lord being the greatest Socialist rebel on record, was 
 as unrepentant when he left the jail as he was when he 
 entered therein. For it should be well understood that 
 whether the event be gay at Geneva, or treasonably comic 
 as the burning of flags in a pot in the back yard of a 
 church or as bloody red as the Bolsheviki regime in 
 starved and desolate Russia, their aim and end is one 
 and the same the wide- world over: To substitute the 
 force of the Marxian red flag for one and all national 
 banners for which patriots give up their lives. 
 
 No, we do not fear. We know as well as anybody the 
 onrush of dangers. But we know America's best de- 
 fense. Our glorious banner shall be seen floating ma- 
 jestically in the breeze in all its brilliant beauty a thou- 
 sand years after this latest heresy reduced to a physical 
 combat has been beaten back through the Gates of Hell. 
 This our well beloved Columbia is in our Blessed Moth- 
 er's care; and we know that so long as the Catholic 
 Church inculcates the love of the flag in the hearts of 
 her children Old Glory is safe. 
 
 " Up to the breeze of the morning I fling you, 
 Blending your folds with the dawn in the sky; 
 
 There let the people behold you, and bring you 
 Love and devotion that never shall die.
 
 THE STAR-SPANGLED BANKER 147 
 
 Proudly agaze at your glory, I stand 
 Flag o' my land ! Flag o' my land ! 
 
 Standard most glorious, Banner of beauty! 
 
 Whither you beckon me there will I go ; 
 Only to you, after God, is my duty; 
 Unto no other allegiance I owe. 
 
 Heart of me, soul of me, yours to command, 
 Flag o' my land! Flag o' my land! 
 
 TOM DALY." 
 
 Love of our flag is quickly, generously and proudly 
 translated into deeds of heroic valor that never die. 
 Whether or not the words are the same, there is the self- 
 same straightforward promise of loyalty to the Gov- 
 ernment when it is declared by Congress and ratified 
 by the signature of the United States that we are in a 
 state of war, there comes from every priestly Shepherd 
 of his flock as came in these plain words of 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GEORGE W. MUNDELEIN, OF CHICAGO 
 
 "And now that it has begun, none of us can tell how 
 long it will last, what the cost in human life may be and 
 what sacrifices all of us must bring. But one thing is 
 certain, and I speak for myself, for 800 priests and 1,000,000 
 of Catholics, the moment the President of the United States 
 affixed his signature to the resolutions of Congress, all dif- 
 ferences of opinion ceased. We stand seriously, solidly and 
 loyally behind them. They have perhaps information that 
 is hidden from us; they may know that danger threatens 
 this nation from more than the one quarter towards which 
 we are all looking. But in any case they are the elected 
 representatives of the people; this is a government of the 
 people and by the people. We have chosen them and into
 
 148 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 their hands we have given the reins of government and by 
 their decisions we must abide, otherwise we would prove un- 
 worthy of the blessing of a free democracy. And so in this 
 hour of crisis I pledge the loyalty of our Catholic people to 
 our flag. I say this not in a burst of enthusiasm, carried 
 away by the excitement of the moment or just as an empty 
 figure of speech. For by our acts we will be judged, not by 
 words. Soon will many of our young men leave home to step 
 into the ranks of the army or navy. The old Church that 
 looked after them at home will follow them, too, to the bat- 
 tlefield. God knows that we need priests sorely, but we will 
 economize our forces here that they may go with the soldier 
 boys!" 
 
 Catholics are taught to render to Caesar what belongs 
 to Caesar to love and to honor their flag if need be 
 unto death, for God has commanded it. Catholics are 
 taught to render to God what belongs to God to take 
 up their cross following after our Blessed Lord into 
 the bliss of our Heavenly Home.
 
 NOT merely a national view but rather a world 
 view is necessary to encompass the meaning of 
 Socialist propaganda, for the simple reason that its aim 
 is the undoing of nations in the interest of the Interna- 
 tional. It is not readjustment, not even reorganization 
 within the commonwealth, nor is it a league of nations 
 for the better protection of individual and national 
 rights that it seeks. Yet, it may fairly be said that it is 
 because a remedy has not yet been applied although it 
 was long since found and designated Christian Democ- 
 racy by Pope Leo XIII in defense of the hewers of 
 wood, in defense of the smaller and weaker nations 
 against the imperialistic designs of larger and stronger 
 nations that Socialism stalks over the earth with the 
 stride of seven leagued boots. 
 
 They want to expropriate the expropriators a class- 
 less society. 
 
 We want that the several classes in society shall deal 
 justly one with the other. 
 
 They want the land and capital now in private hands 
 confiscated by the proletariat of the world. 
 
 We want that private property shall be maintained, 
 
 that employers shall produce, transport and exchange 
 
 149
 
 150 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 commodities on the basis of equity and that wage earn- 
 ers shall receive the full value of their toil. 
 
 They want a dead level of mediocre folk with the in- 
 dividual as the unit of the animalistic herd. 
 
 We want an infinite variety of home life that corre- 
 sponds to the multitudinous gifts, high and low with 
 which mankind has been endowed. 
 
 They want the monogamic family to make its exit 
 upon the entrance of the whole female sex into the public 
 industries. 
 
 We want the Christian home to be that central place 
 on earth most like to heaven above. 
 
 They want to corrupt the army and navy that the na- 
 tion may be without defense from their intrigues within 
 and from their assaults without. 
 
 We want to maintain the army and navy as a bulwark 
 of strength against disorder at home and a sure guard 
 against aggressions from abroad. 
 
 Now, since Socialism takes advantage of every op- 
 portunity to discredit and to undermine the vocation 
 of the soldier and the sailor and to inoculate them 
 with disloyal thoughts and to incite them to treasonable 
 acts, we believe it a patriotic duty to set forth the facts 
 in proof of this menace, that threatens to break the mo- 
 rale of our army and navy. 
 
 We do not come to the defense of war for the glory 
 of war though we would not take away one iota of 
 honor from those who give their blood at the call of their 
 home-land. What we mean to do is so to extend the 
 voice of the Vicar of Christ that his sound reasoning,
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 151 
 
 relative to armed force, may win the admiration of well 
 intentioned men, all unaccustomed to the voice of the 
 Church. Then we may be sure that such will give their 
 aid in driving from our midst those opinions and senti- 
 ments that make for desolation. 
 
 As all should know the Catholic Church has but one 
 voice since Truth is Truth with nothing added and 
 nothing taken away. Yet, just because Truth is ab- 
 solute men may bespeak it in a multitude of forms yet 
 never change its meaning. The Great Doctor, St. Au- 
 gustine, in reviewing this matter makes the reflection : 
 
 " If Christian discipline condemned all wars, the Gospel 
 would have given this counsel of salvation to the soldiers 
 who asked what they should do, that they should throw 
 away their arms and withdraw themselves from the military 
 service altogether. But it says to them, 'Do violence to 
 no man, calumniate no one, and be content with your wages,' 
 St. Luke iii, 14. Surely it does not prohibit the military 
 service to those whom it commands to be content with their 
 wages." (Epirthe V. Ad Marcelium, C 2, 15 n.) 
 
 Our Lord's commendation of the Centurian : " 7 
 have not found so great faith in Israel." (Matt. VIII, 
 5-10) surely takes cognizance of the fact that the Cen- 
 turian has soldiers under him who go there or come 
 here at his commands. Here there is not slightest sug- 
 gestion that this officer should abandon the military 
 service. Again, another soldier " Cornelius, a cen- 
 turian of that which is called the Italian band," is re- 
 ferred to by Christ as " a religious man, and fearing 
 God '' (Acts X, 1-2.) It certainly were unreason-
 
 152 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 able to assume that this appreciation would have been 
 given to one who followed a vocation against the divine 
 law. 
 
 The great Apostle, St. Paul, says (Heb. xi, 32-34) : " The 
 time would fail me to tell of Gedeon, Barac, Samson, 
 Jephthe, David, Samuel and the prophets : Who by faith 
 conquered kingdoms, wrought justice, obtained promises, 
 stopped the mouths of liars, quenched the violence of fire, es- 
 caped the edge of the sword, recovered strength from weak- 
 ness, became valiant in battle, put to flight the armies of 
 foreigners." 
 
 This then is and ever has been the doctrine of the 
 Christian Church, that the armed force of the nation is 
 not alone proper but necessary. That, therefore, the 
 vocation of the soldier may be followed with honor by 
 the most religious of men. 
 
 As we reflect, we give honor to the soldier Wash- 
 ington who, under God, formed us a nation. So 
 it is that the issue admits of no equivocation. Every 
 citizen must stand for the integrity of the army and 
 navy. 
 
 But Socialists will not ! They reject the law of God 
 and the love of country as a binding force, while na- 
 tional integrity has no place in their philosophy. No- 
 tional Integrity is a bulwark that they mean to pull 
 down, by a propaganda that never slumbers nor sleeps. 
 Since it is over the dead body of the nation that So- 
 cialism climbs into its own, we may not expect a sur- 
 cease until its ill directed energy is spent. The date of 
 that time is for liberty lovers to fix. 
 
 It must be kept in mind that however rebellious men
 
 THE AKMY AND THE NAVY 153 
 
 are, fundamental principles cannot be ignored. God 
 is not mocked. Consequently it is certain that Social- 
 ism will give proof though in a negative way 
 that loyalty is necessary to their scheme of a " new so- 
 ciety." To corrupt our soldiery is right since it ad- 
 vances the revolution. But, once a government is in 
 the hands of the Marxians, loyalty to death is demanded 
 of their soldiery. Here then, is the key by which to 
 understand the issue we are confronted with here is 
 the proof that although loyalty is scorned as an obliga- 
 tion to Caesar, under God, loyalty is now in Russia de- 
 manded unto death by those men who have set up a pro- 
 letarian dictatorship there as the first step in the con- 
 quest of the world. We quote : 
 
 THE OATH OF ENLISTMENT OF SOVIET SOLDIERS 
 
 1. Son of the People, worker and citizen of the Russian 
 Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, I enroll in the Workers' 
 and Peasants' Army. 
 
 2. Before the working class of Russia and the whole world 
 I swear: to respect my position as soldier; to conscienti- 
 ously undergo my military training; to safeguard the in- 
 terests of the Army and the People, and to defend them 
 with my heart's blood. 
 
 3. I swear to submit strictly to revolutionary discipline, 
 and to obey without question the orders of my chiefs, desig- 
 nated by authority of the Workers' and Peasants' Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 4. I swear to commit no action detrimental to the repu- 
 tation of the free citizens of the Russian Soviet Republic; 
 I swear to consecrate myself, in thought and in action, to 
 our ideal of the emancipation of all tbe working classes. 
 
 5. I swear, that at the call of the Workers' and Peasants'
 
 154 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 Government, I will risk my life to defend the Soviet Republic 
 against whatever dangers there may be, from wherever it 
 may come, and that I will give whatever I have of strength 
 and of life for the defense of the Soviet Republic, of Social- 
 ism and of the brotherhood of the people. 
 
 6. Let me be delivered to the contempt of the People and 
 the severe punishment of the laws of the Revolution if I 
 violate the oath ! (" Revolutionary Age," Boston, March 29, 
 1919.) 
 
 We purpose now to exhibit piece after piece of testi- 
 mony in support of our conviction that Socialists would 
 corrupt the army and navy. Thousands of copies of a 
 crude book " War, What For ? " by George R. Kirk- 
 patrick (Vice-presidential nominee, Socialist Party 
 1916) were sent forth to " drain the recruiting stations 
 and thin the ranks of the soldiery." 
 
 Every occasion is made an opportunity of belittling a 
 soldier's life. " Soldiers are potential strike-breakers." 
 (New York Call, June 3, 1916.) 
 
 " The American Militia is made up of young whipper- 
 snappers, mostly sons of capitalists who go into it for fun 
 and the purpose of killing strikers when they turn out." 
 (Pamphlet, Daniel De Leon.) 
 
 " Policemen, sheriffs and marshals are the same as soldiers, 
 BO far as you are concerned," that is to say, the hirelings of 
 the capitalist class are ever enemies of the working class." 
 
 Perhaps the most widely circulated single attack upon 
 the soldier was written by Jack London the famous 
 or infamous author. His estimate of the soldier has 
 been printed in nearly every one of their English Ian-
 
 THE AKMY AND THE NAVY 155 
 
 guage papers, on circulars and postcards, and spread 
 broadcast throughout the world. We present it as pub- 
 lished in the Buffalo Socialist (Sept. 20, 1913) to- 
 gether with the Editor's introduction : 
 
 "During the Perry Celebration one of the features was 
 a grand military display. Men paraded in all kinds of fancy 
 uniforms, and the best bands that could be procured were 
 in the procession. Soldiers, sailors, artillery and quick-firing 
 guns were toted through the streets, not only for the amuse- 
 ment of the visitors, but for the purpose of inspiring un- 
 thinking youths who might be deceived into joining these 
 institutions of multiplied murder. For the benefit of the 
 young men of this city we reprint Jack London's ' Good 
 Soldier.' Cut it out and paste it up in a conspicuous place. 
 
 THE 'GOOD SOLDIER' 
 (BY JACK LONDON) 
 
 " Young Men : The lowest aim in your life is to be- 
 come a soldier. The good soldier never tries to distin- 
 guish right from wrong. He never thinks; never rea- 
 sons ; he only obeys. If he is ordered to fire on his fellow 
 citizens, on his friends, on his neighbors, on his relatives, 
 he obeys without hesitation. If he is ordered to fire 
 down a crowded street when the poor are clamoring for 
 bread, he obeys, and sees the gray hairs of age stained 
 with red and the life tide gushing from the breasts of 
 women, feeling neither remorse nor sympathy. If he is 
 ordered off as a firing squad to execute a hero or bene- 
 factor, he fires without hesitation, though he knows the 
 bullet will pierce the noblest heart that ever beat in hu- 
 man breast. 
 
 "A good soldier is a blind, heartless, soulless, mur- 
 derous machine. He is not a man. He is not a brute,
 
 156 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUBE 
 
 for brutes only kill in self-defense. All that is human 
 in him, all that is divine in him, all that constitutes 
 the man has been sworn away when he took the enlist- 
 ment roll. His mind, his conscience, aye, his very soul, 
 are in the keeping of his officer. 
 
 " No man can fall lower than a soldier it is a depth 
 beneath which he cannot go. Keep the boys out of the 
 army. It is "hell. 
 
 "Down with the army and the navy. We don't need 
 killing institutions. We need life-giving institutions." 
 
 " Our Gene," the genial Debs is not to be outrun by 
 the most celebrated amongst socialist authors: 
 
 " The workingman who turns soldier becomes the hired 
 assassin of the capitalist master. He goes on the murderers' 
 payroll at fifty cents a day under orders to kill anybody, 
 anywhere, at any time. This is the vile abject thing we 
 call a soldier. Lower than the slimy, dripping depth to 
 which this craven creature crawls neither man nor beast 
 can even sink in time or eternity." (Army and Navy Jour- 
 nal, Dec. 25, 1916.) 
 
 The occasion when, by our then President Roosevelt, 
 colored troops were discharged for rioting, and other 
 conduct unbecoming to members of the National Guard, 
 at Brownsville, Texas, supplied an unwonted opportu- 
 nity for displaying contempt for soldiers, who volun- 
 teer their services in defense of our country. It was 
 taken full advantage of. We quote excerpts from state- 
 ments made by National Committeemen of the Socialist 
 Party, giving reasons for their vote upon a pending mo- 
 tion to condemn President Roosevelt's action. (S. P. 
 Official Bulletin, Vol. 3, No. 5.)
 
 THE AEMY AND THE NAVY 157 
 
 Wells Le Fevre (Arkansas) 
 
 " I vote no. We might as well ask for ' justice ' from 
 the soldier's gun as for the soldier. When he enlisted he 
 surrendered all his rights and became a part of an infernal 
 machine for a more infernal purpose." 
 
 Comrade Woodside (Colorado) 
 
 "For my part I would like to see the entire army dis- 
 honorably discharged." " They are the lackeys of capitalism 
 and as such ready at all times to do their dirty and criminal 
 work." 
 
 A. J. Pettigrew (Florida) 
 
 "I vote no. Not because I don't want justice done, 
 but because soldiers are not the instruments of justice." 
 
 A. L. Smith (Louisiana) 
 
 " His motive spells treason and could come from none but 
 a traitor." " That base and iniquitous wretch known as a 
 soldier." " The soldiers' business is to kill to kill what ? 
 People. What kind of people? Working people. Did you 
 ever know of soldiers killing any other kind ? " " It should 
 be clear that these beasts are not members of our class 
 the working class." 
 
 J. E. Voss (Tennessee) 
 
 "We cannot see how a Socialist can put himself in the 
 same class as a lot of uninformed murderers not con- 
 scripted, but voluntary whose sole mission is to protect 
 capitalists' interests and shoot down the working class pro- 
 ducers."
 
 158 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 W. H. Mills (Texas) 
 
 " The Soldiery, whatever their color, are the murderous 
 mercenaries of predatory and repressive capitalism. Their 
 mission is to murder the working class " 
 
 Alf. Wageriknecht (Washington) 
 
 " It truly seems to me that every time the capitalist class 
 does anything to disorganize its own forces, no matter how 
 it does it, it is to our benefit. These soldiers, formerly 
 servants of the class opposed to us, may now, after a few 
 more knocks in the real slave market, become what we are." 
 
 Robert Bandlow (Ohio} 
 
 " In voting ' no ' it is to emphasize that in the class 
 war these negro soldiers are upholding the system which 
 accentuates the misery of the proletarian. The Socialist 
 Party is not called upon to meddle in the affairs of the 
 bourgeosie." 
 
 F. L. Swartz (Pennsylvania) 
 
 "I would hail the day when the President of the United 
 States and the plutes' representatives of the whole world 
 would give all their soldiers dishonorable discharges." 
 
 Referring to the " reasons " given by these Socialist 
 Rational Committeemen for upholding disobedience, dis- 
 loyalty and treason as the real duty of the soldiers as 
 against their alleged duty to keep fellow workingmen in 
 poverty and to kill them, Victor L. Berger, in his own 
 paper, makes this comment : The statements " accom-
 
 THE AEMY AND THE NAVY 159 
 
 ponying the votes of the National Committeemen of the 
 Socialist Party give some idea of the prevailing opinion 
 of progressive working people on the subject of govern- 
 ment soldiery." 
 
 Yet, it is their purpose by the spread of treasonable 
 literature to win these " dastards," these " reptiles," 
 these " cowards," these lowest characters imaginable to 
 their glorious cause Socialism, the religion of the 
 working-class. Surely, such were quite fitting associ- 
 ates! 
 
 Their means are like in character to their ultimate 
 aim. There is no beating about the bush, for the hope is 
 boldly expressed that mutiny in the army and navy 
 shall become an order of especial use in the confiscation 
 of capital. The Socialist Voice (Oakland, Cal.) sent a 
 
 CIRCULAE LETTER TO ALL SOCIALIST AND 
 REVOLUTIONARY PAPERS 
 
 It went the rounds. All over the country there was a 
 vigorous ringing of charges upon its forceful phrases: 
 " There is such a thing as mutiny." Yes, " gen- 
 eral mutiny simultaneous with a general strike." Since 
 ff The Socialist Party frankly avows its intention 
 of appropriating the means of production/' it is certain 
 that " the army and navy must be turned into a state of 
 ferment." The way to do this is to deluge the soldiers 
 and the sailors " with good class conscious propaganda 
 and the results will be astonishing." At Socialist com- 
 mand, the guns shall be turned upon the capitalist class 
 For there is such a thing as mutiny.
 
 160 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUHE 
 
 It was somewhat astonishing that this circular should 
 have been published in the Christian Socialist (Chicago, 
 May 15, 1907). We give some paragraphs taken there- 
 from: 
 
 "Do you realize that there exists in the United States 
 to-day two of the most feudalistic institutions in the world? 
 We refer to the United States Army and the United States 
 Navy. The discipline in these two institutions is such as 
 to render them the most powerful and at the same time 
 the most servile tools .of the capitalist class. It is simply 
 appalling to contemplate the damage these two institutions 
 could do the working class in case the present revolution 
 assumed a violent aspect. 
 
 " This Is Not a Theory, But an Oft' Demonstrated Fact. 
 The murder, by the artillery of the men, women and children 
 in the Southern Philippines, the brutal slaughter of 
 the French proletarians during the Paris commune, the 
 Nevska Prospect butchery, and others too numerous to men- 
 tion, all indicate that the policy of the capitalist class is 
 a policy of bloodshed and murder. 
 
 " It has long been recognized that the rulers and capital- 
 ists, synonymous terms, have exalted private property above 
 human life . This has been proven so often as to render 
 illustrations superfluous. Now, the Socialist party frankly 
 avows its intention of appropriation of the means of pro- 
 duction. There is no beating about the bush; we, the work- 
 ers, want full product of our labor, and we propose to get 
 it; we further realize that we can never get it under the 
 present system. To change the system implies the taking 
 over of the means of production and using them for the 
 common good instead of the good of the few, as at present. 
 Do you think the capitalists will like this? Do you think 
 they will tamely submit to the taking of their property by 
 legal or extra legal means? Is it possible that they who
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 161 
 
 own the courts, the legislature and the executive powers 
 of government will make no effort to use these powers to 
 protect their sacred property? If you think they will sub- 
 mit without a struggle, you are pardon the frankness 
 an idiot. 
 
 " Suppose, for instance, the Socialist vote of this country 
 became a menace and it will no doubt become a serious 
 menace to the capitalist class. Would the ' constitution ' 
 keep them from disfranchising the worker? Not much! 
 Then here, as in Russia, the only weapon left the workers 
 would be a general strike, backed up l>y an armed revolution; 
 and in that case our only hope of winning will be to have 
 the Army and the Navy in such a state of ferment that 
 they will cast their lot with the workers instead of being 
 loyal to their present masters. 
 
 "Would it not be a humorous piece of poetic justice to 
 turn the guns of the capitalists against them? And it can 
 be done, because it has been done more than once. 
 
 " There is a greater per cent, of class-conscious sailors and 
 soldiers than of proletarians, but as yet they are unconscious 
 of the class-consciousness. But let the Socialists deluge 
 them with good class- conscious propaganda, and the results 
 will be astonishing, especially to our masters for nothing 
 astonishes a socialist. So long as the Army and the Navy 
 are loyal to the capitalist class, it will be well-nigh impos- 
 sible to introduce the cooperative commonwealth; but 
 armies are not loyal to their masters; there is such a thing 
 as a mutiny! 
 
 " Take Russia, for example. Could the revolution have 
 made such progress had it not been for the mutinies of the 
 raw troops and the sailors ? And if ' oppressed Russia ' can 
 successfully conduct an anti-military campaign of socialist 
 agitation, why shouldn't 'free America'? In the United 
 States Army every enlisted man must be able to read English ; 
 we can easily reach them ; they have no delusions about
 
 162 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 our 'Little Father' (Theodora I), because they are wise to 
 him. The United States Government always imcompetent 
 and impotent will be powerless to stop our propaganda. 
 
 " Many other prominent socialists, including the editor of 
 many socialist papers, have already endorsed the idea and 
 not a single socialist, so far, has condemned it. 
 
 " With ' the men behind the guns ' on our side, we have 
 nothing to fear, for courts, kings and military dictators 
 are powerless when they have no guns to back up their de- 
 cisions ; and ' God ' is but a royal alias for a ' standing 
 army.' All it requires is the properly directed effort on our 
 part, and we can have a general mutiny simultaneous with 
 the general strike." 
 
 It is their brag that " not a single Socialist paper con- 
 demned " this appeal to treason. We may be sure that 
 this Circular Letter presents a rather plausible picture 
 to those men who have for long forsworn their allegiance 
 to their country. Their shibboleth No God, no coun- 
 try expresses their case consistently. Almighty God 
 is not merely unknown, He is " a royal alias," to Whom 
 the Socialists on guard pay scorn instead of honor ; while 
 they are constantly on the watch to corrupt men behind 
 the guns. 
 
 Thus the case stands a world-wide Bolsheviki prop- 
 aganda that rises like a tidal wave to engulf nations 
 made weak because of political injustice and economic 
 oppression. Hence this question is pertinent what 
 effect should Socialist propaganda have upon the great 
 capitalists of our country ? To say nothing in the inter- 
 est of their souls' salvation, and if from no higher mo- 
 tive than enlightened self-interest they should be, be-
 
 THE AKMY AND THE NAVY 163 
 
 cause they can be, the first to make an effective move 
 towards social justice by a readjustment in industry 
 commerce finance. 
 
 Liberty is in the air fanning the flame of justice that 
 men may be free before the law and that equity shall be 
 done in the market of the world. This is merely another 
 way of remembering that men are made in the image 
 of God and that not forever will they submit to a viola- 
 tion of their inborn rights, political and economic, by 
 the might and the greed of the few. Especially now 
 since with the aid of a little true history they hark back 
 to the echo of the past to the guilds of the middle ages 
 within which master and men settled their differences 
 not by might or crooked wisdom but by the even tones 
 of the voice of the Church. Then, wage-earners were 
 not treated as a mere commodity-labor to be bought at 
 the lowest prices and furnished with the meanest accom- 
 modations. But rather they were an elemental part of 
 that Christian society that Brotherhood of Man 
 that was engrafted, by the Church of Christ, into the 
 affairs of a Pagan and barbarous world. When these 
 guilds, of culture and of craft, were despoiled by the 
 hand of an apostate priest and a wicked king, the best 
 and the bravest were sent to the rack and the scaffold 
 while the defenseless multitude were ground in the dust. 
 Slowly, since God is good and the spirit of man is free, 
 a readjustment so vast as to be planned by no man's hand 
 is bringing, once more, the people into their own. By 
 the genius of men the bounties of God are now set so 
 free that the necessities, aye the elegancies of living
 
 164 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 are seen to be sufficient for all. Truly it is not a dearth 
 of material goods but the arrogant spirit of the rich that 
 straps on the back of the poor a burden too great for men 
 to bear. 
 
 Evidently the conclusion is plain The captains of 
 industry commerce finance must choose between 
 self -reformation or the deluge. Yet, the wisdom of God 
 is in no man's hand ; while the innocent ever suffer with 
 the guilty. 
 
 So much for this phase of Socialist-Bolsheviki 'propa- 
 ganda in our country. What does the scribe tell of the 
 preparation of the soil for the revolution over seas? 
 There is the self-same determined attempt to undermine 
 the loyalty of the army and navy in every country in 
 which there has and is an active Socialist movement. 
 Marx and Engels heavily oversowed the sentiment of 
 national loyalty with the cockle of international bravado 
 and much of it has ripened into rank fruit throughout 
 Europe. With confidence Victor Grayson (Wigand, 
 Eng. Sep. 23, 1907) expresses the view that Socialist 
 propaganda is taking effect: 
 
 "I am looking to the time when the British soldier will 
 emulate his brother of the National Guard of France and, 
 when asked to fire upon the People who are fighting for 
 their rights, will turn his rifle in the other direction. We 
 are making a Socialist of Tommy Atkins by propaganda 
 work in the Army." 
 
 Bernard Shaw's voice is still more powerful. By 
 tongue and pen he has long served the cause of the
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 1G5 
 
 revolution, by breaking down faith in God ; love of coun- 
 try ; the integrity of the family and the belief in private 
 property. His estimate of the soldier is given in " John 
 Bull's Other Island": 
 
 " The Soldier is an anachronism of which we must get 
 rid military service produces moral imbecility, ferocity, 
 and cowardice. For permanent work, the soldier is worse 
 than useless; such efficiency as he has is the result of de- 
 humanization and disablement. His whole training tends 
 to make him a weakling." 
 
 L'Humanite, the leading Socialist daily published 
 in Paris, gives out an interview with Bernard Shaw that 
 is characteristic: 
 
 "If war should eventually come to England, the English 
 Socialists should not hesitate to advise the sabotage of the 
 Dreadnoughts." 
 
 Asked if such advice would likely be carried into effect, 
 Shaw said : 
 
 "We may reasonably hope so. The British navy has be- 
 come indoctrinated with the new ideas. You must know 
 that there is neither a destroyer nor a cruiser that does 
 not carry with it on each cruise new revolutionary pamphlets, 
 that the crew of the Jupite, a warship of the first class, was 
 disbanded some years ago because there were at least a 
 hundred anti-militarists among them." 
 
 Army and Navy Journal makes it the subject of an 
 editorial (May 6, 1911) :
 
 166 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " SOCIAUS/T CRIPPLING OF WARSHIPS " 
 
 " The frequent inexplicable disasters to French warships 
 which have so often been held up as a want of naval seaman- 
 ship are now, since the discovery of sabotage, attributed 
 to these cowardly miscreants who cripple a ship in such 
 a way that it becomes helpless at a critical moment and 
 either goes on the rocks, founders, or is the victim of a 
 mysterious explosion in the boiler rooms. A few months 
 ago the sights of the big guns of H. M. 8. Irresistible were 
 thrown overboard, and this disabling of the armament was 
 ascribed to members of the crew, although the perpetrators 
 could not be found. The fact that so serious an expression 
 of mutinous discontent came at a time when the Socialists 
 boast that the Royal Navy is honeycombed with their theories 
 is sufficient to arouse inquiry as to where such agitation 
 will stop." 
 
 It is by holding in mind the philosophy of Socialism 
 that one is enabled to understand why the deeds of 
 " these cowardly miscreants who cripple a ship in such 
 a way that it becomes helpless at a critical moment " 
 are works of heroic virtue in the view of those who ar- 
 rogate to themselves the mission of creating the " new 
 society." The Chicago Daily Socialist (May 25, 
 1909) exultantly announces that " Socialists Mar Ship 
 Launching." It tells with pride of the occasion in 
 Brest, France, where Socialists singing " L'lnterna- 
 tional," prevented the battleship Danton from leaving 
 the stocks and rejoices that " a strong Socialist spirit 
 prevails among the employees " of the works. The 
 source of these disasters to French battleships is coolly 
 pointed out the new revolutionary pamphlets, so in-
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 167 
 
 dustriously circulated by the comrades, first created the 
 " Socialist spirit " and this same spirit finds its outlet 
 in sabotage. Without a doubt, the battleship lena was 
 deliberately set on fire by this spirit that animated the 
 Socialist sailory. 
 
 From Norway came the news, through their leading 
 Socialist Daily (New York Call, Sept. 20, 1911), that 
 nearly two hundred soldiers were court-martialed and 
 sentenced in Christiania " for breaking the military 
 code." The comment following encourages others to do 
 likewise : 
 
 " There is, however, no doubt that the Socialist propaganda 
 is immediately responsible for the revolt." and that " the 
 Socialist agitation among the Soldiers continues unabated." 
 
 Although the spirit of revolt is carried by Socialist 
 propaganda into the military system of every country in 
 Europe it shall be sufficient to show their efforts to 
 undermine loyalty, somewhat in detail, here at home. 
 
 THE DICK MILITABY LAW 
 
 Ever alert to further their cause the Dick Military 
 law was made a storm center of agitation, long before it 
 was put into operation. The ground upon which their 
 argument rings its fruitful charges is the fear that when 
 the day comes as come it must for the class con- 
 scious proletariat to " mount the barricades and fight 
 like tigers " a well ordered and loyal army may be 
 sufficiently strong to put down the Revolution. Hence, 
 the Socialist duty is to weaken the defensive arm of the 
 nation. Their agitators have no scruples as to the
 
 168 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 means to be employed since the norm of their philosophy 
 sets it down that what furthers the cause is moral and 
 what retards the cause is immoral. In 1908 their most 
 proficient propagandists began to center opposition upon 
 this and that provision of the Dick Military Law. 
 Resolutions, newspaper articles, essays and editorials by 
 the hundreds have been written against the law, while it 
 has been made the theme of thousands of lectures and 
 soapbox talks. The Nat. Com. of the Socialist Party 
 (Oct., 1917) endorsed the plan for a 
 
 " National campaign of protest against '{he so-called Dick 
 Military Law and advises all divisions of our party organiza- 
 tion to hold meetings for education and protest . . /' 
 
 Their Official Bulletin (Oct., 1907) in ringing tones 
 advises the comrades to conduct meetings with " the 
 same vigor as characterized the Moyer-Haywood meet- 
 tings " which contributed in no slight degree to the 
 discharge of the murder case against their idol " Big 
 Bill " Haywood. In voting yes upon the proposed 
 campaign the National Committeeman of Lousiana, Van 
 Brook, says: 
 
 " In regard to protest against the ' Dick Military Bill ' 
 will say I do not see how any Socialist could well vote 
 against repealing this infamous bill, when considering the 
 power it gives the dominating class over the rights of the 
 laboring class." 
 
 The Pennsylvania National Committeeman, James 
 Maurer, agrees : " I cannot think of any better work 
 for us Socialists than to hammer their fiendish plot to
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 169 
 
 pieces." The Ohio National Committeeman, Divine, 
 rejoices that the Toledo Central Labor Union was lined 
 up to protest " ere this motion was made." 
 
 In passing it is but just to say that very few of the 
 trade union bodies were inveigled into adopting resolu- 
 tions in protest to this law, by the Socialist agitators 
 within their unions. These bodies were somewhat in- 
 formed by the action of the American Federation of 
 Labor, as it had reported adversely about this time upon 
 a resolution against the Dick Military Law at one of its 
 national conventions. 
 
 Perhaps it should not be surprising, since none are 
 so blind as those who refuse to see, that even men from 
 Missouri had not demanded to be shown what in fact 
 the provisions of the Dick Law are. Surely there had 
 been time enough for thought for investigation. But 
 evidently no candid examination of the proposed bill was 
 made, although it was thoroughly discussed in Congress 
 and throughout the country, before its passage. Nor 
 has there been an honest attempt to understand its con- 
 tent since its passage in 1903, for denunciation waxed 
 hot and furious up to the time of our entrance into the 
 world war. Which, of course, supplied Socialism with 
 a much more fruitful source of treasonable propaganda. 
 From a multitude of data we select quotations to show 
 how vehement Socialist opposition is to an efficient mili- 
 tary system. The meaning is clear, since their only 
 hope is in a " Red Guard." 
 
 In the Socialist State convention of Missouri (Jeffer- 
 son City, Sept. 13, 1910) it was " Resolved, that we
 
 170 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 demand the repeal of the so-called Dick Military Law 
 which, by order of the President of these United States, 
 makes possible conscript soldiers of free citizens, and is, 
 therefore, against the spirit and character of a free 
 democratic country." Of course, all good citizens know 
 that this declaration is as false as it is unpatriotic. Be- 
 sides, if lovers of democracy are not ready to give their 
 lives in defense of a free country, surely there is no 
 security for the blessings of peace. 
 
 The Socialist Party in Convention (1904) declared: 
 " By the Dick Militia bill liability to compulsory service 
 has been imposed upon every male citizen between the 
 ages of 18 and 45, and that merely at the caprice of the 
 President." (Page 165, Proceedings, S.P., Nat. Com., 
 May 4, 1914.) 
 
 The American Socialist National official organ 
 of the Socialist Party (Chicago, Aug. 15, 1914) con- 
 fuses their readers by asking : " Do you know that 
 under the Dick military law every able-bodied male 
 citizen of the United States over 18 and under 45 is a 
 member of the National Guard ' Reserve Army,' and can 
 be legally summoned to military service by the president 
 without the authority of Congress? And do you know 
 that this is a greater military power than the head of 
 any other government on earth is given ? Do you know 
 that the working-class of the United States is up against 
 the most cunning group of capitalists in all the world ? 
 Think!" 
 
 These leaders should have known, but perhaps they 
 did not, that what they call "the nigger in the wood-
 
 THE AEMY AND THE NAVY 171 
 
 pile " namely, that universal liability to military service 
 for every able-bodied man within specific age did not 
 come into existence together with their mental excite- 
 ment. As a matter of fact this section of the law is as 
 old as our Republic itself. It is the provision under 
 which President Lincoln called out our troops during 
 the Civil War and President McKinley during the 
 Spanish- American War. This section, the law of May 
 8, 1792, enacted during the Washington administration 
 reads : 
 
 "EVEKY ABLE-BODIED MALE CITIZEN OF THE 
 KESPECTIVE STATES, KESIDENT THEREIN, WHO 
 IS OF THE AGE OF EIGHTEEN YEARS, AND UNDER 
 THE AGE OF FORTY-FIVE YEARS, SHALL BE EN- 
 ROLLED IN THE MILITIA." (Section 1625, Revised 
 Statutes.) 
 
 But why should facts be regarded by Socialist propa- 
 ganda? Their mission is to create what is rationally 
 unthinkable " a classless society." Yet the Ameri- 
 can Socialist would have the comrades : 
 
 "THINK ! " 
 
 " This outrageous law was sneaked through both 
 houses and signed by Theodore, the best friend the trusts 
 ever had." (International Socialist Review, Sept., 
 1910.) Yet current history testifies that the matter was 
 several times up before the 57th congress, during which 
 time copies of the bill had been placed in the hands of 
 leading military authorities and had received their 
 unanimous approval.
 
 172 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 "Think!" 
 
 u So you see, brother workingmen you belong to what is 
 virtually the Standing Army of the United States, and are 
 liable to the call of the President at any moment. You 
 may be called upon to go down to Mexico and protect Ameri- 
 can property, though in your ' Own United States ' you are 
 not permitted to possess any," says the editor of the Com- 
 monwealth. (Everett, Washington, Aug. 28, 1913.) 
 
 If its readers were to think they might realize that 
 sound opinion takes neither one extreme or the other; 
 and if they were to read a little history on this point 
 they might realize that American citizens have ever been 
 subject to call. 
 
 " Think " how irresponsible Socialist speech is ! 
 Yet, there is no proof that they evolved from the monkey 
 as they delight to believe. " Our Gene " Debs says : 
 
 " Your time may come in America. Every man from 18 
 to 4^ years is a soldier whether you know it or not. The 
 Dick military law was passed in a surreptitious manner. 
 You are not to be consulted as to whether you are Tcilled or 
 not." (The California Social Democrat, Los Angeles, Feb. 
 13, 1915.) 
 
 Even the headlines are enough food for thought for 
 these makers of proletarian society : 
 
 "THIS BEATS CONSCRIPTION! 
 
 The Flutes Put this Over on You During Roose- 
 velt's Reign; Through the Aid of Senator Dick 
 Accordingly ; You are Forced to Go to War ; 
 If They So Desire " 
 
 (New England Socialist, Dec. 8, 1915.)
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 173 
 
 While the exclamation " Every American Wage-Slave 
 a Soldier! " sets many an embryo Bolshevik on fire for 
 his cause; so it is an easy matter to keep up a con- 
 tinual agitation for what is imagined to be freedom 
 from " capitalist rule." 
 
 Yet, after all, the multitudes who follow after their 
 Socialist leaders are, in truth, more sinned against than 
 sinning. They are God's little ones, the little brothers 
 of those who are given great talents for organization, 
 for the production of wealth on a vast scale. It is 
 because this brotherhood has been so flagrantly denied 
 in these our days of luxurious living that invites this 
 Scourge of God to cleanse the State. Since it were 
 better to have a millstone hanged about one's neck than 
 to offend one of the little ones. 
 
 However, quite to one side from the perverse spirit 
 cultivated by such opposition to a good law, it illustrates 
 clearly a characteristic of Socialist propaganda. The 
 flattery of ignorance plays an immense role in gathering 
 together this force of revolt. The Socialist leaders boast 
 that there are no leaders in the movement ; the followers 
 of the leaders boast no less loudly that Socialists have 
 no leaders ! All the while leaders strive to hold leader- 
 ship and to gain leadership. So a chief means of bring- 
 ing converts into camp is the flattery of the 
 working-class by their leaders that they are destined to 
 create a free society. And the self-flattery of the rank 
 and file that they have no leaders since they have in- 
 stituted the referendum vote. To this double and 
 twisted ignorance and bad faith is added the taunt of
 
 174 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 the leaders that the workers follow like slaves after their 
 capitalist masters. On the other hand the workers hold 
 the lash of suspicion over their leaders the fear that 
 they will go over to the capitalist class in obedience 
 to self-interest, the strongest motive that Socialist 
 philosophy acknowledges. All the while mistrust 
 breeds mistrust in the sanity of things human. Truly 
 the blind lead the blind, since it is safe to say that 
 ninety-nine out of the hundred take their opinions from 
 their spokesmen. Not merely with regard to the Dick 
 military law, but upon all questions presented by those 
 who threaten the stability of government throughout 
 the world. Thus it is, while leaders deny, and are 
 denied, leadership, they natter their followers and mount 
 up to the dizzy throne of irresponsible power. It is 
 said, with much truth, that all the Bolsheviki leaders of 
 Russia got their training on the East Side of New York 
 City. No need to question further why all this pro- 
 test for all these years against the Dick Military Law ? 
 It is merely a commonplace event in working for Social- 
 ism since " there is such a thing as mutiny." It is 
 something to fulminate against an opportunity to 
 indoctrinate wage-slaves with the spirit of class-con- 
 scious revolt against law and order. 
 
 We shall place in contrast the arguments that led up 
 to this act of the 57th Congress. Eor a well-regulated 
 militia had been the ambition of every President from 
 Washington to Roosevelt, under whose administration 
 the Dick Military Law was enacted.
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 175 
 
 President Washington (1794) : 
 
 " The devising and establishing of a well-regulated militia 
 would be a genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect 
 title to public gratitude." 
 
 President Jefferson (1808) : 
 
 "For a people who are free, and who mean to remain so, 
 a well-organized and armed militia is their best security. 
 It is, therefore, incumbent on us at every meeting to revise 
 the condition of the militia, and to ask ourselves if it is 
 prepared to repel a powerful enemy at every point of our 
 territories exposed to invasion. Some of the States have 
 paid a laudable attention to this subject; but every degree 
 of neglect is to be found among others." 
 
 President Lincoln (1861) : 
 
 " The recommendation of the Secretary (of war) for the 
 organization of the militia on a uniform basis is a subject 
 of vital importance to the future safety of the country and 
 is commended to the serious attention of Congress." 
 
 President Roosevelt (1901) : 
 
 " Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The organi- 
 zation and armament of the National Guard of the several 
 States should be made identical with those provided 
 for the regular forces. The obligations and duties of the 
 guard in time of war should be carefully defined. It 
 is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of im- 
 pending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements 
 have not been made long beforehand." 
 
 It was our experience made in the Spanish-American
 
 176 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUBE 
 
 War (1898) that forced upon the attention of the 57th 
 Congress the utter inadequacy of the old statutes of 
 1792. During the process of mobilization some of the 
 volunteer regiments were found practically without 
 arms or equipment. We have need only to say, that 
 the consequences of the Dick Military Law have made 
 of our military force one harmonious whole a bul- 
 wark of national security. 
 
 Even so, the impudence of Socialist propaganda knows 
 no bounds. In " War, What For? " (p. 171) a book 
 that Eugene V. Debs calls " an immortal achievement," 
 the author some time vice-presidential nominee of the 
 Socialist Party, declares that he " has urged capitalist 
 editors all over 
 
 " The United States to publish the Dick law. He has of- 
 fered to pay for space at liberal advertising rates in which to 
 print ten to one hundred lines of this law. He has not 
 succeeded in finding a capitalist editor who would thus reveal 
 the treachery of his class lurking in this law. This law is 
 a rough-ground sword against the rousing, rising working- 
 class in the United States, a law more important to the work- 
 ingclass than any other law passed since the middle of the 
 nineteenth century." 
 
 This unblushing effrontery passes at par as an un- 
 answerable argument a spur to urge Socialists on to 
 do what they can to promote the spirit of mutiny within 
 and to do what they can to prevent American citizens 
 from joining either the army or the navy. It is fair 
 to conclude that the letter from our then Secretary of 
 War correctly expressed the mind of the country and
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 177 
 
 that his view of the Dick military bill, then pending, 
 has been realized. 
 
 "I am confident that when it is enacted and put into 
 force the organization and regulation of the citizen soldiery, 
 upon whom our country must in the main rely in its future 
 wars, will be far more efficient than it has ever been before, 
 and that it will give to the United States at a minimum of 
 expense a defensive power greater than could be obtained 
 by the expenditure of a million dollars annually in main- 
 taining a larger standing army, and I am also confident 
 that it will greatly promote the practical importance, the 
 dignity, and efficiency of the National Guard throughout 
 the United States. 
 
 " Sincerely yours, 
 " (Signed) ELIHU ROOT, 
 "Secretary of War." 
 
 Here again, we point out the proof that the repudia- 
 tion of principles legitimate to organized society is 
 merely a means to the overthrow of Christian civiliza- 
 tion. As has been seen, conscription is assumed to be 
 an outrage a crime when it is used in the protec- 
 tion of a nation of our own country. But, when it 
 is used in the interest of the world revolution then it 
 is a commendable means of securing complete power by 
 the working class. In Russia as they imagine, the 
 first of all the nations to fall under the sway of the 
 red flag conscription is now not a reprobate principle 
 but rather " an honor given only to the toilers." We 
 quote from The Fundamental LAW of the Constitution 
 adopted at the 5th All-Russian Congress of Soviets 
 (July 10, 1918) :
 
 178 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUHE 
 
 " For the purpose of securing the working class in the 
 possession of the complete power, and in order to eliminate 
 all possibility of restoring the power of the exploiters, it is 
 decreed that all toilers be armed, and that a Socialist Red 
 Army be organized and the propertied class be disarmed. 
 
 " For the purpose of defending the victory of the great 
 peasants' and workers' revolution, the Russian Socialist 
 Federated Soviet Republic recognizes the duty of all citizens 
 of the Republic to come to the defense of their Socialist 
 Fatherland, and it, therefore, introduces universal military 
 training. The honor of defending the revolution with arms 
 is given only to the toilers, and the non-toiling elements 
 are charged with the performance of other military duties." 
 
 CITIZEN AEMY 
 
 In the nature of the case one must look for the cause 
 of Socialist action to principles that are in direct op- 
 position to those that have ever and shall ever, prompt 
 men to acts of loyal and disinterested service to their 
 country. Otherwise one may not understand the mo- 
 tives of the men who work for the Revolution. It is 
 no slight matter constantly to hold in mind a false 
 concept of human nature that the individual and the 
 race is utterly void of an innate consciousness of right 
 and wrong. Yet, this must be done to gage correctly 
 the Socialist assumption that a series of class-struggles 
 has controlled the actions of men up to the days in 
 which we live. That the pending class-struggle is final, 
 because it is expected to climax in the overthrow of 
 the capitalist class of the whole world by the working 
 class. During the transitional period, a proletarian 
 dictatorship such as that of Lenin in Russia shall,
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 179 
 
 upon the ruins of private property operated for profit, 
 establish an administration of industry by a classless 
 society. It should thus be seen that the Socialist vision 
 reduces the moral force of religion to the status of super- 
 stition and that it would reduce the military force to 
 impotency by converting the soldiers to its perverse 
 view of all things human. 
 
 The citizen army has long been a topic for the Social- 
 ist orator. He has appealed to popular sympathy on 
 the ground of lessening the burden of taxation due to the 
 maintenance of large standing armies in continental 
 Europe, and at once to the hope of his comrades of 
 arming the workers for revolt. One after another their 
 international congresses have declared for the " citizen 
 army." At Stuttgart (1907) it was resolved: 
 
 " The Congress sees in the democratic organization of 
 armies, as expressed in the so-called ' citizen armies,' in 
 place of standing armies, a good guarantee against war- 
 like attacks of one nation by another, and against the exist- 
 ence of national differences." 
 
 This resolve was not meant to apply directly to the 
 United States or to Great Britain, countries which 
 have no standing armies in the Continental sense," as 
 the Chairman of the Committee on Militarism reported, 
 it was rather meant to express the objective of Socialists 
 in general, as a means to an end. 
 
 In our own country, they generally use the " citizens' 
 army " " Every man a citizen, every citizen a sol- 
 dier "- to connote the Swiss military system. In
 
 180 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 "Socialism in Theory and Practise" (p. 30) Morris 
 Hillquit says : " The military system of Switzerland is 
 the Socialist model of existing military organizations." 
 What was dubbed " the pistol resolution " came be- 
 fore the convention of the American Federation of Labor 
 regularly, year after year. Victor Berger, a delegate, 
 was its author: 
 
 "KESOLVED, By the twenty-fifth annual convention of the 
 American Federation of Labor, that we declare our inten- 
 tion, and hereby instruct all affiliated bodies, to hold abso- 
 lutely aloof from all connection with the militia, until the 
 military system in vogue in Switzerland, or a similar system, 
 is adopted in the United States." 
 
 To be sure, Mr. Berger's resolution was defeated time 
 after time, as it was presented, yet, it was deemed a 
 victory for Socialism ! Did it not give Comrade Berger 
 an opportunity to advise workingmen " to hold aloof 
 from all connection with the army ? " Did not his bril- 
 liant talk furnish copy for the press ? 
 
 Among Socialists it is a common practise to hold 
 the militia up to scorn before audiences, in their news- 
 papers, pamphlets and books, as a strike-breaking in- 
 strument of the capitalist class. Whether or not the 
 community was justified in calling for the protection of 
 the militia during a strike makes not the slightest dif- 
 ference, since Socialism does not thrive upon sincerity. 
 Undoubtedly, the militia has at times been unduly used 
 to break the backbone of strikes. But such occasions 
 have been few compared to those where wholesale
 
 THE AKMY AND THE NAVY 181 
 
 slaughter of life and destruction of millions of property 
 would have resulted had not an armed force been on 
 guard. The Lawrence, Mass., strike of 1912 is a case 
 in point. We were privileged to witness the good work 
 of the old Massachusetts Ninth. But for its presence, 
 Haywood, Ettor, Giovanatti and the followers of the 
 " No God, no master " element would have laid waste 
 the city and sent thousands of persons, unprepared, to 
 death. There should be no mistaking their intention. 
 The International Socialist Review (Feb., 1912) re- 
 ports an address by Mr. Haywood in Cooper Union, 
 New York City, delivered under the auspices of the 
 Socialist Party that typifies their revolutionary senti- 
 ments : 
 
 "I despise the law (tremendous applause and shouts of 
 ' No ! ') and I am not a law-abiding citizen. (Applause.) 
 And more than that, no Socialist can be a law-abiding citi- 
 zen. (Applause.) When we come together and are of a 
 common mind, and the purpose of our mind is to over- 
 throw the capitalist system, we become conspirators then 
 against the United States Government. And, certainly it 
 is our purpose to abolish this government (Applause) and 
 establish in its place an industrial democracy (Applause). 
 Now, we haven't any hesitation in saying tbat that is our 
 aim and purpose. Am I correct? (Tremendous applause.) 
 Am I absolutely correct when I state this as being the posi- 
 tion of the Socialist party not only in New York, but in 
 the United States and of every nation in the world? (Ap- 
 plause.) " 
 
 To make emphatic Mr. Haywood's declaration, his 
 address was commended editorially by the International
 
 182 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Socialist Review. " To those who want to put an end 
 to capitalism, and who wonder whether the Socialist 
 Party members really mean what they say when they 
 call themselves revolutionists." 
 
 To make assurance doubly sure that " Big Bill " 
 spoke the Socialist mind " straight out in meeting " the 
 Emergency Convention (1917) five years later, de- 
 clared : <e The end and aim of the Socialist party is 
 revolution." The means to the end is set out in the 
 Bolsheviki Call for an International Communist Con- 
 gress (Jan., 1919) : 
 
 " The first task of the proletariat consists to-day of the 
 immediate seizure of government power, substituting in its 
 place the power of proletariat." 
 
 " The fundamental condition of the struggle is the mass 
 action of the proletariat, developing into open armed attack 
 on the governmental powers of Capitalism." 
 
 The expectation has been that a citizen army would 
 supply the guns for this " mass action " against what- 
 soever armed force should come to the defense of civil 
 society resting on the natural rights of men, which 
 Socialism denies. In their fervescent imagination the 
 Rock of Ages has been blasted once for all. Conse- 
 quently any defense of the principles of the Decalogue is 
 but an ignorant and vicious attempt to hold on to a 
 passing order in the evolution of the race from the ape 
 to the superman. The State Constabulary which in 
 Pennsylvania has been wisely set up to police the rural 
 districts and to relieve the militia from the disagreeable
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 183 
 
 duty incident to the protection of life and property in 
 times of strike is put in the category with the militia 
 mere murderers for the capitalist class. It is alleged 
 not to exist for the maintenance of peace and order, but 
 rather it " is one of the instruments of class rule." 
 
 Their case is simply this no defense of any kind 
 is acceptable for the protection of civil society that 
 recognizes and exercises the right of private property as 
 natural to the human constitution. What is wanted is 
 the Red Guard to aid the proletariat in getting posses- 
 sion of private capital and to defend its confiscation once 
 it has by " right of might " come into their hands. 
 
 Of course, the citizen army is no new thing, it existed 
 in Jamestown and in Plymouth many years before its 
 adoption in Switzerland. Besides it is advocated by 
 many persons for reasons quite contrary to those pro- 
 posed by the followers of Marx, Engels, Hillquit and 
 Berger. Their idea is that " each soldier should retain 
 his firearm with at least two hundred rounds of 
 ammunition, furnished by the government, in his 
 home." 
 
 The Socialism of To-day (N. Y., 1916, p. 614), 
 written by four persons of distinction amongst their 
 comrades (William English Walling, J. G. Phelps 
 Stokes, Jessie Wallace Hughan, Harry W. Laidler), 
 frankly states that " Socialists always have in mind the 
 great revolutionary possibility in putting arms in the 
 hands of every citizen." 
 
 The same subversive motive prompts the British 
 Socialists to advocate a citizen army. We quote from
 
 184 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Brougham Villiers of the Independent Labor Party. 
 (The Socialist Review^ London, Jan.-March, 1915.) 
 
 " Only perhaps, when the citizen army is defended on the 
 ground that it in time of revolution a professional army 
 would fire on the people, while a citizen army would refuse 
 to do so, does the propaganda have any relation to other 
 Socialist ideas." 
 
 " The idea seems to be that the people will some day rise 
 in mass against their oppressors and demand the downfall 
 of capitalism . Probably in such a case an alarmed 
 capitalist government would proclaim martial law and order 
 out the soldiers to suppress the rising. Soldiers accustomed 
 to barrack discipline would be more likely to obey than those 
 of a ' citizen ' army, but there is no certainty either way. 
 There have been mutinies against intolerable orders among 
 all sorts of troops, while even the slackest militia discipline 
 may be enough." 
 
 The report of the debate on militarism and national 
 defense by the 30th conference of the Social Democratic 
 Party of Great Britain records the point that the 
 Socialists of the Paris Commune 1871 were able 
 to make their stand because the people had been armed. 
 Arguing therefrom it was concluded that, as the people 
 have the direct right of insurrection, with a citizen army 
 in every country, free from military law : " Every 
 man would be trained in the use of arms, and when 
 the time comes for them to shoot, every man would be 
 able to decide which way he was going to shoot/' 
 
 Truly, good plans will not work! In Switzerland 
 more than one opportunity had come for the proletariat 
 to decide which way to shoot. They decided against 
 the Socialists' way to shoot. Whereupon the 1915 Con-
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 185 
 
 gress of the Swiss Socialists refused further support 
 to the citizen army. Now these mutinous grapes hang 
 so high that they sour in the sun. After all, rifles in 
 every man's home would be of little use in an insur- 
 rection where Capitalists have the use of the govern- 
 ment's machine guns. So it works out that " antagon- 
 ism to all systems of national armament " is proposed. 
 After much discussion over the " concoctions dished out 
 by Berger " year after year in advocacy of the Swiss 
 military system the 1916 convention of the Socialist 
 Party resolved : " The proletariat of the world has but 
 one enemy, the capitalist class, whether at home or 
 abroad. We must refuse to put into the hands of this 
 enemy an armed force even under the guise of a ' demo- 
 cratic army' as the workers of Australia and Switzer- 
 land have done." 
 
 No, this does not denote a return to loyalty to 
 sanity. It rather indicates that this wornout mode of 
 propaganda is being replaced by newer pieces of sedi- 
 tion. Miss Jane Addams aids greatly in spreading one 
 under the ironical title: " Newer Ideals of Peace " (p. 
 232). What, indeed, would take place should the prole- 
 tariat refuse to fight as a capitalist army ? " That, the 
 government can not put the whole population in prison, 
 and if it could, it would still be without material for 
 an army, and without money for its support, is an almost 
 irrefutable argument. We see here (passive resistance 
 put into practise) at least the beginnings of a sentiment 
 that shall, if sufficiently developed, make war impossible 
 to an entire people."
 
 186 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 The Russian Bolshevik! are using another a much 
 more forceful but not more disloyal method of up- 
 setting the stability of nations. No doubt it will soon 
 be communicated for use in our own free America: 
 With the demand for a Red Guard under the dictator- 
 ship of their four times Presidential nominee Eugene 
 Victor Debs. 
 
 MAKING PERVERTS OF SOLDIERS 
 
 The demand for a propaganda directed especially to 
 the Army and Navy was pressed in the 1908 National 
 Convention of the Socialist Party and it became more 
 insistent at the Convention of 1912. Delegate John 
 Spargo, submitted a resolution that met with unanimous 
 approval of the body : 
 
 t 
 "PROPAGANDA IN THE ARMY AND NAVY 
 
 " Whereas, In the class struggle the military is often the 
 first and always the last resort of the ruling class; and 
 
 " Whereas, The army, the navy, the militia and the police 
 offer a fertile field for the dissemination of Socialist teach- 
 ings; and 
 
 "Whereas, The growth of Socialist thought among the 
 armed defenders of capitalism tends to reduce the power of 
 the ruling class to rule and outrage the working class, and 
 thus to end the oppression and violence that labor suffers, 
 
 " Be it Resolved, That the N. E. Committee be instructed 
 to secure the services of such a comrade or comrades as 
 have made a special study of war and militarism, and that 
 such comrade or comrades prepare special appropriate leaflets 
 to distribute among soldiers, sailors, militia and police. 
 
 " Resolved, That the N. E. Committee publish such leaflets
 
 187 
 
 and pamphlets and offer for sale through the usual channels, 
 and that in addition an organized effort be made for the 
 distribution of such leaflets among all the armed defenders 
 of capitalist-class rule and among all military organizations 
 and all government homes for disabled soldiers and sailors." 
 (Indianapolis, May 16, 1912.) 
 
 Incidental to the adoption of this resolution, the 
 discussion of a bill just passed by the Massachusetts 
 legislature, making it a criminal offense " to talk anti- 
 militarism," brought forth information as to what had 
 already been done contrary to the Massachusetts law. 
 We quote data from widely separated sections of the 
 country : 
 
 From California, Delegate Fred. C. Wheeler : 
 
 " Recently in speaking with a sailor on one of the battle- 
 ships, he told me there were 74 Socialists upon that one 
 battleship and that they had a circulating library there 
 and that literature (Socialist writings) was being circulated 
 there and on other ships." 
 
 From Washington, Delegate Kate Sadler : 
 
 " I am in favor of our propaganda reaching not only 
 the sailor but the soldier. I have lived in a navy yard 
 town on the Pacific coast by the name of Brennerton. . . . 
 We have had applications for membership in that local from 
 the sailors, and we try as far as we can to organize the 
 boys and have them organize a local upon their battleships. 
 At one navy yard there is an organization of 100 members 
 of the Socialist party. There is no ground so ripe for 
 Socialism as upon the battleships. I have been upon them 
 almost every Sunday afternoon, talking in my small way,
 
 188 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 and I have found the field ripe. Down in Vancouver, 
 Washington, I have sold more literature to the army boys 
 than I have to the citizens of Vancouver. Therefore, I am 
 willing that we should throw this back in the teeth of the 
 Legislature of Massachusetts." 
 
 From Rhode Island, Delegate James P. Reid : 
 
 " I rise to speak upon this resolution. The Socialist .move- 
 ment needs this propaganda. In our state I recall, not very 
 many weeks ago, something of the arguments made on a 
 bill in the Rhode Island Legislature, appropriating $95,000 
 for an armory and for an armed guard for Rhode Island. 
 In answer to the objections to the bill a member read a 
 tirade against Socialism lasting one hour and a half. The 
 point I want to make is this, that he brought those points 
 conclusively out. He said, ' Gentlemen, I appeal to you to 
 support unanimously this proposition, which is for the de- 
 fense of this glorious country. There is an important factor 
 that we must consider. We need a national guard; we need 
 a national militia. We need it to suppress that organized 
 band of traitors, Dr. Reid, Bill Haywood, John M. Work ' 
 and he enumerated a lot more of conspirators ' and to save 
 the country.' The capitalists are on their job. They know 
 what they need. It is simply force that they need, and they 
 will use it. I appeal to you to pass unanimously this reso- 
 lution, and show the capitalist class that the Socialist party 
 are also on to their job. (Applause.) " (Proceedings, Nat. 
 Com., S. P., Indianapolis, May 16, 1912, p. 85.) 
 
 Long before the law was written the unwritten law, 
 resting upon the spirit of revolt, had prompted strenuous 
 attempts at perverting the soldiers. The Appeal to 
 Reason at one time having a paid up subscription of 
 about 400,000, not to mention its enormous bundle
 
 THE ABMY AND THE NAVY 189 
 
 order circulation had so offended as to cause an in- 
 vestigation to be made by the Navy League. Nothing 
 could have so stimulated the Appeal; it gave an excuse 
 to prod its volunteer army " to get busy." " Tends to 
 Treason " was proudly flaunted as the headline of an 
 article telling of the investigation (Feb. 10, 1912). 
 Words were not enough ! a picture of a soldier, sitting 
 on a log in camp with his rifle resting on the ground, 
 oblivious to all else, reading the Appeal, told the whole 
 story at a glance. The members of the Agitation 
 League had for three years been sending " five copies 
 of our paper each week to all reading rooms connected 
 with American army posts in the United States and its 
 possessions and to such permanent addresses of marines 
 as we could secure." Hereafter, the comrades were 
 advised to send sealed packages of papers. " They dare 
 not proceed against us on the ground of treason be- 
 cause it is not treason to ask men to vote the Social- 
 ist ticket. . . . Our readers will send the Appeal 
 to the soldiers and sailor boys in spite of the Army 
 and Navy League. These gold braids may shout 
 treason until they are black in the face! On with the 
 dance." 
 
 The official organ Weekly Bulletin reports suc- 
 cess : " Reliable information is at hand that Socialist 
 literature is more freely circulated than ever on the war- 
 ships of Uncle Sam. On a number of ships copies of 
 Kirkpatrick's book are going the rounds and being read 
 with interest." 
 
 Meanwhile, the exhortation went out to probable
 
 190 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 recruits : " Don't enlist for Mexican campaign until 
 you have read War, What For? " It is needless to 
 suggest that this book incites to treason. 
 
 In the story of an Ex-soldier, Now Socialist we give 
 one of many incidents, in proof of the demoralizing 
 effects of this propaganda. We quote from ff An Army 
 Patriot Gets Wise." (Anti-Military Edition the 
 World, Socialist weekly. ) 
 
 " I wish to write a few lines of personal experience. 
 
 "I soldiered in the artillery branch of the regular army. 
 Have been under Generals Funston, Moore and MacArthur. 
 Am now a militant Socialist and a member of the G. A. S. P., 
 ' Grand Army of the Socialist Party.' 
 
 " Once on a time a fool notion led me to enlist in the 
 artillery corps of the regular United States army. 
 
 "From history and experience I learned armies were 
 weapons of working class intimidation at home and robbery 
 and exploitation abroad. 
 
 " Before I enlisted I had ' Socialistic leanings ' of the 
 ' public-ownership ' type. Before I was discharged I had 
 Socialist convictions of the Marxian type. 
 
 " One night, on Grant avenue in San Francisco, I heard 
 a soap-boxer discuss real Socialism. Though wearing my 
 army uniform, I elbowed through the crowd, close to the 
 feet of the speaker. His talk was a revelation to me. I 
 asked questions concerning the economic view of the 
 army. 
 
 " On my return to the Presidio military reservation, filled 
 with enthusiasm (the real life, at last!) and carrying big 
 bundles of Socialist propaganda literature and anti-military 
 pamphlets, I started to convert the army. 
 
 " Several officers tried to have me court-martialed on 
 a charge of treason. The plot failed only because I had
 
 THE AKMY AND THE NAVY 191 
 
 a friend (an artillery captain) who stood by me and helped 
 defend me from the ' gentlemen by act of Congress.' 
 
 " I was a happy man when I received my discharge from 
 the military tyranny. I am for absolute Socialism now, 
 either through force or agitation. 
 
 "ARTHUR Koos, 
 " Secretary Local Watsonville Socialist Party of California." 
 
 The same tactics are in force in Europe, though not 
 in some instances so brazenly pursued. We have before 
 us a copy of the Coming Nation (Girard, Kansas, June 
 17, 1911) telling of the secret processes by which the 
 Young Socialist Guards spread propaganda amongst the 
 Belgian soldiers. La Caserne (The Barracks) accuses 
 the Fatherland with lying and advises Socialist read- 
 ing as a corrective for the patriotism of the capitalist 
 press. 
 
 " They tell us that the army is necessary to safeguard 
 our country" "Educate yourself "- it is "the capitalists 
 for whom alone armies are necessaries. Read much and 
 ponder." 
 
 It was then generally believed that no European war 
 of consequence could take place, on the assumption that 
 loyalty to their command was too nearly extinct in the 
 armies. Eobert Hunter an author of international 
 fame voiced this opinion freely in " The Joke of 
 Militarism." It was thought certain that the armies of 
 Germany, France, England and elsewhere were so thor- 
 oughly imbued with " class consciousness " that in case 
 of war the soldiers would " Round about face " and 
 shoot their officers and then their economic rulers.
 
 192 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 The " Joke " went throughout the Socialist press. It 
 reads in part as follows: 
 
 " There may be another great international war some time. 
 I doubt it. 
 
 " The German emperor does not fear the English or the 
 French, or any other nation one-thousandth part as much 
 as he fears his own people. 
 
 " The French rulers are more afraid of the French people 
 than they are of the English or German armies. 
 
 " The American government has nothing to fear from any 
 other nation on earth. It knows perfectly well that if war 
 breaks out, it will be because it has incited war by its own 
 provocative action. 
 
 " All these gigantic armies gathered at the borders of 
 the nations, looking fiercely across imaginary lines, are pre- 
 pared for one order ' Roundabout face ! March on your 
 own kindred ! ' 
 
 " Since the days of the Commune the nations of the world 
 have been preparing, not for international wars, but for 
 civil wars." (Anti-Military Edition, the World, Oakland, 
 Calif., Mar. 12, 1909.) 
 
 This pose was likewise taken in our own country. 
 It was all a matter of " patriots getting wise." With 
 a nourish of pride their press reported the haling into 
 court of one of their national lecturers Lena Morrow 
 Lewis for defaming the men in the khaki and the 
 blue. As a rule " the scum of society join the army and 
 navy " : 
 
 "But there are exceptions to this; there are good men in 
 the army, and these are getting their eyes open. If it ever 
 comes to a crisis in this country they will probably follow
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 193 
 
 the example of German soldiers and refuse to shoot down 
 the working class of their own or any other country." 
 
 The assumption of a round-about-face in case of war 
 was, in fact, made in Germany and from there it over- 
 flowed to the rest of the Socialist world. August Bebel, 
 speaking to his German constituency (1911), boasted: 
 
 " Our rulers think that the same enthusiasm will reveal 
 itself in a future war as in 1870. (A voice : ' Not likely.') 
 I should think so. They have made their calculation with- 
 out the host, and the host are we ! And we are growing 
 mightier every day, like the ancient Christians. ... I do 
 not believe that we shall ever get a Socialist Csesar, but 
 that we are getting more and more Socialist soldiers is known 
 to all the sparrows on the roof. The gentlemen above us 
 may find this unpleasant, but this is so. We have whole 
 regiments, whose brigades from the big towns they are all 
 Socialists. Inquire among the engineers among the artillery, 
 go wherever intelligence is needed, and you will find all 
 Socialists." 
 
 It was, however, Bebel who had counted without his 
 host. For unlike Christians, ancient or modern, Social- 
 ists make their calculations upon a false human nature. 
 We shall grant that there is such a thing as mutiny. 
 But the opposite characteristic in human nature is the 
 normal one. In this case, the natural virtue of patriot- 
 ism that sets love and defense of country next below 
 love and defense of God was not reckoned with. 
 Hence, while Socialist agitation does arouse the spirit 
 of hatred and revolt to a pitch before unknown, as the 
 Russian Bolshevist terror far outruns that of the terror
 
 194 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 of the French Revolution, there is no danger that ever 
 the sanity of men can be so submerged as to effect a 
 " general mutiny simultaneous with a general strike " 
 throughout the world. It is then to human nature as 
 it is in truth, made in the image of God, but injured 
 through the fall of man that Europe was saved from 
 complete suicide in the recent war. We may thank God 
 alone for the return to right-reason by vast numbers of 
 men who in Germany, Austria, France, Italy and Eng- 
 land had been taught by Socialist propaganda to right- 
 about-face and fire upon their officers rather than to 
 shoot at the proletariat of the opposing armies. For the 
 Marxian hope of a world dictatorship of the proletariat 
 collapsed when the German Social Democrats rallied to 
 the support of their government in 1914 once again 
 the point of the revolution was broken. The Inter- 
 national staggered and fell. 
 
 But, it left in its wake horror beyond human imagi- 
 nation; Russia was beaten flat to the ground. The 
 Socialist power to destroy should be a warning to those 
 in our country who grind the face of the poor and by 
 their wealth corrupt our free citizenry. For such 
 destruction of hope spreads that despair that made in 
 Russia a most fertile soil for the propaganda of Social- 
 ism to strike root and pass on into the logical deeds of 
 Bolshevism. 
 
 It should be kept in mind by us all, that the scheme 
 of the " dictatorship of the proletariat," hatched in 
 Germany by Karl Marx, was worked out into its practi- 
 cal application by Daniel De Leon here in our own
 
 THE AEMY AND THE NAVY 195 
 
 America. Moreover, it was in New Work, after having 
 been instructed by keen minds utterly void of Christian 
 culture, that the Trotskys learned how to do the deed. 
 
 SOLDIERS BABHED FROM MEMBERSHIP 
 
 It is the unwritten law of the Socialist movement that 
 soldiers, especially those who volunteer, shall be refused 
 membership in their organizations. This general per- 
 suasion has been tested upon many occasions, generally 
 with the result that the unwritten law was enforced. 
 In answer to the Socialist Labor Party local of San 
 Antonio, Texas, regarding the admission of soldiers into 
 their organization, the National Secretary Paul Au- 
 gustine, replied: 
 
 " While there is no constitutional provision against it, 
 still there is an unwritten law that denies soldiers and 
 militiamen admission into the party. In countries where 
 the workers are FORCED into military service, the status of 
 such applicants takes on a different color, but here where 
 service is purely voluntary it is different." 
 
 The State Constitution of the Socialist Party of New 
 Jersey provides that " no voluntary member of the State 
 Militia shall be eligible for membership." The Social- 
 ist Party of Connecticut has a similar provision; with 
 the addition " that any party member now belonging to 
 the militia must resign at the end of his term of service 
 or be expelled from the Socialist party." The Socialist 
 Party of the State of New York rejected the application 
 for membership by a soldier (Call, Oct. 11, 1911).
 
 196 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Many other divisions of the national movement have 
 taken like action. Dr. Charles E. H. Graeb was unani- 
 mously expelled from the Socialist Party of Colorado 
 upon his refusal to resign from the National Guard. 
 Charles Stevenson was unanimously ordered from his 
 seat on the political party town committee of Clinton, 
 Mass. So vigorously is this policy carried out that 
 the entire local of the Socialist party of Waltham, Mass., 
 was expelled, by the Massachusetts State Committee, 
 for its refusal to recall one of its members also a 
 member of the militia who had been elected to a city 
 office. The National official organ The Worker, 
 New York, editorially endorsed the suspension in no 
 uncertain words. 
 
 " When a local so flagrantly violates party discipline in so 
 important a matter as that of the attitude of the party toward 
 the militia," the action of the State Committee should be 
 upheld by all loyal Socialists. 
 
 In discussing this event, the New York Call answers 
 an inquirer: 
 
 "It is not proper, according to Socialist principles, for 
 any workingman to join the army or navy. Both of these 
 are the tools of the ruling class and used to advance their 
 own interests. The working class has nothing for which 
 to shed its blood. Profit is the only god which still demands 
 life as a sacrifice." 
 
 From testimony to be found in the New York Call 
 (Feb. 12, 1917, only two months before we entered the 
 world war) it may be seen that love of country and vol-
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 197 
 
 untary enlistment in defense of American principles was 
 regarded as an offense to the Socialist party by its mem- 
 bers. Following the decisions of their National admin- 
 istration to " call out members joining the army " it was 
 reported : 
 
 " In general meeting Socialist members of Manhattan de- 
 cided yesterday to reaffirm the position taken by the national 
 organization to expel all members voluntarily enlisting in 
 the Army and Navy." 
 
 One week later, the Brooklyn division of Socialists an- 
 nounced their hostility to our country : 
 
 " In general meeting of the Socialists of Brooklyn it was 
 definitely decided that all members of the local will be 
 automatically expelled from the party if they join any mili- 
 tary organization." (Call, Feb. 19, 1917.) 
 
 Even the exclusion, from their membership, of 
 soldiers and sailors, did not satisfy the most numerous 
 division of the Socialist Party of Boston. Their rejec- 
 tion of members went much further. To quote New 
 York Call 1917) : 
 
 " The Boston Lettish Branch 2 at its regular meeting 
 in February adopted unanimously the following resolution; 
 
 " Every member of this organization, of either sex, will 
 be expelled if they join voluntarily the army, navy, militia 
 or any other military organization, including the govern- 
 ment's Eed Cross, military hospitals or any private organiza- 
 tions which are supporting military operations." 
 
 This question addressed to the American people seems 
 pertinent: Since no public comment appeared resent-
 
 198 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 ing this repudiation by Boston Socialists of the duties 
 of citizenship; with its assault upon humane action, 
 shall we conclude that we are living in a fool's paradise 
 
 waiting for the Bolsheviki to overwhelm our civili- 
 zation ? 
 
 The case is worse yet, for the same hostility that is 
 manifested by the Socialist movement to membership in 
 the army and navy is also manifested in those trade 
 unions that are dominated by Socialist psychology. Es- 
 pecially is this the case in the Hebrew trade unions; 
 they are dyed-in-the-wool Red. It is a satisfaction to 
 note that although at one time the Socialist members 
 in the United Mine Workers' Union 400,000 strong 
 
 succeeded in getting the upper hand in its manage- 
 ment and legislated against membership in the 
 militia this great union has since returned to the 
 American standard of trades' unionism. Yet, it left 
 behind all too many who still rejoice that its most 
 famous member John Mitchell was compelled to 
 withdraw from the National Civic Federation because, 
 forsooth, that body advocated harmonious relationship 
 between employers and employees. 
 
 Not so with the I. W. W. ! no repentance for folly 
 and disloyalty by those who with blasphemy and anarchy 
 flaunt the motto No God, No Master. Right reason 
 was challenged at the first convention of The Industrial 
 Workers of the World (Chicago, June 2 Y, 1915) and 
 nothing since has changed their defiance of law and 
 order. Among the organizers of the I. W. W. appear 
 the names of the most noted Socialists of that time
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 199 
 
 Daniel De Leon, Eugene V. Debs, William D. Hay- 
 wood, " Mother " Jones, A. M. Simons, Ernest Unter- 
 man, Frank Bobn, David C. Coates, and others of 
 national importance. We quote from resolutions 
 adopted : 
 
 " Whereas, The present form of capitalism is increasing 
 organized violence to perpetuate the spirit of despotism; and 
 
 " Whereas, The result of this spirit will be the further 
 degradation and oppression of the working class; therefore, 
 be it 
 
 " Resolved, That we condemn militarism in all its forms 
 and functions, which are jeopardizing our constitutional 
 rights in the struggle between capitalists and laborers ; and be 
 it further 
 
 " Resolved, That any person joining the militia or accept- 
 ing position under sheriffs and police powers or as members 
 of detective agencies or employers' hirelings in times of 
 industrial disturbance, shall be forever denied the privilege 
 of membership in this organization." 
 
 During the discussion a more daring breach of civil 
 faith was proposed. It was argued that if every mem- 
 ber of organized labor were also a member of a militia 
 company, armed with the best weapons known, a coup 
 d'etat would result and " such outrages as occurred in 
 Colorado recently would never occur again in our 
 history." 
 
 EXPERIENCE IN COTJP D'ETAT THAT TAILED 
 
 Delegate David C. Coates, Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions brought forth objections to this 
 plan for getting control of superior weapons. Experi-
 
 200 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 ence had shown that the plan proposed was not feasible : 
 About " five years ago we deliberately planned to cap- 
 ture the militia of Colorado " 
 
 '' We succeeded, I say, so far that just as soon as the 
 next administration came into power they disbanded 
 every one of our companies of militia; that is what they 
 did. And they disbanded them for no other reason than 
 that they were members of organized labor and unfit to 
 do duty to the State of Colorado under such circum- 
 stances (Applause). That is going to be your experi- 
 ence if you try to capture the militia." 
 
 Further experience in attempting to subvert the 
 armed force was made in St. Louis. The story is re- 
 lated in " The Socialist Party Official Bulletin " (No. 
 12). The plan was to turn the Sheriff's posse from its 
 legitimate purpose the keeping of the peace to the 
 aid of Socialist propaganda during a strike. The result 
 was a complete demoralization of the Sheriff's force; 
 with the dead men as the evidence of the seditious under- 
 taking. Moreover, it was the Socialists themselves who 
 told the vicious tale while boasting of the credit due to 
 their clever comrade Hoehn. So it was that when next 
 election time came that the leader in this untoward 
 event G. A. Hoehn editor of Labor and of the Ar- 
 beiter Zeitung was pictured in an illustrated circular 
 sent broadcast as a deputy sheriff standing with a 
 gun over the prostrate body of a strike victim. 
 
 The entire Socialist element of St. Louis came to 
 " Comrade Hoehn's " defense. His was the virtue, not 
 the crime, of the occasion. An official statement was
 
 THE AKMY AND THE NAVY 201 
 
 unanimously adopted at " the most largely attended 
 meeting ever held by the Socialist Party of St. Louis," 
 repelling the alleged libel and asserting that the de- 
 moralization of the sheriff's forces was " to the credit 
 of Comrade Hoehn." Quotations from the official state- 
 ment that was intended to refute the arguments made in 
 the circular letter against their leader, will clearly show 
 the perverse state of the Socialist mind. 
 
 " To all this misinformation we answer : 
 
 " 1. That Hoehn was a voluntary member of the posse and 
 courted the subpoena in pursuance of a deliberate plan to 
 assist tbe strikers. 
 
 " 2. That said plan was first submitted to members of 
 the strikers' committee, who, fearful of the consequences 
 of the radical proposition by Comrade Hoehn, could not be 
 induced to recommend it favorably to their union. 
 
 " 3. Hoehn, failing to secure an organized carrying out of 
 his plan, did as an individual what he bad sought to bave 
 2,000 or more strikers do along with him. 
 
 "4. Now, wbat was the plan? Simply to get the 3,000 
 riot guns into the hands of undoubted friends and adopt 
 such tactics as would bave made for real ' law and order.' 
 Unquestionably this would have been called ' treason and 
 conspiracy ' against the state, but this did not daunt Com- 
 rade Hoehn. 
 
 " 5. Hoebn would rot in jail before he would do voluntary 
 or involuntary service as a sheriff's deputy against the 
 proletariat. 
 
 " 6. Hoehn was discharged after a somewhat exciting 
 time in the barracks. 
 
 " 7. To the credit of Comrade Hoehn, let it be known 
 tbat the agitation carried on by him and a few union men 
 during the short time of two days so demoralized the sheriff's
 
 202 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 forces that all companies on the floor occupied by Hoehn's 
 company were dissolved after wholesale dismissals. Had the 
 strike committee been bold enough to adopt Hoehn's plan 
 the history of the strike might not now include a massacre 
 of defenseless workmen." 
 
 It is too true that neither conspiracy nor treason 
 daunt those who officially declare that " The Social 
 Revolution, not political office, is the end and aim of the 
 Socialist Party." But, while the Emergency Conven- 
 tion by the Socialist party may, even in war time, be 
 trusted to say what it means in the open it should be a 
 marvel that our country is so tolerant as to permit 
 treason and conspiracy to flourish year after year in 
 the bright light of day. 
 
 In passing, it is our privilege to note that credit is 
 due to the Street Railway Men's Union of St. Louis for 
 their resistance to the appeal to take a part in this 
 treacherous conduct, especially since the labor movement 
 of their city was, and still is, dominated by Socialist 
 psychology. 
 
 THE BALLOT Too SLOW 
 
 Impatience ever was the tag of men lacking wisdom ! 
 It is contended that the process of controlling the State 
 and by its power the command of the armed force by 
 " the dropping of pieces of paper in a ballot box " is 
 altogether too slow. It contents those Socialists who 
 believe themselves to be the fate-elected agents to over- 
 throw the capitalist state gently, sweetly, slowly as 
 the glacier transformed the surface of the earth by
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 203 
 
 the gradual capture of every official position and so on 
 one fine day set up that one-class society where the 
 super-man shall dwell in perfect harmony with super- 
 man. These are of the pink tea, the parlor variety, but 
 for the red-reds their battle cry is " Not Evolution but 
 Revolution." 
 
 Besides, the Marxians have seen very many of their 
 at first madly in earnest comrades tamed down when 
 their experience has brought them face to face with 
 the actual realities the responsibilities of parlia- 
 mentary bodies. Surely, common sense is the last thing 
 that Socialism thrives upon. So it is that Marxian im- 
 patience, grounded in unreason, and Marxian resent- 
 ment at the returning sanity of members who are elected 
 to political responsibility, leads to the formation of 
 the I. W. W. and other labor bodies who logically put 
 into practise their anarchistic principle of " direct ac- 
 tion." Under the whip of Hot Haste an article ap- 
 peared in the International Socialist Review (April, 
 1908, pp. 610-611) from which we quote the author 
 Maurice E. Eldridge : 
 
 " The tactics employed by the Socialist party at present 
 aims at the capturing of the powers of government through 
 political action, and if this policy is to be adhered to, 
 the capitalists are really in no immediate danger of losing 
 control of the industrial and political situation. But suppose 
 the Socialist party with its half a million votes should 
 change its tactics and begin secretly to organize military 
 companies. We have many party members who have had 
 military training either in the regular army or militia of 
 the country or of some European country, and it is certain
 
 204 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 that a number of first rate strategists could be quickly de- 
 veloped. There is already a sufficient number of party 
 members in many of the industrial centers of America, if 
 they were properly organized and instructed, to swoop down 
 upon the military garrisons that are situated in the out- 
 skirts of cities, surprise the sleepy sentinels on guard, pour 
 into the barracks where the soldiers sleep and capture the 
 gun racks. If properly planned and executed, the battle 
 might be won without the giving of a single shot. Away 
 from the industrial centers of the country there are not 
 half a dozen regiments of soldiers and these would stand but 
 a small chance against a half million determined rebels." 
 
 There were a few of these " determined rebels," who 
 had sworn allegiance to the United States army, that 
 determined to follow the orders of their intellectual su- 
 periors the scribes of the Socialist press. The latest 
 act of disloyalty ever gives the signal for bettering the 
 instruction to " determined rebels," wherever they are 
 found. So there is an endless round of propaganda, 
 swirling down to the center of destruction, inciting dis- 
 obedience, desertion, and rebellion, not stopping at mur- 
 der where it will spread the poison of the revolution. 
 John Kenneth Turner, George Allen England and other 
 ideological scribblers of note flooded their press with 
 the maltreatment of five Socialist soldiers who had been 
 court-martialed and sent to prison at Fort Stevens. All 
 this commotion was under the spur of loyalty to the 
 cause; yet, in the meantime, subscriptions to their 
 papers were gathered. The articles complain that 
 " Comrade Coffman," one of five had only preached the 
 " Socialist interpretation of war." " He preached anti-
 
 205 
 
 patriotism and anti-militarism " while in the army. 
 Since Socialists have abrogated the Decalogue how in- 
 nocent is this defense. But, the self-confessed guilty 
 party is equally innocent in his own mind. We quote 
 from an interview given by Private Waldo H. Coffman. 
 (Appeal to Reason, April 19, 1913.) 
 
 " What's the good of being in the army unless it is to 
 stir up trouble? No man that's a man can join the army 
 and expect an honorable discharge." 
 
 Mr. Turner takes consolation from the event as mark- 
 ing off a notable step towards their goal: 
 
 " When Socialism becomes an issue at any army post, it 
 may be properly said to mark an era in the advance of the 
 movement in this country. ... I believe that there is just 
 now being presented to the United States its first notable 
 instance of a Socialist struggle inside the very dead-line 
 of the capitalistic citadel. I refer to the case of Waldo H. 
 Coffman, who is being prosecuted at Fort Stevens, Ore., for 
 the crime of thinking and talking Socialism." 
 
 This irresponsible attitude towards thinking and talk- 
 ing was acclaimed as the acme of wisdom by hundreds 
 who think treason is loyalty, so perverse is their mental 
 attitude. Fifty-one citizens of Sedan, Kansas, signed a 
 letter of protest that was sent to Washington, com- 
 plaining that " soldiers are being persecuted for their 
 open avowal of and propaganda work for Socialism, in 
 the military post at Fort Stevens " (N. Y. Call, July 
 29, 1913). !N^ver did the cockle, sowed over the wheat, 
 grow so desperately fast:
 
 206 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " The gage of battle has been thrown down. 
 
 " Will you submit to this dastardly outrage ? 
 
 " Is freedom of thought to be wiped out in this free land 
 of ours? 
 
 " We have snatched up the gage of battle and stand forth 
 for the conflict. 
 
 u We will reveal the cruel, barbaric militarism in a series 
 of articles. 
 
 " Don't miss a word. 
 
 " Let all respond. 
 
 " Send in your bundle orders." {Appeal to Reason, April 
 19, 1913.) 
 
 The records of the court-martial and conviction 
 showed that the five Socialist soldiers had reviled their 
 officers in language too foul to print ; they had referred 
 to the death of Vice-President Sherman in a disrespect- 
 ful and shocking manner; they declared that in case of 
 war they would " sneak off " ; they had assisted privates 
 to desert ; they had declared the flag of the United States 
 to be an emblem of slavery ; they talked of the dynamit- 
 ing of the Los Angeles Times' Building and the re- 
 sultant loss of life and property as proper and just. 
 
 These deservedly convicted men were the subject of 
 issue after issue of the Socialist press. Their " class- 
 conscious " deeds fired the dizzy brains of many men 
 with a lurid hate of authority and set up a raving desire 
 to abrogate law and order forsooth, in the interest 
 of human advancement. So laudable is desertion, in 
 their morbid view, that " The Deserter " is put into 
 verse by S. A. De Witt (N. Y. Call, Aug. IT, 1913) 
 to make men " dare to break their pledge." These two
 
 207 
 
 columns surely lead over the brink of despair. We 
 quote the last two stanzas : 
 
 'Tis not enough that armored hulls are built, 
 With money coined from human flesh and soul, 
 And armies armed and clothed and housed and fed, 
 For which we pay in rent and tax and toll: 
 'Tis not enough that they will brazen lie, 
 And teach our youth to glory in their ships 
 That armaments are bought to guard the flag 
 To which they swear allegiance with their lips : 
 To guard our flag and native land, they say : 
 Their flag and land not ours therein the Lie 
 But we are dupes, and easily forgive 
 Aye, even when they teach and falsify. 
 
 But God! to buy from any man his years, 
 And make him serve and bind him to his task, 
 When brain and heart and life in pain rebels 
 And God is silent ! then tear off the mask 
 And lo ! there is no God 'tis vain to ask ! 
 
 There should be not the slightest doubt about the fact 
 that treason has ever been the open policy of the Social- 
 ist movement in this country. The Socialist Party 
 officially recommends as a " masterpiece of revolution- 
 ary literature " War, What For? From this mine of 
 " mental dynamite " we quote (Preface p. 7, Lafayette, 
 O., 1910): 
 
 " The working class men inside and outside the army are 
 confused. 
 
 " They do not understand. 
 " But they will understand.
 
 208 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " AND WHEN THEY Do UNDERSTAND, their class loyalty and 
 class pride will astonish the world. They will stand erect 
 in their vast class strength and defend Themselves. They 
 will cease to coax and tease ; they will make demands 
 unitedly. They will desert the armory; they will spike 
 every cannon on earth; they will scorn the commander; they 
 will never club nor bayonet another striker; and in the legis- 
 latures of the world they will shear the fatted parasites 
 from the political and industrial body of society." 
 
 Since no one will presume to question the world-stand- 
 ing of Karl Kautsky as an authority on Socialism it 
 shall suffice to set out his academic manner of corrupting 
 the armed forces of every country under the sun. To 
 quote: " Militarism can only be overthrown by render- 
 ing the military itself faithless to the rulers." 
 
 We submit that upon the evidence we have presented, 
 no man can deny that out of their own mouth Socialism 
 stands self-convicted of the sustained determination to 
 be disloyal to the State: That the data herein pre- 
 sented is sufficient to convict Socialists of propagating 
 doctrines and defending acts that encourage disobedi- 
 ence to and defiance of rightful command : That sabot- 
 age, desertion and mutiny is counseled and applauded: 
 That these are the gravest crimes that can be committed 
 against the state. Is not this course a personal insult 
 to loyal men soldiers marines and police who 
 stand ready when need calls and give up their lives that 
 peace with liberty may be the lot of all ? Is not this 
 a case that every sober-minded man should make his 
 own that all members of this nation may go about their 
 affairs in safety and security? Should not every man
 
 THE ARMY AND THE NAVY 209 
 
 now make his choice as between human reason love 
 and justice and that of murder, rape and chaos ? 
 
 But to whom shall we go ? 
 
 Ah ! those who do not know may well be directed to 
 the Socialists themselves. They know, and by their 
 implacable hatred of the Pope they inform all the world 
 where the leader in the world is that shall calm the 
 bold winds and the raging sea of human passion. 
 
 Is it any wonder that Socialists hate the Catholic 
 Church ? She holds, ever has held and ever shall hold, 
 that the denial of God's authority sets up the reign of 
 might over right. When men forget God a despotic will 
 holds the whip of tyranny over the many and fear, not 
 justice, keeps the peace where men are slaves. 
 
 But Socialists would have the multitude the great 
 majority and the few forget God. They would set 
 up a one-class rule the might of the many against 
 the might of the few. Since God is denied right is de- 
 nied. What then, in logic, should hinder the bare- 
 handed might of the few, from fighting to the death of 
 civilization itself ? Nothing ! Nothing save the Bride 
 of Christ who holds even-handed justice between the 
 classes and the masses. 
 
 By the Sacrament of Confirmation, Catholics are sol- 
 diers of Christ, they are anointed that they may have 
 courage, as against the world, the flesh and the devil, to 
 obey their Royal Captain. And, the whole world has 
 heard His command. For the Will of Almighty God is 
 that every man shall render unto God what belongs to 
 God and to Csesar what belongs to Ctrsar. Therefore,
 
 210 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Catholics defend neither the despotism of the full-handed 
 few nor the anarchy of the bare-handed many. Their 
 part is loyally to serve and to defend their country in 
 those things proper to the will of their country, for 
 service and sacrifice to one's country falls within the 
 full orbed duty of all mankind to obey the First Com- 
 mandment and the second that is like unto the First. 
 This is the open secret by which the Church sends her 
 sons forth to battle with the courage of a David: the 
 faith of the Centurian of the Gospel : the inspiration of 
 Blessed Joan of Arc. It is this spirit that shines out 
 in splendor through that son of the Holy Church 
 Generalissimo Foch to whom all the sin-sick world, 
 to-day, does honor. True patriot! So simple in his 
 piety as to kneel in the dust to receive the Benediction of 
 the Most High God : So simple in his purpose that lit- 
 tle children are his best soldiers in prayer : So modest 
 in victory : " Monseigneur, do not thank me but Him 
 to Whom victory alone belongs." All hail to those men 
 who fight by the light of those principles that made the 
 " unperturbable Foch " the ideal soldier !
 
 VI 
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 
 
 IN no department of organized society is the propa- 
 ganda of Socialism more active than in that of edu- 
 cation. From university down to kindergarten their 
 agents are tearing away the ground of right-reason, 
 namely: God the Creator first, next the individuality 
 of my immortal soul, then all things else, the three 
 basal dimensions of thought. All the while they are set- 
 ting up an ideology that passes as the current philosophi- 
 cal coin with all those who have lost the Catholic poise 
 of mind and heart, " 'tis pity, 'tis, 'tis true," but these 
 are the multitude. So it is that a false ideology is sup- 
 planting those true ideals that in fancy create and in 
 fact help to establish, a heaven on earth, for their 
 roots are deep down in the soil of a God-given morality. 
 It was the founder of Socialism Karl Marx who 
 pitched the key of its theory : " The Reformation was 
 the work of a monk; the Revolution will be the work of 
 a philosopher." Truly the " monk " had set up his 
 own will as his own authority and too as the 
 authority of all those who would bow down to 
 his will. Powerful princes who had long wanted 
 their own way as against God's will openly 
 accepted the " monk's " will as their authority. 
 
 211
 
 212 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 This union between the rebellious monk and the dis- 
 solute princes led to a long and bloody defense of their 
 spiritual rights and their property rights by the peas- 
 ants with the consequent loss of their economic freedom 
 and the corruption and confusion of their faith. Quite 
 logically, from such vicious premise, when Marx's 
 " philosopher " arrived upon the scene, some three hun- 
 dred years later, he found a rotten-ripe soil for extend- 
 ing and expounding the effect of the " Reformation " 
 to that of " Revolution." Indeed, the philosopher has 
 long since been busy in the colleges of our country, and 
 we have reason to know that his task is rather near 
 completion. In a word that task is " Blasting at the 
 Rock of Ages " a designation given to it by Harold 
 Bolce (1910) in an able article in the Cosmopolitan. 
 
 COLLEGES MAKING SOCIALISTS 
 
 " Out of the curricula of American colleges a dynamic 
 movement is upheaving ancient foundation and promising 
 a way for revolutionary thought and life. Those who are 
 not in close touch with the colleges of the country will 
 be astonished to learn the creeds being fostered by the 
 faculties of our great universities. In hundreds of class 
 rooms it is being taught daily that the decalogue is no 
 more sacred than a syllabus; that the home as an institu- 
 tion is doomed; that there are no absolute evils; that im- 
 morality is simply an act in contravention of society's stand- 
 ards; that democracy is a failure and the Declaration of 
 Independence only spectacular rhetoric; that the change from 
 one religion to another is like getting a new hat; that moral 
 precepts are passing shibboleths; that conceptions of right 
 and wrong are as unstable as styles of dress; that wide stair- 
 ways are oven between social levels, but that to the climber
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 213 
 
 children are incumbrances ; that the sole effect of prolificacy 
 is to fill tiny graves, and that there can fee and are holier 
 alliances without the marriage bond than within it. These 
 are some of the revolutionary and sensational teachings 
 submitted with academic warrant to the minds of hundreds 
 of thousands of students in the United States. It is time that 
 the public realized what is being taught to the youth of 
 this country." 
 
 The nine years since the time when Mr. Bolce passed 
 several weeks in attendance at the lectures in one after 
 another of more than one hundred universities and col- 
 leges have gradually raised the wind to the threatening 
 violence of the whirlwind. Yet, there is no serious at- 
 tempt to provide students with the rational necessity for 
 a First Cause, to say nothing of giving them the unan- 
 swerable proof of the existence of the Lord-God, however 
 many theories to the contrary men may hatch up. 
 
 The taught have become teachers of irreligion and 
 antipatriotism in such large numbers that the radical 
 proletarian forces have trained leaders and to spare. 
 Of this there is ample proof. 
 
 INTER-COLLEGIATE SOCIALIST SOCIETY 
 
 College men and women organized this society in New 
 York (1905) with Jack London, president; J. G. 
 Phelps Stokes and Upton Sinclair, vice-presidents; 
 Harry W. Laidler, secretary. The form of the organi- 
 zation is made up of student and alumni chapters. The 
 body declares : " for the purpose of promoting interest 
 in Socialism among college men, graduate and under-
 
 214 
 
 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 graduate, through the formation of study clubs in the 
 colleges and universities, and the encouraging of all le- 
 gitimate endeavors to awaken an interest in Socialism 
 among the educated men and women of the country." 
 Up to the spring of 1916, the Inter-Collegiate Socialist 
 Society had organized chapters in seventy-one universi- 
 ties and colleges. Fourteen Alumni Chapters were then 
 established in centers of population. We present the list 
 of officers and chapters : 
 
 OFFICERS INTERCOLLEGIATE SOCIALIST SOCIETY 
 
 President, 
 FLORENCE KELLY, 
 
 Cornell 
 
 First Vice-President, 
 EVANS CLARK, 
 
 Amherst 
 Second Vice-President, 
 
 VlDA D. SCUDDER, 
 
 Smith 
 Treasurer, 
 MARY E. SANFORD, 
 
 Vassar 
 Secretary, 
 HARRY W. LAIDLER, 
 
 Wesleyan 
 
 Executive Secretary, 
 ALICE K. BOEHME 
 
 Executive Committee 
 Louis B. BOUDIN, 
 
 N. Y. U. Law 
 H. W. L. DANA, Harvard 
 ARTHUR GLEASON, Yale 
 
 JESSIE W. HUGHAN, Barnard 
 NICHOLAS KELLY, Harvard 
 FREDA KIRCHWEY, Barnard 
 DARWIN J. MESEROLE, 
 
 N. Y. U. Law 
 WINTHROP D. LANE, Michigan 
 GEORGE NASMYTH, Cornell 
 JOHN SPARGO 
 HELEN PHELPS STOKES 
 CARO LLOYD STROBELL, Vassar 
 NORMAN M. THOMAS, 
 
 Princeton 
 CHAS. ZUEBLIN, Northwestern 
 
 SECTIONAL COMMITTEE 
 
 New England Far West 
 
 EMILY G. BALCH M. LOUISE HUNT 
 
 VIDA D. SCUDDER E. A. MAYNARD
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 
 
 215 
 
 Middle West 
 DR. G. LIPPMANN 
 IBWIN ST. JOHN TUCKER 
 
 Southern Atlantic 
 WM. F. COCHRAN 
 MARY RAOUL MILLIS 
 
 STUDENT COUNCIL 
 
 DEVERE ALLEN, Oberlin 
 CLARA ELIOT, Eeed 
 MADELINE HUNT, Vassar 
 G. E. CUNNINGHAM, Beloit 
 HARRY L. JANEWAY, Rutgers 
 J. LIEBSTEIN, C. C. N. Y. 
 BROADUS MITCHELL, 
 
 Johns Hopkins 
 
 ROBERT W. DUNN, Yale 
 AMMON A. HENNACY, 
 
 Ohio State 
 HILMAR RAUSCHENBUSCH, 
 
 Amherst 
 A. RICKLES, Washington 
 
 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITY CHAPTERS 
 
 1 Albion 
 
 2 Amherst 
 
 3 Bernard 
 
 4 Bates 
 
 5 Beloit 
 
 6 Berkeley Divinity 
 
 7 Brown 
 
 8 California 
 
 9 Carnegie Institute 
 
 Technology 
 
 10 Chicago 
 
 11 Cincinnati 
 
 12 City College (N. Y.) 
 
 13 Clark 
 
 14 Colorado 
 
 15 Columbia 
 
 16 Cornell 
 
 17 Dartmouth 
 
 18 East Tennessee Normal 
 
 19 Emory and Henry 
 
 20 George Washington 
 
 21 Grinnell 
 
 22 Hamline 
 
 23 Harvard 
 
 24 Howard 
 
 25 Illinois 
 
 26 Indiana 
 
 27 Iowa 
 
 28 Iowa State 
 
 29 John Marshall Law 
 
 30 Johns Hopkins 
 
 31 Kansas Agricultural 
 
 32 La Crosse Normal 
 
 33 Los Angeles Osteopathic 
 
 34 Mass. Inst. Technology 
 
 35 Miama 
 
 36 Michigan 
 
 37 Middle Tenn. Normal 
 
 38 Minnesota 
 
 39 Nevada 
 
 40 New York 
 
 41 New York Dental
 
 216 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 42 New York Law 57 South Carolina 
 
 43 North Carolina 58 Springfield 
 
 44 North Dakota 59 Syracuse 
 
 45 Oberlin 60 Temple 
 
 46 Ohio State 61 Trinity 
 
 47 Ohio Wesleyan 62 Union Theological 
 
 48 Pennsylvania 63 Utah 
 
 49 Pittsburgh 64 Valparaiso 
 
 50 Princeton 65 Vassar 
 
 51 Kadcliffe 66 Virginia 
 
 52 Randolph Mason 67 Washington (Wash.) 
 
 53 Richmond 68 Washington-Jefferson 
 
 54 Rutgers 69 Washington and Lee 
 
 55 Simmons 70 Wisconsin 
 
 56 Simpson 71 Yale 
 
 1 Buffalo 8 Portland 
 
 2 Central California 9 Schenectady 
 
 3 Chicago 10 South 
 
 4 Cleveland 11 St. Louis 
 
 5 Detroit 12 Springfield 
 
 6 Los Angeles 13 Washington 
 
 7 New York 14 Wilkes-Barre 
 
 The I-C. S. S. publishes a magazine of general inter- 
 est to its members and it has issued several books and a 
 number of pamphlets. Its roster carries the names of 
 leading socialist lecturers. It is recorded that in 
 1915-16 John Spargo, Rose Pastor Stokes and Harry 
 Laidler had delivered addresses in one hundred and 
 twenty colleges to 30,000 students with 12,000 other 
 persons in attendance. They had lectured to 80 classes 
 besides speaking to more than a score of College bodies.
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 217 
 
 Besides the three persons mentioned, the principal lec- 
 turers of the Society are Scott Nearing, J. G. Phelps 
 Stokes, William English Walling, Victor Berger, Flor- 
 ence Kelly and Bouck White. So active is this college 
 propaganda, that when John Spargo announced to the 
 public his resignation from the Socialist Party (May 30, 
 1917) he was not left without a responsive field for 
 his efforts. Mr. Spargo assured the public that 
 " Through the Inter-Collegiate Socialist Society and 
 such other channels as are open to me, free from So- 
 cialist Party control, I shall continue to expound Social- 
 ist principles, as I have done for many years past." 
 There is no doubt about the colleges of the country be- 
 ing a fruitful field for Socialist cultivation. However, 
 Mr. Spargo has made himself a prime favorite with the 
 near Socialists who come ever nearer as well. 
 
 In reflecting upon the growth of Socialist propaganda 
 in the highest institutions of learning one should call 
 to mind the secularization by the Carnegie Foundation 
 of so many of what was once denominational seminaries 
 for graduating Protestant ministers. Since it is but 
 logical that when God is taken out of the college curricu- 
 lum, Socialism is most easily put in. 
 
 Of course we do not assume that this was Mr. Andrew 
 Carnegie's deliberate intention. Not at all, yet it is 
 plain from the gentleman's own words that he has no 
 serious objection to Socialism if only it will but delay 
 its coming until the old Scotch laddie has been paid back 
 in full limelight for the millions that he has put into 
 persuading directors to regard their foundations as
 
 218 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 scraps of paper all in the interest of that self-same 
 philosophy that Marx's " philosopher " is spreading 
 abroad. Neither do we assume that should the millions 
 " come back " that restitution would be made to the 
 persons and to the state for the blow-hole-armor-plate- 
 tariff-manipulated-cheap-labor-profits that built up 
 those many million roots of evil. However, one should 
 not expect overmuch from those who are taught by the 
 soap-box philosopher especially if they were robbed of 
 the ground of justice and the light of love by the 
 " monk " who brought about the Reformation. 
 
 Certainly, patience is one of the cardinal virtues, but 
 patience comes not from brute force, not from the action 
 and reaction of matter in motion as Mr. Carnegie as- 
 sumes. It comes together with the rational mind of 
 men and it is perfected by the practise of the true 
 religion. 
 
 " Socialists should reflect," says Mr. Carnegie, " be- 
 cause it requires a change in human nature, a change 
 quite as great as that involved in the evolution of the 
 man-ape into the savage or the savage into civilized 
 man." (Page 136 " Problems of To-day," K Y. 1908.) 
 Indeed " Socialists should reflect," since it is Mr. Car- 
 negie's privilege to play the role of Marx's " philoso- 
 pher " in these piping days, that the source of all things 
 human one may not add divine is a " burning 
 mass of matter " that comes from nowhere. That since 
 it was after eons of time when the beast appeared, with- 
 out cause, from which man finally evolved, even Social- 
 ists should be contented, for some time to come, with the
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 219 
 
 de-Christianizing of institutions of learning. At any 
 rate, the Scotch iron master lays out a wide and shal- 
 low program for the activities of the Inter-Collegiate 
 Socialist Society. 
 
 One is perforce reminded of Mr. Carnegie's proto- 
 type Stephen Girard the founder of the Godless Gi- 
 rard College for the perversion, it were blasphemous 
 to say education of poor little white orphans. In 
 arguing the bequest that was conditioned by forbidding 
 the teaching of religion ; by forbidding any ecclesiastic, 
 missionary or minister to step foot within its gates, be- 
 fore the Supreme Court (Feb. 1844) Daniel Webster 
 said the will gave evidence of " sheer ribald, low, vul- 
 gar, deism and infidelity." " I deny that in the eye of 
 equitable jurisprudence, this devise be a charity at all." 
 " I maintain, that neither by juridical decisions nor by 
 correct reasoning on general principles, can this devise 
 or bequest to the City of Philadelphia be regarded as a 
 charity." " This devise is no charity at all. It is no 
 charity, because the plan of education proposed by Gir- 
 ard is derogatory to the Christian religion; tends to 
 weaken men's reverence for that religion, and their con- 
 viction of its authority and importance, and therefore, in 
 its general character, tends to mischievous and not to 
 useful ends." " I have considered this proposition, and 
 am ready to stand by it." 
 
 Evidently the " philosopher " has worked a swift 
 change since by " bettering the instruction " we now 
 have many Godless Colleges instead of but one. Yet 
 since God is not mocked, every sober-minded man may
 
 220 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 agree with the great Webster in his closing words before 
 the Supreme Court: 
 
 "In my opinion, if Mr. Girard had given years to the 
 study of a' mode by which he could dispose of his vast 
 fortune so that no good could arise to the general cause 
 of charity no good to the general cause of learning no 
 good to human society and that which would be most 
 productive of protracted struggles, troubles and difficulties 
 in the popular councils of a great city, he could not so 
 effectually have attained this result as he has by this de- 
 vice." 
 
 The soap-box Socialists are very angry with Mr. 
 Carnegie, they charge him with the responsibility for 
 the killing of his workmen during the Homestead strike, 
 but Marxian " philosophers " know that financial in- 
 ducement to de-Christianize colleges is all to their ad- 
 vantage. They know that denying God logically leads 
 to the defiance of all legitimate authority and this is a 
 long step on the way to the " Revolution." If only 
 ten nien would consider this whole proposition and stand 
 to the issue ! the Carnegies Rockefellers and a host 
 of other clever manipulators of men's minds and of our 
 statutes could be brought to book and made to turn back 
 into the public treasury those many millions that 
 should be restored to workmen and their families for 
 their cry hath entered into the ear of the Lord-God of 
 Saboath instead of being used to corrupt our seats 
 of learning and the popular mind, then the tide of Bol- 
 shevism might be kept low far away from the shores 
 of our country.
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 221 
 
 Surely we are at the parting of the ways. Genuine 
 education leads to God, not away from Him. We know 
 that in the Middle Ages the application of Christian 
 principles builded a civilization that in the main showed 
 forth right industrial relations between man and man; 
 and we are confident that the application of the prin- 
 ciples set forth by Pope Leo XIII, Pius X and the reign- 
 ing Pontiff Benedict XV to this our time would go a 
 long way towards reconciling a situation that has be- 
 come well nigh intolerable. 
 
 KAJSTD SCHOOL 
 
 Dull is the ear that has not heard the mutterings of 
 the on-coming storm; or may be it is that sort of de- 
 light in the intoxication of the senses that prompted the 
 exclamation : After me the deluge ! At all events fol- 
 lowing close upon the heels of the reports telling of the 
 horrors of the Lenin-Trotsky reign of terror, came the 
 placid announcement that the Russian Socialists had 
 established a school to teach Bolshevism. The press of 
 our country knowingly editorialized upon this assumed- 
 to-be-new-venture as though its domestication here were 
 utterly unknown. Not a reference was made to the 
 flourishing schools teaching the self-same doctrines in 
 our midst. Not a hint of having heard the calling of the 
 thunder that broke into storm over in the despotic land 
 of the Czar. To be sure, the Marxian prognostication 
 had proved at fault since even the Revolution should 
 have followed the law of economic materialism and so 
 break out first in that country most highly developed
 
 222 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 industrially but what is a law to the lawless ? How- 
 ever, the Rand School recently received due notice from 
 the Federal Court. The American Socialist Society 
 the incorporated body under whose auspices the Rand 
 School is conducted was fined $3,000 (March 21, 
 1919) for unlawfully obstructing the recruiting and en- 
 listing service of the government during the war by 
 the publication and circulation of treasonable litera- 
 ture. This official rebuff is like to a drop of water in 
 the full bucket, for the offense of the Rand School is in- 
 grain. Its reprehensible teaching is constant, not 
 merely an incidental lapse in moral conduct. This 
 School of Social Science on the East Side of New York 
 is of degrading origin. Its sire was Infidelity, its dam 
 Rebellion, and its multiplying fund is all for the Revo- 
 lution. Its financial foundation grew out of the " So- 
 cialist Marriage " of a one-time Congregationalist min- 
 ister George D. Herron and the daughter of a rich 
 woman who had financed a chair of " Applied Christian- 
 ity " in a middle west college, from which Dr. Herron 
 presided. At this time Mrs. and Miss Rand made 
 visits to the home of the Herrons. At length Dr. Her- 
 ron left his wife the mother of his five children, who 
 consented to a divorce, the financial consideration ($60,- 
 000) was disbursed by the mother of the " Socialist 
 bride." Replying to the charge, of the college faculty, 
 of conduct unbecoming to a minister, the Professor of 
 Applied Christianity defended himself in terms identi- 
 cal with those used by the Bolsheviki of to-day, " I do 
 not believe the present marriage system is sacred or
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 223 
 
 good " " men and women must be free from interfer- 
 ence of legal and ecclesiastical force." " If it is a free 
 land, or a free religion, or a free family, or a wholly 
 free society, we shall find it on the other side of socialism 
 or along the socialistic way." 
 
 Evidently, this second mother-in-law of Dr. Herron 
 had made progress in degeneracy since even her sort of 
 " applied Christianity " no longer suited her pleasure. 
 To Dr. Herron, Mrs. Rand bequeathed $200,000 for 
 the purpose of establishing a school " to teach social 
 science from the standpoint of international Socialism " 
 Christianity was thrown in the discard. 
 
 At the death of Mrs. Rand, Mrs. Herron No. Two 
 added a contributary fund. The American Socialist 
 Society (Rand School) was incorporated by George D. 
 Herron, Morris Hillquit and Algernon Lee; these gen- 
 tlemen are also its Directors. The school opened (1906) 
 with some 250 students. This year (1919) a regis- 
 tration of 6,000 students is claimed. Also another 5,000 
 in its correspondence classes. It has a large corps of 
 socialist and radical professors, many of them from 
 universities and colleges in and about New York City 
 Columbia supplying a large quota. We give a list. 
 
 Prof. Franklin H. Giddings, Prof. D. S. Muzzey, Prof. 
 Charles A. Beard, Columbia; Prof. Wm. Noyes; Prof. I. A. 
 Hourwich; Prof. Vida D. Scudder, Wellesley.; Dr. Emily 
 Green Balch, Wellesley; Charlotte Perkins Stetson Gill- 
 man; William N. Leiserson; George E. Kirkpatrick; Al- 
 gernon Lee; Kobert W. Bruere; John Spargo; Morris Hill- 
 quit; Benjamin C. Gruenberg; Florence Kelly; Scott Near-
 
 224 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 ing; Laura Gannet, Columbia; Benjamin B. Kendrick, Co- 
 lumbia; David P. Barenberg; Joseph Schlossberg; Judge 
 Jacob Panken; Bertha M. Mailly; Helen L. Sumner; Prof. 
 Lester Ward; Prof. Charles F. Zueblin; Louis B. Boudin; 
 Lucien Sanial; James H. Maurer; Max Schonberg; S. E. 
 Beardsley; Benjamin Glassberg; A. J. Fichandler; A. J. 
 Shiplacoff; Prof. J. A. Dewey; James O'Neal; Dr. John B. 
 Andrews; Prof. Williard Fisher; Julius H. Cohen, and Louis 
 Lochner, formerly Mr. Ford's Secretary. 
 
 The Rand School cleverly dismisses, as an out-worn 
 notion, the theological seminary. It announces that it 
 is spreading abroad a new faith. A faith limited to 
 this world, dealing only with the things of sense. Its 
 seductions, in this regard, are not to be despised since 
 together with its vicious reflections upon the doctrines 
 of the Church, it discounts the motives of the priests. 
 Meanwhile it uses Christian imagery to bring to the 
 Socialist movement those having the spirit of self-sacri- 
 fice for the love of God which is in exact contradiction 
 to the enlightened self-interest that is the best intention 
 that can be mustered in the camp of the radicals. We 
 quote : 
 
 " The Eand School is not a theological seminary, but 
 a sociological seminary. In it men and women prepare 
 themselves to be the evangelists of a new faith, to point 
 the wretched and unhappy to a World to Come, not down 
 from Heaven, but up from and out of the Hell of Poverty; 
 to show them Labor hanging on the cross now, but soon 
 to be the Eedeemer of the world; they are to go forth, not 
 to fat parishes and prosperous careers, but to hardship, maybe 
 to martyrdom." (N. Y. Call, Jan. 25, 1919.)
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 225 
 
 Turning to the aims of the Rand School its key note 
 is struck Socialists are to be equipped for the strug- 
 gle of " emancipation." Emancipation from what ? 
 Why, to be sure, from the Law and the Gospels. From 
 the constitution natural to the human race from the 
 knowledge of Almighty God, from humanity, marriage, 
 liberty, property. We dare say that our own forefath- 
 ers most carefully worked out the natural law given by 
 God into a program for the government of a nation, 
 therefore it is clearly the intention of the Rand School 
 to instruct its students how most readily to overthrow 
 our institutions and to set up " along the Socialist 
 way " a " Dictatorship of the Proletariat " such as 
 that in Russia: 
 
 ITS AIMS 
 
 To teach the Social Sciences from the standpoint of 
 Marxian Socialism. 
 
 To train workers for the Socialist and Labor movements, 
 organizers, speakers, writers, investigators, etc. 
 
 To supply the Socialist movement with information to 
 equip it in its struggle for emancipation. 
 
 To afford the worker an opportunity for cultural educa- 
 tion. 
 
 This school gives an irreligious and unscientific twist 
 to the sociological data gathered through its research 
 department and this matter is sent out to hundreds of 
 thousands of persons through the books and pamphlets 
 it circulates ; and through the agency of the many meet- 
 ings held under its auspices. In a word the Rand 
 School is the center for the American Bolshevist educa-
 
 226 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 tional activities. Not a few of its post-graduates are the 
 masters of the sometime lands of the Czar. 
 
 TEACHERS' BUREAU 
 
 The views of Bolshevism has been making its way 
 through the veins of our public school system for some 
 ten years. Those public school teachers who belong 
 to the organized party have banded themselves together 
 in the " Socialist Teachers' Bureau " to promote their 
 baneful cause. The purpose of the Socialist Teachers' 
 Bureau was set out in its report to the National Con- 
 vention of the Socialist Party (1912 proceedings p. 
 20 7) : " The purpose of the Bureau is to enable So- 
 cialist teachers to get in touch with Socialist members 
 of School Boards. Also by having a complete list of 
 Socialist teachers on file in the National Office to 
 circularize and keep in touch with all matters pertain- 
 ing to their particular line of work. At the present time 
 we have on hand applications for positions from 49 
 teachers and inquiries regarding the securing of Social- 
 ist teachers to fill 20 vacancies." 
 
 " The National Office does not guarantee positions, 
 nor does it guarantee good faith upon the part of either 
 applicant. It simply helps to bring the teacher and the 
 position together, rendering service free of charge. It 
 does this because of the ever growing demand of school 
 directors for Socialist teachers for positions and of So- 
 cialist teachers for positions in which they can teach 
 unhampered by the prejudice of capitalist-minded school 
 boards."
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 227 
 
 To " safeguard " both teachers and organizations, all 
 applicants for positions are cautioned that they must 
 enclose proof of a " paid up membership " in the party. 
 The report is signed by the names of well known 
 women within the Socialist movement of the country: 
 
 Meta Berger (Chairman, Milwaukee School Board) 
 
 Winnie E. Branstretter 
 
 Grace D. Brewer 
 
 Ella Carr 
 
 Lena Morrow Lewis 
 
 May Wood-Simons 
 
 Luella Twining 
 
 Caroline A. Lowe. 
 
 The National office of the Socialist Party acts as the 
 clearing house for the Socialist Teachers' Bureau. In 
 the Party Builder (July 26, 1913) it seeks to spread 
 its doctrine: 
 
 WANTED Fifty positions with Socialist school boards 
 for red card Socialist teachers. Apply National Socialist 
 Teachers' Bureau, 111 N. Market street, Chicago. 
 
 The State organizations of the party are actively 
 carrying out the program of the National Organization 
 by placing their members in public school positions. 
 The far west has been rather successful in this venture. 
 The following announcement signed by the Secretary 
 of the Socialist Party of Tacoma, Wash., appeared in 
 several of their publications: 
 
 " School teachers who are Socialists are wanted in the
 
 228 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 state of Washington. Fully 100 can be placed at salaries 
 from $60 a month upward. The recent school elections in 
 Washington resulted in surprising victories for the Socialists, 
 who ascribe their unexpected success to the vindictive at- 
 tacks that have been made upon Socialism during the past 
 year or two by prominent clericals and open shop capitalists. 
 The people are studying the question, and the Socialists 
 made the frank announcement that if they won in the elec- 
 tions Socialism would be taught in the public schools." 
 (Milwaukee Leader, May 28, 1913.) 
 
 The Socialist Party of the Lone Star State advertises 
 in the cause of promoting its doctrine within the public 
 school system: 
 
 WANTED Correspondence with boards of trustees de- 
 siring Socialist teachers, and teachers wanting such schools. 
 (The Rebel, Halletsville, Texas, July 10, 1915.) 
 
 The Party Builder (Chicago, May 23, 1913) records 
 its success and announces its expectation of doubling its 
 opportunity for teaching the young idea how to shoot 
 with Socialist weapons: 
 
 TEACHERS' BUREAU WOMAN'S DEPARTMENT 
 
 " The increased number of Socialists elected to school 
 boards increases the possibility of placing Socialist teachers. 
 Last year we were able to place about 25 first-class Socialist 
 teachers in positions where they could train the minds of 
 young people toward the ideals of Socialism, thus counteract- 
 ing the capitalistic tendencies toward false patriotism, racial 
 prejudice, individual competition and snobbishness. 
 
 " We are now preparing a list of teachers for the school
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 229 
 
 term of 1914-1915 and will no doubt be able to double last 
 year's record." 
 
 In addressing the New Jersey Committee of the party 
 on education, Dr. Maud Thompson spoke clearly the 
 Socialist mind as to the expediency of using the public 
 school system in their general scheme of propaganda, 
 if it is to be captured. To quote : 
 
 " The Socialist philosophy implies a whole new system 
 of education. It will be an education fitted to develop 
 workers and thinkers, and not, as now, adapted to one class 
 only. But at present Socialists can work for this new kind 
 of education only through the established school system. 
 It would be impossible, even if it were desirable, for Social- 
 ists to establish institutions to compete with the public 
 schools." (The N. Y. Call, Aug. 25, 1911.) 
 
 One may be certain that " this new system of edu- 
 cation " sets forth the perversion of modesty in the calm 
 tones of a mind utterly corrupted. In the magazine 
 section of the New York Call (March 9, 1919) Dr. 
 Thompson covers a page with words on " Modesty " not 
 fit to print. There is put into the mouth of a twenty- 
 seven months' old baby questions unbecoming in a four- 
 teen year old girl. 
 
 The text goes on to explain that the mother's " won- 
 derful and beautiful piece of news " never had to be 
 explained to this child who " a year or two later began 
 to take an interest in the structure of its own body." 
 How heavy must be the mill-stone that hangs about 
 the necks of those mothers and those women doctors who 
 corrupt the minds of innocent and helpless little ones ?
 
 230 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 HIGH SCHOOLS 
 
 Since the Socialist party is not a political party but 
 rather a complete " scheme of life " it has the unique 
 distinction of being the first political organization to 
 hold a national convention for the purpose of inoculating 
 the public schools with its doctrines. The Milwaukee 
 Leader (Sep. 3, 1913) reports the convention held in 
 the city of Chicago where plans were laid for furthering 
 the Socialist cause. Since the president of the Teachers 
 Federation of Chicago, Mrs. Ida M. Eurman took a 
 prominent part, one must conclude that Socialist propa- 
 ganda has made, at least, sympathetic inroads amongst 
 the teachers of American children. 
 
 In discussing the question " How the Socialists would 
 Revolutionize the Schools" the editor of the World, 
 J. E. Snyder (Oakland, Calif. Eeb. 14, 1919) has 
 worked the issue down to the practical expulsion of God 
 with Labor set up as the abstract idol for worship. 
 
 " Well, to begin with, we would have the class conscious 
 workers in control of the school board, and that school board 
 would have to know and acknowledge the class struggle, the 
 materialistic conception of history and economic deter- 
 minism. 
 
 " The sentences, paragraphs and compositions for use in 
 the grammars, will all- be carefully selected and will teach 
 for labor's advancement instead of celebrating the dead 
 morals and worse deeds of capitalism. The literature of the 
 world is full of wonderful passages of revolutionary and 
 constructive compositions. The orations of the social rebels 
 will furnish many inspiring sentences.
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 231 
 
 " Reading will be the most carefully guided of the studies. 
 It will be so taught, that children will read from, shall we 
 say, the age of three? So interesting will the lessons be 
 that no lesson will be anything but a delight. Every lesson 
 will be judged as to truth and relation to Labor. The 
 curiosity of childhood will be given absolute liberty to look 
 into all the hidden mysteries of man and the universe. No 
 institution will be so secret, sacred and mysterious, but that 
 he shall go in and explore to his heart's content. No priest 
 or preacher of doctrines of faith will meet him at the 
 door of knowledge and put goblins in his brain, fear in his 
 heart and hatred in his soul. The limitlessness of the in- 
 wardness and outwardness of the universe will be early dis- 
 covered by him. Life, full orbed, will be sought for with 
 the delight of a real freeman and Labor will be sought as 
 the most glorious expression of life." 
 
 It should not be doubted by any one who would save 
 our country from the thraldom of the " dictatorship of 
 the proletariat " that this is just what the Socialist in- 
 tention is with regard to the public schools. Neither 
 should it be doubted that not a little of this will to sub- 
 jugate the public schools to their purpose is already car- 
 ried out. Of course it is a sound reflection that the 
 safe place to educate children is the parochial school. 
 There morals are not " dead," but known as the mani- 
 festations of the love and the law of God. There 
 is the liberty to learn that the priest is the chosen one 
 to bring the knowledge that Christ is the light, the life 
 and the way to eternal happiness. There grammar, 
 reading and composition, all go to show that education 
 has for its purpose the drawing forth of embryonic tal-
 
 232 . BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 ents into practises and products for the good of one's 
 self and one's neighbor for the glory of God. 
 
 The Inter-High School Socialist League organized 
 four or five years ago in the Rand School, N. Y., by 
 George R. Kirkpatrick, H. Schoenberg, John Spargo and 
 others, is already bearing a large crop of corrupt fruit. 
 Its object as stated was " to develop the educated prole- 
 tarians " " to promote an intelligent interest in So- 
 cialism, to stimulate friendship, to elevate a general, 
 social intercourse and to carry on a systematic propa- 
 ganda among high school students." Through the col- 
 umns of the N. Y. Tribune (Feb. 18, 1919) Assistant 
 Superintendent of the High Schools of New York, Dr. 
 John L. Tildsley warns the public that the evil results 
 of Socialist propaganda can be seen in the compositions 
 of the pupils and in their sympathetic remarks relative 
 to the Bolsheviki and the Marxian philosophy. Con- 
 versely the same evil influence may be frequently seen 
 in their antagonistic attitude towards American insti- 
 tutions. 
 
 In its issue of March 10th, 1919, the New York Call 
 prints several letters from high school boys exulting 
 over the Bolshevist activities. They delight in hissing 
 and applauding at the wrong time those gentlemen who 
 at the lunch hour address them on Bolshevism: 
 
 " You should not feel insulted when it is charged that 
 the Bolsheviki came from your section. You did not in- 
 vite them to your midst, and should be glad they are gone." 
 
 " No, dear doctor, we are not insulted ; we feel rather 
 complimented. But we are sorry they are gone, for they
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 233 
 
 would aid us, if here, in our fight for democracy in the 
 social, economic and educational systems of the United 
 States." 
 
 " So," Dr. Simmons continued, " people who incline toward 
 Bolshevism have not read the vicious ideas upon which the 
 Bolshevik government is based. Their platform is the ' Com- 
 munist manifesto,' by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, 
 bearing the label, ' Made in Germany.' Let me read part of 
 it to you : ' The communists openly declare that their ends 
 can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing 
 social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a com- 
 munistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose 
 but their chains. They have a world to win. Workingmen 
 of all countries unite ! ' ' 
 
 That was a bad selection for Reverend Simmons for a large 
 section of the audience (by habit, I suppose), burst into ap- 
 plause at these words. 
 
 Other letters tell the same tale in other ways. It 
 is asserted that there is not a class in school that has 
 not a few " ardent supporters of Socialism." The boys 
 take occasion during the " current topics " period to 
 propagate their doctrine, since a little " talk once in a 
 whille does much to convert many boys." They boast 
 that " Practically every day a boy is brought before the 
 disciplinarian for being a Bolshevist." The men in 
 the Party are urged to give these " Socialist buds " 
 plenty of culture that they may teach their fellow pupils 
 the way of Marx and Engels. 
 
 Evidently the School Superintendent realizes the 
 danger of this propaganda to the body politic. But Dr. 
 Tillsdale's proposal of " a course of civics to fight the 
 Reds " is far behind the adequate remedy. It is not
 
 234 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 civics but rather morals that is needed. But since the 
 worldly-wise have long since banished the Living Foun- 
 tain of morals from the public schools what should in 
 reason be expected but a lawless dispensation ? Surely 
 it is sound, common sense to believe that nothing less 
 than the whirlwind shall follow the sowing of the wind. 
 If indeed there were nothing but fear since Venge- 
 ance is Mine saith the Lord as a motive, that is suf- 
 ficient to defend the presence of religion in the schools. 
 But Catholics have a motive vastly higher it is, how- 
 ever, no negation of the first for the maintenance of 
 their parochial schools. Namely, joy in the love of 
 God and the delight to do Him honor. Under the white 
 light of science and the supernatural light of love, So- 
 cialism is quickly seen to be what it is the enemy of 
 right and justice, the enemy of liberty and democracy. 
 
 YOUNG PEOPLES SOCIALIST LEAGUE 
 
 The Y. P. S. L. is another wide open door through 
 which Bolshevism enters the class room. Turning the 
 initial letters of their title into Yiddish, they sound 
 " Yipsel," which has become a name they love to con- 
 jure with the world over. These young persons, born 
 of a race without a country, are determined to reduce 
 the inhabitants of every nation under the sun to the 
 same desolate fate. 
 
 Their organization is international and it is much 
 more consequential in European countries than it is 
 here. Karl Liebknecht was one of the founders of the
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 235 
 
 society, which had a steady growth in Germany, Aus- 
 tria, Switzerland, Italy, the Scandinavian countries, 
 and Kussia later fell into line. Their chief character- 
 istic is that they are not chained to the past. 
 
 Without a country and without religion, these young 
 Hebrews fling to the winged winds even the restraints of 
 the traditions and customs round about them. They 
 see only the present, not in the moral-historical light of 
 the past, but only in the materialistic view of the present 
 generation. Their intellectual restlessness is mistaken 
 for a genuine desire to study. They agitate they act. 
 In Russia the " Yipsels " are said to form the most ac- 
 tive groups of the Bolsheviki. In the Spartacan revolts 
 in Germany, the Yipsels are credited with forming the 
 backbone of resistance against the moderate Socialists. 
 
 The latest reports at hand for the United States 
 (1918) gives 147 Leagues, with a membership of 4.951 
 young men and women. Their National Secretary 
 William F. Kruse reports that the Yipsels distributed 
 350,000 pieces of literature during the year; in addi- 
 tion to the circulation of its official organ a monthly. 
 The Yipsels have the official endorsement of the party. 
 At the St. Louis Emergency Convention (191 7) its ac- 
 tivities were highly recommended : 
 
 " It has been clearly shown that one of the most fertile 
 and promising fields of Socialist propaganda lies among the 
 youth of the working-class, since their minds are less ham- 
 pered by prejudice and ignorance; and once brought into 
 our movement, their longer potential period of service makes 
 them of greater value to us than any others."
 
 236 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 The Year Book of the Hand School (1916, p. 155) 
 gives the international affiliations of the Yipsels : 
 
 "It is to be said to the credit of the young socialists of 
 Europe that they have shown as fine an anti-militarist spirit 
 as have any European Socialists in either of the warring or 
 neutral countries." 
 
 The Yipsels on our side of the Atlantic were not to 
 be outdone in self-disgrace. Their National Secretary 
 lays down the counsel that an official " should know what 
 Socialism is, and how to practise its ethical basis in his 
 own dealings with his comrades, and he must be a dis- 
 ciple of Liebknecht and Debs rather than Scheidemann 
 and Spar go." 
 
 Since Mr. Kruse has just been sentenced for twenty 
 years' imprisonment for his treasonable conduct while 
 we were in war, he is now the hero per se of the Yipsels. 
 ]STo. All the others are out of jail, propagating Social- 
 ism with increased vigor. Plainly the moral that 
 should adorn this tale is not the advocacy of vocational 
 training under Federal control but rather the introduc- 
 tion of the knowledge of God as the right foundation of 
 the intellectual training of the youth of our country. 
 Then the ethical basis of Catholicity shall be known for 
 what it is the science of right thinking. 
 
 BOY SCOUTS 
 
 The Boy Scout investment of our country is a most 
 commendable organization for making boys useful, 
 healthful, obedient, chivalrous, patriotic and reverent.
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 237 
 
 Happily it lays down a religious foundation for their 
 character building, since " its policy is that the re- 
 ligious organization or institution (Catholic, Protestant 
 or Jewish) with which the Boy Scout is connected shall 
 give definite attention to his religious life." In a book- 
 let " Boy Scout Training under Catholic Leadership," 
 Rev. Augustine F. Hickey, Supervisor of the parochial 
 system of schools in the Diocese of Boston, gives a lucid 
 and inspiring view of the significance of the movement. 
 We present these paragraphs of the matter, together with 
 the Scout Oath and the Scout Law referred to in Fr. 
 Hickey's text: 
 
 THE SIGNIFICANCE 
 
 The Boy Scouts of America represent a nationwide move- 
 ment for the betterment of the American boy. Educational 
 in its spirit and purpose, this movement aims to develop 
 self-reliance, initiative, resourcefulness and the spirit of 
 service in growing boys. Membership in the organization 
 and active participation in the attractive scout program bring 
 to the boy opportunity for clear thinking, a broadening of his 
 interests, the formation of good habits and the inculcation of 
 virtues essential to good character. The Scout Movement 
 appreciates and understands the sentiments and interests 
 which belong to the boy. These interests are met and satis- 
 fied by a program of activities so varied and so broad that 
 the true scout is always moving forward, becoming keener 
 in his capacity for observation and deduction and growing 
 stronger as desirable habits are woven permanently into bis 
 character. 
 
 THE APPEAL 
 
 The genius of scouting lies in its appeal to the boy. Scout- 
 ing makes a boy eager to learn. The Scout's recreation is
 
 238 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the Scout's education. Scouting has proven an excellent 
 solution of the much discussed boy problem. The activities 
 which every normal boy craves are utilized in scouting for 
 the making of a sturdy and manly boyhood, the brightest 
 promise of an honorable and loyal citizenship. Yet scouting 
 is not play. Scouting is serious work. Scouting awakens a 
 sense of personal responsibility and stirs up in heart and 
 mind the spirit of earnest devotion to duty. The Scout 
 promises on his honor to do his duty to God and to his coun- 
 try, to obey the scout law, to help other people at all times 
 and to keep himself physically strong, mentally awake and 
 morally straight. The scout is trustworthy, loyal, helpful, 
 friendly, courteous, kind, obedient, cheerful, thrifty, brave, 
 clean and reverent. 
 
 " Be Prepared," is the scout motto. For what ? " For a 
 good turn daily and for every emergency " is the answer. 
 Parents, teachers, leaders of boys have begun to see the 
 movement in its clear light. They are recognizing in scout- 
 ing a distinct contribution to the happiness and welfare of the 
 boy of to-day and to the community and civic prosperity of 
 to-morrow. 
 
 THE SCOUT OATH THE SCOUT LAW 
 
 On my honor I will do my A Scout is trustworthy. 
 
 best: A Scout is loyal. 
 
 To do my duty to God and A Scout is helpful, 
 my country, and to obey A Scout is friendly, 
 the Scout Law; A Scout is courteous. 
 
 To help other people at all A Scout is kind. 
 
 times ; A Scout is obedient. 
 
 To keep myself physically A Scout is cheerful, 
 strong, mentally awake, A Scout is thrifty, 
 and morally straight. A Scout is brave. 
 
 A Scout is clean. 
 A Scout is reverent.
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 239 
 
 Perhaps no stronger contrast between loyalty to our 
 country and disloyalty to our country could be shown 
 than by placing the vices recommended to boys by the 
 Bolsheviki in contrast to the virtues that Father Hickey 
 commends to his boy scouts. Clarence Meily ("Puri- 
 tanism," p. 20, Chicago, 1911) scorns any code of right 
 conduct as " surely absurd " ; while to follow such a 
 code is nothing less than " monstrous." 
 
 "One of the latest and most thoroughly characteristic 
 measures devised for the propagation of these virtues is the 
 ' boy scout ' movement ; where, under pretense of getting the 
 pale, anemic children of the city workers out into the woods 
 and fields, the old anesthetics of loyalty, reverence, obedience, 
 and the rest are duly administered. For the proletarian, 
 each particular one in the long catalogue of the servile vir- 
 tues patience, humility, contentment, loyalty, reverence, 
 obedience, respect for law, the hope of reward after death is 
 a most contemptible, demoralizing and destructive vice. 
 Each one is the dastardly betrayal of every interest, whether 
 of person or of class, which the worker can possess. Every 
 instinct of self-preservation, of love of family, of class soli- 
 darity, demands the repudiation of this base, treacherous 
 and ridiculous ethic. For the worker, not patience but a con- 
 suming impatience with wrong and injustice, not humility 
 but defiance, not contentment but burning discontent, not 
 loyalty to the employer or constituted authority, but loyalty 
 only to class interest, not reverence but insolence, not obedi- 
 ence but rebellion, are the true virtues." 
 
 Let no man think that this is merely a personal opin- 
 ion, since this outrageous concept of Christian virtues is 
 the common view of the Bolsheviki everywhere? In
 
 240 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " War, What For ? " a full page picture presents a beau- 
 tiful, robust Boy Scout flat on his hands and knees lick- 
 ing the spurred boot of a military officer. In the back- 
 ground is a shrewdly smiling face, half priest and half 
 gormand, the figure is marked with a dollar sign on his 
 vest. The priest-capitalist is gloating over the servile 
 training of the boy that prepares him for keeping the 
 future " hired hands " subject to capitalist exploitation. 
 A legend is spread down a scroll invisibly supported. It 
 gives orders to Boy Scouts and is signed by Rev. O. B. 
 Goode, Chaplain. At a glance instruction is given to 
 despise those virtues necessary to the building of a 
 manly character. But this is not enough to satisfy the 
 author of this " anti-war classic." On page 233 he 
 quotes for purposes of blasphemy and outrage from a 
 report of a Boy Scout meeting: 
 
 " The Church was beautifully decorated with flags Gen- 
 eral Campbell presided and presented messages of good will 
 and good wishes from the President of the United States, 
 from Colonel Fred Grant and from many other influential 
 men. 
 
 " How interestingly consistent ' Good will and good 
 wishes ' from the presidential chairman of the executive com- 
 mittee of the capitalist class in America: that is the National 
 Government, ' good will, and good wishes ' to the seducers 
 of small boys to serve as fist and tusk for the ruling class. 
 
 " The ' Boy Scout ' movement is the latest manifestation 
 of this christened and kerosened cunning to seduce the in- 
 nocent small boys for the blood-and-iron embrace of Mars and 
 Mammon. Mothers, take notice. Be warned. Defend your- 
 selves."
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 241 
 
 The Socialist party knows its own, " Mary 
 O'Keilly " a Chicago Socialist public school teacher 
 is the author of a leaflet written to discredit the Boy 
 Scout Movement and to promote the sale of War, What 
 For? Surely it is no marvel that hundreds of thou- 
 sands of these leaflets have been scattered broadcast by 
 the Socialist Party. But is it not a marvel that for 
 thirty long years this organization the purpose of 
 which is to overthrow not the political party in power 
 but to uproot the very foundations of the nation itself 
 should be permitted to hold the honorable status of a 
 political party within our borders and to spread the doc- 
 trine of revolt against lawful authority up to the full ca- 
 pacity of its treasonable power. 
 
 Fortunately the time seems not far distant when those 
 on each side of the issue will come to intellectual grips. 
 Americanism versus Bolshevism is the question. At 
 any rate the number and the present activity of the de- 
 fenders of Americanism is greater than in the past. 
 Meantime, Socialists are not less active. Of course it 
 is not the mere fact of organizations of boys that is at- 
 tacked but rather the Boy Scouts are attacked because 
 the principles and practises of this organization make 
 it a strong defense against the propaganda of red- 
 revolution amongst school boys. 
 
 This matter was taken up at the National Convention 
 of the Socialist party (Indianapolis May 1218, 1912), 
 upon the report of the Woman's Department of the or- 
 ganization. In Bridgeport, Conn., and in other places, 
 an anti-Boy Scout organization was formed. The re-
 
 242 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 port relative to the attempted description of the Boy 
 Scouts in St. Louis is of especial moment since the 
 Socialists there have a notable standing in revolutionary 
 circles because of their success noted in the chapter 
 Would Corrupt the Army and Navy in causing the 
 sheriff's posse to disband under the leadership of the 
 editor of St. Louis Labor G. A. Hoehn. We quote 
 from Proceedings S. P. Convention (1912, p. 205) : 
 
 " St. Louis has an organization of boys which they have 
 named the Universal Scouts of Freedom. They are organized 
 by wards, as a part of the work of the ward branches (of the 
 Socialist party). Through their efforts one corps of Boy 
 Scouts was induced to disband. They also made their in- 
 fluence felt by supporting Union Labor in the stand it took 
 against permitting the Boy Scouts to take part in the parade 
 on the occasion of President Taft's visit to St. Louis." 
 
 Incidentally it seems advisable to note that Socialists 
 have for many years been in control of organized labor 
 in St. Louis. Consequently a mixture of blasphemy 
 treason and degeneracy is the psychology within which 
 the " Universal Scouts of Freedom " have been trained 
 for just such enterprises as that of insulting the Presi- 
 dent of our United States. Any copy of their official 
 organ Labor will give ample proof that these 
 poor boys are but carrying out the program made up for 
 them by their Bolshevist elders ? 
 
 Happily the Boy Scout Movement is flourishing. Its 
 trops 348,874 strong needs no defense. There is 
 nothing but satisfaction with its work and gratitude for 
 its aid. Everybody knows what the boys did to win the
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 243 
 
 war; by selling bonds, and war saving stamps; by the 
 distribution of literature; by gardening and food con- 
 servation activities ; by their nation-wide census of black 
 walnut timber for making gun stocks and aeroplanes ; for 
 their Red Cross work and many other services too nu- 
 merous to mention. But after all the most precious gift 
 to our country from the Boy Scouts is the positive assur- 
 ance we have that manly boys are in the making of manly 
 men, upon whom the nation can depend for loyalty, 
 efficiency and courage. Boys who bow in reverence 
 and adoration before God, who salute with love and with 
 pride our Star-Spangled Banner are like Cornelia's jew- 
 els a priceless inheritance. 
 
 SOCIALIST SUNDAY SCHOOLS 
 
 In their official Year Book 1916 Socialists state 
 very clearly their purpose in maintaining Sunday 
 Schools. Namely, " to make their children realize the 
 class struggle and their own part in that struggle." In 
 other words the Socialist Sunday School has no relation 
 whatsoever to the teaching that is connected by these 
 three words used in order. There is no intention of 
 educating children in the knowledge of God neither 
 as the First Cause nor as the Creator of all mankind. 
 No thought of teaching the Moral Law that abates not 
 one jot or tittle of justice, though mercy is dispensed as 
 sweet as the cool of the woods at dawn. No idea of giv- 
 ing instruction above a crass self-interest in things ma- 
 terial and sensible. The " Socialist Sunday School " 
 is to supplement the work of the public school since-
 
 244 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the instruction there tends to " prejudice the children " 
 in favor of " the competitive idea as applied to industry 
 and all other walks of life." As the day of the week for 
 teaching the class struggle to the children is Sunday it 
 necessarily carries a suggestion of religion even to the 
 most atheistic of minds. Then, too, there are those who 
 still have at least a sentimental longing for an outward 
 expression of the worship of God. This interior urge to 
 bespeak the relation of the immortal soul to its Creator 
 leads frequently to very ridiculous ceremonies that are 
 pathetic indeed. 
 
 The Arbeiter Eing (Workmen's Circle) a Jewish 
 fraternal, beneficial propaganda society, having some 
 600 branches with over 71,000 members, mostly in and 
 around ISTew York City, has been foremost in organizing 
 Socialist Sunday Schools. These schools are estab- 
 lished in many cities of our country and they are now 
 being chartered by the Yipsels. 
 
 The Rand School has a special course for training 
 teachers for these schools. In an article by Nicholas 
 Kline author, " A Primer of Socialism for Chil- 
 dren " published in the Little Socialist: Magazine 
 (Lawrence, Mass., Vol. 1, No. 1) the information is 
 given that Cincinnati has the largest Socialist Sunday 
 School to date. It is known as the Arm and Torch 
 League. 
 
 " This school does not aim to teach theology or religion. 
 It confines its work toward bringing a new aspect into the 
 ideas of childhood giving the child a new hope in life.
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 245 
 
 " Children are taught to respect everybody, but to bow 
 down to none. They learn to sing, recite and play. They 
 also learn a great deal about what Socialism means, and why 
 we must have a Socialist Republic to be real happy. The 
 fundaments of politics are taught, and the boys and girls 
 are encouraged not to play with swords, toy guns, etc." 
 
 Quite in keeping with the Materialist Conception of 
 History there is not the slightest hint that God, the 
 maker and ruler of the world, is in His Holy Temple. 
 But there is a broad hint that the teaching of patriotism 
 is excluded, for the symbols of the art of defense toy 
 guns and swords are not admitted to their sympathy. 
 The " great deal " the children learn about Socialism 
 tells them that the Arm and Torch signifies the Revo- 
 lution that shall sweep among " Capitalism," but since 
 capitalism means to them the principles and the insti- 
 tutions of our country, these little ones are taught loyalty 
 to rebellion and treason to their country. A system of 
 merits is used that places the red-star-of-rebellion above 
 all other marks : 
 
 " It may interest our readers to know that when a child 
 attends three Sundays in succession, his name is placed on 
 the ' Honor Roll,' and a silver star is affixed next to his 
 name, after six Sundays he gets a gold star; and after twelve 
 Sundays of regular unbroken attendance a red star; a large 
 number have the Red star. Every pupil having a red star, the 
 high mark, is given a copy of the Child's Primer of Socialism. 
 
 Lesson XXIV very well illustrates how class-hatred is 
 taught the method by which the " child's vision is
 
 246 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 widened ; " that innocent boys and girls may take in the 
 " class struggle " and their part in that struggle : 
 
 " Here is a man with a gun ; he is in the troop. You see 
 he has a nice suit on. Does he work? No, the man with 
 the gun does no work. His work is to shoot men who do 
 work. 
 
 " Is it nice to shoot men ? Would you like to shoot a man ? 
 
 " This man eats, drinks, wears clothes, but he does no work. 
 Do you think that this is nice? Yes, this is nice for the Fat 
 Man, but bad for the Thin so he owns the man with the gun. 
 When the Thin man will have the law on his side, there 
 will be no more men with guns. 
 
 " Who makes the gun ? The man who works. 
 
 "Who makes the nice suit? The man who works. 
 
 " Who gets shot with the gun ? The man who works. 
 
 " Who gets the bad clothes ? The man who works. 
 
 " Is this right ? No, this is wrong ! 
 
 " THE MAN WHO WOEKS SHOULD HAVE GOOD 
 CLOTHES, AND ALL THAT IS GOOD. 
 
 " THE MAN WITH THE GUN MUST GO TO WORK, 
 TOO. 
 
 "WAR MUST COME TO AN END. WAR IS BAD. 
 PEACE IS GOOD." 
 
 The Little Socialist (July, 1909) does not find it dif- 
 ficult to reduce the principle of rebellion to the under- 
 standing of children : 
 
 " We should not have any rulers. We should not allow any 
 one to govern us. So long as we fear any one, so long that 
 one will be a bully and a tyrant." 
 
 This general order for disobedience to authority 
 parental, civic, moral is followed up in Oct., 1909, by
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 247 
 
 more specific instructions. The children should follow 
 the example of the Quakers 
 
 "who would not swear or support the government . . . for 
 the flag does not stand for justice and freedom for all . . ." 
 
 Editorially, in the same issue, the children are in- 
 structed to despise and to insult not only the flag, but the 
 President of the United States. Also to set up a juven- 
 ile court to condemn diplomatic acts ; and to speak impu- 
 dently to their teacher: 
 
 " Taft grasped the Czar of Kussia's hand. We hope none 
 of you shook hands with Taft. Tell your teacher you despise 
 Taft for being friendly to a bloody tyrant." 
 
 Certainly a prolific crop of degenerate citizens should 
 be expected. Especially when atheism, treason and in- 
 solence are followed up by the false history that teaches : 
 
 " Washington was a contemptible and unscrupulous liar." 
 (The Little Socialist, Feb. 10, 1910.) 
 
 A rather original way of bringing children under the 
 psychology of the hatred of patriotism is that of using 
 as a border on their banners this acrostic : 
 
 Powder 
 
 Asininity 
 
 Trouble 
 
 E 
 
 I 
 
 O 
 
 T 
 
 Idiocy 
 
 Suffering 
 
 Murder
 
 248 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 No, this defamation of our country is no new thing, 
 it has proceeded, here at home for forty years without let 
 or hindrance, otherwise how should it he that Bolshev- 
 ism is to-day a menace throughout the whole world. 
 The Seattle Socialist (April 10, 1904) reports with 
 much malicious satisfaction, an incident that should have 
 attracted the attention of those who were responsible for 
 the maintenance of law and order at the time. The 
 Children's Club was being entertained by the Woman's 
 Socialist Union of Omaha. On the walls hung a picture 
 of our then President Roosevelt. Pointing to the por- 
 trait a ten year old girl cried out " There's the man who 
 wouldn't receive Mother Jones." Immediately the 
 place was in an uproar. " Take it down," the young- 
 sters shouted : " We don't want that bad man here." 
 The portrait was taken down in disgrace and one of 
 " Mother Jones " hung in its place. " It was an in- 
 spiring moment; the audience joined the children in 
 long continued applause." It was explained that : 
 
 u The women teach the children the principles of Socialist 
 economy, and of course no child who has learned anything of 
 the emancipating mission of the Socialist party would want 
 the picture of Roosevelt to occupy a place of honor at an 
 entertainment given by children of the working class. Every 
 child had been taught, and was able to explain, that it re- 
 quires human labor power to produce wealth, and that Roose- 
 velt upholds the present capitalist system whereby his class 
 the Capitalist class lives by exploiting the working 
 class." 
 
 This incident was exploited by their press. Victor 
 Berger's paper rejoiced: "The incident speaks vol-
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 249 
 
 umes for the manner in which these children have been 
 taught their truths of Socialism." 
 
 Not only is perverted economics taught, but also his- 
 toric incitement to support their false contentions in 
 Joyne's Socialist Catechism for children : 
 
 Question : " How are forms of government changed, 
 so as to re-adjust them to the economical changes in the 
 forms of production which have been silently evolving 
 in the body of society ? 
 
 Answer : By means of a revolution. 
 
 Question : Give an instance of this ? 
 
 Answer : The French Revolution of 1789." 
 
 Perhaps no better view of this rank hot-house va- 
 riety of psychology that is perverting the minds and 
 morals of many thousands in the Socialist Sunday 
 Schools than to quote from a long list of questions made 
 up by Dr. Paul Luttinger for working class children, 
 ages from five to fifteen, " all Caucasians of Jewish and 
 German descent." 
 
 " Should children obey their parents ? " 
 
 " What is better a boy or a girl ? " 
 
 " Since when do workingmen exist ? " 
 
 " Why do people get married ? " 
 
 "Who is greater Mayor Gaynor or Tolstoy!" 
 
 " Do fairies and magicians really exist ? " 
 
 " What kind of a school is this ? " 
 
 " Are Dumas novels good to read ? " 
 
 "Who was Jean Valjean; why are all the girls crazy 
 for him?" 
 
 " Supposing the air would become water, could we live 
 in it?"
 
 250 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 " Is it true that we were monkeys ? " 
 " Is God sitting on the clouds ? " 
 
 This Socialist Doctor assumes that " discipline is not 
 necessary." The " free school " where children are 
 permitted to teach themselves to do their own think- 
 ing " is the antidote of those institutions that follow 
 in the footsteps of Ignatz de Loyola." The free school 
 is " built on the impregnable foundation of the child's 
 individuality." Whatever individuality should mean, 
 since " God is a myth," is certainly outside the purview 
 of common-sense. But the means employed of freeing 
 the child from the authority and respect for his parents 
 is clearly adapted to establish self-conceit and arro- 
 gance in the mind of the child. Said this adept in 
 spoiling children : 
 
 "I never fail to ask, rain or shine, year in, year out. It 
 runs something like this : ' Now, children, did anything 
 happen this week which puzzled you? I do not mean any 
 problems in arithmetic, but something to which your teacher 
 answered that you were too young to understand it, or to 
 which your papa or mamma answered : " Don't bother me ! " 
 If you have such a question, don't be afraid to ask it. We'll 
 discuss it together.' It is rare to receive no response at all. 
 There are always, at least, three or four inquiries, and while 
 they are not all very interesting, there are many that call 
 forth very lively discussions." 
 
 To comprehend the debasing character of these 
 " lively discussions " one must hold in mind that the 
 doctrine taught rests upon the premise that " religion is 
 a fantastic degradation of human nature" (Marx).
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 251 
 
 Consequently it follows that " Socialism must conquer 
 the stupidity of the masses in so far as this stupidity 
 reveals itself in religious observances" (Liebknecht). 
 Bebel puts the matter in a word " we wish in re- 
 ligion, atheism." Resting back with blind confidence 
 upon their crass ignorance as to the domain of material 
 science and as to the genuine findings of science these 
 men and women who tear with tooth and claw the divine 
 image in the souls of these little ones blandly assert that 
 since modern science has clearly proved that there is 
 nothing left for Deity to do, there is clearly no reason 
 to believe in God and surely no reason to fear, to love or 
 to worship God. 
 
 A dozen years ago there was exhibited in a Socialist 
 weekly The Worker (July 20, 1907) six essays from 
 children all under the age of thirteen years. The sub- 
 jects treated were Killing and Stealing, The Social Or- 
 ganism Fatalism Race Consciousness, The Class 
 Struggle; while one boy and one girl wrote upon What 
 Socialists Want. From all these prodigies one conclu- 
 sion must be drawn there is beyond and above the 
 Social organism Nothing. Should there be any won- 
 der that the " East-side " has supplied so many agents 
 to carry out the Lenin-Trotsky regime in Russia ? Es- 
 pecially when one reflects that long before these mon- 
 strous little essays appeared here, the red-international- 
 ists abroad were educating, or rather perverting the 
 minds and hearts of 59,225 children listed in their So- 
 cialist Sunday Schools? 
 
 These disorderly minds that have in charge the chil-
 
 252 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 dren of the Socialist Sunday Schools employ the medium 
 of song to carry forth their evil influence. Some time 
 since a foremost superintendent of Socialist Sunday 
 Schools Kendrik P. Shedd, Rochester, N. Y., re- 
 ported a visit to his city by George R. Kirkpatrick. 
 After his address that actually sizzled " George has 
 hot stuff to hand out in his talks " the Socialist Sun- 
 day School children sang in honor of the author of that 
 dastardly book "War, What For?" We give the 
 first and the last verses : 
 
 In this here song we sing of war, war, war, war, 
 We know too well what it is for, for, for, for. 
 In war the workingmen they kill, kill, kill, kill, 
 So that the rich their coffers fill, fill, fill, fill. 
 I never would a soldier be, be, be, be, 
 Unless it were to make men free, free, free, free! 
 If they will call me traitor if I won't be shot, 
 I'd rather be a traitor than a patriot. 
 
 Mr. Shedd wishes that " George's broad smile " could 
 be sent along with the words, especially during the sing- 
 ing of the last verse as 
 
 "that is the one that always wins the greatest applause of 
 all, and we Young People ought to know, for we have sung 
 it to many audiences during the past three years. Read it 
 over again and think. It has a peculiar meaning." (N. Y. 
 Call May 13, 1913.) 
 
 From the excerpts given of the bad art employed in 
 demoralizing the native common-sense of these children, 
 one may readily imagine that the debates arranged for
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 253 
 
 them are absurd ; their dramas vicious in tone and that 
 their parodies upon our national anthems should be rep- 
 rehensible under the law. Yet, not content at treating 
 with contempt and treason things that loyal men hold 
 dear, these Socialist Sunday Schools lay violent hands 
 on things holy. The Daily Express of Coventry, Eng- 
 land (Feb. 4, 1911) reports the "baptism" of a four 
 months old baby Gladys Rose Wood in " the cause 
 of the red-revolution." The ceremony took place in Jus- 
 tice Hall the meeting place of the British Socialist 
 Party. First came a " hymn " to make rich men trem- 
 ble: 
 
 " Then Mr. Julian Tayler arose, and signed to a little girl 
 in the audience Ethel Bates. Ethel, who could not have 
 been more than seven, went on the platform, above which 
 hung revolutionary messages. She took the baby in her arms* 
 and, kneeling on one knee, recited some lines to the child. 
 Next Tayler took the child in his arms, and, after stating 
 that there would not be any ritual about the ceremony, wel- 
 comed the child into the Socialist movement, and pinned a 
 red token the symbol of the social revolution on her 
 breast. 
 
 " ' I name the child Gladys Kose Wood,' said Tayler, ' and 
 I am glad to welcome it into the ranks of Liberty, Equality, 
 and Fraternity.' 
 
 " Tayler proceeded to compare the ceremony with a Church 
 baptism, and went on to say : ' We want our children to 
 grow up into free-thinking men and women, untrammeled by 
 priests or the Church.' " 
 
 Surely this was a logical preparation for thrusting 
 into the hands of children a banner bearing the motto, 
 " There is no God," to be carried through the streets
 
 254 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUBE 
 
 for the purpose of gathering recruits for the camp of 
 the Bolsheviki. But the question arises, has civil so- 
 ciety divorced itself from the knowledge that God is the 
 author of nations ? Are the men in the seats of the 
 mighty prepared to suffer the deluge? It is certain 
 that baptism by water and the Holy Ghost inducts 
 the child into the Living Organism of the Catholic 
 Church, but it is also as certain that it makes of him a 
 loyal giver to Caesar of those things that belong to 
 Caesar. While this blasphemous dedication of the child 
 to the " social revolution " makes at once of the little one 
 an enemy of God and a traitor to her country. Blessed 
 Jesus! save these little ones from being despoiled, by 
 their own parents, of their right to liberty and happiness 
 here and of heaven hereafter ? 
 
 Because the Ten Commandments the natural law 
 graven in the heart of every man stand as a granite 
 wall between the Socialists and their goal, their peevish 
 minds are ever provoked to rid themselves of these 
 mandates from the hand of Almighty God. 
 
 Ridicule may indeed laugh out of court what is un- 
 sound. More than this, it can, as the Socialist arch- 
 priest of ridicule George Bernard Shaw well 
 knows, silence in the timid the defense of the good and 
 the true. So it is with a facetious audacity, so bold 
 in its wickedness as almost to pass the belief of self- 
 respecting men that Socialists set forth a red-decalogue 
 all on their own materialist foundation. Of course, 
 with the proviso that human life is an evolutionary 
 product from the lowest form of life and has no better
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 255 
 
 source than fire mist and the nebula theory that is so 
 delightfully rotary in its round and ever larger round 
 upward and onward forever from nowhere to no- 
 where. Forsooth! Socialism's very own ten com- 
 mandments " express the higher theology of the new 
 day." Besides it is ever so much nicer and more holy 
 than any revelation from God that Moses could have 
 had wit enough to make during the infancy of the race. 
 One of these unspeakable red-decalogues had its origin 
 in the United Kingdom for use in their hundreds of 
 Socialist Sunday Schools. In our own country the 
 Socialist Sunday School is conducted with a dash. To 
 " monstrous difficulties and horrible opposition " they 
 answer " Ish Ka Bibble ! " 
 
 " But," says another, " you are atheistic ; you do not teach 
 the Bible ! " No, brother, except as a piece of literature 
 which has played its important role in the world. In our 
 school we don't scare little children with big fish stories, nor 
 do we make them rave in their childish sleep from ill-consid- 
 ered talk of hell fire and damnation ! 
 
 " But you don't teach Jesus ! " Yes, just as we would 
 teach Socrates or Darwin or Susan B. Anthony or Debs, or 
 any other mortal who has had a philosophy of living and 
 bas led a commendable life. 
 
 Besides they have some " Don'ts " to counteract the 
 effect of those Christian 
 
 " Sunday schools that deal in dope and chloroform, let us 
 have Sunday schools that teach children about working class 
 emancipation and inspire them with the spirit of intelligent 
 rebellion and international brotherhood and solidarity."
 
 256 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 MODERN SCHOOLS 
 
 Some ten years ago New York City became the center 
 of a national movement to establish the Modern School 
 Ferrer Schools as they are popularly termed. These 
 schools are now established in several places throughout 
 the country. The parent school was founded by 
 Leonard D. Abbott, William Thurston Brown, Hutch- 
 ings Hapgood, Charles Edward Russell, Jack London, 
 Upton Sinclair, Emma Goldman, Rose Pastor Stokes, 
 Alexander Berkman, J. Phelps Stokes, William Durant 
 and other Socialist-anarchist-radicals of national promi- 
 nence. Since the Modern Schools were established to 
 perpetuate the work and to honor the memory of Fran- 
 cisco Ferrer, who was executed in Barcelona, Spain, it 
 is appropriate that we set down something of this man 
 whose taking off put the radicals of all the world in an 
 uproar. 
 
 FRANCISCO FERRER 
 
 In the year 1909 trouble arose on the frontier of the 
 Spanish possessions in Africa with the Moorish Moun- 
 taineers. To defend Spanish interests, reserves were 
 called to the colors in Barcelona. This official act was 
 the signal for Socialist agitators to stir up the populace 
 against permitting the government to send troops to the 
 battle front. Under the leadership of Senor Maura, the 
 ministry insisted that the interests of Spain be pro- 
 tected and troops were sent to Melilla. Agitation, in 
 revolt, had by now proceeded so far that the demand 
 for " mass action " was answered by strikes. Disorder
 
 BOLSHEVISM \N SCHOOLS 257 
 
 followed upon disorder. During the first night tele- 
 graph and telephone lines were cut, gas and electric 
 lighting plants destroyed and cars were overturned. 
 The fray was bloody, policemen were shot, firemen and 
 civilians stoned and wounded. The next day, July 27, 
 1909, martial law was declared, thus turning all the 
 powers of the government in Barcelona over to military 
 officials. In conspicuous places throughout the city 
 were posted proclamations containing the military code, 
 adopted by a liberal Parliament in 1890. 
 We cite two sections of the code: 
 
 Article 3. Jurisdiction of offenses affecting public order in 
 any political or social sense comes under my authority; and 
 the authors of them can be tried by summary court-martial. 
 
 Article 4. Persons publishing notices or directions in any 
 form whatsoever tending to disobedience of military orders 
 will be considered as guilty of sedition; as well as those 
 who make attempts against freedom of labor, or cause im- 
 pediment or destruction of railroads, street car lines, tele- 
 graph or telephone lines, or any other conductor of elec- 
 tricity, or water mains or gas pipes. 
 
 Whereupon, faced with the drastic measures neces- 
 sary to restore order bedlam broke loose, for the Social- 
 ists of Barcelona had the desperate courage to put the 
 Hillquitian war cry into action they actually 
 " mounted the barricades and fought like tigers." As 
 it was not supposed that churches, schools and convents 
 would be attacked, the banks, postofnce and other public 
 buildings were well guarded to invite attack. Evidently 
 these authorities had yet to learn that it is a Marxian
 
 258 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 dogma that the church is but a camouflaged police force 
 for capitalism. As a matter of fact churches, schools, 
 day-nurseries, kindergartens and other charitable insti- 
 tutions of defenseless women were assaulted, burned and 
 otherwise destroyed. Thus began " bloody week," the 
 excesses of which have, perhaps, since been equaled by 
 the Bolsheviki in Russia. The outrages put the pen to 
 blush. We quote from the late Andrew J. Shipman, 
 Esq., New York City, an authority of the highest in- 
 tegrity on the Barcelona rebellion. Mr. Shipman was 
 in Spain during this time and he remained throughout 
 the trial of the ring-leader: 
 
 " It is sickening to tell of the savagery of the mob. Even 
 the dead nuns were dragged from their coffins, and paraded 
 with revolting and obscene orgies, and then thrown into the 
 gutters. Clerical teachers in the schools were stripped, tor- 
 tured, and shot. Even little children were not spared. 
 Churches that had stood as monuments from the days of the 
 Crusades were destroyed; while everything valuable was 
 plundered from them and from schools and religious houses. 
 They even stole the clothes and petty jewelry of the girls in 
 the boarding-schools." 
 
 Francisco Eerrer was arrested as the " author and 
 chief of the rebellion " as the man who " instigated 
 and directed the uprising." During the trial Eerrer 
 was proved to have been in active collusion with the 
 rioters for the first three days, and then to have dis- 
 appeared from the city. When captured he was away 
 from his usual place of abode and minus his wonted 
 full beard. Being questioned, Ferrer claimed to be
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 259 
 
 making a walking tour through Cataluna, on his way 
 home from the Esperanto Congress to which he was a 
 delegate. 
 
 Ferrer's picture is absent from the group of delegates 
 to the Congress that was photographed at Tibidabo; 
 and when examined as to his knowledge of Esperanto, 
 proved to be ignorant of the language. 
 
 Seventy witnesses, Republicans, Liberals, Anarchists 
 and Labor leaders gave evidence in conclusive proof 
 of the complicity of Ferrer in the riotous demonstra- 
 tions. An able lawyer defended Ferrer but not one 
 witness was put on the stand to refute the charges 
 brought against him. The trial was held in open court 
 and lasted twenty-eight days; press representatives 
 from many countries being in attendance. Ferrer was 
 found guilty of rebellion and treason. He was sen- 
 tenced to be shot in compliance with Article 238 of 
 Spanish law the sentence being confirmed by the 
 Captain-General and approved by the Ministry. 
 
 Upon the execution of Ferrer the Socialist- Anarchist- 
 Atheist-Radical leaders throughout the world sounded 
 their toxin calling upon the mob to vent its ire, not 
 upon those who uphold unjust practises and work 
 iniquity in industry, commerce and finance, but more 
 especially upon the very prop and pillar of civil society 
 - the Christian religion. They know very well, to de- 
 Catholicize Europe is to de-Christianize the world; to 
 de-Christianize the world is to open the flood gates of 
 disorder and disorder is Socialism's opportunity. 
 
 Rome was naturally, or rather unnaturally, the point
 
 260 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 of attack ! Troops were called out to protect the Span- 
 ish Embassy, the Quirinal and the Vatican; Pius X, 
 the priests, the sisters and all things Catholic were re- 
 viled while the mob paraded the streets, shouting, 
 " Down with re-action ! " " Down with the Jesu- 
 its ! " " Down with Merry del Val ! " " Long 
 live Ferrer ! " In Paris rioting followed the 
 Socialist-Anarchist meetings; there were 1,000 
 persons crying " Vive Ferrer ! " " Abas la Cal- 
 cotte ! " and singing " L'Internationale." In Trieste 
 (Austria-Hungary) after a meeting addressed by the 
 Socialist Deputies thousands of these protestants made 
 their way through the streets creating such a tumult 
 that " all the theaters and cafes were compelled to close." 
 The demonstration in Brussels lasted one whole week; 
 processions marched through the streets with draped red 
 flags shouting " Down with Alfonso ! " " Vengeance 
 for Ferrer ! " Their efforts to reach the Spanish Em- 
 bassy were repulsed by the soldiers. An exciting scene 
 was created by the Socialists in the Municipal Council 
 at Boulogne-sur-Seine (France) by an unsuccessful at- 
 tempt to change the name of a public square to " Place 
 Ferrer." In Brussels, sixty Belgian Free-thought 
 Societies, made up of Socialists and Anarchists, un- 
 veiled a marble slab in Ferrer's honor in the Grand 
 Palace. Later a nude male figure lifting high a torch, 
 " the symbol of the triumph of light over darkness," was 
 dedicated to Ferrer's honor at Place Sainte Catherine, 
 Brussels. On this eventful occasion messages were read 
 from the radicals of many nations in praise of " the
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 261 
 
 hero " who had braved the power of medieval darkness. 
 The Barcelona City Council protested against the erec- 
 tion of this statue, declaring it to be an insult to 
 Spain. 
 
 Through the recommendation of the National Office 
 of the Socialiast party, protest meetings were held 
 throughout our own country. The New York Call 
 (Vol. 2, No. 261) editorially asked for "one or two 
 million signatures to a petition demanding the ex- 
 pulsion of the Spanish Ambassador and the severance of 
 diplomatic relations with Spain, as a protest against 
 the murder of Ferrer." 
 
 The radicals of New York filled Carnegie Hall to 
 the doors to " Show Passionate Indignation " and to 
 hear Charles Edward Russell, Joshua Wanhope, Henry 
 Frank, Edward F. Cassidy, Leonora O'Reilly and 
 others " denounce in the strongest terms the Catholic 
 Church " for its part in the murder of Ferrer. Mr. 
 Russell climaxed the impassioned speech on this oc- 
 casion, attacking the Catholic Church and advocating 
 revolt : 
 
 " You say that I am preaching a revolutionary doc- 
 trine. Yes, it is a revolutionary doctrine and I preach 
 it. What doctrine but revolution should a man preach 
 in the face of a monstrous tyranny ? " (N. Y. Call, Oct. 
 20, 1909.) 
 
 A letter from Rabbi Stephen S. Wise was read ex- 
 pressing regret at being unable to be present at the 
 Carnegie Hall gathering since " I am entirely in sym- 
 pathy with the meeting." Dr. Wise's letter concludes :
 
 262 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 "I bespeak the sympathy of the meeting to-night, not 
 only for the family of Professor Ferrer, but for the heroes 
 in Russia and other lands who are seeking to make their 
 countries free. And may the martyrdom of Ferrer move us 
 to safeguard anew the precious boon of freedom, which is 
 the very life of our American democracy." 
 
 We shall give the Rabbi the benefit of the assumption 
 that his sympathy " for the family of Professor Ferrer " 
 is meant for the family that he deserted, not for that 
 of his first " free union " nor for the family of his 
 second mistress Soledad Villafranca. 
 
 We give an excerpt from the New York Call's Oct. 
 24, 1909 very sympathetic report of the parade in 
 honor of Ferrer by some Italian and other radical 
 societies. 
 
 " Up Fifth Avenue past the palaces of the rich and 
 the hated spires of that church the hands of whose priests 
 are red with the blood of Francisco Ferrer. Their red 
 banners draped in black were lowered in contempt as 
 they passed St. Patrick's Cathedral, and then burst from 
 hundred of throats passionate cries in many tongues of 
 f Down with the Church/ ' Down with the Jesuits' ' Ab- 
 basso St. Patrick's, ' ' Eviva Ferrer/ ' Long live the 
 Revolution.' " 
 
 In Boston, Prof. Charles Zueblin, Edwin D. Mead 
 and other of the elegant New England radicals joined 
 with the Socialist party in proclaiming that a great 
 light in the world had been put out by the lingering 
 powers of darkness. In Chicago Arthur Morrow Lewis 
 and the National Secretary of the Socialist Party led
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 263 
 
 the anti-Catholic orations. In Milwaukee, Victor 
 Berger was heard; while in San Francisco Ferrer 
 was given a standing among the red-flag martyrs of 
 the world by Austin Lewis and Selig Schulberg. In- 
 deed no Socialist body was too poor to do Ferrer honor. 
 In Lancaster, Pa., they " placed the seal of approval to 
 the plan of Prof. Ernest Haeckel of Germany to erect 
 a Ferrer School right before the Pope's eyes, in the 
 Plaza of St. Peter, on the opposite side of the street in 
 front of the Vatican in Rome, as a testimonial of the 
 work of the great martyr." 
 
 For a little time little differences were forgotten, 
 to be sure, both Socialists and Anarchists seek a " free 
 society." One would use the vote and let the " State 
 die out " ; the other would take the shorter route and 
 blow the State to smithereens. That either means of 
 arriving at their aim is inconsequent has not dawned 
 upon the one or the other. For they have not yet com- 
 prehended the truth that so long as this old globe is 
 inhabited by mankind the Catholic Church shall be here 
 to give that happiness on earth that passeth understand- 
 ing, by bringing forgiveness, to repentant sinners. 
 
 Emma Goldman the most gifted of Anarchists 
 gave to the world her views upon the platform in 
 Mother Earth. We quote from the November, 1909, 
 issue : 
 
 "Never before in the history of the world has one man's 
 death so thoroughly united struggling mankind." 
 
 " Never before has one man's death called forth such a 
 universal cry of indignation."
 
 264 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " Never before has one man's death so completely torn the 
 veil from the sinister face of the hydra-headed monster, the 
 Catholic Church." 
 
 " Before the awakened consciousness of mankind the world 
 over the Catholic Church stands condemned as the instigator 
 and perpetrator of the foul crime committed at Montjuich. 
 It is this awakened consciousness which has resurrected 
 Francisco Ferrer." 
 
 However, since Mother Earth was unstinted in its 
 praise of Czolgosz, the murderer of President Mc- 
 Kinley, we submit that candid-minded citizens should 
 find in Miss Goldman's foul denunciations something 
 in favor of the Catholic Church. 
 
 Alexander Berkman was outside of prison walls 
 when he paid tribute: 
 
 " Ferrer's martyrdom has called forth almost universal in- 
 dignation against the cabal of priest and ruler that doomed a 
 noble man to death. 
 
 " The martyrdom of Ferrer will not have been in vain if 
 through it, the Anarchists as well as other radical elements 
 will realize that, in social as well as in individual life, 
 conception precedes birth. The social conception which we 
 need, and must have, is the creation of libertarian centers 
 which shall radiate the atmosphere of the dawn into the life 
 of humanity." (Mother Earth, Nov., 1910.) 
 
 Rose Pastor Stokes not alone paid with her voice and 
 her pen tributes to Ferrer, she gave to the schools 
 monuments to his name her money. " Last year 
 we echoed Ferrer's cry, 'Long Live the Modern School ! ' 
 This year we are helping the Modem School to live!
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 265 
 
 His soul is marching on. How wonderful it is! " Yes, 
 truly, though it is not less debasing than it is wonderful 
 that in our own free America the land of her adop- 
 tion that " Dear Rose " may be kept constantly in the 
 lime-light by her advocacy of Ferrer Schools, the red 
 flag, birth-control and treason, any one of which should 
 be sufficient to exclude Mrs. Stokes from public view. 
 
 Before a California audience (The World, Oakland, 
 March 28, 1919) William Thurston Brown depicts the 
 " freedom " of the Ferrer School at Stelton, 1ST. J., and 
 makes it his mission to " force " this freedom upon 
 the public schools of our country. As this freedom 
 permits the pupils of Stelton, who " enter into the spirit 
 of the Russian revolution " to " educate themselves " 
 authority is expelled from the school room. Of course 
 this is logical, since if man comes from the troglodyte 
 authority comes from nowhere. 
 
 Upton Sinclair modestly informs his admirers that 
 it took " twenty-five years " to compile his little volume 
 " The Profits of Religion" (Pasadena, Calif., 1918) 
 in which he reprints old crass calumnies against the 
 Catholic Church to delight the darkened mind. It 
 seems to matter little to " Uptie " that many of these 
 falsehoods were plainly refuted centuries before his 
 booklet was written in which he does praise to his 
 " friend " after that dear friend had separated him from 
 his first wife. Mayhap it was to advertise his Socialist 
 freedom ? However that may be, this I-I-I-I gen- 
 tleman did put one new falsehood together with an old 
 one on the principle that two negatives make one
 
 266 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUBE 
 
 positive and thus at once " Uptie " traduces Christ's 
 Church, spreads the propaganda of irresponsibility, and 
 makes a name and money for himself by his defense of 
 Ferrer. Just as the Catholic Church " Burned Gio- 
 daho Biimo for teaching that the earth moves around 
 the sun that same Church, in the name of the three- 
 headed God, sent out Francesco Ferrer to the firing 
 squad; if it does not do the same thing to the author of 
 this book, it will be solely because of the police." (p. 
 42.) 
 
 Some twenty-five minutes of honest seeking after his- 
 toric truth would be time enough to put to rout the 
 fraud and falsehood gathered in twenty-five years, that 
 Bruno was burned for the astronomical opinions that he 
 held. The Catholic Church is now and ever has been 
 the Patron of Science. It was Copernicus who made 
 the scientific discovery that the earth moves around the 
 sun Copernicus was a priest. Just a little of the 
 money made out of the profits of Mr. Sinclair's ir- 
 religious little book, that took twenty-five of his pre- 
 cious years, if put into a reliable book relative to the 
 matter would give proof that Copernicus was honored 
 at Rome for his discovery; that it was a Prince of the 
 Church Cardinal Schonberg who urged Coper- 
 nicus to publish his scientific discoveries for the benefit 
 of the world ; that his book was dedicated to Pope Paul 
 III and that the great Father Copernicus retired upon 
 a benefice provided by the Pope. Then, again, if 
 " Uptie " had that gift implored by Bobbie Burns, he 
 might see that it is quite one thing to write scandalously
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 267 
 
 about the Catholic Church and vaingloriously about 
 himself in his sunny Pasadena home and quite another 
 to spur men on to riot, since Ferrer's act was deemed 
 consequential enough to waste shot upon. 
 
 Uptie, Uptie sat on a wall 
 
 Uptie, Uptie had a great fall 
 
 All the king's oxen and all the king's men 
 
 Cannot put Uptie together again. 
 
 From the many editorials, that appeared during the 
 years that this sensation was fresh, we select excerpts 
 from two that are fairly representative of the spirit 
 with which the atrocious Ferrer was upheld and the 
 animus that was directed against the Catholic Church ; 
 notwithstanding the fact that the Church of Christ had 
 nothing to do with his trial or his execution. 
 
 " Ferrer was killed ~by order of the Spanish Movement and 
 with the approval of all the exploiters of the Spanish people 
 and of the Catholic Church." (Call, Oct. 13, 1910.) 
 
 "Many will remember the date, October 12, 1909, that the 
 Spanish government, urged by the Catholic Church, pro- 
 nounced the death sentence upon Francisco Ferrer because 
 he dared to preach the truth as he believed it." The Minne- 
 sota Socialist, Minneapolis, Sept. 26, 1913. 
 
 The division of the Socialist movement known as the 
 " Industrial Workers of the World " shall be called 
 upon, otherwise the most fecund of the diatribes against 
 the Church would be left out. This organization sprang 
 quickly into the lists of Ferrer's idolaters. After many 
 where-ases anent " Bloody Mary " and other historic
 
 2t>8 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 perversions, the officers give Ferrer's last words as a 
 rich legacy that spells emancipation " Aim straight ; 
 Long live the Modern Schools " and then 
 
 " Resolved, That the Industrial Workers of the World shall, 
 in the spirit of the murdered scholar, herald among the work- 
 ers the mission of a united working class. One in the spirit 
 of education and organization, whose fruition will be a so- 
 ciety unfettered by wealth or church; a society that shall 
 make impossible the murder of any individual at the behest of 
 a tyrannical priest by an illiterate soldiery, the hirelings of 
 an imbecile king. 
 
 " Priest and King ! How long, Workers, shalt thou tol- 
 erate their crimes? 
 
 " T. J. COLE, 
 J. J. ETTOR, 
 H. L. GAINES, 
 FRANCIS MILLER, 
 THOS. WHITEHEAD, 
 
 General Executive Board. 
 WM. E. TRAUTMAN, 
 
 General Organizer. 
 VINCENT ST. JOHN, 
 
 General Sec.-Treas. 
 The Industrial Worker, Spokane, Wash., Dec. 15, 1909. 
 
 Besides the I. W. W. the United Hebrew trades adds 
 its full strength to the Socialist left wing. In the 
 needle industry alone it has some 300,000 men and 
 women who conceive themselves to be victims of the 
 competitive capitalist system and resolve to free them- 
 selves through representatives of their own " party and
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 269 
 
 class " who shall have been educated, thoroughly, in 
 the principles of the modern school. In estimating the 
 volume of the disruptive and destructive force of these 
 organized wage-earners it should be held in view that 
 this body of men and women have none of those fond 
 traditions of nationhood that other races have to temper 
 somewhat their rage when it is lashed into a fury by 
 artful demagogues. Yet they have the vote by which 
 to get control of our government for the determined 
 purpose of confiscating all the capital in private hands 
 as the basis for the complete overturning of our con- 
 stitution and institutions. 
 
 Even the American Federation of Labor, that has 
 never denied the inherent right of a man to operate 
 private property for a legitimate profit, came very near 
 committing the monstrous error of officially classing 
 Ferrer with our own greatest Americans Washington 
 and Lincoln who stood to the issue that the people of 
 this nation might be free. It is to the credit of the 
 Fraternal delegate to the A. F. of L. Father Peter 
 E. Dietz that the contemplated action of the Execu- 
 tive Council of that body did not come to evil fruition 
 at the Toronto Convention in 1909. 
 
 Ah ! yes, there is rhyme galore as this Anarchist- 
 Socialist group have the most language to spare. 
 Mother Earth sets forth a Song of Solidarity by Bayard 
 Boyesen, formerly an instructor in Columbia Univer- 
 sity, dedicated reverently to the memory of Ferrer who 
 was " murdered by the House of Bourbon and the 
 Church of Rome."
 
 270 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " But the rocks shall split asunder ; 
 Let kings and Pope beware 
 When brave men rise and thunder 
 * For Freedom and Ferrer ! ' ' 
 
 The Social Democratic Herald (Milwaukee) aspiring 
 to the wreath of fame puts history, prophecy and blas- 
 phemy into these words: 
 
 " One sad October morn, at the stroke of six, 
 In this very fortress of Montjuich, 
 There stood erect before that wall of shame, 
 (Wrought by a boy, Alfonso is his name, the last king 
 
 of Spain) 
 
 A man of fame, the pride of Spain; 
 He never bowed to king nor pope 
 And guided people in their hope, 
 He must then fall before that wall, 
 For so ordained the Holy See 
 And the beast who a king would be ! " 
 
 Mr. Eunsonshall in the New York Call speaks his 
 little piece to show their groveling lust for earthly 
 power : 
 
 " Four shots rang out, and Ferrer fell ; 
 
 ' So perish Anarchy,' they cried, 
 ' So die each hated infidel.' 
 
 The warm Earth answered, ' Ye have lied ' ; 
 And Liar Priest, and Liar King, 
 
 And Liar minion swine of Spain, 
 Within our hearts your doom we sing, 
 
 And vengeance seek for Ferrer's pain; 
 So let it flame, that worthy name."
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 271 
 
 Then, too, -the Melting Pot shall speak out its ven- 
 omous mind for it makes history quite regardless of 
 truth. Indeed, this one excerpt alone was sufficient 
 to tell what it is that gives motive to the Socialist move- 
 ment taken as a whole hatred of truth of God. 
 
 Those who imagine that the spirit of the bloody Inquisition 
 is gone from the Roman Church, who think that Rome would 
 not still murder heretics wherever it had the power, need 
 but only turn to four short years ago this month October, 
 1909 and recall the martyrdom of Francisco Ferrer, the 
 great Spanish educator, whose only crime was that he ad- 
 vocated a system of public schools in Spain free from the 
 control of the Catholic priests. The law of Spain forbids 
 any schools where the Roman Catholic religion is not taught. 
 This law Francisco Ferrer wanted repealed. He was tried 
 for treason against the King and the Holy Church. He was 
 convicted, sentenced to death, and was shot on October 13, 
 1909. The pope was appealed to by nearly every scholar in 
 Europe, as well as by Ferrer's own family. One word from 
 the Vatican would have saved Ferrer's life. THE POPE 
 REMAINED DUMB and one more damnable crime, one 
 more bloody butchery, was chalked up to the account of the 
 infamous Church that has cursed the earth for centuries. 
 
 Remember the accusers of Ferrer were ALL Roman 
 priests his only crime was his advocacy of free, secular 
 schools the government of Spain, with a cowardly pup for 
 a king, killed Ferrer because the Roman Church, which is 
 the State religion of Spain, wanted Ferrer killed. Wouldn't 
 you like to have this outfit rule America ? Aren't they a fine 
 lot to tell you that Socialism is wicked? (St. Louis, Mo., 
 Oct., 1913.) 
 
 We have but to recall the important facts in this
 
 272 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 case to satisfy all those to whom truth and reason 
 appeals. 
 
 First. The Catholic Church neither directly nor 
 indirectly had anything to do with Ferrer's arrest, 
 conviction and death. Not a priest or any one con- 
 nected with the Religious Orders of Spain appeared 
 against Ferrer. On the contrary, the Church did offer 
 him the consolation of religion, which he refused to the 
 end. Moreover, Pope Pius X did appeal to King Al- 
 fonso for clemency to Ferrer. It was by the govern- 
 ment decided that for " reasons of state " the full 
 penalty should be paid by the " chief instigator " of 
 the revolt. 
 
 Second. The Ferrer Schools of Barcelona had been 
 as freely permitted to work disruption in Spain as the 
 Ferrer and the Rand Schools of ISTew York City are 
 still permitted to train men and women, boys and girls, 
 for the overthrow of American principles and American 
 institutions. As we have said before, not a few of 
 these sometime students are now amongst the " Dic- 
 tators of the Proletariat " in Russia. As a matter of 
 fact, there were forty-two Ferrer schools unrestrictedly 
 working their wicked will in Barcelona at the time 
 their founder inspired the mob to insurrection in that 
 hopeless city. There was, at this time, plenty, and 
 more of license for the operation of these modern 
 schools and there was not a lack of honest educational 
 opportunities in this province of Spain as we shall show 
 upon the authority of Mr. Andrew Shipman, whose 
 reliability is above question. We quote:
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 273 
 
 " The statistics of Barcelona for the year 1909 show the fol- 
 lowing results: public schools, 860; private church schools 
 conducted by religious communities, 268 ; private schools con- 
 ducted by Catholic laymen, 564 ; Protestant schools, 22 ; Ferrer 
 ' laic ' schools, 43. This does very well for the city and 
 province of Barcelona, containing a total population of 1,052,- 
 977. 
 
 It has been said that the schools of Spain still leave 75 
 per cent of the people illiterate. Those are the statistics 
 of 1860 fifty years ago. According to the census of 1900 
 (before Ferrer ever began his schools), Spain had 25,340 pub- 
 lic schools, with 1,617,314 pupils, and 6,181 private schools 
 with 344,380 pupils, making a total of 31,521 schools with 1,- 
 961,694 pupils, out of a population then of 18,618,086 
 somewheres approaching the same average as the State of 
 New York at that date had in her public schools. And this 
 is excluding high schools, seminaries, and the ten universities. 
 And Spain has largely increased her educational facilities in 
 the ten years since 1900." 
 
 One point in passing should be noted, namely that 
 all children in the Statistical Census of illiteracy in 
 Spain are included, while our own Statistical Reports 
 exclude children below the age of ten years. 
 
 Third. Ferrer was convicted of treason. That he 
 was guilty of treason there is Socialist testimony in 
 amplitude. Yes, truly they have reversed the moral 
 code given by God to man. They use loyalty for 
 treason ; glory for shame. But this blind use of words 
 does not change the character of their intentions. 
 Treason was the International pronouncement at the 
 Stuttgart Congress. The order was given in explicit 
 terms " to war upon war" That it was followed
 
 274 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 out in Barcelona is well known by all the International- 
 ists. The Weekly People (N. Y., Oct. 23, 1909) in 
 an editorial "The Assassination of Ferrer" rejoices 
 in the Spaniards' loyalty to the revolutionary cause. 
 " The Anti-Militarist Resolution promulgated by the 
 International Socialist Congress became the rallying cry 
 of all honorable and enlightened elements in Spain." 
 
 In his annual report the National Secretary of the 
 Socialist party (S. P. Official Bulletin, Jan., 1910) 
 commends the Socialists of Barcelona they acted in 
 accordance with the recommendations contained in the 
 resolutions adopted by the International Congress at 
 Stuttgart covering this very subject " war." 
 
 " Better insurrection than war! " became their slogan 
 and the International Socialist Bureau (Brussels) 
 praised the Ferrerites for their " loyalty " in a stirring 
 appeal issued to the Spanish Socialists. This docu- 
 ment was published in all the Socialist papers of our 
 country. Splendid! The Socialists in Spain have 
 risen in open insurrection against war in Morocco : : 
 
 SOCIALISTS DID DUTY 
 
 " During this shocking state of affairs, the Socialists have 
 done their duty to the end without flinching. The inter- 
 national party owes them a debt of gratitude and sympathy. 
 They have made war against war at the peril of their lives. 
 They have carried out the resolution of our congress and for 
 that reason we ourselves must support them in their acts. 
 Let us proclaim so loudly in these times when reaction, 
 bearing in mind the history of the Commune, is trying by its 
 false news and censure, to transform victims into criminals
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 275 
 
 and criminals into victims. (Chicago Daily Socialist, Aug. 
 18, 1909." 
 
 The last clause of the Stuttgart resolution was in- 
 troduced by Rosa Luxenburg, delegate from Poland 
 and 1ST. Lenin, delegate from Russia. It was re-enacted 
 at the Basle International Congress. Socialists are 
 pledged " to employ all their forces for utilizing the 
 economical and political crisis created by the war, in 
 order to arouse the masses of the people and to hasten 
 the downbreak of the predominance of the capitalist 
 class." 
 
 Surely, " loyalty " to this mandate had, during the 
 war with Morocco, prompted the Socialists of Spain to 
 use all their forces to " war upon war," and the results 
 were most successful. That the practise of treason was 
 spreading to other countries may be seen in the fact 
 that just at the beginning of the world-war (Sept., 
 1914) the Social Democratic Party of Russia sent out 
 an official document signed by S. Zimowjen and N". 
 Lenin declaring their members to be in duty bound to 
 war upon war. ce The Basle Resolution, which repeats 
 the words of the Stuttgart Resolution, means that, in 
 case of an outbreak of war, all Socialists shall be obliged 
 and in duty bound to make use of the economic and 
 political crisis brought on by the war to stir up the 
 masses and bring about the social revolution." 
 
 Thus it was sentimentally clear to their perverted 
 view of honor that Ferrer had become a martyr by 
 taking advantage of a state of war in his own country
 
 276 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 to stab Spain in the back. Ferrer had been " loyal " 
 to the Socialist mandate. But this mandate is treason 
 to any just government in the world. Suppose, as an 
 instance, that during the time our troops were defend- 
 ing the honor of America on the fields of France and 
 Flanders, that Morris Hillquit, Victor L. Berger, Kate 
 Richard O'Hare, Dan. Hogan, Frank Midney, Patrick 
 Quinlan, C. E. Ruthenberg, Maynard Shipley, George 
 Spiess, Jr., Job Harriman and Algernon Lee the pro- 
 posers of the St. Louis Emergency Convention resolu- 
 tion on war aided by Emma Goldman, Alexander 
 Berkman with their anarchist following " to hasten 
 the downbreak of the capitalist class " had acted upon 
 the aphorism " better insurrection than war " and car- 
 ried out their program of " mass action," inducing their 
 poor deluded comrades to mount the barricades and 
 fight like tigers; to destroy 22 churches; 14 convents; 
 20 schools and colleges; 19 office buildings and private 
 houses; kill 102 persons; seriously wound and maim 
 312 others; to enter the vaults and carry off 32 dead 
 bodies of nuns through the streets of New York ; as 
 did the Ferrerites in their " war upon war " in the City 
 of Barcelona, what then? Would that city if under 
 martial law have given a pink tea to the instigators of 
 the internecine str.if e ? No, surely we should have done 
 in America what was done in a much less serious at- 
 tempt at the " downbreak of the capitalist class " in 
 Chicago in 1886. This miniature attempt at the revo- 
 lution to abolish private capital and the wages system 
 by throwing bombs into Haymarket Square should be
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 277 
 
 fruitful in its lesson. The death toll was six police- 
 men and about sixty persons were injured. From the 
 court records it may be seen that the conviction of 
 the " Chicago Martyrs " August Spies, Albert Par- 
 sons, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Adolph Fisher, 
 George Engel and Louis Lingg was not for throwing the 
 bombs, it was for doing just what the Ferrer-Rand et 
 al schools are doing throughout the country. It was 
 not this actual presence at Haymarke't Square during 
 the riot that brought about their conviction but rather 
 the disloyal and treasonable statements found in their 
 speeches and writings that sent them to death. The 
 Court of Chicago clearly states the case of translating 
 violent principles into action: 
 
 "He who inflames people's minds, and induces them by 
 violent means to accomplish an illegal object, is himself a 
 rioter, even though he take no part in the riot. ... If he 
 set in motion the physical power of another, he is liable for 
 its result. If he awake into action an indiscriminate power, 
 he is responsible." 
 
 FEKREK SCHOOLS 
 
 Surely, at this point the question is again pertinent 
 -just what are these violent principles taught at the 
 Ferrer schools in so popular a way that even children 
 become easily imbued with them. They are in sub- 
 stance the self-same anti-religious, anti-patriotic, anti- 
 family doctrines that lie as the immoral and inethical 
 base of the many sided movement connoted by the gen- 
 eral term Socialism. For a concrete statement we
 
 2Y8 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 present a few excerpts from the Third Reader of the 
 Barcelona Modern Schools a Ferrer text book : 
 
 " Don't get excited for the sake of the flag ! It is nothing 
 but three yards of cloth stuck on a pole." 
 
 " The words ' country,' ' flag,' and ' family ' are no more 
 than hypocritical echoes of wind and sound." 
 
 ^Industries and commerce are names by which merchants 
 cover up their robberies." 
 
 " Marriage is prostitution sanctified by the Church and 
 protected by the State." 
 
 " The family is one of the principal obstacles to the en- 
 lightenment of men." 
 
 Surely, words are lost in pity for God's little 
 ones. 
 
 Their leading teacher William J. Durant, gives 
 an outline in" The Modern School" (Vol. 1, No. 1) 
 of the Ferrer schools. Durant out Luther's Luther. 
 To be sure Luther discovered the Bible accidentally, 
 though there were up to the time he was educated five 
 hundred editions of it, thirty of which were in his own 
 language German. But then a public library is 
 much bigger than a Bible and " the turning point in 
 Durant's life came when he discovered that there was 
 such a thing as a public library." 
 
 From Spencer's " First Principles," step by step Du- 
 rant walked right into the first place in the Ferrer 
 schools of America. His pupils study " Homo Sexual- 
 ism " and " Sex and Religion." To enforce the teach- 
 ing of the school since the difference between science
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 2T9 
 
 and art is that science is knowing the method and art 
 is to do the deed the teaching of Ellen Key the 
 Swedish feminist is studied and she herself is given 
 to the girl students as their model since Ellen Key " is 
 the most consistent of women, inasmuch as she lives her 
 ideals in her own life." 
 
 For the babies the Montessori system is recommended, 
 and the Ferrer schools are far and away ahead of any 
 others of this class since they are most logically anarchis- 
 tic. 
 
 Without religious light; without the ground of 
 reason ; without the norm of common sense these teachers 
 boast that they teach without dogmatism, then they set 
 up the stupid dogma that " children, must be free to 
 educate themselves." Some may dance when others 
 want to study, for their spirits should not be repressed. 
 Little boys may fight in the school rooms even though 
 the side-walk is a better place to have it out as to 
 which one shall first dance with Maria. Perish the 
 thought initiation may not be suppressed at the risk 
 of limb or life, any boy or girl could jump out of the 
 window if he or she decided to do so. Neither the 
 child's mind nor its body shall be cramped the school 
 is positively libertarian. 
 
 Of course, nothing is right and nothing ia wrong, 
 but then these " teachers " discuss what is right and 
 what is wrong with the children but the children are 
 never forbidden anything and they are never punished 
 in any way for anything.
 
 280 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 PUBLIC AND PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS 
 
 Socialists are energetically taking advantage of 
 every opportunity to control the education of children 
 throughout the country and this is only another way of 
 saying that they would drive out of every school cur- 
 riculum whatsoever induces love of God and loyalty to 
 country. They base their opposition on the assumption 
 that both religion and patriotism are unscientific: 
 
 "I know of no school to which your children may be sent 
 where some superstitions are not taught. In the public 
 schools, where the ordinary superstitions taught in sectarian 
 schools are not taught, some superstitions the child must 
 receive. The superstition of the glory of war, the freedom 
 of our land, patriotism narrowed down to the blind love of 
 one country against other countries, and several other such 
 superstitions. The only place I know of for your children 
 or anybody's children where these and other superstitions 
 are unlearned and beautiful truth is learned is in tbe So- 
 cialist Sunday schools." (Rose Pastor Stokes Editor 
 Woman's Dep. New York Call, Sept. 7, 1908.) 
 
 Not content with the fact that the popular Darwinian 
 theory has vitiated the text books of the modern world 
 to the extent that animalism is the cult profused by the 
 so-called educated, with its utter disregard for the soul, 
 even the life of the race, as may be seen in the propa- 
 ganda of birth control and its kindred abominations, all 
 of which reaches down to the schools in the form of 
 sex hygiene et al., the Socialists want still further to 
 carry the demoralization of animalism into the every-
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 281 
 
 day life of school children. The city platform of Oak- 
 land, Calif., Socialist Party (Jan., 1919) first calls 
 for a class-conscious Soviet government and then calls 
 for this practical step towards their aim : " We de- 
 mand a complete revolution in the text books and in- 
 structions and that working class principles become the 
 new order of education/' Thus it is that decent words 
 " working class " are made to do duty in describ- 
 ing principles that are vicious. 
 
 The Socialists of Queens County, N". Y., declared: 
 
 " That the party, organization go down on record as favor- 
 ing compulsory public school education." (Call, April 24, 
 1912.) 
 
 The New York State Platform adopted by the 
 Socialist Party in Convention assembled in Albany, 
 July 2, 1916 declared for "Compulsory school at- 
 tendance for all children up to the age of 18." 
 
 The influence of religion must be weakened, is the 
 burden of the official pronouncement of the Socialist 
 Party of Great Britian under the caption of Socialism 
 and Religion: 
 
 "The sophistication df the children's brains with super- 
 stition and hypocritical capitalist codes prevents millions from 
 ever understanding their position in the world." 
 
 Nobody is better qualified than Clara Zetkin a 
 Spartacide leader in Germany to send the cry of the 
 doctrinaries around the world :
 
 282 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 "Cast religion out of the schools! It has no business 
 there, neither from ethic nor pedagogic reasons." 
 
 They know, from long experience, that, indeed, ma- 
 terialism is the handmaid of revolution. They know, 
 too, that religion out-of-the public schools is the precur- 
 sor for closing the private schools where religion is 
 taught. This point is well established. It was set 
 down succinctly in the Erfurt platform (1891) and the 
 Erfurt platform has been the model for all the Socialist 
 political programs since that time. The self -same word- 
 ing of the plank has been used in the platforms of 
 Socialists in our own country. " Secularization of the 
 schools. Compulsory attendance at the public schools." 
 
 The late Wilhelm Liebknecht, one of the most in- 
 fluential leaders of the German Social Democratic Party 
 may be trusted to have amplified its exact intention 
 in his Socialism: What It Is and What It .Seeks to 
 Accomplish. This passage " means that the church, 
 that religion should have nothing to do with the school." 
 " It means that the attempt of Catholics, Protestants and 
 others to hold and make their control firm over the in- 
 tellect " must be frustrated. This is open. Too open, 
 since it is low grade politics to play at the game 
 of now-you-see-it-and-now-you-don't. When the discus- 
 sion was on, it was objected as an infringement upon 
 parental rights that by compelling all children to 
 attend public schools where religious training was for- 
 bidden it was in fact a prohibition upon religious 
 instruction.
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 283 
 
 The Social Democratic Herald (June 21, 1913) - 
 Victor Berger's paper replied : " But compulsory 
 schooling has nothing to do with the right of the people 
 to be religious or to inculcate their religion." True, the 
 right no man no state can take away since no man 
 gave it. The right is secure with God, but it is not safe 
 with Darwinism in the saddle ; with Socialists in power 
 it would be quite impossible for parents to exercise 
 their natural right to educate their children in compli- 
 ance with the dictates of their conscience. For witness 
 we call upon the Lenin-Trotsky regime to testify. 
 Surely no discussion is necessary to the same conclusion 
 that in our mixed population of various religious beliefs, 
 with sixty millions of our people non-affiliated with any 
 church, that the teaching of religion in our public 
 schools, as now maintained, is quite impossible if the 
 right of religious conviction is to be respected. Yet, 
 because the general public has stupidly and wickedly 
 acquiesced in the notion that those who demand Godless 
 education for children shall have it all their own way 
 with the public schools, we have now to face the growing 
 demand that no parents shall be allowed to educate their 
 children under religious auspices even in private schools. 
 A pretty kettle of fish ! We must, of course, assent that 
 such irresponsible parents as will not safeguard the in- 
 telligence of our future citizenry by their voluntary 
 education shall be made to do so. Besides, all will no 
 doubt agree that cooperation through State agencies in 
 the education of children is advisable for too many 
 reasons here to enumerate. But there should be mother-
 
 284 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 wit enough within the body politic to safeguard uni- 
 versal education in the interest of the State. Just 
 here is the crux of the whole matter and the sound con- 
 clusion must be that since moral education is the 
 necessary base of citizenship and since religious in- 
 struction alone supplies the foundation of moral-char- 
 acter the Commonwealth itself should safeguard the 
 basal right of parents to educate their children under 
 religious auspices for its own protection. Hence the 
 complementary conclusion is that Godless schools should 
 be limited strictly to those hapless little ones whose 
 infidel and atheist parents demand such a crippling of 
 the school curriculum. 
 
 The issue is coming on apace and the Commonwealth 
 must meet it. Stall natural rights be maintained upon 
 the field of education or shall those who deny natural 
 rights rule our schools ? 
 
 The Socialist mind may be seen in a text book written 
 by John Spargo, for it is officially circulated by the 
 Socialist party. Its sense is that the Socialist regime 
 would forbid the existence of private schools of re- 
 ligious schools and that this one-class society would 
 take over the role of " the natural protector of the 
 child." 
 
 " Whether the socialist regime could tolerate the existence 
 of elementary schools other than its own, such as privately 
 conducted kindergartens and schools, religious schools, and so 
 on, is questionable. Probably not. It would probably not 
 content itself with refusing to permit religious doctrines or 
 ideas to be taught in its schools, but would go further, and,
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 285 
 
 as the natural protector of the child, guard its independence 
 of thought in later life as far as possible by forbidding re- 
 ligious teaching of any kind in schools for children up to a 
 certain age. Beyond that age, religious education, in all 
 other than the public schools, would be freely permitted. 
 This restriction of religious education to the years of judg- 
 ment and discretion implies no hostility to religion on the 
 part of the State, but neutrality. Not the least important of 
 the rights of the child is the right to be protected from in- 
 fluences which bias the mind and destroy the possibilities of 
 independent judgment in later life, or make it attainable only 
 as a result of bitter, needless, tragic experience." (" Social- 
 ism: A Summary and Interpretation of Its Principles.") 
 
 This is indeed an excellent laboratory specimen of 
 the crookedness in thought and expression that is com- 
 mon to those who speak and write in the defense of 
 their cause. Of course, the fault here lies deeper than 
 thought and speech, since its fundamental lack is a 
 moral vision. Having denied God the First Cause 
 - the source from which moral principles are come, the 
 parents are coolly raped of their natural rights in their 
 children. Then the moral fruit of parental obligations 
 instructing their children to know God, to love God, 
 and to serve Him is made to be an immoral obliga- 
 tion on the part of the Commonwealth, since its im- 
 portant part is to prevent religious instruction to chil- 
 dren. Out of despoliation, despotism and bigotry the 
 Spargonian twist of mind makes that blameless and 
 at times most desirable product civil neutrality. We 
 are tempted to echo " Can you beat it? " 
 
 In studying the educational prospects under the red
 
 286 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 regime we should hold in mind that it is to be established 
 upon the will of men, whereas our form of government 
 has its sure foundation upon the will of Almighty God. 
 To the question relative to the control of children by 
 their parents in the Socialist republic Frank M. East- 
 wood replies in his " Question Box " : 
 
 "Nobody knows. A few Socialist writers seem to think 
 that children would be the wards of the state, but a greater 
 number are opposed to it. Just what will be is a matter that 
 the people of that time must decide." 
 
 Again : 
 
 " Would parochial schools be allowed in the Cooperative 
 Common wealth ? 
 
 "It is not for an individual of to-day to say just what 
 would be allowed in a society that is not yet organized, but 
 there is nothing in the principles of Socialism that conflicts 
 with the idea of parochial schools or any other schools con- 
 ducted for the purpose of teaching special branches such ag 
 would not likely be taught in a public school. All such 
 things as this would, however, depend upon the will of the 
 majority, which would rule under Socialism in fact as it 
 now does in theory." 
 
 Nowhere in Socialist philosophy is there any warrant 
 for the conviction that the majority, or the minority 
 for that matter, is under an obligation imposed by the 
 moral law God's law to rule according to the natural 
 rights of beings human. Nor should this cause sur- 
 prise. Going no further back than the animal life 
 exhibited within the created universe for the source of
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 287 
 
 authority, it necessarily rests upon physical force 
 upon might. Thus it is that right as an absolute prin- 
 ciple and wrong as a denial and departure from what 
 is right is quite beyond and above the comprehension 
 of these modern, scientific, class conscious, revolution- 
 izers of the world. The " right of might " has been 
 set up in Russia, the Commissioner of Education, A. V. 
 Lunacharsky, in his report of the All-Russian Teachers 
 Congress disposes of all doubts on the matter as to in- 
 tention : 
 
 " At the session of the Government Commission for Public 
 Education, in connection with a petition of the church meet- 
 ing, the question of parochial schools was taken up. The 
 Government Commission decided that the educational in- 
 stitutions of the church shall pass over to the administration 
 of the local Soviets for public education. Private initiative 
 may be permitted to found courses for religious instruction, 
 but these shall have no right to include in their programs 
 general educational subjects." 
 
 Moreover the deed is done ! Even before the five 
 senses of the child have coordinated in mental vision 
 at the age of about seven years, these absurdly dogmatic 
 folk who deny dogma and dogma is only a terse state- 
 ment of a basic principle, that relates the individual 
 to his Creator deny that the parent has an inalienable 
 right to the child and insist upon " its right to doubt, to 
 investigate, to grow strong in wisdom by the exercise of 
 its mental processes." Louise Bryant an American 
 Bolshevist apologist gives her testimony " In Six
 
 288 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Months in Russia " that the one-class Godless school 
 is the one only school permitted : 
 
 "Every child in Russia now attends public school. All 
 private institutions are abolished. Not only the children in 
 prison, in reform schools and in orphan asylums now must 
 go to public schools, but also the children of the aristocracy 
 must attend these same schools." 
 
 Only a little knowledge of the world's human his- 
 tory is sufficient to see that there is nothing new under 
 the sun. The usurpation of the natural rights of 
 parents was well worked out with the code of Lycurgus 
 and put into every-day educational processes of the 
 children of Sparta during the regime of his one-class so- 
 ciety in pre-Christian days. Of course it did not last 
 long, even with the Pagans, since a merciful Providence 
 has a way of righting the wrongs of the race when men 
 set up their dogmatic wills quite to the contrary of God's 
 will. 
 
 However, Pagans of our day are now masters of the 
 masses and the classes. To be sure Lenin and Trotsky 
 did not wait for a plebiscite relative to the inclusion or 
 the exclusion of religious instruction in schools. ISTo, 
 usurping the power of the Ten Commandments, the 
 rights of civil society and the authority of parents, 
 forthwith, at the point of the machine-gun, they con- 
 fiscated institutions of learning, denied the natural 
 rights of children and sent them all to their schools 
 where no " superstitions " are taught ; where God is a 
 myth, patriotism is a farce, workmen have no country,
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 289 
 
 the flag a rag fetish, self-expression the law, and self- 
 sacrifice that blunder worse than a crime. From now 
 on Bolshevism will undertake the task of showing that 
 " the power of the Vatican, the Pope, rests upon the 
 ignorance of the masses," that the influence of the 
 Church shall " disappear," that education under Cath- 
 olic control is what Karl Marx said it was when writing 
 in laudation of the Paris insurrection of 1871 intel- 
 lectual " stultification by the priest." 
 
 From the evidence submitted it should be deemed 
 no threat but a rather mild caution to say that we had 
 better make haste to encourage religious instruction in 
 the schools, upon an equitable basis, unless our country 
 is ready to accept Debs, Berger, Stokes, Spargo et al as 
 the " natural protectors " of American children. 
 
 At any rate Catholics are not guilty ! They have not, 
 they are not and they will not teach their children that 
 Darwinian doctrine, brought to its perfection and to its 
 Waterloo in the world-war, that might is supreme over 
 spirit. Though all the other institutions, that should be 
 seats of truth not of error, should teach " psychology 
 without a soul " the Catholic philosophers know that 
 it is a first principle of recognition that the identity of 
 a thing a being is established by contrast, rela- 
 tive and ultimate. That if all there were to deal with 
 were phenomena, it could not be known for lack of an 
 ultimate contrast, there would be nothing to stand in 
 contrast to the created cosmos by which to establish 
 that which we know as force and matter. But with God- 
 Pure Spirit, Light and Life as Creator, then phenom-
 
 290 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 ena may be sure and known up to one's attained capa- 
 city to conceive of material substances in part and the 
 physical universe as one whole. Then too, in this ulti- 
 mate contrast there is a First Cause a Perfect Cause 
 alone sufficient to account for the moral conscious- 
 ness of man and for his creative art-principle. 
 
 Speaking in the large, the world may be sure that 
 three hundred million Catholics throughout the world 
 will maintain their God-given right to obey Ihe mandate 
 of the Canon Law of their Church : 
 
 "Parents are bound by the most serious obligation to pro- 
 cure as far as possible the religious, moral, physical, and 
 civil education of their children, and to provide also for their 
 temporal welfare" 
 
 Any correct history relative to the subject will show 
 that to the Catholic Church is due the credit for intro- 
 ducing the free public school system. Centuries before 
 Guttenburg invented the printing press (1438), long 
 before material less expensive than vellum was common 
 in book-making free schools were attached to Catholic 
 Churches. So far back as the second century of the 
 Christian era (180 A. D.) academies were maintained 
 to teach divine revelation and Christian experience. 
 Hence dogma and experience were in polarity, there- 
 fore these ancient Christians knew both the deductive 
 and the inductive principles involved in education, 
 whether or not these terms were used. So it was that 
 absolute principles, objective reality and sound philoso- 
 phy formed the three dimensions of education ; - in
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 291 
 
 contrast then, as now, to the Pagan notion that pragma- 
 tism will suffice as a foundation of truth. 
 
 In 529 A.. D. the Council of Vaison commanded the 
 priests of Gaul to take boys into their households and 
 instruct them in their faith, science and art. It is con- 
 cluded by reputable historians that this decree was in 
 fact the beginning of the parochial school system. 
 
 During the eighth century the Bishop of Metz first 
 established schools in Cathedral cities and then expanded 
 the system to include nearly all those places where there 
 were Churches. Besides religious instruction, reading, 
 writing, grammar, rhetoric, psalmody and dialectics 
 were taught. 
 
 There is no doubt about the edict for free education 
 more than seven hundred years ago. The third Lateran 
 Council (1179 A* D.) issued a decree that shows educa- 
 tion to be a supreme care of the Chief Pastor and more- 
 over it shows that democracy the rights of the poor 
 - is ever in balanced proportion to the authority vested 
 in Ecclesiastics. We quote : " That every Cathedral 
 Church have a teacher who is to teach poor scholars and 
 others, and that no one receive a fee for permission to 
 teach." 
 
 In " The Fairest Argument," Rev. John Noll, LL.D. 
 Editor of Our Sunday Visitor devotes many 
 pages to showing the marvelous educational work done 
 by the Church throughout the centuries. Much of the 
 testimony is taken from non-Catholic friends, who, as 
 historians, are in admiration of the efforts of Holy 
 Mother Church to enlighten the people.
 
 292 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Ireland had seven Universities in the sixth century, 
 Germany had 40,000 elementary schools before Luther 
 was born, he, himself, was educated in one of them. 
 
 Florence with 90,000 population had an attendance 
 of 12,000 in the Catholic schools of the thirteenth cen- 
 tury. 
 
 Before the " Reformation " Catholics had established 
 seventy of the leading universities of Europe, they have 
 added forty-six since that time, which makes a present 
 total of one hundred sixteen. Taken together the 
 Protestant sects have established but thirty-one univer- 
 sities since the religious authority of the Vicar of Christ 
 was thrown off in Germany and in England. 
 
 On the American continent the University of Peru 
 was first to be founded at Lima, 1551. Of course it was 
 Catholic. It had flourished nearly half a century be- 
 fore the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock. 
 
 Our own record is like to that of all the Christian 
 centuries, everywhere, the first public school within the 
 boundaries of the United States was founded by the 
 Catholics at St. Augustine, Fla., in the yea'r 1600. 
 Thus the Church has a clear title as pioneer upon the 
 field of universal education secular and religious, for 
 there is more than ample proof that from the year 33 
 when Christ selected Peter as His Vicar on earth that 
 the command to teach all nations has been faithfully 
 carried out. 
 
 Having studied the uprise and the downfall of em- 
 pires and of republics our own Washington saw clearly 
 that without religious instruction morality cannot be
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 293 
 
 maintained and conversely without morality no nation 
 can be maintained. This conviction was clearly stated in 
 the quaint language of the day and a wise warning given 
 to the future generations by the Father of our Country 
 in his farewell address which we should prize as a rich 
 jewel in our national legacy: 
 
 " Let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality 
 can be maintained without religion; whatever may be con- 
 ceded to the influence of refined education on minds of pe- 
 culiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to ex- 
 pect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of re- 
 ligious principles." 
 
 Catholics have not to plead guilty : for religious prin- 
 ciples have never been excluded from their homes nor 
 from their schools. They hear and they obey the in- 
 struction that God has given and they know that " Jus- 
 tice exalteth a nation; ~but sin maketh nations miser*- 
 able" (Proverbs 14, 34). Without God as the author 
 of nations justice were a principle unknown and un- 
 knowable. With God as the ultimate cause of every 
 nation under the sun, with Christ the Messiah and Re- 
 deemer of all mankind, the central figure of history we 
 have a rational explanation of human society that sat- 
 isfies the normal requirements of human judgment and 
 conduct. It is true that without supernatural revela- 
 tion the human mind is enabled, by its natural gifts, to 
 reach the necessity for a First Cause. But this convic- 
 tion leaves all rational processes minus the explanation 
 of goodness and of sin in the world. The utmost the
 
 294 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 First Cause will yield is the positive and the negative 
 action of the human will that is free-will to do or 
 not to do a specific thing. If, however, plus the First 
 Cause there is supernatural revelation with regard to 
 the creation of man and the fall of our first parents ; also 
 plus the historic testimony of Christ and Him Crucified, 
 then the normal mind rests securely upon its compound 
 of natural and supernatural revelation. By reason and 
 experience things natural-scientific are made known to 
 us, by supernatural revelation things spiritual be- 
 yond our reason and experience are made known to us. 
 Therefore it is plain that things spiritual are wedded 
 to things physical as closely as body and soul are wedded 
 together. That they are not to be separated save by 
 a destruction of mortal life in the one case and by the 
 death of the soul in sin in the other is self-evident. This 
 is the reason that Catholics insist upon secular instruc- 
 tion under religious auspices and quite sufficient it is. 
 It is surely within bounds to say that a demonstra- 
 tion of self-sacrifice quite equal to the highest quality 
 of patriotism this side of death is witnessed in the pa- 
 rochial school system of our country. Merely io note 
 that the instruction given by Christian brothers and nuns 
 - the many thousands of men and women who leave 
 the world and its allurements to give a life service -for 
 the love of God is reasonably superior to that given 
 as a commercial transaction, we call attention to the 
 contributions of Catholics in dollars and cents for the 
 support of their school. The sum runs into millions an- 
 nually. Besides the full support of their own schools
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN SCHOOLS 295 
 
 Catholics suffer patiently the injustice of paying their 
 pro rata tax to support the public schools. 
 
 In 1918 there were 1,593,406 children attending 
 5,748 Catholic parish schools. In the Report of the 
 U. S. Census of Education (Table 16, Vol. 2, p. 18, 
 1912) it is estimated that in 1910-1911 the annual cost 
 per capita in the average common school was $34.71 per 
 pupil. At this rate though as a matter of fact the 
 cost since then has greatly increased the annual sav- 
 ing to the several states would be $55,317,150.91. 
 Moreover it has been thought a conservative estimate 
 that in 1911 it would have cost over $100,000,000 to 
 erect and equip school buildings to accommodate those 
 Catholic children educated in parochial schools. 
 
 Just now at the conclusion of the world war 
 when the patriotism of Catholics of every tongue spoken 
 in our country has been shown in supreme devotion to 
 American ideals there should be a general recogni- 
 tion of the civic value of education under Catholic aus- 
 pices, since those who have been taught to render unto 
 God what belongs to God give freely what they owe to 
 Caesar their life, blood, service and money.
 
 VII 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 
 
 VERY many attempts have been made to put into 
 practical operation Socialist ideals by the estab- 
 lishment of cooperative colonies, but incapacity, jeal- 
 ousy, dishonesty and immorality have disrupted nearly 
 every one of them. In 1871 an attempt was made, on a 
 larger scale, to socialize a civil community Paris 
 by the capture of the seat of the French government. 
 After having added some fresh pages of horror to his- 
 toric record these insurrectionists were forced to capitu- 
 late. But this defect did not halt the propaganda of 
 the followers of Marx and Engels, who some seventy 
 years ago determined upon a world conquest. But re- 
 cently came the opportunity to attempt a Paris Com- 
 mune on a national scale. In the once despotic land of 
 the Czars has come not what the dream so fondly dreamt 
 of happy cooperation but instead its real self, that like 
 an obsession has driven men's minds from truth as 
 Hagar was driven into the wilderness, there to perish. 
 One may as well attempt to separate the fame of Marx 
 and Engels from their doctrine as to separate Socialism 
 and Bolshevism. 
 
 If only shoemakers would stick to their last! The 
 National Security League informs the public that its 
 
 296
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 297 
 
 " efforts will not be directed against socialism " but 
 rather against the doctrine of Lenin and Bolshevism, 
 thus their program is to separate what is in the nature 
 of things inseparable. The Liberator (Feb., 1919), 
 better educated in its own evolutionary philosophy than 
 is the National Security League, sharply taking issue 
 replies : " the doctrines of Lenin are the doctrines of 
 revolutionary Socialism the world over." When ex- 
 perts agree, what novice shall have the temerity to say 
 that they know not their own testimony? 
 
 " Lenin is after all nothing but an ordinary Socialist, with 
 the ordinary Socialist program of social revolution every- 
 where throughout Europe as his object." (Editorial N. Y. 
 Call, May 14, 1917.) 
 
 " I think it would be ridiculous to suppose there was no 
 German money in the Bolshevist movement but Re- 
 member, Trotsky and Lenin are preaching to-day the doc- 
 trine they were preaching fifteen years ago." (Bessie Beatty, 
 " Red Heart of Russia," p. 133.) 
 
 Lincoln Steffens, who is keenly aware of the diver- 
 gence in thought and method between socialist propa- 
 ganda and its anarchist counterpart, gives, in his in- 
 troduction to Trotsky's book " The Bolsheviki and 
 World Peace," N. Y., 1918 to the author a clear cut 
 title : " Leon Trotsky is a Socialist; an orthodox Marx- 
 ian Socialist." 
 
 Evidently it requires more study and reflection to get 
 the logical sequence between those socialists who vio- 
 lated the espionage act during the war and those who 
 by wielding the power of the Red Guard defy right and
 
 298 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 justice in Russia, than some of our Federal Judges 
 have taken the trouble to give. When addressing the 
 Federal Court at Cleveland recently, the Judge ex- 
 pressed amazement at " the remarkable self-delusion 
 and self-deception of Mr. Debs, who assumes that he is 
 serving humanity and the downtrodden." This is in- 
 deed a sympathetic and comprehensive view of that 
 full-fledged fanaticism, that fanaticism that obsesses 
 not a few of those who did what they could to promote 
 treason after our government declared the United States 
 to be in a state of war, and Mr. Debs is assuredly one 
 of those who were not mentally sobered by the tragedy of 
 the times. However, the self-delusion and self-decep- 
 tion of Mr. Debs passes over into fanaticism at a much 
 higher tension than that which statesmanship gives the 
 unwarranted occasion for. Mr. Debs fancies himself 
 not merely a righter of wide-spreading economic wrongs 
 in America, but rather a savior of the world. He blas- 
 phemously conceives his mission to be in evolutionary 
 complement to that of our Blessed Lord's the latest 
 in the direct and mechanical development of time 
 from Moses to Jesus, to Marx, to Debs. He views him- 
 self as above and beyond the law ; as the maker of a new 
 order. Confidently, Debs declared his position C( I 
 despise the law." And then he calls upon his followers 
 for " mass action " by which the new society shall come 
 into its own here as it has done in Russia. Socialism 
 in Russia save to those who " see red " gives just 
 a little glimpse of the disorders of hell. Our Lord and 
 Savior Jesus Christ came and gave to Peter the keys
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 299 
 
 that he might open the door of Heaven to those who 
 wash away their sins in the Blood of the Lamb. Not 
 time nor men change the law, neither does the unrepen- 
 tant sinner break through the happiness here or heaven 
 hereafter. 
 
 But the Judge mistakes the issue, if not the man, with 
 which he is dealing, when, to the prisoner before the 
 bar, His Honor says the principles you enunciate are 
 " anarchy pure and simple and not in conformity with 
 any of the works on Socialism that I have read." Un- 
 fortunately, we must conclude that the Court has but a 
 very slight acquaintance with the written or the spoken 
 word that has long since been digging at the foundation 
 principles of American institutions, at sane government 
 everywhere. Aye! at the very foundation of civil so- 
 ciety since the Ten Commandments are accredited with 
 no more power than a syllabus. Even a little attention 
 to the matter that floats down the stream of popular dis- 
 content should have informed the Court that the four 
 times presidential candidate has not renounced his al- 
 legiance to his Socialist doctrine and that Debs is no 
 in self-contradiction when he declares: 
 
 " From the crown of my head to the soles of my feet 
 I am Bolshevist and proud of it." 
 
 It bodes ill for the clarity of public opinion that 
 such organizations as the National Security League at- 
 tempt the impossible task of fighting Bolshevism and 
 excusing Socialism. The foremost leaders of the two 
 Socialist parties of our country know very well that 
 this latest designation of the movement is in reality but
 
 300 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 a nick-name, and the rank and file of the entire member- 
 ship are in no doubt about the correctness of using 
 Socialism and Bolshevism interchangeably. In the 
 opening paragraph of The Proclamation On Russia 
 (Bolshevist Eussia) adopted by the Socialist Party 
 (Aug. 11, 1918) the world progress of their movement 
 is clearly stated: 
 
 "Since the French Revolution there has been no other 
 advance in democratic progress and social justice comparable 
 to the Russian Revolution the Russian people have estab- 
 lished an advanced form of democracy a Socialist Govern- 
 ment Economically, and socially, as well as politically, the 
 Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic is a govern- 
 ment of the workers, by the workers, and for the workers." 
 " The Socialist Party of America declares itself in accord 
 with Revolutionary Russia and urges our government and 
 our people to cooperate with it ." 
 
 The Socialist Labor Party likewise officially declares 
 its unity with Bolshevism. The Editor of the Weekly 
 People, Olive M. Johnson, says: 
 
 " We celebrate the anniversary of the Bolsheviki (Nov. 7, 
 1918} not as an honor from another nation but as an integral 
 part of the International proletariat" 
 
 A special magazine One Year of Revolution (N. 
 Y., Nov. 7, 1918) was issued to do honor to the Rus- 
 sian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic on its first an- 
 niversary. 
 
 Louis C. Fraina, one of the leading propagandists of 
 Bolshevism in America, pays tribute to the doctrine and 
 to a leader :
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 301 
 
 " LENIN AN APPRECIATION 
 
 " Marx was the master of the Revolution in theory. Lenin 
 is the master of the Revolution in action. But as Marx 
 the man of theory, had great capacity for action, so Lenin, 
 the man of action, has great capacity for theory. 
 
 "Marxism is the theoretical instrument of the proletarian 
 revolution ; it is upon the basis of Marxism that Lenin builds. 
 And the great achievement of Lenin is the restoration of 
 Marxism to its real character as an instrument of revolu- 
 tionary action." 
 
 Of Trotsky the editor of the N. Y. Volkeszeitung, 
 Ludwig Lore, gives testimony, while he was in New 
 York (1916-1917): "Every one of his speeches be- 
 came a discussion of scientific Socialism, a profession 
 of faith in the theories of Marx." 
 
 One piece of testimony taken from across our north- 
 ern border shall suffice to show that Canadian Socialists 
 gladly acknowledge that the Bolsheviki are nearer their 
 goal than they themselves are. We quote from Gordon 
 Nelson, Editor, Labor News (Hamilton, Ont.) (N. E. 
 Leader, Jan. 18, 1919) : 
 
 " The only difference between the mass of the Bolsheviki 
 and the mass of the people elsewhere is that the Bolsheviki 
 are class-conscious, intelligent students of conditions as they 
 exist to-day and as they will exist under a cooperative com- 
 monwealth. . . . The Bolsheviki are the architects of the so- 
 cial order, the seers and heralds of the new age. Bolshevism 
 is the instrument of the workers for abolishing the old order 
 and establishing the new." 
 
 Surely we have given testimony sufficient to satisfy 
 the candid mind that Socialism is Bolshevism that
 
 302 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Bolshevism is the incomplete practise of the Commun- 
 ist Manifesto given to their followers by Marx and 
 Engels the founders of so-called " Scientific Social- 
 ism." Moreover, we submit that those who hold to a 
 contrary opinion are quite misled as to the mind and the 
 purpose of this world movement that seeks the over- 
 throw of all existing governments in the interest of 
 what they are pleased to term a working class society. 
 
 WHAT Is BOLSHEVISM ? 
 
 Bolshevism is precisely what Pope Leo XIII said it 
 was so long ago as 1878 when overlooking the moral 
 confines of the world from his watch-tower at Rome he 
 warned civilized peoples Catholics and non-Catholics 
 alike of that movement that was gathering its forces 
 for an assault upon religion, the family, upon private 
 property and organized society. The well beloved Leo 
 made it plain that the wicked aims of Socialism are the 
 logical outcome of that rebellion four hundred years ago 
 against the spiritual authority of the Vicar of Christ. 
 The doctrine of private interpretation of the word of 
 God weakened into liberalism, atheism, indifferentism, 
 animalism and materialism; together with the decline 
 of faith there was an increasing despotism of rulers, a 
 swelling arrogance of the rich and growing disregard 
 for the rights of the poor, in a word a steep declination 
 towards Paganism. 
 
 What then is Bolshevism ? It may well be an omen 
 
 - the presage of a modern Scourge of God. A blind 
 
 leading of the blind in an almost universal reaction
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 303 
 
 against political tyranny, commercial extortion and so- 
 cial iniquity. It is an attempt to remedy existing evils 
 by enforcing greater evils upon a long-suffering and sin- 
 ful public. Giving its promise of more of this world's 
 goods and greater leisure for enjoyment, it seeks to unite 
 the power of the working class under a dictatorship that 
 shall conquer the capitalist class and grind to powder 
 the " capitalist-system " with its complement the " wage- 
 system." 
 
 THE CLASS STRUGGLE 
 
 The present " class-struggle " between capitalist mas- 
 ters and wage slaves, at which stage in human evolution 
 we are now supposed to be, is about to climax ; and it is 
 predicted, confidently, that a " class-less society " shall 
 emerge from the world conflict and thus form the ma- 
 terialist foundation that shall support the race of super- 
 men. Then, happily, there shall be an end of human 
 nature as it is and as it was ; with the result that hu- 
 man pain and misery shall be at an end. For the pur- 
 pose of looking at this delusion a class-less society 
 we shall briefly examine its antecedent cause that un- 
 real thing the class-struggle. The necessity for so doing 
 may not to the novice be apparent. But if one would 
 be a member of the Socialist Party he must subscribe to 
 the dogma of the class-struggle, even though only a few 
 of the comrades the intellectuals know its real 
 import. This dogma, stated or implied, is found in all 
 the Socialist platforms. It was first promulgated by 
 Marx and Engels, J n the Communist Manifesto. As
 
 304 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 expanded by the doctrinaries of to-day it reads : " The 
 history of all hitherto existing society is the history of 
 class struggles." 
 
 " Socialism is the workers' side of the class struggle. Un- 
 less it acknowledges its class character, Socialism is like 
 the play of Hamlet without the melancholy Dane, like a ship 
 at sea without a chart." (Joseph E. Cohen, " Socialism for 
 Students," p. 47.) 
 
 The elder Liebknecht (Wilhelm) one of the pioneers 
 ranking next to the founders of the movement makes it 
 certain that nothing less than one conflict after another, 
 through all human history, in which the less fit ceases 
 to survive will suffice for the adequate cause of the So- 
 cialist movement, to quote: 
 
 " Pity for poverty, enthusiasm for equality and freedom, 
 recognition of social injustice and a desire to remove it, is not 
 socialism. Condemnation of wealth and respect for poverty, 
 such as we find in Christianity and other religions, is not so- 
 cialism. The communism of early times, . . . and as it has 
 at all times and among all people been the elusive dream of 
 some enthusiasts, is not socialism. 
 
 " In all these appearances is lacking the real foundation of 
 capitalist society with its class antagonisms. Modern social- 
 ism is the child of capitalist society and its class antagonisms. 
 Without these it could not be." 
 
 The class-struggle is then the natural power that 
 drives men to act in getting their food supply just as 
 fatalistically as the mill-wheel is driven by the flow of 
 water from above the dam against it. To these latest 
 makers of human nature there are but graded steps from
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 305 
 
 the mechanical to the animal and but another flight from 
 the animal to beings capable of reason. In fact, the 
 Darwinian theory of the struggle for existence in the 
 animal world has been borrowed, then extended and 
 made to apply to the sociological relationship of men 
 upon the fields of industry, commerce and finance. In 
 other words, the big capitalists eat up the little ones 
 thus leaving the few with all the wealth and the many 
 with no property. In the final struggle, the fiercest of 
 all, the many eat up the few, leaving but one class in 
 existence the working class. 
 
 Indeed this is a delightfully simple explanation of 
 life, its one fault being that all biologists know it to be 
 false. However, as Socialists have learned to respect 
 aeither truth nor knowledge they assume that class antag- 
 onisms, from ameba to man, account for the changes 
 in the political, juridical and in the moral systems of 
 the race. Thus easily is human nature and the funda- 
 mental principles that govern human society gotten rid 
 of. 
 
 Enrico Ferri is the Socialist authority on this phase 
 of the theory of the class-struggle. We quote from So- 
 cialism and Modern Science (p. 74) : 
 
 "Darwinism has demonstrated that the entire mechanism 
 of animal evolution may be reduced to the struggle for exist- 
 ence between individuals of the same species on the one hand, 
 and between each species and the whole world of living be- 
 ings." 
 
 " In the same way all the machinery of social evolution has 
 been reduced by Marxian socialism to the law of the Struggle 
 between Classes."
 
 306 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Indeed! but since the one class society is about to 
 make its appearance, is not the time overdue when only- 
 one species of animal were to be seen ? 
 
 It was this absurd theory of the class-struggle that led 
 La Salle and other of the earlier Socialist leaders to 
 preach the Iron law of wages. This was the rallying 
 cry that brought the Social Democratic Party of Ger- 
 many into existence and into power. It was assumed 
 that in the struggle between the capitalist and the work- 
 ing class for mastery over the tools of production that 
 wages must gradually, yet inevitably, fall to the lowest 
 subsistent level just enough to supply the wage earn- 
 ers with bread without butter and to permit them to 
 propagate their species. 
 
 Of course, since the iron law of wages will not work 
 it has long since been abandoned by the supposedly 
 serious spokesmen of the movement. Although from the 
 chatter of their popular propagandists one must con- 
 clude that this law is still their stronghold. 
 
 Through their organization into trade unions work- 
 men themselves know that by trade agreement, collec- 
 tive bargaining, conciliation and arbitration boards they 
 have assuaged the conflicts between themselves and 
 their employers. The standard of living has been ele- 
 vated, hours of labor shortened, wages increased and 
 working conditions bettered in mines, mills and factor- 
 ies. Thus the historic facts show that the wage-earners 
 have moved in the opposite direction from that pre- 
 dicted under the theory of the class struggle. 
 
 However, the class-struggle theory has done deadly
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 307 
 
 work, it has instilled into millions of minds the vicious 
 notion that workingmen have no country. Fully to ac- 
 cept the class-struggle is to wipe out love for and obedi- 
 ence to one's country. Louis B. Boudin is a Marxian 
 authority on this phase of the question, beyond dispute. 
 From "Socialism and War" (N. Y. 1916, pp. 216- 
 217) we quote: (C The theory of the Class Struggle is 
 in absolute and irreconcilable opposition to the national- 
 istic theory of patriotism, while its practise makes the 
 practise of patriotic virtues utterly impossible." 
 
 "It is primarily a historical theory, an attempt to explain 
 the progress of mankind and the means whereby this progress 
 is brought about. As such it denies the role ascribed to race 
 and nationality as factors of human progress by the national- 
 istic theory, and considers these entities mere incidents in the 
 evolution of mankind, brought forth at a certain stage of this 
 evolution bound to disappear with it." 
 
 Surely, to the understanding of Bolshevism one must 
 bring an understanding of the class-struggle, since Bol- 
 shevism is an attempt to carry the class-struggle on to its 
 final result the classless society. Nothing could bet- 
 ter illustrate the perversity of human willfulness than 
 this attempt to carry into practise a doctrine that is, by 
 the facts in the case, contradicted in every one of its 
 basic elements. The doctrine of the class-struggle de- 
 clares for the elimination of the middle class; but the 
 middle class is not being eliminated. It demands the 
 absolute increase of the working class ; but the working 
 class is not increasing in numbers relatively. It de- 
 mands the centralization of all productive capital into
 
 308 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 the hands of the few ; but statistics show a much wider 
 distribution of productive wealth than was the case at 
 the time Marx and Engels laid down the dogma of the 
 Class-Struggle. 
 
 CLASS-LESS SOCIETY 
 
 The next step in the process of making laws for the 
 social organism to follow is taken as dogmatically by 
 Marx as any that we have recorded. The future thus 
 stands revealed as against the same thought of the 
 whole world in his : " Poverty of Philosophy " ; while 
 around this perversity of right-reason his satellites have 
 ever since hovered like the rim of a wheel around its 
 axis. To quote: 
 
 " The essential condition of the emancipation of the work- 
 ing class is the abolition of all classes." 
 
 " The working class will substitute, in the course of its 
 development, for the old order of civil society an association 
 which will exclude classes and their antagonism, and there 
 will no longer be political power, properly speaking, since 
 political power is simply the official form of the antagonism 
 in civil society." 
 
 In the vernacular this means that when the last fight 
 is over the politicians shall be the sole survivors. They 
 shall be the sole possessors of the capital of the world, 
 perish the thought that the production of wealth shall 
 take place save for use. Every nation under the sun 
 that is then permitted to shine shall have died out, since 
 politics shall be no more forever and a day. The home 
 shall be everybody's and nobody's for the family shall
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 309 
 
 cease to exist because the children all belong to the state. 
 Although the state is dead, because it still shall live, 
 long live the state. Be pleased to believe, whether you 
 like it or not, that this edict has gone forth and that no 
 hot or no cold discussions as to whether Marx meant the 
 poverty of philosophy or the misery of philosophy shall 
 hinder this old globe from working out the blind destiny 
 of man as the exact reproduction of the discovery of So- 
 cialism, by its founders. 
 
 Next in dogmatic authority to Karl Marx comes 
 Frederick Engels. We quote from his " classic " " So- 
 cialism Utopian and Scientific." 
 
 " THE PROLETARIAT SEIZES THE MACHINERY OF THE STATE AND 
 CONVERTS THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION FIRST INTO STATE PROPERTY. 
 But by so doing, it extinguishes itself as proletariat; by so 
 doing it extinguishes all class distinctions and class con- 
 trasts; and along with them the State as such. The society 
 that existed until then, and that moved in class contrasts, 
 needed the state, i. e., an organization of whatever class 
 happened at the time to be the exploiting one, for the pur- 
 pose of preserving the external conditions under which it 
 carried on production; in other words, for the purpose of 
 forcibly keeping the exploited class down in that condition of 
 subjection. slavery, bondage or vassalage, or wage-labor, 
 which the corresponding mode of production predicated." 
 
 ". . . Soon as no longer there is any social class to be kept 
 down; soon as, together with class rule and the individual 
 struggle for life, founded in tbe previous anarchy of pro- 
 duction, the conflicts and excesses that issued therefrom have 
 been removed, there is nothing more to be repressed, and 
 rendering necessary a special power of repression the State. 
 The first act, wherein tbe State appears as the real represen- 
 tative of the whole body social the seizure of the means of
 
 310 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 production in the name of society is also its last inde- 
 pendent act as State. The interference of the State in social 
 relations becomes superfluous in one domain after another, 
 and falls of itself into desuetude. The place of a government 
 over persons is taken by the administration of things and the 
 conduct of the processes of production. The State is not 
 ' abolished ' IT DIES OUT." 
 
 In the Communist Manifesto (1848), which holds the 
 distinction of being the " supreme classic " of Socialist 
 literature, the class-less society is predicted to come 
 into existence together with the freedom of the working 
 class from capitalist oppression, we quote : 
 
 " When, in the course of development, class distinctions 
 have disappeared and all production has been concentrated 
 in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the 
 public power will lose its political character. Political power, 
 properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class 
 for oppressing another." 
 
 For a further pronouncement upon the revolution in 
 ideas we cull this from the Origin of the Family, Private 
 Property and the State (Engels and Marx) : 
 
 " We are now rapidly approaching a stage of evolution in 
 production, in which the existence of classes has not only 
 ceased to be a necessity, but becomes a positive fetter on pro- 
 duction. Hence these classes must fall as inevitably as 
 they once arose. The state must irrevocably fall with them. 
 The society that is to reorganize production on the basis of 
 a free and equal association of the producers, will transfer the 
 machinery of state where it will then belong: into the Mu- 
 seum of Antiquities by the side of the spinning wheel and 
 the bronze ax."
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 311 
 
 Although the picture of the classless society is never 
 absent from the Socialist literati who dip into the future 
 much further than the human eye can see and hold to 
 common sense, we shall cite only a few of their fervid 
 imaginings that are set down as positively as any 
 master chemist would state the result of the simplest 
 laboratory process. On Nov. 7th, 1917, the Bolsheviki 
 set up the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, 
 under the Premier Nickolai Lenin with Leon Trotsky 
 as minister of war. Then, from all over the world, went 
 up the cry from their comrades Socialism is here ! 
 Never again can Socialism be called an idle dream of 
 long-haired men and short-haired women ! Truly, with 
 the usurpation of the democratic power of the Constitu- 
 ent Assembly, by Lenin and Trotsky, Socialism passed 
 from proposal into action into Bolshevism, the so- 
 cialization of private property in Russia together with 
 all that may be implied with despotic power in the hands 
 of men who practise the doctrine of moral irresponsibil- 
 lity. 
 
 No wonder there are those who attempt to separate 
 Socialism from Bolshevism ! Since August Bebel, 
 ranking highest after the founders of this proletarian 
 cult, says in Woman and Socialism (p. 435) he is con- 
 fident that, " With the abolition of private property and 
 class antagonism, the state, too, will gradually pass out 
 of existence." 
 
 Bebel is practised in the art of destruction, not alone 
 does he throw the state overboard, but religion and the 
 family are sent to the bottom of the deep sea, in the
 
 312 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 same books. Philip Rappaport is as confidently expect- 
 ing the classless society : " From its inception to this 
 day, the state has been, and still is a class institution. 
 It could not and cannot be anything also. It owes its 
 creation to the existence of classes, it will last as long as 
 classes exist and will disappear whenever they cease to 
 exist/' ("Looking Forward," p. 180.) 
 
 No doubt, that the state is dependent upon classes; 
 no doubt that it shall last as long as classes exist, that 
 is to say until the end of the world, which God may 
 wipe out quickly, it is so wicked. But the point for 
 sane men to consider is the doing away with the political 
 and economic injustices that peace may come to earth. 
 Arthur Morrow Lewis carries the matter back to its first 
 principles ("Vital Problems in Social Evolution," p. 
 78) even while he denies the very ground of reason since 
 he dismisses the first cause as non-existent. Thus his 
 passion for the revolution excludes from his view Al- 
 mighty God whom rational minds must first take cog- 
 nizance of, together with the state that is absolutely 
 necessary to civil society. Mr. Lewis unhappily lacks 
 the simple, yet fundamental knowledge that since God's 
 government over man is first, constant and final, the state 
 is His agency to protect the natural rights given to the 
 individuals of the human race by Him who made all 
 things in heaven and in earth. We quote : 
 
 te Just as God, whom nobody has seen or felt is a fig- 
 ment of the religious brain, so the state with its laws, 
 its soldiers and police, is a mirage of the political im- 
 agination! "
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 313 
 
 But there comes a time for reckoning. In the lives of 
 men it is for eternity, in the lives of nations it is for 
 time. It may be hoped that the violence with which 
 one despotism has been thrown off by another, more 
 horrible in every aspect, in the alleged attempt to set 
 up a one-class society in Russia, shall have the effect of 
 bringing many minds back to the normal there are 
 cheering signs that it shall be so. Certain it is that 
 the state is being battered from within as never before in 
 the history of the world. Yet the facts show that while 
 the Bolsheviki are, by their international comrades, ex- 
 pected to set up a classless society, even now while 
 the dictators of the proletariat are killing off the Czar, 
 the royal family, the nobility and the bourgeoisie 
 these same class-conscious haters of classes are creating 
 fresh classes to carry on the state? If not, it is to 
 give Russia over to the control of a foreign government. 
 
 To await the slowly gasping state to end its life is 
 rather too sluggish a process for American Idealists, the 
 slower going Germans may, of course, permit the politi- 
 cal state to die out. But Robert Rives La Monte will 
 hasten the end of all government over persons. The 
 state shall, instanter, end its own life. 
 
 "It is thus seen that, according to the teaching of 
 historical materialism, the State is destined, when it 
 becomes the State of the working class, to remove its own 
 foundation economic inequality and thus, to com- 
 mit suicide/' (" Socialism: Positive and Negative," p. 
 113.) 
 
 The distinguished doctrinaries are not without the
 
 314: BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 backing of their multitude. The Socialist platform 
 (1916) demands a classless society "a complete tri- 
 umph of the working class as the only class that has the 
 right or power to be/' 
 
 The Socialist Labor Party platform (1912) is not 
 less emphatic in its convictions, but it is more highly 
 " scientific " since it does not commit the error of using 
 a moral word " right " since neither moral words 
 nor deeds belong to a category consonant with material- 
 istic atheism upon which the whole movement is 
 founded : 
 
 " The Political State, another name for the Class State, is 
 worn out in this, the leading capitalist Nation of the world, 
 most prominently. The Industrial or Socialist State is throb- 
 bing for birth. The Political State, being a Class State, is 
 government separate and apart from the productive energies 
 of the people; it is government mainly for holding the ruled 
 class in subjection. The Industrial or Socialist State, being 
 the denial of the Class State, is government that is part and 
 parcel of the productive energies of the people." 
 
 "As their functions are different, so are the structures of 
 the two States different. The structure of the Political State 
 contemplates territorial representation only; the structure of 
 the Industrial State contemplates representation of industries, 
 or useful occupation only." 
 
 " The program of the Socialist Labor Party is Revolution 
 the Industrial or Socialist Republic, the Social Order where 
 the Political State is overthrown; where the Congress of the 
 land consists of the representatives of the useful occupations 
 of the land; where accordingly, a government is an essential 
 factor in production " 
 
 From the time of this penning, the furor for making
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 315 
 
 the world fit for democracy flattered the notion of a class- 
 less society. Socialists made much of it with never a 
 thought of making democracy fit for the world. Since, 
 of course, the rage had not gone so far as to demand a 
 complete surrender of private property of class dis- 
 tinction in economics, socialists and near-socialists 
 goaded it on with rare skill. They considered it an 
 impertinence for any nation under the sun, even 
 our own Columbia, to hold up its head. They were em- 
 phatic the state must die out, commit suicide, or at 
 best go to the old curiosity shop. The new order 
 in their minds " throbbing for birth " was sure to 
 bring in the Marxian society. Ah, but that word state ! 
 It still persists! By their reckoning it should connote 
 nothing more than a " mirage of political imagination." 
 Long ago they discarded what is ever self-evident to no- 
 ble statesmen that as religion lays the just foundation 
 of human society, the state is an aggregation of families 
 forming a moral body with a physical territory. That 
 the proper functions of the state are to safeguard the 
 natural rights of its family units, and that the right 
 to own and to operate private property, for the material 
 advantage of buyer and seller, is the binding force that 
 keeps the structure intact. The failure of the Bolshe- 
 viki to leave the " bourgeois " term state behind them, 
 even while these villains plunder in the name of democ- 
 racy, should remind those not wholly under the spell 
 that since reason is a natural function of the human race, 
 men refuse to be one hundred per cent, irrational. To 
 do full justice, this is darkly known to them, as their
 
 316 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 ground had been shifted a little before the practical 
 difficulty of the Bolsheviki in getting rid of the term 
 came on. With his latent talent for Talmudic dispu- 
 tation highly evolved Mr. Hillquit came to the rescue 
 of common sense, only just so far as the word goes. 
 Indeed, his w-e is really an ex-cathedra pronouncement: 
 
 " The Socialist society as conceived by modern Socialists 
 differs, of course, very radically from the modern state in 
 form and substance. It is not the slaveholding state, nor the 
 feudal state, nor the state of the bourgeois, it is a Socialist 
 state, but a state nevertheless, and since little or nothing can 
 be gained by inventing a new term, we shall hereafter desig- 
 nate the proposed organized Socialist society as the Socialist 
 State." (" Socialism in Theory and Practice," p. 100.) 
 
 THE SOCIALIST STATE, 
 
 Even so, state it was, state it is and state it shall 
 be but, although their language swings back to the 
 normal now and again, their aim has not departed from 
 the revolution. To Lenin and Trotsky came the bloody 
 distinction of applying their doctrine on a national scale. 
 They " seized the machinery of the state by means of 
 a revolution," took possession in the name of the pro- 
 letariat and immediately proceeded, by taking possession 
 of the national wealth and that in private hands, to 
 abolish political and economic classes. 
 
 The ground upon which this reign of terror is predi- 
 cated may now be presented. The Constitution of the 
 All-Russian Congress of Soviets will tell just what is in- 
 tended by wresting from owners all productive capital,
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 317 
 
 land included, whether justly or unjustly acquired. We 
 quote in part: 
 
 " In order to put an end to every ill that oppresses human- 
 ity and in order to secure to labor all the rights belonging to 
 it, we recognize that it is necessary to destroy the existing 
 social structure, which rests upon private property in the soil 
 and the means of production, in the spoliation and oppression 
 of the laboring masses, and to substitute for it a Socialist 
 structure. Then the whole earth, its surface and its depths, 
 and all the means and instruments of production, created by 
 the toil of the laboring classes, will belong by right of common 
 property to the whole people, who are united in a fraternal 
 association of laborers. 
 
 " Only by giving society a Socialist structure can the di- 
 vision of it into hostile classes be destroyed, only so can 
 we put an end to the spoliation and oppression of men by 
 men, of class by class ; and all men placed upon an equality 
 as to rights and duties will contribute to the welfare of 
 society according to their strength and capacities, and will 
 receive from society according to their requirements. 
 
 " The complete liberation of the laboring classes from spo- 
 liation and oppression appears as a problem, not locally or 
 nationally limited, but as a world problem and it can be car- 
 ried out to its end only through the united exertions of work- 
 ingmen of all lands. Therefore, the sacred duty rests upon 
 the working class of every country to come to the assistance of 
 the workingmen of other countries who have risen against 
 the capitalistic structure of society. 
 
 "The working class of Kussia, true to the legacy of the 
 International, overthrew their bourgeoisie in October, 1917, 
 and, with the help of the poorest peasantry, seized the powers 
 of government. In establishing a dictatorship of the pro- 
 letariat and the poorest peasantry, the working class resolved 
 to wrest capital from the hands of the bourgeoisie, to unite all
 
 318 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the means of production in the hands of the Socialist state 
 and thus to increase as rapidly as possible the mass of pro- 
 ductive forces. 
 
 "As soon as production shall have been consolidated 
 in the hands of the working masses, united in a gigantic as- 
 sociation, ... as soon as the old bourgeois state with its 
 classes and class hatred, is definitely superseded by a firmly 
 established Socialist society which rests upon universal la- 
 bor, . . . then, along with the disappearance of class differ- 
 ences, will disappear also the necessity for the dictatorship of 
 the working classes and for state power as the instrument of 
 class domination." 
 
 Any doubt as to the calamitous legacy which, the old 
 International inflicted upon the race should be dispelled 
 since it has now come into the world of things that 
 are. From the utterly false ideology then set afloat 
 two fundamental errors are selected as forming the 
 false objective of Socialists the world over. First 
 the notion that the toil of the laboring class has created 
 all the instruments of production and the wealth pro- 
 duced; with the conclusion that all property should be 
 held in common. Second the notion that the state is 
 an instrument by which the highest class has subjugated 
 and exploited all below it ; the wage-earning class being 
 the last class in revolt against the capitalist class as 
 the climax in the evolutionary series. 
 
 The notion that labor alone creates economic value 
 is the absurd dogma around which Marx builds his en- 
 tire we had almost said structure, but even theory 
 is too strong a word better a crazy tower of ponder- 
 ous words. That the rational exercise of one's labor
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 319 
 
 power in working out an economic design, is a prime 
 factor in the creation of commodities, with the conse- 
 quence that economic value is deposited within the 
 merchandise, no sane man denies. But sane minds are 
 equally insistent that other factors are as necessary to 
 the creation of economic value. Only to hint at the 
 necessity of distinguishing between labor and work 
 we point out that those, who by native genius and at- 
 tained capacity, design and direct industrial, commer- 
 cial and financial enterprises are two prime factors in 
 the creation of wealth and so of economic value. Be- 
 sides it is universally recognized that resident within 
 natural objects, forces and substances, appropriated to 
 the uses of civilized society, there is economic value. 
 Also, that the Commonwealth itself, as the truly compe- 
 tent maker of money, contributes by facilitating ex- 
 change to the enterprise of wealth production and is 
 therefore an essential factor in the creation of economic 
 value. Herein is seen the monstrous injustice of the 
 assertion that since all the economic value extant was 
 " created by the toil of the laboring classes " it should 
 be confiscated by them once the working class has con- 
 trol of the state. 
 
 No less absurd is the notion that the organized power 
 of civil society is merely a club that having, upon 
 revolution upon revolution, passed from one class to 
 another is now almost in the hands of wage-slaves, 
 with which to knock and drag out the capitalist class, 
 that hereafter proletarians shall inhabit the earth. So 
 clearly has the mind of Pope Leo XIII seen the designs
 
 320 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 of Almighty God in creating the constitution natural 
 to rational beings, by which, if they will but obey the 
 moral law, provision is made for justice and equity, 
 peace and plenty, to spread its benign rule over the face 
 of the earth, that we shall quote from his Encyclical on 
 " The Christian Constitution of the State " : 
 
 " Man's natural instinct moves him to live in Civil society, 
 for he cannot, in dwelling apart, provide himself with the 
 necessary requirements of life, nor procure the means of de- 
 veloping his mental and moral faculties. Hence it is divinely 
 ordained that he should lead his life be it family, social 
 or civil with his fellowmen, amongst whom alone his sev- 
 eral wants can be adequately supplied." 
 
 The experience of Defoe's " Robinson Crusoe " serves 
 well as a picture of human society about to become ex- 
 tinct, not as a sound basis for viewing economics or poli- 
 tics. Economic value was a thing unknown save for 
 the exchange by members of organized society of the 
 differing necessities of living. Which, as we have said 
 elsewhere, takes place normally for reasons of mutual 
 advantage in the possession of something different, as 
 boots for dollars, upon a basis of equity. The individ- 
 uals decide what they want more than what they have, 
 and the state sets up economic value objectively in 
 money, two functions of which is to measure value and 
 set the price of commodities that the equities between 
 all citizens may be safe-guarded. Robinson Crusoe also 
 serves as a contrast between men under government and 
 the pure liberty of a lone man on a desert island. 
 Crusoe is indeed under the command of God, but he can
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 321 
 
 render nothing to Caesar, since even the family the 
 unit of the state and the lowest terms to which human 
 government can be reduced is absent. It should be 
 seen that whatever the form, aristocratic or democratic, 
 government to be valid must, humanly speaking, be just, 
 since in the nature of things the same divine law that 
 governs the individual and the family gives sanction to 
 the state, in safeguarding the life, freedom and prop- 
 erty of its members. 
 
 DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 
 
 This being so Rousseau to the contrary notwith- 
 standing rightly informed men reject in toto the no- 
 tion that the power of the state is merely of human 
 sanction. God gives to Caesar his power to rule wisely, 
 not illy, over the peoples of nations. Hence Christians 
 completely reject the Socialist-Bolshevist contention that 
 the state is an arbitrary organization in the control of 
 one class to subject to its will, to coerce another class for 
 its economic advantage. Nevertheless it is their per- 
 verse intention to follow an ideology that pictures two 
 opposing and impossible schemes. Namely, a free so- 
 ciety of persons no law whatever over them, together 
 with an authoritative administration over the production 
 of all commodities by the entire community, that shall be 
 absolute in its control : Anarchy and slavery ! To 
 this end the Bolsheviki destroyed the Constituent Assem- 
 bly that was made up of various representatives of the 
 various classes and the various political divisions of the 
 sometime Russian Empire, then set up what they are
 
 322 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 pleased to style a " Dictatorship of the Proletariat." 
 This phrase was coined by Marx and Engels to signify 
 the rule of the working class on its " road to power," 
 which simply means that during the period when land 
 and capital are being confiscated and the life of the 
 bourgeoisie wiped out that the power for red ruin must 
 be in the hands, not of the people, but of a despot. Le- 
 nin defends the dictum and carries out the Socialists' in- 
 struction of more than one half century ago : 
 
 " The historical experience of all revolutions, the universal 
 historical economic and political lesson was summed up 
 by Marx in his brief, sharp, exact and vivid formula : the 
 dictatorship of the proletariat. And that the Russian revolu- 
 tion has correctly approached this universal historical prob- 
 lem has been proved by the victorious march of the Soviet or- 
 ganization among all the peoples and tongues of Russia." 
 ( Soviets at Work," p. 31.) 
 
 There should be no mistake on this point of Socialist 
 doctrine, since this is The Revolution to be brought 
 about in every country in the world save Russia, 
 where it is accomplished. Their constitution sets it 
 down in no uncertain terms and it is the one doctrine 
 that falls within the mental grasp of every one of their 
 world-wide membership. The Revolution is the first 
 step to be taken in the process of centralizing all private 
 property into the hands of the one class society, and a 
 dictator is necessary to carry out the Revolution. We 
 quote from the Communist Manifesto: 
 
 " The first step in the revolution by the working class is
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 323 
 
 to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class; to 
 win the battle of democracy. 
 
 u The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, 
 by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie; to centralize all 
 instruments of production in the hands of the State, i. e., 
 of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to in- 
 crease the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible. 
 
 " Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except 
 by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property and 
 on the conditions of bourgeois production." 
 
 But Marx was too fully determined upon leadership 
 to leave his followers without the translation of this doo- 
 trine into its personal term. His Critique of the Gotha 
 Program does this: 
 
 " Between the capitalistic society and the communistic, lies 
 the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into 
 the other. This corresponds to a political transition period, 
 in which the state cannot be anything else l>ut the dictator- 
 ship of the proletariat" 
 
 Yes, Marx is dead, but Lenin has been found quite 
 equal to this task rapine, bloodshed, rape and mur- 
 der. Yet withal Lenin deems his dictatorship of the 
 proletariat as something " too mild, quite frequently re- 
 sembling jam rather than iron." In his booklet " So- 
 viets at Work " more drastic action against the bour- 
 geoisie is called for. Under his condemnation espe- 
 cially falls these genteel and pale reds who do not relish 
 following out to the letter their law in the Marxian Tal- 
 mud. Lenin knows that " Dictatorship is a great word, 
 and great words must not be in vain. A dictatorship is
 
 324 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 an iron rule, with revolutionary da-ring and swift and 
 merciless in the suppression of the exploiters as well as 
 the things, and the rule is too mild, quite frequently re- 
 sembling jam rather than iron." 
 
 Truly there is much in the point of view ; or rather in 
 the; fundamental principles upon which judgment is 
 based. From the reports of the Socialists themselves, it 
 would seem that the Russian dictatorship had acted 
 swiftly and mercilessly in this revolution, that the activ- 
 ities of the Red Guard are as much like " jam " as hor- 
 ror and terror can be made. 
 
 However, our concern, just here, is to make it evident 
 that the doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat is 
 taken as part and parcel of Socialism. Referring to the 
 demonstration in Russia The Proletarian, a Socialist 
 monthly published in Detroit (Jan., 1919), very frankly 
 acknowledges the doctrine and as frankly expresses an 
 opinion that sound minds will be glad to note, that not all 
 its followers are ready to carry Socialism to its logical 
 conclusion : " Here we have the classical statement of 
 the Marxian class-struggle theory, showing its logical 
 outcome to be a dictatorship of the proletariat. While 
 practically all Socialists give this theory their tacit en- 
 dorsement, it is doubtful if all who call themselves So- 
 cialists realize its portent, and would put these princi- 
 ples into actual operation/' 
 
 The Revolutionary Age (Boston, Dec. 7, 1918) tells 
 what a proletarian dictatorship means and the reason 
 why a truly democratic government is not to be toler- 
 ated:
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 325 
 
 " The dictatorship of the proletariat is a recognition of the 
 fact that only one class in society counts, the working class; 
 that it is the mission of this class to end class rule by an- 
 nihilating the basis of class rule the bourgeois control of 
 industry. In the reconstruction of society on a Socialist 
 basis, the proletariat alone is the dynamic force; all other 
 classes are necessarily opposed to Socialism, and counter- 
 revolutionary. A Constituent Assembly, accordingly, by in- 
 stituting a ' government of all the classes/ acts against the 
 coming of Socialism ; and while in this government ' Social- 
 ist' influence may be strong or even predominant, the gov- 
 ernment will gradually become more and more bourgeois, 
 since the retention of bourgeois democracy, of bourgeois con- 
 trol of industry, of the parliamentary and other institutions 
 of Capitalism will baffle proletarian action, will strengthen 
 the control of the bourgeoisie, and the ' government of all 
 classes ' becomes a government of one class the predatory 
 class of capital." 
 
 Here, in a nutshell, is the principle upon which the 
 repudiation of democracy in government takes place in 
 the socialist mind the open confession that the one- 
 class society must rule by a dictatorship which is also the 
 tacit confession that ere the one-class society has been 
 established it shall be divided into dictators and the 
 proletariat. Therefore, we make the point that this is 
 but one of the many thousands of ways Socialists have 
 of talking about an impossible regime the classless 
 society. Whatever it be called, free society or what not, 
 this scheme of Marx has no chance of working since it is 
 altogether against the human constitution that no man 
 had a hand in making. Bad as was the old Russian des- 
 potism it had the merit of some little concession to the
 
 326 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 nature that Almighty God graciously gave to men 
 whereas Socialists have made human nature and the 
 " Socialist State " all out of their own heads. 
 
 DEMOCRACY 
 
 To talk glowingly of democracy has ever been a strong 
 point in Socialist propaganda ; it has brought many gen- 
 erous minded recruits into its camp there to stay until 
 this once-thought-to-be-great-cause turned to dust and 
 ashes in the mouth ; for it was found to be the boastful 
 and bestial opposite of all their hearts and minds had 
 hoped to find. Quite contrary to their talk the spirit 
 of Socialism is that of the first great rebel, who rather 
 than be chief amongst the angels while obedient to Al- 
 mighty God, took his choice and became supreme-over- 
 lord amongst the devils in their rebellion against their 
 Creator and Law Giver. This is the key to the secret 
 that has baffled many, for the fact is that despotism, not 
 democracy, has from the first characterized the practises 
 of the movement within and now that it holds a mighty, 
 but brief, power its spirit of unrelenting control is at- 
 tested by the Bolsheviki in Russia whose deeds shock 
 the world. Such is the profession of democracy that 
 highwaymen might make while demanding your money 
 with or without your life, so you choose. 
 
 In defending " the first scientific Socialist revolu- 
 tion," and its overthrow of the Russian democratic as- 
 sembly that had dethroned the Czar, Bertram D. Wolfe, 
 a correspondent to the N. Y. Call (Sep. 22, 1918), de- 
 fends the dictatorship of Lenin-Trotsky against the
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 327 
 
 comment of one who is not so red as a Marxian is ex- 
 pected to be. We cite Mr. Wolfe's approval of the de- 
 struction of a democratic government as being the gen- 
 eral opinion of the Bolshevists in our country, in fact 
 the conviction of all who know and accept Socialism as 
 it really is a menace to Christian civilization : " You 
 charge that they have abolished the Constituent Assem- 
 bly. They have, and rightly. And if you were a scien- 
 tific Socialist you would realize the elementary truth 
 that the administration of industry required it. The 
 Constituent Assembly was not elected by industries, but 
 by ' districts ' or political units. It included bourgeois 
 and worker alike. But the task of Socialism was to 
 abolish the bourgeois and abolish the social system that 
 made him possible." 
 
 An article on The Constituent Assembly and the Bol- 
 sheviki published in the New International (N. Y. Feb. 
 1918) "a Journal of Revolutionary Socialist Recon- 
 struction " treats of this matter in a manner that should 
 satisfy the doubting Thomases amongst honest folk that 
 democracy as a principle of government is quite foreign 
 to the minds of these men who assume the wide world 
 to be a stamping ground for their exploits : 
 
 "All democracy is relative, is class democracy. The revo- 
 lution in Russia recognizes no other class but the proletariat 
 and proletarian peasantry. Its democracy is also class de- 
 mocracy, with this vital difference; that while bourgeois ' de- 
 mocracy ' perpetuates class tyranny, proletarian democracy 
 annihilates tyranny. 
 
 " The problem of parliamentary government is a crucial one 
 in the proletarian revolution: Socialism cannot seize the
 
 328 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 ready-made machinery of the State and use it for its purposes. 
 A new form of government must be organized by the revolu- 
 tionary proletariat, as in Russia. 
 
 " Years ago, Karl Marx indicated the function of a ' dic- 
 tatorship of the proletariat ' in the Social Revolution. It is 
 precisely this dictatorship that is now making history in revo- 
 lutionary Russia. The dictatorship of the proletariat refuses 
 to recognize any ' rights ' of the nonproletarian class; it breaks 
 completely with the institutions, ideology and superstitions of 
 the bourgeois regime; it uses dictatorial measures, the dicta- 
 torship of a class, to promote and establish the revolution and 
 the new society, in which dictatorship will be incompatible 
 with the actuality of full and free democracy." 
 
 If any are still in doubt that democracy is a shackle 
 upon these exploits we shall call upon the Premier of 
 Red Russia to speak for himself : " The word democ- 
 racy cannot be scientifically applied to the Communist 
 party. Since March, 1911 , tine word democracy is sim- 
 ply a shackle fastened upon the Revolutionary nation 
 and preventing it from establishing boldly, freely and 
 regardless of all obstacles a new form of power the 
 Council of the Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Dep- 
 uties harbinger of the abolition of every form of au- 
 thority." (Nikolai Lenin, New International, New 
 York, April, 1918.) 
 
 Of course it should not be expected that language 
 such as this would be found in Socialist platforms. It 
 would have a chilling effect and turn away recruits that 
 flaming words for the fruits of democracy to be secured 
 under Socialism Victorious bring into their line of battle. 
 The full consequences of their doctrines are given inside
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 329 
 
 when the novice has been entirely weaned away from 
 what had been dear and decent. Democracy is indeed 
 their word to conjure with ! But the distemper of their 
 movement lies just behind its political demand for pro- 
 portional representation. Surely, this is an appeal for 
 the perfection of democracy as it is found in our own 
 glorious home land ! Even the minority shall have its 
 rights respected. Ah, yes, so long as Socialists are in 
 the minority within the " bourgeois state " proportional 
 representation is of great advantage in giving them the 
 floor of the state and federal houses of government as a 
 platform from which to make appeals to the generous 
 impulse of the people and our Heavenly Father knows 
 that the powerful and hard hearted make heavy the lot of 
 the poor. But once sufficient power is in their hands, ex- 
 ultingly they cry out for a dictatorship all their own, as 
 did John Reed : " The Bolsheviki believe in democ- 
 racy of the working class and no democracy for anybody 
 else." (Public Meeting, Manhattan Lyceum, N. Y., 
 Thurs., March 6, 1919.) 
 
 PARIS COMMUNE 
 
 Concluding his introduction to Marx's Civil War in 
 France (1ST. Y. Labor News Co. 1902) with a ques- 
 tion that he answers instanter Frederick Engels places 
 the sanction of his prestige upon the Communards of 
 1871 who at the time when the loyal sons of France 
 had just suffered defeat at the hands of the Prussians 
 took a traitor's advantage to inaugurate in Paris a sec- 
 ond reign of terror : " Well, gentle sirs, would you like
 
 330 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 to know how this dictatorship looks? Then look o,t the 
 Paris Commune. That was the dictatorship of the pro- 
 letariat." 
 
 But Marx, the elder, the more terrible father of the 
 Bolsheviki, the author of the book, adds the sinister 
 touch that casts out all expectation of learning the truth 
 of this first Socialist experience from the defenders of 
 atheism and anti-patriotism. We quote : 
 
 " Workingmen's Paris, with its Commune, will be forever 
 celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its 
 martyrs are enshrined in the great beart of tbe working 
 class. Its exterminators history has already nailed to that 
 eternal pillory from which all tbe prayers of their priest will 
 not avail to redeem them." 
 
 To add the voice of a philosopher to the voices of these 
 scientific founders we present as substantial interna- 
 tional authority Ernest Belfort Bax in an excerpt taken 
 from a " Short History of the Paris Commune " (Lon- 
 don, 1907) : " The Commune of Paris is the one event 
 which the Socialists throughout the world have agreed 
 with single accord to celebrate. The Commune is a 
 landmark as being the first Administration manned by 
 the working classes, having for its more or less conscious 
 aim the reorganization of social conditions trans- 
 formation of a civilized society into a Socialist society." 
 
 Taking this cue from their great leaders, socialists 
 the world over have ever since this carnage in Paris 
 celebrated the 18th of March as the harbinger of the 
 universal rule of the proletariat. Now there is added 
 to this day of revelry that of the 7th of November the
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 331 
 
 date of the blood-red triumph of Bolshevism in Russia. 
 The Editor of Truth gifted in concealing the truth 
 shall give with his lurid pen the threat of the world's 
 future : " To-day the tables are turned, it is now our 
 turn to rule. The fight of 1871 but adds assurance to 
 the victory of the workers in the coming years. We 
 shall live to see the Commune of the World, the whole 
 wide, wide world. All through the length and breadth of 
 every nation will ring the same cry that rang through 
 the streets of Paris, on that glorious March morning, in 
 1871, Vive La Commune! " 
 
 " Masters you murdered us in Paris, because we were too 
 simple in our beliefs in your goodness. In 1871 we trusted 
 you, in 1919 we despise you, because we know you for what 
 you are. As in 1871, the French masters allied themselves 
 with the Prussians, so in 1919 Allied capitalists ally them- 
 selves with the Scheidemanns, so that they too might drown 
 the workers in seas of blood. But the mistakes of the past, 
 are but the signposts of the future. What we lost by our mis- 
 takes in 1871, we shall gain by our knowledge of same" (So- 
 cialist official weekly, March 14th, 1919, Duluth, Mich.) 
 
 Their experience of 1871, linked to that of 1919 is 
 taken seriously as the precursor of the Commune of the 
 wide world with an extra wide thrown in for good 
 measure by the Revolutionary Age (Boston, Mar. 
 15, 1919.) Its full front page would make it certain 
 that Lenin has looked to the Paris Commune as his 
 guide in setting up the dictatorship of the proletariat. 
 But having Russia on the hip he has surely bettered 
 the instruction of 1871. We quote : " The Paris Com-
 
 332 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 mune was the most natural expression of the proletarian 
 revolution up to that time. 
 
 " The contribution of the Commune to revolutionary theory 
 and tactics consisted in developing a new type of state, by 
 means of which the proletariat could accomplish its emanci- 
 pation. The Commune annihilated the machinery of the 
 old state its army, its police and its bureaucracy, indepen- 
 dent of and imposed upon the masses, the instruments of re- 
 pression used by the state to coerce the working class; and 
 the Commune, moreover, abolished legislative and executive 
 functions as separate functions, these being united demo- 
 cratically in the Commune. The Paris Commune demon- 
 strated in actual practise that the first task of the militant 
 proletariat is the conquest of power by the revolutionary pro- 
 letariat the annihilation of the old bourgeois state and the 
 construction of a new proletarian state. On this head, N. 
 Lenin wrote in April, 1917: 'As to the revolutionary or- 
 ganization and its task, the conquest of the power of the state 
 and militarism: From the experience of the Paris Commune, 
 Marx shows that ' the working class cannot simply lay hold of 
 the ready-made machinery of the state and wield it for its pur- 
 poses. The proletariat must break down this machinery. 
 We claim we do not need the bourgeois state machinery as 
 completed in the democratic bourgeois republic, but the direct 
 power of armed and organized workers. Such is the state we 
 need. Such was the character of the Commune of 1871 and 
 of the Soviets of Workmen and Soldiers of 1905 and 1917. 
 On this basis we build.' The new proletarian state of the 
 Paris Commune functioned as a revolutionary dictatorship of 
 the proletariat, precisely as in Soviet Russia in 1917-1919." 
 
 Precisely, while the Paris Commune lasted, it was 
 about two months, after the red flag was flung to the 
 breeze from Hotel de Ville, it did register upon the an-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 333 
 
 nals of Socialist history the same quality of fury that 
 is now wreaking its vengeance upon the poor, starved 
 and beaten people of Russia. In these days of 1871 
 while the mob infuriated by the atheistic spirit, pil- 
 laged and desecrated the churches, the irresponsible 
 holders of the government's power confiscated land and 
 capital, repudiated debts, abolished rents, equalized pay 
 for work, suppressed all newspapers that did not sup- 
 port the cause of revolution, declared against religious 
 education and destroyed priceless works of art. At least 
 one hundred thousand lives were sacrificed to this unholy 
 passion for a scheme of society that is against the dic- 
 tates of reason and the love of God ; the property damage 
 was estimated at $110,000,000. 
 
 That atheistic-materialism is the basis upon which 
 this event, that is " enshrined in the hearts of Social- 
 ists," rests may be clearly seen we present two incidents. 
 Having before him Abbe Deguerry, as an offender 
 against the Marxian regime, the Judge of the Council of 
 Discipline wanted to know what work he and his fellow- 
 priests did ? " We teach the religion of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ." The Judge replied " There are no Lords. 
 We do not know any Lords." To the Judge catechizing 
 the Archbishop of Paris in the same manner, Monsi- 
 gneur Georges Darboy answered : " I am a servant of 
 God." " Where does he live?" asked the Judge. The 
 Archbishop gave answer : " Everywhere." Then came 
 the blasphemous order from the Court : " Send this 
 man to the Conciergerie, and issue a warrant for the 
 arrest of his Master, one called God, who has no perma-
 
 334: BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 nent residence, and is, consequently contrary to law, liv- 
 ing in a, perpetual state of vagabondage." 
 
 Both these priests paid the supreme sacrifice for Christ 
 and Him crucified in the reign of the Revolution of 
 1871. Together with a number of priests the Arch- 
 bishop of Paris stood against a wall facing at close range 
 twenty of the Red Guards who were enlisted for the 
 purpose of killing at the command of the first " class 
 conscious " Socialist dictator of the proletariat. The 
 venerable Archbishop Darboy raised his hand in bene- 
 diction while all the priests were praying. " That's 
 your benediction, is it? " cried out one of the gunmen 
 " Now take mine," and with his taunt he gave the order 
 for bullets to be sent through the body of the beloved 
 Archbishop and his priests. Our then American Min- 
 ister to Paris said of His Grace : " He was one of the 
 most charming and agreeable of men and was beloved 
 alike by rich and poor. He had spent his whole life in 
 acts of charity and benevolence." 
 
 The answer to the questions of the pure-minded Ab- 
 bie Deguerry "" What have they to gain by killing us? 
 What harm have we done to them ? " will reveal the 
 whole story, for these moral issues search to the inner- 
 most motive of the Bolshevist movement. Those who 
 are persuaded of the mere materialist origin of the race 
 can have no possible use, in reason, for a priest. ~No 
 useful work whatsoever could a priest find to do amongst 
 a non-moral herd, never so much higher than the com- 
 mon beasts of the field. If they are to carry out their 
 cult of atheistic materialism into practise the knowledge
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 335 
 
 of and the love of God must be wiped out of the mind 
 and the heart of the people. This is what they will 
 gain by killing priests and destroying the Church of 
 Christ, in their diseased imagination. Given the dis- 
 torted view of life that morality is and ever has been 
 non-existent together with the possession of all capital 
 extant and the power of the Red Guard to dictate the 
 industrial life of the proletariat, the harm that priests 
 can do is to spend the substance that is produced in the 
 support of religious worship and to feed, clothe and 
 shelter themselves, since no return whatsoever comes to 
 the commonalty. Moreover, neither suicide nor mur- 
 der is objectionable. The unborn, the infirm, the lame, 
 the halt and the blind may, without compunction, be put 
 out of the path trod by the super-man. It is said in a 
 thousand variants God is a vagabond and His minis- 
 ters shall not eat up the wealth of a proletarian regime. 
 Out with God ; out with religion, out with priests. 
 
 As it was in 1871 so it is in 1919 that the slaughter of 
 priests is defended, the one word " hoarding " is now 
 sufficient to make their murder commendable. We 
 quote the matter as it appeared in America's leading 
 Socialist daily New York Call (Apr. 3, 1919). 
 
 "POPE AND LENIN EXCHANGE WIRES 
 
 "His Holiness Protests Killing Priests Were Hoarding 
 Food, Was Reply. 
 
 " Rome, April 2. The Osservatore Romano to-day pub- 
 lished an interchange of correspondence between Pope Bene- 
 dict and the Bolsheviki regarding alleged persecution of the 
 Catholic clergy in Russia.
 
 336 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 Archbishop Silvestre of Omsk appealed to the Pope to issue 
 an official protest, stating that 20 bishops and hundreds of 
 priests had been murdered and mutilated, and a number of 
 churches destroyed. 
 
 The Pope sent a wireless to Premier Lenin, imploring him, 
 in the name of humanity, to stop these excesses. Foreign 
 Minister Tchitcherin replied that all Russians are equal and 
 accused the priests of hoarding food. 
 
 If our strictures anent the first dictatorship of the 
 proletariat seem too severe it is certain that the well 
 known opinion of Giuseppe Mazinni, an associate of 
 Garibaldi, an eye-witness of the commune of Paris, an 
 implacable enemy of the Catholic Church, cannot be 
 prejudiced in our favor when speaking of bloody week 
 of 1871. 
 
 " A people was wallowing about as if drunk, raging against 
 itself and lacerating its limbs with its teeth, while howling 
 triumphant cries, dancing an infernal dance before the grave 
 which it had dug with its own hands, killing, torturing, burn- 
 ing, and committing crimes without sense, aim or hope. It 
 reminded us of the most horrid visions of Dante's Hell." 
 
 In spite of the historic facts in the case of 1871 and 
 in face of the scandalous events of 1917 only here and 
 there one of the leading Socialists of our country have 
 recoiled from the logical application of their doctrine 
 as seen in the Lenin dictatorship of Russia. The vast 
 number of these " gentle sirs " have looked at the Paris 
 Commune and that glimpse has satisfied them that the 
 proletarian dictatorship is just what is wanted to dis- 
 rupt Christian civilization. Surely they are correct
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 337 
 
 since a more powerful solvent has not been found for jus- 
 tice, equity, decency and morality. 
 
 SOVIETS 
 
 Premier Lenin called into practise " the brief, sharp, 
 exact-formula " of Marx and it worked like a charm in 
 realizing " the dictatorship of the proletariat and the 
 semi-proletariat without which Socialism is not to be 
 thought of." In Eussia the political state the class 
 state is abolished and the classless society set up. This, 
 the first industrial state, is made up of but one class, 
 namely, the " urban and rural proletariat and the poor- 
 est peasants," organized into local and provincial Soviets 
 and federated in the All Russian Congress. We quote 
 from the constitution of Russia adopted November 8, 
 1917. 
 
 " The fundamental problem of the Constitution of the 
 Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic involves, in 
 view of the present transition period, the establishment of a 
 dictatorship of the urban and rural proletariat and the poor- 
 est peasantry in the form of a powerful All-Russian Soviet 
 authority, for the purpose of the crushing of tbe bourgeoisie, 
 abolishing tbe exploitation of men by men and of introducing 
 Socialism in which there will be neither a division into 
 classes nor a state authority. 
 
 " The Russian Republic is a free Socialist Society of all 
 the working people of Russia. The entire power, within the 
 boundaries of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Re- 
 public, belongs to all the working people of Russia, united 
 in urban and rural Soviets." 
 
 So it is that with Soviets-councils made up of repre- 
 sentatives from the various factories and crafts, poorest
 
 338 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 peasants and the soldiers and sailors very like the cen- 
 tral labor bodies of our trade unions, rather than repre- 
 sentatives from the several geographical divisions of 
 cities as with our political government that " a gov- 
 ernment of things," as Engels termed it, is alleged to be 
 under way with its industrial army under the command 
 of a dictator. 
 
 Ah, yes, this is the " free society " in speech, but 
 in fact a more complete enslavement of men than history 
 records. 
 
 Upon being asked " How is a Soviet formed ? " Al- 
 bert Rhys Williams acknowledged representative of 
 the Russian Bolsheviki official propaganda made an- 
 swer: 
 
 "Instead of electing men at the polls, they are elected in 
 the shops and unions. For example, every 500 workers in a 
 munition factory select a delegate. The shoe factory elects 
 a delegate, as do the clothing shops, the brick yards, glass 
 works, and all the other industries which happen to be in that 
 city. The different unions do likewise. The regiments of 
 soldiers and the sailors also elect their delegates ; likewise the 
 teachers, the clerks, and the engineers who are organized." 
 (" The Bolsheviks and the Soviets.") 
 
 These local Soviets elect delegates to Provincial So- 
 viets and thus indirectly to the All-Russian Congress 
 of Soviets which meets twice a year. From this central 
 body is elected an Executive Committee of 200 to ad- 
 minister the affairs of the Socialist Federated Soviet 
 Republic. The most important of the specific depart- 
 ments made up from the Executive Committee of two
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 339 
 
 hundred is the Council of the People's Commissaires. 
 
 The basis of representation to the All-Russian Con- 
 gress is so laid down that the vote of a Red Guard is 
 equal to eight votes of the city proletarians; while the 
 power of one of these city votes is equal to five of the 
 poor peasants in the rural districts. Thus it may be 
 seen that the Red Guard and the city proletariat may 
 easily dominate the " first Socialist Republic of the 
 World." 
 
 Moreover the privilege of voting is given only to those 
 who make a living by " labor that is productive and 
 useful to society." Adhering strictly to the preverse 
 opinion that the individual is without a soul, the animal 
 origin of humanity is enforced by denying that Priests 
 are useful to society, also that religious instruction is 
 work, all ministers of God, monks and nuns, all religious 
 educators and all persons who in whatsoever capacity 
 assist in this most useful of all services given to mankind 
 are listed together with the demented and mentally de- 
 ficient who are in fact disqualified to perform the tasks 
 of citizenship. Their constitution will show that the 
 proletarians and the poorest peasantry are considered 
 useful to a Socialist society. We quote from their Con- 
 stitution adopted November 8, 1917: 
 
 SECTION FIRST: CONCERNING THE SUFFRAGE 
 
 I. The right to vote and to be elected to the Soviets is en- 
 joyed by the following citizens of the Russian Socialistic 
 Soviet Republic of both sexes who shall have completed their 
 eighteenth year by the day of the election : 
 
 1. All who have acquired the means of living through la-
 
 340 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 bor that is productive and useful to society and are members 
 of the trades associations, namely: 
 
 (a) Laborers and employees of all classes who are em- 
 ployed in industry, trade and agriculture. 
 
 (b) Peasants and Cossack agricultural laborers who hire 
 no labor. 
 
 (c) Employees and laborers in the offices of the Soviet 
 government. 
 
 2. Soldiers of the army and navy of the Soviets. 
 
 3. Citizens of the two previous categories who have to any 
 degree lost their capacity to work. 
 
 II. Tiie following persons enjoy neither the right to vote 
 nor to fee voted for, even though they belong to one of the 
 categories enumerated above, namely: 
 
 (1) Persons who employ hired labor in order to obtain from 
 it an increase in profits. 
 
 (2) Persons who have an income without doing any work, 
 such as interest from capital, receipts from property, and 
 so on. 
 
 (3) Private merchants, trade and commercial intermediar- 
 ies. 
 
 (4) Employees of communities for religious worship. 
 (Also Monk and Clergy of all denominations.) 
 
 (5) Employees and agents of the former police, the gen- 
 darmerie corps and the Okhrana ; also members of the dynasty 
 that formerly ruled in Eussia. 
 
 (6) Persons who have in legal form been declared de- 
 mented or mentally deficient, and also deaf and dumb per- 
 sons. 
 
 (7) Persons who have been punished for selfish or dishonor- 
 able misdemeanors. 
 
 Of course, with God out of reckoning, sins are no 
 longer possible of commission, but somehow the faults 
 that are left over from the time each man -had an in-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 341 
 
 dividual soul are even now quite sufficient to deprive 
 men of their vote. On this point their " new " society 
 is both state and church with a vengeance. At any rate 
 " selfish and dishonorable " conduct is bad enough to 
 call out a Ukas, now and again, which enables Lenin- 
 Trotsky still further to centralize this " free " society 
 into their own hands. Not alone have the bourgeoisie 
 been completely disfranchised but those Socialists of the 
 parlor variety have lost their rights. When in June, 
 1918, the Mensheviki gained control of several local 
 Soviets (thus in fact becoming the Bolsheviki) and sent 
 delegates to the All-Russian Congress, these delegates 
 were peremptorily thrown out of the government and 
 the locals electing them were dissolved on the 26th day 
 of July. 
 
 An Englishman Mr. H. V. Keeling who had 
 lived some five years in Eussia gives the method by 
 which this " one-class " society came into being. Mr. 
 Keeling, because of his lithographic work, was admitted 
 to the Russian Printing Trade Union and remained 
 for sixteen months under Russian rules. He explains 
 that the population was divided into four categories: 
 First the manual workers ; second the self-em- 
 ployed clerical workers ; third those who hire any- 
 body from house servants to factory workers ; fourth 
 the idle rich, princes, aristocrats, courtiers and the like. 
 The working out of this subdivision of the Russian 
 people is also commented on : 
 
 " The penalty for failing to please the Bolsheviki is to be 
 degraded from the class in which you get some food to the
 
 342 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 class in which you get scarcely any. In the last few months 
 there has not been anything like enough for the first class 
 and scarcely anything for the others. Class IV, the former 
 rich, I should say, has disappeared. 
 
 " If you are not in the first class or are degraded from it 
 you have to prowl about and try to get food secretly ; but this 
 is a punishable offense, for which sometimes people may even 
 be shot. People go to the country, taking anything they 
 think the peasants will take in exchange for food and get a 
 bag of flour or a few potatoes. But it is illegal to go out of 
 town without a permit or to buy anything when you get there, 
 so the Red Guards stop them and search them as they come 
 back, and if they find anything confiscate it and often arrest 
 the people and carry them off. 
 
 " I saw a woman who had gone to the country and got 
 thirty pounds of flour from her own native place for her chil- 
 dren, who were starving. She was seized by the Guards at 
 the station when she was trying to get back, and they took 
 it from her, although she fell on her knees and implored 
 them with sobs to let her keep only a few pounds. 
 
 " Then when she found it was no use she threw herself 
 under a train and was killed." 
 
 The Russian statistics of 1917 give the information 
 that 771 'out of every 1,000 of the population are 
 peasants while only 10-7 out of the thousand population 
 are city residents. On this basis, since the city folk 
 are kept in power by the vote, it is certain that the 
 franchise is manipulated in favor of the minority. 
 Upon being charged with this injustice it was coolly 
 confessed and defended by Lenin in the New Inter- 
 national (April, 1918) : 
 
 "Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under Czarism domi-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 343 
 
 nated the 130,000,000 of Russian peasants, so 200,000 mem- 
 bers of the Bolshevik Party are imposing their proletarian 
 will on the mass, but this time in the interest of the latter." 
 
 Granting that a benevolent despotism is in the interest 
 of a people ascending the ladder of self-government to 
 the height of civilization, it is certain that the honest 
 despots would not rest their claim to the seat of power 
 upon a world propaganda that has for sixty years been 
 demanding industrial democracy upon the basis of uni- 
 versal and equal suffrage. 
 
 EXPROPRIATING THE EXPROPRIATORS 
 
 At last unsound words have been put into violent 
 deeds, for the revolution in Russia having expropriated 
 the political bourgeoisie took the long-talked-of step, ex- 
 propriated from the owners of private property all their 
 land -and capital on the assumption that the land natur- 
 ally belongs to the government and that all capital in 
 private hands has been taken in the form of " surplus 
 value " from the proletariat, bit by bit in the past. 
 
 Since the deed is done it may be interesting to know 
 how it was done. 
 
 During the academic stages of Bolshevism the ques- 
 tion of the confiscation of capital and the remuneration 
 for capital has been a prolific occasion for discussion, 
 scientific and sentimental, in their press and on their 
 platform. But when the power for action came into 
 Bolsheviki hands the die was cast and confiscation 
 became the law. For its authoritv this act rests se-
 
 344 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 curely upon the Communist Manifest which calls for 
 the " abolition of property in land." In our country 
 where the farming class is the largest amongst the 
 manual workers and where vote getting has been con- 
 sidered the high road to the revolution much discussion 
 pro and con has taken place as to the expediency of 
 stating the land plank in their platform in true Marxian 
 fashion or to assure the farmers, who do not exploit 
 laborers, that they may keep their land. Surely, com- 
 promise on this false principle is a better vote getter, 
 but since personal vanity delights in the daring of no 
 compromise it is hard to get a decision and as hard to 
 stick to it. Yet, the spectacular no compromise of the 
 Socialist has done much to discredit rightful tactics 
 with wage earners. Between our two dominant parties 
 there is no difference as to the underlying principles 
 upon which our nation is based; no dispute about 
 natural rights coming from God; nor about this being 
 a government of laws not of men ; neither about private 
 property being a right inherent in the constitution of the 
 human race. Consequently these two parties are in op- 
 position only as to methods that shall best safeguard 
 individual rights and opportunities and secure the well- 
 being and perfection of the body politic. 
 
 Compromise, therefore, is essential to getting things 
 done harmoniously with the result of keeping either 
 group from going to extremes. But braggadocio is 
 much more to the liking of those who deal with false 
 principles. When Lincoln Steffens interviewed his 
 friend Debs for Everybody's Magazine as to how Social-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 345 
 
 ists were to get possession of the trusts Debs replied : 
 " Take them." In his display editorial in the Appeal 
 to Reason Fred Warren tells What I Believe: 
 
 "I believe in the confiscation of the productive property 
 of this nation by the working class. I do not believe in con- 
 fiscating it by piecemeal. That would be foolish and illegal. 
 The plan I favor is that the working class shall first capture 
 the political powers of the state and nation and then the job 
 can be done without the danger of getting cracked skulls and 
 prison sentences." 
 
 The Educational Director of the Eand School Al- 
 gernon Lee is as emphatically Marxian if not so 
 picturesque : 
 
 " Confiscation presents itself as the simplest and most di- 
 rect method. There is no reason why Socialists should be 
 squeamish about mentioning confiscation as a historic pos- 
 sibility." 
 
 The issue is squarely met by the New York Call 
 (Nov. 2, 1915) under the editorial caption: That 
 Blessed Word, Confiscation: " Do we Socialists believe 
 in confiscation of private property ? Most certainly we 
 do." 
 
 Indeed, no one of international distinction has ever 
 denied the belief in what is now a consummated business 
 of plunder in Bolshevik Russia, the Decree on Con- 
 fiscation and Nationalization of Land, adopted by the 
 All-Russian Congress of Soviets (Nov. 8, 1917) leaves 
 the nation without justice and the family without in- 
 heritance :
 
 346 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 " The right of private ownership in land is abolished for- 
 ever; land can neither be sold, nor bought, nor leased, nor 
 mortgaged, nor appropriated in any other way. The whole of 
 the land of the State, of the appanages, of the Crown, of the 
 monasteries, of the churches, as well as majorats, lands in con- 
 ditional possession, or endowed to persons, or concerns, pri- 
 vately owned land and land belonging to public bodies, and to 
 peasants, and so on, is herewith expropriated, without any 
 compensation whatever, and it becomes the property of the 
 whole people and is transferred for use to all who till it. 
 
 " Those who have suffered from this expropriation are 
 entitled to public relief, but only for the time which may be 
 necessary to allow them to adapt themselves to the new con- 
 ditions of existence. 
 
 " The landlord's property in all land is herewith abolished 
 without compensation. 
 
 " The estates of the landlords, as well as the appanage lands 
 and lands belonging to the monasteries, churches, with all 
 their live and dead inventories, manor buildings, and imple- 
 ments, pass into the control of rural Land Committees and 
 District Councils of Peasants' Delegates, until the Constitu- 
 ent Assembly. 
 
 " Any damage wilfully caused to the confiscated property, 
 belonging from now on to the whole people, constitutes a grave 
 crime, punishable by the Revolutionary Tribunals. The Dis- 
 trict Councils of Peasants' Delegates are to take all the mea- 
 sures required for the preservation of strict order while carry- 
 ing out the confiscation of the estates of the landlords, for 
 recording the size of the estates to be confiscated, for pre- 
 paring a detailed specification of the whole confiscated prop- 
 erty, and for the most stringent revolutionary protection of 
 all the agricultural estates passing now into the hands of 
 the people, with all the buildings, machinery, cattle, stores, 
 etc., appertaining to them. 
 
 " All Russian citizens, irrespective of sex, willing to till
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 347 
 
 the soil with their own labor, or with the assistance of their 
 families, or in company with other peasants, are entitled to 
 receive land for use, and for the duration of time they are 
 able to till it. No hired labor is allowed." 
 
 Having nationalized the land, provision for its use 
 was made by an " equal " distribution amongst the 
 tillers ; the standard share being a plot that one man is 
 capable of working with his own labor with many com- 
 plicated modifications easy enough to work out on 
 paper. Within the confines of the cities all real estate 
 is confiscated by the very simple process of the collection 
 of rent by the governmental agents. Even before this 
 book goes to press we may expect tyranny, incompetency 
 and dishonesty to have brought down this wordy struc- 
 ture like a castle built with cards at the puff of the 
 wind; for a very genius at destruction is at work upon 
 a hapless society that had long been under the rule of 
 a man-made worship. Truly God is a jealous God 
 " Thou shalt have no gods before Me." A department 
 was established to take possession of private property 
 in the name of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet 
 Republic. This " Supreme Council of National 
 Economy " is granted complete control over production, 
 distribution and finance; it may confiscate, requisition, 
 sequestrate and syndicate private industries without 
 redress by the owners. This ruthless effort to " ex- 
 propriate the expropriators " found its greatest difficulty 
 with nationalizing the banks. But since a proletarian 
 revolution is bound to rid the world of the bourgeoisie, 
 Lenin proceeded to dispose of the Safe deposit boxes:
 
 348 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 "All monies kept in safe deposit boxes of banks must be 
 paid into the current account of the holders in the National 
 Bank. Gold Note: Gold, in money and ingots, will be 
 confiscated and added to the gold fund of the entire nation." 
 
 "Boxes belonging to persons (who oppose the auditing of 
 them after being summoned) are subject to opening by the 
 investigating commissions, appointed by the commissioners 
 of the National Bank, and all the holdings found in them 
 will be confiscated by the National Bank as the property of 
 the people." 
 
 National Debts Repudiated: 
 
 "All state debts contracted by the regime of the Russian 
 land owners and Russian bourgeoisie, enumerated in a docu- 
 ment relating to this matter, are annulled as of December 
 1, 1917. December coupons of the loans mentioned are not 
 liable to payment. 
 
 " In like manner are annulled all guarantees given by the 
 officials of the old regime concerning debts of various enter- 
 prises and institutions." 
 
 " All foreign debts are repudiated absolutely and without 
 exceptions." 
 
 " Short term bond and state treasury series remain intact. 
 Interest on them will not be paid; but obligations to them 
 shall be binding in the same way as credit notes." 
 
 " Small propertied (poor) citizens possessing repudiated 
 state notes of internal loans which are not in excess of 
 10,000 rubles (nominal worth) will receive annually, from 
 the state, compensation equal to the interest on their notes. 
 [The U. S. Treasury value of a ruble (1918) equals twelve 
 cents in gold. Thus the value of 10,000 rubles equals $1,- 
 200.] 
 
 " Citizens possessing repudiated notes in excess of 10,000 
 rubles will receive no compensation for the repudiation of 
 their papers."
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 349 
 
 " Deposits in state savings banks and interest on them are 
 inviolable. All obligations on repudiated debts belonging to 
 savings banks are convertible into debts (obligations) of the 
 Russian Workers and Peasants Republic." 
 
 " Cooperative societies, local self-governing and other 
 benefit or democratic institutions which have holdings in 
 repudiated debts will continue to be indemnified, in accord- 
 ance with the rules worked out by the Supreme Council of 
 National Economy, together with the representatives of 
 such institutions, provided it is proven that these obligations 
 were acquired prior to the publication of this decree." 
 
 " All the work of liquidating these (State) loans is en- 
 trusted to the commissioners of the National Bank, and all 
 holdings found in them will be confiscated by the National 
 Bank as the property of the people. Note: The investigat- 
 ing commissions may, for weighty reasons, postpone the 
 above liquidation." 
 
 Industry and Commerce: 
 
 Industrial establishments having been confiscated 
 they are turned over to the workers who fix the hours, 
 wages and otherwise regulate conditions of labor. The 
 workers set the price upon their commodities, thus con- 
 trolling the commercial relations of the people. It is 
 a matter of common record that the former owners are 
 compelled to act as directors of their sometime industrial 
 plants, otherwise men capable of performing this work 
 are not to be found. Here also, endless detail is set 
 down for carrying out the provisions of this classless 
 society. As an instance of the treatment meted out 
 to foreign owners of capital we quote this decree of the 
 Russian Socialist Eepublic which introduces the com- 
 plete industrial slavery of all classes of workmen in the
 
 350 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Russo Belgian Metallurgical Company that had refused 
 to subject themselves to the socialization of their capital 
 under the dictatorship of the proletariat. 
 
 " The shafts, works, mines, all living and immovable prop- 
 erty, on the lands of the Petrovky Metallurgical Works, the 
 mines at Sofisk, Vyerovsk, Bungovsk, Narnevsk, also in 
 Petrograd, as well as all other property of whatsoever de- 
 scription, regardless of its nature and present location in 
 Russia or abroad, belonging to the Russo-Belgian Metal- 
 lurgical Company, shall be confiscated, and declared the 
 property of the Russian Republic. 
 
 " All office and technical assistants are obliged to remain 
 at work for the discharge of their customary obligations. 
 
 " For irresponsible desertion from their positions or for 
 sabotage, the guilty parties will be handed over to the revolu- 
 tionary tribunals." 
 
 Foreign Trade: 
 
 " No private citizen of Russia is permitted to engage in 
 foreign trade, since it is nationalized for the benefit of one 
 class the proletarians. ' The purchase and sale of products 
 (raw materials, manufactures, agriculture, etc.) with foreign 
 countries and private foreign commercial organizations are 
 controlled directly by the Russian republic through specially 
 organized organs. All foreign transactions not known to 
 these organs are prohibited.' " 
 
 The Socialist world rejoices for the scheme labori- 
 ously worked out in the " Bible of the Working Class " 
 which blasphemes Almighty God, cultivates treason and 
 counsels robbery to the limit, is by the Russian dictator- 
 ship under Lenin-Trotsky put into practise by depriving
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 351 
 
 men of the exercise of their religious rights, by denying 
 all but those at the lowest rung of the industrial and 
 commercial ladder of their political franchise and by 
 the wholesale confiscation of land and capital. No, 
 certainly it was not by natural evolution but by forceful 
 and bloody revolution that the change was brought 
 about. But since their entire propaganda has ever been 
 contradictory there is no possibility of holding them to 
 their pronouncements, for if one will not work some 
 other will. Marx had said so long ago as 1867 in 
 Capital that the confiscation the expropriation 
 of capital would come about like a law of nature. He 
 foretold that an ever-growing oppression, slavery, mis- 
 ery, and degradation would be the lot of wage-earners ; 
 and simultaneously, because one great capitalist would 
 send many employers down into the ranks of labor, the 
 revolt of the working class would take place rather 
 quietly since the " Centralization of the means of pro- 
 duction and socialization of labor at last reach a point 
 where they become incompatible with their capitalist 
 integument. The integument is burst asunder. The 
 knell of capitalist private property sounds. The ex- 
 propriators are expropriated/' 
 
 But quite the contrary is true for the economic data 
 of the years since 1867 is sure proof that industrial 
 development did not take place as Marx had predicted. 
 The conditions of the working class improved while dis- 
 content in the hearts of those under Socialist influence 
 grew: The middle class increased in number and 
 financial power, relatively, yet many fell under the spell
 
 352 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 of the materialist conception of history: The capital- 
 ists increased in numbers instead of devouring the larger 
 half of their number, while not a few seemed utterly to 
 forget that wealth is held in stewardship for their Master 
 in Heaven. Thus it was that by a dwindling of re- 
 ligious light in all classes; by a lack of the knowledge 
 of genuine science, that revolutionists were enabled to 
 leap over the expected stages in evolution and take pos- 
 session of government and capital by the power of might. 
 This quick route is euphonistically termed by Engels 
 and echoed by Lenin " a leap from the kingdom of 
 necessity to the kingdom of freedom." But justice 
 makes the way of the transgressor hard! so the whole- 
 sale committing of sin, crime, debauch and lewdness 
 enslaves together the innocent and the guilty in the 
 sometime land of the Czars. But the end is not yet, 
 the innocent suffer free from blame, praising God for 
 their fire of purification while the penalty of guilt must 
 be paid to the last jot and tittle. 
 
 Internationally, we see no signs of the abatement of 
 the demand for the " expropriation of the expropria- 
 tors." The Commissairs of Russian Foreign Affairs 
 addressed a letter to President Wilson (Oct. 24, 1918) 
 suggesting the fitness of E. V. Debs as president of the 
 Socialist State that is coolly predicted to take the place 
 of our own glorious and free nation. !N"ot content with 
 the impudence of this advice the letter suggests that the 
 world be turned over to the principle of plunder : 
 
 " We propose that the League of Nations be based 
 on the expropriation of the Capitalists of all nations/'
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 353 
 
 The same thought dominates the mind of the Ameri- 
 can Socialists. In their call for the organization of a 
 genuine revolutionary international it is proposed that 
 representation be based upon a belief in the dictatorship 
 of the proletariat as by carrying this belief into action 
 there conies into their hands " the lever of immediate 
 expropriation of Capital " (N. Y. Call, Mar. 20, 1919). 
 
 Let no man think that these millions of our populace 
 who are privileged to vote may be dissuaded from their 
 aim because of its being contrary to the Commandment 
 against stealing or against coveting our neighbors goods. 
 " Fudge ! the decalogue again ! " The pert counselor of 
 the proletariat replies, have we not been persuaded at 
 our schools, colleges and universities that the Rock of 
 Ages has been blasted? Yet while chattering theories 
 come and go and though sound judgment seems asleep 
 upon the bench: 
 
 " In vain we call old notions ' fudge/ 
 
 And bend our conscience to our dealing; 
 
 The Ten Commandments will not budge, 
 And stealing will continue stealing." 
 
 There is no denying that the natural right of private 
 property has been thoroughly established since God gave 
 to Moses the Commandments; that it was enforced 
 by our Blessed Lord throughout His ministry ; that the 
 Church has ever upheld the principle ; that no civiliza- 
 tion has ever been known where private ownership did 
 not prevail. Even so, what should the Bolsheviki or 
 the Mensheviki have to do with the law of God, the
 
 354 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 rightful interpretation of history or the stricture of 
 common sense ? Surely, as doctrinaires nothing. 
 While members of the Constituent Assembly they forced 
 through a declaration that " the right of privately owned 
 land within the boundaries of the Russian Republic is 
 hereby abolished forever." 
 
 Since their philosophy deals only with things in time 
 the word forever is logically outside the Socialists' vo- 
 cabulary. The best judgments they have must be con- 
 fined to a human nature infinitely inferior from what 
 God gave to mankind, and confined to laws no better 
 than the say-so of those leaders to whom they delegate 
 authority. Besides it seems not to have occurred to these 
 little gentlemen who have shifted upon their own puny 
 shoulders omnipotent authority that this very decree 
 leaves no room for the operation of their pet theory 
 Evolution. Forever is a word that takes its course up, 
 down and beyond the boundaries of Russia or any other 
 place that has been built in time wherein men dwell. 
 
 In his renowned encyclical Rerum Novarum 
 issued twenty-eight years ago Pope Leo XIII lays 
 down the Catholic law of property. His Holiness con- 
 demns the basic proposal of Socialism that would abolish 
 the use of private capital since rights given by God 
 may not be denied or taken away without a violation 
 of human nature itself ; this were against the individual, 
 the family and society. Hence it must be utterly re- 
 jected, since to declare private property abolished " for- 
 ever " would most certainly injure those whom it is 
 proposed to benefit:
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 855 
 
 " It is directly contrary to the natural rights of mankind, 
 and would introduce confusion and disorder into the Com- 
 monwealth. The first and most fundamental principle, there- 
 fore, if one would undertake to alleviate the condition of 
 the masses, must be the inviolability of private property." 
 
 The very opposite procedure from that taken by Bol- 
 shevist Russia to centralize all productive wealth under 
 state control is required to fulfil the obligation of man 
 to man and the " Workingman's Pope " states it clearly 
 and simply " the great labor question cannot be solved 
 save by assuming as a principle that private ownership 
 must be held sacred and inviolable. The law, therefore, 
 should favor ownership, and its policy should be to in- 
 duce as many as possible of the humbler class to become 
 owners/' 
 
 Absolutism in Labor: 
 
 It is rather trite to say that there never was a time 
 in the history of the world when slave labor was un- 
 known, but the attempt to set an entire nation at work 
 under the conditions of slavery is something new to our 
 day and generation. In private industry the last word 
 in efficiency is known as the Taylor system, where the 
 basic analysis of mechanical motion during work has 
 led to a dismissal of superfluous notions and so reduced 
 the expenditure of human energy to the minimum. 
 This system is the model set before Soviet Russia for 
 piece workers to follow; not under an employer for 
 whom a man may work or not as he chooses, but under 
 the compulsion of the proletarian dictator who has the 
 Red Guard to back up his authority. In America in
 
 356 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 a state of freedom it is one's private affair what work 
 one engages in, but under the Soviets it is the most im- 
 portant national affair what work a man is set to do 
 since the economy of the Socialist State wholly sup- 
 plants the private rights and preferments of all the 
 people. The grim humor of it is that this enslavement 
 of the masses " opens the road for emulation on a really 
 large scale." In the Soviets at Work Nikolai Lenin 
 admits the immediate necessity for the complete " in- 
 troduction of obligatory labor service." But reflecting 
 upon the inherent difficulty of reducing men even 
 those who have long lived under the milder despotism 
 of the Czar to a complete state of industrial degrada- 
 tion the Bolshevist Republic orders that the system 
 shall be introduced gradually and with " Caution." 
 Evidently it is assumed that the loyalty of the prole- 
 tariat to their dictator depends largely upon appeasing 
 their wrath at the lot of " freedom " that has fallen to 
 them and this is done by giving the order for " intro- 
 ducing first of all obligatory labor service for the rich " 
 (p. 19). However, since labor control has been intro- 
 duced in all the industries and commercial transactions 
 possible as a " law of the Soviets " the attendent diffi- 
 culties admittedly call for: "A. merciless campaign 
 against those who violate this control or who are careless 
 with regard to control." 
 
 Thus, is the dream of the Socialist realized! The 
 " wage-slavery " of the old regime is abolished by the in- 
 troduction of a greater variety of ills, under a system of 
 complete national slavery that admits of no redress save
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 357 
 
 that obtained by force. It is might against might striv- 
 ing in utter darkness, where right is unknown, certainly 
 it is the penalty paid for following false gods : " I 
 am the Good Shepherd, I know Mine and Mine know 
 Me." Against the love and justice that characterizes 
 right relations between the owner of capital and his 
 brother freeman, who exercises his will to work at a 
 specific task for a just wage, is this abnormal scheme 
 for absolutism in labor: 
 
 " Our gains, our decrees, our laws, our plans must be se- 
 cured by the solid forms of every-day labor discipline. This 
 is the most difficult, but also the most promising problem for 
 only its solution will give us Socialism. We must learn to 
 combine the stormy, energetic, breaking of all restraint on 
 the part of the toiling masses, with iron discipline during 
 work, with absolute submission to the will of one person, the 
 Soviet director, during work." 
 
 "We have not yet learned this, but we will learn this." 
 
 (Soviets at Work.) 
 
 It gives us satisfaction and delight to present this 
 excerpt from the Manual of Modern Scholastic Philoso- 
 phy (pp. 288-289, Vol. 2) by that great Churchman and 
 world-renowned patriot Cardinal Mercier in proof that 
 the Good Shepherd gives light, scientific and moral to 
 His own." 
 
 "To require the State to be the owner of all land and 
 capital, to have the entire management of the production and 
 distribution of wealth, to preside over all the functions of 
 social life, like the brain over organic life, is surely, if logic 
 counts for anything, to desire that the individual should ab-
 
 358 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUEE 
 
 dicate his own will and submit himself as completely as 
 possible to the ruling of the State. Such a power and part 
 cannot be given to the State without lessening in a propor- 
 tionate degree the liberty of the citizen. Every collectivist 
 who follows out his opinions to their logical conclusion must 
 desire the effacement of the individual before the superior 
 unit which is the community. If the State is the brain of 
 the body politic, the individual is no more than a cell. A 
 contradiction therefore exists between the collectivist ideal 
 and the full ideal of liberty. 
 
 "... The orderly and permanent working of machinery 
 so complicated as that of the collectivist State would require 
 nothing short of a discipline of iron. The officials appointed 
 to organize the national production would have to be given 
 absolute powers. The assessment of the wants to be satisfied, 
 and accordingly of the things to be made, the allotment of 
 labor, the distribution of products, would all have to depend 
 on the supreme will of the State." 
 
 SPEECH FREE: PRESS 
 
 At first flush it seems that Socialists are truly in 
 favor of the right to be heard by those who ought to 
 listen, but this is not so. Eor there is no ought in all 
 their philosophy, no time when one ought to speak 
 and no time when one ought to listen for the simple 
 reason that to them morals are nothing more than the 
 fashion in manners. Under the guarantees in our na- 
 tional constitution, that has guided us wisely and pros- 
 perously for more than seven generations, all our laws 
 must have regard to the natural rights of all our citizens, 
 and one of the nearest and dearest of these rights is 
 what we know as free speech. Our right is to speak 
 and to be heard, yet, within the limit of our human
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 359 
 
 constitution. If we put the issue immediately to the 
 touchstone we shall see that our right and our power are 
 quite two different things. We have, it is certain, the 
 power to speak evil, but not the right to do so, since 
 our existence is conditioned upon the absolute authority 
 of Him who created us and gave to us the law we ought 
 to obey. Here then lies the crux of the whole matter 
 between those who truly believe in free speech and those 
 who use the term for or against the moral obligation it 
 implies as a mere method of furthering their cause on 
 a given occasion. The fact is that free speech fights 
 give to the Bolsheviki the best opportunity to persuade 
 the multitude that they are persecuted for advocating 
 what is good for the working-class. So whether it be 
 a plea to get Debs out of jail or a resolve against the 
 curtailing of free speech under the espionage act the 
 effect of demanding the right to speak freely and to be 
 heard without hindrance is all to their advantage in 
 making Socialist converts, since it is one of the loudest 
 demands of freemen. But this principle is to God- 
 loving and God-fearing men an inherent right, bringing 
 the obligation to listen or to speak as occasion demands. 
 Not so with those who accept the philosophy of historic 
 materialism, which makes of this principle and of all 
 moral principles the mere fashion of the times some- 
 thing useful to play upon in one case and something 
 advantageous to suppress in another. 
 
 We make no apology for saying that within the or- 
 ganized Socialist movement the right of free speech has 
 been constantly violated from the time of its first presi-
 
 360 . BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 dential campaign. Just as we write comes a complaint 
 from the left-wing which is a large division of the 
 Socialist Party: 
 
 " We are a very active and growing section of the Socialist 
 Party who are attempting to reach the rank and file with 
 our urgent message over the heads of the powers that be." 
 
 " The official Socialist Party press is in the main closed to 
 us; therefore, we cannot adequately present our side of the 
 case." 
 
 " Therefore we have decided to issue our Manifesto and 
 program in pamphlet form, so that the rank and file may 
 read and judge our case on its merits." 
 
 Simultaneously, while denying free speech within, 
 the Socialist Party itself is arranging 5,000 public 
 meetings in protest against the imprisonment of Eugene 
 V. Debs and Kate Richards O'Hare on the ground that 
 these persons had the " right to bear testimony to truth 
 as they saw it." Having mistaken treason for truth 
 does indeed prevent these orators from spreading their 
 lurid vision abroad by word of mouth, but unhappily 
 by pen they still advocate a classless society on the 
 ruins of the private ownership of capital. Much to her 
 surprise Mrs. O'Hare finds class distinctions even 
 amongst her fellow-convicts in the Missouri State Peni- 
 tentiary. If only she would look deep enough to see 
 that God gives different talents in differing degrees to 
 His children she might find the absurdity of what she 
 seeks. 
 
 The Gospel injunction to do what they say but not
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 361 
 
 as they do, applies perfectly to the issue of free speech. 
 They say that the Russian Bolsheviki believe that the 
 press should be the expression of the people as well 
 as the mouthpiece of the government. This is well, 
 but what they do may be known by reading the Decree 
 of the People's Commissaires, which forms a part of the 
 Constitution of their new society. We quote: 
 
 " The Workers' and Peasants' Government wishes to call 
 the attention of the people to the fact that behind the screen 
 of liberty lurks, in fact, freedom for the propertied classes 
 to usurp unto themselves the power, without hindrance, poison 
 and bring confusion into the minds of the masses. 
 
 " Every one knows that the press of the bourgeoisie is one 
 of the most powerful weapons of the bourgeoisie. Especially 
 in a critical moment, when our power, the power of the work- 
 ers and peasants, is only being strengthened, it is impossible 
 to leave these weapons entirely in the hands of the enemy, 
 at a time when they are not less dangerous than bombs and 
 bullets. This is the reason why temporary and extraordinary 
 measures were taken to cut off the stream of mud and slander 
 of the yellow press which threatened to submerge the young 
 victory of the people. 
 
 " 1. The following organs of the press are subject to sup- 
 pression : 
 
 " (a) Those calling for open opposition to and disobedience 
 of the Workers' and Peasants' Government. 
 
 u (b) Those creating confusion by means of an open and 
 slanderous distortion of facts. 
 
 " (c) Those calling for acts clearly criminal. 
 
 u 2. Suppression of organs of the press, temporary or per- 
 manent, is to be dealt with through regulations of the Coun- 
 cil of People's Commissaires.
 
 362 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 " 3. The present situation has a temporary character, and 
 these measures will be changed upon the introduction of 
 normal conditions of life. 
 
 " 4. The printing of advertisements in periodicals and 
 posters, as well as the issuing of advertisements to kiosks, 
 offices, etc., is now a monopoly of the state." 
 
 That these decrees have been rigorously put into 
 practise is the testimony of many, we present that of 
 a close student of the Eussian people and of the Bol- 
 sheviki regime Prof. Lucovic H. Groudys of Dor- 
 drecht, Holland. 
 
 " There is less freedom of speech than under the Czar. 
 Only Bolshevik papers are allowed. There is no freedom of 
 speech whatever. Merely suspicion brings death at once." 
 
 Again, the inconsistency that marks the course of the 
 international movement in all its dealings may be seen 
 in a world event. While two millions of our boys were 
 defending the honor of our flag on the fields of France 
 and Flanders, the St. Louis Emergency Convention of 
 the Socialist Party demanded the right for its spokesmen 
 to talk treason at their pleasure on the pretext of de- 
 fending free speech. Meantime, they were defending 
 the Bolshevists for suppressing the voice of all opponents 
 by confiscating their press and compelling their victims 
 to run them in favor of the red rule which they ab- 
 horred. 
 
 To push the matter home to a final issue, would the 
 erection of a " classless society " a Socialist State 
 permit of free speech ? Not granting the possibility of
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 363 
 
 a classless society the answer is safely no, a Socialist 
 State would necessarily be a condition of industrial 
 slavery for the multitude with several classes of officers 
 under a supreme dictator. What use should this 
 usurper of natural rights have for free speech? Cer- 
 tainly not any! 
 
 Now that under the aegis of the Banner of Christ 
 the people have at last arrived to that state of democracy 
 that permits of the right to speak that which is right 
 in the right time and in the right place the Socialist 
 regime in Russia should send the mind of all liberty 
 lovers back to the source from whence it came, that 
 we may protect its source and so the expression of that 
 dearly bought freedom. Under the title Human Lib- 
 erty (1888) His Holiness Pope Leo XIII gave to the 
 world a guide for the defense of free speech and a free 
 press : 
 
 " We must now consider briefly liberty of speech and lib- 
 erty of the Press. It is hardly necessary to say that there 
 can be no such right as this, if it be not used in moderation, 
 and if it pass beyond the bounds and end of all true liberty. 
 For right is a moral power which as we have before said 
 and must again and again repeat it is absurd to suppose 
 that nature has accorded indifferently to truth and falsehood, 
 to justice and injustice. Men have a right freely and pru- 
 dently to propagate throughout the State what things soever 
 are true and honorable, so that as many as possible may pos- 
 sess them ; but lying opinions, than which no mental plague is 
 greater, and vices which corrupt the heart and moral life, 
 should be diligently repressed by public authority, lest they 
 insidiously work the ruin of the State. The excesses of an
 
 364 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 unbridled intellect, which unfailingly end in the oppression 
 of the untutored multitude, are no less rightly controlled 
 by the authority of the law than are the injuries inflicted by 
 violence upon the weak. And this all the more surely, be- 
 cause by far the greater part of the community is either ab- 
 solutely unable, or able only with great difficulty, to escape 
 from illusions and deceitful subtleties, especially such as 
 flatter the passions. If unbridled license of speech and of 
 writing be granted to all, nothing will remain sacred and 
 inviolate; even the highest and truest mandates of nature, 
 justly held to be the common and noblest heritage of the 
 human race, will not be spared. Thus, truth being gradually 
 obscured by darkness, pernicious and manifold error, as too 
 often happens, will easily prevail. Thus, too, license will 
 gain what liberty loses; for liberty will ever be more free 
 and secure, in proportion as license is kept in fuller restraint. 
 In regard, however, to all matters of opinion which God 
 leaves to man's free discussion, full liberty of thought and 
 of speech is naturally within the right of every one; for such 
 liberty never leads men to suppress the truth, but often to 
 discover it and make it known." 
 
 Now that the doctrine of Marx and Engels, relative 
 to the family, has been enacted into law by " the aboli- 
 tion of private possession of women " and the " socializa- 
 tion of women," and thence into practise, the ire of 
 decent people is aroused and the propaganda of Social- 
 ism is for the nonce staggering to regain its foothold 
 within the body politic. ISTot a few within their own 
 ranks have recoiled from the consequences of their doc- 
 trine in practise. Yet one must expect that two atti-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 365 
 
 tudes, diametrically opposed, will be taken at once by 
 the American Bolshevists in furtherance of their ob- 
 jective world revolution. This is no new experience 
 for them and hypocrisy is the fine art of their states- 
 craft. 
 
 It was vigorously practised upon our late Ex-Presi- 
 dent, Theodore Roosevelt, not long since. Colonel 
 Roosevelt had exposed their attitude on the family which 
 may be found in every one of their classics dealing with 
 the subject, but nowhere stated with more elemental 
 frankness than in Socialism and the Family by H. G. 
 Wells. We present an excerpt to refresh the mind of 
 our reader upon the issue : 
 
 " The Socialist would put an end to the uncivilized go- 
 as-you-please of the private adventure family. Socialism, in 
 fact, is the State family. The old family of the private 
 individual must vanish before it just as the old water works 
 of private enterprise, or as the old gas company. Socialism 
 assails the triumphant egotism of the family to-day . . ." (pp. 
 31, 32). 
 
 " Now, what sort of contract will the Socialist State re- 
 quire for marriage ? Socialism says boldly the State is 
 the over-parent, the outer-parent. People (under Socialism) 
 rear children for the State and the future; if they do that 
 well, they do the wbole world a service, and deserve payment 
 just as much as if they built a bridge or raised a crop of 
 wheat; if they do it unpropitiously and ill, they have done 
 the world an injury . . . 
 
 "It follows that motherhood, which we still in a muddle- 
 headed way seem to regard as partly self-indulgence and 
 partly a service paid to a man by a woman, is regarded by
 
 366 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the Socialists as a benefit to society, a public duty done. The 
 State will pay for children born legitimately in the marriage 
 it will sanction" (p. 64). 
 
 Against the State as the over-parent and motherhood 
 as a trade Colonel Roosevelt's articles in The Outlook 
 had ^ directed attention to the necessity for maintaining 
 the Christian family that civilization might not perish 
 from the face of the earth. From all over our country 
 the Bolsheviki came back at him in editorials, articles, 
 leaflets and speeches. No, not with argument show- 
 ing any other possible conclusion than that the family 
 must die out once it is deprived of its natural support, 
 namely, private property. But rather with abuse, for 
 Roosevelt's well known integrity had added great weight 
 to his words that had struck a blow at their propaganda. 
 
 Eugene V. Debs said it was " sickening and disgust- 
 ing hypocrisy " on the part of Roosevelt to publish such 
 " lies." Milwaukee's Mayor, Emile Seidel, declared it 
 to be " claptrap utterance " published " with a cunning 
 and deliberate purpose of creating a false impression." 
 While Prof. A. W. Small of Chicago University, who 
 may not be supposed a teacher of free love, was reported 
 as declaring " Roosevelt's idea of the family is funny." 
 The Chicago Daily Socialist named the author " Cock- 
 roach Teddy," and the New York Call was convinced 
 that Roosevelt " depended upon the spiteful scandal pub- 
 lished by David Goldstein and Martha Moore Avery " 
 for his " mass of foul lies " and his " abyss of filth and 
 falsehood." Yet more than all of what was set forth 
 by Colonel Roosevelt may be found in their classical
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 367 
 
 literature on the subject and in the conduct of some of 
 their international leaders, never one of these doctrines 
 nor one of these leaders were ever discredited by their 
 organization for betraying the standards of the Deca- 
 logue intelligently or morally. Surely, it is not to be 
 supposed that those who so rabidly assailed Colonel 
 Roosevelt are innocently ignorant of their long preached 
 doctrine ; now carried out in Russia by making the union 
 and discussion of the sexes a mere matter of registra- 
 tion. One must conclude that those who spread evil 
 are doubled-tongued. This, too, is certain that the fall 
 from Christian civilization is lower than the state of 
 the ancient Pagans. The private possession of women 
 and property in children may somewhat fittingly belong 
 to the speech of those who have never known Jesus 
 Christ and His Blessed Mother but never the degraded 
 animalism that lies back of the twin evils, birth-control 
 and motherhood as a trade. The " over-parent" the 
 breeding of children for the state, prepares the way, 
 intellectually, for the action of the Soviet Council of 
 Saratov in commandeering women for social use. In- 
 deed this was the logical outcome, since from first to 
 last not a doctrinaire amongst them but holds with Have- 
 lock Ellis that " the reproduction of the race is a social 
 function." 
 
 The facts in the case were presented to the Senate 
 Committee investigating Bolshevism by Rev. R. E. Sim- 
 mons, the Methodist Episcopal minister, who formerly 
 represented the Department of Commerce in Russia. 
 Several other places followed the bestial example of
 
 368 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Saratov, Luge, Kolpin, Vladimir, Hovlinsk, Kronstadt 
 among them. Saratov has a population of some 200,000 
 persons which by the decree of the Council March 
 15, 1918 was practically reduced to a herd of cattle 
 with a ranchman to enforce his will over them. The 
 assurance that these vile doctrines were really put into 
 practise so shocked the sense of public decency that the 
 boldest proponents were silenced for the time and the 
 doubled-tongued propagandists sent up a howl of protest. 
 But their cry " Stop, thief ! " has been too often heard 
 to throw steady folk off their guard. However, it seems 
 rather opportune to state that our challenge on this issue, 
 first sent out in 1903 and again in 1916, having been 
 signed and sworn to before a Notary Public, the original 
 sent to the National Secretary of the Socialist Party, is 
 yet awaiting a response, despite the fact that our chal- 
 lenge was published in hundreds of papers throughout 
 the country. Since its argument rests upon scientific 
 rather than upon sentimental or moral ground we pre- 
 sent it here : 
 
 AN UNACCEPTED CHALLENGE 
 
 Boston, Massachusetts, 
 468 Mass. Avenue 
 
 November 16, 1916. 
 National Office Socialist Parti/, 
 Mr. Adolph Germer, Secretary, 
 
 Chicago, Illinois. 
 
 DEAR SIR: Our association with the Socialist movement 
 and our study of its doctrines, as set forth by its foremost 
 exponents, have firmly convinced us that Socialism is funda-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 369 
 
 mentally hostile to the basic principles of Christian belief. 
 Consequently no one can consistently accept the doctrines of 
 the Socialist movement and those of the Christian Church at 
 one and the same time. 
 
 In our travels from city to city, lecturing under the aus- 
 pices of Catholic societies, we frequently meet members of 
 your organization, who, through ignorance of the philosophi- 
 cal foundation of their party, or by their politic use of the 
 Socialist now-you-see-it-and-now-you-don't-tactics have taken 
 issue with us. They have gone so far as to say that our 
 expose of Socialism is false; that Socialism is in fact the 
 further development of Christian principles rather than a 
 divergence from them. 
 
 In order that this most vital issue may be made plain 
 in order that the line of demarkation that logically exists be- 
 tween Socialism and Christianity may be clearly defined to 
 the satisfaction of those who may be in doubt, we respectfully 
 submit a proposal that this matter be tested out on this one 
 phase of Socialism the family. 
 
 We shall present evidence to prove the following conten- 
 tions before a competent committee to be decided upon by 
 you and by ourselves at any date that may be mutually sat- 
 isfactory. 
 
 1st. That Socialism assumes private property to have 
 brought into existence the present form of the family the 
 monogamic family one man, one wife and their children. 
 
 2nd. That the Socialist theory of the present family as- 
 sumes it to have evolved from the time when men and 
 women lived in a state of promiscuity when " all the 
 women (in a tribe) belonged to all the men and all the men 
 to all the women." 
 
 We hold that the Socialist theory regarding the family 
 rests upon these two propositions and that they are diametri- 
 cally opposed to historic testimony and Christian teachings. 
 
 It is a fact universally acknowledged that Christianity
 
 370 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 recognizes that Almighty God established monogamy when 
 He created our first parents ; when He declared : " For this 
 cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall 
 cleave to his wife, and they shall be two in one flesh." Our 
 contention is that the evidence of the world's greatest eth- 
 nological authorities sustains the Christian doctrine that 
 monogamy existed in the earliest known days of the race. 
 That the investigations of these scientists prove that there 
 is no evidence extant to substantiate the Socialist notion that 
 promiscuity ever formed a general stage in the history of 
 the human race. Their express understanding is that the 
 race never could have outlived the degenerate condition of 
 conjugal association from which Socialism assumes the 
 family to have evolved. 
 
 We hold that Socialism stands for loose marital associ- 
 ation " an association terminable at the will of either 
 party " thus doing away with the " interference " of a 
 third party" the Church or State. This is diametrically 
 opposed to the Christian law which declares that a marriage 
 once entered into and consummated is binding until death. 
 Moreover an association terminable at will is contrary to the 
 civic law which presumes marriage to be a life contract, sub- 
 jecting the parties to the contract to its restraints, notwith- 
 standing that the State has, since the days of the te French 
 conflagration," permitted divorce. 
 
 We shall present as evidence in proof of these fundamental 
 differences (on the Christian side) the writings in the New 
 Testament, the Catholic Encyclopedia, the proceedings of the 
 Council of Trent, and the Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on 
 Christian Marriage ; also some writings of leading Protestant 
 Doctors. On the Socialist side we shall substantiate the in- 
 dictment we bring with the writings of Morgan, Engels, Marx, 
 Bebel, Bax, Morris, Rappaport, Meily and other recognized 
 Socialist authorities whose writings on the family are cir-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 371 
 
 culated by Socialist organizations, not alone in this country, 
 but throughout the world. We hold, with your International 
 Kepresentative, Mr. Morris Hillquit, that "the utterances 
 and acts of such writers and representatives, unless formally 
 repudiated by their party, must be considered as legitimate 
 expressions and manifestations of the Socialist movement, 
 and its defenders and opponents may properly refer to them 
 in support of their contentions." 
 
 As an evidence of our good faith we have placed on de- 
 posit with the Federal Trust Company of Boston, the sum 
 of one thousand dollars to be forfeited to the Red Cross 
 Society in the event that the differences herein set forth 
 are not proved to be fundamental to Socialism and to 
 Christianity and that as a logical consequence no one can 
 be adjudged an intelligent Christian and at one and the 
 same time consistently support Socialism. 
 
 No, they will not answer. They dare not answer. 
 To answer before an audience not wholly or in part in- 
 doctrinated with their point of view would retard their 
 progress and that is the one thing not to be deliberately 
 tolerated, the one thing that their notion of morality 
 will not permit. Rather the public mind is to be led 
 off the scent, brazenly by giving the " lie " and cleverly 
 by an easy remark : " There is no need to get excited 
 over it," even though a " little remote group of An- 
 archists in Odessa " did issue a decree socializing 
 women. However severe it may seem the fact is the 
 common-sense of those, especially the women, who really 
 hold the Marxian view of marital relations are not re- 
 silient to the moral law. Otherwise the defense by 
 Louise Bryant of what is indefensible could not take
 
 372 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 place before an inquiring audience of 3,000 in Tremont 
 Temple, Boston (Jan. 3, 1919). We quote: 
 
 " Russia is the only country in the world where they 
 have solved the prostitution problem. When a woman ex- 
 pects to be a mother she is given two months' rest with pay 
 that is one of the things the Soviets did and in Russia 
 they do not make any distinction between married and un- 
 married mothers." 
 
 This is only one of the thousands of statements made 
 by men and women who have been emancipated along 
 the Socialist way, as Prof. George D. Herron puts it. 
 Yet, we are glad to learn that so loud is the protest 
 from within and from without stricken Russia that the 
 Commisar of Vladimir has appointed a committee of 
 women to revise, or to report as to the advisability of 
 abrogating, the decree. 
 
 ALL-RUSSIAN CONSTITUTION ON DIVOECB 
 
 With the stroke of the pen Bolshevism puts asunder 
 those whom God joined together. We quote: 
 
 DECREE ON DIVORCE ISSUED BY THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S 
 COMMISSARIES 
 
 " The Russian Republic from now on recognizes civil mar- 
 riages only. 
 
 " Persons, desiring to enter into marriage, announce their 
 intention verbally or in written form to the Department for 
 Registration of Marriages and births." 
 
 " Divorce shall be granted upon application made by either 
 party or both parties. 
 
 " Divorce applications shall be filed with the local courts. 
 When application is made by mutual consent of both parties
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 373 
 
 divorce shall be granted immediately by the registry office 
 where marriage records are kept, and said office shall deliver 
 to both parties a certificate testifying thereto. 
 
 " When divorce is granted to parties declaring mutual con- 
 sent, the two parties shall file a statement declaring the names 
 by which they and their children, if any, shall be known in 
 the future. When divorce is granted upon application by 
 one party only, the divorced parties shall, provided they agree 
 thereto, bear the names they bore before contracting mar- 
 riage, and the judge shall decide what name the children shall 
 bear. In case of disagreement, the final decision shall rest 
 with the local jury." 
 
 Even this license marriage and divorce as a mere 
 matter of registration is regarded only as the thres- 
 hold of a yet wider latitude. Bessie Beatty points out 
 (Red Heart of Russia) that the " All-Russian decree 
 regulating the lives of the people incline towards wide 
 freedom." Evidently this inclination towards " wide 
 freedom " has reached its uttermost limit in the stark 
 mad decrees of Saratov and the other Soviets that have 
 socialized women. Yet the Russian regime of lust was 
 upheld by the 700 delegates at the Woman's Freedom- 
 Congress in New York City (March 1, 1919), when its 
 Chairman, Crystal Eastman, proclaimed that the day of 
 a like society is long overdue in our own country. " We 
 will not wait for the Social Revolution to bring us the 
 freedom we should have won in the 19th Century. Vol- 
 untary motherhood is an ideal unrealized in this country. 
 Women are still denied by law the right to that scientific 
 knowledge necessary to control the size of their fam- 
 ilies."
 
 374 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 This was not an isolated utterance, but the tone of 
 the Congress, for Anna Strunsky Walling was cham- 
 pioned as she sang its praises and proclaimed herself 
 to be a " romatic monogamist." These are the women 
 who are making public opinion, who delight in spread- 
 ing the information that in Russia " divorce is as easy 
 to get as a cup of tea," and in following up this racy bit 
 with the supposedly unanswerable argument that makes 
 lewdness to be freedom : " Just before the vote on this 
 decree one soldier arose and said that he thought the 
 government should limit the number of divorces to three. 
 Another soldier got up and denounced him, saying, 
 ' Why should w-e, who believe in freedom, tell any man 
 how many times he should wed? ' So the discussion was 
 dropped/' (Louise Bryant " Six Months in Russia.") 
 
 It is with a sense of deepest shame that we are forced 
 to recognize altogether too much truth in what the 
 Newark Leader, Socialist weekly (March 15, 1919), says 
 editorially as to our status relative to divorce : 
 
 " The marriage laws of the Russian Republic differs from 
 ours only in refusing to recognize the validity of a religious 
 ceremony and allowing divorce at the will of the parties 
 instead of after one of our lewd and sickening divorce trials." 
 
 Truly, many others besides Catholics who hold to the 
 Christian law of marriage may say this is not of our 
 doing and that we know that in the last analysis this 
 issue lies between the Church and Bolshevism for the 
 reason that there is no middle ground upon which the 
 power of reason may take its stand. This is but another
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 375 
 
 way of saying that the acid test of the freedom of the 
 sexes is within the law of Christ, not without, under the 
 license of Bolshevism, whether partially restrained or 
 left wholly without the curb of human intelligence and 
 will, as in the case of Saratov. 
 
 All this were worse than useless if it were not for 
 the hope aye, the expectation that those American 
 women who hold strictly to the conviction that Marriage 
 is a Sacrament, because God made it so, will come to 
 the rescue here in our own land against this scourge of 
 so-called sex freedom. For it may not be successfully 
 denied that the responsibility for the preservation of 
 the family, and so of the nation, rests largely upon the 
 attitude of women. Our statistics on divorce place us 
 second only to Pagan Japan with a stride towards the 
 Bolshevist decree that is mentally staggering too ap- 
 palling for speech. By almost complete returns the 
 total number of divorces granted in the United States 
 in 1916 was 112,036, or 112 per 100,000 of the popu- 
 lation, as against 84 in 1906, 73 in 1900 and 53 in 
 1890. 
 
 Moreover, Judge Robert Grant has brought out the 
 significant fact that 75 per cent of proceedings for di- 
 vorce are initiated by women. Surely the patient Gri- 
 seldas who by self-sacrifice gave an heroic example of 
 the sanctification of the marrrage bond are much needed 
 to-day to set the world right. This were at once a 
 suffering for Christ's sake that brings its reward of 
 glory eternal and a display of patriotism that is high 
 above personal consideration. Surely, women are now
 
 376 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 commissioned by right-reason to lead men back to the 
 knowledge that their worldly wisdom in setting up the 
 divorce court for the protection of women has led to 
 the exact opposite effect from what they destined to ob- 
 tain. What God hath joined together, let no man put 
 asunder. 
 
 WORLD REVOLUTION 
 
 Their first great conquest in Russia has given an 
 incalculable impetus to their contemplated overthrow 
 of national boundaries with the complete abolition of 
 private property and so the extinction of the monogamic 
 family, carrying with it the notion of a super-state di- 
 recting the industries of the world, for use not for profit. 
 At first glance this scheme seems like an inverted model 
 of human society as it is, but there is a difference not 
 to be measured in words. In the world as it is, there 
 is a spiritual order and a material order through which 
 the life principle acts. Now Marx himself says that 
 his " scientific analysis " is' an inverted form of 
 Hegelianism, he is correct. One is the top of Panthe- 
 ism, the other is the bottom; and both together do not 
 make human nature as it is. Hegel has material sub- 
 stance a precipitation from the etheric sphere and Marx 
 has material substance, the cause of all else within the 
 sphere of what is human. So it is that God is nowhere 
 in Hegelian or Marxian philosophy. Yet the truth is 
 that within God's providence, nations and families work 
 out their destinies in time, but individuals have an eter- 
 nal destiny that time knows not. Socialism drops out
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 377 
 
 the human constitution made by God and substitutes 
 a material regime made by man. 
 
 From the four quarters of the globe comes the propa- 
 ganda for an all-perfect society, for the time when man- 
 kind shall have evolved into superman because of eco- 
 nomic equity. A battle cry for world-revolution forms 
 the closing words of the Russian Constitution Dec- 
 laration of Rights and Duties for Toiling Humanity : 
 
 11 The Kussian Socialist Republic of the Soviets calls upon 
 the working classes of the entire world to accomplish their 
 task to the very end, and in the faith that the Socialist ideal 
 will soon be achieved to write upon their flags the old battle 
 cry of the working people. 
 
 "Proletarians of all lands unite! 
 
 Long live the Socialist world revolution!" 
 
 The means proposed to this end are characteristic. 
 We quote from the Constitution adopted at the 5th All- 
 Russian Congress (July 10, 1918) : 
 
 "Being guided by the interests of the working class as a 
 whole, the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic de- 
 prives all individuals and groups of rights which could be 
 utilized by them to the detriment of the Socialist Revolution." 
 
 Thus coolly are rights set to one side by this egoistic 
 scheme made by men in disregard of the constitution 
 made for men by God. The universal betrayal of 
 " rights " is emphasized by the head of the Moscow 
 Soviet, 1ST. Bucharin, when writing of the Program of 
 the Communist Party (1918) :
 
 378 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 "It is the program of the liberation of the proletariat 
 of all countries, because it is the program of international 
 revolution. The overthrow of imperialist governments by 
 means of armed revolt is the road to the international dicta- 
 torship of the working class." 
 
 It is a notion pretty firmly fixed that world revolu- 
 tion against the capitalist class must take place before a 
 national revolution against private property is secure. 
 Of course, this notion is well grounded, since by the 
 rational animal common-sense is a hard thing to get rid 
 of, entirely. In his introduction to Trotsky's book 
 " The Bolshevik! and World Peace " (N. Y., 1918) - 
 Lincoln Steffens suggests the ridiculous as the logical: 
 " To Trotsky the Russian Revolution is but one, the 
 first of a series of national revolutions which together 
 will become the thing he yearns for and prophesies/' 
 
 So also yearns Lenin. He takes himself seriously as 
 interpreter of developing events. If only this thing 
 the complete abrogation of the natural law would 
 hurry up and usher in the classless society before his 
 funny dictatorship on earth is over : 
 
 " An unusually grave, difficult and dangerous international 
 situation exists, a period of waiting for new outbursts of 
 revolution in the West, which is painfully slow in ripening." 
 (" Soviets at Work," p. 42, Rand School, N. Y., 1918.) 
 
 With empiric disdain of human nature as it is under 
 the control of an all wise Providence and guided by 
 inane desire to show Marx as the latest and the greatest 
 of all who dip into the future, in a letter to the American
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 379 
 
 Workingmen sent from Moscow (Aug. 2, 1918) Lenin 
 gives the history of things to be: 
 
 " We know that it may take a long time before help can 
 come from you, comrades, American Workingmen, for the 
 development of the revolution in the different countries 
 proceeds along various paths, with varying rapidity (how 
 should it be otherwise!). We know full well that the out- 
 break of the European proletarian revolution may take many 
 weeks to come, quickly as it is ripening in these days. We 
 are counting on the inevitability of the international revolu- 
 tion. 
 
 " We are in a beleaguered fortress, so long as no other in- 
 ternational socialist revolution comes to our assistance with 
 its armies. But these armies exist, they are stronger than 
 ours, they grow, they strive, they become more invincible 
 the longer imperialism with its brutalities continues. Work- 
 ingmen the world over are breaking with their betrayers, with 
 their Gompers and their Scheidemanns. Inevitably labor is 
 approaching communistic Bolshevistic tactics, is preparing 
 for the proletarian revolution that alone is capable of pre- 
 serving culture and humanity from destruction. We are 
 invincible. The proletarian Revolution is invincible." 
 
 The Bolsheviki of other countries are also as confident 
 that the hour is struck for a world reckoning. Mayhap, 
 this is so, but no solid argument can be found in reason, 
 science or history for the conclusion that this reckoning 
 is between wage-earners and capitalists to the extinction 
 of industrial, commercial, social and intellectual dis- 
 tinctions. Rather is the reckoning between the just and 
 the unjust, between those who worship the golden calf, 
 be they rich or poor and between those who worship God,
 
 380 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUBE 
 
 be they rich, or poor. Thanks be to God ! man is not the 
 Judge of the issue. However, the Swiss Social Demo- 
 cratic Party speeds on the bloody cry : " We greet the 
 Eussian revolution, and take up the battle cry of the 
 Eussian and German revolutionists, calling the pro- 
 letariat to the world revolution " (Swiss Socialist Con- 
 vention, Jan., 1919). 
 
 The Italian Socialist Party, too, proudly takes its 
 part in world revolution. Not merely by resolutions 
 declaring for " the establishment of a Socialist Eepublic 
 and the dictatorship of the proletariat " (Dec. 12, 1918) 
 but also by acting up to their party vote " not to join 
 in homage to the representative of the United States." 
 Just as in Massachusetts some fifteen years ago one lone 
 Socialist seat was vacant when Prince Henry of Ger- 
 many visited its Great and General Court so now when 
 President Wilson entered the Chamber of Deputies upon 
 his recent visit to Eome, the forty seats of the Socialist 
 Eepresentatives were vacant. Yes, it may confidently 
 be predicted that the Bolsheviki will be Bolsheviki to 
 the end of their tether. 
 
 Our reds are not less luridly red than those across 
 the water, from crown to sole they are Bolshevik and 
 proud to say so with their self-succeeding presidential 
 candidate; with hundreds of thousands of phrases they 
 echo their party's voice " The Social Revolution is the 
 end and aim of the Socialist Party." That it is utterly 
 impossible to comprehend the movement unless one real- 
 izes that the urge of the social revolution is not nation-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 381 
 
 wide only but without limit embracing " the wide-wide- 
 world." So the all-hail is given to the Russian Soviet 
 as the beginning of the much desired end by the official 
 organ of the Socialist Party: 
 
 "Bussia's revolution is not a domestic revolution, but es- 
 sentially a world revolution. Therein lies not only its future, 
 but also its present, inasmuch as it is impossible to under- 
 stand our parties and their principles unless one realizes the 
 sharp division between those men who see the revolution as 
 a world-event and those who see it merely as a local and 
 Eussian event. 
 
 " The difference between the Bolsheviki and all the other 
 Eussian parties lies herein. The Bolsheviki are the true in- 
 ternationalists. They alone desire to see the revolution's 
 ideas spread throughout the world." (The Eye Opener, 
 Chicago, Feb. 16, 1918.) 
 
 Their banners decorated with mottoes foreign to 
 Americanism are carried through the streets of our cities 
 and towns, loudly proclaiming: 
 
 " Save the Soviets ! Next : The Socialists United 
 States of the World." 
 
 " Bolsheviki Forever." 
 
 " Long live the Socialist Revolution." 
 
 " Three Cheers for the German Worker's Republic." 
 
 " Lenin and Liebknecht." 
 
 While congratulating cablegrams were sent in recog- 
 nition of the Russian-German revolt as a part of their 
 world-program ; one from Boston to Berlin we exhibit : 
 
 " Greetings and pledge of solidarity on this day of your
 
 382 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 proletarian revolution, which will conquer, in spite of all. 
 Kevolutionary Eussia and a definitely proletarian revolution 
 in Germany are a call to action to the international pro- 
 letariat." (Nov. 17, 1918.) 
 
 In its issue of May 1, 1919, the New York Call 
 flares forth a two column International May-Day Mani- 
 festo of Revolt addressed particularly to the workers of 
 the world : 
 
 " The world revolution, dreamed of as a thing of the 
 distant future, has become a live reality, it has taken 
 form, it strikes forward, borne by the despair of the masses 
 and the shining examples of the martyrs, its spread is ir- 
 repressible. The bridges are burnt behind the old capitalist 
 society and its path is forever cut off. Capitalist society is 
 bankrupt, and the only salvation of humanity lies in the up- 
 rising of the masses, in the victory of the Socialist revolu- 
 tion, in the renovating forces of Socialism." 
 
 " Long live Socialism ! Long live the Socialist world 
 revolution " echoed throughout the country by the hoarse 
 cry of the masses in the streets and the cultivated tones 
 of the classes in the halls of our cities. To the delight 
 of the audience that filled Century Theater, of New 
 York City (April 25, 1919), Prof. Scott bearing lisped 
 that as " against the proposal of a League of Nations, I 
 suggest revolution." At the same time unctuously pro- 
 nouncing himself a " pacifist." 
 
 With the experience of the Russian revolution of 
 1905 to guide his thought Alexander Trachtenberg, 
 director of the Rand School Department of Research, 
 address to the celebrants of the anniversary of the Rus-
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 383 
 
 sian revolution (March 16, 1919) who crowded the 
 Auditorium to the doors, was in strict accord with his 
 fellows : 
 
 " Before the Russian revolution, Socialism had of neces- 
 sity to be academic in its interest, it was not yet a living 
 thing." But to-day, " it is not merely the Russian revolu- 
 tion, as such, that we are interested in, but all forward look- 
 ing men in every land see in it the guide and model of 
 what their own revolution is to be, and who shall be wise if 
 we learn from these pioneers." 
 
 Besides the prose written and spoken volumes of 
 verse might be compiled from the product of those gifted 
 with poesy who are engulfed in the maelstrom of de- 
 structible imagination. This from Lillian Brown-Olf 
 shall suffice : 
 
 Lusty Child of Revolution! 
 
 Unperturbed by Custom's pall; 
 Dauntless Spirit of Rebellion, 
 
 Claim the world and conquer all! 
 
 PROPHECY 
 
 Not alone those first in power and influence but many 
 second-rate men have gravely set the date for world- 
 revolution. Marx, Engels, Bebel and De Leon 
 definitely fixed the time when economic evolution should 
 climax with revolution, like as Jupiter sprang from 
 Saturn full armed into mortal ken so should Socialism 
 be delivered from the womb of Capitalism. But one 
 after another of these exceptionally gifted men passed off
 
 384 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 this physical globe long after the dates they set were 
 left behind in old calendars. Alas, that false theories 
 should distort the human mind, so turn the heart against 
 its Maker, alas that the human will should revel in re- 
 bellion ! 
 
 The novelists add greatly to the expectation of the 
 time when after the deluge of blood " all shall be better 
 than well." In his " Iron Heel," Jack London sets off 
 a bomb on the floor of Congress as the signal for the 
 Commune of Chicago in 1918, that should make pale 
 the Paris Commune in bloodshed, blasphemy, terror and 
 plunder. London's prediction was up too early; so 
 also Upton Sinclair's date is out of date. Sinclair's 
 Industrial Republic gives a study of America ten years 
 hence when the proletariat clapped the oligarchy in jail 
 so easily that " Uptie " thought it " a charmingly simple 
 process I could do it all myself." Yet America is 
 thought by many of the prophets to be a hard nut to 
 crack. Even in a dream Louise Bryant makes it one 
 hundred years before the long suffering comrades of 
 Russia and elsewhere may welcome American prole- 
 tarians to the world society. The revolution had the 
 fight of its life since there were forty-eight kings of 
 our forty-eight states to dethrone and to send together 
 with the entire capitalist class to the bow-wows. To 
 send packing one Czar was easy, but getting rid of 
 forty-eight takes a long time. 
 
 However ridiculous the notion of a one-class society 
 may be a prophecy regarding it is a sure way of arousing 
 the ardor of those who have a will to power and for
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 385 
 
 those who have lost hope in the toil and sweat of the 
 day. The time is but near enough to be in easy reach 
 of the imagination of most ordinary minds. Lenin has 
 now set it fifteen years hence, and it is being soberly 
 discussed in their press and from their platform. Rev- 
 olution realized is surely a thing not to happen in a day. 
 Albert Rhys Williams opines : " We have entered 
 upon an era of wars that will last fifteen years wars 
 and the social revolution." (Liberator, N. Y., Dec., 
 1918). The World, Oakland, Calif., Dec. 20, 1918) 
 has been by newspaper science won over to the side of 
 Lenin : 
 
 " The aftermath of the great war just now in its closing 
 agonies is an international Social Eevolution and ' it will 
 last for fifteen years,' is the prediction of Lenin of Russia. 
 At first we doubted the correctness of this assertion, but 
 after looking over the newspapers the past week we have about 
 come to an agreement with Lenin." 
 
 We have not the slightest delusion with regard to a 
 classless society since our confidence is implicitly placed 
 in the economic relations set down in the Decalogue that 
 are so freely and so fully extended, expanded and ele- 
 vated in principle by our Blessed Lord in His parables 
 and prophecies. But since wars and rumors of wars are 
 the result of disobedience to the will of Almighty God 
 and since disobedience seems to be waxing with the 
 many and waning with the few there can be little or 
 no hope for peace until such time as rulers are ready 
 to put their confidence in the Holy Father and ask Him
 
 386 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 to adjust their differences according to the love and law 
 of human constitution. 
 
 VIOLENCE 
 
 To take and hold private capital by physical force 
 has been their intention ever since the Communist 
 Manifesto (1848) was accepted as their creed by the 
 Socialists-Communists-Bolshevists of all countries. We 
 quote : 
 
 " The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. 
 They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by 
 the forcible overthrow of all existing socil conditions. 
 Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. 
 The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They 
 have a world to win." 
 
 At the Hague International Socialist Congress Marx 
 pointed out the violence of the Paris Commune (1871) 
 as typical of what should be expected : 
 
 " In most countries of Europe violence must be the lever of 
 our social reform. We must finally have recourse to vio- 
 lence in order to establish the rule of labor. . . . The revo- 
 lution must be universal, and we find a conspicuous example 
 in the Commune of Paris, which has failed because in other 
 capitals Berlin and Madrid a simultaneous revolution- 
 ary movement did not break out in connection with this 
 mighty upheaval of the proletariat of Paris." 
 
 August Bebel second in intellectual rank only to the 
 writers of the Communist Manifesto enlarges upon the 
 necessity for physical violence and quotes Marx to en- 
 force his authority :
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 387 
 
 " We must not shudder at the thought of the possible 
 employment of violence; we must not raise an alarm cry at 
 the suppression of ' existing rights,' at violent expropriation, 
 etc. History teaches us that at all times new ideas, as a 
 rule, were realized by a violent conflict with the defenders 
 of the past, and that the combatants for new ideas struck 
 blows as deadly as possible at the defenders of antiquity. 
 Not without reason does Karl Marx in his work on ' Capital ' 
 exclaim : 
 
 " 'Violence is the obstetrician that waits on every ancient 
 society that is to give birth to a new one; violence is itself 
 a social factor.'" 
 
 The Socialist revolt in Paris 1871 ; in Barcelona 
 1909; in Russia 1917; in Berlin 1918; in Hungary 
 1919 ; together with numerous attempts to instigate re- 
 volt in other countries should be proof positive that its 
 obstetricians do not expect peace at the birth, of their 
 free society. This is indeed simple the tooth and 
 claw philosophy permits the fittest to survive merely be- 
 cause they have been able to devour those who would 
 have eaten them. Robert Rives La Monte states their 
 philosophy fully, though he has not been able to rid 
 himself of the word moral as have those more expert in 
 using terms properly belonging to the materialist con- 
 ception of history: 
 
 "As fast as they (the proletariat) become class-conscious 
 they will recognize and praise as moral all conduct that tends 
 to hasten the social revolution the triumph of their class, 
 and they will condemn as unhesitatingly as immoral all con- 
 duct what tends to prolong the dominance of the capitalist 
 class." (" Socialism, Positive and Negative.")
 
 388 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 This from Charles H. Kerr (" What to Read on So- 
 cialism ") Editor of the International Socialist Review 
 is cast in language " scientific " : 
 
 " As to the means by which the capitalist class is to be 
 overthrown, the real question worth considering is what 
 means will prove most effective if on the other hand the 
 working class could gain power by taking up arms, why 
 not?" 
 
 John Spargo has done not a little to prepare the So- 
 cialist mind for violence : 
 
 "I am not opposed to sabotage because of any love of 
 law and order, or because of any regard for the rights of 
 property. ... If the class to which I belong could be set 
 free from exploitation by violation of the laws made by the 
 master class, by open rebellion, by seizing the property of the 
 rich, or setting the torch to a few buildings, or by the sum- 
 mary execution of a few members of the possessing class, I 
 hope that the courage to share in the work should be mine. 
 I should pray for the courage and hardness of heart neces- 
 sary." (" Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism and Socialism," 
 pp. 172, 173.) 
 
 Mayhap, the gentle John who, happily, is not so red 
 as he was, though still incapable of separating " tother 
 from which," would not now so strictly defend violence 
 up to murder. At any rate the fear of consequence 
 weakened the lusty arm of the proletariat at their party 
 convention of 1912, for they adopted a provision bar- 
 ring from membership advocates of sabotage. But in 
 1917, when the world-war was on, this timid resolve 
 was by unanimous vote stricken from the Socialist Party
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 389 
 
 constitution. Is there any other logical conclusion than 
 that violence, petty violence, is a means to be employed 
 by these class-conscious folk who vote that they may one 
 day stab the State in the back with its own sword ? 
 
 Ex-Congressman Victor L. Berger has played a great 
 part in putting the idea of bullets in the heads of red- 
 flaggers. Under the caption Should Be Prepared to 
 Fight for Liberty at all Hazards was published a bold 
 incitement to violence in the Social Democratic Herald 
 (Milwaukee, July 31, 1909). It was re-published in 
 nearly all the Socialist papers in the United States and 
 Canada : 
 
 " In view of the plutocratic law-making of the present 
 day, it is easy to predict that the safety and hope of this 
 country will finally lie in one direction only that of a 
 violent and bloody revolution. 
 
 " Therefore, I say, each of the 500,000 Socialist voters, and 
 of the two million workingmen who instinctively incline our 
 way, should, besides doing much reading and still more think- 
 ing, also have a good rifle and the necessary rounds of am- 
 munition in his home and he prepared to back up his ballot 
 with his bullets if necessary." 
 
 Mr. Berger sees in militarism a means of putting 
 guns into the hands of the working class ; since their 
 " emancipation " can hardly be brought about by 
 speeches and pamphlets : " The capitalist class will not 
 abdicate as easily as all that " " e When it comes to 
 shooting, Wisconsin will be there/' 
 
 In the meantime the spirit of violence waxes strong 
 amongst the cultivated Bolshevists. Bross Lloyd, a
 
 390 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 Chicago millionaire, addressing a meeting in Milwau- 
 kee City Auditorium (Sunday, June 12, 1919) in pro- 
 test against the arrest and conviction of Victor L. Berger 
 and other national officials of their party for treasonable 
 conduct is reported to have given this wild advice to 
 the multitude assembled : 
 
 " You want to organize so that if you want every working 
 man in Milwaukee at a certain place at a certain time with 
 a bad egg and a rifle in his hand, you can have it. You 
 want to get dynamite and machine guns. Have men with 
 dynamite to blow up the banks. Have all this ready. The 
 capitalists' organs tell us if you have this ready, you won't 
 have to use it. Be a Bolshevist, and a Bolshevist in short 
 is a man who don't give a damn whether school keeps or not, 
 so long as the revolution goes on." 
 
 Coolly imagine the effect of this intense excitement, 
 nation-wide, breaking out into deeds when the Bolshev- 
 ists shall attempt the lockout of the capitalist class and 
 insist with physical force that all but those who work 
 for wages shall abdicate their political rights and per- 
 mit the dictator of the proletariat to rule ? But if they 
 resist " Remember! " 
 
 " Socialists have profited by the history of the French 
 Kevolution of 1792, the German and French crisis of 1848, 
 and the Paris Commune of 1871." (Ernest Unterman, Int. 
 Socialist Review, Vol. 1, No. 7.) 
 
 Certainly, we should realize that violence is looked to 
 as a matter of course in the transition period from cap- 
 italism to that impossible thing a one-class society.
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 391 
 
 The Class Struggle (Dec., 1918, p. 623) bemoans 
 the backwardness of the Bolshevik! in our country. 
 They have not taken advantage of the opportunity con- 
 sequent upon the indictments against their leaders to 
 arise to the " glorious example " of Frederich Alder who 
 assassinated the Austrian Prime Minister in September, 
 1916. The writer of this editorial Mr. Ludwig Lore 
 - plays a prominent part in promoting the spirit of 
 violence. He was loudly applauded by 3,000 persons as- 
 sembled at Hunt's Point, N. Y. (April 2, 1919) when 
 he said : " Bolshevism is nothing more than Revolu- 
 tionary Socialism. Revolution here may be impossible 
 now, but revolution may be possible to-morrow." 
 
 Mr. Debs has emitted fire and blood for many years. 
 So violent were his threats and his calls for vengeance 
 if the Court should convict his friend Haywood for 
 the murder of Ex-Gov. Stunenberg that Mr. Haywood's 
 lawyer warned the " Genial Gene " to keep quiet and not 
 to come to Boise or " Big Bill " would slip the noose. 
 One of the very many of Mr. Debs' lurid appeals for 
 violence was in 1906. Under the title " Rise, Ye 
 Slaves " he urged a million men to take up arms for " we 
 have got to fight. If murder must be committed it is 
 not the working class alone that will furnish the vic- 
 tims this time." 
 
 The postal authorities of Canada wisely confiscated 
 the Appeal to Reason containing thfe appeal to violence, 
 although it was permitted to circulate broadcast in our 
 own country. 
 
 From Moscow (Aug. 20, 1918) the Premier of Eus-
 
 392 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 sia sent a Message to the American Workers. He re- 
 calls with pride the words of Eugene V. Debs in an 
 article entitled " Why Should I Fight." In the name 
 of his Soviet Republic, Lenin protests against the bru- 
 tality of our government for convicting Debs of treason- 
 able utterances, but he reflects : " Let them brutalize 
 true internationalists, the real representatives of the rev- 
 olutionary proletariat. The greater the bitterness and 
 brutality they show, the nearer the day of the victorious 
 proletarian revolution." 
 
 Lenin pays especial tribute to Debs for his inspiring 
 attempts to arouse the masses to resist war with treason. 
 We quote passages culled from Debs' speech in approval 
 of the attitude of the Stuttgart International Congress : 
 
 "If I were in Congress I would be shot before I would 
 vote a dollar for such a war. 
 
 " I have no country to fight for ; my country is the earth ; 
 I am a citizen of the world. 
 
 " I am not a capitalist soldier ; I am a proletarian revolu- 
 tionist. 
 
 "I am opposed to every war but one; I am for that war 
 with heart and soul, and that is the world-wide war of the 
 social revolution. In that war I am prepared to fight in any 
 way the ruling class may make necessary, even to the bar- 
 ricades." 
 
 No, they see no hope of even softening the fight to 
 the finish by an appeal to religion. Socialist leaders are 
 convinced materialists ; they have persuaded .their fol- 
 lowers to discredit the motives of those who defend the
 
 BOLSHEVISM ITSELF 393 
 
 honor and. glory of God. We quote from Delegate John 
 W. Slay ton (Proceedings National Convention, Social- 
 ist Party, Chicago 1908, p. 202). 
 
 " If I had a congregation, and could make them believe 
 that they who were producing the wealth of the world were 
 in the situation in life that the Almighty Creator intended 
 that they should be, do you suppose for a moment they would 
 get up and resist the conditions they found themselves in? 
 No, wouldn't they be perfectly satisfied, and couldn't my 
 exploitation go on, and could I not lead them, even with 
 their consent, if they believed they were occupying the posi- 
 tion they were destined to fill? It stifles revolt. A man 
 ceases to be a rebel and becomes like a young robin, willing 
 to accept anything the old bird brings, whether worms or 
 shingle nails." 
 
 Yet there are those who look upon Socialists as much 
 abused lovers of economic justice; who by peaceful 
 means are trying to persuade us to accept what is good 
 for us all. But it is certain that such do not know the 
 malice in which the movement was conceived, the un- 
 reason on which it is founded nor the temper of those 
 who attempt to force their will against things truly hu- 
 man and divine. We shall permit the National Ex- 
 ecutive Committee Socialist Party (Chicago, Jan. 21, 
 1919) to pronounce the final word in proof that Social- 
 ism in its latest development Bolshevism is the 
 ripest fruit upon that tree of rebellion against Almighty 
 God that has yet been plucked for the destruction of 
 mankind. Surely it is directed by Anti-Christ. " The
 
 394 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 Soviet government of Russia is so far the greatest 
 achievement in the establishment of working class gov- 
 ernment in the history of the world."
 
 VIII 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 
 
 OUT from the sacrilege and thunders of the world 
 war the much maligned " Black International " 
 - the Catholic Church comes unblemished and un- 
 broken. Even now ere the clash of arms is heard no 
 more, ere the wounds of battle are healed, ere homes are 
 rebuilded or devastated lands restored to fertility, long, 
 long before the hatred that strife engendered shall have 
 passed away, all impartial minds shall have accorded the 
 honor due to the Bishop of Rome as the one power on 
 earth that with Christ-like singleness of purpose has 
 labored impartially, benevolently, faithfully and chari- 
 tably to serve mankind all the while endeavoring to get 
 the warring nations to turn their swords into plow- 
 shares. The enemy too has been ever active, ever alert 
 to twist the words and deeds of the Pope against the 
 Pope ; ever trying to win his spiritual children on either 
 side of the line of battle from their allegiance to God 
 with the pretense that the Church is a stumbling block 
 in the path of universal peace and social progress. Not 
 alone were the Socialists in their assault upon the in- 
 tegrity of Christ's Vicar, but it is with this advance 
 guard of his Satanic Majesty that we have now to do. 
 As ever, in its battle with sin, the Pastor of Chistendom 
 
 395
 
 396 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 has kept the Bark of Peter to the course that Christ our 
 Lord intended. 
 
 The war came while Pius X was in the Papal Chair. 
 His appeal to Emperor Francis Joseph to avert the 
 clash of arms went unheeded, and the " Peasant Pope " 
 died thanking God for calling him from the horror that 
 he knew would follow the declaration of war. It was in 
 God's good providence that this Pontiff, amongst the 
 greatest, had prepared his children by " Restoring all 
 things in Christ " for a severe test upon their faith. 
 
 Upon the elevation of Benedict XV to the papal 
 throne came an appeal from His Holiness to the con- 
 science and reason of those who direct the affairs of na- 
 tions : 
 
 " We earnestly beg and implore them even now to turn 
 their thoughts to the laying aside of their quarrels for the 
 sake of the preservation of human society. Let them reflect 
 that there is already too much of misery and grief linked 
 with this mortal life, so that it should not be made still 
 more wretched and sorrowful. Let them agree that already 
 enough of ruin has been caused, enough of human blood has 
 been shed. Let them hasten to open peace negotiations and 
 join hands again. Thus will they gain from God glorious 
 rewards for themselves and each one for his people; they will 
 do the highest service to the cause of human civilization; 
 and as for Ourselves, who in assuming this Apostolic office 
 have to face the gravest difficulties arising from so seriously 
 disturbed a state of affairs let them know that they will 
 thus do what is most pleasing and most highly desired by 
 Us." (Sept. 8, 1914.) 
 
 Alas, the world knows that this call from God also 
 went unheeded! In November, 1914, Pope Benedict
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 39T 
 
 issued a memorable Encyclical laying down the four 
 fundamental causes of war, while imploring the belliger- 
 ent nations to lay down their arms and adjust their rival 
 claims by Christian principles. But like Pharaoh they 
 would not listen to God's call and sent their legions into 
 a sea of blood to perish. 
 
 It remains for the historian properly to chronicle the 
 many great works of the Pope during those four years of 
 terrific warfare; the counsels and consolations given; 
 the protests and appeals issued, the marvelous benefits 
 given without distinction, religious, national or personal. 
 It is to His Holiness that the world is indebted for the 
 humane repatriation of the non-combatants interned in 
 belligerent countries. We have a record of 97,753 
 French interned in Germany and Austria, and 10,581 
 Germans, 3,105 Austrians interned in the countries of 
 the Allies who were returned to the bosom of their fam- 
 ilies in their native land from Oct., 1914, to March, 
 1916, through the good offices of the Pope. The ex- 
 change of prisoners unfit for military service, the trans- 
 fer of wounded soldiers to neutral territory Switzer- 
 land ; the lightening of the burden of the prisoners in 
 Germany ; the ranking as officers of Belgian and French 
 priests captured by the Central Powers ; the observance 
 of Sunday as a day of rest for all prisoners, all these 
 good measures go to the credit of the Holy See. By in- 
 stituting bureaus of information at the Vatican, Vienna, 
 Freiburg, Paderhorn and other places wounded and 
 missing men were traced. The prisoners were put into 
 communication with their relatives, so God alone knows
 
 398 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 the heart's-ease given to thousands of fathers, moth- 
 ers, wives and sweethearts all over the world. Out of a 
 purse greatly reduced because of the war, the Pope sup- 
 plied the needs of many sufferers in Belgium, Poland, 
 Serbia, Lithuania, Armenia and other countries. It 
 was the Pope's appeals and strictures that gave pause to 
 the destruction of world monuments and art treasures ; 
 greater still was the service of checking deportations 
 and some of the drastic methods of warfare that shocked 
 the sensibilities of mankind. Prospective benefits 
 vastly greater were within reach of nations. If they had 
 accepted the four fundamental principles for adjusting 
 their differences there should have been a popular recog- 
 nition that the Pope's rank is of supreme power for good 
 in our wicked world. As it is the response to the over- 
 tures of His Holiness has been something of a surprise. 
 Millions of folk who heretofore had no glance of ap- 
 proval for the work of the Church, have turned to give a 
 steady look at the Pope as he spoke boldly and worked 
 gladly for afflicted peoples in lands reddened with blood 
 and stripped with fire and sword. Acknowledgments 
 have come from governments, priests, persons of rank 
 and from private individuals expressing heartfelt grati- 
 tude for the Christlike service rendered by Pope Bene- 
 dict XV. 
 
 The most hopeful sign for world freedom is the re- 
 turn of envoys to the Vatican. Fifteen nations who 
 ignored and neglected this opportunity to secure a juster 
 reign through the world have now accredited ministers to 
 the Court of Pope Benedict XV, Great Britain being one
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 399 
 
 of them. In illustration of the appreciation of the war 
 work done we present an excerpt from the letter of Sir 
 Henry Howard, Minister of Great Britain at the Vati- 
 can, presented to Cardinal Gasparri, papal secretary of 
 state, in the name of the English Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, to His Holiness Pope Ben- 
 edict XV: 
 
 "Having made known to the German government our 
 acceptance of the proposition for the reciprocal transport of 
 invalid prisoners of war, the Government of His Britannic 
 Majesty wishes to express to the Holy See its most lively 
 gratitude for presenting this project. It was inspired by 
 the grand humanitarian principles of which His Holiness 
 has given so many proofs during the war and the Govern- 
 ment of Great Britain is convinced that the action so hap- 
 pily accomplished by the Holy Father will be fruitful in bene- 
 fits to the numerous British prisoners of war. In renewing 
 the assurance of my highest consideration I desire to express 
 to your Eminence my sincere gratitude and that of my 
 Government for the unwearied good will you have manifested 
 in the affair." 
 
 If only the faithful were able to create a world opin- 
 ion strong enough in justice to compel governments to 
 accept the one path to ordered liberty, the apex of civ- 
 ilization could be reached. Yet, although rulers could 
 not bring themselves to accept the necessary basis of 
 freedom the Holy Father's Peace Proposal Pres- 
 ident Wilson, declining to think it would " lead to the 
 goal he proposes," recognized it as high in motive: 
 
 " Every heart that has not been blinded and hardened by 
 this terrible war must be touched by this moving appeal of
 
 400 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 His Holiness, the Pope, must feel the dignity and power of 
 the humane and generous motives which prompted it, and 
 must fervently wish that he might take the path of peace he 
 so persuasively points out." 
 
 One thing should be certain as the outcome of this 
 war: that only persons of crass ignorance of bad-will 
 shall, in our day and generation, question the civic in- 
 tegrity of those who acknowledge the Pope as their in- 
 fallible guide in faith and morals. Every country has 
 been given the proof that obedience to the Pope is a 
 guarantee of loyalty to one's fatherland by Catholics: 
 that a divided allegiance is foreign to Catholic doctrine. 
 Truly may we point with pride to the 111,000,000 Cath- 
 olics who were in the countries of the Allies and their 
 associate and to the 57,000,000 who were in the countries 
 of the Central Empires. We may with a full patriotic 
 heart exclaim with His Eminence William Cardinal 
 O'Connell: 
 
 " The Catholic civil allegiance divided ? Why look across 
 the sea, to where all Europe is in arms. Every Catholic is 
 fighting loyally, giving his very life for his own country. 
 And though some of these countries have merited little 
 gratitude from any Catholic, still the very priests are in the 
 trenches, each a defender of his native land. Where I ask 
 of any honest witness of these facts under his very eyes, 
 where is this divided allegiance ? And the Pope is there 
 any one in this country who, after this war, will ever dare 
 to accuse the Pope of interference in civil affairs or of weak- 
 ening the loyalty of citizens ? " 
 
 Civic loyalty is no twentieth-century principle ; to the
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 401 
 
 faithful it is bred in the bone. Followers of Christ are 
 well instructed in the one principle that separates 
 Church and State: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy 
 God and Him only shalt thou serve ; Thou shalt render 
 to Caesar what belongs to Caesar and to God what belongs 
 to God. By a great and well beloved Doctor of the 
 Church St. Augustine the matter has been illu- 
 mined by an historic event: 
 
 " Sometimes the powerful ones of earth are good and fear 
 God; at times they fear him not. Julian was an Emperor 
 unfaithful to God, an apostate, a pervert, an idolator. Chris- 
 tian soldiers served this faithful emperor, but as soon as there 
 was question of the cause of Jesus Christ they recognized only 
 Him who is in heaven. Julian commanded them to honor 
 idols and offer them incense but they put God above the 
 prince. However, when he made them form into ranks and 
 march against a hostile nation, they obeyed instantly. They 
 distinguished the eternal from the temporal master and still 
 in view of an eternal Master they submitted to such a 
 temporal master." 
 
 That there are those who will not see, is as certain as 
 that the facts are before all eyes, that both Pope and 
 people obeyed at once the law of God and of Csesar dur- 
 ing the prolonged agonies of the war. Bolshevists need 
 no instruction as to the strong defense against the spread 
 of their propaganda and they use their devil-craft skil- 
 fully. With a mask of blameless innocence they ask 
 why the Church does not interfere with matters of state 
 and stop the war? With the next breath they charge 
 that the Pope is usurping the rights of the state, that
 
 402 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 listening to Rome is treason to one's country. That 
 scourge of letters George Bernard Shaw tells the 
 Pope just what His Holiness should have done : 
 
 " The Pope's clear duty last August was to excommunicate 
 all combatants with bell, book and candle and tell them with 
 a voice thundering through Christendom that they would all 
 most certainly be damned for the sin of Cain unless they 
 laid down their arms and submitted their dispute to the 
 judgment of God through His Church." 
 
 This glib joke is all of one piece with Shaw's most 
 brilliant literary efforts to send human souls to their 
 doom along with the battleships upon which he would 
 have workmen practise sabotage. It is only a vulgar 
 bit of advertising to keep himself and his wares in the 
 limelight, per order of his master Rebellion. Eor 
 attacks no less vicious in that they are cast in serious 
 form one may look to George D. Herron for a classical 
 example. In his Menace of Peace (N. Y. 1917, p. 84) 
 this father of the Rand School enters into an elegant 
 disquisition against the Pope. His Holiness is for- 
 wardly admonished for having missed the one golden 
 and commanding opportunity in centuries for proving 
 the disinterestedness of the Father of Christendom for 
 the children of earth. Ah! occasion did not serve: 
 The Pope was already engaged by an ff unwritten under- 
 standing " (in the precious keeping of this betrayer of 
 the marriage bond, this purveyor of scandal) with the 
 Central Powers to defeat Italy for the hope of regain- 
 ing the temporal power of the Papacy. Again the
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 403 
 
 Pope's effort to bring the several nations to a considera- 
 tion of those basic principles upon which a just and 
 enduring peace may rest is called a German peace pro- 
 posal. The cause of this alleged deed and double-dyed 
 villainy at the Vatican is, forsooth, its knowledge that 
 " if autocracy perishes in Germany, it will perish from 
 the world." Dr. Herron wrote from Geneva but Pope 
 baiting is all the same in New York. Louis C. Fraina, 
 the sometime associate of Trotsky while in America, sub- 
 tracts greatly from the well known fact, that a glance 
 at our own country shows to every honest searcher after 
 truth, that the freer the democracy of the government 
 the more the church flourishes. Mr. Fraina delivers 
 himself of ignorance or malice or a combination of men- 
 tal darkness, thusly in the New Review (N. Y., Sep. 15, 
 1915): 
 
 " The Pope of Rome, by tradition and sympathy, is friendly 
 to Austria and Germany. Their form of government appeals 
 to his medieval conception of society, and his hatred of anti- 
 clerical Italy and France is a necessity of Vatican politics. 
 His conduct during the war has been distinctly pro-German, 
 and any definite peace move he might make would be on 
 behalf of Austria and Germany." 
 
 If there were no such thing as vindictiveness one 
 might believe these radicals to be capable of knowing 
 a democracy when it is so perfectly exemplified in the 
 Catholic Church, where every member is exactly equal 
 in honor when receiving the Sacraments instituted by 
 our Blessed Lord Himself. Nowhere else in human
 
 404 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 association is there an absolute equality in dignity. Our 
 own equality before the law is based upon this innate dig- 
 nity of the individual soul and this is in truth the ripe 
 fruit of Christian culture established in civil govern- 
 ment. Since to radical minds lawlessness is mistaken 
 for law they are as certain that the Catholic Church is 
 an autocracy as that Darwin proved man's animal origin, 
 which is not true, and that Marx proved that religious, 
 moral, psychical, social, political and idealogical phe- 
 nomena is an evolution from man's economic activities 
 in supplying himself with food, shelter and clothing, 
 which is absurd. Of course their blind confidence that 
 the Catholic Church is an autocracy does not change the 
 nature of the institution within which the Holy Ghost 
 resides that the Bride of Christ may never fall into 
 human error. 
 
 True the Catholic Church does not derive her power 
 from the people who are within her fold, neither in the 
 last analysis is the American government an expression 
 of the will of its citizens. It is rather a fitting expres- 
 sion of the human constitution set forth in the Decalogue. 
 Since all men are endowed with certain inalienable 
 rights we religiously boast that our government is one of 
 laws not of men. Thus it is that the test of government 
 comes, early or late, upon the one criterion obedience 
 to the natural law given by God. The whole history of 
 the world freely tells the tale that injustice is the fruit- 
 ful and the rightful cause of discontent and revolt 
 against the usurpation by the few of the rights of the 
 many, so that men of good will have tolerated bad gov-
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAK 405 
 
 ernment only so long as they were powerless to effect a 
 cure. 
 
 Within the Catholic Church wherein the promise 
 of our Blessed Lord abides, that the gates of hell shall 
 not prevail against her life to the end of the world 
 no men of good will are discontented with her govern- 
 ment. The seven Sacraments are perfectly adminis- 
 tered and perfectly suited to all persons of all climes, 
 of all times without regard to condition, race, color, or 
 class. Born of whatsoever people, of whatsoever sta- 
 tion in life, once elevated to the See of Peter, the Su- 
 preme Pastor of God's people is perfectly guarded and 
 infallibly guided by the Holy Ghost. 
 
 Like to every wicked prophecy that the downfall of 
 the Papacy is at hand so also has this latest fallen 
 the German autocracy has been overthrown and the 
 Pope is doing what our Lord intended: His Vicar is 
 showing the people the way, the truth and the light. 
 
 POPE AND BELGIUM 
 
 The law of Christ that the Pope executes on earth 
 commands that impartiality and charity shall mark 
 relations between the Vatican and nations, but nat- 
 urally it is quite impossible for those who hold the 
 doctrine, that truth is an attitude of mind, to conceive 
 of the dignity and responsibility of the Holy Father's 
 position. Socialists may jump to conclusions and is- 
 sue condemnations without evidence as to the relative in- 
 nocence or guilt of conflicting governments. Their 100 
 per cemt good or their 100 per cent bad is determined
 
 406 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUKE 
 
 by the pronouncement of the Stuttgart Congress to-day 
 or the Emergency Convention to-morrow it all de- 
 pends upon the opportunity, as presented to their im- 
 agination, of what will advance the Revolution. Be it 
 an arbitrary decision, in disobedience to God's com- 
 mands or treason to Csesar, to cause civil war as a means 
 to their end the overthrow of the use of private cap- 
 ital it is as acceptable as a May morning. 
 
 During the war the Bolsheviki condemned the Pope's 
 attitude towards Belgium, when King Albert and Car- 
 dinal Mercier expressed not alone complete satisfaction 
 but reverent gratitude towards His Holiness not a word 
 did they say to correct their error. However, the 
 thought of their having contrition for the sin of slander 
 were utterly superfluous. 
 
 Not before, but after the German Chancellor himself 
 declared that " an injustice " had been committed by his 
 government by the invasion of Belgium (though the act 
 was justified as a war necessity in defense of the em- 
 pire) did the Pope raise his voice in protest, thus teach- 
 ing the world that injustice has no justification. That 
 the Pope was the one and only ruler to protest against 
 the invasion of Belgium is a most significant historic 
 fact. Neither Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Holland, 
 Switzerland or Spain uttered a word, and to our shame 
 Washington remained silent when the example of our 
 great nation could have enforced the moral that might 
 is not right. 
 
 Surely the world may accept King Albert's statement 
 at its full value and all but wilful clamor should be
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 407 
 
 silenced by his words. We quote from the King's reply 
 to the Pope's peace proposal (Jan. 2, 1918) : 
 
 " At the outset of his message the Holy Father took pains 
 to declare he had forced himself to maintain perfect im- 
 partiality toward all the belligerents, which renders more 
 significant the judgment of his Holiness when he concluded 
 in favor of the total evacuation of Belgium and the reestab- 
 lishment of its full independence, and also recognized the 
 right of Belgium for reparation for damages and the cost of 
 the war. Already in his consistorial allocution of January 
 22, 1915, the Holy Father had proclaimed before the world 
 that he reproved injustice, and he condescended to give the 
 Belgian Government the assurance that in formulating that 
 reprobation it was the invasion of Belgium he had directly 
 in veiw." 
 
 When to this official utterance of Belgium's king 
 of his gratitude to the Pope we add the words of 
 Cardinal Mercier, taken from his Christmas Pastoral 
 (1914), honest men may weep because of the beauty of 
 holiness seen in Belgium's well beloved Patriot-Cardinal. 
 Under God, it so chanced that the Cardinal was in 
 Rome at the elevation of Benedict XV to the papal 
 throne, just after the declaration of war, we quote : 
 
 " With a touching goodness our Holy Father Benedict XV 
 has been the first to incline his heart to us. When, a few 
 moments after his election, he deigned to take me in his 
 arms, I was bold enough there to ask that the first Pontifical 
 Benediction he spoke should be given to Belgium, already in 
 deep distress through the war. He eagerly closed with my 
 wish, which I knew would also be yours."
 
 408 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 i _ 
 
 Again, in a pastoral (April 25, 1915) Cardinal Mer- 
 cier makes an explicit defense of the Pope against the 
 ignominy that such men as Herron and Fraina would 
 put upon the Shepherd of the Christian flock : 
 
 " From the beginning of the war certain cunning, evil, and 
 treacherous minds have persisted in encouraging the rumor 
 that the late Pope, Pius X, and our Holy Father Benedict 
 XV, gave help and moral approval to our enemies, and, 
 through weakness, did an injustice to the rights of the Bel- 
 gian people. These are calumnies, my Brethren nothing 
 but infamous calumnies. The simple, loving, generous heart 
 of Pius X was incapable, I will not say of any cowardice, but 
 of so much as the appearance of an accommodation with in- 
 justice, even though it were triumphant. The truth is that 
 the noble old man succumbed to the grief that overcame him, 
 when he saw the European nations rent by murderous war, 
 and Providence left him no time to express in public the 
 holy horror these orgies of blood inspired in him. 
 
 " As for our Holy Father, Pope Benedict XV, what could 
 he do for the Belgians that he had not done? His very first 
 Pontifical blessing was for us, and he charged me to bring it 
 to you in his name. On two occasions he was good enough 
 to send generous donations to Belgium, in spite of the poverty 
 of his resources. In his fatherly goodness he addressed to 
 us two letters of consolation designed for you. Add to this 
 his resolute and noble Consistorial Allocution of the 22nd of 
 January; his answers to the telegrams of the King and the 
 Government; that to M. Van den Heuvel; the support he 
 ^afforded us through his Apostolic Nuncio in Brussels . . ." 
 
 Since Cardinal Mercier gives praise to the " fatherly 
 goodness " of the Pope towards Belgium, Catholics in 
 all the nations on both sides of the conflict are in admira-
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 409 
 
 tion of His Holiness for being at once strictly impar- 
 tial as between nation and nation and responding to the 
 claims of justice as between nation and nation. Every 
 good father understands this principle for thus it is that 
 he means to deal with his sons. 
 
 THE POPE AND ITALY 
 
 The assertion that the Pope had an " unwritten un- 
 derstanding " with the Central Powers conniving at the 
 defeat of Italy for the restoration of the temporal power, 
 is as far from the truth as the story of the Pope's hos- 
 tility towards Belgium; only those utterly lacking in 
 the knowledge of the integrity of the Papacy or those 
 playing high stakes with the devil for world power 
 would be guilty of the accusation. Of course, every 
 Catholic worthy of that great title believes in the res- 
 toration of the temporal power of the Holy See. To this 
 no true patriot of any nation under the sun can right- 
 fully object, since by temporal power is meant that the 
 Pope should be free from the temporal rule of another. 
 Territory all his own is necessary so that the Pope may 
 rule over his spiritual kingdom in the whole world un- 
 disturbed. Just as Washington, D. C., our Federal ter- 
 ritory is independent of the jurisdiction of any State and 
 so free from the jurisdiction of our 48 States, just so 
 in idea is it that the spiritual government of the Pope 
 should be territorially free from the restrictions of any 
 nation. The war has made the necessity for papal free- 
 dom plain to many persons who had not seen it before.
 
 410 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 While the Law of Guarantees affirms that Ambassadors 
 of foreign nations at the Vatican shall have the same 
 rights and immunities as the representatives of foreign 
 powers at the Quirinal this is not enough. It is not that 
 our Federal Government at Washington, D. C., has 
 the same rights as Maine, Virginia and California but 
 rather that Washington is independent of the right of 
 these and all others of the 48 States in the adminis- 
 tration of our Federal powers. During the war the 
 Ambassadors of the Central Empires withdrew from 
 the Court of the Pope, not because Italy demanded it but 
 as they believed " in order to safeguard their personal 
 dignity and the prerogatives of their office." Upon the 
 withdrawal of these envoys from the Vatican Benedict 
 .XV pointed out the injustice of the Pope's position : 
 
 '" This means to the Holy See the loss of a right which 
 is its due, and of its nature belongs to it as a necessary 
 guarantee of its freedom. . . . And what are We to say of 
 the increasing difficulty of communication between Us and 
 the Catholic world, through which it has become no easy 
 matter to form that complete and accurate judgment on 
 events which is of such importance?" (Allocution, Dec. 6, 
 1915.) 
 
 While the cabal resting upon the " unwritten 
 understanding " was at its height the Italian gov- 
 ernment itself may certainly be trusted to estimate 
 adequately the status of Catholic loyalty in its king- 
 dom. The Prime Minister in the Chamber of Deputies 
 on the 24th of December, 1917, bespoke the public 
 opinion of Italy in no uncertain tones:
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAK 411 
 
 "I deplore the accusations of a general character made 
 against high ecclesiastical personages accusations that tend 
 to hurt the supreme spiritual authority against priests 
 and against the Catholic laity. Such accusations are unjust 
 and offensive because, as the public are aware, the Italian 
 clergy, both high and low, have given noble and beautiful 
 proofs of Italian sentiments, and the great mass of the 
 Catholics have known how to reconcile the dictates of faith 
 with their duties toward their country." 
 
 It should not be thought that there was a change of 
 heart on the part of the Bolshevik! , even in Italy. There 
 was merely a change of attack upon right and justice. 
 Indeed the Socialism in Italy is of the extreme left 
 wing type, where treason is accounted heroism. Beyond 
 any treasonable acts we have thus far recorded the Ital- 
 ians have carried out the counsel of the Stuttgart Inter- 
 national Socialist Congress of 1907. After the Italian 
 disaster at Caporetto (Oct.-Nov., 1917) the Bolsheviki 
 attempted to lay at the door of the priests in the army 
 the breaking down of the morale of the troops for which 
 they, themselves, were responsible. They were con- 
 fronted with the evidence of their treason by Deputy 
 Marquis Centurione. He had been accused by the So- 
 cialists in the Chamber of Deputies for spying upon 
 them. 
 
 We quote from Deputy Centurione's reply : 
 
 " Yes, it is true I spied on" the Socialists, being convinced 
 that the responsibility for the Caporetto disaster rested upon 
 them, and that they also incited the Turin riots. I dis- 
 guised myself as a workingman in order to attend Socialist 
 meetings. As the result of my work I can now state that
 
 412 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CUBE 
 
 the Socialists did prepare the Caporetto disaster. Conse- 
 quently I formally charge with treason ex-Premier Giolitti, 
 Deputy Falcioni, Under- Secretary in the last Giolitti Cabi- 
 net; Socialist Deputies Sciorati, and Dogiovanni, Deputy 
 Chiaraviglio [Giolitti's son-in-law], and Senator Panizzardi, 
 Senator Cofaly, and Senator Frassati." 
 
 However, there is testimony as strong from the Social- 
 ists themselves that they are responsible for breaking 
 down the morale of the troops at Caporetto. We in- 
 stance the boasting of Arturo Giovannitti before 600 
 college men and women at the Annual Convention of the 
 Inter-Collegiate Socialist Society: 
 
 " The retreat of the Austrians in 1918 occurred just a 
 year following the retreat of the Italians. On the former 
 occasion, everything had been prepared on the Italian and 
 Austrian lines for a joint strike of the soldiers. However, 
 shock troops had the night before the proposed strike been 
 substituted for the Austrian troops in the Austrian lines 
 and when the Italian troops laid down their arms they 
 were confronted with the aggressive shock troops of the 
 Kaiser." (The Inter-Collegiate Socialist, N. Y., Feb.-Mar., 
 1919, p. 25.) 
 
 As thoughtful men scan the horizon of life and look 
 back over the testimony of nations past and gone, they 
 see that loyalty to country rests securely upon the jus- 
 tice of the State : that human justice is a basic manifes- 
 tation of love for and obedience to Almighty God. 
 So that it is plain enough that as religious teaching and 
 practise are the sure guarantee of the safety of nations, 
 the most deadly assault upon the country is that first
 
 THE POPE AND THE WAR 413 
 
 leveled upon religion. What then but all hail to 
 the Pope should be expected from those who love and 
 would serve their native land? 
 
 "Long live the Pope! His praises sound 
 
 Again and yet again: 
 
 His rule is over space and time; 
 
 His throne the hearts of men : 
 
 All hail! the Shepherd King of Kome, 
 
 The theme of loving song: 
 
 Let all the earth his glory sing, 
 
 And heav'n the strain prolong." 
 
 All to the contrary, notwithstanding, from the be- 
 ginning of the world-war until the signing of the Armi- 
 stice, the Pope with more than royal dignity has treated 
 all the nations and all the races of whatsoever religions 
 or political views more impartially than the best of fa- 
 thers are able to treat their own sons, for the sufficient 
 reason that the Holy Ghost abides within the Church. 
 While upon the call of the Holy Father, millions of pe- 
 titions to Almighty God in favor of justice at the Peace 
 Congress was sent up by the faithful all over the world : 
 
 "... in order that the fruit of the approaching congress 
 may be that great gift from heaven, which is true peace 
 founded upon the Christian principles of justice, it will 
 be your care to announce public prayers in each parish of 
 your respective dioceses in that form which you will con- 
 sider timely, to implore for it the light of the Heavenly 
 Father. 
 
 "As far as We, Ourselves, are concerned, representing, 
 however unworthily, Jesus Christ, the King of Peace, We
 
 414 BOLSHEVISM: ITS CURE 
 
 shall use all the influence of Our apostolic ministry so that 
 the decisions that may be arrived at for the purpose of 
 perpetuating tranquillity, good order and concord in the world 
 may be accepted and faithfully followed everywhere by Cath- 
 olics." (Dec. 1, 1918.) 
 
 Catholics everywhere will follow the instruction of 
 their Spiritual father, working faithfully and praying 
 ardently for peace on earth. They know that there is 
 no otherwhere to go save to Rome, to the Pope, to 
 Christ's Vicar, to learn how precisely to apply God's 
 law to every-day affairs. There on the throne of the 
 fisherman is found the divine interpretation of the law 
 of justice as it applies to the relations of nation to na- 
 tion : There is made known what things belong to God 
 and what things belong to Caesar. 
 
 If forgetful of the love of God in the love of country, 
 one may well take heed : 
 
 Unless the Lord build the house, 
 They labor in vain that build it. 
 
 THE END
 
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