lo J -« O, ■!<% - LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRAR i\ — MiM-|*| "^ Q - si i ^^^^^^ ■•^x^ ^^ --^^ UNIVERSITY OF CAIIFORNU LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAll UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALI ffO .^-^^^^^o, -^^m I ^mf^ THE I. II. m. PHILIPPICS OP DEMOSTHEJS^ES. WITH mSTOEICAL IXTRODrCTIOXS AND CEITICAL AXD EXPLANATORY NOTES. B T M. J. SMEAD, PH. D, NEW EDITION, REYISED. c »j"* ••••iJ BOSTON AND CAMBRIDGE: JAMES MUNROE AND COMPANY. MDCCCI-tX. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, By JAMES MUNROE & CO., In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. ^ ^ ^ , . . f3AMBB,":D(7E: T n*q ft s.Y o N , -.M i'.lIb" s: , . d N D P R I t c h e t t , rPEKS. ^ ^ . . ^ , PKUfEBBS* AND S?.'J3Ri30TY] * • * • • t • . * • *»'*'* J • t ' • .' 9^0^ So PREFACE. /[/}//\j Few of tlie ancient authors present such strong claims to the attention of the American student as Demosthenes. Whether we regard the matter or the form of his discourses, or whether we contemplate his character as a patriotic citi- zen and statesman, we find throughout an excellence and an elevation, which the better we understand the more we are compelled to admire. The period of his political career embraces one of the most interesting portions of ancient history, the last twenty years of the independence of the Greek republics and their subjugation by Philip of Mace- don ; and his writings contain such a full and at the same time such a faithful delineation of the manners, institutions, laws, and political events of the time, as almost to make him the historian of his age. He would merit this title, however, not so much by the narration of facts in chrono- logical order, as by his masterly manner of appreciating and grouping them together, so as rarely to admit a doubt of the truth and justness of his conclusions. His orations abound in valuable notices of the character and policy of all the members of that celebrated confederacy, their antago- nisms and affinities, their feuds, jealousies, and coalitions; but they offer a rich mine of information concerning Athens, that venerated mother of the liberal arts, whose hegemony in all that relates to high intellectual culture still remains undisputed. By the aid of his magic words we are enabled 4.28240 iv PREFACE. to observe the inward workings of her complicated civil organization, her military and naval systems, her legislative assemblies, her courts of justice, her revenues, and her grand religious festivals at which were produced those masterpieces of genius which have been the admiration of all succeeding ages. The style of Demosthenes, which belongs to what is denominated the mixed genus, is elaborate and studied. By this, however, is not meant a laborious striving for pointed antitheses, nicely balanced periods, and stately, harmonious cadences, that are frequently so monotonous in the orations of Isocrates ; he did not, with the mass of Athenian orators, study to gratify the ear of a refined and fastidious audience by beautiful sentiments clothed in mag- nificent language, — Xs'yeiv Ttgog rjdovtjv ; but to convince and persuade was his great object, to which all other things were subservient. He enters the lists with bared weapons, prepared for earnest fight, " his front bristling with the deadliest points of logic," and, like the spears of that invin- cible phalanx founded by his Macedonian adversary, where- ever he moves he bears down everything before him. Possessing the fullest confidence in the goodness of his cause, he appears rather to contemn the feeble supports of artificial ornament. Relying upon the correctness of his own judgment, and powerful in the might of truth, he enforces our conviction. They who listen to him have no choice ; they are ashamed to hesitate, they must believe. His language, it is true, is polished, but it is the polish of steel, and, like the famous sword Balisarda in the hands of Ariosto's hero, it possesses a celestial temper that no earthly armor can withstand. PREFACE. T And it is difficult to separate the style of Demosthenes from the nervous vigor of his thoughts, so it is difficult to separate the orator from the statesman and the man. He was a republican, not only by birth and education, but from inward conviction. He had carefully studied the history of his country and of the neighboring nations, and had seen Greece, and particularly Athens, under the vivifying influ- ences of free government, attain such an eminence in civilization, and in every thing which was then thought to constitute a people's greatness, that all other lands became contemptible in comparison. He elung to civil liberty as the supreme good and the parent of all the blessings that made life desirable. Hence his unremitted watchfulness for its preservation, and his hatred of all that could under- mine it at home or assail it from abroad. His patriotism was his ruling principle ; from this, as from a fountain, flowed his whole administrative policy. From the moment that he perceived by Philip's enterprises in the Phocian war, that this monarch entertained designs upon the liberties of Greece, he made it the aim of his life to defeat him. Thence- forward every thing else became subordinate to the task of defending his country's independence against the policy of Macedonia. But alas ! Athens had then greatly degenerated from the Athens of former days : corruption had advanced too far to be arrested, and although Demosthenes, by his stirring eloquence, by the energy and wisdom of his coun- sels, sometimes succeeded in kindling into a flame the remains of patriotic emotion among his countrymen, and impelling them to strenuous exertion, it was only for a brief space ; the fitful flashes of light were followed by a deeper gloom, until all hope was extinguished on the fatal field of vi PREFACE. Chaeronea. But admit all the vicissitudes of the long struggle, the most disheartening difficulties, the most immi- nent dangers, he remained true to his convictions and unshaken in his purposes. From his first participation in public affairs to the moment in which he swallowed poison in the temple of Neptune, we perceive no deviation from his principles, no vacillation, no trace of weakness. Yet his strenuous defence of the cause of liberty, and his fearless attacks upon the partizans of Macedonia, made him many and bitter enemies, whose malice finally succeeded in causing him to be misunderstood by his fellow-citizens, as the wise Socrates and the just Aristides had been before him. And though the Athenians soon recognized their injustice, and sought to efface it by the highest public testimonials of respect, both before and after his death, yet writers have not been wanting, who, inimical to popular freedom, have striven to perpetuate those charges against him, of the truth of which not the slightest proof ever existed. Pausanias has shown that the allegations were wholly groundless, and, even in the absence of his testimony, it were incredible that a man who had devoted his talents and his fortune for so many years to the preservation of his sinking country should, at the age of sixty, belie his whole life and pollute his hand with a bribe ! A recent English writer upon Greece (St. John) pays the following well merited tribute to the character of Demosthenes : — "If genius could regenerate, could pour the blood of youth into the veins of age, could substitute loftiness of sentiment, heroic daring, disinterested love of country, religious faith, spirituality, for sensual self-indulgence, for sordid avarice, for a base distrust in Providence, Demos- PREFACE. va thenes had renewed the youth of Athens. The spirit of the old democratic constitution breathes through all his periods. He stands upon the last defence of the republican world, when all else had been carried, the representative of a noble but perished race, fighting gallantly, though in vain, to preserve that fragment sacred from the foot of the spoiler. The passion and the power of democracy seem concentrated in him. He unites in his character all the richest gifts of nature under the guidance of the most consummate art, and doubtless Hume was right when he said, that, of all human productions, his works approach the nearest to perfection."* The orations contained in the present volume were pre- pared for publication by the editor during a residence of several years in Germany, where he enjoyed the instructions of the learned Professors Bekker, Boeckh, and Franz at the University of Berlin, and C. F. Hermann at Goettingen. Under their able guidance he applied himself to the study of the prince of Attic orators, and it was with a mind ani- mated by their zeal, and a judgment sharpened by their profound criticisms, that he ventured to entertain the hope of being able to contribute something to the proper under- standing of this author among his own countrymen. Beside the valuable aid thus derived, he availed himself of the labors of the most distinguished French, Italian, and German scholars ; many of which, consisting of monographs pub- lished in the form of tracts or in scientific journals, have never obtained a general circulation, and for that reason are almost inaccessible to students in this country. In this form has appeared much of what has been done during the last twenty years for the critical study of the text, such as ^'Manners and Customs of Ancient Greece, Vol. HE. p. 347. viii PREFACE. a description of the most trustworthy manuscripts of Demos- thenes which are preserved in different European libraries, accompanied with careful collations, and critical discussions of their age, relative value, and other points. The most important services in this matter have been performed by German scholars, particularly Reiske, Bekker, Voemel, and Ruediger, whose excellent contributions have rendered the most valuable of those manuscripts available without the necessity of personal inspection. The groundwork of the text which is contained in the best recent editions of Demosthenes was laid by Reiske, w^ho had access to a number of ancient manuscripts in the libraries of Augsburg and Munich. In his revision, he followed mainly the Codex Augustanus Primus, recognizing the genuine words of the orator more in that than in any of the others. Bekker had the rare fortune of comparing for his edition fifteen manuscripts contained in the libraries of Paris, Antwerp, and others, some of which agree so remarkably with those used by Reiske as to leave no doubt of their belonging to the same family. One of them, how- ever, the Paris Codex ^, of the tenth century, though bearing all the marks of genuineness, was found to differ in many respects from any previously known. This Bekker adopted as his leading authority, but, while he acknowledged its superiority in the main, he did not venture to follow it altogether. Since the time of his revision, many of the best philologists of Germany have considered this Codex as a purer exhibition of the text of Demosthenes than any of the rest of the manuscripts, and have expressed their decided conviction that all his orations should be restored in accordance with it. One of the principal grounds for PREFACE. ix this preference, beside tlie internal evidence of greater Attic purity and forcible simplicity of expression, consists in the close coincidence between it and other ancient authors, especially the grammarians Hermogenes,. Dionysius, and others, who cite passages of this orator ; and this circum- stance affords evidence that it has escaped many of the corruptions which other manuscripts have suffered in their transmission to modern times. A careful collation of the numerous Codices has led to a division of them into branches or families, possessing such marked resemblances as prove a common descent. Judging from the writings of the gram- marians above alluded to, this distinction must have existed at a very early period ; and many eminent critics have expressed the opinion, that, even in the lifetime of the orator, at least two recensions existed. One of these, they say, contained the original speeches in the form in which they were delivered, and which has been most faithfully preserved in the Codex 2^; the other was a revision of the first, made by Demosthenes himself for more general circu- lation, as is inferred from the numerous additions made in it, and the greater fulness of expression which characterized it ; the chief representative of this family being Reiske's Codex Augusianus Primus. A third recension is also as- sumed, represented by the Venetian Codex Marcianus F of the eleventh century, and the Codex Bavaricus of the thirteenth century, which is merely a copy of F ; this recen- sion, being less accurate than the others, is conjectured to have had its origin from some person in the Athenian Assembly, who reported the words of the speaker. The Paris Codex ^, which was first employed by Bekker, has in later years so much risen in the estimation of the X PREFACE learned that it has almost revolutionized the text of Demos- thenes. As already remarked, it differs considerably from all the rest. It is distinguished by remarkable brevity, force, and purity. Often one or more words are wanting, whereby the thought is incomplete and unintelligible ; such gaps have been supplied by a later hand on the margin, and these additions are designated by Bekker with the letters yQ {yQafAiAarixog), which have been retained in this edition. It appears probable that these were in some cases the conjec- tures of an ingenious and learned reader, but that all were not so is evident from the fact, that in many instances the supplementary words are confirmed by the citations found in the grammarians and rhetoricians. The second recension, on the other hand, is marked by many grammatical pecu- liarities, but particularly by numerous explanatory additions, through which the thought acquires that completeness of expression which belongs to the common dialect, without varying materially in other respects. In no part of Demosthenes does the diSerence between the Codex 2! and the other manuscripts appear so striking as in the Third Philippic, to the peculiar condition of which Spengel first directed the attention of critics. This oration, which is accounted one of the finest, is found there very much abbreviated. Whole sentences and thoughts are wanting which are preserved, in the other manuscripts, and which in 2! have been supplied by a later hand upon the margin. If we read according to 2, nothing appears to be wanting to the sense ; all is natural and congruous ; a proof that it could not be the work of chance ; while in several of the supplementary passages, particularly in § § 46 and 75, we find a want of coherence strangely at variance with the PREFACE. xi orator's usual perspicuity. These omissions in the Codex ^, which, in the present edition, are inclosed in brackets, are nevertheless generally written in the true spirit of Demos- thenes, a circumstance that renders it extremely probable that he added them in his revision, or at least that they were supplied from it by another hand, without sufficient attention in all cases to congruity. The long passage, for example, which embraces the whole of §§ 6 and 7, on pages 39 and 40, is wanting in the text of the oldest manuscript, and is not only unnecessary to the connection, but even disturbs it, since what the orator had said in the beginning, that all were agreed about the necessity of adopting measures for curbing Philip's insolence, is contradicted in § 6, where he says so many are disposed to cast the guilt of commenc- ing hostilities upon the Athenians, that it is necessary to refute the charge. Yet the whole passage is so clearly in the style of Demosthenes, as to admit no doubt of its genuineness. Many of the other omissions of Codex 2, which are found incorporated into the text of other manu- scripts, bear traces of having been inserted subsequently to the original composition, so that we possess in the Third Philippic the original oration with additions and explana- tions by the author. The editor having proposed to himself to adhere to the reading of Codex Z wherever it seemed admissible, could not, as Bekker and Voemel have done, consistently receive these passages into the text without a mark to designate them ; nor, on the other hand, did he deem it proper to banish them, like Baiter and Sauppe, to the foot-notes, which, for most readers, is nearly equivalent to withholding them altogether. In composing the commentary, he has endeavored to xii PREFACE. furnisli such information as the student most needs for the proper understanding of the author. For this purpose he did not hesitate to lay under contribution all the best sources to which the kind liberality of the librarians at Berlin and Goetiingen gave him access, since his object was not merely to give the results of his own investigations, but to put the reader, as far as consisted with the necessary brevity, in possession of what has been done by others for the elu- cidation of these orations. Verbal criticism has been indulged in only so far as was needful for the illustration of oratorical diction, while much attention has been given to the explanation of allusions to usages, institutions, history, and political relations. His motive for pursuing this course was twofold : first, the student, whose attainments in the Greek language qualify him to read Demosthenes, requires rather an explanation of things than of words ; and secondly, the editor hoped, by giving prominence to investigations con- cerning the life and manners of the Greeks, to interest others, teachers as well as pupils, in a more earnest exami- nation of the ingredients that composed the most wonderful civilization which the world has ever seen. This knowledge constitutes by itself one of the most important aims of clas- sical study, since it is requisite for obtaining any just and enlarged views of the history of human culture ; and moreover, in the interpretation of the ancient writings, particularly of those which, like the deliberative orations of Demosthenes, are the immediate offspring of the times, it furnishes aids the value of which cannot easily be overrated. For the purpose of presenting a connected view of the cir- cumstances that called forth the several orations, and thus placing the student, as far as possible, in the position of a PREFACE. xiii hearer, historical Introductions are prefixed to the notes on each Philippic. The editor wishes to acknowledge the valuable aid rendered him in the printing of the work by his friend, Charles Short, A. M., of Roxbury, Massachusetts, by whose critical care in the correction of the press, a high degree of accuracy, he has reason to believe, has been attained. Williamsburg, Va., June, 1851. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. Ix reviewing the notes for the second edition, the author has made such additions and corrections as he, in several years use of the volume as a class book, has found most useful and necessary. September, 1859. EXPLANATION OF THE ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGNS USED IN THE MARGINAL NOTES ON THE TEXT. B. & S. Oratores Attici. Ed. J. G. Baiterus et Herm. Sauppius. Turici, 1838-45. Bk. Oratores Attici ex Recensione Imm. Bekkeri. Berolini, 1824, et Oxonii, 1823. Buttm. Larger Greek Grammar. Philip Buttmann. 13th ed. Andover, 1833. Dind. Demosthenis Orationes. Ed. G. Dindorf. Lipsiae, 1825. Fr. Demosthenis Orationes PhilippiccB ISovem. Ed, F. Franke. Lipsise, 1842. Funkh. Obs. crit. Observationes Criticcs in Demosthenis Philippicam Tertiam. Dedit C. H. Fdnk- haenel. Isense, 1841. Reisk. Oraforum Grcecorum quce supersunt Monumenta Ingefiii. Ed. J. J. Reiske. Lipsiae, 1770- 75. Rued. PhilippiccB Orationes. Ed. C. A. Ruediger. Lipsiae, 1829 -33. Saup. DeJiiosthenis Orationes Selectee (Bibliothecae Graecae). Ed. Herm. Sauppius. Gothae, 1845. Schaef. Demosthenis Opera. Ed. G. H. Schaefer. Lipsiae, 1821-22. " Apparatus Criticus et Exegeticus ad Demosthe- nem. Ed. G. H. Schaefer. Lipsiae et Londini, 1824-27. Speng. Diss. L. Spexgel uher die dritte Philippische Rede des Demosthenes. Gelesen in der Sitzung der Konigl. Bayerischen Academie der Wis- senschafteny den 6 Julius, 1839. xvi ABBREVIATIONS AXD SIGNS. Vig. F. ViGERi de Grcccce Dktionis Idiotismis Liher, m Ed. G. Hermann. Ed. IV^. Lipsise, 1834. " Voem. Demosthenis Opera Greece et Latine. Ed. J. T. VoEMEL. Parisiis, 1847. ^ Codex Parisiensis Regius^ no. 2934. Of the tenth j century. T Codex Parisiensis Regius, no. 2935. F Codex ]\Iarcianus,iio. 416, in Venice. Of the eleventh century. fi Codex Anfverpiensrs Soc. Jesu, no. 43. Closely ap- proaches 2J. The above MSS. are those on which Bekkek chiefly re- lied in making his recension of the text. B. Codex Bavari cus, no. 85, in Mnnich. Of the thirteenth d century. ^ A^ Codex Augustaims Primus, no. 485 \ Now in Munich, A2 " " Secundus, " 441 > but formerly in A3 " " Tertius, " 432 j Augsburg. The foregoing are the principal authorities followed by Reiske in his edition. Dresd. Codex Dresdensis, of the fifteenth century in Dresden. G. Codex Gotiianus. In Gotha. H. or Harl. " Harleianus, of the thirteenth century. In England. One of those collated by John Taylor. See Dobson's edition of the Attic Orators, p. xci. d Codex Parisiensis Regius. One of those used by MoRELius in preparing the Editio LiUetiana sive Parisina. yQ. YQafifjiazixo^. See Preface, pp. ix. et seq. cod. codex. codd. codices. of. confer. cm. o?nisit, ojniserunt. pr. 2, T prima manu E, T. * rec. rccepit, receperunt, rej. rejecit. vulg. Recensio vulgata, vulgo. AHMOSGENOTS TUN KATA *IAinnOT A' B' F. I AHMOi:0ENOT^ O RATA ^IAinnOT'A\ AIBANIOT rnosEXi^. KaKcos ev Ta nokefxcp rw rrpos ^IXnnrov ol *Adr]vaioi cjiepofxevoi tTvvckrjkvOacTLV els eKLkK-qalav dOvfiovpres. O rolvvv prjTcop ttjv re ddvp.iav Tretpdrai Traveii/, \eycov ovdev elvai davfiacrrbv el padvp-ovvres KeKpaTJ]VTai^ Koi elcr^yelrai rras av apiara ra TroXe/xo) TrpoaeuexOe^ev. KeXeuet Srj 8vo 8vvdp.eis TrapacrKevdaaaBai, piav pev p.€L^co, ttoXitiktjp^ 5 tJtis oiKOL p.evovcra rrpos rds Kara Katpov ^^petas- eroipos virdp^ei^ irepav fie eXdrro), ^evcov ovtcdv tcov (TTpaT€vop.epcov^ Trapap.€p.typ.€vcov de, Ke- Xev€L TTjv hvvap.LV p,r} ^Adrjvijai p.evetv p-rj^e e/c ttjs noXeois noielaOai rds jSoTjdeias^ dWd nepl ttjv MaKfboviav avaaTpe7]vavTO, eu fjuev rjpeaKe 4 ■' ' ^ ' 'AHMd^^El^OYS O RATA TL jJiOi TCOV VTTO TOVTWV pTjOeVTWV, 7](JU^LaV CiV rj^OU, €1 Se [XT], TOT av ^afTO? e7reLpo)fM7]v a ytyvcoaKco Xejecv eTTetSr] Se ^uirep wv ttoWuki^; eLpr]Kaaiv ovroi irpore- pov av/jLJSaiveL kul vvvl aKoirelv, iijovfiaL Kai 7rp(OTO<; 5 avacrra<; 6lkotco^ av avyyvdifjn]'; Tvyyaveiv. iLi yap €K Tov irapeXyXvOoTO'; '^povov ra BeovO ovtol avve^ov- Xeuaav, ovSev av vfia^i vvv eSei, ^ovXeveaOai. 2. Ilpcorov fiev ouv ovk aOv/jLTjreov, co avBp€<; AOrj- vauoi, TOL<; irapovav irpajfjuaaiv, ovB ei iravv (pav\ci)<; '^aXeirov iroXefielv eanv A6r)vaL0L'^ e^ovcTL TocravT eTnret'^Lcr/jLaTa tt}? avrou '^(opa<; eprjfiov ovTa av/JLfjLa-^wv, ovBev av wv vyvi ireiroLrjKev eirpa^ev, * ovBe TOdavTTjv EKTrjcraTO BwajjiLv. AXX elBev, co avSpe^ 20 AOrjvatot, TovTO KaXco<; e/cea'o?, ore Tavra fiev ecrnv airavra ra '^copca, ciOXa tov TroXe/jiov Kec/iev ev fiecrq), (pvcreL o vTTap'^ei roi? irapovcn Ta tcov uttovtcdv Kau rot? eueXovcrc iroveuv Kau KLVovveveuv Ta tcov afieXovvTcov, 1 ^ouXoto-^e* B. & S. ^ovXrjo-ee Bk. 2 'xeiVo) Bk. B. & S. 2. cet. codd. eKelvco. 1* 6 AHMOSGENOYSOKATA 6. sKat yap rot ravry '^pijcrafievo'^ rrj jvo:>fi7) iravra KarearpaTrrac Kac e^et, ra fiep o)? av eXwv tl<; ^X^^ '^^~ Xe/jLO), ra Be av/xfiaxci' fcac (piXa Troirjaajjueuo';. Kat T]V 1 avTov B. & S. avTov Bk. Yoem. 9 OiXi] oinnes codd. praeter F. idtXr^ F. Bk. '^eX?; Voera. •^ e;(eii/ 2. B. & S. ^X^iv avra Bk. Voem. * I A I n n o Y A'. 7 Bca Ti]V v/xerepav ^paSvTrjra kcil padufjilav, rjv aTroSe- a0at (f)7]fjLi, Selv i]Zr]. 9. ^Opare ytip, c5 avhpe^ AOrj- vaioi, TO irpayfia, ol irpoekriXvOev aaeXjeca^ avOp(07ro<;, 09 01^0 aipeaiv vjjllv OLOwai rov Trparrecu r) ayetv rjau- ')(tav, aW aTreiXel Kai Xojov^ vireprjc^avov'^, w? ^aat, 5 Xejec, /cat ov^ olo^ ecrrcv e^cov a KarearpaTrrai /xevecv eiTL rovTCOv, aXX au re TrpoaTrepi^aXXerai kuc kv/cXo) iravra-^y fieXXovra^ rj/jLa<; Kai KaOrj fxevov^ TrepLaroL'^c- ^erat. 10. TIot ovv, m avSp€<^ A6r]valoL, iroO a '^prj irpd^ere ; eireiBav ri yevTjrac ; eiretBav vt] Al ^ avayKV), j^ Tj. Nvv Be ri y^pi] ra jLyvo/jbev r/jelcrOaL ; ejco fiev ryap OLOfiac rot? 6Xev6epoL<; fiejcarr/v avajK7]v rrjv virep Twz^ TrpayimaTcov aLcr')(yvr}v elvai. 'iif /SovXeade, enre jjLOL, Trepuovre^ avrcov TTvvOaveaOai • Xeyerat tl Katvov ; tyevoLTO v Bk. B. & S. Karakvcov 2. ^ TTapaa-TTia-at 2. Trapaar^vai Bk. Yoem. B. & S. cf. Orat. de Cor. ^ 1. 10 AHMO20ENOY2OKATA irap iffiwy avrcov irXeiov; tov Seoz^ro?) rjav^lav e^'r), ^ TrapiBcDV ravra, a^v\aKTO<; \7]7]v ravrr] iropiaat KeXeuco, 20. Earat S avrr) Tt<; 7] Svva/jLLyovuXap^ov<;, Kat tiTTrap'^ov^; Suo ; Tt ovv ovrot iroiovatv ; ttXijv 6vori, airrjpeaiov povov rrj Bvvapei, ravrijy raXavr evevrjKovra Kau pi/cpov rt 7rpo<; * BeKa lo pev vavcTL ra)(^6iaiaXe<^, irpo<^ aVTYj TYj X^P^ '^^^ TT^O? TOt? TCOV efLTTGpCCOV CTTO^aat paBiw^ eaTai. ' XftpoTovTjaere 2. B. & S. ;^fiporoi^^crare Bk. ^ eV To2s Voem. [ev] rots Bk. 3 (V rm? 2. rat? Bk. ^ bwaiixcOa 2. B. & S. dvi/aifxed'' Voem. $iAinnoY A'. 15 33. '^ A fiev ovv '^prjcreTaL Kau ttote rrj Bwafjuet, Trapa TOP Kaupov o Tovrcov KvpLOTe^, iravcreau aeu irepi, rwv av- lo Tcov ^ovKevopevoi Kac irXeov ovhev iroLOvvre^, 34. Kau en 7rpo TepaL ra irXola avXXa/Sojv cifiv- Grjra '^pv^p.ar e^eXe^e, ra reXevrala B et? MapaOcov a 20 aireprj Kao ri]V cepav airo rrj^ '^copa<; eXrjXv- 6ev oiCTT e7r(,(TTeX\€ip EujBoevcrLv t^Or] rocaura^ eirc- CToXa?. 6 1e n I 2 T O A A I. 38. TovTcov, (o avSp€<; Adijvaoo!,, rwv aveyvwajievwv a\r}9r} fiev eari ra ttoWu, co? ouk eSec, ou pi.i]v aW -taoy^ of^ ?ycea a/covecv. AXX eu fiev, a av tc<; virepprj TO) Xoy(p, Lva jjltj XvTTJjcrr/, fcac ra irpayficiO V7repj3r]ae- 10 Tab, Bel 7rpo9 ovv TavTa mravaeTat, ; oTav vfielf;, a) avSpevi^€Tat Bk. tjixlv om. 2. 2 ap bvvT]drivat. 12. bvvrjdrjvat Bk. Yoem. B. & S. 3 rrpci^r} 2. B. & S. e/cet Trpd^r] Bk. •* av uKovcnne Bk. av om. 2. *iAinnoY A'. - 21 woZlcttwv Kat XcoTToBvTcov Bavarov [laXKov aipovvrai Tov 7rpoa7]KOVTO<;. KaKOvpyov fiev yap earo KpiOevT aiToOavelvy arparrjyov Be /la'^o/jLei'ov tol<; TroXe/xtot?, 48. ^ Hficjv 8' ol fi6v Trepuoure^ [xera AaKeBaL/iovlcov /jL€v eKeL iroXefJueLV avro), evuao lctco^; avayKaauTj- crofjLeOa tovto nroLelv, av ravr eLBcj/jLev, KaL ra Beovr eaojjieO eyvwKore'^ KaL Xoycov fiaTaLcov airriXXay fievoi, Ov yap arra hot eaTaL Bel aKOirecv, aW otl (f)av\ , V 1 'H/xwi/ 2. B. & S. rjiJLcbv Y. v[im> Bk. 2 auOpcoTTos Bk. 22 AHMOSeENOYS O KATA $IAinnOY A'. eav fiTj irpoae'^rjre Yroo<; TrpajfiacnX top vow Kai ra Trpoarj/covra iroielv eOeXrjT , ev ecBevac. 51. Eyo) fiev ovv ovr aWore TTonTore iTpo<^ X^P''^ eLXofirjv Xeyetv, o ro ai> /jltj kol ^ auvocaetv ireTreia/jLe- 5 z/09 CO, vvv 6 a yiyvoiaKW iravB airXw^;, ovBev viro- crTetXa/jLevo<;, TreTrappTjaiaafJiaL. H^ovXo/jurjv B av, warrep on vfjuv crvjuLcpepei, ra (BeXnar a/covetv olSa, ovT(o<; eihevai " avvolaov Kau rat ra ^eXricn eLirovrt * 7roXXa> yap av tiSlov ^ elirov. Nvv S eir dSi]Xot<; ovat 10 Tot? aiTo Tovrcov e/bbavToj y€V7](TO/jievoL<^, o/x&)9 eiro t(o avvoLcreiv vfuv, eav Trpa^rjre, ravra nTeireloOai Xeyecv acpovfjiai. NiKQiT) S o TC TTaaiv v[uv fMeXXet T€pov etvai Bk. j^aXeTrtorepoi' pr. 2. B. & S. ^ rrdirres pr. 2. B. & S. Travras Bk. 3 dui Trjv Bk. dia om. 2, Yoem. Saup. ^ avveirjTe A'. Bk. B. & S. (tvvIt]T€ 2. 5 e^et Bk. e'xf'^ 2- ^t omnes fere codd. B. & S. 3 26 AHMOSGENOYSOKATA ' aTriGerat, fie'ye6o<; Bvvdfjie(o<; 7rpo€v- 5 yovre^, Kat nravu a irpoariKei irpoopayfievoL, o/jlolco<; evav' riwaeaOe, av ri tolovtov eTTt^etpr; 'Trparretv, cocirep av €L 'rro\e/iovvT€<; rv^oire. 9. Tov<; ev ^ eiroLec. 10. *^ O kol fjce- yiajov earc Ka6 vpccov eyKco/icov, o) avSp€<; Adrjvacoc • Ketcpcaue yap eK tovtcov twv epycov jjlovol twv Travrcov lb fi7jSevo<; av K€pSov<; ra Kocva ScKata rcov EXXrjvcov irpo- eaOai,, /jltjB avraXXa^acrdac /JLT]S€/jLca<; ')(apcro<; fxrjB (09. OuKovv (pacrc fjuev fieXXeiv tt/oo? tov<^ ©rj^ac- of? avTov v7ro7rT(o<; e^etv, Kao XoyoTrotovac TrepuovTe^i lo 7ive<;, &)? EXaretav ref^tel. 15. O Be ravra fxev /xeX- Xel Kai ^ fjLeXXrjcret, o)? eyco Kpcvco, Tolov, Kac rouro avTO<; apicna aw- oiSev eavTa>. Ot9 yap ovatv vfieTepoi<; e^et, rovroc^i iravra raXka aa(pa\(o<; KeKrrjrai. El yap Aimc^lttoXlv KUL UoTihatav Trpoelro, ovB av olkol fjueveiv /36^aLcoucn(; rcov ev (ppovouvrcov ^ ev eavrrj 5 KeKTTjraL (pvXaKTrjpLov, o iraai jxev eartv ajadov Kat, acoTiqpiov, fjLuXicna he TOL7]v, /jLT) TroXefiov ^tjtovv' Te9 aTraXXayrjvai, BeairoTTjv evprjTe ; 15 26. TavT aKovaavre^ eKeivoi, Kat Oopv/SovpTes ft)9 op6ct)<; Xeyerai, Kai ttoXXov; erepov; Xoyov^ irapa rwv irpea/Secov koI irapovTO^; efiov kol irdXiv ^varepov d/cov- (TvvLevTerjv, ottcos Bk. 3 varepov aKovaaurcs 2. Y. varepov [aKovaavres] Voem. varepoP Bk. ■* aXX' Voem. aXX' [el] Bk. vfiels avroi 2. F. A^. Saup. Ifieis Bk. * I A I n n Y B'. 33 XeyovTcov aKovovT€$■ e< tov F. Q. €k rod Bk. 3 TToteiv in litura 2. Bk. Fr. Troijjo-ai pr. 2. F. Q. 4 Xrjo-ed' Bk'. Saup. Xrjo-ecr^' 2. Voem. ^ Trnvra 2. B. & S. Trai^a rai;^' Bk. Trdvd* Voem. ^ Taura dr) 2. Saup. raiJr ly^r; Bk. ^ ras {/TTocrp^/o-efs Bk. Saup. rets om. 2. Voem. 34 AHM02eEN0Y2 O KATA - BvcrKo\o 5 069 avTOL<; avvLcraaL SeBo)poBoKr]KOTe<;, tol<; eiravopOovv Ti ireipwjjLevoL'^ rcov Sea tovtov<; airoXcoXorcov rrj Trap' vjjbwv opyrj irepLireaeiv avfjC^rj. Opco yap «? ra ttoXXo. evLov<^ ovK €L /.'. 3b* AHMOSGENOYS O KATA $IAinnOY B'. i Kat ^(OKea^, aXK tj ra BiKat av eiroLeu Kai ti]v €Lp7]V7)t (fi^ aycov rjav^cav ^Ix^v, rj Trapa-^pTj/jL av r]U ev ofioiM iro- Xe/iiG) oc Of roT6 t?^? eLpi]VT]<; eTreuu/jurjaev. 37. lavT ovv 0)9 jJbev vTrofivrjcraL, vvv LKavct)<; eiprjTaL, «? 5 av 5 e^eraadeLT) fiaXcar aKpL^co<;, fir) yevoLTO, o) Traz^re? ^eot. voeva yap povXotfjbrjv eycoye av, ovo et ocKai,o<» ear aTToXcoXevat, jxera rod iravTWV klvBvvov Kav Trj<; ^ly/xta? Bt/crjv vTroa'^ecv, 1 ?• eyoyye av 2. Saup. av eycoye Bk. eycay av Voem. AHMO^OENOTS o RATA ^lAinnoT r\ AIBANIOT TUOQEXIX. AttX^ tov \6yov TovTov r) VTiodecns. ^lXlttttov yap Xoyoj fj.ev €ipT)VT]v ayovTos, ^pyoi de rroXXa dbiKovuroSf cru/xjSovXevei tois ^ABtj- vaiois 6 pr]T(i)p ai/aa-TTjuat, kol apwaadai t6v ^acriXea, cos Kivbvvov fieyaXov kol avrols eTTiKpeiJuifievov Koi tvclctl kolutj tois "HXXtjctiv. 1. IIoWcov, CO avBpe^ A6r]valoi, \oL/crai, fiaktara B , avirep e^e- 6 Ta^rjre opOco^, €vpr,creT€ Sea rovf; ')(apL^ea6aL fiaWov rj Ta /SeXnara Xeyeiv irpoaipovfjievov'^, oiv rive<; [lev, o) apBp6<; ^AOrjvaloiy ev ol<; evBoKLfiovcnv avroi Kai dwav- rat, ravra (f)u\aTT0VT€<; ovhejjuav irepv tQ>v /jLeWovrcov irpovoiav e-^ovaiv, yovKovv ovh vjia^ olovraL Belv €^€lv,~\ 10 erepoL oe rov<; eiri roL<; nrpayiiaabv ovra^; acrccofievoL Kau Bta/3aWovT€(; ovSev aXko itoloixjlv t) otto)? ^ r] ttoXc^; Trap avTrj<; Boktjv Xri-^lrerac Kat irepL tovt earai, ^iXlttttw B e^earai Kai Xeyetv Kac TrparreLV b n ^ovXerac. Ac Be TOLavrao TToXirelai avvrjdeL<; jjueu eicnv vjilv, acTLac Be IS^TCov KaKcov. 3. A^Lco B , CO avBpe'y AOrjvaloi, eav Tt Tcov aXrjOcov fiera 7rapprjaiav eayarwv rjBr] KLvBvveveiv. El fjLev ovv Kau vvv ovtco BiaKecaOe, ovk e-^co tl Xeyco • el B a avficpepec %ci)pt9 KoXaKeta<; eOeXi^aere aKoveiv, eroL- /xo? Xeyecv. Kat yap eu ttclvv (f)avXco<; ra Trpaypbara tyei KaL TroXXa irpoeljaiy ofX(ii rjjjLLV eafl to ^ovXeveaOat irept rov irorepov eLprjvrjv ayeiv i) TroXe/jLe'iV Set.] 8. El fieu ovv e^eariv eiprivvjv ayeiv rrj rroXec Kau e(p rj/xlv eari tovtov lv evrevdev 15 ap^cofjbai, r)/jUL eycoye ayeiv 7]iia<; Betv, kul rov ravra Xeyovra ypa<^eiv Kat irpuTreiV Kai fxr) (pevaKi^eiv u^lco. El 8 eT€po<; ra oirXa ev ral'^ '^epcriv e'^cov Kai Svva/jiiv TToXXrjv irepi avrov rovvopua puev to rrj<^ eip7]v7)<; vpuv ^rrpo^aXXei, rol'? B epyoi<; avro<; rol<; rov rroXepLOv XPV~ 20 rai, ri Xoiirov aXXo ttXtjv apivveaOai ; (pacrKeiv Be etprjvrjv ayeiv ei /SovXecrde, wairep eKeivo<;, ov Bia(^ep0' fiai. 9. El Be Tt9 ravrrjv eiprivrjv viroXapi^avei, e^ ^9 €Keivo<; rravra raXXa Xa/3a)v ecf) rj/jia Tropevofievq), Kac Trap rjjjblv rjpc- ^ov ^ ol TToXXoL 07]l3acoL^ ov XvatreXTjaeiu rrjv eiceivov TTapoZov. 12. Kat pLr]V Kai ^epa<; rrpwrjv &)? (f}LXo<; Kau (TvjjLfia-^o<; et? SerraXtav eXdcov e^et KaraXajScov. Kai, ra reXevrala roZ? raXaiTr(Dpoi<; flpetrais rovrotcn em- 20 , ' if , ^ f if > (TKeyjroiji6POVra<^ TreTro/xcpevaL Kar evvoLav. UvvOaveaOai yap avrov^ &)? voaovcn Kat, araaia^ovcnv, avfifxay^wv 8 elvai Kau c^iXcov aXriOivwv ^ r] \€Lvovs Rued. Fr. 77 €K€lvovs Bk. Saup. 2 01 TToXXoi 2. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. 5. ol om. Bk. Voem. 3 aTatrid^ovcTLv 2 A^. Saup. aTacrid^ovaip ev avrols Bk. 4* 42 AHMO20ENOY2 RATA ev roi<^ TotovTOi^ Katpol^ irapelvai. 13. Elr oueaO avjov, ol eiroiiqaav jxev ovBep av fcaKov, /xr] TraOelv B ecpuXa^avT av lctco^, tovtou^ fiev e^awarap aipeiadab fxaXkov 7] TrpoXejovra /Sia^eaOat, vfXiv h e/c Trpoppi]- 5 crew? iroXefjurjaeiv, Kac ravd eco^ av €fcovTe eavrov irpoeLTrot TpeireaOai, Kat rcov Trap avrov fJLtaOo^opovvTcav tou? Xoyovi acpeXoLTO, ot? ava/SaXXovcnv f/U-a?, XeyovTe<} 0)9 €K6Lvo79 Ev/Sola'i TOP TToXe/jLovpd vfjLtP jeveadac Kvpuov, ro) TleXo7rovvr]6i •* eyLtot o eariv eLpr]V7] 7rpo<; rof ? uK-oveiv e/xov povkofie^ j/ou?;" Kafc ou 'ypa(f)€t piev ravra, rol<; S €pyot<; ov 6 iroL6L, aW €(f) EWrjcrTTOvrov OL^erai, irporepov rjKev ejT AjjL^paKtav, ' HXcv e^ec rrjXiKavrTjv ttoXlv ev iJeXo- irovvrjCTM, M.6japoL<^ eire^ovXevae TrpMrjv, ov6 i] EXXa<; ov6 7] ^ap/3apo<; r7]V rrXeove^iav %a)/3et ravOpcoTTOV, 28. KaL ravO opa)vre<; ot EXXr}V€<; airavre^ Kat, ukovov lO re? ov Tre/jLTropLev Trpear^ei'^ irepL rovrcov 7rpo<; aXX7]Xov^ Kat, ayavaKrovpLEv, ovrco Be KaK(o<; BcaKeip^eOa Kac Scopo)- pvypeda Kara TroXei?, war a-^pi ttJ? ^rr]pepov r}pb€pau Kcii To7s fiijdev edeXovo-i iroulv Kara tcov ndvTa a npocrjjKei irpaTTovTCiiv TToXXaKts Bk. Yoem. *iAinnoY r'. 51 ovSe TJjV 7r/309 tou? rvpavvou^ Kat tou<; ^apjSapov^ ain- aiiav, ovS o\co<; ^ roiovrov ovSev. 39. Nvv S airavO ixTirep e^ uyopaV TOIOVTCOV Bk. 2 o^oXoyfj. pr. 2.B.&S. o^okoyfj. "Svyyva fir) toIs iXey^ouevoiS' Bk. Yoem. Rued. vid. Speng. Diss. p. 180. 3 j^prifidrcov pr. 2. B. & S. ;)^pT//zaTCi)i' irpoaohoi Bk. Voem. ^ vfxeTepcov pr. 2. B. & S. vperepoov beLKVv(ov Bk. ^ Vflwi Bk. Dind. B. & S. Keivoi 2. 6 aKpoirokiv, oux Iva . ... to. ypajj-fiaTa ; Bk. a/cpoTroXti/. pr. S. F r. 52 AHMOSGENOYS O KATA i-jKei. 42. Tl ovv \ejet ra ypajjL/iara ;'j ^ "' ApOfUo^ft ijiijaiv, 6 TIvOa)vaKro<; 6 ZeXelrrf^' "^ oltljio^ koI 7ro\e/jLi,ov gv \Jbyi,ayj:iiv , avTo<; koI yei/o?. tjiu 7] aiTLa jeypairraLy ol rjv ravr eye- 5 vero • " oTi TOV '^pvaop top e«r MriBcov et9 Uekoirovvr]' o<;, KM aTifiov<;. 44. Tovro h eariv ov^ ^v ovTcoac Ti? av (f>r]aetev arLixtav. Tl yap ro) ZeXetTr), ^rcov Adrjvrja-t 15 Kotvcov et, fir] fieOe^eiv ^ e/xeWev ; aX>C ev tol<; (f)ovcKOL ^^//ca? cpovov 1 "ApdjjLios Bk. ^Api0fjiios 2. alii codd. 2 6 ZeXeiTrjs Bk. 6 om. 2. 3 arifios B. & S. arifxos 2. arifios eara Bk. arifxos [eoTO)] Voem, ^ TaVT 2. B. & S. TOVT Bk. ^ Oecov, TLS 2. 6ea>v koL decdp-clre nap' vplv avTois t'ls Bk. Trap' vfiLv avTois Speng. (Diss. p. 182) placent. ^ Ta)U *A6r]UT]cn KOivcou el prj pr. 2. B. & S. el rwv *A6r]vrj(ri Koivav fi^ Bk. ^ epeWev ; pr. 2. B. & S. epeWev ; aXX' ov tovto Xe'-yei, Bk. ^/itXXev; tiXX' .... Xe'yet. Voem ^ dUas (f>6vov biKaaaadai pr. 2. Y. 8iKas autem in maro-ine Y. rec. [St/car] (})6u diKucracrd., dXX' evayes r) to dnoKTelvai, Bk. \ oem., cui tamen dUas placet. *iAinnoY r'. 53 BtKaa-aaOac, *'/cat arifjio^^^ ^rjac " redi^areo. Tovro OT] XeyeL, Kaoapov rov tovtwv rcva aTroKretvavra ecvai. 45. OvKOVV eVO/jLL^OV €K€LVOi T?}? ^ TTaVTCOV TCOV ' EWt^VWV crcorypia'^ avrol^ eTnfieXrjreov elvav. Ov jap av av' TOL<; 6/jL€\ev, 60 Tt? ev UeXoirovvriaw nva^ coveirat. Kat 5 BtacfiOeipec, fir] rovO vTroXafi/Savovcrtv. EKoXa^ov S ovTco Kai erifJbwpovvTO ou? ^ alaOotvro, o)(tt€ kclI arrj- \cTa ^p/Sapo) ; 2. B. & S. 4 EK TOY rPAMMATEIOY ANArirNQ2KEI. 2. F. Y. Bk. Voem. om. 5 olol 2. B. & S. TOLovTos, oloi Bk. Voem. 6* 54 AHMO20ENOY2OKATA fikv Tjpxov KOI yfj^ diraar)^, /SacriXea Se TM ^ cpaXayya ottXltcov ayetv jSaBc^ovO OTToi ^ouXeTai, aXXa tm -ylnXov;, tTrvrea?, To^oTa^, ^e- rou?, TOLOVTOV e^rjpTvaOac CTTpaToireBov. 50. ETrei- 20 Bav ^ B €7rc TovTO(,<; 7rpcTe<^ Kau BLa^aXkoi'T6<; outw?, coare rov y AttoWo)' Vihrjv KaL eK/SaXelv o hrjfio<; o TOiv OXvvOlwv erreLaOrj. 57. Ov roLPVV irapa tovtol<^ jjlovov to e0.ov ^Sipeirav Bk. 2 OtXtcrriSjyi/ vulg. ^L\t(TT€tbrjV 2. 3 TTpVTavevojJLevoi, pr. 2. B. & S. npVTav- nap* €K€lvov, Bk. Yoem. ^ iivLTqheLov 2. B. & S. €7nT^8eiov fivat Bk. 5 pefxvTjpevot, 2. B. & S. Rued. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. 12. fienvrj* fievos Bk. Voem. *iAinnoY r'. " 59 avTOv<; Kat top Evcppalov eTOt/juov^ oriovv iroLelv ovra^ Tou? fJiev eK^aXovT€<; tol"? 5e airoKreivavre^. '0 ^ Ev(j)paLOBp€<; AOrjvaloc, ra irpay/JLar ev tovtw • 6 reOvavac ' 8e iJLVpLaKLov<;, rrjXiKavrrjv rjyel- crOaL iroXiv ouKelv ro fieyeOo^, ware fxt-jB ttv oriovv fj Beivov ireLcreaOai. 68. Kai /jbr]v KUKecvo ye aicr'^pov, varepov iror eiirelv " ru^ yap av (pJiO-q ravra yevi- 1 iycb 2. Al- 2. H. B. & S. eycoye Bk. 2 fi'S^re 2. B. & S. vulg. iSj^re Y. A^. yp. F. Bk. Yoem. 3 €KXoyL^6fi€VOL 2. B. & S. eK XoyLafioi) Bk. ^ co, /cai, OLOfiaL Kai, vvv en eTravopdcoOPjvaL av ra Trpayfiara 7ov- Tcov ycyvofievcov. El Be rt? e^ei tovtcov ^eXrLov, Xe- 15 yerco fcaL avp^^ovXeverco. O re B vijulv ""Bo^eL, tovt , 0) irdvre^ Oeot, ^ avveveyKoi, ^ -nohCkoiV Koi [xeyaXdov klv^vvcov Bk. B. Sz S. ttoWcov kcu KoXiov KOL fxeyciXcou KLvbvvcuv F. Y. J2. Rued. 2 ovhk 2. B & S. ov Bk. ^ yti'7]Tm. Q,. yevi](T€TaL. [et yap fjcrav, evprjvT av TraXai eveKa ye Tov jitjdev rjfids avrovs iroielv iBsXeiv' dXA.' ovk ftcriV.] Bk. hacc Rued, quoque rec, sed ita ut post 7rou]aovTas ponat. F. Y. Q. plane carent. ^ TOVTCOV 2. B. & S. TOVTCOV TL Bk, 5 66^61 Bk. B. & S. 86^rji, 2. 86^eu cet. codd. ^ (TvveveyKOL Bk. vulg. avvei'eyKai Rued, rec, quippe qui A^. Harl. Dresd. et Y. se(iu;itur. 4 I HISTOEICAL INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES. i PHILIPPIC I. Ix the public orations of Demosthenes we possess not merely the elegant compositions of an accomplished orator ; they are also the well-considered views of a profound, prac- tical statesman, who knows how to trace the evils under which his country is suffering back to their source, and to impart judicious counsel for their alleviation ; they are the struggliugs of an honest patriot to sustain the honor and independence of his beloved native land, as well against the mischievous designs of corrupt citizens at home as the attacks and insults of a foreign foe. The study of them, therefore, includes the study of the political history of Greece in general, and of Athens in particular, during the agitated period which preceded the fall of the republic ; and the reader who aims at a proper understanding of the orator, needs not only a competent knowledge of his lan- guage, but likewise such an acquaintance with the time in which he lived, the customs, character, and condition of the people whom he addressed, and the circumstances under which each oration was pronounced, as may place him, in some degree at least, in the position of one of his hearers. It is only by means of such preparation that he can hope to appreciate the force and dignity of these masterpieces of deliberative eloquence. It cannot be expected, and proba- bly will not be desired, that I should furnish here the par- ticular information requisite for this purpose, for it may be [67] 68 '. PHILIPPIC I. obtained from almost any of the larger histories of Greece. I shall limit myself to a brief notice of the prince against whom the Philippics were spoken, and of the leading events connected with the two wars which called them forth. Philip was the third son of Amyntas the Second, king of Macedonia, and was born in the second year of the 99th Olympiad, B. C. 383. While still a boy he was delivered up by his father as a hostage to the Illyrians, a powerful nation of barbarians on the northwest, with whom he was frequently engaged in war. After the death of Amyntas, he was consigned to the hands of the Theban general Pe- lopidas, who acted as mediator between Alexander and his rival, Ptolemy. Philip, with thirty others, the sons of noble families, was carried as a hostage to Thebes, where he remained three years (or, as some authors say, nine), during which Alexander was assassinated by Ptolemy, who gov- erned one year as regent for his nephew Perdiccas, Amyntas's second son. The latter, not long after his accession, gave battle to the Illyrians, who then occupied a considerable part of his country, and was killed and all his army de- stroyed. Philip, on hearing of this event, made his escape from Thebes, and returned to Macedonia, where he assumed the government, first as regent for his nephew, an infant son of Perdiccas ; but, owing to the embarrassed state of the kingdom, he was soon after declared king, in the twenty- fourth year of his age, and the first of the 105th Olympiad, B. C. 359. Macedonia was as yet but a feeble and insignificant king- dom, rent by internal feuds, and harassed by hostile neigh- bors, from whose encroachments it with difficulty maintained its independence. Beside the Illyrians, who once even expelled Amyntas from his dominions, it had to sustain continual wars with the Paeonians and Thracians ; on the east, Olynthus, standing at the head of a formidable league, seized every opportunity of increasing its territories ; and the Greek colonies, which had established themselves along INTRODUCTION. 69 the coast, cut off nearly all communication with the sea. The latter was swept by the fleets of Athens, which imposed many burdens upon the Macedonian commerce ; thus ex- acting indirectly a tribute to that republic. Philip's em- barrassments were further increased by the troubles arising out of a disputed succession ; for, in addition to his nephew, who, as son of the late king, was doubtless favored by a strong party, there were two other competitors for the crown, — Pausanias, supported by Thrace, and Argseus by the Athenians, who hoped through him to get possession of Amphipolis. By such difficulties and perils did Philip find himself encompassed as he assumed the reins of government; but, though young and inexperienced, he was not long in proving himself fully equal to the emergency. The years he passed at Thebes had been turned to good account, for, besides gaining an acquaintance with the Grecian philosophy, and such a command of the language as enabled him to write and speak it with an ease and elegance not inferior to the most practised orators of the day, he had become versed in the principles of statesmanship and war, with all the im- provements effected by Epaminondas and Pelopidas, by whom these arts had been carried to the highest point that they had yet reached in Greece. Thebes was at that time the great centre of political movements, and hence the most favorable position for observing the condition, interests, and mutual relations of the Greek states, as well as the state of parties and the nature and working of republican institutions. In that school it is probable that Philip learned many of those secrets which often afterwards enabled him to conquer without drawing the sword, and acquired that knowledge of character and that address in dealing with men, and winning them for his ends, which he possessed in so eminent a degree. He was also endowed by nature with nearly every quality that could fit him for the station which he was destined to fill ; — a robust frame, trained to habits 7* 70 PHILIPPIC I. of activity and endurance, a fine person, a noble presence, that inspired respect and confidence in all who approached him ; a cheerful conversation and ready eloquence, cultiva- ted to a degree that excited admiration even in that rhe- torical age ; with acuteness of observation he united a discriminating judgment, fartility of invention with facility in execution ; and had a singular adroitness in the manage- ment of men and things. These qualities were powerfully seconded by a rare affability, generosity, and clemency, that few who came into his presence were able to resist. But all his accomplishments and faculties of mind and body were under the control of an iron will, and always made subser- vient to the purposes of an insatiable and vast ambition, which aimed at nothing less than universal dominion. Philip's first care was to securp the affections of his army, often exerting his eloquence for this purpose ; and while he increased the strictness of military discipline, he conciliated his troops by his amiable condescension, and infused into them his own desire of making Macedonia first among the nations. The admiration excited by his rare talents, and the dangers which threatened the country from civil war, as well as from foreign invasion, soon turned all eyes upon him as the man upon whom the hopes of the country rested. The kingdom was apparently on the eve of dismemberment ; Philip saved it. Nay, it might be justly said that he created the power of Macedonia, since to the new system of tactics introduced by him was owing the remarkable success which afterwards attended its troops. In the new organiza- tion of the army, he adopted, as we mentioned above, the improvements made in the art of war by Epaminondas, who first deviated from the received order of battle in which one line was drawn up in front of the other, and, as he is de- scribed by Xenophon, in the battle of Mantinea, advanced with the flower of his army " like a galley with threatening prow," by which he was enabled to break through the enemy's line. On a similar plan Philip constituted the INTRODUCTION. 71 Macedonian phalanx, which was afterwards so renowned, and which continued invincible till it measured strength with the Roman legions. His allies, the Thessalians, fur- nished him with a body of cavalry, which in his hands be- came the most efficient of any that was known in ancient times. With such a disciplined and well-appointed standing army, it is not surprising that he was more than a match for the Northern barbarians, or the occasional levies of Greek militia, w^hich at that day was too often composed of poorly paid and ill-conditioned mercenaries. His first measures were prompt and rapid. He succeeded in buying ofi" the Thracians, who wished to place Pausanias upon the throne, and then advanced against Mantias, wliom the Athenians had sent to support Argaeus with an army of three thousand men. These he met and defeated at Me- thone, taking a considerable number as prisoners. This victory, and the expedition into Illyria and Paeonia, in both of which he was successful, were operations of a single campaign. Among the prisoners taken at Methone, w^ere some of the Athenian troops. These were treated by Philip w^itb marked liberality and kindness ; for he not only restored to them their liberty, but made them presents as compensation for what they had lost ; and on their return to Athens, he sent a letter to the people, in which he signified a desire to renew the friendship which had formerly subsisted between his father and the republic, at the same time hint- ing his willingness to see Amphipolis reduced under their dominion. This city had long been anxiously coveted by the Athenians, not only as a military post, but as a place from which they could obtain a plentiful supply of timber for their navy ; for the latter reason particularly, its pos- -Bession was so important, that there was hardly any price at which they would not have been willing to purchase it. Philip's letter, therefore, gave them great satisfaction ; and, conciliated by his friendly professions, and the prospect of 72 PHILIPPIC I. so easily obtaining their object, they concluded a treaty of peace with him, without any express stipulation in regard to Amphipolis. He had, however, no real intention of resigning so important a town to Athens, and still less to the Olynthians, who likewise were desirous of obtaining it. He first declared it independent, but not long after seized a pretext for hostilities, and made preparations for reducing it. The Olynthians, becoming alarmed at the prospect of losing it, solicited the Athenians to aid them in defending the place in which they had a common interest ; but Philip found means to prevent a coalition, by persuading the Athenians that he had no intention of keeping Amphipolis, but that when he had taken it he would restore it to them. In return for this, the Athenians, as we learn from a frag- ment of Theopompus, had secretly promised to put him in possession of Pydna, a city on the coast, then belonging to their alliance. He likewise purchased the acquiescence of Olynthus, by ceding to it the town of Anthemus ; and being thus free to contend single-handed with Amphipolis, he proceeded to lay seige to it. The inhabitants in their distress, sent to implore the aid of the Athenians, offering to surrender the city into their hands ; but that people, depending on Philip's good faith, and perhaps preferring to acquire by an amicable exchange what might otherwise in- volve them in war with him, paid no regard to the applica- tion. Philip took the city by assault, aided, as Demosthenes asserts, by the treachery of his partisans within the w^alls. He immediately marched against Pydna, which, either through terror or treachery, opened its gates to him. Philip considered himself as no longer bound by his promise in relation to Amphipolis ; and the resentment produced at Athens by his duplicity and the loss of the two cities gave rise to hostilities that continued for many years, called, from their origin, the Amphipolitan War. In the mean time troubles had arisen in another quarter, which strongly claimed the attention of Athens. The in- INTRODUCTION. 73 > habllants of Byzantium, those of Rhodes and of some other islands belonging to her confederacy, had, at the instigation of Mausolus, the prince of Caria, leagued themselves to- gether and raised the standard of revolt. Originating out of the oppressive exactions which Athens permitted her generals to make, this war with her allies proved most dis- astrous to her, since by it she lost much of her naval impor- tance, and three of her mgst celebrated generals, Chabrias, Timotheus, and Iphicrates. After a violent yet unavailing contest of three years, she was glad to make peace with the rebellious states and to acknowledge their independence. Of these difficulties of his most formidable enemy, Philip had taken advantage, in order to strengthen his power by alliance and conquest. In particular he had obtained a firm footing in Thessaly, and had secured the gratitude and firm friendship of several cities, which he had aided in ex- pelling tyrants from them. He was thus ready to secure the first favorable opportunity that might ofi"er, of inter- fering in the quarrels of the Grecian states, now enfeebled by theu' contests for the supremacy, and separated more than ever by mutual hatred and jealousy. Such an occasion was afforded by the breaking out of the Phocian, or Sacred, War. The immediate cause of it was this. The Phocians had converted to their use certain fields consecrated to the Delphian temple, for which they were arraigned for sacrilege before the Council of Amphictyons, and condemned to pay an exhorbitant fine, far exceeding their ability. In default of payment, the Thebans and Locrians, as their nearest neighbt)rs, were charged with inflicting vengeance on behalf of the ofi'ended divinity. The Phocians determined to de- fend themselves, and took forcible possession of the temple, employing its treasures for the purpose of raising and sup- porting an army. The consequences of this measure were pernicious to a degree altogether incalculable ; a beginning of the profanation of the sacred off'erings once made, the phocian leaders observed no limit, and soon began to regard 74 PHILIPPIC I. the temple as itself a. mine, from wliicli they might supply their extravagances without fear of ever being able to ex- haust it. According to Diodorus, more than ten thousand talents were put into circulation in the course of a few years. When we consider that this vast amount of precious metals was concentrated within a narrow space, we cannot be surprised at the sudden and terrible revolution which it caused in all the relations of society ; the rapid decline in the morals of the masses, the decay of religious feeling, the almost total extinction of patriotism, and in their stead the prevalence of personal passions, *bribery, and the love of pleasure, which prepared and led the way, at length to a transition from republican to monarchial government. By the means above stated, the Phocians were enabled to pro- long the contest, in which nearly all the Grecian states were by degrees incited to take part. On the side of the Thebans were the Locrians, Thessalians, Perrhaebians, Dolopians, Achseans, Phthiotans, Magnesians, and others ; whilst the Phocians were favored by the Athenians, by the Lacedge- monians, and several other Peloponnesian cities. The powers were about evenly balanced, and no very decided advantage had been gained by either side, when, in the third year of the war, the adversaries of Phocis were strengthened by the accession of a new ally. In the fourth year of the 106th Olympiad, B. C. 353, Philip was invited the second time by the Thessalians to aid in expelling ' Lycophron, the tyrant of Pherse, who, at the news of his approach, sent to implore the help of the Phocians. Ono- marchus, the commander of the latter, first sent his brother Phayllus with seven thousand men into Thessaly for that purpose ; but upon his defeat, he determined to march with all his forces to the relief of Lycophron. Philip was beaten in two engagements, and compelled to retreat into Mace- donia ; returning, however, not long after, with a more Numerous army, he routed the Phocians, killing their leader, and taking a large number of prisoners. Having thus be- INTRODUCTION. 75 come master of the whole of Thessaly, lie hastily settled its affairs, and began his march to the south with the design of entering Phocis by way of Thermopylae. The Athenians, receiving intimation of this movement promptly sent a fleet into the Malian Gulf, so that when Philip arrived at the^ pass, he found it strongly guarded. Thus finding himself foiled, he was forced to abandon his plan for the present, and returned into Macedonia. Previous to this expedition also, Philip had gained some important acquisitions to his dominion along the northern shores of the ^Egean. Not long after the capture of Am- phipolis, he besieged and took Potidsea, a colony of Athens ; then Methone, which succumbed only after a long siege, and which he treated with great severity, razing the city to the ground, selling the inhabitants as slaves, and dividing their lands among the Macedonians. Thence descending into Thessaly, as above stated, he got possession of Pherae, Pagasse, and Magnesia. He had committed also several bold aggressions upon the possessions of Athens in the iEgean ; such as plundering the islands of Lemnos and Imbros, seizing the fleet at Gersestos, on the coast of Euboea, and carrying ofi* the sacred trireme from Marathon. These expeditions usually were either made at seasons of the year when the Athenians Avere unable to sail towards the north, or were executed so promptly that the armaments, from the accustomed tardiness of preparation, arrived too late to prevent the injury. When Philip, therefore, at- tempted to lead his army through the pass of Thermopylae, little doubt could remain in the minds of the people of Athens about his ultimate intentions. What would he do, after finishing the Phocian war, but march his army into Attica and attack them on their own ground? They had all along despised Philip as an upstart, from whom little real danger was to be apprehended. But now they began to be serious- ly alarmed ; Philip's enterprises and probable intentions were often the topic of discussion in the public assembly ; the 76 P II I L I P P I C I . orators and demagogues were loud in their invectives against his desire of aggrandizement and crafty duplicity, but no effective measures were employed to check him in his vic- torious career. Libanius informs us, in his Argument to the First Philip- pic, that the Athenians had convened in public assembly, disheartened by their ill success in the war. Then De- mosthenes, who had but recently begun to take part in the public deliberations, rises for the purpose of combating this discouragement, and urging the necessity of more vigorous action than had hitherto been employed. He maintains that the present bad condition of public affairs, so far from jus- tifying despondency, offered the best ground of hope for the future, for the reason that they had not yet exerted themselves as their exigencies required. That they had been in positions of greater difficulty in their contests with the Lacedaemonians, and had extricated themselves by self- reliance and strenuous exertion ; likewise now, though Philip had become formidable by his numerous army, and had by his conquests surrounded his land by a strong hedge of fortifications, they might still hope, by proper attention to their duty, to retrieve their losses and punish his inso- lence. They should not stand in awe of him as of a god whose power was for ever secured to him ; he had grown great less by his own strength than by their negligence ; and since he was insatiable and continually grasping for more in all directions, their honor, as well as their safety, demanded that they should hold themselves ready to oppose him by all the means in their power. The orator proposes in the first place to raise a force of two thousand foot and five hundred horse, of whom at least one-fourth should be citizens ; that these, attended by a suitable convoy of ves- sels of war, should be sent to hover about the Macedonian coast, and constantly harass Philip in every possible manner. That they could find harbors and winter quarters in the neighboring islands, and thus be prepared at all seasons to I NOTES. 11 prevent his hostile cruises, or to render assistance where it should be necessary. Beside this, they should hold in readiness fifty vessels, and be resolved to embark in person at the first emergency. By such means only could they hope to put a stop to his ravages, and keep the war at a dista:iC3 from Attica ; otherwise, if they persisted in sittin"^ idle at home, amusing themselves with pomps and shows, without an organized plan of defence, they must ere long exp2ct to sustain an attack from Philip on their own terri- tory. The annual expense of this armament is estimated at ninty-two talents. The plan submitted by Demosthenes was carefully matured ; such a blockade of the Macedonian posts by a standing force, which should be on the watch for favorable opportunities of attack, and reinforced, in case of need, by a large fleet, was undoubtedly the surest means of keeping Philip within his own boundaries, and guarding the Athe- nians and their allies from his incursions. That his advice, however, was not followed, at least in the energetic manner recommended, may be inferred from the fact that the follow- ing years exhibit no material change in the position of Athens towards the king, as likewise from some passages contained in the Third Olynthiac, delivered in the fourth year of the 107th Olympiad, B. C. 349, about three years after the First Philippic. § 1 . El fi8v Tteoi y,aivov .... nQOvtiOBro, If it had leen proposed to deliberate upon some new subject, etc. Several days before the ordinary meeting of the Athenian assembly {'AVQiu (:y.y,hjaia), notice was given, by means of a card or programme, on what day the meeting would be held, and what business would be brought before it. The author of 8 78 PHILIPPIC I. the Rhetor. Lex. in Bekker's Anecd. I. p. 296, says that this notice was put up five days before the meeting. It con- sisted of a wooden board {aavlg) coated with plaster, upon which the necessary information was written. Ulpian ad Phil. I. 33, and Schoemann de Comitiis Atheniensium, p. 59. TlQOTidhai was also employed in a more special sense ; as loyov or yvco^ag TtQondtvai, said of the Proedri, when they proposed a subject for discussion [sententias dicendi potesialem facer e). Schoem. de Comit. Ath. p. 104. El lilv .... t7tiO)[cov av. In conditional sentences which relate to something past, ei with the imperfect, followed by av with the aorist, indicates a condition continued, or often repeated, upon which the latter, as a consequence, depends. Both, then, correspond to the Latin pluperfect subjunctive. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 508. b. The participle with av is often used instead of the finite verbal form. HEiiMANisr ad ViGER. de Idlotlsm. Gr. p. 336. In such case, however, the verb elvai is to be understood, as Herm. contends, pp. 770 and 776. Wole renders, exspcclassejn, dum plurimi eorwn, qui sohnt, sententias dixissent. Cf. Viger. p. 483. rmv eicodoTcov. Supply yvodiirjv aTiocpip'aadai or as Isocrat. Archidam. § 1, 'Eyco 8\ ei jxt'v rtg a).log joov eidiG^t'rcov tvvfiiv dyoQEveiv d^icog r^v jJ^g TtoXecog eiotfAcog, iiGvy^iav dv i^yov. De- mosthenes alludes to the old statesmen who usually took the lead in public deliberations, and whose injudicious counsels had brought the republic into danger. Cf. Olynth. III. § 27. According to a law instituted by Solon, those were first invited to speak who had passed their fiftieth year. This was done by the herald, Avho opened the discussion in the following form : 2^ig dyoQtvsiv ^ovX^tai tmv vtzsq ttsit/j- novta trrj feyovorcov ; After these, any citizen had the right to speak who was not politically disqualified. This law had, however, fallen very much into disuse, and it often hap- pened that young men, who had scarcely passed the period of youth, but possessing unusual talents and confident loquacity, ascended the speaker's tribune. Sciioem. de NOTES. 79 Comit. Ath. p. 105. Much deference was, however, still paid to the senior orators. Cf. Schol. ad Phil. I. p. 42, Keiske's ed. For this reason Demosthenes deems it fitting to apologfze for rising first, which he does in a manner well calculated to find favor with his audience, and conciliate their attention for what he has to propose. un:ocf(die60(U yvojfitjr, to manifest one's opinion, to set forth in li'ords. vmQ (nv. An abbreviated expression for vnln Tovttov vmq cor. Bekker has retained the vulg, moi, but the former is found in the Codex Z and several of the best manuscripts. The distinction between mcj and vmn had begun to be much neglected in the time of Demosthenes, who himself did not always observe it. For example, Or at. de Corona^ § 17, y.ai [idhad' oaa vti^q xiig eiQf'iVr^g, Olynth. II. § 1, or in Mid. § 24, rovg yao vmoTOvtcav loyovg, x. r. ).. vvri is more definite than vvv, which is joined not only with the present, but also with the preterite and future. ViGER. p. 425. j'l'n signifies the immediate present. F. A. Wolf, ad Lept. p. 242. ovTOi, the other orators. y,ui TtQooTog draaxag. Kai in the sense of although, as in Orat. de Corona, § 41, y.ai tovtcov, ohwohl, although, Boeckh. — 'Avaaxag : the most frequent expressions applied to those who rose to speak were, dvlaracdai, TtOQiivai km to §r^ua, dra^aireiv sig ro 7t)J^0og ; the orators were sometimes called simply oi TtaQioiteg. Schoem. de Com. Ath. p. 106. Cf. Orat. de Cor. § 171. Wolf renders, arhitror me, tametsi primus surrexerim, jure tamen veniam impetraturum. Schaefer (Apparat. crit. ad Dem.) prefers to omit av, because the orator does not speak here hypothetically, but confidently. But dv lends modesty to his confidence, and should therefore be retained. ty. rov TtaosXr^lvdoTog yoovov, inde a tempore superiore et per ilhid. RuEDiGER. Phil. III. § 5, to x^iqixszov ev tolg tzoqS' hjlvdoai. Some regard the expression as adverbial, like &0 PHILIPPIC I. tlie phrases Ix vvxrog instead of tvjv/.Ti; tx Ttalaiov, olim ; t'A rov TtaoayQTJfAa, etc. Viger. p. 598. The phrase occurs again below. The preposition t'A has the double sense of since, and of continuing within a space of time. Cf. Bern- hardt Gr. Syntax, p. 226. § 2. ovd\ ne quidem. Viger. p. 466. Cf. Ohjnth. I. §11, oj55' eI 6vv&'^r]. "0 yaQ .... ^tlnorov vnaQiEi. The sense is. The worst cir- cumstance in our past experience affords the best ground of hope for the future ; that is, the correction of our errors will be the surest guide to better fortunes. Similarly Lord Bacon, Nov. Organ. I. Aph. 94 ; " Sequitur ratio omnium maxima ad faciendam spem, nempe ex erroribus temporis prseteriti et viarum adhuc tentatarum. Sed cum rerum vestrarum status non a vi ipsa rerum sed ab erroribus ves- tris male se habeat ; sperandum est, illis erroribus missis aut correctis, magnam rerum in melius mutationem fieri posse," Also LuccHESiNi {An?iotationes Historic^, Romae, 1712), praising our orator's delicate skill in combining encouragement with censure, remarks that nothing so much arouses those who are embarrassed and discouraged as to show that they have fallen into misfortune by their own fault, and that the remedy lies in their own power. How much cause the Athenians had for alarm is described below, § 4. The pronoun avrav is to be referred to- TtQay^aaiv. on ovdh, X. T. X., is the answer to the question. Concerning the force of the oratorical question and answer, see Cic. de Or at. III. 54. 207. Construe in this order : oxi xk niidy- \i(txii 'Aunmg f/£/, oj uvdQsg ^^Orivalot, v^cov Ttoiovvxcov ovdsv xojv deovxcov. The part, noiovvrmv denotes the cause and may be rendered : on account of your doing nothing, &c. ^Ettsi xoi, nam profecto, denn wahrhaftig. Viger. p. 785. TtQaXXOJ'XCOV, SC. VflWV. § 3. "EnEixa corresponds to TtQwxov fiev. ivdvfiTjxt'ov, SC. vfiiv. The verbal joined with the dative of the person. Maith. Gr. § 447, Obs. 4. Voemel : NOTES. 81 *' Deinde considerare vos oportet et jimiores, qui ab aliis audivistis, et seniores, qui ipsi nostis in memoriam revocaii- tes." 8^ av yoovog ov Ttolvg, sc. taxi. Es ist noch nicht lange her. Franz. Isoc. Ttnog (InliTtTtov, p. 338, ed Auger, ovToi [ot ^uxe8(a^im>io(^ fih yaQ UQ/ovrsg rcav 'Elhji'cov, o v 7t olv g yoovog 1 1 o y, xa/ y>ara yr^v y.ai Kara ddlaxrav eig T06avT};i> fi8Tc^3o)J^v 7]).dov. Plat. Rep. V,, ov Ttolvg yoovog t^ ov. Thuc. I. 6. The substantive verb is everywhere omitted, and these expressions assume the force of adverbial phrases. In this passage, render, not long ago. ojg y.a/.(og xai Ttooarf/iovtcog, k. r. ).,, " quam prseclare et de- core nihil urbe indignum admiseritis, sed pro defensione juris bellum contra illos sustinueritis.'' H. Wolf. The Lacedaemonians reached the height of their power about the first year of the 100th Olympiad, B. C. 376, when, at the close of the successful war with the Olynthians, they became the masters of all Greece. Winiewski, p. 23. From this time, however, their fortunes began to decline, through the alienation produced by their odious exercise of power upon their allies. During the whole time of their supremacy, indeed, their conduct had been marked by over- bearing insolence and insatiable ambition (qpi'cret qxlagyovvrsg nai 7to).efiiy.oi tcdg aiQEGsaiv ovtEg, Diod. Sic), which had several times excited to resistance and open war. In these conflicts, as well as in the Boeotian war, which arose in the third year of the 100th Olympiad, B. C. 378, in conse- quence of the unjust seizure of the citadel of Thebes by the Lacedaemonians, and their barbarities towards the Boeo- tian cities, the Athenians had borne an important part, and inflicted many heavy losses upon them. This was particu- larly the case at the battle of Naxos (4th year of the 100th Olymp.), in which the Spartans were totally routed, and their naval power annihilated, by the Athenians under Chabrias. See Jacobs, Anm. p. 146. In the peace which was effected not long after, through the mediation of the 8* 82 PHILIPPIC I. king of Persia, the Grecian cities recovered their indepen- dence. Xen. Hellen. VI. 3. 18. Winiewski, p. 25. Demosthenes could therefore maintain with truth that Athens had taken a stand against the encroachments of Lacedaemon from a love of justice and a disinterested care for the liberties of Greece. Cf. Phil. III. § 24. Th^se events had probably occurred within the memory of many of his hearers. iV ddr^XE . . . .YM OmaricdE, in order that you may know and see, as it were with your eyes, Demosthenes is very fond of coupling together synonymes of this sort, by a species of rhetorical amplification, particularly words con- veying the notion of knowing, considering, judging, and in general such words as signify an operation of the mind. Olynth. II. 6, dacoQcov Ttal ay^OTtav. Olynth. I. 14, ha yvats . . . . xal atadr]ads. Or.de Cherson. § 18, L^(/ OQare xcct ).oyi(^Ea6e, x. r. X. Cf. Schaefek, App. crit. ad Dem. p. 321. ovt\ av ohycoQrits, x. t. I. Nor, if you neglect it, will anything turn out as you wish. The optative ^ovXoiads, in- stead of the subjunctive fiovlrjads of Bek., vulg. ^ovleads VoEMEL, in his first ed., 1829, ^ovXriGde ; but recently, Paris ed., 1843, he has adopted the optative. TtaQCideiy^aai xqwiievoi. Isoc. in Archidam. p. 38, ed. Au- ger, TtoXloig av rig TtaQadaiyfiaai yQi]aaizo. zovrov, i. e. Philip. Sau ppe proposes v^nst z/} tovtov. ^v tXQrjv. The full form would be tovtojv cov qjQOvxiUiV eyoTiV. — €X denotes the cause, and is thus rendered by H. Wolf : quia nihil eorum, quce curanda erant, curavimus. § 4. 7t)S]0og rtig .... dwdfiecog. At the battle with Ono- marchus, in Thessaly, the year before this oration was de- livered, Philip commanded more than 20,000 foot, and 3,000 Thessalian horse beside his fleet. Voemel. Pydna, situated in the eastern part of Macedonia, near the coast of the Sinus Thermaicus, was, in the time of the Peloponnesian war, under the sway of Macedonia. Thuc. NOTES. 83 I. 61. IlavoU.ing to the Athenians, it was again reduced to ob3dienc3 by Archelaus, king of Macedon, in the third year of the 92d Olympiad, B. C. 410. It was afterwards taken by Conon, or, as some say, Timotheos, the son of Conon, and remained in the hands of the Athenians till occupied by Philip, in the third year of the lOoth Olympiad, B. C. 358. LucciiEsixi, Annot. Hist. pp. 241-244. WiviEWSKr, p. 41, seqq. Potidsea was situated sixty stadia from Olynthus, on the isthmus of Pallene ; it was originally a colony of the Corin- thians, but in the Peloponnesian war it was a tributary of Athens. According to Plutarch it was reduced and taken by Philip the year in which Alexander the Great was born, in the first year of the 106th Olympiad, B. C. 356. Wi- NIEAVSKI, p. 43. Methone was conquered some time after the cities just mentioned, viz. in the fourth year of the 106th Olympiad, B. C. 353. It lay at the extreme end of the Bay of Th^rmes, on the borders of Macedonia, and stood in alliance with Athens, It was during this siege, which lasted about a year, that Philip lost an eye, struck by an arrow from the beleaguered city. Diod. Sic. XVK 34. Lucchesixi, p. 245. WixiEAvsKT, p. 47. oIasiov, when used in connection with eye(V expresses an intimate relation existing between the parties in question. ■Avxlo) to be joined with tottop : and that ichole reaion around. 7to)jM rav .... t^rcor, viz. the Thessalians, Illyrians, Poeo- nians, and other nations of Macedonia' and Thrace. Cf. Olynth. I. 23. ^Bt tAcii'ov vvv ovrcov. Elvai ^srd nvog, a partihus oJicii- jus stare, facer^cum aliqiio domi heUique. Sauppe. Mit einem und seiner Partei sein. Bernh. Gr. Synt. p. 254. 'y.cirq). The attic prose- writers carefully avoided the Ionic form of this pronoun, 'AeTrog, and wrote either ly.eTvog or 'x8(vog. See Schneider ad Flat. Civ. I. p. 154. Din- DOEr, Pref. ad Dem. p. iii. 84 PHILIPPIC I. § 5. IrtitEi'iiaiiara rijg avrov ^mQag. Die Bollioerke seines Landcs. Jacobs. The expression rJjg avrov x^Qag is equivalent to tTti Xfjv avrov ^coQav. Strongholds from which they might make inroads into Macedonia. A similar instance of this objective species of genitive is found in Demosth. ■Oral, jrro Lib. Rhod., rJjg d' avrJjg dg^^g tmreiyiOfjia TtQog ro fi)](^\)tiovv Ttaoamveiv, sed sui regni velut arcem esse, ne quid novi ea moliatur. Wolf. Also Or. de Cor. § 71 ; de Cher son. § 66, xaraa'Asva^ovrog vfxiv LmTEi^iciia rrjv Ev^oiav ; and cf. Harpocrat. s. v. SQr^iiov orra (sc. iVthnnov). These accusatives are to be joined with nolennv, ad)M .... >i£i^i£v' tv jUf'dw. A metaphor taken from the palaestra, where the prizes to be contended for were exhibit- ed. So Herod. VIII. 26, o ri ro aedlov eirj ocfi -/.uiievov, TtEQi orov dy(x}vit,ovrai. Xen. Cyr. II. 3, ra rcov r]rT03^£vayf dyadu Ttdvrct roXg vr/Maiv dst ddla Ttrjoxehai. This may have given rise to our proverb, To the victor belong the spoils of the vanquished. qjvaai 8' vTtdoyu. Wolf : et naturam itaferre, ut opibus absentium prcesentis et qui laborare periclitarique velintpos- sessionibus negligentium potiantur. §6. Kai ydq rot. Etenim sane, etenim prof ecto. Viger. p. 531. T« ^Iv . . . . r« §£, SC. iwQia. ^QoaejEiv rov vovv. This expression sometimes, as in this instance, signifies, to take sides with one, to espouse one's cause. Olynth. II. § 13, Ein^Q rig vfiiv TtQOOi^ei rov vovv. Thug. II. 11, uses this verb with rrjv yvc6fi7]v. Sometimes it is found with neither. Phil. III. § 20. Jacobs : denn jedermann neigt sich zum Bunde mit dem hin, der inmer bereit und geriistet ist, das ivas geschehen muss, zu thun. A similar sentiment is found in Xen. Laced. Repub. IX. 2, HUi yao (JVfi^a/Etv nag ndvrzg rorg dyadolg ^ovXovrai. § 7. \7ti r7jg roiavrrjg ysvt'adca yvco^rjg, to embrace such an opinion. Quoted by Viger. p. 228, in ea opinione versari. ^ NOTES. 85 tTCSi^riicO docs not differ in use from tTtcirten, and is said of somathing certain and undeniable. ov del xu! dvpair av, where he ought and can make him- self useful to the city. An unusual connection of an imper- sonal with a personal verb. It is true that the active voice was sometimes used personally, especially by later writers, but always in the sense of to want, to lack. Dem. contr. Aristocr. § 136, oXiyov dtm }Jyeiv. Observe also the differ- ence in the mood, concerning which Bremi well observes : lllud in indicative, hoc in optativo, quoniam quod est ojjici- uni certuni est etjixum, ea autem qucB Jieri possujit incerta et vix constituenda, tujojreiav, evasion, tergiversation. Many persons, who lacked the will to serve their country, pretended they had not the means, and sought to shift their duties upon others. Schol. ed. Reiske, p. 44. TtodtrHv is employed in the general sense to act, but em- phatically, in opposition to the want of energy and public spirit which our orator so frequently castigates. He pro- ceeds to explain his meaning more particularly, viz. that the wealthy should hold themselves in readiness to contribute, and the able-bodied to enter the service. Eioq;^QHv yQi]^aTa, eiaq^'netv ei^' rov nole^ov, are political expressions, signifying the payment of an extraordinary tax on property to cover a deficit in the pullic treasury. The etacfoou was rarely levied except in cases of serious embar- rassment, either to raise money for the payment of soldiers, or to replace the sums spent in war which had been taken from the ordinary government fund, which was supplied from the regular revenue. The docfood was paid by every person without distinction, according to the assessment of his property. Boeckh, Staatshaushalt. d. Ath. I. 481, and XI. 4. F. A. Wolf, Proleg. ad Lept. p. 94. AVachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. II. p. 136. Schoem. de Comit. Ath. p. 290. ,6 8' tv i]h'/Aa, that is, GrnarevGi^io^, or fidyiiw^ i]hy.ici Not youth, as this word generally signifies, but the age during 86 PHILIPPIC I. \ wUicli the Athenians were liahle to military service, which reached from the twentieth to the sixtieth year. After this a man was said to be vTt8Q rov HazdXoyov, or t^co rtjg ipdyuag., past the military age. The citizens were enrolled in their eighteenth year, but for two years they served as a standing guard in the country, and were called Tt^oinoloi. Lessing, Lehen d. Sophocles. Voemel ad Olynth. III. 4. Cf. infra, § 21. ovvalorti 5' ajtlag, sc. EiTteTv, in short. Hesychius, cvv- To/ioas*. ScHAEF, I ut hreviter et simpliciter dicam. Vulg. eiTteTv, which Bekker retained in his first edition, 1816, but afterwards rejected as a gloss. Kruegeb, and Ruediger prefer to omit djzXiag. viicov avzcov .... yevbddai, to become your own masters, in- dependent. See Viger. p. 230. aviog jih' ovSep tAuatog .... TzhjCiov. The order of con- struction is, r/.aarog tXm^ojv avrog fxev 7ton]aHv ovdtv, rov 8s TelrjGiov Ttgd^eiv Tidvd' vtiIq avxov. The accusative 7zXj]aiov is used because the subject is changed. — vtzsq avxov : I prefer the reflexive pronoun instead of the vulg. avtov (retained by Bek. and Voem.), for Demosthenes is speaking of the thoughts of his dilatory hearers. This reading is also sup- ported by a similar passage in Phil. III. § 73, avrovg vtieq avTMV dvayy.cuov tdtlovrag nomv. y.ai rd vixh^o' avrcav xo^iieTods, you will both recover your oicn, viz. Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidtea, &c. rd y.ar£ooadv[ajin'i'a, i. e. the influence and power lost through neglect, dia Qadv^uag TtQasiji^'va vqi^ v^mv. Wolf. Cf. Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. Vol. I. Part II. p. 354. § 8. 7t87rt]yn'cu. 2d perf. act. inf. of Ttiiyvviii, used like a passive, ^^x, confirm. dddvara. Per prolepsin additum : ut cBterna sint. Franke, The sense is. For do not suppose that Philip's present power is secured to him for ever as to a. god ; on the contrary, he is hated, and dreaded, and envied, even by some of those (sc. allies) who appear now to be on the most friendly terms with him. NOTES. 87 oaa Ti^Q. The suffix 7t8Q, like our ever, serves to extend tlie idea indefinitely. The orator reasons from the general principals of human nature, that Philip's allies are actuated by the same feelings and passions as other men. Schaef. prefers to read o'larKJir, instead of noir. h'l is for hsoxi. TtuvTa xavra. The neuter is sometimes employed in ref- erence to persons ; in such cases, however, individuals are not so much considered as their general character and con- dition. Thus, Xex. (Econ. 6. 13, after mentioning several classes of artists, Tt/.TOvag, yah/Jug, -/,. r. P.., has ra a/la t« roiavra. Cf. Thuc. I. 18. Berxhardy, Gr. Syiit. p. 281. dno6TQoq:7^v. Harpocration explains by y.araqvy^v. Thuc. VIII. 75, dnoGTQOCfi^v oojxr^oiag. § 9. oi . . . . daeX'/eCag. Adverbs of degree, like those of place, govern the genitive. Cf. Dem. in Mid. § 17, ovd' tnavd'' farr] ri'^g v^oecog. Soph. (Ed. Tyr. 367, OQav, iv u y.ay.ov. Render, For you see, O men of Athens, to icliat an extent of insolence the nian has gone, etc. [XH-Eir tni rovrmv. The expression fitvsiv Im rtvog signifies, to be satisfied with something and to go no farther. In Or. de Cherson. § 47, ^huv tni Tijg airov means, to remain upon his own territory. Cf. Or. de Corona, § 307. \yoLF : sed minitatur et verba superba, ut aiunt, usurpat et non potest lis habendis, qucB subegit, contentus esse, sed semper pJura violitur, et circuu\undique nos cunctantes et desidentes irretit. TtooaTteni fuller ai, er greift immer weiter urn sich. Jacobs. nEQioror/fC^Tai. A metaphor drawn from the chase. The hunters, says Harpocrat., were accustomed to plant w^ood- en posts {atiyovg CToiyovg) around the haunts of wild beasts at the points of egress, to which they attached nets, so that if the animals escaped their weapons they might fall into the snare. § 10. Imiddv 11 yHTfiai; Lit. when what has happened 7 Haec verba ita explico : tTteiddf ytvrjtairi • ri 8l rovr taxiv; has duas enuntiationes in unam conglutinavit orator. Krue- GER affert Plat. Alcib. 1. 8, oxav ovv Ttegi xivog ^ovlevcoi'xui ; 88 , PHILIPPIC I. A^vp ds ri. . . .riy^icdca ; Reiske supplies eI iatj dvay-Ar^v, i. e. What are ice to think of those things which are now occurring [if not as matters of necessity'^ ? toTg bln'O^'fjoig. So also Dem. Or. de Chers. § 51, on eariv t'kEvdtQCp (ih dvOQcortoj fA.q'i6TTj dvdyxj] rj vmo rav yiyvofAt- vcav alayyvri .... dovlo) de Tthjyai xai 6 xov ocofiarog ar/.iono-;. eiTZt i^wi.. The rhetorical use of the singular instead of the plural originated in the Grecian peculiarity of contem- plating the multitude as a single person. The form is one of earnest exhortation, and greatly heightens the force of the question. See Bernhakdy, Gr. Synt. p. 419. Schol. p. 45, dt'ov £(7t8iv, aiTtars. TteQuovreg, viz. in the forum. avToJr. LoNGiN. de Siibl. c. 18, quoting this passage, has dXh'iXcov^ which is a gloss. The older editions have y^ard Tijv dyoodv after TtwOdi'sadai, which Bek. incloses in brackets. Cod. 2^ has these words in the margin. The idle curiosity which our orator here ridicules is mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, xvii. 21. " For all the Athenians and strangers which were there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing." yhoijco yaQ. yuQ is frequently used in questions, where there is nothing in the sense of therefore, igitur, denoting the reason, in the preceding or following words to which it may be referred. Hermann contends, (Aristoph. Nub. V. 192), that this is not necessary, for every question is of such a nature that it may admit of ydn in the same manner as the Romans used nam, quisnam, ubinam, or nam quis, nam ubi, etc. In every question this can be understood ; I am uncertain, or I wonder, or tell me ; by which" the cause or reason is indicated, and hence ydo or i7am properly follows in the question, Cf. Herm. 1. c. and Phil. III. G8. Maxedcjv drr^o. The Greeks regarded the Macedonians with great contempt, not only denying their claim to Grecian origin, but placing them in the lowest class of barbarians. Phil. 111. § 31 Lucchesini pertinently re- NOTES . 89 marks : " Magna huic sententise vis est atque ad excitandos animos potentissima ; simul enim ante oculis ponit, qui dudum fuerit Macedonum status, quique Atheniensiam. Macedones enim paucis ante annis, nempe anno I. 01. CIV. cum Philippus regni habenas moderandas suscepit, pavidi, victi, sordidati ; Athenienses imperio, dignitate, viribus florentes ; adeo ut quinque aut sex annorum intervallo tantam fortunoe commutationem nemo sibi persuadere potu- isset." dioixav. See Phil III. 27. § 11. iD.V (lodcVEi. Demosthenes relates in Olynth. III. § 4 (held in Olymp. 107, 4), that while Philip was on his expedition to Thrace, the news came to Athens that he had besieged Heraeum {'floaTov rsTyn^^), an Athenian castle. Whereupon the people, after much blustering and confusion, voted to send a large force to its relief ; but after a delay of several months, only ten empty vessels and five talents were despatched. For in the meantime a report had come that Philip was sick or dead, in consequence of which the Athenians, thinking that all danger was past, remanded the fleet. The orator, here, therefore, speaks of an event which had recently happened. Cf. Wixiewski, Com. Hist, et Chron. de Cor. p. 62, and Bkuckxer, K. Philip. 57. Voe- MEL, however, refers this passage to the sickness caused by the wound which Philip had received at the siege of Me- thone. Cf. supra ad § 4 ; also Jacobs, Anm. IX. p. 149. ri Ttudrj. A softened expression for ddirj, similar to the Latin: si quid humanitus acciderit, etc. Viger. p. 278. avTten oirco. Siquidefu sic ; that is, if you sliould pay so- little attention to public affairs. tnr^vhjai .... 7]um-'oav uutleiuv. In like manner, De:m. Olynth. III. § 28, says : " Let any one come forward and tell me in what other way Philip has become powerful ex- cept through ourselves." § 12. Kairoi y.ca rovro. Likewise Or. de Cor. § 123, where .DrssEx renders, etiani hoc dicam,afferam. Boeckii : 9 90 PHILIPPIC I. TJnd dock, aucli dieses nocli. This sentence is thus para- phrased by J. Held {Diss, ad Phil. 1. p. 27) : qiiamquam hoc quoqiie eventurum esse ponam ; si quid iUe paferetur et fortuna, qiice semper melius quam nos ipsi nobis co7isuHt, a nostris partihus et hoc effecerit., scitote, etc. Voemel makes rovro the object of the verb iGd\ but erroneously ; for De- mosthenes uses this word absolutely also in Or. in Mid. § 167, y,ai yciQ av rovto. Tu T/~i,' Tv/j]^\ instead of the simple ^ TVfi]. ifts.Q sc. tmn^kuxiu. rovT, i. e. the death of Philip. 7th]Giov fitv 6vT8g. The sense is : If you should he at hand, ready to act when every thing is thrown into confusion (viz. by Philip's death), you can manage as you please. av is evidently to be joined with dioixi^oaiods. rsraimyidvoig tTtiGrdneg. Tourreil: a portee et en etat de projiter des troubles que causeroit nne pareille revolution. dw]oT}]^tvo(.. Wolf and his followers interpreted this passage, Pendentes ab apparatibus et consilHs. The gram- marians understood the word dmQTmitvoi differently. Hesy- CHius, I. p. 450 : {.laxQCiv orxEg. Phayorinus, Lex. p. 236: dnt]fm]iiai ' to duGTaf-icu' y&viy.y GvrrdGGeTcu, is con- strued iL'ith the genitive. Thom. Magister : d7ioditGTaf.iai, who says the word properly applied to places separated by the sea. Finally, the Scholiast : y.eymQiGfitroi {xtov 'TtQctyiid- T03J'). It is used in this sense of remoteness by Dio:n'Ys. Hal., speaking of the sublimity of Demosthenes (ch. XXII.) : 'i]iiEi(; 01 TOGovrov dTtr^QrVf^troi ro)g y^QOvoig, We who are so distant in point of time [from the hearers of Demos- thenes]. The sense of this passage is : But as you are now situated, remote from affairs both in your preparations and counsels, you could not receive Amphipolis, even if circum- stances should place it within your reach. Amphipolis was a city of Macedonia, situated on the river Strymon, twenty-five stadia from its mouth, and near the boundary of Thrace. Its original name was 'Ervea odoiy NOTES. 91 Nine- Roads ; but Hagnon, who was sent thither with a body of Athenians in the time of Pericles, drove out the Edoni, who at that time possessed it, and gave it the name of Amphipolis («,af/"(', noh^)^ the reason of which, as related by Thucydides, IV. 102, was, that he had connected th*c two arms of the river Strymon, which surrounded the place on two sides, by a long wall, and thus completely vseparated the town from the adjoining country. The same historian relates, IV. 104, that, in the Peloponnesian war, he himself commanded a small fleet stationed at Thasos, an island half a day's sail from Amphipolis, at the time this city was at- tacked by the Lacedciemonians under Brasidas. "When the inhabitants in their distress, called upon him for assistance, he hastened thither with seven ships, but arrived too late to save them. This was the cause of his banishment by the Athenians, who ascribed the loss of the city to his neg- lect or cowardice. Cf. Goeller, Time. Vit. p. 6. At the conclusion of peace between Athens and Sparta, 01. 89. 3, B. C. 422, Amphipolis was ceded to the Athenians (Thuc. V. 18), from which time little is known concerning its his- tory till a short time before Philip's succession to the throne of Macedonia, when it was the object of much contention between that country and Athens. To the latter it was very important, on account of its large exportation of ship-; timber, and the very considerable revenue derived from it, as well as its strong position upon the river Strymon. Philip, not long after his accession to the throne, declared the city independent ; but in 01. 105. 3, B. C. 358, he laid violent siege to it, upon which the Amphipolitans sent an embassy to implore the aid of Athens. (Dem. OJynth. I. § 8.) Philip, however, wrote a letter to the Athenians full of deceptive flattery, promising to restore Amphipolis to them as soon as he had conquered it, by which they were induced to refuse -the required assistance, and the city fell into the hands of Philip, who then refused to fuitil his promise. Another circumstance tended greatly to heighten 92 PHILIPPIC I. the indignation of the Athenians ; they had engaged to give up Pydna in exchange for Amphipolis, but Philip had managed, by means of traitors, to get this city also into his power. The Athenians, finding themselves duped and de- frauded of their possessions, had no resource left but war, which from that time they carried on with various energy till the peace was concluded, 01. 108. 2, B. C. 347. Wini- EwsKi, Hist. Com. de Cor. p. 40 seq. Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. I. 2. 340. Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Aristoc. § il6. Am- phipolis is now called by the Turks, Emholi ; by the Greeks, Christopolis. Lucches. § 13. 'il^ fih\ x. r. X. The order is : '^g ^ih ovv del \_vfAdg'] aTtavzag VTzdox^iv tdtXorrag Ttoistv hoi(xcog rd 7tQQ6i]'Aovxa. The participle with vnaQX^iv is more forcible than the simple verb tOt'leiv, and indicates a condition of greater duration. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 95, and the examples collected by Dissen, p. 258. (6g. See Matth. Gr. Gr. § 568. 5. ijv .... otofjiai, which, I think, would deliver us from these difficulties. TO TtXHfiog [sc. Toaj' <5XC)i:txivo\ilv(iiV~\ oGov [^elvca d8?~\. nar di]. Often used by Attic writers for /^5//, directli/, im- mediately. Herm. ad ViGER. p. 829. Dem. Orat. de Pac. § 9, -/.(d drj 7tE()l cov TtaQuXj'iXvda tQca. Cf. Xen. Cyr. IV. 4. det/Jelg v^iav roaoviov. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 6. § 14. p) TtooTsnop. Vulg. x«< (A)], which is retained by Voemel. >ial is wanting in Cod. 2J. In direct negative opposition, the copula is often omitted, with great force. In this place, y.(d would decidedly weaken the prohibitive power of jf-f/y. xaivtjv 7raQa6y.ev}]v, a new mode of carrying on , the tear. LuccHESiNi : Nee si cui primo aspectu novam hellici appa- ratus for mam videar afferre., me rebus expediendis moram inducer e cestimatote. By dva^dXXeiv . . . ^id TtQay^ara, the orator means that his plan would not occasion any real delay in their operations, though, at first sight, it might appear so. Or. in Mid. § 84, ug xriv vareQaiav dva^aXtadai. I NOTES. 93 ra)[v y.ai rtjiEnnv. These are the words of those who ad- vise to march against the enemy at once, without providing means for sustaining the war. £4' ^t'oi\ to the purpose. In Orat. de Ord. Rep. § 4, we have 7tanara/.i6-AtTe £(1,' ovdev dtoi\ you spend in vain. ra y ;^6V/ '/eyerijfit'va, x. r. ).. The passage is forcibly ren- dered by Jacobs : Da wir das Geschehene durcli die gegen- wdrtige Hiilfe niclit mehr hindern konnen. § 15. dlV oV. The ellipsis is to be supplied thus : dX)* ovro^ liuhaxa e/V ^t'ov )Jyei o^', v.. r. I. '- t4' respicit varia beilici apparatus genera, equitum, peditum, navium ; tzogij singularum partium numerum. nodcv duifieivai dwijaercu spectat subsidia, quibus opus est ad alendas omnis generis copias.'' Bremi. TteiodtrxBg denotes ageement to a peace satisfactory to both parties. tov XoiJtov, in future. Herm:. ad Viger. 706. ravra refers to the ways and means of maintaining a per- manent force. Wolf : Me igitur hcec posse dicere arhitror. e/eir in the sense of posse. § 16. rQu'iQ^t^ TtEvzr/.OYTa. This must have appeared a very small number for a city possessing so large a naval power as Athens; for even in the time of our orator, it was able to furnish from three hundred to four hundred tri- remes. BoECKH, StaafshaushaU. der Afh. Vol. I. p. 279, and BoECKH, Seeicesen der Athener, p. 79. Cf. Or. de Class. § 20, cvAOvOBTca ds tQiay.oGiag avzovg r^fidg vvv naQaa- xevaafiivovg rQiTjQSig. He proposes, however, to equip but a moderate number, because experience had taught him that, in the manner such preparations were conducted at Athens (cf. infra, § 37), the equipment of a larger fleet would be attended with many delays, and the burden could not be long sustained. The chief point was to obtain a standing force which should be ready to act in case of emergency ; he therefore prudently proposes a plan which was at least 9* 94 PHILIPPIC I. feas"bl3, if not as magnificent as those which tae people wjre a -custoined to adopt. Cf. § 20. 6\-V" avrov:; . . . . f/c/z^ in the second p/ace, that you should he resolved to go on board yourselves, if it should he neces- sary. The construction oJrco Ta^ yvco^ag '^^uv is worthy of notice. The Attics used t^Biv with the adverls ottws", (og, aaXoJg, and the like, to express condition or disposition, joining it with the genitive ; as, ovxcog ^'/ca t/]s* J'^oo/^z/s, ejus sententim sum. Vig. Gr. Id. p. 248. Some critics regard rag yvco flag, Si Doric genitive, as the true reading, instead of rtjg yvc6}i}]g ; but it is more probable that Demosthenes wrote T7jg yvMfAtjg, and that the other is the correction of some copyist. avxoig. Demosthenes demands that Athenian citizens shall themselves arm and take the field against Philip ; for they had become averse to war, and therefore carried it on chiefly by means of mercenaries. IjIBa^t^s. Argum. Olynth. I. § 7 : a^iav avTOvg (jroarEvsadai icai fxtj dm ^t'vcov^ coaTtSQ £tcodc6av. Which custom, our orator repeatedly assures them, was ruinous to the public welfare, ravrag, sc. Tof7^o£(g. iTtTtayooyovg TQir^Qug., vessels for the transportation of cav- alry ; sometimes called iTtTtaycoya nXola or vi^^g iTtTtayooyoL. Cf. Tnuc. II. 56. — TtyoTa, vessels for carrying provisions and other necessaries. Schol. § 17. ^ar yaQ .... Ttanaort^aai, For we must impress this vpon his mind. Dem. de Cor. § l^rovro TtUQaaxi^aca xovg Otovg vfiTv, dii faciant ut animo teneatis. Dissen. Tlvlag., Thermopylse. After (oGTiSQ supply (oopi^aaxe, " On going through Trachin to Hellas," says Herodotus, VII. 176, " the road is but half a plethrum [fifty feet] wide, yet the narrowest place is not there, but just in front and at the back of Thermopylae, where there is room for only one carriage. A steep and inaccessible mountain rises on the west side in the direction of QEta, but on the east of the road are the sea and the marshes. There are warm s])rings in the pass, and near them an altar erected to Hercules. NOTES. 95 Across this entrance a wall had formerly been constructed with gates {nvha) by the t*hocians." Hence the name Qao^onvha (dsafial nvhn), i. e. Hot-Gates. This attempt on the part of Philip to enter the pass of Thermopylae, which the Athenians happily succeeded in preventing, took place about the end of 01. 106. 4, B. C. 353, only a few months before this oration was delivered. Winiewski, p. 51. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 32. The expedition sent to aid the Euboeans against the Thebans, who were compelled to evacuate the island, took place in 01. 105. 3, B. C. 358. It is often cited by Demosthenes, to show how much can be effected by decision and promptness. Orat. in Androt. §14; de Cor. § 99. ^(faaiv f/s' 'AKiufrtov. He speaks here of an event which happened before his birth. In 01. 96. 2, B. C. 395, the Athenians marched to assist the Thebans against the Lace- daemonians, who had invaded Boeotia, At the battle which took place at Haliartus, Lysander, the Lacedaemonian general, fell. Xe:s.' Hellen. III. 5, seq. Win. p. 21. In comparison with that expedition, the one to Thermopylae is represented as recent [notu^v). — Tural^vraui denotes merely the termination of a series of dates without reference to the present time. § 18. Oltoi Ttaitsla^, to be joined with evy.ararpoorr^TOV EOTiv. He refers to the preparation above recommended. The sense is, It is of no slight consequence, even if you should not do this, viz. march against him. iv indicates the effect this policy would produce upon Philip, who would be led to do one of two things, either of which would be advantageous to Athens ; for he would either keep quiet from fear, when he knew that the Athenians were prepared to meet him, or if, in contempt of so small a force, he should leave Macedonia unprotected, they would be able to take advantage of it. 01 ttwjt' t^ay-'t).).orr8^. There were many persons at Athens favoring the interests of Philip, and whom he had either won 96 PHILIPPIC I. by flattering attentions, or corrupted by presents. Among this number were Neoptolemus, Philocrates, Aristodemus, Phrynon, etc., through whom he received information of every thing that occurred there, and whose treachery was exposed at the conclusion of the peace in 01. 108. 2. Ttleiovg rov dtovxog^ hut too many. § 19. d^do^dai .... xal mtQEOXEvdadai. Perfecta h. I. ad ciinctationem toUendam et ad celeritatem urgendam, quippe quum necessitatem involvant, ut istdc probata et instructa sint. VoEMEL. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 3. IIqo ds rovrojv. Before the establishing of this regular army, which shall keep itself in readiness to repel Philip's attacks, Demosthenes advises them to send another force to harass Philip and to keep him employed in Macedonia. p/ fjioi, understand Xeyhco rig or Xt'^yg. [itj fioi, per ellip- sin, followed by an accusative, is not unusual. Lucchesini renders, by the indicative, Non mihi decern posco, non vig- inti mercenariorum militum. But the Greeks, particularly the Attic authors, joined p/ prohibitive with the imperat. pres. or subjunct. aorist. Herm. ad Viger. p. 809. Matth. Gr. 511. 2. Bernhardt, Gr. Synt. p. 353. Demosthenes administers a powerful rebuke to the Atheni- ans for abandoning the interests of the commonwealth to the hands of foreigners. tmarohfiaiovg .... dwd^sig. Epistolary troops. This is explained by the unknown lexicographer in Bekk. Ajiecd. p. 253, rdgt rlmGtoXarg yQaopouBvag iiovov dvvdfxerg, fQycp de ij Iv Ttoh'fiqi iiTj decoQOVfiE'vag. Cf. infra, § 30. The law which required each citizen to be enrolled, and, if called upon, to enter the public service, was no longer strictly observed. When there was a demand for soldiers to support their gen- erals or aid their allies, they voted to enlist a large number of mercenaries, and that, too, at a time when there was scarcely money enough in the treasury to defray the expenses of government. Boeckh, Staatsh. Vol. I. p. 291. These decrees were sent, with the announcement that the troops NOTES. 97 would soon follow ; but as no money was appropriated, little or nothing was effected. Or if, as was sometimes the case, they succeeded in raising troops on the credit of the state, they quartered them among their allies, who were oppressed and plundered by them without mercy. Cf. infra, §§43 and 45. Boeckh appears to have had this passao-e in view when he says : Zehntausend, zwanzigtausend Siild- ner pjiegten geschrieben zu steheii, aber es war eine papierne Mac/U, und ein leerer Volksheskluss zog mit einem Feldlierrn aus. Staatsh. I. 291. «/./,' // T/]s' 7i6keo3^ tarca. No little difference of opinion exists among commentators in regard to the meaning of these words. The opinion of Reiske and his followers, that an army composed of citizens [dviuiii^; 7to).izrA() is meant, does not agree with our orator's words below (§ 21), where he proposes that three fourths of the troops shall be mercenaries. A similar view was taken by Lucchesixi : copias domeHica-' reipuhliccB e civibus conjiatas ; and Tour- EEiL : Je veux des troupes composees de citoyens. Sauppe changes ?[ into //, but dlV r^, nisi, is recognized as the cor- rect reading by Herm. ad Viger. p. 812. These particles answer to the English but, except, as will appear from the following example : taxi d' ovdh all' i] loyoi xu TtuQ Ifwv, Or at. de Cherson. § 73. Besides this, I have marked 'a passage in Loxgus. Lib. III., ovx tomv rvj^elp dlV i] xov Haduv, t4* Icxiv 6 Xavddrcov fiadi^tj^g, not desiring to catch her (sc. the echo) except for the purpose of discovering icho was the concealed pupil. Also Xex. Anab. VII. § 53, and Id. Hellen. I. 7. 15. These particles are used only after a negative, which we have here in jujj . . . . /(al oTtcog {AT]. Before oTtcog understand oQazE or axETtrtov. Herm. ad ViGER. p. 435. Cf. Or. de Class. § 7. Ttdvr .... Tov dt'ovrog, denn immer scheint euch Nichts gross genug. Jacobs. tnl ro) TtQartEiv .... TtomrE. 'Em cum dat. significat : aliquid juxta fieri aut esse. Si res eo devenerit ut earn per- ficiatis, nihil agilis. Ruediger. You adopt the grandest projects in your decrees, hut when it comes to action, i. e. NOTES. 99 carrying them out in practice, even little things you do not accomplish. Professor Boeckh defines the difference between nodxtsiv and rtoicTv to be the same as between the German wirken and niachcn ; the former indicating action in general, whilst the latter is more employed in indi- vidual cases. § 21. yit]03 d/j, I say, then, etc. The orator resumes, but instead of continuing on the subject of hired troops, as the commencement led. his hearers to expect, he artfully passes to a general description of the army. atoajtcoras, the infantry, as distinguished from the cavalry. t^ i]^. The order is, t^ t]g rivog tjh/Ja^ av v^ilv doy.Q x«/.cos,' ^/^t^•. Cf. Olynth. III. § 4, y.a} raiv /*f/!?t tthts y.al reaaciQUxorra txav avxovg t^paiicir. We have already ob- served (ad § 7), that the youth were enrolled on the military list at the age of eighteen, and for two years acted as a guard to the territory of Attica. On reaching the age of twenty, they were registered among the citizens of their respective dJ^iiot, and publicly, in the temple of Agraulos, took a solemn oath to obey and support the laws, and to serve their country faithfully, whether in the capacity of a soldier or that of a citizen. Pollux, Onom. YIII. 9. Wachsmuth, Gr. Ant. I. 252. The whole disposable military power of Athens was accordingly divided into forty-two enrolments or classes (j^/.fx/«f% each of which was named after the Archon under whom it was registered. Whenever an expedition was resolved upon, the assembly determined the number and class of those to be sent. Athens had originally no soldiers except its own citizens. By the laws of Solon, every man was obliged to be regis- tered in the lists, from which a selection was made when a campaign was decreed. Lucchesixi. No distinction of classes was made ; the rich and poor, the noble and common man, stood upon a level in this respect. Even the philoso- phers, " gravissimum quietumque mortalium genus " (Luc), donned the cuirass and helmet, and went forth to meet the 100 PHILIPPIC I. enemies of their country. Plato boasts of the prowess of his master Socrates {Apol. Soc), and his own military exploits have their historian and panegyrist. (Ml. Var. VII.) ^^schylus and Sophocles were both soldiers, the latter as- sociated in command with Pericles. (Lessing, Leb. Soph.) F'urther, they were obliged to serve without compensation ; and a refusal to do military duty was attended with exclu- sion from civil rights. Pericles, however, considering it a hard thing for poor men to be withdrawn so long from their own affairs, without remuneration, introduced a law for allowing pay to the citizens while on duty. Ulpian. But the strictness of ancient discipline had relaxed ; the Athe- nians of Demosthenes's time were an enervated and pleasure- loving people, shrinking from the fatigues of war, and de- manding to be amused at the expense of their highest and dearest interests. He employs his eloquence, therefore, to rouse them from this morbid indifference to the public wel- fare, and to restore, if possible, their former military spirit and usages. See Heeren, Fol. Hist. Anc. Greece, p. 211. £X diudo)[7^g dXh]loig, ut alii aliis succedant. Augek. The dative is often joined with substantives which are derived from, or related to, verbs governing the dative ; diudtjeadai is of this class. See Matth. Gr. Gr. § 389. Xen. Cyr. I. 4, /} diado)[/] r(i Ttfjoadev q)vXayJi (QiExai ty. tzoIew^. Khue- ger ad Xen. Anah. I. 4. 2. ^trovg. " On tratoit d'etranger dans la milice Athenienne tout homme ne hors de Tenciente d'Athenes. On distin- guait encore I'etranger d'avec le mercenaire. Le premier nom se donnait aux soldats que la republique empruntait de ses alliecs, le second aux soldats que Ion achetoit. La plupart de ceux-ci venoient de Crete abondante en excellens tireurs d'arc." Tourreil. That this distinction was fre- quently neglected, see Wachsmuth, Gr. Anliq. 1. 2. 310. cjaitEo, instead of oi'7i£() ; Cf. Or. de Cherson., i^-ajj top avxov ZQOTtov ovTTeg kjt' 'Sifjeov ; and Olyntli. I. 15. § 22. Ehv. Well, so far good ; a word often used by the Greeks in passing to another subject. NOTL'S^. 101 Taycia^ rnn/jsi^', light-rigged vessels of war, used for purposL's of escort. The Scholiast quoted by Ruediger to Tiiuc. VIII. 43, explains, za/ciat T'^u^oeig Tznog rt^v ravfAU- yjay lmTi\^£(oi. ly.eiioL', i. e. Philip. TDii' 1)0)1' is preferred by Scha.efeii to the accent rn/roco;^. So Sophocles, Gr. § 47. dG(ja).oJ,\ The two thousand whom Demosthenes pro- poses to send to harass Macedonia are intended to fight on huid. Ten armed vessels are added to afford them protec- tion on their passage. Ttjhy.avT}ji', and infr. ro6avri]i\ are used in a diminutive sense ; for icliat reason I think so small a force is sufficient. dno'/ht^v is the legitimate infinitive of drto/ndoj, which was originally a personal verb. The form dnoyoJ^vui is in use by good authf B Bre-MI. Attic form d7toyQi]v^ Ion. dTtoynrp F. A. Wolf rejects the i subscript. Lit. Analect. 11. 426, Yid. Bekk. Anec. p. 81. So the most learned editors of the present time, following the authority of ancient inscrip- tions. Cf. Boeckh, Co?y. Inscrip'p. GrcRC. 2569, 2919. § 23. TofJuvTiiV, sc. 'd7zoyo7^}> oinai, has copias sufficere puto. Auger. en, instead of ereari. 7taQia(iio^itvr^}\ fut. mid. instead of pass. Matth. Gr. § 496. The meaning is, an organized force ichich can he opposed to Philip in open battle. hjaievcn', to carry on war as freehooters. T)]}' TtocoD^v, at first. Cf. Berxhardy, Gr. Synt. p. 18.5. vTtt'noyy.or, Hesych. vttwhetoov, said of something enor- mous or immoderate. This proposition of Demosthenes, to send a predatory force into Macedonia, was not approved of. Boeckh, Staatsth. der Ath. Vol. I. p. 304. Ttoorenor jiox ....Iv KoniiOqi.- The circumstances here alluded to occurred in 01. 96. 2, B. C. 395, in the so-called Corinthian war. Wixiewski, p. 22. Jacobs, An7n. By Schneider ad Xex. Hellen. IV. 4, Voemel, and Luc- 10 lOi PHILIPPIC I. CHESiNi, fhey are assigned to 01. 96. 3. During the ab- sence of Agcsilaus in Asia, a confederacy was formed against the Lacediemonians by the Thebans, Corinthians, Athenians, Locrians, and othei^e, who chose Corinth as their head- quarters, ovr/jdfjiov y.oirov tojp Gi'iA^iaj^cop. Diod. Sic. XIV. 86. Cf. supr. § 17. ^£iTA0V. Harpocration says that Conon first commanded the Athenians at Corinth. He was succeeded by Iphicrates and Chabrias. Mention is made of Poly stratus in Ot\ adv. Lept. § 84. Iphicrates is ranked by historians among the first of the Grecian generals. Diodorus, Xenophon, and Corn. Nepos celebrate his exploits, and our orator, in the oration against Aristocrates, expatiates at length upon his talents and success. He was a man of low origin, and might truly be called the artificer of his own fortune. He was the son of a shoemaker, and won his way, by his energy and skill in military affairs, to the rank of commander. In this capacity he w^as enabled to render some material services to Cotis, king of Thrace, whose friendship he gained to such a degree that Cotis gave him his daughter in marriage and loaded him with presents and honors. He was not less es- teemed by the Athenians, who erected a brazen statue to his honor, granted him the freedom of the table in the Pry- taneum, and many other distinguished privileges and favors. Chabrias, the successor of Iphicrates in the command of the Athenian army at Corinth, acquired also great fame and honor by his achievements. He lost his life in the beginning of the Social War, while making an attack on the island of Chios, 01. 105. 3, B. C. 358. Wi^^tewski, p. 35. His body was conveyed to Athens and. deposited in a magnifi- cent tomb, w^hich -was still to be seen in the time of Pausa- nius. LuccHESiNi, p. 265. Cf. Wachsmuth, Gr. Aniiq. Vol. I. 2. p. 311. TouRREiL arZ /i. Z. alXni rirt'g, i. e. Callias, Strabax, Philicrates. Voem. § 24. 7'7^ Of. Since, like the Lat. ex quo. Of d' IiOqo), X. T. 1. Demosthenes frequently alludes to the NOTES. 103 rapid growth of Philip's power. Allusion is no doubt also made to Thebes (of. Or. de Pac. § 20 seq.), Chios, Rhodes, Byzantium, and other places. ^ei^ovg Tov dtovrog, stronger than is expedient. TtuQaxvWarz' . The verb mway.vTzreiv here signifies, to give a passing glance at, to treat slightly or negligently. TTQog 'yiijxd^atov. In 01. 106. 1, B. C. 356, Chares was sent by the Athenians, with a large fleet, to reduce the rebellious Byzantians, Rhodians, and Chians to submission. It happened that, at the same time, Artabazus, a satrap of Persia, had revolted from the king: and being hard pressed, he offered large sums to Chares if he would come to his assistance. Chares, who saw here an opportunity of gaining money to pay his troops, forsook the business for which he had been sent, and proceeded to the aid of Artabazus, whom he thus freed from his difficulties, and from whom he re- ceived a large reward for his services. This action of Chares was at first approved by the Athenians, but afterwards, when they perceived the evil consequences likely to ensue, they construed it into an atrocious crime. For the incensed Persian monarch threatened to send three hundred armed vessels to assist the revolted islanders asrainst Athens (DroD Sic), which, terrified by the menace, immediately brought the war to a close, thus losing possession of Byzan- tium, Cos, Rhodes, and Chios. Jacobs ad Or.de Pac. § 25. WixiEWSKi, p. 35. Demosthenes, however, palliates the conduct of Chares, (cf. Or. de Fal. Legat. § 332), and throws the blame upon the soldiery, who were unmanage- able because they were not paid. Tiavra-^oi fAallov o'lyerca TtXtopru, any where else rather (than remain in your service). Photius explains navxayoX : ug Ttdita TOTtov. or/^rca with a participle is very frequent with Demosthenes. Or. de Cor. § 40, (oyzxo ty.m'ovg la^on', er gcht indem er sie wegreisst. Boeckh, Lect. id. § 65. Cf. also Herod. IV. 145, or/Etai nlbcov. axQUtr^yog d/.olovdei. The unbridled license of an unpaid J04 PHILIPPIC I. soldiery is tliiis forcibly described by Lucctiestni : " Nihil ferocius, nihil indomitiim magis exercitu stipendiis fraudato. E,esj)uit disciplinam, imperiuni non audit, omiiiaque sibi licere putat." And Schaefeb, not inaptly quotes the excel- lent lines of Lucan ; " Nulla fides pietasque viris, qui castra sequuntur, Venalesque manus : ibi fas, ubi maxima merces." Cf. Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. I. 2. p. 311. To put the mutinous character of these troops in a still stronger light, Demosthenes artfully makes it appear as if they led on, and Chares was obliged to follow. § 25. rag TTQoqjdaeig, subterfuges which they urged in excuse for their conduct. Cf. 01 y nth. II. § 27. dcpslEiV, sc. v^(2g. tnontag, lit. inspectors^ overseers., and in this way it is generally rendered. But the idea that Demosthenes ad- vised the Athenians to make soldiers the inspectors of their generals is so absurd, that we must suppose he used the word in a very modified sense, very probably in that of spectators, icitnesses, as infr. § 47, fidn%voag zcov (jroairiyov- l-ibi'cov. The generals were accountable for their conduct, but as they commanded mercenaries only, they could make any report they chose without fear of contradiction. This afforded the widest field for peculation and falsehood. The remedy is to send a portion of the citizens with them, not in the capacity of the Lacedemonian ephori, to influence their movements, but simply as observers of their opera- tions. Tcov GTnar7]yovfi8P(ov, eorum, qjice ah imperatore agantur. Sauppe. y^lmg = ysloTov, like clmyAtj for drayxaJor. , (JfiliTtTtrp TtohjiovfiEv. Jacobs is of the opinion that these words are to be regarded as ironical, as neither the INIace- donians nor the Athenians had yet committed any over tacts of warfare. It was not Philip's policy to make an open NOTES. 105 declaration of war, and if that is to be regarded as the test, no war existed even when he offered to conclude a peace. In a question of this kind, facts are better than opinions. An indirect war had existed ever since the taking of Amphipo- lis. (WixiEWSKi, p. 40.) The history of the years im- mediately j^receding this oration is marked by a continued series of hostile aggressions by Philip on the possessions of Athens. In the preceding year, 01. 106. 4, B. C. 353, he had devastated the islands of Lcmnos and Inibros, and carried off Athenian citizens into slavery. Soon after, he had seized the fleet lying at Gerasstum, and the sacred tri- reme at Marathon. (Cf. infr. § 34.) He had taken Me- thone, which the Athenian fleet arrived too late to assist (§ 35) ; but a few months previous, he had beseiged the Athenian fortress of Herseum in Thrace. [Oly?iih. III. 4.) To these and many other places the Athenians rendered but a, weak and tardy assistance. § 26. ty/(Qoro}'cire. The imperfect tense, when it denotes an action often repeated, may have the sense of the present. . It may be so rendered : Are you not accustomed to elect, etc. Vid. Matth. Gr. § 503. These military oflicers being chosen annually, those then in office had been recently elected. The manner of electing was by raising the hand. ScHOEM. de Com. Ath. pp. 251 and 313. The Athenians had two methods of voting ; one by raising the hand (x^iQO- rordv), and the other by depositing black and white stones in a vase (wiiqueodai). The former was employed in the election of magistrates, military and civil, since in them personal qualifications were requisite ; the latter, in deciding weighty questions of peace and war, the equipment of ves- sels and armies, and the like. aroartiyovg. These were ten in number, and chosen an- nually. In former times, the usage had been that they all should go to war together, each taking the command in turn for one day (Herodot. VI. 110) ; but in the age here treated of, they went singly or by twos and threes, one into 10* 103 PHILIPPIC I. one province and one into another, one commanding the naval, another the land forces as occasion required. These ten generals, who were elected in time of peace as well as in war, one from each of the tribes, formed a college of magis- trates, whose jurisdiction extended over all matters relating to military and naval affairs ; it has been compared, and not without reason, to a ministry of war in modern states. It appears probable that each had his particular department in the administration ; at least, the titles of three of the regu- lar strategi are known to us : 6 txci tmv otz/mv or onhxwr, 6 tm tool' mmmr^ and 6 Im ri^g dioiy.i^G^mg. Their duties had become fextremely numerous and burdensome, for a particu- lar enumeration of which, see Meier and Schoemann's Attischer Process, p. 106 seq. For any of them to take command of a warlike expedition, it was necessary that he should be specially elected by the assembly of the people (cf. § 19), and instances are related in which foreigners were appointed to the post of actual commander (cf. infr. note to § 27 ; ^LiAN. Var. Hist. XIV. 5). rahdoyovg. The taxiarchs were next in dignity to the commanders. They also were elected annually, one from each tribe. They aided the commander in levying troops, each in his own tribe, and in war each commanded the infan- try of his tribe. " Horum munus ; ordines militares instru- ere, pedites in aciem ducere, itinera, et commeatus indicere." LuccHESiNi. TouRREiL defines their office in the army as similar to that of a colonel in our times. — The jihyJarchs also were ten in number, and elected in the same manner. Their duties in the cavalry were the same' as those of the taxiarchs \i\ the infantry (Schoem. p. 315); they stood next in command to the two hipparchs, who commanded the cavalry of all the tribes, subordinate to the general. In the wretched system which now prevailed of carrying on war by means of foreigners, these had nothing to do but to figure in the processions at home, the mercenaries being led by their own officers. NOTES. - 107 rug Ttof^inag mimovaiv vjiTr, marshal processions for you. The Attics used the verb muTtHV with yjwovg, toordg^Ttonndg^ ill the sense of ayeiv. Meixeke, Menand. p. 1G6. ^ E([ui- tiim Atticorum non minus erat dies fcstos deorum pomparum splciidure cxornare, quam contra hostes j^ugnare." C. F. Herm., de Equit. Alt. p. 19. honitoiodv. The honrtoioi presided over the ceremonios of the sacrifice. These magistrates, ten in number, were chosen by lot {do/orrsg' yjj^ncotoi). They had the care of the chief religious festivals at Athens, and ranked among the highest functionaries in dignity and importance. Beside these, there was another class of isoOTtoioi', mentioned by our orator. Or. adv. Mid. § 115, viz. the priests of the Eumen- ides (see Boeckh, Slaatsh. der Ath. Vol. I. p. 232), concer- ning whom Maussacus ad Harpocrat. quotes the following from the Etymolog. Mag. : firj dyvocofAEv on yuu dlloi dolv leooTtoioi rcov aefivmv deojr zov doiO^iop dt'y.a. p. 2o7. TtldrzovTeg xovg mpJvovg, puppet or doll-makers. m]liroi were little images of clay [nr^log) that were exhibited for "sale in the market. Sauppe conjectures that they were of the same sort as those now called tcrra-cotta, still preserved in museums. Jacobs : Dcnn wie Puppenmacher ferligt ihr Taxiarchen und Phylarchen fur den ^larkt, nichl fiir den Kreig. The market-place was the principal ground for the evolutions of festival processions. • § 27. ydo. Cf. § 10, note. Ttao vfiai', from among you, viz. native Athenians. = or/.eiovg. Yid. Bernhardt, Gr. Synt. p. 255. Imtaoyov ., v.. r. ).. Only one of the hipparchi could be absent from Athens at a time ; the other was required to assist at the festivals and processions. The chief emphasis in this sentence belongs to ol/.novg. Demosthenes says that the officers of the army ought to be native citizens, so that it might be truly the army of the city. See supr. § 19. Iv i]v. This part, is construed with the imp. ind. when the hypothesis upon which it rests is merely imaginary, but is not so in fact. Bernhardt, Gr. Synt. p. 376. 108 , PHILIPPIC I. cog cihjdag, liow truly, indeed, cog thus strengthening the adverb. eig .... u/IJiixvov. Lemnos (now Stalimene, Lucch.), a well-known island in the ^gean Sea. The object of this voyage to Lemnos was, according to the explanation given by Sauppe, to attend the annual festivities in that island : *' Insulam quotannis lustratam eosque dies magno et splen- dido apparatu celebrates esse narrat Philostratus,' Heroic. XIX. 14, p. 700." Thucydides, VII. 57, mentions that the Attic dialect and customs prevailed there, and it is not im- probable that such a feast was held as is above alluded to. Westermann affirms on the authority of newly discovered fragments of Hyperides, that a hijjparch was annually sent from Athens to Lemnos, as was the case to Delos, Delphi, and other sacred places. Meve'Iuov. Harpocration informs us that Menelaus was the son of Amyntas and half-brother to Philip. According to Justin. VII. 4, Amyntas and Gyggea had three sons, Archelaus, Aridaeus, and Menelaus, whom Philip persecuted with violent animosity, and at length put to death. Cf. Sauppe ad h. I. It appears that Menelaus commanded a division of the Athenian cavalry (Valesius, Aujiot. ad Harp OCR AT.), though not regularly elected by the Athe- nians. Schaefer, \iiAj)parat, crit. ad Dem., says this could not be done : " Ab Atheniensibus enim non poterat yuQoro- velodai, nisi qui ipse esset Atheniensis. Menelaus ut peregiinus et ^Evayog non fuit >ie](^eiQOTOv?]^8vog.^' And Wolf : " Imperatorem Atheniensium Atheniensem esse oportere." But that the Athenians sometimes conferred the command on foreigners can be easily proved. An example of this was Charidemus of Oreos, very severely handled by Demos- thenes in Or. adv. Aristoc. Liban. in Argum. Plato, Io7i. ed. NiTSZCH. p. 45. It is probable that Menelaus received his appointment at second hand. — tovtov, sc.iTt- % 28. TtBQaivcxi. Bekker in his first edition has TtsQavca ; in the second, nsQaivco, from Cod. 2^. I NOTES. 109 Xnijiara, nom. abs., announcing the subject about to be discussed. The words taxi [uv .... dvp. xuvrii arc sim^Dly explanatory ; 1 have therefore adopted the punctuation of Bekker. ^if/.noi- Tt Ttno^. So Or. cidv. Aiidrot. § 60, dinc/ua^ t^doin'^'AOiTU 'Aui nu'/MOv Ti TtQO^. Cf. also Of. ttdv . Lept. § 112. " Herodotus uses prepositions as adverbs very fre- quently, the Attii writers more seldom." Buemi. — The full amount is ninety-two talents per annum. zoouvd' rTcOfi, as much more, i. e. forty talents. . Demos- thenes allows, for the ships . . . 40 " " foot . . .40 " " horse . . . 12 92 talents. BoECKH estimates the Attic talent of silver at 1375 ThaJer, Conventionsgdd. [Staatsh. I. p. 16.) Hence, 92 talents = 126,500 T/iIr.; that is, 8 87,634.21. Ten ships each 20 mince per month, 12 m. 10X:20X12"=:2400 = 40 2000 foot each 10 dr. per month, 2000X10X12 = 240000 =40 200 horse each 30 dr. per month, 200X30X12 = 72000 = 12 92 Denominations of Attic Coins. 1 taUnt z=z 60 mince = 8 974.2857. 1 mina = 100 drachms = 8 16. 238. 1 drachm = 6 oholi = 16-i^cts. 1 obo/us = 8 chciJci = 2^^ cts. 1 chaicus z= 7 lc2)ta = 3^ mills. 1 Upton ziz i mill. Our orator's estimate, therefore, allows two ohoH per day for each foot-soldier, or nearly 5^- cents, and for each horse- man one drachm, a little over 16 cents. This was the 110 PHILIPPIC I. minimum pay of the Athenian soldier. Thucydides (V. 47) makes mention of a treaty of alliance between the Atheni- ans, Mantineans, Elians, and others, in which it was stipu- lated that, under specified, circumstances, the foot should receive 3 ohoU of yEgina and the horse a drachm of ^Egina per day. The ^'Eginetan drachm was worth 10 Attic oboH. (BoECKH, p. 17.) The maximum wages, inclusive of ra- tions, were 2 drachms for the foot, and double of this, some- times quadruple for the horse. Officers received double the pay of the soldier, the commander only four times as much. (BoECKH, p. 131.) In order to form a proper es- timate of the real worth of money, it is necessary to know the prices of provisions and labor. All the necessaries of life were much cheaper in proportion than with us. An inn-keeper, for example, charged a traveller ^ of an oholus for a night's entertainment, rarely more. A lamb cost from 3 to 4 oholi ; a common sized kid, 1 obolus. In Solon's time, a sheep sold for 1 drachm, a fine ox for 5, or about 81 cents (BoECKH, p. 66). The soldier lived very tolerably on 2 or 3 oboli a day, which was as much as an ordinary laborer or mechanic could earn. § 20. dqjOQ^fjv elvca, If any one think that the providing of food for the soldiers is a small assistance, he mistakes. Bekker omits eIvcu, in which he is followed by Ruediger. TtQoanoQiH. This is the common reading, and supported by- all the best manuscripts. Render, The army itself will furnish the reinainder from the war. Kuster {de Vei^bis Med. p. 35) contends that it should be TtQoaTtOfjtelrai ; and that the active in this sense is contrary to the use of Attic writers. He says : " TIoqi'Qcx) est suppedito, prcebeo aliis ; TtOQi'^Ofua in medio, mihi reperio, paro, compare vel conficio. Hinc ergo apparet scribendum esse TtQoaTtOQieitai., ubi nunc legitur TTQOCiitoQm. Scnsus enim est : ipsum exercitiim reli- qua sibi comparaturam esse, ut rccte Wolfius vcrtit." Bek- ker first edited TtQoaTtOQmiui, but afterwards restored the common reading. The active is used in the same manner NOTES. Ill by the best authors, as Sauppe has shown by a variety of examples. lloOcV, sc. tOTca. § 30. no POT AnOJEi:^J2. it was customary for all documents, laws, &c., to be read by the secretary {yuQ^- /<«Tfiv). It is probable that the paper here read was com- posed chiefly of numbers showing what proportion of the money would be required from the several tribes. The use of the plural here (/ja^r,') suggests that he was assistad in drawing it up by other persons skilled in financial affairs. Dionysius of lidlxCarnassus {Ejjist. ad Amm. X.) says that Demosthenes, under the archon Themistocles (01. 108. 2, B. C. 347), delivered the sixth {fifth. Wolf) of his orations against Philip, concerning the protection of the islands and cities in the Hellespont, the commencement of which was : "^ iilv t]{A.dg, co drdoeg ''yldi]vaioi, 8^bvvi\nEda ev- (jeiv tuvt' tan. This passage gave rise to an opinion, which has been adopted by many eminent scholars, that the First Philippic closed in this place, and that the remainder was the oration mentioned by Dionysius as the sixth Philippic. Of the modern critics who take this ground, I may men- tion Fabricius, Bill. Gr. Vol. I. Lib. II. 26, Taylor, Le- land, Jacobs, and Wachsmuth, Antiq. Gr. Vol. II. p. 344, note. Those who contend for the unity of the oration as it now stands are Tourreil, Mounteney, Auger, A. G. Bek- ker, Bremi, Schaefer, Winiewski, p. 60, Boeckh {Lectures, Berlin, 1847). t7tr/8iQOxor?iZe rag yvaiiag, x. t. I. Wlien you come to the adoption of measures, you will choose what you please. "When the orators had finished the discussion, the authors of different measures drew up their psephisma, upon which the chief of the Proedri or the Epistates demanded the votes of the assembly. The expression '/rc>)f.i(cg yeinnxoreh' or tmyeioorovEiv was most usual, expressing the manner in which the vote was given, viz. by raising the hand. Schoe:m. de Comit. Ath. p. 123. 112 PHILIPPIC I. XSiQOtov/jGsts, vulg. ')^8iQOtovii6are, and so Bekk. The fut. is found in the Cod. 2J. and suits the place better than the imperative. It is more modest and conciliating, and per- fectly in keeping with the custom of Demosthenes. Cf. Phil. III. 70. tv roTg \pr]Cfi(jfJia6i, x. r. X. Cf. supr. § 19 seq. "^ § 31. at' . . . . ^ovhvGUGdai. Th^_; ^article (h> with thc jnJl_ is som etimes to be translate d by the w^ord Ukeh/. Cf. Phil. II. § 10. — rov roTtov r/yC /^mqu^, tJte naUire and situation, or, as we say, the topographi/, of the country. Later writers used the word tnnoOaoia in this sense. Diod. Sic. I. 42, Tt^Qi xJjg TOTiodsaiag zJjg ^(^cooag. Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Aristo- crat. § 182. 7tQoXuf4[^dvcov. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 314, upon which Dissex remarks : " Verbum TtQola^Eiv dicitur de commodis, quae quis proeoccupat, ut utatur in suum usum et contra alios." rovg trtjoiag. The Etesian winds begin to blow about the 12th of July, and continue for forty days, according to Ap- pollonius, or fifty, according to Timotheus. They subside at night and commence again before sunrise ; hence they arc called by sailors the sleepy winds. Lucches. Their direction from the northwest favored Philip in his ex- peditions against Greece, but made the sea almost unnavi- gable for those sailing to the north. Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. I. 1. p. 295 seq., and 2. p. 343. jw/} dvvat^iEOa, x. r. X. This is said in regard to the calcu- lations of Philip. The sense is. He takes care to make his attacks at a time when he thinks we cannot arrive there. This is the only manner in which the ^lij would be correctly used. " Optativus solus cogitationem rei, conjunctivus cum av cogitationem et potentiam simul innuit. Za einer Zeit in der lair alle?n Anscheine nach dorthin nicht gelangen konnen.'^ J. Held. § Z2. [iorideiaig. This word signifies troops hastihj col- lected on a sudden emergency. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 47. Auger: collectis rcqdim auxHiis. Cf. Liv. 3. 4. Latini NOTES. 113 Her nicique dare Quintio suhitarips milites [ita tumrepentina auxilia appellabaiil) jussi. vGieoiovuep yao dituiTMr, we shall (as usual) come too late jor every thing. The time spent by the Athenians in raising and equipping troops was employed by Philip in action, so that by the time the Athenians arrived, the cities which they came to assist had already surrendered. 'Totboico, Alt. form for vazsuiaa). Cf. infr. 35. 'TTzdoysi 5' i\iw'. ' TTzatj/eir, to he at one's service or com- mand, favere with the dat. Xj£N. Anah. Y. 6. 23, xui vm'w- tsi v}ih' ii li^itj 7z6/.i^', vohis etiani yrcesto erit civitas mea. ViGER. 308. '/cifKcdico in apposition with ydi]avoi, Odaoi, •/.. r. /.., and governed by ym^adai. Etymol. Mag. : '/Bi^iudioj • totto) tcf' u, dr Hi duvaizo yeinavog y.adoQ^iaaodui. ■tJ] di'i'djiBi, dat. of advantage. Render, It lies in your power to use, as winter-quarters for your troops, Lemnos, Sciathos, etc. The islands here named, together with Sco- pelos, Halonesos, Peparethos, and others lying around Thrace, were at that time in the possession of the Athe- nians. BoECKH, Slaatsch. I. 447. Diod. Sic. XV. 30. Ty)i' 8' (ooar tov hovg, the summer season. Cf. Thuc. II. 52, (x)na hovg, where some read wo« dtQOvg, which signifies the same thing. " Nempe troiv odQdv idioj^ to dioog yJxrr/.oi, ut ait Herodian. p. 465, ubi v. Pearson et Bast. Ep. Crit. p. 108. Est igitur sestate.'' Goeller. "iloav is an ace. abs. denoting suitable time, as in Herod. II. 2, Tr^v (jjquv L-tayivt'eiv oqiai alyag. Matth. Gr. § 425. a. yevt'odai with TZno^ c. dat. as here, is to approach, come to. YALi TO ... . ddcfuh'-;, and when there is security from winds. ViGER, Gr. Id. p. 59, hGzai, sc. }] dvrcqui, resumed from rfi dvydn^i above. The sense of the passage is. And at the farorahle season of the year, when it is easy to land, and there is no danger from the winds, the troops will easily hover upon the very coast of Macedonia and the ports of its commercial cities. The ex- 11 ]14 PHILIPPIC I. pression ^ivai itQog with the dat. signifies to he em2:)loyed on with the notion of activity. Beknhabdy, Gr. Synt. p. 263. § 33. ''\4 fisv ovv iQijaEXca, x. r. X. What use their com- mander shall make of this force, and when, etc. Vid. Matth. Gr. § 419. Cf. Thuc. II. 4 and 15, and IV. 69. TtaQOLxov yuuQOv, ipso 7no?nento, 'Bremi; i.e. at the right time, according to occasion and circumstances. lavt tGtlv a tyoj yty^acfa, refers to the TIOPOT ^nO/JEI^I2^, or plan for raising the money, which had been read. tvialij Ttdoav rrjv dvvcmiv, the whole force complete,, em- bracing in general terms what he had before specified. pofiq} xuTay.l£i6r^t\ lege ohstrinxeritis. Auger. avToi ta^uui. xui ttoqiozcu y., yourselves becoming the treas- urers and receivers. Cf. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. p. 176. De- mosthenes urges the Athenians to take the management of tlie funds into their own hands, and not to leave them any longer at the disposal of the commander ; as the latter arrangement had been the occasion of much corruption and prevarication on the part of this officer, besides loading him with a multitude of duties almost ludicrous. "-Qui non solum exercitui expeditionique prajerat, sed quam plurimum idem rem pecuniariam et quaestuariam, frumentum, stipen- dium, omnemque Victum per qusestores, ministros, servos et scribas curabat." Voem. Tov Xoyov, yet requiring fro?n the ge7ieral an account of his conduct. Every person at Athens who had a share in the administration, or held a public office, no matter how insignificant, was obliged to render an account of the man- ner in which he had discharged his duties. This was submitted to a board of auditors called lojiGrai or svdvroi. Boeckh. Staatsh. I. p. 204. Until this was done, he could make no disposal of his property, either by will or presentation, noi was he allowed to travel or receive any public honor or re- ward. His entire fortune was regarded by the law a.< NOTES. 115 pledged so long as lie remained accountable. Id. p. 103. Cf. Or. deCherson. § 47. TtavdcGd''^ x. T. X. Here the apodosis of the period begins : You will cease to deliberate ahcays upon the same suljects. rear avrcor, sc. TtQaynuroov. § 34. TTQo^ Toi'Tfo, besides, in addition to this. l/.siiov, i. e. Philip's. iItzo zoJv vfiETt'(j03r .... 6V}{iiu)[(K)r. TEat is, with revenues derived from your allies, by seizing and plundering their trading-vessels. The inhabitants of the islands and mari- time cities, who carried on extensive commerce upon the ^Egean and Euxine Seas, were mostly in alliance with Athens. uyojr y.ai qt'ocov, plundering and destroying. The expres- sion uysiv '/.at fftoeir answers precisely to the Latin ferre et agere. Lit. III. 37, Hi ferre, agere plebem plebisque res. Cf. also ViRG. ^n. II. 374. Alii rapiunt hicensa feruutque Pergama. It is said both in regard to persons and things. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 230. Phil. III. § 52. Tt^Jorra^, mercaturam facientes. Sauppe. rov nuaym .... t'So} yevTjCEads, you will be placed beyond his ill treatment. So Lucian : FErtodai t^co xov cfdovcJoOai, extra invidice aleam positum esse. Yigee. p. 231. Said of those who stand beyond the reach of the enemy's weapons. Krueg. Xen. Anab. I. 7. 17. ov'l cjOTtsQ. The sense of this brachylogy is to be sup- plied from what follows : Nor [will he do in future] as he has done in past times, viz. when landing upon, &c. yoovov, ace. abs. used adverbially. Viger. p. 59. Jacobs : Er loird eure Mitbiirger nicht mehr gefangen mit sichfort- schleppen wie er vormals that, als er in Lemnos und Imbros einfel. Brtteckxer {Konig Philip, p. 110) avers that this attack was made by pirates in the service of Philip ; but there is little room to doubt that he himself com- manded the troops that devastated these islands. A strong difference of opinion exists as to when these incursions IIG PHILIPPIC I. WQve made. LucciiESiisri places tliem in 01. 105. 3, B, C. 358, not long after Philip had conquered Amphipolis, Pyd- na, Potidoea, and the other maritime cities of Macedonia. But Philip did not finish the conquest of these cities till 01. 106. 4, B. C. 353, in which year Winieavski places the expedition against the islands of Lemnos and Imbros, and the attack upon the Athenian fleet at Gersestos, quoting in support of his argument the words of -^schines, 0?\ cle Fed. Leg. p. 37, ^InXiTiTtog ds OQfir^Oi:}^ tx MuHedoria^, ovy.td vmQ 'y:f}icfi7t6lEcog TtQog ijiAug riy(x)ri'C,£ro, dlV I'^bij ftSQl yJi^ixvov y,ai "[(Aj^QOv yua ^^-avqov, tm> iifiattfjcov >iT}]{idT(ov. Wach- SMUTH, however, (Gr. Aiitiq. II. p. 344), and those who' receive this part as the sixth Philippic (cf. supra ad § 30), reckon it in 01. 108. 1, B. C. 348 ; Voemel, 01. 106. 2, B. C. 355, Proleg. ad Phil. I. et Olynth. Geraestos is the southern promontory and port of Euboea. — jd jtloui, mer- chant vessels. t^^'h^s. He exacted from his captives vast sums of money as a ransom. Sauppe. hQCcv .... TQi/jorj. As early as the time of Plato (cf. Phoi- don. init.), mention is made of the sacred vessel called the Delian Theoris, employed to convey the delegates of Athens to attend the quadrennial festival on the island of Delos. Being constantly kept in repair by replacing the decayed parts by new, it was still in existence in the time of Deme- trius the Phalerian, 01. 115. 4, B. C. 319. Boeckh, Seeioesen der Ath. p. 76. Another, Avhich is the one here alluded to, was named the Paralos (// TluQalog). Cf. Hakpocrat. 141, at the word Iequ, rQii\orig. Both were employed for conveying embassies, public messages, money, etc., and sometimes as admiral-ships in naval battles. The Paralos was kept constantly in readiness and the crew received regular pay (four oholi per day), throughout the year, though they remained the chief part of the time in idleness at home (Boeckh, Staatsh. I. p. 258), which was probably the cause of the surprise and capture of the vessel. NOTES. 117 dvruade. Bekk. r]8vraode. The present is confirmed by the best manuscripts. It is also better suited to the context, for the orator shows that even now the Athenians are not in a condition to prevent these outrages. 7tooO?,ade. ScHAEFEK edits nQoihiode, and Lucches. § 3j. Kaixoi Ti di'i Ttors, Jam vero quid tandem. Rue- DIGER. riaradijvaioji' ionxijv. The Panathenaea had their orio-in in the games instituted by Erichthonius, the fourth kinc of Athens, in honor of Minerva. Before the time of The- seus, this festival bore the name of Athenaea ; but after the latter king had collected the inhabitants of Attica into one city, he gave it the name of Panathenaea, because, as Pau- sanias says, it was celebrated by all the Athenians united. Cf. Harpocrat. s. yog. Ilavad. Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. I. 227. The Athenians celebrated two festivals of this name, the greater and the smaller Panathensea ; — the smaller annually, and the greater once in four years, or, according to the Hellenic expression dia TtsrraeTt-oidog, quinquennially, taking place regularly in the third year of each Olympiad, on the 28th day of the month Hecatom- bseon. Boeckh, Staatsh. der Ath. II. 167. Beside the hecatomb which was purchased, large numbers of oxen were presented by the villages of Attica for the solemn sacrifice. The flesh of these was distributed among the people, and a magnificent feast prepared, upon which they regaled them- selves. The Panathensea was conducted with much the same ceremonies as the other Athenian festivals, — with horse, chariot, and foot-races, processions, games, contests, &c. It will be sufficient here to notice some of the more remarkable. The torch-race on horseback at night was introduced at Athens in the time of Socrates. The race was won by him who ran the swiftest and preserved his light burning. This was made of wax, and attached by a kind of holder to the shield of the rider. Boeckii, Staatsh. 11* 113 PHILIPPIC I. dcr Atli. I. 496. An essential part of the ceremonies, and p?culiar to the great Panathensea, was a grand procession, participated in by all the people, old and young, to convey to the Acropolis the peplos, or embroidered robe, -which was made by virgins chosen for that purpose. The peplos is represented to have been a magnificent piece of tapestry, in the form of a sail representing subjects taken from Attic mythology, especially the battles of the gods and the ex- ploits of heroes ; hence the expression of Aristophanes, a^ios TOv TttTtlov. It was attached to a ship moving on rollers, and after being thus drawn about for some time, it was at last carried by the chief sailors up to the temple of the goddess in the Acropolis. Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. I. p. 127. Pausax. 1.29. Sclwl. ad Hom. //. 5. 734. C. F. Heb,m[. Gottesdienstl. Alterth. i^. 278, § 54. The celebration was attended with great expense ; the great Panathenasa in 01. 92. 3 cost the state more than six talents, or about 5,865 dollars. Boeckh, Staatsh. der Ath. II. 165. tav zJiovvaicov. The worship of Bacchus was introduced from Egypt into Greece by Melampus. Hekodot. II. 49. DioD. Sic. I. 97. But see Schoell, Histoire de la Lift. Gr. II.. 5. The festival of the Dionysia was originally quite rural in its character, being held in autumn at the close of the vintage, when the vine-dresser, in gratitude for such precious gifts, expressed his thanks to the power which produced them. The occasion was marked by wild mirth and wanton frolics, the people vicing with each other in ludicrous disguises and tricks, and in rude personal jests and mockery. The extemporaneous plays and songs which formed a part of these rejoicings, gave rise to the dramatic and musical contests which afterwards reached such perfec- tion in Athens and other places. The festivals of Bacchus were four, and were celebrated at different seasons of the year : — I. The Country Dionysia, ru 'aut dynovg /JiorvGia^ which was the feast of the vintage, and the oldest (Wach- smuth, Gr. Antiq. II. p. 254), took place in the month of NOTES. 119 Poseidon, corresponding nearly with our December. II. The Le?ic€a, ru yJi[ra(a, the feast of the wine-pressing, held about the 20th of the month of Gameleon (24th January). III. The Antliesteria^ to. yJrdear/jiiici, feast of the wine- tasting, took place on the 11th, 12th, and 13th of the month Anthesterion, answering to the 15th, 16th, and 4 7th of February. IV. The City Dionysia, ta dotiyid, derived from the country Dionysia (Boeckh, Abh. Berl. Acad, der Wisscnschoft., 1816, p. 117), was a general feast celebrated in Athens between the 8th and loth of the month Elaphe- bolion, or about the vernal equinox. (C. F. Hermann, Gotlesdienstl. Alterth. p. 307.) The wealth of the city and the favorable season of the year contributed to give it great splendor and importance. It was here that the simple sono- which was sung in the festive processions rose by degrees to the dignity of dramatic poetry, and Thespis's introduction of a special actor, to fill up the pauses in the chorus, led the way to the grandest development known in the history of the human mind. For a particular description of this festival, see C. O. Mueller's Eumeniden, p. 109 seqq. rov y.adi/.orxog yoorov^ at the proper time. For the gen. of the time at or in which any thing occurs, see Matth. Gr. 376. 2. dv XE . . . . dv x\ sive .... sive. dv for tdv. dsiroi hi/coaiv dv x idicaxai. Wolf explains dsnw, persons acquainted with the management of festivals ; idicoxai, those unskilled or inexperienced in such affairs. Lat. periti and imperiti. Tourreil, correctly : n'trnporte d qui le sort en ait commis le soin, gens entendu ou non. eig d xoaavx"* dralio'/.zxca yni^^iaxa. The reading of the Codex ^, which we have adopted in the text, clears this passage of all difficulty, oylov -/.ai TtuQaa'Asvtjy depend on the verb eyei, to which the nom. d is to be supplied, oylog re- fers to the numerous officials employed at these festivities ; TtciQaay.nn'i to the expensive scale in which these were got up. The following is the order of construction : Eig d xoc- 120 PHILIPPIC I. avT ii)}]imra (h'a).iay.erui baa ovd' [^dvaliG'Asrai'] dg tva xwv aTtooTolcov, y.ai [«] h/u togovtov b/^lov xiu TtaQuaxnu^v, boijv ou>i Old' El ri Tcov ujtdvrcov [^'/£']. — tcov dndvroiv is neut. pi. Quantum nescio an ullum omnium in se liaheat. Voem. The sense is, that more money is spent upon these festivals than upon any one thing whatever. The orator could not have intended to condemn these expenditures as unneces- sary, for the public festivals here alluded to were religious, being celebrated in honor of the tutelar divinities of the land. Thus the processions, music, and public shows, which formed an essential part of them, but which we are accustomed to regard as mere objects of amusement, re- ceived by this means a much more elevated character. They became duties enjoined by religion, which could not be neglected without injury to the honor, reputation, and even welfare of the city. Cf. Heeeen, Pol. Hist, of Greece, p. 171 seq. tovg 8' aTiooToXovg. Haepocrat. says, aTtoGrolot 5' ^lalv p. tap I'Ecav luTtoixTTal. The ace. is to be referred to vo^i^exs. voreQil^aiv rwv xaiQwv. Cf. supra, § 32, note. ^Also Or. de Cor. § 102, where Dissen : vaieQi^siv rav xuiqmi> est serins venire, opportunitate rerum gerendarum elapsa^ cum classis post te?npus exiret. The best authors construe this verb with the gen. Lobeck ad Pliryn. Eel. p. 237 : ^TaxEQi^£iv TO) xaiQO)' ov )JyE7ai, dXX' voreoi^eiv rov xuinov, occasionem rei gerendce prcctermittere. It is joined with the dat. when a definite time is expressed. Heeodot. VI. 89, vorlQiaav finj r^ii^Qri. Ilayaodg. Pagasce, a city and seaport of the Pherseans on the coast of Thessaly, was subjugated by Philip in 01. 106. 4, B. C. 349. ■ LuccH. Annot. Hist. p. 274. Euedig. Co7n. Hist. p. 211. Diodorus Sic. gives but a loose account of the taking of Methone and Pagasoj ; for in one place (XVI. 31) he mentions these events as occurring while Diotimus was archon at Athens, and in another (31), he places the surrender of Methone under the archonship of NOTES. 121 Eudemos, 01. 106. 4. Pagasee was taken after the over- throw of Potidaca .and Methoue. 01 y nth. I. § 12. Cf. Ekueckxer, Konig Phil. p. 102 seqq. Cf. supra, § 4. § 36. "On. This introduces the answer of the foregoing question. t/. TtoV.ov, sc. XQorov, Jong heforehand. 11^ yonvf/o^^ sc. toxai. The office of the choregus was the most important of the regular Liturgioe [lanovoyiai ty/.v/.hoi, Dem. Or. adv. Lept. § 21), the object of which was to grace the festivals, and provide for the entertainment of the people. It was discharged by the wealthy citizens in a certain order established by the several tribes. It was the duty of the choregus to collect the chorus, to pay for their instruction by a master, and to bear all the expenses neces- sary for their training as well as for their proper appearance in public. Liean. ^r^-. Or. in Mid. Wolf, ad Lept. Proleg. p. 91. In these expenses were included their board and attendance, dresses and ornaments, masks in the dra- matic performances, &c. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. p. 489. Some- times the charge was undertaken by volunteers, and even by the state. Ibid. p. 494. " These imposts were the more onerous from the circumstance of their not being fixed at any amount ; but depended, not merely on the wants of the state, but the pride of those who supplied them." Heeren. ScHOELL, Hist, de la Lift. Gr. II. p. 9. As the service was a religious one, the person of the choregus was sacred while engaged in his duties. Demosthenes was officiatino; in this capacity when he was struck by ]Midias, which gave occa- sion to one of his most celebrated orations. yi\uvaGiaQ'/og. The gymnasiarcJms was appointed in the same manner as the choregus, to superintend the gymnastic schools in which the youth practised for the public contests. He did the same for the athletce under his charge which the other did for the chorus. Boeckh. I. p. 495. Wolf, Proleg. ad Lept. p. 93. Cf. Herm. Staatsalt. § 161 soqq. Tiaoa Tov, instead of TtuQa riio^, quando et a quo ei quid 122 PIIILrPPIC I. accijncndum, quidque faciendum. Auger. Westermann thinks that these words refer to the money advanced by the state. li' dt roTg moi rov Ttoh'fxov, hut in affairs pertaining to icar. Tteni with the gen. represents the subject itself.. See exam- ples collected by Berxhardy, Gr. Synt. p. 262. Ti, i. e. quelque mouvenient de Vennemi. Tourreil. tQujodoiovg. The trierarch was originally, as the name denotes, the commander of a trireme, or ship of war, but afterwards the word signified merely the person who j)aid the expense of equipping and maintaining a trireme. The trierarchy belonged to the so-called extraordinary litiirgicB ; the obligation to serve rested entirely upon property, and in this respect it was the most burdensome duty the Athen- ian citizen was called upon to perform. For every one who possessed a fortune of three talents, was liable to be appoint- ed trierarch once in three years. 'Boec'k.ji, Staaish. der Ath. I. pp. 485, 492. The ships were the property of the state, and were distributed by lot (Boeckh, Seeiuesen der Ath. p. 167), unfurnished, among the trierarchs, who were then obliged to provide them with rigging and all other necessary implements, and to keep them in repair during their term of office, which was one year. The trierarchs were named by the generals of the army (Herm. Staatsalt. p. 348), and when they did not themselves take the command, they sent a substitute (Boeckh, Staatsh. II. p. 80) ; beside which, they had to hire at the expense of the state (Id. II. 85) and support the ship's crew. The cost of furnishing a vessel varied from forty to sixty mincE^ i, e. from six hundred to one thousand dollars. If a hired captain took the com- mand, he received one talent per aiinum. Wolf, Prolcg. ad Lept. p. 118. The naA'al system of the Athenians underwent, however, many >changes, for which see Herm. Staatsalt. § 161 ; Boeckh, Staatsh. II. 80 scqq. ; and See- wesen der Ath. p. 177. tovrotg dvTidoGEig 7ioiov[.i8da, inter eos p)ermutationes opum NOTES. 123 inslituimus. Voe.m. This refers to a law, said to have been introduced by Solon, according to which, any person who had been appointed to the trierarchy, if he thought a richer man than himself had been passed by,' was allowed the right to demand that such a one should take his place as trierarch, or, if he refused to do this, that he should exchange for- tunes with him ; so that, after the exchange, he could afford the requisite sum. This was designed to protect the poor or unfortunate against unjust or arbitrary burdens. Should the person thus designated refuse to do either, the other could lay an attachment on his property, and seal his house till the court could decide which was the wealthier of the two. Dem. Or. Pha:nipp., in the beginning ; adv. Aj)ho- hum, II. § 17. BoECKH, Staaish. II. p. 124. It was a curious feature in this law of exchanges, that civil processes changed hands along with the property which they con- cerned. From the time that must have elapsed in making out inventories and settling points of law, it can be seen ■with how much justice Demosthenes complained of delay in their preparations. XQri^dtcoi' Ttooov. Since the war fund had been diverted to purposes of public amusement, it became necessary to levy a special tax to support the expenses of an expedition. Cf. Olynfh. I. § 19. Herm. Staatsalt. § 171. fiEroi'/.ovg. The ^iTor/.oi {resident aliens) constituted a large class in Athens ; in the time of Demetrius the Phale- riau, they amounted to ten thousand. They were strangers, whom either the business advantages of Athens, or its pleasant life, attracted to settle there. By paying what we should call a poll-tax of twelve drachms for a family an- nually, they enjoyed the protection of the laws, and the privilege of following any business they preferred. This did not, however, include the rights of citizenship ; on the contrary, both they and their descendants continued to be regarded by the state in some respects as foreigners ; they could possess no landed property, and were obliged to 124 PHILIPnC I. choose a citizen as protector {ftQoardrr^g, Harpocrat. ap. Passow, Lex. s, v.), who represented their interests, and to whom they stood on much the same footing as the Roman clients to their patrons. A failure to pay their tax made them liable to be sold as slaves. The manufactures, com- merce, arts, and trades of Athens were carried on chiefly by this class. They also performed regular military service. Herm. Antiq. § 115. There were among them many families of wealth and respectability, from which not un- frequently individuals were raised to the rank of lOore/.nTg, who rendered equal services and enjoyed the same rights with, citizens, except those of a strictly political nature. In some instances, also, in consideration of special merits, they were honored with the dignity of citizenship. Wolf, Proleg. ad Lept. p. 69. Herm. Staatsalf. § 116. Tovg yaijig oixovrrag, those living apart. " Besonders- wohnende, worunter man entweder mit Grammatikern Freigellassene, oder noch in Sklaverei befindliche, aber abgesondert von ihren Herrn auf eigene Hand lebende Leute verstehen muss." Boeckh, Sfaatsh. I. p. 281. The grammarian here particularly alluded to is Harpocration, who adds, rovg x^'^Q'? oixovijeg rav dsGTtoTCdv, " Frecdmen who lived hy themselves^ apart from their former masters, whereas slaves lived in the same house with their owners." H. Wolf explains, those who carry on business for tfiem- selves, which is adopted by Jacobs. Xhe expression is illustrated by a passage in Dem. Or. in Euerg. Speaking of a woman who had formerly served in the family as nurse, he says, dqsho ydn VTto rov Ttatohg rov l^inv tlevdtQa aai y/on!g w^f/. xal uvdoa tayp'. § 72, p. 1161, cd. Reiske. nahv, sc. tn^air^iv. The orator exposes the fickle- mindedness of the Athenians, inasmuch as they had twice changed their plans. m>r8ii^i[^u!^8iv, to suhstitute, to send others instead,. Thttc. VII. lo. drdouTZoda 'Ty.xuni.y.u urzm^i^uGai vtiIq rtnc)- avTsg tovg TQUjouQ^ovg. » NOTES. 125 Iv oao), icJiUst. "Oong in the dat. denotes an interval of time. YiGER. p. 132. ixt'lhrai. /^tlAoo, when used alone, expresses hesitation, procrastination.' Render, and whilst these matters are protracted, the 2^^<^C6 to which we would sail is lost [before we arrive]. TO ig)' 0. The article is here used to denote an abstract notion. Cf. Berxhardy, Gr. Syntax, p. 313. § 37. ov {iti'ovoi '/.aifjoi. Similarly Thug. I. 142, rov ds 7tn)Jfiov 01 'AaiQoi ov fisieroi. Livy, 31. 48, 7ion exspectare hclli tempora moras et dilationes imperatorum. Dobree. £in(ov£iai'. Cf. supra, ^ 7. 'l^s* dL Notice the similarity in construction to the Latin. rov ^iBTu^v )[o6vov is adverbial, iji the mean time, meanwhile. The vulg. has ^Ig before xov, which Bekkek," with Cod. ^, omits, and correctly, for the phrase is clearly to be joined with oiofieda. It denotes the interval which commonly elapses between voting to raise a force and the time of com- mencing operations, when, by reason of the numerous deficiencies, they were disappointed in finding the army not as efficient as they had calculated upon. The explana- nation of Francke and others, that the orator alludes to a smaller force sent out to reconnoitre while the larger is pre- paring, per intermedium tempus, is inadmissible. The sense is correctly given by Voemel : quas vero interjecto tempore copias nos hahere putanius, ea in ipsis occasionihus nihil jjosse gerere deprehenduntur. '0 d\ viz. Philip. The import of the letter which the orator causes to be read was this : Philip sent word to the Euboeans that it was useless to place any hope of assistance in the alliance of the Athenians, since they were unable to save them. Schol. § 38. TovTMv, A. T. I. The order is, ra noV.a rovrav .... XMV uvsyvojOfitrcoi' iitv tan dlrfi?]. ov fxr^v oOjyioodg, X. T. X., although perhaps not agreealle to hear. Viger. p. 464. The Athenians carried their fastidiousness so far, that they desired to be flattered and 12 126 PHILIPPIC I. entertained even to the prejudice of tlicir own interests, sometimes refusing to listen to the orator who attempted to tell them unpleasant truths. Cf. Fhil. III. § 3, and Or. de Fed. Leg. § 45 seqq. "u4lV el iitr, .... v7t£Q^h]onai. Wolf renders this verb in- transitively : Si etiam res .... ipscB jjrcEteribimt, in which he is followed by Franke and others ; but it would be, per- haps, better to take it in the active sense, thus : But if, whatever a man may omit in speaking, in order to avoid giving offence, he shall also pass hy the circumstances of the case, — the real facts, — he must harangue for the pleasure [of his audience]. This interpretation seems much more in harmony with what follows. TtQog i]dovtiv, for their amusement. uv j] jM/} 7tQ06)f/.ovaa, when it is employed out of place. CferayJi^eiv, to delude, to deceive. § 39. y-cii pr^Ss rovro di'vaodai paderv, 'A. t. X. ISlec id posse intelligere eoriim esse qui helium recte administrant, non sequi res, sed rehus prcsire. Augee,. epTtQoaOsv elvai is used in opposition to d'/.olovdm'. He says they ought, by prudent calculation, to place themselves at the head of affairs, and to control circumstances, instead of being controlled by them. (007t8Q Wolf conjectures ovTteg, ^yhich. is unnecessary, for these forms interchange. Cf. supra, § 21. Olynth. I. § 15. Or. de Cherson. § 18. Also Isjeus de Menecl. Hekodot. § 18, rov avrov tQOTtor, coGTteQ yoro) orra Ttar^'Qa Ipavxov. ovrco xai tcov TiQuy., sc. i\yB7cdai del. The passage is forc- ibly rendered by Jacobs : " Denn gerade so, wie man verlangt dass ein Feldherr sein Heer leiten soil, ebcn so mi'issen auch wohlberathene Menschen die Umstande leiten, damit das was sie wiinschen geschehe, und sie nicht in die Nothwendigkeit gerathen den zufalligen Ereignissen fo]gtn zu mijssen." In another oration {de Coron. § 235), De- mosthenes holds up Philip as such a commander : i^q^b rav d'AohyvOovricop uvxog avroxouTCxjo wv .... avtog (^£(77roT;;t,% NOTES. . 127 rjy^licov, 'Avoiog nuvrmv. The sentiment advanced in tlio text is that of an energetic statesman conscious of his power. Herodotus speaks in another tone : ^lude^ on ai ovuccoQal T(ov uidQOJTtav doxovGi, y.ai oval oovdQCOTtoi zcop avfiq^OQtcav, VII. 49. ra ai'^if)dn\ events. The subject of dvay-Aa'^fovrai is IabIpoi, taken from the preceding, according to Matth. Gr. § 295. dicoASiv. " Tempora rerum et consilia eorum, qui bellum gerunt, inter se certant quasi currendo. Qui rem parum callent, res ipsas semper anxie sequuntur nee unquam attin- gunt." Sauppe. § 40. 7on]oBig. The Athenians in the age of Demos- thenes were able to furnish a fleet of 300 triremes. Or. de Class. § 29. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. 279, quotes Xenophon's statement, that those lying at the wharfs, together with those at sea, amounted to 400. He reckons 200 marines to a ship ; if we take Demosthenes's statement of 300 vessels, the naval force would amount to 60,000. OTtlitag. Pericles, at the opening of the Peloponnesian war, reckons the heavy infantry at 13,000, exclusive of those necessary to defend the fortifications. Thuc, II. 13. And our orator. Or. de Class. § 29, says, onlhag ds oaovg dv i]dtXri rig. Boeckh, Staatsth. I. p. 290. Their cavalry numbered only 1200, including the mounted bowmen. Thuc. ibid. '/[OT^fidrcov TtQOGodov. The taxable property of the whole of Attica was estimated at 6,000 talents, the annual revenue at 1200 talents, which, however, included the tributes of the allies. The income from Attica alone was about 400 talents. Or. de Class. § 19. ^scHix. Or. de Fal. Leg. p. 337. Rued, ad h. I. rovTcov (uv . . . . rt 'Atjoriads. The sense is, You have nei-er up to this very day made any proper use oj these ad- vantages. ^Qi^adai with the dat. of the thing and ace. of 128 PHILIPPIC I. the purpose, we have already noticed above, § 33. Cf. also Olynth. III. § 6, ri dtj XQi'if^otieda, oj urdoeg y^dip'am, xovxcp ; lit'/Qi rqg Tij^ieQOv i][,it'uag. An expression very similar to the German, bis auf den heutigen Tag. sig dsov, to the purpose. Zu?n nothigen Zweck. FiiAi>fz. Olynth. III. § 28, /t'Xta -Aal Ttspta'Aoaia zdlavta dvijkoi-AaiiEV eig ov8h dtov, in vain. ovderog 5' drtoleimads. This passage has caused the com- mentators no little perplexity, and the views taken of it are sufficiently various to justify a brief notice of them. Reiske says, " Non intelligo hanc dictionem. Quid enim sibi vult ovdsrog ? Quid subauditur ? Videtur Wolfius existimasse, subaudiendum esse, Ttole^cov, nullum non hostem assectamini. Mihi videtur Demosthenes id significasse si voluisset, alitor sententiam expressurus fuisse. Num ovdei'bg d' ov yuaoov dTZolEiTzeGdE} nusquam non sero venitis oppoi^tunitatihus re- rum hene gerendarum dudum prcEterlapsis.'' The Abbe Auger prefers to substitute ov'/. for the vulg. 5f, and inter- prets, nullam rem non serius facitis. These conjectures are well refuted by Schaefer : " Inepte Augerus. Vulgata optime habet, in qua nihil subaudiendum, nam ovdEvng neutrius est generis. Male autem- vertit Ruedigerus : 7iihil non assequuti estis. Immo ; nihil autem non assectamini, sc. afFectatis, etsi non assequenteSy sed frustra lahor antes. '^ Apparat. crit. ad Dem. p. 369. With all proper deference for such high authority, I find in this whole argument no allusion made to the cupidity of the Athenians ; on the contrary, it is the too great indifference to the loss of their possessions which the orator so frequently condemns. Equally groundless is the assumption of Sauppe, that he directs his censure against their injudicious rashness, which certainly accords very ill with the comparison which follows. The ground which Demosthenes takes is this : the Athe- nians, although possessing the amplest means^ not only do not act on the offensive in the war with Philip, which they might and ought to do (cf. § 18), but they do not make any NOTES. 129 efficient defence of their possessions, but, as often as they hear of any attack, they vote to send troops, which, how- ever, always arrive too late to save the besieged city. (Cf. § 36.) He says this is just the way that barbarians box. The construction of the passage is, drtoleiTtEode 5- ovdevng OVTG) TtohflElV (lHll7l7t03 OdCTtEQ 01 ^(iO^aQOl TtV'ATSVOVOlV. Lit. You lack not/ling of warring iviih Philip just as the bar- harians hox ; that is, you are fully as unjyrepared and unskilful. The verb dTtoleiTrsGdca with the gen. used in the sense of to ivant, to be inferior to, is very frequent, particularly among the orators. Isoc. Evag. Encom., Ttolv huv (iTToleiqdc^ tojv TteTtoay^t'rojv avto). Also in Or. Panath., '£}'oa 5' ofAoloya (xtjv dTtolsle^qdai r?]v i:(.(r^v Cfoorr^Giv rJ;g atjg. The same Orat. p. 614, ed. Aug., yeyovcog ^h ki] xqiu ^ovov unolHTtovta twv harov. In the active, however, it is more frequently construed with the ace. The emendation of Dob- KEE, ovblv instead of ovdsvog, is unnecessary. — Bekker and others have dt after MOTteQ, but it is wanting in Cod. ^, and is evidently superfluous. rtjg Ttlriytjg ex^rcu. "Exofiai with the gen. expresses the idea of physical and intellectual contact, adherence. Thuc. I. 140, Ti'jg nlv p'Wfir^g .... del Tijg avti^g r/oiJiai. A similar use of it is found in Or. de Cor. § 79, tovtcdv ydq sixoi^r^v Ij'Od, in hcBc enim eram intentus. Melancthon. Thuc. II. 2. ViGER. p. 256. Render, For if one of these re- ceives a blow, he always grasps the injured part, etc. ty.fi^i eiGiv ai xeToeg, there go his hands. Feaxke : so sind die Hdnde dorthin. Cf. Xen. Anab. I. 2. 7, where see Krueger. Sauppe quotes the poet in Plut. de Garrul. p. 513. E, onov Tig dlyel, y.eioe y.al tjjv x^iq' ^X^i- Lucchesini makes the following pertinent remarks on this passage : *' Lepidissima et pulcherrima quidem comparatio, quae miri- fice ob oculos ponit parvas illas subitasque ejfpeditiones ad Pylas, in Chersonesum, Pydnam, Potidagam, aliasque supra commemoratas, quae Yulneris potius dolorem ostenderant, quam ejus curandi voluntatem. Siquidem causa amovenda 12* 130 PHILIPPIC I. fuisset, untie ipse dolor infligebatur." Annotat. Hist. p. 275. IlQOpd/.lsoOui, for TtQOTHVEiV TUQ ^Bujag MQ elg if^dy/jV. Harpoc. s. v. : to guard or ward off with the hands. Or. de Cor. § 97, r^v dyadtiv TtQOpulXofxhovg tlmda, hona spe tanquam clypeo proterita, qua a timore se vindicent. Dissen. Also Xen! Cyrop. II. 3. § 41. Kal v^e7g. You too. After a eomparison, as here, xai may be rendered so, in like manner. Gv(A.7TaQad£ir\ lit. you run along icith Mm. So lauft ihr neben ihm her, bald auf, bald ab. Jacobs. di>(o xdrco, and urco y.al y.drco, used indiscriminately, denote something done without plan or order. Both readings are to be found in good manuscripts. VTz' txeirov, that is, subordinate to him, as your commander- in-chief. Cf. Olynth. III. 6. " Odioso verbo utitur, quasi Athenienses Philippi mercenarii duces et mancipia essent ; quod et turpe est et perniciosum. H. Wolf. avxol, ' yourselves ' ; you follow no independent course of action. The expression nqo rav TtQay^drcov corresponds to the English beforehand. Cf. Or. de Cherson. §§ 11, 12, which serves as a commentary on this passage. tv^^v. Auger and the older editors have Ttomv after tn^v, which Bekker rejected as a gloss. TtQOZSQOV, viz. before Philip became so powerful as to en- danger the liberties of Greece. tTt'' avrijv 7-'AH xi]v d'/.[ir^v. But noio it has come to such a crisis that this course is no longer admissible, dy.fu] : avxi) ^ QOTtrj T//s Tov TtQayfiarog tTtirdaecog. Bekk. Anecdot. p. 365. The present of ^'xoa is generally equivalent to the perfect in English. Kuehner, Gr. 255. 2. § 42. /lo'AEi ds HOI dmv ng. The sudden and rapid movements of Philip appear to have disconcerted the tardy Greeks, as those of Napoleon perplexed his more cautious adversaries. Cf. Phil. III. § 47 seqq., where our orator speaks of the changes that Philip had introduced in mili- tary tactics. NOTES. 131 roTg ytyvofitrnig. The dat. of cause or occasion. Cf. Matth. Gr. § 398. Kuehner, § 285. 1. yao refers to the words vTZto rr^g Ttohcog aiaxinofi^rog. Demosthenes endeavors by this sarcastic remark to appeal to the pride of his hearers, contending that such a mean- spirited resignation to their losses was a stain on the na- tional honor. The general sense of the passage may thus be expressed : For you are so far from feeling ashamed of allowing Philip to strip you of your possessions, that I verily believe, if he would remain satisfied with what he has got, and engage in no further undertakings, some of you would be content with such conditions, by which we should draw down upon ourselves, as a nation, disgrace, the stigma of cowardice, and every thing which is most shameful. anoyjiiiv Ivimg^ x. r. X., I think it would contejit some of you. On the form of this inf. see supra, § 22. t^ av. The antecedent of this relative are the terms just mentioned, in which, as the orator says, some were ready to acquiesce. They are in fact the very conditions on which peace was concluded, 01. 108. 2, B. C. 347 (cf. Or. de Halon. § 26), and which the orator himself at^ that time deemed it prudent to accept. Cf. Olynth. III. § 2, and es- pecially Or. de Pace., § 24. coqjh'i'AOtsg. orfhayuivsiv is a term taken from the courts of lav.': damnatam esse judicio, Viger. p. 272. Bremi: ''^AiGyyrriV ocfldv et similes locutiones sunt periphrases ver- borum, ita ut phrasi notio inhsereat merito aliquem pati quod patiatur : justa preini infamia.''^ \'Ay.(i)Jaaid\ Hesychius : rtnoxalehai. -S^eschin. de Fal. Leg. % 3, p. 189, onyjiv by.y.uhouodai. Reiske : ad indignationem vos concitat. dTteyrcoy.are. This verb is used either with or without an object; if indeed you have not altogether given up in de- spair, that is, if you have not wholly abandoned the pur- pose for which the war was undertaken, namely, that of 132 PHILIPPIC I. recovering your possessions and punishing Philip. Cf. Dem. de Fal. Leg. § 54. 43. d [47-8eig. After verbs signifying an affection of the mind, ei has generally the signification of on, that, indi- cating something definite and certain. Similarly in Latin si; as, Horace, Sat. I. 1. 86. ** Miraris, cum tu argento post omnia ponas, Si nemo pr86stet, quem non merearis amorem ? ' ' riiA(0Q?j(ja6dai. Cf. supra, § 7. Wachsmtjth, Gr. Antiq. I. 2. p. 354. El (ir} rig y.colv68[. This reading has been adopted bj all the recent editors of Demosthenes, and for this reason I have retained it. The best Codex of Paris (^) has acolvcjrj^ which FuNKHAENEL is inclined to receive. Quasi. Don. p. 9, and the Harl. MS. has y.colmoi, either of which I should prefer to the indicative. I was the more persuaded to this opinion by the reasonings of the learned Prof. Boeckh upon a similar passage in Or. de Cor. § 63, si firide^g xcolvasi, in which the correct reading is unques- tionably 'AcoXvcoi. The propriety of a conditional form of the mode after ei [irj is recognized by Bernhaedy, Gr. Syntax, p. 399. Eha is frequently used in interrogations, like the French done, when the speaker wishes to express indignation, or to show the absurdity of something. Viger. p. 395. rQn'iQEig y.Evag. The expression yeval rrjeg is commonly used in opposition to ri^eg jth'jQeig, which signified vessels furnished and manned ready for service, whereas the former denoted the bare hull and mast. When an expedition was determined upon, these were assigned to the trierarchs, whose duty it was to supply the rigging and other furniture, and to engage the crews. Goeller ad Tiiuc. VI. 31. Wolf, Proleg. ad Lept. p. 101. I conjecture, however, that the expression here is to be understood in a modified NOTES. 133 sense. The war with Philip had hitherto been carried on chiefly in countries allied with, and under the protection of, the Athenians, and the part which the latter had taken was rather by way of assistance to them than on their own account. In such cases, it Mas not uncommon to send a subsidy of empty vessels, as, when Philip attacked Hera3on in Thrace, Charidemus was despatched thither with ten empty vessels, and five talents of silver for hiring merce- naries to man them. Olynth. III. § 5. But not unfre- quently the troops were supplied by the ally to whose aid the vessels were sent. It is scarcely, therefore, to be imagined, that they were sent totally unfurnished, like those above described ; we must rather believe that they were rigged and supplied at least with crews sufficient to work them. TU? Ttana xov dsTrog D.mdag. Hopes held out by this or the other popular orator from the tribune. Cf. infra, § 45. In dah'O's', he alludes to some person or persons whom he does not choose to name. See, concerning this word, Hekai. ad ViGER. p. 704. § 44. The force and brevity of these interrogations are much praised by Loxginus de Siihlim. § 18. tiA^i^(j6;dsda ; sc. rag vavg. th[isv. The present form of this verb denotes future action. So in English, I go, am going, is often used instead of the regular future. Eiooiua is an epic form. fibQU yi tin. Notice the force of the particle yi : with some portion at least. Ti\v ty.eirov, sc. yr^v. Ttlsvaofieda. The vulg. has the Doric fut. Ttlsvaoi'fiada, which is more frequent with Attic authors than the other. We find it, for example, in Dem. Or. adv. Pol yd.., ovba 7tlevooiJ(x(u tTt' avxov (but Voem. here edits Ttlevoofxui^y p. 1222, ed. Reiske. /^o£T0. The arorist may stand for the present in cases where the action is regarded as having already occurred, 134 PHILIPPIC I. and the notion of repetition is added. Some liave pro- posed to read tooiro tig, as in Olynth. II. 3 we find av el'Koi ng, and Olynth. III. 10, siTtoi rig av. In Latin, i/i^'wir is used in a similar way. ■. rd aadna. Hesychius : ciGdevij, asyilaane'va ; The roar itself loill discover his weak points, if loe should attack him. rcov leyoncop, i. e. the orators. Demosthenes says. Or. de Cor. § 3, that " it is a part of human nature to listen with pleasure to calumny and accusation." The Athenians, how- ever, appear to have had an unusual relish for it. [oy] firj. The negative ov is wanting in some manuscripts, and would indeed seem to be superfluous in this sentence. Herm. ad EuRiP. Iph. T. 886 condemns the expression ovdtv ov jti/} as a solecism. This opinion which was founded on conjecture, has been since confirmed by manuscripts com- pared by Jacobitz which give QdooEi • ovdsv dEtvov iiij Ttddrig, instead of the vulg. ovdev buvov ov firj Ttddrig. Sauppe, in the passage before us, rejects ov for the following reasons : Negationes plures ita positcE {ovdijtox' ovdh ov), ut qucB ad totum comma pertineat sequatur, qucE ad partes ejus comma- tis, prcBcedant, se tollunt et affirmant, ov igitur delendum erat. Ea deleta sensus hie est, quasi dictum sit : ov pj ytvij- rai TtoTB ri rav dsoncav. Cf. Phil. III. § 75. It may be further remarked that ov p) followed by the subj. expresses the certainty of the ind. fut. Cf. Schoemann ad Is^um, p. 384. RuEDiGER ad h. I. § 45. Viioi, iih ydo di>, x. r. X. Denn wohin nur ein Theil der Stadt mitzieht, wenn 7iicht alle, die Gnade der Gotter und des Gluckes kdmpfen mit uns. Fhanz. The idea is that the gods dwell in Athens, and should even a small part of the citizens go forth to meet the enemy, their divine protectors will not forsake them. — xo .... avf^isrt'g. Neuter sing, of the adj. used for the corresponding abstract noun. ipijcf tafia y.evov. See note to § 19. rag dm rov ^iniaxog tlmdag, cf. Or. de Cor. § 167, hopes or promises held forth from the tribune. Valcsius attributes KOTES. 135 these promises to the generals, made at the time of their election : Solehant tunc temporis duces Atheniensiwn, siinul atque populi suffragiis electi fuerant, conscenso suggestu magnifica qucedam popuJo polliceri et victorias ac irophcea spondere. TsOvdai Tcp 8iEi TOiV, X. r. 1. These words were as difficult of explanation to the grammarians of ancient times as they have been to the critics of our own day, and hitherto no one has been able to say why the orator should have chosen to put the accusative instead of the genitive after 8t£i. Some from dt'ei supply th.2 participle of the cognate verb, d^diox?,', as RosT, Gr. 492. Others make the ace. dependent on dt'ci, and among these Bekxhardy, Gr. Syntax, p. 114, and ExGELHARDT, Adnot. crit. in Dem. p. 39. Finally, Hebm. ad EuRip. Bacch. 600, and Schaefer, Apparat. crit. ad Dem., maintain that the phrase rsdrdvai rep dt£i, being equivalent to ^dla dcdibvai, may be followed by the ace. of the object. The sense of the passage is clear : our allies die icitli dread of such reinforcernents. In a similar manner, Dem., Or. de Fal. Leg. § 81, says of the subju- gated Phocians, dovlsveiv y.ca Tsdrdvia tot q:6pcp Or^paiovg xul tovg (IhliTtTtov ^bvovg ovg drayy.d^oj'rut TQiCfiiv. According to the light hitherto thrown on the question, it appears that redrdvai rep de'ei is to be regarded as a verbal phrase not unlike the English exaggerated expression to he afraid as death of. As such it may evidently be explained according to the principle of Greek syntax laid down by Matth. Gr. § 414 : " Many intransitive verbs, namely, those which express a violent affection of the mind, take after them an ace. which denotes the immediate ohject and at the same time the cause of the affection." In regard to the thought itself, it is well known with what oppressions some of the Athenian generals, with their hordes of mercenaries, vexed their allies. Cf. supra, § 24. Voemel aptly quotes Diod. Sic. XV. 95 : ovrog \^Xdn?,g'] ds rovg fitv 7to).8^iovg evla^ou- [lerog, r-ovg d8 ovfxfiuj^ovg ddr/.av diertXei, '/.. r. A. 136 PHILIPPIC I. § 46. ov yao eativ (for ^^sGtiv), x. r. X. For it is not possible that one man should be able to effect all that you desire (that is, the single general, cf. § 26), without a civil force to cooperate with liim. (Iv dvrtjdi/vai Ttors. Some of the recent editors have im- properly rejected dv. Bekker has it in his first edition (1816), but afterwards struck it out. But it is both author- ized by good manuscripts and .the use of language requires it : for the verb bvinjdr^vai having its origin in the optative, the infin. without av would convey but an incomplete idea. I cannot concur wdth Franke, that it is used here de re et facto ; it rather expresses the orator's conviction, who knew that others differed from him in opinion. 'TTioopodui, alluding to the hopes and promises men- tioned above, § 45. Chares was notorious for his futile promises ; hence the proverb, u4l Xunr^rog vnooyjaeig. The censure however is not here directed against any particular commander, but against the Athenians themselves, who, by their indifferent management, forced their generals to all sorts of artifices. This, as w^ell as the following inf., depends on 'iativ, repeated with oratorical emphasis at the end of the sentence. fitrtoi expresses a stronger opposition than dt'. q)?j6(u, aorist, in the sense of (fdcAco, which sometimes answers* to the Lat. dictito, to make many words, talk plausibly. aiTidcjaadca, to lay the blame of failure on others. Aber Versprechimgcn machen, schwatzen, und diesen und jencn heschuldigen, das ist hicht ; aber dabei geht der Staat zu Grimde. Jacobs. tx, in consequence of. Cf. Krueger ad Xen. Anab. I. 3. 11 : I/, rovxoji'y in Folge dieser Umstjinde. i]yi^rat has been adopted by most of the recent editors in place of the vulg. i^ttJjui. Both are supported by good manuscripts. Ileiske prefers the latter, as denoting the ' helpless condition of the general in the hands of a turbu- NOTES. 137 lent soldiery. But the former is approved as most in keep- ing with the context. UTtofuaOcov, unpaid, those to whom the city has failed to furnish the stipulated pay, and for this reason jniserable, dd/.icor. The republic was not accustomed to furnish ra- tions to its soldiers ; but an allowance in money for pro- visions was counted out at the same time with their wa""es o (BoECKH, Staafsh. I. p. 293), and then each soldier sup- plied himself from the market. The stopping of payment, therefore, threatened famine. Demosthenes relates an in- stance {Or. adv. Pol yd. § 53) where, from a failure of wages which were paid from day to day, the troops were reduced to absolute want, and were unable to proceed, from hunger. Much of the violence and robbery exercised by the hired troops is doubtless to be explained as arising from this cause. Of 8\ the orators here. While the generals were strug- gling with these difficulties abroad, they w^re exposed to the intrigues and calumnies of the demagogues at home. ipevdoixevoi nadicog. The Scholiast (in Cod. Aug.) remarks upon this passage, oi ds av/.ocfdi'xai vmo cov 6 Groazriyo^' r/.sT TiQUTTei, UTSvdei' xuTi^yooovoiv ei'/erxa,^, diu yuo xo ^ii] naom'ui Ti (Iv. Construe, ipr^qiy^ads o ri dv xvyryiB, i. e. you decree what happens to come into your mind, without in- vestigation. Tvy/drsir and lay/drctr often take the accus. in this sense. Cf. Matth. Gr. 5 327. y.ai is used to sjive emphasis to the question : even. Cf. Her,m. ad Viger. p. 837. I subjoin Wolfs translation of this passage : Si eni/n iniperator miseros mercede fraudatos militcs ducit, qui vero de rebus ah ilJo gestis ad vos mentiafur, facile hie exstant et vos ex auditu, quicquid in mentem venerit, decernitis ; quid, qucFSo^ exspectandwn est ? § 47. dTtodsihjTS. Cf. Xex. A?iah. I. 10. 7. When you ajjpoint yourselves, i. e. your oion citizens as, die. Twv ozt)arry/ov[xti(x)v. Cf. supra, § 25. 13 138 PHILIPPIC I. rm> EvdvvcZv. Every public officer was obliged to render an account of his administration within thirty days after laying down his office. Hakpocrat. The generals in command formed an exception to the rule ; the time of their rendering their report being often appointed by a special resolution of the people. Lysias arf?'. J.ZciJ. Meier u. ScHOEMANJsr, Att. Process, p. 218. Cf. supra, § 33. This law, however, affected only those who received their offices directly from the government, not the subalterns and clerks. C. F. Hermann, Staatsalterth. §§ 147, 154. Such report was made publicly to the board of auditors {ol loyiarai and evdvvoi), on which occasion any person had the right to impeach them. Meier u. Schoem. Att. Process, p. 219. If no complaint was brought against them, and their ac- counts were satisfactory, they received at once their dis- charge ; if the contrary, the matter was referred to a court of justice for decision. In regard to the Xoyi at at and evdvvoi mentioned above, there were ten of each (one elected from each tribe) ; but what the distinction was, or whether any real difference existed, is still a subject of controversy. BoECKH, Staatsh. I. p. 205. C. F. Hermann, Staats- alterth. § 154, n. 8. The orators sometimes coupled the words loyov and svOvvag without regarding the difference between them ; but properly speaking, loyog signified the account of expenditures, whilst by the evdvrcu was meant the report, more or less detailed, of an officer's whole administiation. Meier, Att. Process, p. 219. £4' Tovd'' .... aiGivvr^g. Cf. supra, §§ 9, 37. 8)g yica tQtg viQivETai. Im.peachment and trial for his life awaited the general on returning from an unsuccessful cam- paign. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. p. 291. Sauppe supposes the generals here meant were Autocles, Cephisdodotus, Lcos- thenes, Callisthencs, and Chares. dvdQaTtodiorav, kidnappers. This term denotes not only those who seized and carried off free persons into slavery, but likewise those who enticed slaves away from their mas- ters into their own service, Eti/ni. Mag. p. 102. NOTES. 139 IcoTtodvrav, grassatores, clot lies- stealers^ knaves who robbed people in the street of their clothes. Cf. Lobeck ad Phnjuichum, p. 461. Xex. Mem. I. 2. 62, lodTto^ixoiv, grassando testes. § 48. " TzeoiioiTsg simt, qui in foro obambulant halucinan- tes Philippum longe aliis curis distentum abhorrere a bello cum Atheniensibus." Rued. Cf. supra, § 10. An in- veterate hatred existed between the Thebans and Lace- daemonians, which for a long period kept Greece in a state of discord. Heerex, Hist. States of Antiq. p. 208 seq. The insolence of the former after their victory at Leuctra, D. C. 371, had also greatly incensed the Athenians, who desired nothing so much as to see their power humbled. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 18. ra^ nohxEiag^ democratic forms of govermnent. Cf. Hae,- pocRAT. s. V. HER:Nr. Antiq. Gr. § 52. Aristot. Pol. IV. 10. 11, cc,' vvv y.cu.oviicv nohxdug, oi nooxEoov ty.u/.ovp dtj^oH- Qaricc^. diuGTzdr, used figuratively in regard to abrogating laws. Xen. Cyr. VIII. 5, voiiovg diaanav Tzeiodzai. 01 8\ sc. qa. Cf. ad supra, § 47. ccTTd for uTiva, or oaa. Cf. Harpocrat. 5. v. arra. The idea is. For it is not necessary to inquire (i. e. to speculate) what things are goijig to happens hut to know very well that they icill he adverse, unless, &c. The order of construction is : ov yao 8n oaoTteiv arra nox^ taiai, dlla \^8ef\ 8v eldtvai on [f(7T«f] qav).' tar fiij, x. r. h §51. The orator closes with a brief apology for the severity of his censures, urging his habitual candor and his sincere desire to serve the public interests. lih ovv. A customary formula in advancing to the close of a discourse, and referring rather to the whole tenor of it than to any particular part. Herm. ad Yiger. p. 845. a/J.ozE. Of the public orations which Demosthenes had delivered previous to the present, there are still extant those adv. Leptineni, adv. Aristocrat em, adv. Androtionem, de Classihus, and pro Megalopo litis. Cf. F. A. Wolf, Prol. ad Lcpt. p. 56. TtQog y/iQiv Eilo^iriv hyeiv. The aorist expresses the idea of repetition or habit. The sense may be thus given : I have never been in the hahit of saying, for the purpose of winning popular favor, 'what I ivas not convinced would he salutary for the commonwealth, etc. 11 — |U/J, nisi, nisi quod. Cf. Herm. ad Yiger. p. 849. a yiyvaa/.co. Xen. Anah. I. 3. 12, o ri rig yiyvaa-Aei uQia- rov fir at. vnoGTEih'.nEvog. A figure derived from nautical affairs. VTtooTuleodai ra larla, to take in sail; hence,' ovdep vnoo- TEildf^iEvog signifies, keeping nothing hack without reservation. Stallb. ad Plat. Apol. Soc. X. Ir/co ov8' vTtoareildfievog. — vTCooTt/leodai, dissimulare. The orators were said to contract sail, when they cautiously touched upon topics 13* 142 PHILIPPIC II. M'^liich. were likely to excite a storm of popular indignation, thus avoiding a free expression of their sentiments. Cf. Ohjnth. I. § 16. 'JJ^ovl6[i}jv 5' dv. This refers to the time in which he had been speaking, not to the present or future. The sense is, / should have liked to knoio (viz. while I was speaking) that my sincerity would likeicise henejit me, for (in that case) I should have spoken with more ease. The passage is usu- ally so rendered as to imply an apprehension of future harm in consequence of his boldness. But the formulas 'H^ovXo- fA.i]V av, — av eiTtov, and the change of time expressed by the following A^'vv d\ forbid such an interpretation. Con- cerning this construction see Schoemann de Arist. Hered. § 1 ; ViGER. p. 479 ; Matth. Gr. § 509 ; Bernhaedy, Gr. Synt. p. 373 seqq. Cf. Or. de Fal Leg. § 40. tTt' udip.oig . . . tTti expresses opposition and should be trans- lated notwithstanding. So Westermann (edit. 1853), un- geachtet der Ungewissheit, bei aller Ungeicissheit der Folgen fur mich. — xoTg .... yevtjGoiitroig, equivalent to relative and verb : ivhich will hefall me. Compare a similar passage in Thucyd. VIII. 97. 'FiTti 5' ovv roTg ijyyElim'Oig at 'Adijvaioi vccvg TE erAoair oficog t7t).7^oovi\ where also this particle conveys the notion of firmness and perseverance. Cf. Dem. in Mid. § 30. The orator speaks freely, and risks the uncertain consequences. Im tq). Here, on the contrary, em indicates the reason. The order is : aiQOVficu JJyeiv In) rco TrendGdcu ravra ovroiaeiv, lav TtQuhjte., which Auger renders, nunc quanquam incerfum est quidnam hinc consecuturus sim, tamen quid persuasum haheo hcEC factu vobis utiliafore, hceec loqui aggressus sum. NrAu^Ti §'.... Gvvoieeiv, May that measure prevail ichich will conduce to your general good. This patriotic sentiment is repeated at the rlose of several orations. Cf. Olynth. III. ; Or. Pro. Me galop. PHILIPPIC II. The peace concluded in the second year of tlie 108th Olympiad, B. C. 347, between Macedonia and the Grecian cities, was welcomed with particular joy by the people of Athens, who hoped thereby not only to obtain relief from the burdens of a long and disastrous war, and security from further aggressions on the part of Philip, but also to effect, through the cooperation of the latter, the humiliation of their hated rivals, the Thebans. Another object which they had much at heart was to save the Phocians, whose cause they had warmly espoused in the Sacred War. But their expectations in regard to both were doomed to disappoint- ment. Philip had artfully deferred taking the oaths of ratification until he had completed his preparations for an invasion of Phocis, and was already on his march to the south with a formidable army. At length, on arriving at Pherse, a city of Thessaly, he ratified the treaty, but with the express exclusion of the Phocians from its benefits. He had succeeded in corrupting several members of the Athe- nian embassy during their sojourn at his court, and these, upon their return to xlthens, had so misrepresented to their fellow-citizens Philip's intentions, as to prevent their sending a force to oppose him till the news arrived that he was engaged in ravaging the Phocian cities. The conquest of that country was completed in an exceedingly short space of time, and soon afterwards a letter came from Philip, desiring the Athenians to give themselves no further trouble [143] 141 PHiLirric I. about the Phocians, who had not been included in the treaty, and whom he had already reduced to submission. Phocis, having thus become a Macedonian province, was directly stripped of all national importance ; it was deprived of its share in the Delphian temple and of the privilege of a seat and vote in the assembly of Amphictyons, who elected Philip to take their jDlace, as the reward of his pious zeal. The Athenians were also punished for their alliance with the robbers of the temple by the loss of the TtQOixavreia, or right of precedence in consulting the oracle, and of presiding at the Pythian games, — privileges which they had long enjoyed, but which were now transferred to Philip. Orchomenus, Coronea, and other Boeotian towns previously held by the Phocians, were compelled to re- ceive Theban garrisons. Philip, being now more powerful than ever, returned with his army to Macedonia, leaving, however, a body of troops at Thermopylse, that the way into Boeotia and Attica might remain open to him. Demos- thenes declares the traitorous collusion of ^schines and his coadjutors in the embassy to be the cause of these losses and disgraces ; and there seems to be no reason to doubt that, whether intentionally or not, their counsels prevented the Athenian Assembly from adopting those energetic measures by which they might have been averted. The effect of the peace, under these circumstances, was to revive in the breast of every honest patriot the old resentment and distrust to- wards the king, who, on his part, regarded it as one step further gained towards the accomplishment of his great plan, the supreme control of the whole of Greece. Not the least of the evils resulting to Athens from this peace was the opportunity it afforded Philip of procuring himself a party there by means of presents and favors, as he had already done in other states. Numbers of men of all classes, even statesmen and orators, sold themselves to him, and employed their talents and influence to promote his interests. The patriotic orator had new enemies now INTRODUCTION. 145 to contend with, and those the more formidable because they met him on his own ground and wielded the same weapons which stood at his command. jEschines, a man inferior only to Demosthenes himself in oratorical ability, was the leader of this band of traitors. He was a person of ignoble origin, and had in his youth been obliged to re- sort to a variety of humble avocations for a livelihood, among others that of a player, in which capacity he seems, notwithstanding his fine voice, to have been often greeted with hisses rather than with applause from his audience. His talents, however, which were remarkable, and which he cultivated with unwearied assiduity, gained for him the notice and patronage of several influential statesmen, and thus pro- cured his enrolment (though by fraud, as Apollonius says) on the list of Athenian citizens. In the early part of his politi- cal career, he was a radical and a demagogue, and at the period here spoken of there were few statesmen that enjoyed in so high a degree the confidence of the people. He was a member of the embassy sent to treat with Philip in regard to the peace, but was not proof against the insinuating attentions and presents of that wily monarch ; and after prevailing with his colleagues to consent to a highly disad- vantageous treaty, he returned to Athens one of the king's most enthusiastic admirers and supporters. In defence of Philip's interests he was warmly seconded by Philocrates, an unprincipled demagogue, who omitted no opportunity of weakening Demosthenes's influence by ridiculing his abste- mious habits and scrupulous patriotism. One of the principal objects of the orator in the Second Philippic is to place these perfidious citizens in their proper light before his countrymen, and to induce the latter to hold them repon- sible for the deplorable condition to which the state had been brought by their false counsels. In the latter part of Olympiad 108, B. C. about 346, troubles arose in the south of Greece which seemed likely to involve the country in a general war. They originated ^46 ^ PHILIPPIC II. in Iho attempts of the Lacedaemonians to recover possession of Messene, whose independence had been established by the Thebans under Epaminondas. The former oppressions of Sparta still rankled in the minds of the people of Wes- tern Peloponnesus, and the cause of Messene was directly- espoused by the Argives and Arcadians, by whose aid the Lacedaemonians were repulsed ; but the Messenians, fearing the result of the quarrel, solicited Philip, to interfere in their behalf. The king eagerly availed himself of such a favorable opportunity of establishing his authority in the south, and ordered the Lacedaemonians to desist from their purpose ; at the same time, he encouraged the confederated cities to renewed resistance, promising them aid in money and troops. These were accordingly sent, with the intima- tion that he would follow soon after to take the command in person. Athens, warned by the tragical termination of the Phocian war, made an earnest effort to arrest a strife from which the most terrible consequences were to be ap- prehended.- An embassy, composed of Demosthenes and several other statesmen of acknowledged integrity, was de- spatched to the Peloponnesian cities, with the view of pre- venting, by their persuasions, the outbreak of a war ; and the vivid picture which they drew of Philip's faithless character, even towards his friends, decided the people of Messene and Argos to relinquish their purposed attack upon Sparta. As, however, they still continued to maintain friendly relations with Philip, a second embassy, of which Demosthenes was also a member, was sent for the purpose of detaching them from his alliance, and inviting them to form a league with Athens. These missions failed to produce any material effect. The orator cites, in this Second Philippic, a portion of his address to the people of Messene, which, he says, they highly applauded and approved, but were still unwilling to renounce his friendship and flattering promises. These open attempts to coimteract his influence in the south did not pass unnoticed by Philip. He sent an embassy J INTRO DUCTI3X. 147 to Atlicns, headed by the celebrated orator Python, who was instructed to protest against the groundless charges of bad faith which had been so publicly made, and formally to deny that he had ever broken his word to the Athenians. At the same time envoys arrived from Messene and Argos, at Philip's instigation as it is believed, for the purpose of complaining to the people of their having abetted the Lacedaemonians in their designs npon the liberties of the Peloponnesian cities. It was on this occasion that Demos- thenes delivered the second oration against Philip, which appears to have been pronounced before an assembly con- vened for the purpose of deliberating w^hat answer should be returned to the envoys. This is, however, made subor- dinate to the orator's main object, which is to excite the suspicion and resentment of the people, on the one hand, against Philip, whom, from his conduct since the peace, they have reason to regard as their enemy, and, on the ether, against the venal orators who had served as his in- struments to overreach them. W~ He begins by observing that the speeches he was accus- tomed to hear, setting forth Philip's violations of the p?ace, ■were just and good so far as they went, but that it was much easier to prove his infractions of the treaty than to advise what course ought to be pursued ; that, if they ■wished to find a remedy for their present evils, and to check & Philip before he became too formidable to be resisted, it ' ■would be necessary to change the manner of their delibera- tions, seeking what would be most beneficial and salutary rather than what was easy and agreeable. He is astonished that any man can look at the vast increase of Philip's power and acquisitions, and think that it bodes no danger to. Athens. He himself is of a different opinion ; he regards the king as their enemy, from reasons drawn from his con- duct after the conclusion of peace, — his seizure of the kBtrait of Thermopylae, and his barbarous treatment of the Phocians. As to his having preferred to favor the wishes 148 PHILLIP PIC II. of Thebes instead of furthering the views of Athens, that was simply a calculation of self-interest, and showed how correctly he had judged the character of the two states. He knew that the former were sordid enough, not only to offer no obstacle to his designs against the liberties of Greece, but to assist him in their subjugation, provided they could gain anything by it ; while he was aware that no prospect of private advantage could ever bribe the Athenians to abandon their common rights or surrender the national indepen- dence. He was actuated by similar motives in his alliance with the Argives and Messenians, whose ancestors had for- merly taken sides with the barbarians against their own country. It is reported that Philip is beginning to regard Thebes with suspicion, and is in consequence fortifying Elatea. Be that as it may, it is certain that he is furnishing the Messe- nians and Argives with the means of crushing the Lacedae- monians, and it is absurd to think that he, who is so intent on destroying the enemies of Thebes, is going to restore Phocis, which he so lately ruined. Nor has he, as some allege, acted from compulsion, nor done anything incon- sistent with his settled plan, that of concentrating his whole strength against Athens. His great aim is to extend his empire, and he regards the Athenians as the only obstacle in his way. He is conscious of having injured them for a long time, and knows that they are aware of it; and giving them credit for good sense, he thinks to avoid the conse- quences of their just hatred by anticipating their action. To this end he ingratiates himself with the Thebans and some of the Peloponnesians-of a like stamp, whose avarice and obtuseness of mind prevent them from looking beyond the present. Demosthenes here takes occasion to give an extract from, or rather the substance of, a speech he had delivered before the Argives and Messenians in his recent embassy, in which he besought them not to give ear to Philip's fair professions I N T R D U C T I X . 149 and promises, but to take warning from the fate of the Olynthians and Thcssalians, whose confidence in him had led to their ruin. " The security of states," he had told them, " consisted not in walls and ramparts, but in jealousv and distrust, especially in the case of free cities towards tyrants, who were the natural enemies of freedom and of constitutional governments." He warned them, therefore, to take care, lest, in seeking to get rid of the war, they should happen to find a master. The people of Messene, / though expressing a most hearty approbation of these sen- timents, could not, however, be prevailed upon to dissolve their connection with Philip. But, inconsistent as this con- duct was, that of the Athenians was still more glaring, on account of their superior intelligence. " It is not surprising," savs the orator, " that the inhabitants of Messene and other towns should act contrary to what their reason dictates ; but you, though fully aware of Philip's insidious designs, are unconcernedly awaiting every danger ; so much do present ease and pleasure outweigh future consequences." Then follow his first loud complaints of the persons by Avhose false representations the people had been persuaded to conclude the disgraceful peace, of which the most odious feature was, that it was made binding even on their poster- ity. He anticipates what will be the grief and resentment of his hearers when they come to experience the conse- quences of the deception practised upon them, but at a time too late to repair the mischief. He wishes it to be borne in mind who it was that counselled them to leave the Phocians to their fate, thus opening to Philip the way into the heart of Greece. For had they not been beguiled into that imjDrudence, the king would not have been able to in- vade Attica, either by sea or by land, but would have been cautious how he again provoked a contest which he had before been so desirous of bringing to a close. The speaker concludes with the earnest wish that his anticipations might 14 150 PHILIPPIC II. not be realized, for lie would not that any, however deserv- ing, should suffer a punishment that would be attended with the destruction of the republic. I § 1. ^Orav — loyoi yiyrwnai, x. r. A., As often as speeches are made, etc. Since the conclusion of the peace into which Philip had inveigled the Athenians, rather for the purpose of lulling their suspicions with regard to his designs upon Greece than because he had any real intention of desisting from his aim, he had been busy in extending his conquests in the north, and in augmenting his influence among the Grecian states. Some of these he had won over to his alliance, by benefits actually conferred, or by promises of aid in their plans of aggrandizement. Others which were obnoxious to him he had either subdued by force or intimidated ; even in Athens his flattering attentions and presents had secured him a party not inconsiderable either in point of numbers or influence. His overreaching policy did not, however, escape the vigilance of the true friends of Athens, who discovered too late, that, in consenting to a league with an unprincipled and ambitious monarch, they had manacled their own hands, and deprived themselves of all pretext for making any active opposition to his movements. These offered a fruitful theme of discussion for the Athe- nian orators, and were the occasion of many an excellent Philippic, if we may judge from the compliment which Demosthenes here pays them. They failed, however, in the most important point, that of indicating the proper means of meeting or avoiding the dangers which evidently threatened them. TtQUTTBi nai ^laX^rai. The former of these verbs relates to the activity of Philip in securing alliances and otherwise strengthening his power ; the latter is more specific, and NOTES. 151 comprises simply his direct violations of the articles of the treaty. TtQUTTU is employed in the general sense preserved in our word practise, which is admirably defined by Krue- ger : Trndxreiv ist die geschdftige, jtoieiv die schaffende Tkdtigkeit. A similar distinction obtains when ttqutteiv is used in connection with other verbs, which in such case denote species of action. Cf. Phil. I. § 20, and note. The explanation of Ruediger, TTodirei yuii ^id^eTui, i. q. ^la^Ofie- rog TtQUTrerai, is therefore inadmissible, since the expression comprehends indefinitely more than what could be construed into a violation of the peace ; for example, his subjugation of the Phocians and other countries not included in the treaty, and other measures for magnifying his power noticed in the course of the oration. vmQ r^fxojv, in our favor, in opposition to those made by Philip's partisans. hy.aiovgy.cii (filavdoc6nnvg,fair and plausible. Dissen ad Or. de Cor. § 298, renders, q:ilavdQcoma loymv llanda verha. We have the word in a similar sense in Or. in Mid. § 75 : oi're cfi}.dvdQ(07tov .... TtQog tovg biyaorag Ttoitjaovra. Com- pare also Or. de Fed. Leg. § 140. In the oration i?! Lept. § 90, it is used in opposition to cojjiorijg, truculentia, at which passage F. A. Wolf quotes the words of Aristides to the Athenians : ^Tiuv CfiXavdQmmag, txeivoig 5' (sc. the Thebans) co^orr^Tog TteQieaxiv. The Athenians boasted of this virtue, and therefore the word was particularly agreeable to them. q aivofitvovg — doy.oviTug. Bremi : " Verba bene delecta. (DuireadaL de pondere orationum, quae certam habent per- suasionem, 8oy,8iv de judicio quod homines ferunt de iis, qui Philippum accusant." The latter word has reference to the opinion and judgment of the hearers. rd dtorza, what is requisite, depending on }Jyeiv. It is equivalent to the expression dg dtov Xq'stv. Cf. Phil. I. § 14. yiyvofievov 8' ovdtv. All the commentators explain these words as signifying, hut nothing is done. Auger : nihil rede geri. Jacobs : Ohne dass doch jemals auch nur das 153 PHILIPPIC II. Geringste von dem geschielit was zweckmdssig ist. Tliey can have, however, no reference to active measures, for the Athenians were at this time exceedinglj- anxious to maintain the peace, and no orator had ventured even to make a propo- sition to resume the war (cf. inf. § 3) through fear of ex- citing their displeasure. Demosthenes is speaking simply of the nature of these orations, in which he finds nothing pertinent or worth the hearing. The part, ytyrofievov is used in the Same sense as in Olynth. III. § 2 : rovg fiev ydo loyovg Tteoi tov ri^coQijaaodai (InhnTtov oqco yiyvontvovg, where it is clearly equivalent to Xeyo^tvovg. Or. de Cher son. § 2. For the nature and uses of yiyvofievog^ cf. Viger. p. 356 et seqq., and HER\r. p. 778. Besides, w-hat made their speeches not %vorth hearing ? Because they dwelt only on Philip's atroci- ties, without daring to approach the important question, how they were to be prevented. The orator explains his mean- ing of rojv dsofTcop below, § 5, by xa oc6oovza. If this view of the passage is correct, which I hope is sufficiently proved, the sense may thus be given : I observe also that all those who accuse Philip are thought to say what the occasion de- mands., hut in fact not a ivord, I had almost said, of ichat is requisite is offered, nor for ivhich it were ivorth while to hear them. Concerning 7.6yovg oqco, cf. Or. de Cher son. § 77. § 2. Big Tovro. Olynth. III. 1, ra ds. TtQay^Jiara eig tovto TtQo/fAOvra, and § 3, eig nilv rtQOEh'ilvdE (lO'/^dr^Qiug tu naQOvTU. Wolf : Sed eo jam tola respuhlica redacta est, ut quo magis et evideniius ostensum fuerit Philippu?7i et pacem vohiscum fact am violare et omnibus Gr, Or. de Cor. § 30. This form is ambiguous, and may be in the nominative or the accusative. According to Matth. Gr. § 564, it is a nom. absolute ; but others regard it as an ace. abs., as Vigee,. 329 et seqq., Herm. ad Viger. not. 213, BuTTM. Larger Gr. § 145, not. 10, and Kuehner, Gr. § 312. 5. TtaniovTEg (sc. tTti to §t;^ua), the orators. Cf. note to Phil. I. § 1. The following xovxcov Ruediger refers to the verbs yndcfEiv y.ai ovf^^ovXavsjv ; but as these infinitives are governed by o'/.rovi'reg, it is more rational to refer it to the preceding tQyqj y.ai 7tQ(ihe6iv. The idea is, We abstain from proposing such measures, fearing, etc. yQdq:eiv, to introduce a bill or a decree ; ovfA^ovlsveiv, to advocate a measure in the assembly. did rrjv TtQog viidg dnl'fduuv, lest we may iiicur your dis- pleasure. /''H TTQog Tiva dniydua duplicem habet signifi- cationem, subjectivam, odium quo aliquem prosequor ^ objec- tivam, odium quod est contra me apud aliquem.'^ Bremi. An example of both these significations is contained in Or. de Coron. ^ 36. Comp. also Or. de Fal. Leg. ^ 85. vfiElg 01 'Audi]iiEvoi (sc. Iv ry e'Axhjaia), you hearers. Or. de Cherson. ^ 30, dlX vfieig ol aad/jfievoi ovtcog i^dtj didnEiads. Cf. ^27, infr. cog — UP and the less frequent o7t(og dv, with the optative, denote the means for attaining an end : You are better pre- pared than Philip for making speeches. Bernhardt, Gr. Synt. p. 400. 8rMuovg, i. e. defending the rights of Athens against Philip. t(jp' av tail vvv, upon 7chich he is noic engaged ; em, with 14* 154 PHILIPPIC II. the genitive, here expresses intentness of mind, i. q. Tt8()l a GTtovdu^Ei. Wolf. ^ 4. 2!vfi^(uv&. d)] 7tQay(Aa, The result is, etc. • /'(Tea?, in an affirmative sense, very. 8)^Eiv. The inf., which is also the vulg. reading, is sup- ported by the normal Codex (^, and nearly all the others of the most acknowledged authority. Bekker has the ind. r/ei, from one Codex T (cf. Rued). They err, however, who regard ravt^ as an accusative. The dialectic writers used (jviA.8aivEi simply to denote the conclusion of a syllogism, which is then put in the nom. wdth the infin. Cf. Bern- hardy, Gr. Synt. p. 332, who adduces the following pas- sage from Plato's Phced. : rdds i]iiiv ^Vfi^airei, tw fier dEico .... o^oioxarov Eiiai '^^'vpj. The expression av^i^airsi Etrui means simply tariv. See many similar examples collected by Zeunius ad Viger. p. 305. Hence it appears that ravx' and the words connected with it are a mere explanation of TTgay^a, and consequently in apposition with it. This will appear more plainly, if we look at the order of construc- tion : uvayxcuov TtQciyfia ovu^alvEi dt] . . . . ravx^ (^ieivov hart- QOig EiEiv, tv oig, 'A. r. 1. ^ 5. drAaiOTEQU, i. e. proving that your cause is more equitable than Philij)'s. Toc Ttaoort, tlie^present difficulties. Cf. Or. de Pace init. 7tQ0Eld6vta\.^.h]6Ei. The verb Xavddi'co joined with a participle has trie signification of the Lat. adv. clam, and the part, is rendered as a finite verb. Cf. Viger. p. 258 : KuEHNER, Gr. ^ 310. 4 (1.). Render, ajid not advance still farther wholly without our knoivledge. t7ti (Jb'vTOi rig rar t(i(av otzJm dnaiQrytai aoi. Bekk. Anecd. dvxaiQEiv : dnavioxaaOat, to resist. Cf. Oly?Uh. II. 24. NOTES. 155 avTog TQOTiog (sc. aioen-o.^ taxi), Non eadem profecto con- sulendi ratio, quae prius est adhihenda. Lucches. ^ 6. El Tig .... 6(iVfX('Cco. Cf. Phil I. ^ 43. Tovxn, i. e. this increase of power. t(jp' vndg, i. q. y.ad' vfiav, aig to y.azadovX(6oaodai VfA,ag. II. Wolf. d£iid?,i(a .... ^ovlojAai. Cf. Or. de Cor. ^ 6, d^ia y.al dtoiiai Tzdi'TOJi' oi-Wiojg vfA.(Joi>, dy.ovGUL ^ov. dia ^ouyjcov, briefly. Ut meas rationes paucis audiatis. Wolf, loyiaf^wvg signifies conclusions to ^YLich he has arrived by reflection. 8i ovg .... di cor. 8id with the ace. refers to the reasons on account of ichich he apprehends the contrary ; with the gen. it indicates the circumstances themselves hy ichich he has been led to such conclusions. With 8i mv understand TtQU'/fidTOJV. Cf. RcJED. ad OJynth. I. 12. Ttaot6TrfA£. The pres. mid. TtamoTUTai used impersonally signifies, it occurs to me, it comes into my mind ; the perf. act., which is used as mid., signifies that the impression has ripened to conviction, answering to the Latin stat mihi sen- tentia, persuasum est, etc. pt/.Tiov rcov dD.Mv. " Cod. Dresd. tmv dV.ojv servat et celeberrimus Her.maxx mihi scribit ' nihil est causae cur zcop du.o)v omittatur.' " Rued. Cf. Or. de Pace, ^ 11. — TtQOOQuv, see into the future. 01 ... . TtSTtiaTev'Aorag, Those icho put their faith in Philip. TtooaOi'^aeade, That you may take sides with them. TlooaTi- 6euai GDI is said for ^ercc gov yiyvofiai. Dem. i7i Epist. Phil. p. 154, ^ 6, oTtOTt'ootg nnoGdeho, rovTOvg inoiEi yoianv, luhonisoever he joined he made victorious. Cf. farther, Or. de Cor. ^ 39, § 195, and infra, ^ 12. ^ 7. loyuo(.iai, 1 take this vieio of the subject. flvlav y.al tmv, x. t. 1. Three years before this oration was delivered, directly after the ratification of peace, 01. 108. 2, Philip took possession of the strait of Thermopylae, 156 PHILIPPIC II. and, advancing into Pkocis, destroyed tlie cities and reduced the inhabitants to submission. The Phocians, who were allies of Athens, had not been included in the treaty, Philip pretending that he did not wish to irritate the Thebans. The ambassadors who had been sent to receive Philip's oaths to the treaty had scarcely returned to Athens, when the news came that he was already within the Thermopylae, and it was then too late to assist the Phocians. These cir- cumstances are related by Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 57 et seqq., and Or. de Cor. § 32 et seqq. Cf. Liban. Arg. Or. de Pace, and Wachsmxjth, Gr. Antiq. I. 346. a Or^^amg .... TtQoeileto, He preferred to pursue a policy which was advantageous to the Thehans and unfavorable to the city. Tl di] TtotE ; Quid tandem 7 The orator now proceeds to scrutinize in a masterly manner the policy of Philip, and putting himself, as it were, in his position, he reasons out his motives and probable intentions. Ttleove^iav. This word, used either concerning individ- uals or states, signifies the desire to gain more than the laws or treaties permit. TtQog, in reference to. The force of the preposition is continued to to ... . Ttoitjaaadai, which is added by way of explanation, and not as another principle of action. This is one of the cases, frequent with Demosthenes, where the general and special notion are put in the same regimen. Cf. Bremi ad Phil. I. ^ 28. The expression is almost the same as Philip himself employs in announcing his conquest of Phocis to the Athenians : y,ca ra xara rr^v 0coy.ida I'qp' kcvtovg mnoujuivovg. The letter is preserved in Dem. Or. de C^r. § 39. roiig Xoyiaiiovg t^erd^cov, reasoning, making his calculations. Demosthenes represents Philip as regulating his entire policy according to the principle of self-aggrandizement, uninfluenced by any consideration of peace or equity. § 8. elderovr^ rxjdojg, Cod. ^and Bekkek. Vulg. oldej. 6. NOTES. 157 He justly perceived this, etc. He jndi^cd us correct I'lj in supposing that we ifcre ahore any thing he was ahle to ojf'er. '//Jafji TO^V i]fiExtoni^', nostris morilvs, i. e. to a people of our character. Cf. Dissen ad Or, de Cor. § 114. roanvrov. This, which is the reading of Cod. ^, seems more suitable than the vulg. rotoviov, since the orator refers rather to the magnitude than to the nature of the induce- ment. rivag., i. e. the Lacedsemonians, whose power Philip wished to destroy. Cf. inf. § 15. Ttnooiads, sacrijice. 2. a. opt. m. Ttoo'ir^fu. dr/uaov loyov Tzoiov^ievoi. TIoiHadat loyov with the geni- tive, to make an account of, to esteem highly. Cf. Viger. p. 289. From dU.a he proceeds with great confidence, and this particle is employed to introduce what is certain and settled. I transcribe the translation of Wolf : Sed ct jus- titicE rationem habent.es et dedecus cum ea re conjunct ujn fugientes et omnia qucE decet provide?itcs ceque adversaturos esse, si quid tale conaretur, ac si belhun gereretis. ojait^n av (sc. Iravrio^dln^TE.) § 9. (Irxl roji' HCVToTg yiyirofitrcov, y.. r. h Render, ?7z re- turn for the benefits accruing to them, icouid in future allow him to do as he pleased. Philip put them in possession of Orchomenus and Coronea, cities of Bceotia, which they had long coveted. Cf. infra, § 13. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 141. ovy oTTcog, not only not ; equivalent to ov [lorov ov. Viger. p. 432, and Herm. p. 788. There is no necessity for sup- plying a negative. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 131 ; Or. de Fal. Leg. § 60. Concerning the subject itself, see Beueckner, Konig Philip, pp. 187, 198. tavta vTTEilrjCpag, forming the same judgment, viz. as he had done in regard to the Thebans. The orator narrates below, § 15, in what these benefits to Messene and Argos consisted. § 10- y^ad' t'jucoi', upon, in respect to you. Cf. Matth. 158 PHILIPPIC II. Gr, § 581 ; Or. de Cor. § 215, tdei^av eyxcofjiia B^^aToi v.ad' vficov ta xdlliGia ; Or. de Fal. Leg. § 84, ai y.ara Qr^^aicov I'A. Tovtojp rcov '^Qycov, from these facts, i. e. from these judgments of Philip, it is evident that you alone, etc. Con- strue, ycin [vfxeTg'] fioi'oi rav 7tdi>rcov 'At-Aoiade tx tovrojv rcov 'ifyyoiv dr Ttooladai td xoivd dl'Aaiu rojv 'ElXijrcov ^r^dtrog xtQ- dovg. — dv with inf. likely, as in Phil. I. § 31. Concerning the gen. with verbs signifying to barter or to exchange, cf. Matth. Gr. § 364. avxalhi^aadai. Cf. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 223,"" xfa ovK di'talXa'Atsov eivat iioi lijv noog v^idg (fiXori^iav ovdevog yiiodovg. Sometimes the prep, avexa is added to this gen., as Or. de Class. § 32. cog hi-'Qcog. Wolf considers cog redundant in this passage, from which Schaefer dissents, regarding cog as exclamatory : *' Non abundat, sed auget vim adverbii quasi dicas ut aliter! " But these learned critics, as well as Ruediger, who renders ganz anders, have overlooked the correspondence be- tween o'vxmg — wg, y.al — xai, in this passage. The orator means that the judgment of Philip was equally correct 'in both cases ; literally rendered : he thought these things rightly, both so concerning you as also the contrary con- cerning the Argives and Thebans. Cf. Dem. Or. de Cor. § 85, where the learned Boeckh interprets cog art'()cog so wie anders, which may be correctly applied here. On ovrcog — cog, see Passow, Gr. Lex. ; Hom. 11. IV. 178 ; Od. IV. 148. rd TTQo tovtcov, the past, our previous history. § 11. EvQiG>iei jdQ, K. T. I. Comperit legens in annalihus et accepit ab hominwn fama. Reiske. l^ov, 'A. t. X. See supra, § 3. The sense is, Wkeji it was in their power to rule the rest of Greece, provided they acknowledged allegiance to the king of Persia, not only spurning that proposal, etc. cocza = tg)' coxs, so, i. e. on condition that. Kuehner, Gr. Gr. § 341. 3. d. NOTES. 159 ^^Xt^ai'doo^ 6 rovzcov nQoyovo^, the ancestor of these Mace- donian princes. The circumstance here alluded to occurred in the Persian war. Xerxes, on returning to his dominions after the battle of Salamis, left Mardonius, with an army of 300,000 men, to finish the subjugation of Greece. Mar- donius, hoping to attain this object easier by corruption, sent Alexander, king of Macedonia, known by the cogno- men of (JmWJjjv, to offer to the Athenians the undisturbed possession of their own country, and whatever foreign territory they might choose, it they would enter into an alliance with the Persians. The Athenians rejected the proposition with indignation, and bade Alexander tell Mar- donius, that " as long as the sun held on his course they would never ally themselves with the king of Persia, but, trusting to the protection of the gods and heroes whose temples and images he had destroyed, they would oppose him to the utmost of their power." They also warned Alexander not to venture to insult them a second time with such a message. At the same time they returned this an- swer to the Spartans, who had sent an embassy to admonish them of their duty : " Think not that any sum of gold is so great, or any land so fair and fruitful, as to purchase our obedience to the Medes, and to induce us to aid in reducing the Greeks to slavery." Incensed by their obstinacy,' Mar- donius again let loose his hordes upon the country, and captured Athens the second time, most of the inhabitants of which had taken refuge in Salamis. The offer was re- peated to the fugitives upon the same terms, and again as firmly rejected. As, however, Lycidas, one of the senators, showed an inclination to yield, and attempted to persuade the rest, he was stoned to death by the senators and people ; his wife and children shared the same fate from the women. Not long after, Mardonius evacuated Athens, having first demolished the remaining temples and walls. This was followed in the same year (01. 75. 2), by the victory of Plataea and the glorious battle won by Cimon over the 160 PHILIPPIC II. Persian fleet at Mycale. Heuodot. VIII. and IX. ; Thuc. I. 18 ; LuccHEs. Hist. Pref. Or. de Class. ; Jacobs, Anm. ad h. 1. yh'iovtai, aim at, strive for icilh zealous adulation. Xt'/siv. The difference between this and eirtBLV is, that the former represents the act of speaking as going on, whereas the aorist expresses a -completed action, indicating' the result or sum of what is said. rd'A£ir(ov. exsivog and xsipog were both used by the Attics, the former, however, much more frequently. The expres- sion T« xeivov occurs in Or. de Class. § 34. Cf. Lobeck ad Phryn. p. 7. T(p loycp rig dv aiTZoi, als man mit Worten aussprechen kann. Jacobs. The Greek language is extremely rich in pleon- astic formulas, which, uniting the general and particular or the abstract and concrete, exhibit a wonderful degree of exactness, and at the same time completeness of expression. In the effort to make the idea, as it were, objectively visible, it did not scorn combinations which in any modern language would be intolerable. I need only adduce one or two ex- amples : rovg cpuaamtag rq) loyoj, Dem. Aristog. II. p. 807, where frequent repetition wants little of the duration ex- pressed by Isysodai loyo), Eurip. H^l. v. 1054, or rcorovg Ttornv, Plato, Symp. p. 42. rovg ds Qi^^atcov .... Tt{)oy6rovg. ' This ace. depends on the verbs evqlgau and aKOvsi. ovatQaremuvrug ro) (5«(;/3«(>ft}. Herodot. (VI. 108) re- lates that the Thebans assisted Xerxes in his expedition against Greece. Xenophon {Hellen VII.) says, that they alon'e of the Greeks fought on Xerxes's side at the battle of Plata?a, and never afterwards made war against him. The Argives also, when they were solicited by the other states to join their confederacy, declined to do so, and, as the Lacedajmonians rejected the conditions of peace that were offered, they embraced the cause of the Persians. Herodot. VII. 148; livED. Hist. Cum. ; Lucches. p. 382. I NOTES. 161 § 12. 0^8er ovi\, x. r. ).., He knoics, therefore, that hoik will consult their private advantage, ^yiyandv is construed by Demosthenes with the ace, when it signifies to aim at. La attend to, as below, § 19 ; with the dat. when it signifies to he content icith something, to acquiesce in, etc. Ini To'i^ dr/.amg. The prep, tm denotes the condition : on terms of justice. In like manner, Dem. Or. de Cor. § 87, ov8' Ini tovToig tqaoav rjiV av^i^iic/iav TtaTton^oOai, non lis se conditionihus coisse societatem dicerent. Wolf. The idea is, If Philip, knowing the principles of the Athe- nians, should choose them for his friends, he could not require from them any thing inconsistent with those princi- ples. TOTf y-ai ivv. When several adverbs of time are employed together, and one of them denotes the present time, the Greeks were accustomed to put the verb modified by them in the jDresent time. Soph. Antig. v. 181, ed. Boeckh : 'Ad'/ACzo^ elvcci ivv rs y.ai Ttd/.ai doy.el. Demosthenes, Or. de Cor. § 31, speaking of his colleagues in the embassy corrupted by Philip, says, y.ai rorf y.ul j'vv xuf «£/ oi^io/.oyM y.(a TColeiieTv y.ai diacftoeodut rovxoi^. Ov '/do d/j. Aware that other motives might be assigned for Philip's preference of Thebes and Argos as allies, than those he imputes to him, the orator meets these imaginary objections to his views. He does not prefer them on ac- count of their superior strength, " for he does not find them in the possession of more ships, at least, than you," etc. We have already noticed {Phil. 1. 16^ that Athens could man at least, 300 ships of war. Isocrates [Panegyr. 31 ed. Feltox) says the Athenians possessed more ves- sels of war than all the other states together. oi'5' h. The negat. ov8' is to be referred to d.qbOTi/.er. The sense is, Kor^ although he has obtained a certain inland dominion, does he scorn that of the sea and of commerce. Some prefer to interpret rii doyj^v satis amjjlam imjjerimn, 15 162 piiiLirpic II. intimating that, if Philip's empire on land were sufficiently extensive, he would renounce the rule of the sea. But it is more consistent with the view which Demosthenes every- where takes of Philip's insatiable ambition, to understand Tira in its most indefinite sense. Concerning the phrase, aQirjV 8VQt]y>£, cf. Or. in Mid. § 196, iizydhjv ciQ'/^tjV .... v7to(jj[^'(JEig. That is, the promises which Philip made to the ambassadors of Athens in the so-called False Legation, though Philip denied that he had, either through them or in his letters, made any such promises. Cf. Libanius's Argument to this oration, and Or. de Fal. Leg. § 39, et seqq. I transcribe the following remarks of Lucchesini on this subject {Hist. Annot. ad Or. de Pace, p. 363) : Facta condone renuntiavit JEschines quid actum foret, otque ad- didit regem promittere, nullum se damnum Plwcensihus illaturum, instauraturum Thespias Plat(^amque, Thehanos depressurum, ipsis pecuniam Dclphico Apolli7ii restituendam, imperaturum, quam Phocenses abstulerant, res T/'iracice cojn- positurum, pro Amphipoli denique daturum Eubceam. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 20 et seq. § 13. Ttdria raW Eidoog (sc. Philip), knowing all this, i. e. aware of the venal selfishness of Thebes and Argos, as well as of their inferior naval advantages. rep ... . dhovr. The art. rrp introduces the reason. Lat. quod. Cf. ViGER. p. 16. Render, because the demands of the Thehans were more just than ours. " Postulaverant autem Thebani, ut Orchomenus, Coronea aliaque Boeotioe oppida in suam potestatem redigerentur." Franke. In the following clause, y.ai before i^pvov is intensive, and may be rendered by certainly : Of all reasons, this certainly it is not in his poioer to urge. TtM^ dr. Take the words in the following order : 7t(og dv .... Gy.t]\pano n^itoir^y.bvai rci) roitiZ^iv ravr elvai dr/.aia. Wolf : Quo pacto, Orchomeno et Coronea turn Thchanis tradita, se ilia fecisse, quod aqua esse putaret simulahit 1 NOTES. 163 The grammarians explain 6-/.i\7trzadca by TToocfcm^saOca. Rued. The history of Messene had been that of a per- petual struggle to maintain its independence against the encroachments of Sparta. At length, wearied out and continually in danger of being overpowered, they invited Philip to come to their assistance. Whereupon Philip, foi-min '^ an alliance with them and some other states of the Peloponnesus, ordered the Lacedcemonians to evacuate the Messenian territories. Pausan. IV. 27 ; Rued. Comment. Hist..^. 155; Lucches. ad Or. de Megal p. 222. § U. 'Mr t^iuadij (sc. siTtoi rig av). Cf. Or. de Pace, § 22. naoa yi-J^linv is equivalent to ay.m, against his will. Cf. infra, § 16. Iv (jLtacp l7](fdeig, surrounded hy. This verb in the passive often denotes merely the condition. Cf. Phil. 1. § 18. Qnzalm>. The Thessalians aided Philip in the Phocian war. Their strength consisted in their excellent cavalry which numbered above 3000, and if circumstances required, could be increased to double that number. Xen. Hellen. VI. 1. 8. Cf. DioD. Sic. XVI. 59. ovv^yaor^OE ravra, he agreed to these conditions. Herod- OT. IX. 35, avyx(OQ87v sIqi^vt]v, to agree to a treaty of peace. Cf. the Latin concedere, which is etymologically equivalent to ov/xcooErv, and agrees with it in its intransitive and transitive meaning. Kalag, said ironically. VTtoTTiag tyav is used in an active sense for vTiOTtrevsiv. The verb ^u'/leii' very finely indicates a growing distrust towards the Thebans; as we should say, Ae is getting suspicious. De-m. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 132, 8voy.6lmg x ty/ir aai vTZOTizcog TCnog xov ^Inhnrtov . ^loyonoioiai mouomg. Cf. Phil. I. § 48, note. Elateia was the largest city of Phocis, though Delphi, on account of its temple, etc., was more celebrated. Boeckh, Staatsh. II. 372. It was situated near the foot of the (Etean moun- 1G4 PHILIPPIC II. tains, on or near the river Cephissiis. It ■ was considered a very important military position, by reason of its command- ing the great thoroughfare from Thessaly into Phocis and Boeotia. At the close of the Phocian war, the fortifications of Elateia, as well as those of all the other Phocian cities, twenty-two in number, were, according to a decree of the Amphictyons, levelled with the ground, 01. 108. 3. By his kindness afterward to the conquered Phocians, Philip excited the suspicion that he was about to rebuild the walls of Elateia. rsriiel. Attic fut., denoting intention. § 15. fielXei aal ^sll^an: " Significat fi^llo) et futurum tempiis et moram. Eleganter igitur ludit amphibolia signifi- cationis." Wolf. Gvii'^d)lm>. The prep, avv in comp. governs the dat. ; it conveys here the notion of help. Bekker in his ed. of 1818, and K\\gQ\\ avvEia^dXlnv •, vulg. avvEG^dXleiv. The reading of the Cod. 2! has been justly approved by Bekker in his subsequent ed., and by the recent editors ; there being no allusion to any invasion. avtog laxi TtQoadoMfxog, He is expected in person, viz. in Peloponnesus. ovrat; emphatically signifies the present. dvcuQEi. This should be understood simply as implying the endeavor to destroy. Demosthenes uses a strong term, in order to heighten the absurdity of such an opinion. dnmlmev. In obedience to the decree of the Amphic- tyons alluded to in § 14, the inhabitants of the twenty-two Phocian cities taken by Philip were separated into villages of fifty houses each, which were not allowed to be less than a stadium from one another. Boeckh, Staatsh. II. 373. Demosthenes thus describes the deplorable aspect of the country : " as we came to Delphi, we were forced to witness all these things : houses torn down, walls levelled with the ground, the country destitute of men able to bear arms, nothing but wretched females, a few boys and miserable old men, — no one can describe the desolation that reigns thore." Or. de Fal. Leg. § 65. NOTES. 165 ooi'^et = draaa^si, restores, in the sense of the fut. § 10. oi'd' civ t]yovfi(a. The particle up is to be referred to tiaiTiovodai. Auger and Ileiske from the Dresd. and Bail. MSS. read ovx uv. So Bekker also. oiV — ovr' deny each hypothesis separately, and thereby strengthen the general negation. The following is the exposition of Reiske : sive coactum et invitum Phillppum illud jJi^ius ais fecisse, ut scilicet Thehanis Orchomemim ct Coroneam condonaret, sice nunc de constantia et jide The- hanorum desperare ; non potest exputarH causa ulla proba- bilis, cur Thehanorum inimicos, Lacedcemonios atque Pliocen- ses, odiis tarn implacahilihus insectetnr, id quod facit. Ergo neque olirn coactus indulsit Thehanis, quce mdulsit, neque nunc malevolo erga eos est ani?no suspectosve habet. Falsa ergo sunt ea, quce nostrates de Philippi cum Thebanis rationibus suspicantur et jactant. d7tE'/iyvco6y,s. Cf. Phil. I. § 42. Render, Nor if he has now given up the Thebans despairing of their aid. The Thebans actually formed a league with the Athenians against Philip not long after. Ltjcches. ly. 7tdn(Oj>, on the ivhole. This, as well as the preceding iA TtQoaiot'aeojg, is used adverbially. Cf. Viger. p. 597. GVi'zdirmr, jjlotting, machinating. Supply drp.og Igti from the preceding. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 61 et seq., where De- mosthenes treats more fully of the distracted state of Greece at the period here alluded to, expatiating particularly upon Philip's artful interference to heighten the discord. ^17. roonov t)v , ace. abs. in some measure, quodammodo. Cf. Or. de Cher son. § 41. Tvv yi 5/;, nunc certe quidem. Franke. He is noiu, as it were, compelled to follow this course. O'lg — ovciv v{ji8T8()Otg, lohich are in effect yours. rovTOig, dat. of instr. The sense is, By means of these places of yours he holds his other possessions in security. A glance at a map of Ancient Greece will make the idea clear ; these towns formed a line of defensive positions 15* IHG PHILIPPIC II. before ^Macedonia. The editions previous to Bekker have Xariadai after t^H^ which he, following Cod. ^, discarded. Kuediger defends it. ot'tJ' ilv .... ^ysho, ne domi quidem se tiito posse manere duceret. Wolf. ^18. . Eu qjQoreTv 5' v[idg tTtoXa^^dvcov, x. r. A., Regarding you as men of sense, he would naturally think, etc. Schaefer defends Bekker' s reading, vofitX^i, citing the concurrence of Keiske : Nam dv neque ad istud neque ad hoc refertur, sed ad ^ixjciv. E.xistimat, vos se si exosi sitis, meritiim odisse. This explanation is not qnite satisfactory. What Philip thinks is here only a conjecture on the part of the orator ; and an inference thus drawn from circumstances would be fitly expressed by the optative. The argument is this : He is conscious of having injured you, and knoivs that you are aivare of his machinations, and, as he believes you to possess good sense, he would justly suppose that you hate him. TzaQco^vvrai, third pers. sing, of TtaQO^vveiv, to goad on, to spur. Matth. Gr. I 191. 3. Phil. III. 36. Cf. Olij7ith. I. 6, (f!i][xi ddv tdcXJJ6cu xat 7iUQO^vO?jvai aai rep Ttol^iq) Ttfjoat- XI, vulg. XI 'MVAOV, which is clearly a gloss. The expres- sion, 7tuG)[eiv XI is too familiar to need illustration. Wolf : Et concitatus est, se aliquid accepturum putans, si occasion- em nanciscamini, nisi ipse anteverterit. Auger and Reiske, TtooxsQog (fiddcij TioiijGCi^. Bekker corrected from the best MSS. cpddarj 7ton]aag TtooreQog. Matthia (Gr. ^ 554) regards TtQOTEQOv in such constructions as pleonastic. lyQ/jyooev. The pres. of this verb, tyeioco, I rouse, wake, was not Attic ; the form in the text is a sec. perf. and intransitive, is awake. From this perf. originated a latei form, lynrjyonm. Lobeck ad Phryn. Eel. p. 119. IcjhaxiyA^v. Bekker places a comma after this word, and connects tm X]] noXu with d^oammi, in which he has been followed by Baiter and Sauppe in their recent ed., Basle, Noflfts. 167 1846. But cf. Or. de Cor. ^ 176, rhv tq)8Ciri]y.6ta xii'dvi'ov Ttj TtoXei. (z)ff-)aiov^'. Cod. X Bckker retains the vulg. Qij^aimv, but TMYis" does not refer to individuals^ but states. rovroi^y so. the Thebans. § 19. axaiOTtjTci rooTtcov, stupidity of mind. The Athe- nians disliked the Thebans for their vulgar selfishness, and despised them for their stupidity. De'mosthenes frequently alludes to them with contempt ; as Or. de Cor. ^ 43, draia- 6t;roi Oi]^aioi, and Or. de Pace, ^15. Cf. Hor. Ep. II. I. 244, Boeotam in crasso jurares aere natum. Find. Olymp. VI., r^iv ndlai loidoQtuv, Boicoxiav vv, dTtoxQi- ipatteg. Tourreil renders this passage : Quil croit trop interesses pour resister aux attraits d'un profit present, et trop stupides pour prevoir aucune des suites funestes de leur encasement. Kaizoi, X. t. X., quamquam. Cf. Herm. ad Viger. p. 837. And yet those at least iclio possess even a moderate share of acuteness can see plain proofs, sc. of his bad faith, and the evil consequences of trusting his professions. The orator here introduces a portion of the oration delivered on his embassy to Messene and Argos. It is a feature worthy of notice in the political intercourse of the Grecian states, that able orators were generally chosen as 'ambassadors, who were permitted to act directly on the minds of the people to Avhom they were sent. The embassy here referred to was sent probably about 01. 108. 4. Philip had conciliated the friendship of the Messenians, Argives and Arcadians, and, fomenting their ancient hatred towards the Lacedae- monians, he promised to send troops to help them chastise the pride of the latter. Demosthenes and some others of the leading statesmen at Athens were thereupon deputed to the Peloponnesus for the purpose of dissuading them from this league. This is not to be confounded with the 168 PIIILJ#i| IC II embassy in 01. 109. 2, wliich is mentioned in Fhil. III. sub. fin. Cf. WixiEAYSKi, Hist. Com. Or. de Cor^ pp. 137, 152 ; Rued. Hist. Com. Phil III. p. 186. ^ 20. 7«iara Ttolug alia y.ai xat tdvij dovlev- waiv ; i. e. But what is the condition of Thessaly ? Has he not abolished their republics and their cities, and established Tetrachies, that they may he enslaved., not only hy cities, hit hy nations? This apparent self-contradiction has been the subject of endless controversy ever since the time of Har- pocration (circa 350 A. D., Voem.), who denies downright that Philip established 8exa8aQXiag in Thessaly. The fol- lowing are his words :. (IhliTtTeog fib'vtoi. naQa OaTialoIg dsx- adanyiag ov >iart'art]asv, cog yiyoaniai tv to) b'yacp (iHliTrm/.mv (now called the Second Philippic) /Ji]fioGdtrovg, dllaTezQuo- yiag. Agreeably with this, many eminent critics, both in ancient and modern times, have adopted the opinion that deyadaQyiav in the text should be changed to TnQaoyiav. But Demosthenes speaks of one decadarchy and of several tctrarchies, in addition to which the diderence in the signification of the words could scarcely have -allowed any one to confound them. For dty.adanyja (1 adopt - the lucid exposition of Voemel), as used by Isocrates and NOTES. 171 Demostlienes, signifies a decemvir ate, a college of dece?ninrs, who possessed the supreme authority, like the decadarchies established by the Lacedtemonians, and the decemviratcs of the Romans. Taznaoyju, a tetrarcJiy, on the contrary, sig- nified prcefecturam qiuu^tce partis terrce, the province governed by a tetrarch, or simply his offi.ce. It is agreed among all, that Pliilip did not institute decadarchies in the above sense in Thessaly. Jacobs thinks that, after expelling the tyrants, he introduced a new form of government, which the orator designates by the term da'Audaoyia, on account of the odium attached to that word arising from the oppressions of the Lacedeemouian oligarchies ; and therefore that it is not to be understood literally as denoting any specific form of government, but a heavy yoke of oppression forced upon the cities of Thessaly. In this view he is followed by "Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. I. 2, p. 276, and hence also Weiske {de Hyperbole, P. III. p. 16) considers d£-AaduQ- yiag as used by oratorical exaggeration for reToaoyJu^. But YoEMEL {Programme of the Frankfort Gymnasium, Sum- mer-Semest. 1830) has shown, with great learning and critical acuteness, that in reality no contradiction exists between the two statements of Demosthenes. Philip rees- tablished the ancient division of Thessaly into four parts, called Thessaliotis, Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, and Hestiseotis ; over each of these parts he set a tetrarch, and, in addition to these, a general government of ten, or a decemvir ate, for the whole of Thessaly. Among other proofs in favor of this view is the example of the traitor Eudicus, who is thus noticed by Harpocratiox : E'vdixog ' /Jrifioffd^rr^g tr rw vtzfq KT^aicpMvtog ( Or. de Cor. § 48). Eig ds Icriv ovrog zwv 'mlxclg- radtrtuiv vrto (IhIi'ttttov y.voiojv OEtrah'ag aTTuar^g. Philip could, therefore, correctly be said to have instituted both tetr archies and a decadarchy {decemvirate) in Thessaly. In his oration before the Messenians and Argives, hovrever, whom he wishes to prejudice against Philip, Demosthenes prudently employs the more odious term to remind them 172 PHILIPPIC II. ' of the Lacedaemonian yoke under wliicli they had already suffered so much, and which they then especially dreaded. ti^v TtvXaiav. A seat and vote in the council of Amphic- tyons at Thermopylse. The delegates sent to it from all the cities composing the Amphictyonic confederacy were called TtvlayoQcu (Harpocrat. ; cf. ^schin. adv. Ctes. § 124) ; or TtvXayoQOi, as they were sometimes termed. Dis- SEN. ad Or. de Cor. § 154. The Thessalians very anciently belonged to the Amphictyons, but they appear to have for- feited their right to a seat in that council ( jus TJwrjnopy- larmii) in consequence of their perfidy in the Phocian war (Brueckner, Konig Philip, p. 20) ; but they recovered it in 01. 108. 3, through the intercession of the Macedonian monarch. ' Cf. Or. de Cher son. § 65. rovrov designates rov — uTtodorra more pointedly. TtQOOoSovg, revenues, duties paid at ports, markets, etc. ovx iaxL tavxa is the answer to the preceding question, By no means, they had no such expectation. § 23. TtaQCixsxQOV^t'vov. Harpocratiox says this word was taken from the tricks of fraudulent dealers, who, in weighing or measuring any commodity, pushed the scale or shook the measure in their own favor. Cf. Dem. Or. de Cor. § 276, oTtcog ^t] Trcwaxoovaofiai ^ujd' IhcTtuT/^aco ; where DissE?^ says, Vox signijicat humilem fraudem, ut constat. Cf. also F. A. Wolf ad Lept. p. 291. Jacobs : so hittei die Goiter nie den Tauschenden und Betrugenden zu sehen. deojQsrrs — iSsTv, The former is used in allusion to the stage, where he is contemplated from a distance as a mag- nanimous hero dispensing his benefits ; the latter denotes a nearer view, by which the man is seen in his true character. 5/}, the same as ijdt], but weaker. § 24. "£/' dt' T(. The indefinite pronoun, when joined with numerals, conveys the notion of a diminutive. Hued. At natura honiinum, qui mente, et prudentia valcnt, salutis prcrsidiwn in se hahet umini, commune omnibus, fir missimum, salulare prasertim vero popularihas iniperiis contra tyran- nos. LuccHES. NOTES. 173 zo/V lOJflmi^ democratic governments^ used in tlie same sense as Ttohrtua^^ § 21. ravxq^ di'ir/eods, holdfast to this. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 185, dyir/sadai tij^' iavrcov y.ui z7]g tcov ulloiv 'EVJjvojv IXevdsgia^. nvdh fdj den'Of TtdOi^xz. In negative sentences, the subjunctive is put after ^ij or ov iii] instead of the future. In such elliptical expressions a word denoting year was implied, corroborating the force of the negation. Matth. Gr. § 516; Berxha.rdy, Gr. Syntax, p. 102. Bremi : " ov cfopiiTlov, pj Seivof ri nddrfZE, sed n cum nega- tione ov coaluit in ov8h'.^^ > § 25. E'it. Cf. Phil. I. ^ 43. '/.at, even. Reiske supplies the ellipsis thus : ov ^ovov T«5* yr(6ua,\ alia xai xug TtooariyoQiag. The idea is, that Philip is the enemy of liberty, even in his titles. Compare with this sentiment Or. de Cherson. ^ 43 : nnarov nlv 8rj Tovro 8si, tydoov vmiltjifi^vai r^g noliiHag y.ai xr^g 8r^^oy.oar- lag ddidlla/.roi' ty.elvov. vouoig. I understand this word in the sense of dr^iioyoaz- laig or noht^iaig as distinguished from monarchy and the like, in which sense the word is used by Dem. Or. conl.r. Tiniocr. § 75, t/ttot' laxlv w vo^iog oliyaoyjug diaq^'oai, yai XL d/) Ttotf 01 ^itv vTto vo^icov tOt'loi'Tsg uoyeadai acoqooveg xai ym]oroi nollxai vof^a^ovrai, o'l dt vno rmv olr/aoyixoy uvardfjot y.al dovloi. Cf. Meiek de Bonis Damnat. p. 2. Ov (fvld^Ead\ The interrogation with the simple oy, instead of o'vxovv with the ind. fut., has the force of an exhortation. Bremi. /i/} TToltjiov, X. T. 1., lest, ichile you seek to he freed from war, viz. with the Lacedaemonians, against whom, it will be recollected, the Mcssenians and others had implored the aid of Pliilip. Cf. supra, <^ 15. Diod. Sic. XVI. 69. § 20. Oonvpovrxeg cog oodoog It'yaxai, declaring with ap- plause that these things icere rightly spoken. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 77, donv^?^aai y.al tTtairt'oai. Ibid. § 31, Ooov' Bnhs cog oijOojg lr/£(. IG 174 PHILIPPIC II. Ttaoa TMV 7tQ8a^8cov. Nempe ah Us qui una cum Demos- thene ad Messenios legati fuerant et, quos Demosthenes illic reliqiiit prius discedens ob causam noMs ignoiam. Auger. o);,' tor/.Ev are to be taken with ndhv vareQOv. Voemel removes the comma after tor/.tv, so as to connect it with what follows ; but this and similar parenthetical expres- sions with (6g refer, especially in the orators, to something preceding. aioTtov, surprising, because out of season. el in the sense of ozi. See Phil. III. § 43. TtaQ^ d rep loyi6^(p, k. t. L, lit. contrary to what they see hy reasoning to the best, or, as we say, contrary to lohat their reason tells them is best, against their convictions. ^ 27. Gvi'itrreg avro), y>. r. X. The reading of the Codex 2^, which has been adopted in the text, is thus de- fended by FuNKHAENEL t Duplcx pronomcu avro). ideo positum, quia duplex oppositio est : nam primum v^sTg avro} dixit propter Messenios et Peloponnesi incolas quosdam, turn alterum avroi propter verba xai .... axovovrsg ijiimv ; vos ipsi, qui et ipsi intelUgitis et ex oratoribus auditis, qucB in- sidice vobis parentur, quantum circumvallemini, etc. Ttsomixiuods. The vulg. is supported by Codex ^, and by most of those compared by Bekkek, who, however, himself edits TteQiaroiyjXsods with Reiske. MOTS in this passage presents that as a condition which is properly to be considered the cause : so you do nothing now. This reading of the Codex ^ is fully sustained by the succeeding sentence. Xi'iasd'. y^avddvco joined with a participle usually supplies the office of an auxiliary. The sense is. In consequence of your present inactivity, you will unaware, as I think, svjj'er all [these evils]. § 28. x«i9' viidg avtovg, by yourselves alone ; for it appears that the Peloponncsian ambassadors, as well as those of Philip, were present (cf. LIBA^^. Arg.), in whose hearing it was not fitting to deliberate upon measures against Philip. NOTES. 175 a dt rvi>, Y.. T. 1., qucB vero nunc respondentes necessaria decreveritis, ea scilicet dicam. Wolf. aTToy.oiyufiEioi xa dtan ui\ i. e. if you would give a proper answer, civ is used in a potential sense. Liicchesini refers this reply to the embassy from Philip ; quid autem resjmndendum Mace' donicis legatis decernere debeatis, nujic vobis exponam. Est mpdus loquendi Graecis iisitatissimus pro ut respondeatis. lavxa dtj Xt'^co. These words lead the reader to expect from the orator a discussion, or at least a recital of the response which he proposes to give the ambassadors in waiting. But instead of this, he proceeds abruptly to inveigh against the perfidious hirelings of the Macedonian, who had deluded them into a disadvantageous and disgraceful peace. Hence, some critics, (among others, Oliyet, Lelaxd, A. G. Becker) have been led to believe that through the fault of the copyists, the portion of the oration which treated of this response has been lost. This is, on the other hand, denied by Voemel and Ruediger (cf. Proleg. ad Phil. II. p. 3) ; the latter conceives that Demosthenes submitted the response at the close of the oration, but on what ground this conjecture rests I am at a loss to imagine. Certainly, such a mode of proceeding -would have been quite at vari- ance with the custom of our orator. This manner of in- troducing a new topic is very common with him, and he invariably satisfies the expectation which such formulas as Tuvt^ '}]8rj ).i^(o naturally excite. Compare, for example, Phil. I. § 29 ; Or. de Cor. §§ 60, 131, 248 ; Phil. III. § 55. And it is scarcely rational to suppose that he departed from his custom here, where the subject announced was the principal occasion of this oration. Further, there is an evident gap in the text, which it is difficult to explain, except on the supposition that Demosthenes in this place communicated to the Assembly the draft of a response which he had previously prepared (cf. Bruecknek, Konig Philip), p. 223), in which mention was made of Philip's non-observance of the treaty, and the promises he had indi- 17() PHILIPPIC II. roctly made to the Athenians through ^5Cschines and the other traitorous ambassadors. From such a reply the tran- sition would be easy and natural to the castigation he pro- ceeds to inflict upon those men whom he denounces as the cause of their present difficulties. Tovg tvEynonug Tag vnoayjong, hep aJg, a. t. 1., the hearers of those promises hy lahich, etc. Understand esp. Ctesiphon and Aristodemus (cf. Or. de Cor. § 18), Neoptolemus, and others (cf. Or. de Pace, § 6, and de Fal. Leg. § 12 seqq.) yialuv^ to summon them, that is, to prove that Philip actu- ally made the promises which he now denies (cf. Lib an. Arg.^, and to make them responsible to Philip. § 29- av nots vTttfjieira. The ind. aor. accompanied by av, particularly when it denotes the consequence of a con- dition, and both relate to a past action, has the sense of the pluperf, opt. Berxhardy, Gr. Synt. p. 391 ; Matth. Gr. § 508. b. Cf. Phil I. § 5. ^^)X 7]v. Construe dV.u ra tote leyofxara i^i' tzoIv dqeorr^' y.ota rovrcov. aalsTv^ understand again, r^v Sixaiov. rovg, or tyco .... It'yorrag, those who said, when I, etc. He alludes particularly to Philocrates and ^schines. Tjjg Inl rovg oQy.ovg, i. e. the embassy sent to Macedonia to receive Philip's oath to the peace. Cf. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. §§ 57, 18^ and Or. de Cor. § 25. aiddo^Evog (p£vaxi(^0(A.tv}^v zr^v TtoXiv. It was an express condition of the peace, that the allies of Athens should be included. When the embassy of which Demosthenes was one came to receive the oaths of Philip, the latter excepted from the peace the city Df Halus and the Phocians. De- mosthenes, immediately on his return to Athens, made known his suspicions of Philip's sincerity, and his appre- hensions for the consequences; but the Athenians would not listen to him, and he was at length forced to sit down. It was on this occasion that Philocrates made use of the in- sulting expression to which the orator alludes in the words NOTES. 177 vdojQ TZii'cov. " It is no wonder," says he, " that Demosthe- nes and 1 differ in opinion, for he drinks water, but I wine." At this the peojDle laughed. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 45 seq., and Bkueckner, Konig Phil. f). 207. He said this in allusion to the well-known Greek proverb : I'^coo 8s Ttivo)}', '/Q^axov ovdtv av riy>iig. For it was a common belief that a poet or orator who drank nothing but water was in- capable of glowing or elevated thoughts. Der Name eines Wassertr inkers, observes Jacobs, bezeichnete den geisil osen., nuchternen^ oiler Eriiehung unjdiiigen. No better example of the contrary can be adduced than our orator himself, whose abstemiousness frequently drew upon him the ridi- cule of his enemies. Libanius says of him, vdmQ tTtni'^devs mvarv, ha tyQijyoQViav ^alXov naQtyj]tai rr^v diuvoiuv. Yit. Dem. ^ 4. y.ai ov'A e'i'cov, and 1 did not consent, i. e. I protested against. § 30. TZciQt'ldri, sc. through the strait of Thermopylae. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 35. OeGTZtag — Illataiag. These cities of Boeotia were as hostile to the Thebans as they were devoted to the Athe- nians. This fidelity subjected them to much persecution from the former (Thug. II. 2 and III. 20 ; also Tourreil ad h. 1.), who at length, in 01. 101. 3 according to Diod. Sic. (XV. 46), or in 01. 101. 4 according to Pausan- lAS (IX. 1), destroyed these cities and expelled the inhabi- tants. The Platseans took refuge in Athens, where they met with a cordial reception, and were placed on a footing of political equality with Athenian citizens. Diod. Sic. ibid. As the latter had scarcely anything more at heart than the restoration of these cities, the promise of Philip to rebuild and fortify them, as a check upon the insolence of Thebes, was one of the chief inducements to the formation of the treaty. Lucches. Annott. Hist, ad Or. de Megalop. p. 218 ; Rued. Com. Hist. -p. 161. Concerning Thespiae, cf. Or. de Pace, ^10. X^QQon^aov. The Thracian Chersonesus was the name 16* 178 PHILIPPIC II. given to tlie peninsula lying north of the ^-Egean Sea, on the borders of Thrace. It was an ancient possession of Athens (cf. Liban. Arg. ad Or. de Cherson.), a fertile re- gion, containing in the age here spoken of eleven or twelve cities of considerable size. Philip had engaged to cut through the isthmus, a distance of only thirty-seven stadia, at his own expense, and thus render the peninsula secure from the incursions of the Thracians. This promise was not fulfilled, nor has any one since undertaken it. The most that was done was to rebuild the ancient wall, of which Pliny speaks as if it was still in existence in his day. ^OURREIL, p. 314. 'QQcoTtov. This was a fortified town, situated near the northern boundary of Attica, not far from the coast. Its position rendered it an important possession for Athens. Compare, on this subject, Or. de Fal. Leg. § 22. ov dsivol .... nEiiv^odai. The sense is, although not in- clined to hear anger against those who have injured you. In Or. de Corona, § 99, the orator dwells with pride upon this forbearing spirit of the Athenians. § 31. Kal to Ttdvrcov aioiiaxov, v. . x. A., And. the most disgraceful of all is, that you have made this peace hinding even upoji your descendants in regard to their hopes. Philip now had possession of many places heretofore belonging to the Athenians ; and as it was expressly stipulated in the treaty that each should keep what he had, and the same obligations extended to their children, it was virtually cutting off all hope of the future recovery of these places. Wolf gives a different interpretation to rtQog rag tlnidag : spefreti; but the view above taken is confirmed by De- mosthenes, Or. de Fal. Leg. § 55, where he handles the same subject. ^ 32. Ovx Iv refer to the preceding verbs Iqm and dnoy,- Qvxpofua. The sense is, I will speak freely, not that by de- scending to recrimination I may procure the chance of speak- ing on an equality [with them in using their wcaj)ons]. NOTES. 179 For the only result would be a disgraceful contest, from which they would derive advantage. t^ «(,J//)s, Jro/n the outset, that is, since the time when Demosthenes exposed their treachery; up to that time he and ^dBschines had been excellent friends. coj u/./.co^\ at random. Wolf and Bekkcr edit, T/}r d/J.ojg dSo/.eayco, neque ut frustra garriam. ddoleo/^M ' q).v(ajM. Hesych. In the following sentence 7toO\ as referring to indefinite future time, is opposed to vvri. But I think that Philip'' s operatiojis will one day vex you more than they do noiv. They will be the source of greater calamities than the present, rarvri. Bremi interprets, pra:sens rerum conditio. Cf. inf. § 35. § 33. To yan TtQdyfxa, that is, the evil wdiich threatens the city from Philip's enterprises. The common reading is, Ta yao TZQayi-iara ooco Ttoopaivovra, but the former rests on the best authority. The following roijr' refers to the same. jM7/5' d'/.ov7]d\ The order is, fir^d' dy.ovrfi'' l^wv [u^ds xov dsh'og [_}Jyoi'Tog'^ on ravz'' Igtiv t(f vfici^. The prep, tni here denotes a hostile aim. Cf. sup. § 6. Wolf : neque ista contra vos par art et strui ex me audistis aut alio quopiam. avrol TtdvTEg. So Bekker, from Codd. ^, F. Ruediger defends ndvO' : Sed ipse nexus neutrum requirit : si non amplius me vel alium audiveritis hcBC dicentes vohis immi- nere, sed ipsi omnia, qiicB olim dicta sunt, expcriemini. But 6o«T8 and eidiirs do not require an accusative any more than dxoiirid\ to which they are opposed, and demand a similar construction. § 3-1. tcp' oig, X. r. I., 071 ivhat conditions (i. e. for what purpose) they are conscious of having received bribes (cf. supra, § 12) ; namely, that they should blind the eyes of the people respecting Philip's designs, and clog all measures brouo;ht forward aorainst hira. Tor,* tTtaroodoiJr. The order of construction is, qn^oviua dt] ^7] (Ji'[i^ii TOig TteiQO^k'poig tnavoQdoiJv ri zcov dTtolco/MKor dm 180 PHILIPPIC II. rovrovg TtsniTteanv rij OQyy naQ I'/xoar. bia rovrovg, hy their instrumentality . xa TzolXa, used adverbially for rtoXXdyug, very often. tviovg^ though commonly employed indefinitely, is meant for the Athenians, in whose summary manner of proceed- ing, punishment not seldom fell upon the innocent. rtjv OQj'ijV dcpitvtag. This corresponds nearly to the Eng- lish expression to discharge one's wrath. The force of the passage is well given by Jacobs : denn ich hemerke dass einige ihren Zorn nicht gegen die Schuldigen, sondern gegen den erste7i auslassen, der ihnen unter die Hdnde kommt. So Dem. adv. Androt. § 58 : av nQOOrfAt col x^v OQp^v om eig xcav TtoXixoJv xov xvyovx' d(fisvai. § 35. m ^ellei, is still future, is yet to come. Gwiaxaxca. Thos. Magister : aQpiv Xa^^drei. So lange also die Sache noch im Entstehen ist. Jacobs. Like the nautical expression, while the storm is brewing. Or. de Cor. § 62, avnaxafisvov xai (pvofitvov y.a>iov xwv 'EXh'jvoov, iiVQiog (sc. Philip). Cf. supra, § 7. Ini, to2cards, to. f'^ca, abroad, i. e. concerning the protection of your provinces, ttsqi — vTtsQ. Cf. Phil. I. § 1. Wolf: eoque rem redegit, ut vobis non jam de tuendis juribus atque ex- ternis rebus consultandum sit, sed de patrii soli agris et hello Atticce. imminente, etc. jsyovE .... 7]^tQU' Phil. III. § 19, dXV dqi' 7jg ijfXFQag dv£T).E (Dco'At'ag, dno xavxijg eycof avxov Ttolefieiv oQitoiiai. Jacobs, however, understands this to mean the day on which peace was concluded ; but Demosthenes alludes to the first act of hostility. This was his seizure of the strait of ThermopyltB, as he says. Or. de Fal. Leg. ^ 34, (hiXln- nov TtaQOvxog tv Tlvlaig 7^dr] {jjv fUQ xovxo TtQaxov dnuvx(ov rav d8r/.7]{xdxcc)v x6 xov fluXiTtTtov tmaxijcai xolg TtQCiy^aai tovxnig). § 36. El yccQ fii] 7t(wr/.Q0vodrftE, For if you had not been duped then, viz. by ^-Eschincs and Philocratcs, who by false NOTES. 181 representations concerning Philip's intentions, prevented tlio Athenians from sending an army to arrest his progress. Cf. Dem. Or. de Cor. § 35 ; de Fal. Leg. § 29 seqq. ; also supra, ^ 29. OvTE yao. For Philip had not so strong a navy as to enable him to bring a fleet against Attica. The Athenians were far superior to him on the sea, both in naval resources and skill. ihw/Mi^ instead of ti]v (Dcoy.ida. d/jJ fj. This thought is repeated in Or. de Cherson. ^ 47. 7j 7Zao(c/o?ji , y,. T. P.., or he zcould innnediafely have Lcen involved in a icar like that ichich made him then desire j)(' ace. bi ov. Comp. note to 4 6. ^ 87. Ws l^^^v v7tOfA,v7,aai, for the purpose of admonition. Cf. Matth. Gr. § 545, and Viger. p. 558. cos' 5' «r t^eraoOsir^, x. r. ).. "Wolf : ahsit autem, idque dii omnes jjrohiheant, ne experiendo certissime coniprobentur. A similar form of deprecation is found in Or. de Cor. ^ 324. 8i/.ui6^ tax UTtolcoltrai, is ivorthy to perish. The expres- sion may be illustrated by a passage in Dem. Or. contr. Aristoc. § 5b, ov dr/.tp' vnty/iv, alia avyyroj^r^^' tv/eu' dr/.aiog elfii. Dem. in Mid. ^ 12, ovd' tv toziv Iq' 6j tcov TTertQay- [itrcoi' ov dixaiog ojv ^Ttolcoltvai q^uvi^aerai. PHILIPPIC III. ^ In the third year of the 109th Olympiad, B. C. 342, about two years after the preceding oration was spoken, Demosthenes delivered two harangues, which are justly considered the most perfect specimens of deliberative elo- quence that have come down to us from antiquity. The first of these in the order of time is that known under the title HsQi rcov tv Xeonop/jaco TtQay^drcor^ i] vtcIq ZliOTteiOovg^ On Chersonesus ; and the other, Kara (InXiTtnov F, the Third 'Philippic. As the latter was pronounced within a very short interval after the former, and treats, with few excep- tions, of the same topics, it will be necessary to advert briefly to the circumstances which gave occasion to the oration On Chersonesus. The peninsula which forms the southern extremity of Thrace, and which was called Chersonesus by the Greeks, had by the treaty of peace remained in the possession of Athens, with the exception of Cardia, its principal city, which was ceded to Philip. The country was chiefly settled by Athenian colonists, and the measures taken by Athens to insure its possession had given the first occasion for re- newed collisions with the king. Soon after the peace was concluded, the Athenians had sent a new colony to Cherso- nesus for the purpose of increasing the internal strength of the province, which lay in the vicinity of Macedonia ; an additional motive, probably, was to maintain in that region, under a plausible pretext, an armed force, which should be [182] I INTRODUCTION. 183 in readiness against any difficulty that miglit arise. For whenever a colony was sent out from Athens, it usually consisted of poor citizens who were unable to suppcnt themselves at home, and willingly seized the opportunity of improving their condition in a foreign land. The state fiirnished them with arms and money to defray the expen- ses of the journey, and also appointed a leader, who was vested with military authority. The command of the above- mentioned colony to Chersonesus was given to Diopeithes, a bold and enterprising man, yet somewhat unscrupulous in his use of means to attain his objects, and reckless of con- sequences. The inhabitants of Chersonesus generally re- ceived the new settlers kindly, and assigned them houses and lands ; not s'o, however, the citizens of Cardia, who bluntly refused them admission to their territories, averring that Athens had by the treaty renounced all claims and rights over them. Hereupon Diopeithes attempted to force them to submission, but, upon Philip's despatching troops to their assistance, he retaliated by laying waste the Mace- donian towns lying on the coast. Philip hastened thither with a superior force, but Diopeithes, avoiding an engage- ment, prudently withdrew his men into Chersonesus. The king then wrote a letter to the people of Athens, full of bitter complaints, asserting that Diopeithes had broken the peace, and insisting upon his recall and punishment. The demand was warmly seconded by the king's partisans in Athens, but Demosthenes regarded the alleged offences of Diopeithes in quite a different light. He contended ( Grat. de Cherson.) that Philip had been the first to infringe the stipulations of the treaty by the unwarranted seizure of their possessions, as well as those of other Grecian states ; that Diopeithes had only retaliated these injuries, and that to listen to Philip's complaints, and disband or recall those who alone were in a condition to defend Chersonesus, would leave that province entirely without protection, which was precisely what Philip most ardently wished. He showed 184 PHILIPPIC III. them that the king had demeaned Mmself as hostile to Athens ever smce the conchision of the peace, and there- fore, so far from yielding to his demand for the punishment of Diopeithes, it was their duty to sustain him, and to in- crease his force, as their sole bulwark against Philip's assaults in that quarter. The arguments presented by the orator in behalf of his brave countrymen in Chersonesus, animated by his vivid eloquence and lofty enthusiasm, pre- vailed with the Assembly, at least so far as to allow Diopei- thes to retain his command, and to strengthen his force by volunteers as necessity might require. Soon after this, it appears that a letter or embassy (Winieavski, p. 176) arrived from the people of Chersonesus, praying the Athe- nians to aid them with money and other subsidies. Whether this was done for the purpose of meeting some new danger is not known. But it is evident that the public mind had lately been much agitated on account of Philip's opera- tions in Thrace, where he had been for a year extending his conquests, and thus paving his way for an attack on Perin- thus and Byzantium. In one of the assemblies held for the purpose of deliberating on these matters, Demosthenes delivered the Third Philippic; the object of which was to procure for the people of Chersonesus the assistance they required, and to convince his fellow-citizens that the country was actually in danger from Philip's insidious encroach- ments, in order that he might, by kindling their resentment against the king, induce them to adopt some decided meas- ures to thwart his plans, so evidently calculated for their subjugation. The commencement of this discourse is the expression of the speaker's dissatisfaction, and almost despondency, at the wretched condition into which the public affairs have come : if every body had purposely endeavored to bring about the worst possib].e state of things, they could not have made it worse. This, he asserts, is owing to the fact that the tiaic-serving orators study how they may advance INTRODUCTION. 185 their own reputation or j?ratify their private grudge:^, instead of providing for the public welfare. Another prime cause is the habitual unwillingness of the people to hear dis- agreeable truths, and their insatiable appetite for smooth and flattering speeches. If this disposition could be changed, and they could be induced to act as their cir- cumstances demanded, their condition was not past mending, there was still room for hope. But, notwithstanding Philip's numerous acts of violence and injustice, which were known to every one, there were still many who maintained that he had done nothing in violation of the peace, and who accused the patriot orators of being the real disturbers of their' friendly relations with him by denouncing his deeds. Demosthenes confutes these assertions by overwhelming proofs. Philip, it is true, had not openly declared war, yet, whilst he had shielded him- self behind the name of peace, his deportment had con- stantly been that of an enemy. It had never been his policy to declare war, nor would he do it, though he already stood upon Attic soil. Witness the manner in which he treated the Olynthians, the Phocians, the inhabitants of Pherse and Oreus, all of whom he approached imder the guise of friendship, artfully keeping up the delusion till he could strike the fatal blow. He is pursuing the same policy towards the Athenians, and he will make no declaration of war, esj3ecially as long as he finds them willing to be duped. Nay, it would be the greatest folly in him, were he thus to turn against himself the spite and jealousy which they are venting upon one another. What man in his right mind will accept Philip's professions of peace, when his acts so plainly belie his words ? The fact is, that he had scai'cely sworn the peace before he seized upon Serrion and Doriscus and Hieronorus, and drove off the Athenian garrisons stationed there. It may be urged, that these posts were of little importance ; that is another matter. But whether a man violates justice in small things or in great, the effect is 17 186 PHILIPPIC III. tlie same. But besides his hostile invasion of Thrace ; his attempts upon Megara, his establishment of tyranny in Euba3a, his efForts to get the control of the Hellespont and Peloponnesus, as conclusively prove that he is warring against Athens as if his engines were placed before her gates. It is then full time to prepare for defence ; not merely Chersonesus and Byzantium, but indeed all Greece is in danger, and means should be devised for the common security. Next follows a powerful appeal to the national sense of honor. The orator expresses his astonishment that all the Greeks tamely submit to that tyrannical conduct in Philip which they never would tolerate in one of their own states, and which had been the source of all their wars. For neither Athens, during its hegemony of seventy years, nor Sparta in thirty, nor Thebes, was ever allowed to com- mit one fifth of the injustice that the Greeks have suffered at Philip's hands in less than thirteen years. To say nothing of his complete demolition of Olynthus, Me- thone, Apollonia, and thirty-two cities on the frontiers of Thrace, and Phocis blotted out from the list of nations, he has reduced the Thessalians to slavery and established tyrants in Eubcea, close by Thebes and Athens. And now he has the effrontery to say to them in his letters, that he is at peace with those icho are luilling to ohey him. None are exempt from his attacks, yet not Hellas nor the land of the barbarians is sufficient to satisfy his lust of empire. This all the Greeks are fully aware of, and still no effort is made to unite for their common defence. Each sees the storm gathering, but mutual jealousy and distrust prevent any combination to avert it. It is infamous and deeply humiliating, that, whilst Philip is loading Greece with in- juries and insults, not one has the spirit to resist. What a contrast between the present generation and the Greeks of former times ! who, animated by the love of freedom, spurned the gold and routed the armies of Persia by sea and by land, and who detested and visited with the heaviest INTRODUCTION. 187 punishments whoever was detected in accepting a bribe from their enemies. Now, on the contrary, all is venal ; unblushing corruption stalks abroad with impunity, and, notwithstanding that Greece possesses far greater resources for war than she had in those early days, they are all ren- dered useless and unavailing through the cabals of those shameless traffickers. After citing a remarkable instance of the severity of the old Athenian patriots towards this crime, the orator returns to the subject of a war with Philip. He discusses his character as a general, and the innovations he had introduced into the old modes of war- fare, which it is necessary they should understand and make their preparations accordingly. At the same time, he puts his hearers on their guard against the advocates of Philip, declaring it impossible for them to vanquish their foreign enemies till they have punished the traitors within their own walls. This, unhappily, they are so far from doing, that they take pleasure in listening to their calumnies and vituperations, and show them even more favor than they do those who defend the interests of the city. Such conduct they persist in, though aware of all the calamities which other cities had brought upon themselves by lending ear to the partisans of Philip. This was precisely the course fol- lowed by the people of Olynthus and Porthmus and Oreus, who^all repented of their folly when it was too late. Such*, too, it is to be feared, will be the doom of Athens ; the same trifling with her true interests, the same blind sense of security, is hurrying her forward to a similar downfall. But it is shameful, when the evil has arrived, to exclaim. Who icoiild have thought this was going to hap- pen ? This and that ought to have been done, and the other omitted. No ; whilst the state is still in a sound condition, it must guard itself against such a contingency ; for though all the rest should bend their necks to the yoke of servi- tude^ Athens must struggle for her freedom ! This deter- mination she must make known to the other states ; must 18S PIIILIPriC III. SJiid envoys everywhere to kindle like feelings, and induce them to join in a league against their common enemy. It would be of no avail, however, to send this invitation, un- less they were resolved to act for themselves ; Athens must take the lead and set the example. Her dignity demands that she should assume this post of honor which their an- cestors had won and bequeathed to them amid many great dangers. They must not sit idle and cowardly at home, in the vain hope that others will save Greece ; they must act. The counsel of the orator is to send the required assistance to the people of Chersonesus, to arm themselves for the contest, and to rally the other Greeks around the standard of independence. This is the only course from which he can hope for a remedy for their evils. The exertions of Demosthenes to rouse his countrymen to resistance were not without effect. Two years after when Philip laid siege to Perinthus and Byzantium, they sent thither a strong reinforcement, by means of which he was repulsed and compelled to retire. Philip hereupon declared the peace ended, whereat the Athenians pulled down the pillar upon which the treaty had been engraved. At length, when Philip stood on the borders of Bceotia with a. large army, the necessity of following the advice of Demosthenes became evident. By the orator's strenuous efforts, an alliance of the principal states w^as formed, and a force was raised to oppose the monarch. But this army, which consisted mostly of fresh levies, commanded by offi- cers whose names could inspire but little confidence, Avas found unable Jto cope with the veteran troops of Macedonia, led by their king, the young prince Alexander, and some of the ablest generals of the age. A battle was fought, in which the victory remained with Philip ; and the doom against which our orator had so frequently warned his countrymen, and which he had devoted the best energies of his life to avert, was accomplished on the fatal plain of Chocronea. In the words of Lycurgus, The lihertij of Greece was buried witli the lodies of the slain. NOTES. 169 § 1. DioxYSius of Halicarnassus (De admirab. vi di- ceiidi in Dcm. ^ 9), remarks upon the opening period of this oration, that it is elaborated with unusual care and skill. Also DissEN {De structura periodorum oratoria p. 62) : Est clara et nervosa periodus ; nam dividit totum orator scite in plures majores partes (in Massen), intervallis ct respirationibus certis distinctas. The period extends to diuTed^^iai and consists of two principal members, (the first ending at dcoaei) which are again subdivided into two sub- ordinate members, each having a different grammatical construction. The first principal member is conditional and hypothetical, and the gen. abs. may properly be ren- dered by the subject and verb, prefixing the particle ichile ov although. See Rost's Gj\ Gr. p. 417. Although many speeches are inade, &c. oh'yov deip. An adverbial expression = 6)[£86v, Dion. Hal., ad. 1. 1. almost, Lat. Pacne. d(p' ov, since, ex quo pacem fecit. Wolf. ey 0?^' oTi^ used parenthetically, / am certain. Bekker and the recent editors reject w, but Spej^gel {Ahh. Miln. Acad, der Wissenschaft. 1839, p. 169) has shown that it was contained in the best MSS. in the time of Dionys. Hal. and Aristides, who both quote this passage, and always with ev. q:f]C)Ui'Tcov y ojv. Comp. Phil. II. ^ 20. av with the part, is rendered as if it were joined with the verb itself. Matth. Gr. § 598. Render : and though all (I am sure), icould say at least, even if they do not do so ; in which it is also to be observed that the Greeks used nomv precisely as we employ the word do instead of repeating the verb. After TtQUTTBiv most of the MSS. have anaci TtnoGifAEiv, (Bekker in first ed. [_u naai nQOOt^y.zi],) which Voeinel retains. To receive both 8e.iv and TtQoai'jxeiv is, however, as Spengel very justly observes, contrary to the custom of the orator. I have deemed proper, therefore, to follow the Cod. 2^, in which the words ccTtaoi Ttooai^-Aeiv are omitted. 17* I'^O PHILIPPIC III. V7i)]y{.m'a. Cf. Phil. II. § 1 ; Ruediger ad Or. cle Cher- son. § 62 thus defines : vTidyaadai, Lenociniis et insidiis ali- quem inducere, profrahere. Suidas and Hesych. explain it by thiTtiixdv. In this passage it expresses the bad influence of corrupt politicians upon the affairs of government. 7t()oei(it'i>a, falleii into neglect, confused through inattention. Wolf : ]jer incuriam prolapsa. 01 7taoi6n8^% the orators. Cf. Phil. II. § 3, note. 'j^fiooToreiv, sc. Tama. ^ 2. ov Ttai) h ovds dvo, not from one or two causes. The difference between naod here and 8id occurring directly below, consists in this : Ttaod denotes the condition on which any thing depends ; bid the instrumentality by which the result is brought about. Hence Auger correctly interprets, si recte consideretis, ii sunt in culpa qui jucundissima dicere malunt quam utilissima. yanfuodai is equivalent to TtQog i]bovip> 8)]^T]yoQeTr. Cf. Phil. I. § 51, TToog y/toiv — h'yeir. dviarrai = dvraroi ei6i. The sense of the passage is, some of these orators, while they study to preserve those things in ichich they have a reputation and in which their forte lies, take no thought for the future, etc. That is, those politicians who are only anxious to preserve their own popularity, without regarding the true interests of the country. hegoi are the opposition, who make it their business to revile the party in power, and, actuated by malice rather than patriotism, and more intent upon the downfall of their adversaries than upon' the defence of the city against foreign eneniies. Concerning the expression Eirai tm roTg TtQuy^aai, cf. Bernh. Gr. Synt. p. 249. Ttao' avT^g, i. e. her own citizens. 7t£Qt tout'' torai. The Greeks used the expressions n^Qi ri elrai^ ducfi ri r/eiv, Tteoi ri OTtnvdd^eiv, very nearly in the same sense : to be about or engaged in a thing. Matth. Gr. ^ 583 ; Bernh. Gr. Sytit. p. 262. NOTES. 101 TTohreua avri]d£tg. The plural Ttohima indicates, accord- ing to Brcmi, that this system had been pursued for a long time ; Ruediger refers it to the different political factions M'hicli the orator had mentioned above. But 6vri]deig shows that, the former view is correct: this system of jJolitics is habitual icith you. § 3. In] nil' xojv a)J.ojv, in respect to other things, in other respects. Cf. Or. in Mid. § 2. In its exceptive sense this refers to cvjx^ovlsveiv. Xo restraint was imposed upon the liberty of speech, except in public deliberations. " In democratiis," says Bremi, " stultitia est cujusquamos occlu- dere velle. Quo magis operam das, eo major erit licentia loquendi et vituperandi." dovloi:; — or/.txag. The former is a general term, includ- ing slaves of every sort ; the latter specifies the domestics who were acquainted with the family relations, and from whom, therefore, greater discretion is ordinarily exacted. Franke understands by ol/.hag puhlicos servos, that is, those who were the property of the state, and who performed menial services for the different state officers ; but they were denominated or/.tTui dijuoaiot, sometimes simply dt^fioGioi. C. F. Herm. Staatsalt. § lt4, note 9. I see, therefore, no ground for the distinction. i:^eh]ldy.ar8, perf. of t^elavrm. Render, hut from the pud- lie deliberations you have banished it altogether. As soon as the orator mounted the tribune, he assumed as it were a public character ; he became the counsellor of the people in their sovereign capacity, whom it lay in his power to mis- lead to the adoption of the most pernicious measures. For the safety of the state, therefore, it was necessary to impose the severest restrictions upon this power, which were speci- fied as far as possible by the laws. The author of any decree, for example, or of ariy public measure whatever, was made individually responsible for it for the space of a year, during which time it was subjected to the strictest scrutiny by the ThesmothetcB, or conservators of the laws. 192 PHILIPPIC III. If it was found tliat lie had compromised the public in- terests, he was liable to the heaviest penalties. Schoem. de Comit. Ath. p. 166 seqq. Beside this, he was immedi- ately responsible to the people for everything he said in his public speeches, and hence few were found who were of sufficient courage to brave their anger by telling unpleasant truths. <^ 4. Iv iih raU • . . . yM'dvvavem This passage is re- pealed in Or. de Cherson. § 34. TQvg)(2v, luxuriari, insolescere, ita ut, quidquid delicatis auribus vestris non blandiatur, fastidiatis ; qui fastus adula- tione alitur. The passage conveys a lively image of the morbid sensitiveness of the Athenian people. y.al rvv, even now, still. Kul ycLQ el. For although. Cf. Heem. ad Vigek. p. 8§2. T« TtQCiynara, the affairs of state, xa yiyvoiiEva signifies the events of the time. So Jacobs : in den Bcgehenheiten und Geschdften aber schon am Rande der Gefahr steht. § 5. TO x^iQiarov, >c. r. X. Cf. Phil. I. § 2. eTtEi Toi, El. All the MSS. except the Cod. ^, which Bek- ker follows, have here, as in Phil. I. § 2, ertEi roi ye, eiy which Ruedigex retains. TtQCiXTorrojv, sc. vfioov. d)X ovds y.EyJrt]ods. The conj. dlV expresses the wide difference between the two verbs, and is equivalent to our nay. y.Ey.irr^adE. Demosthenes employs yivETadai in Olynth. II. 21, and in Or. de Cor. ^ 198, to signify the disorder pro- duced in the body by an attack of disease ; but here it alludes to the single contest. Correctly Wolf : neque victi vos, immo ne loco quidem moti estis. § 6. ovdh' alio e8e(. In hypothetical enunciations like the present, the particle uv is not necessarily added. Cf. Herm. ad ViGER. p. 945. Schaee. App. Crit. ad h. 1. dvy/^Eodai rwow. This verb is generally construed with the accusative, rarely with the genitive. Xen. Hcllen. VI. 5, Toov dvTilEyorrav ow rjver/^ovro. Cf. Matth. Gr. ^ 357. NOTES. 193 By riron' are meant the partisans of Philip, who accused Demosthenes of endeavoring to inflame the Athenians to war. qjvldmadai y.at diOQdovodcu. Ptiiediger refers these words to the orator himself: Opus est, ut caveam et avertam. But, Demosthenes wishes rather to put his hearers on their guard, and to correct the erroneous opinions they may have formed in relation to the question. § 7. yndxiHi^ xal av^^ovlevaag ng, y.. t. P.., lest when any one has icritten and advocated a j^^nn foj\ etc. It may be proper here to cast a glance at the process by which such a jiroposition passed into a law or decree. It was requil-ed to be first laid before the Senate of Five Hundred {Arg. Or. adv. Androt. <^ 5), whose duty it was to prepare all busi- ness which was to be referred to the assembly of the people. If it was approved by that body, it was then reduced to writing, according to the sense of the majority. This bill, or seiiatus consultum {Ttoopovhv^a) , was referred by the Senate to the general Assembly, where, after it had been read, the question was put by the Proedi^i, whether the jDcople concurred with the decree of the Senate, or demand- ed time to deliberate on the subject proposed. The presi- dent of the Assembly {iTtiotdrtjg tv rcn d/^iicp) then declared the question open for discussion, and the herald demanded if any one wished to address the people. Any citizen had the right to share in the debate (F. A. Wolf ad Lept. p. 234 ; A. G. Bexker, Dem. als Staafstnann und Rednei\ p. 500), or to offer an amendment to the bill, or even to write a new one (Schoe:m. de Comit. Ath. p. 98). When the subject had been sufficiently discussed, the orators who had taken different sides drew up their opinions in the form of a decree, and the question was taken upon each of these separately (Ibid. p. 117; d. Phil. I. § 30). That which obtained a majority of votes became thereby a decree {ipr^qj- iG^a), for which the author, whose name was usually at- tached to it, was responsible (Wolf ad Lept. p. 137 seq. ; 194 PHILIPPIC III. ScHOEM. de Comit. AfJi. p. 278). It was necessary, tliere- fore, for Demosthenes and the other patriot orators to feel assured that a majority of the citizens agreed with them in their convictions in regard to Philip before they could venture to propose o]3en resistance to his encroachments. l^y(o yiiu diOfjiCoiicu, x. r. 1., with a future signification : J loill first of all discuss and determine if it is still in our yower to deliberate, etc. § 8. e^sativ — 86x1. 'These verbs are not used synony- mously ; the former denotes a possibility afforded by out- ward circumstances ; the expression shai tm Tin indicates more a subjective choice, for to be under one's control signi- fies that the will is there free to act. So Dem. Or. de Cher- son. § 7, ov yaQ aiQSGig toriv i]{iifp zov TtQuyfiarog. q))]ju 8ycoy8,yi. r. h, I say myself that we ought, etc. ihv ravra Ityovxa. Said in reference to the partisan of Philip, who urged the necessity to keep the peace, but took no pains to promote it. Demosthenes demands that the traitor shall act consistently with his words. TtQO^^dXku is the reading adopted by Bekkee, from. Cod. H, instead of the vulg. TtQO^dllErm. The middle form signifies to extend for the jmrpose of defence. Cf. Phil. I. § 40, and Hakpocrat. s. v. TtQO^SdXleiv ro orojia means to profess in order to dupe. Er halt euch den Namen des Friedens vor. Jacobs. Philip had done this in his letters to the Athe- nians. See, for example, that inserted in Or. de Cor. § 78. cfiiGxeiv, jactare, dictitare. Rued. The sense is, I do not object to your 2Jrofessing to keep the peace as Philip does, if you will. Or, Philip, under the maiitle of peace, is in fact engaged in hostilities ; you may do the same. ov 8iacpb'()0fiai is equivalent to the common expression ovdtv fjoi diacptnei. It is the same thing to me. Cf. Schaef. Ajrp. Crit. ad h. 1. § 9. ravTtp' siq/iv7]v. The ellipsis of eIvcu in such con- structions is very common. Cf. Bernhardt, Gr. Synt. p. 330. NOTES. 195 tc /^>, according to icliich. tTzeixa .... Ityei, in the second place he means peace on your part towards Philip^ not on his towards you. The vulg. has aynv after ziqi^v^v, which is evidently a corrup- tion. TovTO refers to the sentence avxog .... TtoleueToOai : That is, he pays his agents to prevent you from commencing a war upon him. t6j}> diah6y.O[.itr(ov yorifidxcov is the gen. of purchase. Matth. Gr. § 363. § 10. Kai ^i]r, And, indeed, et sane. Hek:m:. Cf. Olyjith. II. § 9. fibjQi Toi'tov, until then, for that. Ovdt is to be construed with rovr^ IqeT. Render, For he will not avow this, even if he were marching against Attica itself. T£'/.fA.ciiQ8adca with the dat., to judge by something as evi- dence, to conclude from. Berxhardy, Gr. Synt. p. 103 ; Matth. § 395. § 11. TOVTO nlv — ToiJTO 8\ Thesc frequently, as here, correspond to each other in longer enunciations, as to (le'v — TO 8t do in shorter ones. Cf. Heem. ad Viger. p. 702 ; IsocRAT. Panegyr. § 21 ; Matth. Gr. § 288, Obs. 2. They express here no opposition, but are used simply to particularize examples ; as the English note — again ; in one instance — in another ; and the like. 8voTv ddxeoov, one of the two, for to tTeoov. Schaefer deems it unnecessary to supply any verb, this being one of those formulas of familiar discourse that convey a complete idea by themselves, though standing in loose syntactical connection with the rest. Germ, eins von heiden, entiveder — oder. ndvia TOP lOXov yoorov, always before ; d/J.ov in the sense of tzqoieqov ; that is, before he marched against Ciyn- thus. The verb ahidadai governs two ace. Matth. Gr. § 45^1, lOG PHILIPPIC III. Obs. 1. Cf. Or. de Halon. § 1 ; also, Or. cle Cherson. § 2, 00 a (At'p rig ahichai rira roviar. Etg (Dcoxtag ojg TtQog av^iimiovg. The former of these prepositions, e/V, is to be referred to the country of the Phocians ; the latter, nQog., to the people. Demosthenes often uses these prepositions without any apparent distinc- tion. Cf. Olynth. III. § 1, ozav. rs eig ra TtQuy^uia dno^- )J\p(o 'Aca orav TtQog rovg Xoyovg ovg dxov(o. riQiL^ov 01 TToXlo}, the populace contended, maintained, ol TtoXXol vulgus, cui proditorum turha (cf. Phil. II. ^ 29) verba dederat. Franke. Voemel with Bekkek has Ttolloi instead of ol rtolXoi. Xv(j(Z8l/j6Eiv. This composite form is used in prose. In poetry it would be Xvslv tsXt], to benefit, with the dat. ov XvaitElu is like our familiar expression. It does not pay. The people contended that this expedition would bring no good to the Thebans. Cf. Or. de Ccr. § 35. t7iv exEivov TtuQodov, his irigress through the strait of Ther- mopylae. § 12. tjsi xaraXa^cov. In expressions of this nature, which are very common with Demosthenes, regard is to be had to the tense of the participle, as well as to the verb '^■/^Eiv. They denote a continuation of the condition caused by the action. Cf. Herm. ad Viger. p. 753 ; Matth. Gr. § 559. b ; Thug. I. 30, KoQivdlovg ds di^aavzEg eIiov. Cf. Phil. I. § 6. "flQEkaig. Demosthenes relates the story of this treachery below, § 59. The order of construction is, Kat rd teXcv- xaici 8cpt] TtETZOfAqjsrai tovg GTQariaxag roTg taXaiitojQOig ^S2(jEh(iig, X. T. X. Wolf : Ac postremo miser is illis Oritis dixit se misisse ad eos e henevolentia ?nilifes, qui eos viserent, audire enim se lahorare illos et seditionihus agitari. As ImaxtTt- TECiOcu is sometimes used to signify watching the sick, it was a heartless and bitter jest upon the helpless citizens of Orcus. IlvrddvEodai yaQ avxovg ojg voaovai, instead of IlvrddiEGOai, NOTES. 197 0)5' voGovai, or voaB'iv avrov^. "Wolf, roaog and voae'v were often used figuratively to denote intestine divisions. Cf. DioD. Sic. XL 86 : tivaovr at n^leu vau nahv elg Ttohrinag ctuG^ig '/.ai tanaydg ivmiTtTOv. Also Or. de Cor. § 45. ^ 13. Elr ohod' avTOv. The pron. avzov is the ace. be- fore (dneTaOui. 01 relates to xovrovg. Tourreil renders the passage thus : Croyez-voiis quun liomme, qui aime mieux user de surprise que de force ouverte contre des peuples, qui etaient trap foibles pour entreprendre jamais rien contre lui^ et que toute leur prevoyance auroit a piene garantis de V oppression , croyez-vous dis-je que cette liomme s'avise de vous declarer la guerre, Surtout lorsqu'il vous trouve ingenieu^ et opinid- tre a vous tromper en sa faveur 7 Bco,\ as long as. §14. dj^elrsocorarog. Hesychius explains : 6 to ^8'/.zi(J' TOi> fit] yiyvady.av. Suidas, d^tXiEoog ' xf^vvog, vs'og, stupid. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 98, where the orator classes it under the head of ignorance. d rear ddixovut'pcov, •/.. r. X. The sense is, if, whilst you the injured party make no complaint against him, but accuse some of your own citizens, he should put an end to your in- ternal dissensions and command you to turn your pugnacity against him. TtomiTteiv, which is properly said of a herald, conveys the general notion of commanding. The sense is. It is Philip s interest to keep alive these domestic quarrels, and he will take good care not to proclaim himself your enemy, and thu^ unite you against himself. rav Ttuo' avrov fiiadocfonovvrcov, i. e. Philip's agents at Athens, loyovg, the specious arguments and excuses which they used in defending his conduct. § 15. oj Ttoog roij zJiog. FuNKHAEXEL {Diss. ad Phil. III. p. 5) prefers to accent thus, m^ since it denotes merely an expression of astonishment, not an appeal. don r/;s doipr^g -/eyovviag, immediately after the peace was 18 198 PHILIPPIC III. made. Demostlienes expresses himself more exactly in Or. de Cherson. § 63, hv avKp rrpi rijv EiQi^vtiv Tton'^ouGdai. For it was while the negotiations for peace were pending that Piiilip made a rapid incursion into Thrace, and took the places mentioned below. rdov ovzcov Iv Xeooov/jGcp. So Bekker, from Codd. ^.and Dresd., instead of the vulg. xav tv Xeooorijaq) vvv mxmv (iTtecJtal^itrcov. Wolf interj)rets, neque missis Us qui nunc in Chersoneso sunt. But according to the new collocation of the. words, it becomes necessary to join the particle vvv with aTtearalfitvajv, which is perfectly compatible with the rules of syntax. See Viger. p. 425. vvv ^vhen joined with the preterite signifies (/.(jzicog, jnodo, pernio ante. The sense of the passage will thus be, nor were those troops yet in Chersonesus which have been lately sent.^ This agrees also sufficiently with the history of events ; for, though it is not known exactly at what time Diopeithes and the colonists under his command arrived in Chersonesus, it is certain that it must have been some time after the conclusion of peace and the capture of the Athenian possessions by Philip. Cf. Or. de Cherson. ^ 6, TtQtv /tionEidriv axTtlsvoiai xai zovg yih]Q0v)[0vg, — Ttolla ^ih tcov r^fisrsQcov ddi'/.cog £ih]rfc6g. The circumstances referred to were briefly these, Chersonesus having been conceded to the Athenians by the treaty with Philip, a body of citizens under the command of Diopeithes were sent to take possession of it. This was effected with- out opposition from the inhabitants, with the exception of the city of Cardia, who refused, saying that the lands they occupied belonged to themselves and not to the Athenians. Thereupon Diopeithes attempted to take the city by force ; but the Cardians implored Philip for assistance, who sent a letter to remonstrate with the Athenians, which not being listened to, he despatched a body of troops to aid the Car- dians. Diopeithes, incensed at being thus thwarted in his purpose, invaded and laid waste maritime Thrace, which was tributary to Macedonia. In consequence, a letter was \ NOTES. 199 sent from Philip to the Athenians, accusing Diopeithes of breaking the peace, and threatening, if they did not restrain him," to invade Chersonesus. The dispute which arose at Athens on that subject gave occasion to one of Demosthe- nes's most spirited orations. Cf. Liban. Arg. Or. de Cher- son. ; WixiEwsKi, Co?}i. Hist. Or. de Cor. p. 175. The allusion to these events is introduced merely to show that they could not have given occasion for Philip's attack on Serrhium and Doriscus. 2^H)oiov y.ai /ioniay.ov. Athenian fortresses in Thrace. I transcribe the following notice of them from Ruediger, Com. Hist. Or. de Cherson. p. 171 : Doriscus, auctore Herodoto, VII. 59, ingens fuit campus et littus ThracicB non niuUum ab ostio Hebri ; ihi rex Xerxes magnum murum dici- tur exstruxisse eu??ique Doriscum appelldsse. Eo ipso loco Persa exercitum adversos GrcBcos (Herodot. VII. 60) recen- suit etin Grceciam j?rofectus est (Ibid VII. 108 ; Plin. IV. 11). Hie ipse scriptor testatur, non multum a Dorisco distare Serrhium, quod montis promonlorii et castelli nomen fuisse videtur (vid. Steph. Byz. s. v., et Harpocrat. qui ovofia Tov x^Qi(yv fuisse monet). Addit orator 'hnor TsT/og, 'leoov OQOi^, qucB castella props ad Serrhium et Doriscum fuisse videntur. Cf. Or, de Halon. § 37 ; Or. de Fal. Leg. ^ 156 ; Or. de Cor. § 70. 6 viibTEQog orQarrjyog, viz. Chares, who was previously posted in Chersonesus. Brueckner, Konig Philip, p. 256 ; WiNIEWSKI, p. 126. ravxa Ttodrrav ri tTtoiei ; At ista agendo quid faciehat ? Auger. That is, What construction is to he put on such conduct ? ei(jr^rj]v .... oiAcofxoy.ei. This is not to be taken quite liter- ally. For in other orations Demosthenes inveighs against Philip, because, at the very time that arrangements were making for peace, he made a forced march into Thrace, and took these important military posts of the Athenians. The state of the negotiations was this. The Athenians had al- 200 PHILIPPIC III. ready sent one embassy to Philip to settle the terms of the treaty, and the king in his turn had sent deputies to receive the oaths of the Athenians. All that was wanting to a complete ratification was the oath of Philip, which another embassy, in which were -^schines and Demosthenes, was despatched to receive. In Or. de Fal. Leg. § 155 et seq. and Or. de Cor. § 30, Demosthenes reproaches ^schines and his associates in the embassy with purposely dallying on the journey and staying nearly three months at Pella, until Philip had seized the places he wished. Weiske {de Hyperbole Dem.) very justly remarks that the peace is called ratified or not ratified [turn juratum, turn injuratwni) accord- ing as the orator aims more at Philip or at the traitors who played into his hands. Consult Winiewski, Com. Hist, et Chron. in Or. de Cor. p. 126 seq. § 16. ti 8l, X. T. 1. The question of an imaginary op- ponent, insinuating that he was making a great ado about a trifle. The particle 8l is strongly adversative. But what are those places^ or what does the city care for them ? The loss of such small and insignificant fortresses might appear to be of little consequence to Athens, but the orator con- tends that it is the principle which is to be considered. For the construction of fi^'Xei with gen. and dat., see Soph. Gr. Gr. § 201. n. 4. It takes the neut. pron. as subject. KuEHNER, Gr. § 274. obs. 1. The following particles. El — jao^ imply that the assump- tion is very doubtful. Concerning this construction, consult Bernhardt, Gr. Syntax, p. 405. ulXog av Ell] Xoyog ovtog, that were another question. Plat. Apol. Soc. 0. 23, El [A,8V daooaltrng eyco ^oo TiQOg ddvatov tj firj, alXog Xoyog. Plat, de Leg. I. 7, 6 loyog av trsQog e'lrj. Cf. DissEN. ad Or. de Cor. § 44. To d' Evas^h'' Wolf : Sed jurisjurandi reh'gio etjusti- tia sive in parvis sive magnis in rebus violetur, eandem utrumque vim habet. A. G. Becker : " Aber wer das Hei- lige und Rechte, sey es im Kleinen, sey es im Chrossen, ver- NOTES. 201 letzet : der felilet immer avf gleiche Weise. Wir fiihlen, nicht edler konnte Demosthenes das Unreclit schildern, das Philippos in eben dem Augenblick begangen, wo er durch die Heiligkeit des Eidschwurs sich zum Frieden verpflichtet hatte, als durch jenen allgeineinen Gedanken. Tief musste as sich dem Gemijth der Zuhorer einpragen : wer unter sol- chen Umstanden einen Kleinen Gewaltstreich sich nachsieht, wird nur zu gewiss in der Folge grossere wagen." Dem. ah Staatsmann und Rediier, p. 178. ar tb — lev re are re- peated in the same way as eirs — ehs Plat, de Repub. V., uv rt Ti^ eig y.olvn^ifioav fiiy.oai' tfxTtbOij, civ rs f/V to fisyiarov nu.ayog [A860v, oftco^ ys v£i ovdiv i^ixov. ^ 17. ^aailti'^. Xenophon and other historians use this title to designate the king of Persia x«t' t^oyjiv. Cf. infra, § 43. Before the invasion of the Persians under Darius, Chersonesus had been ruled by Miltiades, who, not able to maintain his ground against that monarch and his immense army, abandoned the country and returned to Athens. After the victory at Marathon, however, and the conse- quent retreat of the Persians into Asia, it was again secured to the Athenians through Miltiades's instrumentality, and their right of possession was not afterwards disputed by the Persian kings. In the difficulties, however, in which Athens became involved by the Peloponnesian war, she was unable to defend Chersonesus against the incursions of the Thra- cians, who held it for a considerable period, till at length, after many unsuccessful attempts to recover it, it was ceded to the Athenians, with the exception of the city of Cardia, by Cersobleptes, in Olymp. 105. 3. Lucchesixi, Hist. Annot. p. 390 ; Winiewski, Com. Hist, et Chron. in Or. de Cor. p. 197. Consult Diod. Sic. XVI. 34. Y.a) ImaTblln ruvra, and writes this in his letters to you. This refers to the letter which Philip wrote from Thrace, in which he threatened to retaliate the encroach- ments of Diopeithes. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 16, and Liban. Arg. 18* 1 202 PHILIPPIC III. TtoXefmv. Many Codices have v[.iTv after this verb, and it is therefore retained by Reiske and Ruediger. It is wanting in the Aid. ed. and Cod. 2!. Bekker rejects it, and it certainly may be dispensed with. , 706ovTq) 8t(o. So Cod. 2^, which Voemel follows. Vulg. T060VT0V. The verb dm admits of being construed with the gen., dat., or accus. In Dem. Or. cont. Lept. § 33, some MSS. have zogovtov del instead of the received reading toct- ovrov dsT. The dat. in the text is defended by Funkhae- NEL, Obs. Crit. ad Phil. III. p. 5, who thus explains : Jam vero si qucErimus, qua dativi est ratio, comparafionis vis et notio in verbis roaovrco dtoj Ttoieiv rovzo coare inest. Nam qui ita loquitur, illud yrius non facit eoque minus facere vult, quod alterum mavult. Dike res igitur inter se compa- rantur quarum prius eo minus Jit quod altera posterior, prce- fertur. ofwloyEiv depends on dtoj. Meyagoov UTtTOfiEvov. Philip attempted to get possession of Megara in Olymp. 109. 1 Winiewski, p. 145; Or. de Cor. § 7 1, IShyaQOig Itiiihqwv, where Dissen observes : Vide- tur hoc esse factum 01. 109. 1, cum Philippus, ut urbem tene- ret Athenis vicinam et Peloponnesum ingressuro opportunam, occupare Megara et prcRsidium imponere conaretur. Cf. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 87, whence it appears that the rumors of his near approach caused great consternation at Athens. tv Ev^oia rvQarnda. Compare Or. de Cherson. § 36, dvo kv Ev^oia ytatt'arrias rvqavvovg. Philip confirmed Clitarchus as tyrant of Eretria, 01. 109. 2, and Philistides at Oreus, 01. 109. 3. These words are not, however, to be under- stood as relating to the first institution of that form of . government in Euboea. It had previously existed there, but the inhabitants having rebelled, Philip aided in quelling the insurrections, and established the tyrants in their do- minion. Cf. Winiewski, p. 170 seqq. vvv iTtt 0()n'A)]v. Philip was still absent on the expedition into Thrace, where he had already been more than ten NOTES. 203 months at the time this oration was delivered, which was in the winter of 01. 109. 3. The campaign ended Avith the expulsion of the kings of Thrace, and the subjugation of their territories. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 35 ; Winiewski, p. 187. o/.cVOJonvaBvov, plotting, intriguing. Hesychius explains 6xn'conE?ad(a ' tm^uvlsveiv. Hac vox dicitur de lis, qui cal- lida consilia moliuntur et agitant. Rued. Philip's med- dling in the affairs of the Messenians and the Lacedaemoni- ans is the matter here referred to. T« firjyarijfiara tqiaravrag. Cf. infra, §§ 18, 50. § 18. TicJiv ovv vfieTg xivdwevaaiz' dv, x. r. X. The sense is, To what dangers would you be exposed in the event of a rupture ? The construction of xivdvvevEiv with the dative is somewhat rare. It is more frequently found joined with Ttmi and the genitive. The datives contained in the answer to the question are put in the same regimen. In eo, quod Hellespont-US alienahitur, quod is, qui contra vos helium gerit, Megaris et Euhcea potietur, quod Peloponnesii cum eo con- spirahunt. Wolf. Elxct denotes the absurdity of the idea. rovro TO [U])^dvrjfjia, fig. i. e., the preceding machinations of Philip. aqp' tjg ^n^Qag. He became master of Phocis on the 23d of the month Scirrhophorion (about the 20th of May), 01. 108. 2. Cf. Or, de Fal. Leg. § 59; Brueckner, Konig Phil. p. 182. tzoIeiieTv. The same variation in the reading is found here as that noticed supra, ^17. ^19. Iidrj, at once, immediately. luarpcE, vulg. dva^dV.t](jd£, which is retained by Bekker,- but there is reason to believe it originated from a marginal explanation. dvvT^aeads. So the best Codices. Retske and Auger prefer to read dwrjcjeadcu, inf. depending on CfrifAi. But this species of anacoluthon is too common with our orator to excite any surprise. 204 PHILIPPIC 111. roanvTov y^ dq;f6trj>ia, 1 am so far from agreeing with, I so dissent from. 6X07tEh>, said emphatically. It is no longer time for de- liberation ; we should rather send j)''^ompt assistance to those places, — for tna^vvai with the dat. conveys this idea. Bernhardt, Gr. Syntax, p. 90. Tourreil : il faut les seconrir incessament. Jacobs : zu Hiilfe eilen. Matth. Gr. § 390. Bv^avTiov. The Athenians entertained fears at this time that Philip on his return from Thrace would direct his march against Byzantium. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 18. § 20. t^ (ov, X. r. X.,for what reasons I am so concerned for the safety of the commonwealth. This extensive accepta- tion of TtQcr/fxdrmv is required by what follows. y.ai TiQOvoidv riv .... Ttoii'iGriode. Render, and make some provision for your oum safety, at least, if you will not for that of the other Greeks, vfxav /' avtixtv. obj. gen. rervq)(aodai. This verb signifies, literally, to he stunned or crazed, as with a stroke of lightning. Harpocration : reTvqjcofiai • Ifi^p^Qorrr^^iai, l^co tav (fQsrav yiyova. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 219, aiX tyco fjiairoixai xal rervqcofAcu vvv yiuTriyoQOdv aviov. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 11. Plato {Lys.) uses ).7]Qtco with words of similar signification : ov^ vyiaivUy dXla h'lQEi re xai fiaiverai. § 21. TO xar' dQydg, in the commencement. Concerning this and similar adverbial expressions, consult Viger. p. 80. TtQog avTOvg, equivalent to TtQog dXh'jXovg, as in Phil. I. §10, avTCJV for dXXrjXcov. Dem. Or. de Cor. §.61, TtQoreQOv y.cvAmg rohg 'EXXipag t^ovtag Ttqog iavrovg aal CTacjiaarrAwg hi TtoXlqj 7za()a8o^6r8QOv, x. t. X. The sense is, that it was far more improbable (sc. when he was yet a weak prince) that he would become sq^powerfal, than that noio, ichen he has secured so many places, he will subjugate the rest of Greece. yBVEcdai. This aorist may refer as well to the future as NOTES. 205 to the past. For there are two moments of Philip's history considered in this sentence : the first is the time when he was but a petty prince, from which point rocovrov yevtadai is future ; the second is the lime in which the orator is speaking, when it is past. This pliant nature of the aorist is discussed by Bernhakdy, Gr. Syntax, p. 381. But why it is again used, noii'ioaadai, where we should expect a future or optative, is not so clear, unless, perhaps, we assume that the lively imagination of the orator represents that which is merely possible, or at most probable, as really accom- plished. The Latins use the future to express both these relations : " incredibiHus erat Philippum ex tantillo fore tantum, quam nunc subacturum esse cetera.*' ^ 22. dcp' vfiav dolEu^trovg, heginning with yourselves, you setting the example. The antecedent of the following ov is xovto understood, the obj. of ovyAr/MQij-Aorag, which is used instead of the inf. avyAa-^aQifAtvai. Further, the words witOLVxaq dvdQooTtovg must be considered as applying only to the states of Greece. Cf. inf. § 47. It may be thus rendered, But I observe that every body., loitli yourselves at the head., have conceded that to him, for tchich, etc. aad' hva. The vulg. xw/9' tva ty.aaxov is found in Codd. F. T ; but as the latter word is wanting in several excellent MSS. it is probable that it was added by some early critic in order to govern the gen. rav 'E).h]voiv. That it is not necessary, we have seen in Phil. I. § 20. x«^' tva holds the place of a real substantive, and governs the genitive. RuEDiGER cites DioD. Sic. XIX. 107, dmareiXev ovv xar' oTJyovg rear arQUKCordov. ovxcoal is used in regard to something manifest, evident to all. Cf. infra, § 44. The terms TteQCAOTtTSiv and IcoTeodvrsTv present Philip in the most odious light. The former is used by Demosthenes, Or. in Mid. § 147, in the sense of to hack, mutilate; Or. de Cherson. § 9, to lay waste, ravage, ^lian. Hist. Ani- mal. V. 39, connects avXdv xal neQixoTizeiv. Concerning 206 PHILIPPIC III. iMTrndi'TEiv, see Phil. I. § 47 ; it signifies to roh in a mean, trickish manner, to Jleece. Wolf explains thus ; Agere quicquid ei libet, et singvlatim ita concidere et spoliare GrcBcos, et aggredi atque opprimere urhes servitute. ^ 23. TtQoardtai^ i. e. ol TiQOEGTcJreg. The time during which Athens enjoyed the hegemony in Greece is variously stated. Demosthenes and Isocrates are both so inconsistent, that it is difficult to arrive at any definite conclusion from their statements. The latter, for example {Paiiath. § 56), says the Athenian sway lasted sixty-five years ; again {Panegyr.) he gives seventy. Demosthenes {Olytith. III. § 24) states that they governed the Greeks forty-five years with their consent (EXh'jvojv ixovrcov), in which he computes from 01. 75. 3, to 01. 87. 1. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. 475. But in the seventy-three years here given he must have reckoned from 01. 75. 3, inclusive of the Peloponnesian war up to the battle of ^gospotamos, 01. 93. 4, B. C. 405. C. F. Hermann receives seventy-three years, namely, from 477 to 404 B. C. Staatsalt. ^ 156, n. 3. Lucchesini {Annot. Hist, ad Olynth. III. p. 347) adopts sixty-five years, counting from the close of the Persian war (the formal transfer of the hegemony from the Lacedsemonians to the Athenians), 01. 75. 4, to the defeat of the Athenians at Syracuse, 01. 91. 4, allowing some months for the news to arrive and the consequent defections to take place. Boeckh, following DoDWELL {Staatsh. I. 475, note), declares for the same number, sixty-five, reckoning, however, from 01. 77§-, when the formal transfer of the hegemony took place. Cf. Thug. I. 95. ZQid'Aovtci svog dtovra. The rule of the Lacedaemonians com- menced after the battle of ^^gospotamos, 01. 93. 4, and continued to 01. 101. 1, B. C. 376, when they were de- feated by Chabrias at Naxos, a period of twenty-nine years. Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Aristoc. ^ 198; Or. adv. Lept. ZTjV tv AtvKtQOig ii^x^v. In consequence of the victory NOTES. 207 won by the Thebans at the battle of Leuctra, the hegemony passed into their hands, 01. 102. 2. B. C. 371. Cf. Diod. Sic. XV. 55. ti ^ovlotade. So Bekker, from Cod. 2i, instead of the vulg, ^ov)j£6ds. The opt. implies that the wish varied with circumstances. You were never permitted to do whatever you pleased^ i. e. to act according to the 'pleasure of the mo- ment. For, as Bremi justly observes, the orator does not refer to any settled plan, but to what may have often happened. He uses the 2d pers., though he refers also to the Lacedaemonians and Thebans. See Soph. Gr. Gr. § 150. 2. Ovd's Ttollov del. Far from it, hy no means. Lat. Neuti- quam. Cf. F. A. Wolf's learned exposition of this for- mula of Attic life, ad Lept. p. 238^ It is a more emphatic phrase for ovdaii(o^\ Rued, ad Or. de Cherson. § 42 : " Minime gentium^ nam ovbl praecedenti negationi inservit.'* Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 90, ov yuQTuvz^ dvi' lueiyojv yr/ovev, ovds TtoV.ov dsi. § 24. ToiJTO {ih'. Observe that this formula, which serves merely to introduce an illustration of what has just been said, is followed in the second member by Ttdhv instead of rovxo dt. See note to § 11, supra, xovzo iiev are sometimes followed by rj dt ot elra, as Soph. Philoct. 1345; Herm. ad Viger. p. 702. Cf. Soph. Antig. 61, xovto [xtv — tTtsiia d\ lidllov de, or rather. ov ixsTQi'wg. Demosthenes chooses a mild term to denote the oppressions the Athenians were often guilty of towards their allies. He employs the same to denote the insolence of the Thebans after the battle of Leuctra {Or. de Cor. § 18), where, as Dissen observes, xaray.OQCog or {idX' v^Qia- tindjg would have been but just. The dat. riaw depends on nQoacp^QBcdcu. Wolf : quum quosdam non moderate tractare videreniur. .Aa'Aedaifioiioig dq^aai. oQ^ai h. 1. non est imperare^ sed 208 PHILIPPIC III'. imperium capessere. Schaefer. This dative u,epends on 7t6l8[xov, which, from its connection with the verb 7to7.s[ieiVf admits of the same construction. Bernhardt, Gr. Syntax, p. 92; Matth. Gr. ^ 389. Ruediger prefers to govern it by the phrase elg TtoXef^iov naxt'artiaav, which is in truth equivalent to tTtoX^'iATjoav, or, as Thuc. I. 59 says, xaraa- rdvreg tTtoXt^ovv. But vfiiv is governed by xrjv avir^Vy the same. See Soph. Gr. Gr. ^ 202 note. 7tXeovdi^£(v, insolescere, plus sihi quam oportehat arro^are. Wolf. The orator refers, not to exactions of tribute, but to the undue assumption of authority. The odious policy of Sparta is very forcibly characterized by Wach- SMUTH, Gr. Antiq. I. p. 243. I take the liberty of tran- scribing a part of the passage : " Zu herrschen war ihm Bediirfniss, die Herrschaft zu vergrossern die vorwaltende Sorge ; Gewalt, so weit dazu die Kraft vorhanden war, Zweideutigkeit, List und Verrath die Mittel zum Zwecke, und der Besitz der Herrschaft selbst Mittel zur Befriedigung des Frevelmuths und zum Weiterstreben. In Sparta seibst mogte die Kunst, nach entflohenem Wesen den Schein hin- fort zu behaupten, mit einigem Erfolge geiibt werden ; ausser der Heimath aber, von der eine Menge Biirger durch Besatzungsdienst, Harmostien, etc., auf die Dauer fern ge- halten wurden, irrte der Lakedamonier, sobald er nicht mit Krieg und Schlacht beschaftigt war, aus seinem Gleise und wurde den uebrigen Hellenen durch Anmassung, Barschheit und Bedriickungen fiir eigen oder des Staates Bechnung nnertraglich. T« aadsarrjxora t'Airovv, abolished the existing institutions. The Lacedaemonians destroyed the democratic constitutions in the cities of Greece, and established oligarchies in their stead, forcing them to receive the governors {aQunctal) appointed by them, which was too often but another name for tyrants. Cf. C. F. Herm. Staalsalt. ^ 39, notes 7, 8. and Felton's note to Isoc. Panegyr. p. 105. § 25. ov8lv dv eiTteiv t)(^ovzeg t^ ^QXH'^ ^ "^'j ^'- '^- ^-^ equiva- NOTES. 209 lent to dv eiTtsTi' e^xo^iev. Though in the heginning we could not complain that, etc. vrthj (oi>=zv7Z8() TOvTcov a. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 214, d).}.' vTZtQ (ov dyavi^eiai. tv TQial KWf 8t'Aa 0V1 oloig hsatVy in not quite thirteen years. " Incle ab 01. 106. 3, quo tempore Philippus jam apertius bello sacro se immiscere et in Grsecorum libertatera grassari coepit." Franke. ojy = rovTcov a. tniTtohi^st, said contemptuously. Lit. Jloats, gets his head above water. Hesychius explains : tTtmleh', innatare. Passow, Gr. Lex. : (Inhnnog tniTtold^si., Philipp hat das Uebergewicht, oder schwimmt oben. Cf. also Lobeck ad Phryn. p. 2. Philip succeeded to the throne of Macedon 01. 105. 1, since which time eighteen years had elapsed. The glory of his reign, however, began with his conquest of the tyrants of Thessaly, which Jacobs assigns to 01. 105. 4, but WixNiEWSKi to 01. 106. 4. Ttt'fiTtrav fi&'oog. This is the reading adopted by Voemel and Sauppe from the Codd. ^, ^L All the other Codd. have noU.oGTov instead of mftTtiov, and the first Aldine fZoV.oajop mp.nxov ; one of which it is evident mub^t be a gloss. rovT(oi> refers to Philip's acts of injustice, txeiva to those committed by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians. § 28. 7i6).Ei^ trn QQaxr^g. The ancient authors used the expression td tm Qodxri^ to designate the peninsula in the northern part of the Thracian Sea, which received the name of Chalcidice, from the colony planted there by the city of Chalcis in Euboea. At that time it was considered as be- longing neither to Thrace nor to Macedonia. Amphlpolis was the extreme northern boundary (cf. Goeller ad Thuc, I. 59). In the time of Demosthenes this peninsula con- tained a large number of cities in league with Olynthus, which was the largest (cf. Brueckner Konig Phil. p. 347 ; LuccHEsiNi, ^mz. Hist. p. 335 ; Voemel, Pro/, ad Phil. 1. et Olynth. p. 23). Apollonia was situated a little north of Olynthus, and was in alliance with it. 19 210 PHILirPIC III. cig aTrdaag .... eiTierv. Auger interprets, quas universas adeo crudeliter excidit, ut, si accesseris, nee an unquam habitatce fuerint facile dicas. The vulg. has lAVidtra before u}]d\ which VoEMEii retains in brackets. It is not found in Cod. 2. ftaQ]}Qi]tai, perf. of TtagaiQeofiai. Render the clause, Has he not taken away their free institutions and cities, and es- tablished tetrarchies ? The aorist is used with the perf., probably for this reason, that the tetrarchies were still in ex- istence. AuGEB. edits, TBiQabaQiiag. By this change of government the cities lost their independence, and in this loss Demosthenes perceived the ruin of the cities themselves. They ceased to be commonwealths and became mere depen- dencies of Macedonia. " Post id quidem tempus," observes VoEMEL, " urbes Thessalise, sive quia erant debilitatse sive quia per mutatam reipublicse formam jus amiserant, mone- tam signare desierunt." Programme of the Frankfort Gymnasium, Summer-Semest. 1830, p. 4. x«Tcc TtolEig akla aal Jiar tdi'rj. These words refer to the double yoke of servitude imposed by Philip, explained in Phil. II. § 22, note, tdvt] signifies here the cantons or provinces in which he instituted tetrarchies. He appointed native citizens as rulers, but appropriated the revenues to himself. Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. II. 376 ; Touekeil, p. 333. ^ 27. y^-cii tavra, and that too, Lat. idque ; Germ, und zwar. The neuter plural with nai is more common than the singular, where a whole sentence is referred to. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 55 ; Matth. Gr. § 472, n. 7 ; VlGER. p. 176. £tV tag tniarolag yqdcf^i. Concerning this construction, compare infra. § 42. Kui ov ynucfEi, x. r. X. Render, And he does not lorite these things and not do them, i. e. he does not confine himself to words, he makes use of 7io vain threats. The conj. d' conveys opposition to the preceding clause, and akX to NOTES. 211 both together. In such cases, oi> — ds may be rendered hy without, with the gcrundial construction; and he does not write without perjorming, etc. A well-known example of this construction is contained in our orator's Oration de Corona^ § 179, am emov fiev ruvra, ovx sygaxpa Ss^ ovd' ey- Qaxpa (Mfr, ovx tTtQta^evaa de, ovx tTZQeG^evaa [lev, ovx imica 8l QriSaiovg. In' y^fA^Qaxiav. In 01. 109. 2, Philip, having recently re- turned from the conquest of Illyria, made preparations to invade Western Greece, intending, as it appears, to make himself master of the Corinthian colonies, Ambracia and Leucas, for the purpose of gaining an easier access to the Peloponnesus. The author of the Oration de Haloneso mentions (§ 32) that Philip in the same campaign took several cities in the southern part of Epirus, and ravaged and burnt the surrounding country. But the Athenians, at the solicitations of the patriot orators, sent an embassy, of which Demosthenes was a member, into the Peloponnesus, and it is probable into Acarnania, to excite those states to resist Philip's movements. About the same time, as we learn from Dem. Or. adv. Olympiodor. p. 1174 ed. Reiske, the Athenians sent troops into Acarnania for the purpose, most probably, of assisting to repel the invaders. The effect of these prompt measures was, that Philip was com- pelled to abandon his designs upon Ambracia. Cf. Winie- wsKi, Comm. Hist, et Chron. in Or. de Cor. p. 155 et seqq. ; Brueckxer, Konig Phil. p. 247. ^H)av 6/^^ The interference of Philip in the politics as well of Elis as of so many other cities, was productive of the most baneful effects. There, also, citizens were not wanting who were capable of betraying their country's liberties for gold. Many of the aristocratic and powerful were thus induced to favor his cause, and dissensions ensued, which ended in a violent and bloody encounter (Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. ^260). The result was unfavorable to the liberal party ; the democracy was in effect abolished, and 212 PHILIPPIC III. the government passed into the hands of a few citizens who were already under Philip's influence, and who shortly after formed an open league with him. Consult Pausax. IV. 28 and V. 4 ; Buueckner, Konig Phil. p. 242 ; Wini- EWSKi, p. 154, refers these events to 01. 109. 1. •j^coQEi, fills, satisfies. Ni la Grece ni les pais barhares ne peuvetit remplir son ambition demesuree. Tourreil. § 28. dtoocoovyfieda xaia 7t6)Mg, We are separated into cities, i. e. isolated, as it were, by entrenchments. " Proprie [hoc verbum] dicitur de muris, vinculis et aliis ejusmodi rebus ; h. 1. perforati sumus, i. e. Auger bene monente, tanquam fossis interjectis separati sumus^ Ruediger. The orator's remarks concerning these divisions in Or. de Cor. § 61, may be cited as illustrative of this passage. avaiJ^iVai. Compare Phil. II. § 35. § 29- 7t8()ioQcoiABv, we overloofc, disregard. Cf. Thtjc. II. 20 ; Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 66. rbv yQOvov HEQddvai. Bremi interprets : unusquisque Grcpcorum constituit tempus istud in lucro sibi ponere, quo peril alius, i. e. each enjoys the peace without seeming to think his own turn may come next. The part. axoTtav and TtQdtiWv are adjuncts of ixaarog. TtEQiodog tj y.aia^olTj nvQEtov. Harpocration under the word Kctta^oXij says, in reference to this passage, Iv taig TtEQiodiaaTg voaotg }.8ysTai rig xata^oXtj, did to tv dnodEdeiyfit'vo) TtQoitvcu /(?oyQ). I cannot, however, believe that Demosthe- nes, in comparing this evil to a Tteoiodog, had any reference to a disease which returns at regular intervals. But he explains his meaning in another place (Or. de Fal. Leg. § 26.2), speaking on the same subject: cog ^adi^av ye xi'xXcp xal Sevq' Ih'jXvdEv, w dvdQeg ^^d^vaioi, to t'oarifut tovto. In both passages he means a disease like an epidemic, which, so to speak, goes the round, and attacks all in turn. " De- mosthenes, Plato, Aristides accessionem febris ^ata§olriv vocant." LoBECK ad Phryn. p. 669. Bremi is of opin- ion that a periodical attack of fever is here meant, which NOTES. 213 the orator expressed by two substantives for the want of a suitable adjective, the derivative neQiodmog belonging to a later age. They should rather be understood as distinct similes, not as synonymous terms. An epidemic is not necessarily a fever. TtQoat'Qxerai, sc. Philip. The order of construction is, Ittsi ovdsig dyvoei oti ys \_(lMlmnog'] ojCTtEQ Ttegiodog .... TtQoa- eQxercu nat rep vvv doHOvvti navv tioqqco aqjeotdvai. § 30. dXV ovv — j'e, yet at hast, dock aber wenigstens. Rued. Render, yet at least they were wronged by the gen- uine sons of Greece. wgneg dv understand v7to).d(ioi. Rued. d^iov. This emendation of Reiske is accepted by Bek- KER and most of the recent editors. The MSS. have u^iog, but the construction requires the accusative, for the sense of the passage is this : " And one might have judged of this as he would of a legitimate son, who, on coming into a great fortune, managed it discreditably and unjustly, that in this respect he was deserving of blame and impeachment, but it could not be said that he acted thus as an alien, and not the heir of the property." This construction is confirmed by that of the following sentence. tvEivui. Auger edits, as a conjecture, ovu svrjV dv XtjEiv. § 31. vTto^ohfjiaTog, a suppositious child, a false heir. tlv(jLaiv£ro. Compare infra, ^36. OQY^jg. So Bekker, from Codd. Z, T. Harl. Vulg. TtoXXijg OQyijg, which Ruediger approves, but fxaXXov noDSig OQytjg u^LOv is too harsh. • ovX ovTcog exovatv, sc. ol "EX).7]vsg. The repetition of oi';f gives great force to the negation. Rued. : Non ita affecli. sunt. Cf. Viger. p. 248. 0V1 "Ellr]vog ovrog. The Hellenic origin of the Macedo- nians was disputed by the Greeks. Demosthenes shared this ng,tional prejudice in a very high degree, and strove as often as occasion offered to excite his countrymen against Philip, on the ground of his being a barbarian. But the 19* 214 PHILIPPIC III. early seat of the Macedonians, as well as their language and taaditions, prove them to have been of Pelasgic origin, and therefore related to the Hellenes. Cf. Mueller, His- tory of the Dorians, pp. 3, 50 ; Bruecknek, Konig Phil, p. 14. dXV ovds ^aQ^aQOv, x. r. X. Render, hut not even a har- harian from a place which it were honorable to mention, but a vile pest of Macedonia, from whence forinerly not even an honest slave was to be bought. nQiaodai is wanting in Cod. 2J, and as the thought is complete without it, Spengel thinks it may have been supplied by another hand. We learn from the Scholiast (cf. Reiske ad h. 1.) that slaves brought from Scythia, Cappadocia, Thrace, Phrygia, and Egypt vi^ere highly esteemed by the Athenians for their fidelity. There were none, however, brought from Mace- donia, and Demosthenes attributes this to the worthless character of that people, who stood in such evil repute that no one would have a slave that bore the name. Much al- lowance is doubtless to be made for oratorical coloring. Cf. Weiske de Hyperb. I. 18 ; II. 47. § 32. TtoX^ig. Some MSS. have after this word 'El).i]vi- dag, which is wanting in Cod. 2 and several others of high authority. Reiske defends it in a somewhat curious manner : Addidit 'EXXr^vidag, non quo necesse id esset, nam TtoXeig nullce alice sunt, quam GrcBcice civitates, legibus con- stitufcB aliisque humanitatis artibus exrultce {proprie barburis TtoXsig nullcB sunt.) sed ob consensum librorum. But there is no sufficient reason for such a limitation of TtoXetg, which may just as well refer to the towns that Philip had de- stroyed in the north as those in Greece itself. Compare supra, § 26. TidrjCi ^8v rn Uvdia, Does he not institute (i. e. preside at) the Pythian games. The neg. ov continued to Tti-fmsi and y()dq)Ei,. The management of the Pythian gaijjes be- longed to the Amphictyons, but on the admission of Philip into that body they conferred upon him the chief place at NOTES. /iI5 those games. He first exercised this office in the early part (Herm. Gottesd. Alt. § 49, n. 12) of the third year of the 108th Olympiad, in the month of Boedromion, when the Athenians, incensed at the wretched fate of the Phocians, refused to appoint delegates to the celebration. Cf. Or. de Fal Leg. § 128 ; Or. de Pace, ^ 22 ; Winiewski, p. 85. rovg dovlovg, i. e. Philip's deputies, who conducted the games in his stead. Demosthenes calls them slaves from contempt. The dycorodi-'Tca or ^oa^evrca were those who proposed and distributed prizes, etc. TtoofiavTsiav, precedence in consulting the oracle at Delphi. This dignity was not confined to Greeks ; it was sometimes conferred on barbarians. Cf. Jacobs, Anm. p. 497 ; C. F. Hermann, Relig. Antiq. § 40, n. 16. TtaQcoaag. Cf. Dem:. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 327, jj Tiolig ds Ttjv TtQO^avTEiav d^phnrfiai. The privileges which had been enjoyed by some of the members of the Amphictyonic con- federacy were yielded to Philip out of deference to his rank. This offended the proud Athenian, who saw nothing in a king to entitle him to this preference. The words inclosed in brackets are wanting in Codex ^, but they are so entirely in the spirit of Demosthenes, that an eminent critic (Spex- GEL, Ahhandl. uber die dritte Phil., Mun. Acad, der Wis- senschaft. p. 178) thinks their genuineness cannot be doubted, but conjectures they were added by the author himself afterwards, like many passages in this oration. The repetition, however, of the words OerraXovg — QmaloJg, and ^tvoig — ^tvovg is unpleasant and naturally excites sus- picion. § 33. rioQdfiov. Porthmus, a town on the western coast of Euboea (cf. Harpoceat.), was the seaport and fortress of the city of Eretria, which next to Chalcis was the largest on the island. The orator expatiates more fully upon the state of afiairs in this city and Oreus, infra, §§57, 59. 2]6 PHILIPPIC III. tor bTjiiov denotes, as is most probable, the liberal party. rov avzov rgoTtov. Construe thus : efioiyE donovai Oewquv [tavra] rov avzov ZQonov moti^q [d^oiQOvaC] zrjv fjkyM'Quv^ enaozoi evxofiEvoi ^tj yeveadai Had' iavzovg, x. r. X. yeveodai is used in relation to the motion and origin of natural ob- jects : praying severally that it may not come against them- selves^ i. e. their fields. § 34. e(p' oki for zavra Ig)' oig, i. e. the injuries hy which. vTttQ wv. Compare Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 214, vtz^q (ov dycovi^Ezai tieqi zovzcov aTtoXoyeicdai. To'v6xciz6v laziv for to f'cr/ardi' eaxiv. The sense is. For this is the last degree of apathy, i. e. when a man will not repel the injuries committed upon himself. KoQivdioov hn' 'yin^Qayiiav. See note to § 27. Ambracia was a flourishing commercial city, lying on the River Arach- thus, not far from its entrance into the Bay of Ambracia (cf. Harpocrat). Aevyia^a. The city of Leucas, also a colony of the Corinthians, was situated on the island of Leucadia in the northern part. This island once formed a part of Acarnania. Nav7tay.zov. Naupactus, now Lepanto, a city of consid- erable size and importance, lying on the northern coast of the Corinthian Gulf, in Locris Ozolis. After the Pelopon- nesian war it had come into the possession of the Achseans (DioD. Sic. XV. 75), who were afterwards expelled by the Thebans under Epaminondas. But at the death of the latter and the ensuing downfall of the Theban domination, Naupactus was again occupied by the Achaeans. The ^tolians had long been desirous of securing it, on account of its advantageous position and its vicinity to their boundaries Xen. Hellcn. IV. 6. 14.). In this they appear to have succeeded through Philip's assistance, for the place is mentioned by Strabo, Poly bins, and others as belonging to the iEtolians. Rued. Hist. Com. p. 184. NOTES. 217 ^Ex^yoi't Echinus. There were two cities of this name ; one in Acarnania, and the other in' Phthiutis, a province of Thessaly, situated on the Sinn^ Maliacus. The latter is here meant, as appears from the distinction of Demosthe- nes : Ofi^aibop 'Exhov, which is confirmed by the testimony of the Scholiast Ulpian : 'E'j(lvog Ttoh',', Qti^aicop ^Iv anorAog^nl^oiov dl Qmaliag. Rued. p. 185; Wixieavski, p. 224. Bv^avxiovg. Byzantium, a great commercial city lying on the Bosporus, controlled the entire trade of the Euxine Sea. The large importations of grain from Pontus into Greece, particularly into Attica, made this city a place of the utmost importance. In reference to these circum- stances, Demosthenes, Or. de Corona, § 87, says, that Philip was endeavoring to engage the people of Byzantium, his allies {avfii^d/ovg m-xag avTfv) to take up arms against Athens in order that he might get the command of the Channel. Compare also Or. de Fal. Leg. § 180 ; Boeckh, Staatsh. I. 85 ; F. A. Wolf ad Lept. p. 252 ; Winie- wsKi, p. 186. Kai)8iav. Cardia was situated at the extremity of Cher- sonesus, on the boundary of Thrace, near the mouth of the River Mela and the western end of the long wall built by Miltiades as a defence against the incursions of the barbarians (Wixiewski, p. 197). The claims set up by Athens to this city were ridiculous. For when Cersobleptes in 01. 105. 3 (cf. supra, § 16) ceded to the Athenians the peninsula of Chersonesus, he expressly reserved the city of Cardia. The Cardians themselves were always opposed to such a union, and hence were frequently termed the enemies of the Athenians (Dem. Or. adv. Aristocr. §§ 169, 175). After Philip had conquered Cersobleptes and seized the maritime fortresses of Thrace, 01. 108. 2, the Athenians, apprehensive that Philip would advance into Chersonesus, insisted most strenuously on their right to the possession of Cardia, which Diopeithes undertook to secure by force 218 PHILIPPIC III. {Or. de Cherson. § 19 ; Liban. Arg. § 2). The Cardlans implored the aid of Philip, with whom they had stood in alliance even before the peace (cf. Phil. Epist. § 11), and were thereby enabled to repulse Diopeithes {Or, de Cher- son § 58). Moreover, it appears from Dem. Or. de Face, § 25, that Athens had consented to the treaty that Cardia should be separated from Chersonesus. Consult on this subject, WiNiEWSKi. p. 197 ; Lucchesini, Annot. Hist. p. 377. ^ 35. 0V1 riii(av. The orator was about to mention several of Philip's seizures of the possessions of Athens, but he breaks off and notices but a single instance which is closely, connected with the present subject. See introduction to Phil. III. [lalaxt^o^sOa. This verb conveys the notion of unmanly and timorous indecision Harpocration explains it by tov OQQOv cfQiTTEiv. Cf. LoBECK ad Phryn. p. 389. Photius, quoting this passage, has fialaiofisvy which form is preferred by Schaefer and Ruediger. Cunctamur et mollescimuSy et ad proximos resjncimus^ aliis alii dijfidentes illo tarn aperte nobis omnibus insuUanle. Auger, xa^' Eva. Cf. supra, § 22, note. rt non'i^uv ; the pronoun is repeated for the sake of em- phasis. Some, considering it as superfluous, have struck it out'. Schaefer conjectures it may have grown out of the following n. It should be retained. Compare a parallel instance in Or. de Corona, § 240, ri av oiEade, si tot* .... HVQiog xareatT] ; . . . .ri Ttoieiv av ij ti Xt'yeiv. § 36. oh yag avev Xoyov x«/ dixaiag ahiag, for not with- out a reason and well-grounded cause. elxov — Ttgog. liiov ngog^ c. ace. expresses the disposi- tion of mind towards any person or thing. Cf. Viger. p. 249. TMv TtoXXav the mass of the people. tlEvd^Q'tv TD'E Tijv 'ElXada. "^yeiv is here used in the sense* of preserving, as it is in such expressions as Eigrinp ayetv, axolijv ciysiv, etc. It is used to signify the continuation of a condition, like the English verb to keep. NOTES. 219 [iaxt]<^ ovdefU(7>; t^xxdro. ^Hxxacdca is equivalent to i[xx(o ehai, to be injerior or unequal to, and takes the gi;nitive oi the thing to which we are inferior, and the dativ 3 of that in which we are so. Bremi. Cf. Viger. p. 64 et s^qq ; Matth. Gr. ^ 357. vvv 5' ccTToAooAoV, X. X. X. Render, hut the loss of which in recent times has ruined every things and thrown all public affairs into the utmost disorder. lElviiavxai, third pers. sing. perf. of Xvfiaivofiai. Matth. Gr. § 191. 3. The active form was not used till a later period, and even then but rarely. It signifies to injure or to spoil by ill-treatment ; hence, to corrupt, to ruin. Dem. Or. in Mid. § 173, inTtaQXog ds x^^^oxovj^dsig XeXvfiavxai to innmov vfiav. Compare supra, ^31. avco xai adxa) TteTtoir^y.e, peturbavit, confudit, permiscuit, in- vertit. Wolf. ^ 37. xovg TtaQU, K. X. X. Construe in this order : dnav- rsg tfiiaovv xovg lufi^dvovxag iQi]iiaxa Ttagd xmv §ovX. dgx- The vulg. has ovdh tioi'mXov ovbl Gocpov, dXX' on before xovg, which words are wanting in the Codd. Z, T, and not noticed by Aristides. Cf. Spengel, p. 179. They are not in the spirit of Demosthenes, and I have with Voemel rejected them. XaXe7t(6xaxov j^v. Wolf : et gravissimum crimen erat, si quis accepisse munera convincebatur. xifioQin f^eyiGxri, x. x. X. In the purer days of the repub- lic, a person convicted of taking a bribe was condemned to death, or fined ten times the value of the present he had received. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. p. 399. The penalty of confiscation and infamy was sometimes inflicted. The laws in relation to this ofience still remained unaltered ; Demos- thenes means that formerly they were rigorously enforced, whereas now, from the decline of moral feeling and perhaps from indolence, corruption and treason had free course. ^ 38. Tov ovv uranoi', x. x. X. The sense is, Hence it was not possible to purchase from the orators nor generals the 220 PHILIPPIC III. single advantages [i. e. opportunities of winning], wliich fortune frequently furnishes. This is said in reference to the venal orators Machines, Eubulus, and others, who labored to thwart every measure that could benefit Athens. The generals, too, from the same cause, often sought their own profit in postponing or neglecting the chances which offered themselves. Concerning this general corruption in the Grecian cities, see Dem. Or. de Cor. §§ 61, 295 et seq. C. F. Herm. Staatsalt. § 72. § 39. ccTtavd' .... raiJTa, i. e. the patriotic principles and integrity above described. Now all these are bartered, as it were, in the market-place. dvrmar^'ATai, perf. pass, of dvreiadyco, here used instead of the present to denote what was usual, drtaiadyeiv and eiad- yeiv are both used concerning the exchange and importation of merchandise. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 145. Construe thus: diTi TovTcov ds dmio^'Axca [fTeQCt] vcp' oov rj 'ED.ag d7tol(oXs aal vsvoar^nev. Concernmg vogeTv, see supra, § 12. rovzGtg is neuter plural. Hatred, should any one censure such conduct. For tnmndv with the dative, cf. Bern- hardy, Gr. Syntax, p. 92. Between the particles ei and dv (which is thus formed, ei «r, tdv, dv) this difference is to be noticed : ^^ refers simply to a supposition ; dv implies the notion of experience, like the English when in like circumstances : laughter, when he coif esses ; hatred, ivhen any one blames his conduct. See the acute exposition of these particles by the learned Hermann ad Viger. p. 832. i'lQTrjtai. This verb with l^ signifies to depend on, to follow as a consequence. Cf. Passow, Gr. Lex. ; Bern- hardy, Gr. Syntax, p. 227. The first of the cases here supposed refers to the shameless venality of Philocrates ; the latter is to be understood of the orator himself, and the unsuccessful impeachment he had recently made of the ambassadors, TtSQi 7tU(ja7tQ£C^eiag. Compare Or. de Fal. Leg. § 272. NOTES. 221 §49. 'Em) — yB. Qnandoquidem. Herm. 6cau(iT(oi\ ivarrlors, able-bodied men. Compare Xen. Anab. I. Sf. 12, -Mi) yjuniata -Aal Ttolci^' xal ra kivzcav aoiiaxa. Concerning the thought, compare Phil. I. ^ 40. 7taQa(JA£v?^ TliS sense is, hold severe it is necessary to he in such cases, i. e, in rela- tion to such offences. vrttQ is here used very much in the sense of tteqi, a thing not unusual with our author. Com- pare Phil. I. § 1, and note. § 42. "^Qdfjiiog. The Codex Z and several others ex- hibit yjQid^iog, which Ruedigek, prefers. But the vulg. form "^Qd(iiog is found in Dem. Or. de Fat. Leg. § 271. Cf. Wolf, p. 168. Also ^Eschines alluding to this Arth- mius {Or. adv. Ctesiphon. ^ 258), mentions him as TtQO^si'og TMV ^y^drivaiav. The nQo'^evog was a person appointed by the state in foreign cities to protect the interest of its citi- zens (not unlike our foreign consuls), who enjoyed all the privileges which a foreigner could possess in Athens without being a citizen. C. F. Hekm. Staatsalt. ^ 116, n. 4. Un- less some relation of this kind existed between Arthmius and the Athenians, it is difficult to perceive the propriety of such a decree, which was in general issued only against citizens. ari[jiog. The orator explains more fully infra, § 44. avTog 'Aoi yivog. This is said by way of exception, for the dishonor attached usually only to the person convicted. It was the deepest brand of infamy when it was extended to the family of the criminal. rov 1QV60V. This term signifies in general, gold un- wrought or uncoined. In the following section the orator employs the more exact ^/^ovoiov, which denotes the metal coined. The same distinction obtains between aoyvQog and aQyvQiov. Compare Or. de Cor. ^ 36 ; Boeckh, Staatsh. II. p. 213. § 43. Joyi^eads 5//, x. r. h Think, then, .... ichat must have been the spirit of the Athenians of that time, etc. dh'coiAa. '' Dignitatem hie appellat magnifica facta, tanta republica digna." Wolf. Bat, I agree with Schaefer, that it is to be understood of a moral dignity : " Mihi vidctur d^iMixa h. 1. esse idem quod cpQorijfia." NOTES. 223 Zi'leia. Hujus loci meminit Homerus Iliad II. 824, uhl videndus est Eustathius, qui monet, lianc urhem in ultima montis Idee, parte sitam fuisse, centum nonaginta stadiis a Cyzico distanteni, ad Jluvium Asopum. Rued. The gold coins of Cyziciim were celebrated ; its staters were called Kv^rAr^roi. Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Mid. ^ 173; Boeckh, Staatsh. I. p. 25. Athens in earlier times did not coin gold, or at most very little, and even so late as the time of Demosthenes the gold in circulation was chiefly foreign. The money used in trade was commonly silver. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. 24-32. drt'-'Qciipuv. This verb is used in regard to laws and other public documents, which were graved in stone or metal. Hence, to make known^ to publish, both in a good and in a bad sense. Cf. supra, ^ 41, note. ^ 44. dxif^uu)'. There were several degrees of driiiia at Athens. Meier (rfe Bonis Damnat. p. 105) distinguishes three, maxima, media, minima. The first is where the per- sons of the convicts were infamous and their property con- fiscated. The second was that in which the persons were branded with dishonor, though they were allowed to rertain their property. These two sentences were sometimes ex- tended to the descendants of the ofiender. The third or least degree was that with which the debtors to the public treasury were afiected, by which they were suspended from the exercise of certain civil rights till they discharged the debt (cf. C. F. Herm. Staatsalt. ^ 124, n. 8). If the pay- ment was deferred for too long a period, it was sometimes attended with confiscation. Such persons were uti^wi y.ara 7iQ0ozi/4eir,\ as Andocides [de Myster. p. 35) calls them ; that is, in certain respects, the particular disqualification being specified in their sentence ; namely to speak in the Assembly, to become Senator, to institute a legal complaint, to visit particular places, etc. The dri^ioi of the second class were deprived of all public rights ; they were pro- hil'ted from all assemblies of the people, from the market, 224 PHILIPPIC III. from public sacrifices, or if they ventured to pass the prescribed limits they were seized and thrown into prison (ScHOEM. de Comit. Ath. p. 74). Theft, cowardice in war, false witness, unfilial treatment of parents, insults to officiat- ing magistrates, wasteful extravagance, profligacy, or the like, were punished with this species of ignominy. Such driftia was very common, and is probably what the orator refers to by the words ^V ovicoai ri^ civ qi^aeis diifiiav. But the atifxoi of the highest degree lost all protection of the laws ; politically speaking they ceased to exist, and, like outlaws could be put to death with im.punity. Proscrip- tions of this nature are very rarely mentioned by the ancient authors. The case of Arthmius is again commented upon by Demosthenes, Or. de Fal, Leg. ^ 271. Also by M^- chines. Or. adv. Ctesiphon. p. 647, and by Dinae-chus, Or. adv. Arisfog. p. 108. ^ 44. Tw ZeXaiTTj. Themistocles, according to Plutarch, was the author of the terrible decree here alluded to. The occasion of its publication (I follow the account given by Tourreil) was briefly as follows. Egypt had shaken off the yoke of Artaxerxes, who im.mediately marched with a formidable army to chastise the rebels into obedience. This he was unable to do, for the reason that Athens had sent troops to their assistance. The anger of Artaxerxes was thereupon turned against the Athenians. He sent secret agents into Peloponnesus, with large sums of money, to induce the states to commence war against them. But the temptation proved vain ; Sparta, notwithstanding her deep- rooted jealousy and hatred which on other occasions were ready to kindle, refused to lend herself to the resentment of the king of Persia. It is probable that Arthmius was one of these emissaries, though his name is not mentioned by Diodorus, and that he was thus stigmatized on account of his previous intimate relations with Athens. tv roTg (fonxorg .... vofwig, a. r. X., in the laics relating to murder, concerning those cases in which it is not permitted NOTES ^ 225 to arraign the hojuicide. Understand 6 roiiodtrr^i; as the subject of 5<(5w, i. e. Draco, whose laws concerning capital crimes continued in force. Comp. Dem. Or. adv. Euerg. et Mncsib. ^ 71 ; Wachsmuth, Gr. Ajitiq. II. p. 268 et seqq. A murderer in Attica was at liberty to leave the country, if he pleased, before the sentence of the Areopagus was pronounced. No one had a right to stop him ; the parricide only was arrested and compelled to await his trial. If the person accused of murder was pronounced guilty, and he was still in the country, he suffered death, which was the punishment prescribed by the statutes of Draco. Whoever had escaped this sentence by flight dared not return home ; if he did, he was azijiog in the highest degree, and any one who killed him was not amenable to justice. If any person should slay him in his flight, or while he remained abroad, he was himself a murderer. C. O. Muellek, Eumenid. p. 127. Cf. Or. adv. Aristocr. ^ 37 et seqq., where the orator discusses this law. The expression dUag dixd^eiv is said of the judge, duag 8r/.u^e6dui of him who is tried. Sometimes merely the crime is designated without di/.ag ; as, Or. adv. Aristocr. ^67, rov qiovov dinu^sodui, to be tried for murder. Tovto drj )Jyei, x. r. X., That is to say, he who kills any of these (sc. infamous persons) is innocent. Draco ait enim analog redvdzco 6 roiovrog, quod Demosthenes recte explicat y.adaoog fcrrw 6 xov xoiovrov dno'/aeivag. Meier, de Bonis Damnat. p. 102. ^ 45. iiTj Tovd' vTtoXan^dvovaiv, unless they thought so. [A)j here has the force of el in]. Wolf interprets : Alioqui non curassent, si quis in PeJoponneso aliquos emeret et cor- rumperet, nisi ita sensissenl. 'Ea6)m^ov — trincoQOvvro. The first of these verbs is used in relation to chastising for the purpose of correcting the off'ender ; the other, in regard to the penalty due to the laws. OTtp-ixag Ttomvy to stigmatize by inscribing their names on 20* 226 PHILIPPIC 111. a column. After aiadoivro many MSS. have dcooodo-Aouvtag, which Spengel justly condemns, for Demosthenes is speak- ing of bribers, not of those who took bribes. The meaning of ovg a'loOoivro is evident from the preceding verbs wv^hai and diacfde(\)£i ; if another defining word were necessary, it would be diaqjduQOVTag, the very opposite of the clearly false emendation dcoQodoy^ovnag, which SchaefEb. approves. 'En 8s tovrcov eixozojg. And hence deservedly. TO. rcov 'EXXijVcov, instead of ol 'EXhjveg. Cf. Phil. I. 12. The following adjective cpo^dQit is to be understood in an active sense of the dread which they inspired. ^ 46. TtdQanhjaLfag, supply t/^ovai. The sense is. All the other Greeks are in the same way and no better than your- selves. ^ovXijg dyadtjg. Ruediger places these words after TtQoaddadai. I have followed the collocation of Bekker and Voemel. Both these editors retain the vulg. Tivog be- fore EiTtoi. which Spengel with reason rea-ards as a spurious addition of a later age, inserted to produce a closer con- nection. The words inclosed in brackets are preserved in the Codices of the second family, and probably were writ- ten by the orator in the revision already mentioned. The evident confusion in the common text, as well as the varia- tion in the manuscripts, led Spengel to the opinion, that the books contained a mixture of the orin;inal and revision. The Cod. 2 omits the words included in brackets. ^ 47- em'jdrjg loyog, nn'fiijg is like our simple, good- natured ; said in derision. So Or. de Corona, ^ 11, rovro TtarxeXcog evrideg (^I'jdr^g. yi^g dudorig, that is, all Greece. By means of the decad- archice Siiid harmostce, which the Lacedaemonians everywhere established after the close of the Peloponnesian war,, they might literally be said to govern all. Comp. Or. de Cor. § 96, yiaxedaifAOvicov yjjg xai daldttrig aQX^VTcor, x. r. X. Winiewski, Hist. Com. p. 16. vcfiaxaxo 5' ovdlv avwvg, nothing withstood them. The NOTES. 227 ■Greeks were not fond of continuing a relative construction; hence the sudden change often gives the appearance of a want of connection, vcflaxaadai^ sustinere, is construed either with the ace. or dat. Thuc. II. 61, ^i7^(]poo«(V t«/V ^eyiazai^' tdthiv vcfiaraadai. Cf. Matth. Gr. § 400. dvi^nrtdadtj. Reiske explains, '■'■ funditus perdere, ut si arborem radicitus humo evellas." In this sense ^schines, Or. adv. Cfes. 133: BJy^ai dt\ 0?,^ai, nohg dGtvyeixcov, fjisd^ 7),a/o«r fifav Ix fi^'ci^g 7/%* ' E).).ddog uvi\(j7taOT(a. tnl^ooiv. Hesychius and Suidas explain by uvhiaig, Ttoood ([•/.)]. v.ai ovdtr .... Ttrjorenor, and the state of affairs now hears no resemblance to the past. ovdlv ti'/nvuai .... trndedcoxtvat. The sense is, Yet / think nothing has made more advancement and improvement than the art of war. A comparison of this passage with Phil. I.* ^ 3, will show that a marked change had taken place in our orator's sentiments within ten years. There he himself cites their successful resistance of Sparta as a reason for encouragement in the contest with Philip. But the times were now different. The wealth and resources of the Grecian states had increased, but they lay more in the hands of individuals, and less in the coflfers of the public. No doubt much of this improvement in their prosperity was to be attributed to the peace which they had enjoyed for the last five years. But in nothing was the change more evident than in the manner of carrying on war, and this was to be ascribed mainly to Philip. His residence in Thebes had not only given him an insight into the con- dition and policy of the Grecian states, but had doubtless suggested to him many improvements in military tactics, which he afterwards carried out and perfected into a system (cf. Brueckxer, Konig Phil. p. 308). The chief of these was the Macedonian phalanx, which, directed by Philip's energetic promptness, skill, and observation, was an instru- ment of warfare which gave him an immense advantage 228 PHILIPPIC III. over Ms less enterprising neighbors. It is true tha-t Demos- ' thenes does not attribute his successes to this phalanx, but its history shows that in battle it was always very effective. The orator proceeds to compare the old method of con- ducting a campaign with the innovations Philip had in- troduced. tTtidsdtoyJvait here equivalent to r^v^tjodai augmentum ce- pisse. ^ 48. TTiV cjnaiav is used substantively, and embraces the whole season of the growth and ripening of fruits. Spring and Summer. ?/ ojijafa, sc. ojQa rov tiovg, hellissima et ma- turrima anni tempestas, quce -profert omnia ad zr^v mquv per- fectionem, percocfa et maturata. Reiske. In Thucydides we often find this general division of the year into two seasons, diQO^ and x^i^cov. The ace. denotes the duration of the campaign. TtohrrAoig otQarevfiaaiv. The Lacedeemonians did not employ mercenaries in war. Their soldiers were citizens w4io could not remain long absent from their homes. They had no skill in light, predatory warfare, and scarcely any in sieges, in which they were always inferior. Their usual method was to encircle a town by an intrenchment, and, by thus cutting off all supplies, force it by hunger to capitu- late. Wachsmuth, II. 380-419. dnyuicog. Harpocrat. aTtXwg, in the old primitive man- ner. The orator adds, by way of explanation, ^dllov ds Ttohzuwg, i. e. as became citizens and honest men. In the Oration on the Crown, § 13, nohzMov is coupled with dUaiov. RuEDiGER aptly quotes Xen. de Rep. Laced. 10. 7, where TtohTiyJj doejij is explained by rd ro^i^a. § 19. ix 7tu()atdl^£(og, ex acie instructa, quoniam ex ea impetus fit. Rued. TO) — dyeiv is dat. of cause or means. Matth. Gr. § S80. Construe, dxovezs ds (InhTznov ^adiXord' onot ^ovXerai ■ ov)[i TO) uyetv cfdXayya oTthrwr, d)J.d to), x. r. I. oi<)[f is stronger than ova, and signifies by no means. Compare infra, § 51. NOTES. 229 thjoTvadca, vulg. thjoj^^adai, which Bt.kker with Reiske retains. Bat our reading is supported by several of. the best MSS. {Aug. '. 2. 3., f, T. In Cod. i: yo. gives t^uinv- eaOia), and it is more suitable to the context. Thuc. I. 13, vdVTixd rs th/oTVEZO r] 'E)J.u^\ Ibid. 80, aniaxu th'^oxvp- tea 7z).ovTcp TE idici) '/.ui dr]!J.06i(n /iui ravGi aai iTiitoig y,(a onXoig Yuii o/^lo). ScHAEFER defends it : Nam ttaorveiv proprhun verhum est de apparatu hellico rnagisqiie decet hujus loci graintatem. But whether t^i]otvodai or th]QTi^Gdai is pre- ferred, the sense of the passage ricmains the same : hut because he has furnished himself with an army of light troops, cavalry, bowmen., mercenaries, and the like. ^ 50. Inl xovxoig, with these. Many Codices have XQaxav after xovxaig, and omit tw, as the vulg. exhibits. The Codex 2^ has tm, but y.QuxMP stands in the margin. Wolf interprets, quibus prcefectus. The prep. Ini denotes merely a connection (cf. Matth. Gr. § 586), unless, indeed, we prefer to receive Im xovxoi<; in a general adverbial significa- tion in these circumstances. Cf. Bernhardt, Gr. Syntax, p. 250. vmo T/;c yodoag, in defence of the country. 81 dmoxUiv, " ex mutua partium difidentia, quod una me- tuat proditionem alterius, ut sola dominetur." Bremi. (.irjar/^nax' tTZtaxj^aag. Compare supra, §§ 17, 18. cog ov^v diacftoei, that it makes no difference, that is, to Philip (Bekker, first ed., reads avxo) before diaqtijet), who followed up his campaigns both winter and summer. The remainder of the sentence, ov8' lcx\v, x. t. X., is added by way of explanation : nor is any season excepted, which he leaves unemployed. § 51. 01) dei TtQoatadca. This expresses the notion of warning, and is equivalent to dsi firj TCQoatGdai, in w'hich sense Jacobs well interprets Hiitet euch also, da ihr diese Umstdnde wisst, dem Kriege Eingang in unsere Grdnzen zu verstatten. Evi]dEiav, simplicity, i. e. the straightforward, open war 230 PHILIPPIC III. described above, § 48. *' This term is employed," ob- serves Wolf, " because no stratagems or treachery was resorted to, and campaigns were made at stated seasons of the year." lxrQay}]h6d?jna. The Etymcrl. Magnum, explains 'iaxiv dvri rov dianaQtcireiv tHTtPaorra, urco fieraq^ogag rav rovg iirirovg dva^aivorxav. The verb, as employed here, signifies to pfunge headlong into destruction, in which sense Wolf renders, coUafrangatis. cog Ik TzXEiarov, as much as possible. Vigee. p. 598. Most commentators understand it in regard to time. Wolf : qua?n diutissime ante. Jacobs : von weitem her. TOig TtQuy^aai, x. r. }.. To be connected with oxoTiovvrag. The sense is, but in your measures and preparations, you should provide that he does not stir from home, i. e. prevent his leaving Macedonia. Understand 8h. ^ 52. TZolXd qjvaei TtlsovrAz/jfiaO'' tjiilv vTiUQ/ei, k. t. A., We possess, it is true, many natural advantages, provided, etc. Reiske from four MSS. edits vfirv, which is found also in Cod. 2J; but Bekkee. and Voemel ^fxh', as the context requires. Iltjog — Eig. Comp. Olynth.lll. § 1. ijg — TtoXXriv. Render this, the greatest part of ivhich. In such expressions the partitive is put in the same gender as the substantive which it governs. Dem. Or. adv. Lept. § 8 , TOP r^iuavv — rov yQOvov. Numerous examples are col- lected by F. A. Wolf ad Lept. p. 223. dyeiv aai cptQEiv. See Phil. I. § 34, note. dlXa fjiVQia. ^ivquc with this accent is used for any in- definite number (Kuehner, Gr. ^ 99. 2). As we should say, and ten thousand others. dymra, hatil^, is distinguished from TtoXefiog, war, which, being of greater duration, demands other resources than armies. Demosthenes speaks more fully of the requisites for each in Or. de Class. ^ 9. " Every war," says he, *' necessarily demands vessels and money and advantageous NOTES. 231 positions. In all these respects the king of Persia is better supplied than we ; but a battle requires above all things brave men, and in these we and our allies possess greatly the advantage." (iiieivov — '/i6-/.),Tca, he is more exercised. Since the con- clusion of peace the Athenians had been sitting idle at home, whereas Philip and his army had been almost con- stantly in the field, engaged in Illyria, Thessaly, Thrace, and in a great number of other expeditions. ■ § 53. Ov {Aovov — ovde. The adv. piovov belongs to both negatives. Schaefer remarks : Adverte GrcBcorum con- suetudinem in talibus enuntiationilus adverhium {.loivv soli priori memhro sic tribueiitium, ut etiam ad posterius perti- neat. Examples of this construction may be seen in Or. de Corona, §§ 2, 93, 107. To avoid tautology, however, in rendering, the sense may be sufficiently given by translating ou^f, and. roTg xov Ttoh'^iov, equivalent to zco Tioh'iiqj. Compare supra, § 45. XoyiOfi^ xai rrj diavoia .... t'/.eivoig. No efiectual resist- ance can be made to Philip as long as public opinion countenances the traitors who plead his cause. The war must commence at home in their own bosoms, for it is only by hating loith mind and soul, and by punishing the enemies within the city, that they can hope to conquer those without. The orator expresses the same conviction in Or. de Cher son. § 61 : rovg TteTtQay.orag avrovg ly.m'co fAiaeiv rs aai dnorvunariaui. Ov yaQ Icriv, ovx iaii roov e^co rtjg Ttolecog tydoojv XQartjGai, ttqiv av xovg tv avT\j rij tioIm y.oldatjT ty^doovg vm]o£TOvrrag ty.eii'cp. tzqiv civ — xoA«(T/;t£. The subjunctive aorist with ttqIv av, ecog av, etc., has the force of a future perfect. Cf. Soph. Antig. 171. {.uoi'^aai est odium concipere ; fiiasiv, odisse. Franke. § 54. ovy. t/(o Ti ).r/(o, 1 do not know what to call it. TtoD.dy.ig yao, x. r. I. Render, /or often the apprehension forces itself upon my own mind that some damon is driving 232 PHILIPPIC III. the republic on to perdition. A melancholy, disheartened spirit pervades the whole of this oration. A heavy doom seems to weigh upon Athens, which, on account of the vile treachery of some citizens and the mad folly of others, the orator has little hope of averting. It was an ancient and common belief among the Greeks, that the gods perverted the mind of him whom they had marked for destruction. This was effected through "yixriy who was sent to infatuate him and delude him to the ac- complishment of his own ruin. Sophocles cites an old adage of this kind, which he calls famous (^xXeivov t7tog)y Antig. V. 599 : TO y.axov do>cgTp Ttor' todXov To>5' ^li^Ev, 6x0) cpim'ug ffso^' (lyu TiQog urav. So EuKiPiDES, quoted by Lycurgus, Or. adv. Leocr. § 92: ozav yciQ oqjij daifiovcov p.cmxri rird, roiJT avTO TtQwtov t^aqaiQeTiui qjQSvcav rov vovv xov tadlov, e^' 5« triv /etjr/oj XQtTtei yvodiiijv, Iv £i8{j [Aiidh oyv dfiaQZUvsi. Denn wem der Go iter Willen Untergang heschloss, Dem rauht er aus dem Busen alsohald zuerst JDen klugen Sinn, und wandelt ilin in Thorheit um, Damit sein Irrthum selher ihni verhorgen sei. Jacobs. Such passages are of frequent occurrence among the ancients, who appear to have regarded in the actions of the gods not so much the moral effect as the arbitrary dis- play of might and superiority above human nature. dv xvpiXE. Compare Phil. I. § 46. Tourreil : Soit envie^ ou malignite, soit penchant pour la satire, ou quelqne autre motif que ce soit. Isocrat. Panath. ed Aug. p. 444, l.iyot'xai o, xi di> xv^fxtoiv, quodcujique ohviam fuerit garrire. NOTES. 233 COP ovd\ X. T. X. Construe in the following order : moi av ovd^ (Iv dnvrfinhv (o>; ova etai toiovxoi. XoidoQeiadai is used with the dat., loidoneTi' with the ace. Matth. Gr. § 383 ; Berxhardy, Gr. Synt. p. 99. In the mid. it signifies, to engage in an abusive quarrel witli any one. § jj. ov/i Ttco, a stronger expression for ovtzco. The sense is, And this is not the worst, though it is bad enough. So in Or. de Cherson. ^ 30, xul to [ih tovtwp tivu^ sIpui TOiovrovg deivov bv ov dsivov taxir. The subject of mwaay.svu'^si is to tdelEiv dy.onaadai tmv roiovTcov. Atque spectate, quanta ex eo mala exsistunt, quod tales audire vultis. Wolf. dyioodaai, vulg. and Bekk. Ruediger edits uAOveiv, which is also found in many good Codices. Compare Dissen ad Or. de Cor. § 2. ^ 56. The orator proceeds to show the dangers of this course, citing the example of several other cities which have brought on their own ruin in a similar manner. Most of them have already been alluded to several times in these orations. Tbji' tv ToTg 7tQuyfia6i riv^g, some of those in the adminis- tration of affairs, magistrates. Similarly, Thucyd. III. 28, 01 tv TOig TtQuyfiaaiv — ovxEg, qui reipublicce prcp.erant. Goel- LER. In the same sense, Thucyd. VI. 39, oi xu jtodyfjiuxa t/ovxeg. IsocRAT. Panath., oi xdg doydg tyovxeg. The gen. (iMunuov depends on 'Ugilv. They were Philip's, because he had purchased them with his presents. xov ^s/.xiaxov. Bremi regards this also as dependent on "^Hguv, interpreting eIvui xov j^elxiaxov, studere rebus optimis. elvai is very commonly used to denote possession, as of prop- erty, connected with which idea is the signification of to be devoted to, or to belong to, as to a class. It is very rare that it is used to denote the devotion of persons to a thing, with- out a preposition, and this requires to be supported by examples. In the meantime, until this is made clear by 21 234 PHILIPPIC III. further investigation, 1 prefer to govern tov ^sXtiatov by VTttQ understood, which is indeed found in one of the oldest edd. (Felic). Compare Dem. contr, Aiidrot. §64, tov yoQ VTtsQ Ttoleco,' TtQCiXTovxa ri 8Eirht7jg Ttoleoog i\dog ^ujiEladcu. Or. de Cherson. § 69, oGtig 5' vmg tov 8eItl6zov nolXa svavTiovTcu. Ibid. § 32, tv8xa tov ^eItlctov Xsyco. OTtoog fir] dovlEvaojGiv. I have adopted this reading from Cod, 2^, which frequently has oTicog iiq joined with the subj. mode, which Bekker and other editors almost universally reject for the ind. fut. But oitmg fiij is often merely equiva- lent in use to filj (see Passow, Gr. Lex.) ; or, where the purpose is negative., to ha fu'j (Matth. Gr. § 623), when the subj. aor. may be employed with the greatest propriety (of. infra, § 69 ; Viger. p. 436). Berxhardy, Gr. Syntax, p. 402, observes that the idiom had become established, that these particles required either the subj. aor. or ind. fut., between which there is in such case very little differ- ence (compare Thucyd. IV. 66). TIoTEQOi drj. The particle drj has the effect of making something prominent which is known or acknowledged, or something presupposed to which a general agreement is expected. The orator is sure that there can be but one answer to the question. See C. O. Mueller, Eiimenid, p. 183. toug iTTTtmg TZQOvdoGav. Demosthenes in Or. de Fal. Leg. § 266, relates that five hundred Olynthian horse were treacherously delivered into the hands of Philip by their own officers. 01 T« ^InliTtTtov, X. T. A., answers to the preceding ques- tion. ot' iiv 71 Ttohg. ViV is emphatic : wliile the city was yet in existence. MOTE TOV )'', X. T. X. The order of construction is : mgxe 6 br^fiog 6 TMV "OXvvOimv IrtEiaftij rA'^alErv tov y l47to)lojridrfV. Apollonides belonged to the anti-Macedonian party. He is mentioned again infra, § 66. Bremi is wrong in asserting N y E S . 235 that he was the general who betrayed the cavahy to Philip. § 57. TO bdog Tovto, this habit, viz. that of listening to those venal orators. Cf. supra, § 55. oil — fi6ivi> — 8' ovdufiov are to be explained as in § 53. ev 'EgsTQia. When Philip was taking measures to get possession of the cities of Eubcea, Plutarch, who was then tyrant of Eretria (cf. supra, § 33), implored the Athenians to aid him in expelling the Macedonians from the island. Thereupon a force was despatched under the command of Phocion, who, though decoyed by traitors into an ambush at Tamynae, and deserted by Plutarch himself (Winiewski, p. 162), gained a signal victory over the Macedonian and Phocian troops. Boeckh, Staatsh. II. 110. Plutarch was afterwards expelled by Phocion, because he was false to the Athenians, and endeavored to excite the Eubceans to revolt (BoECKH, ibid, ex Ulpian. ad Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 290 ; Wixiewski, p. 163). A free government was therefore again established, and the people governed them- selves for a time, till, dissensions again arising, the majority decided to call in the aid of Philip, who installed the three tyrants mentioned below (Brueckxer, Konig Phil. p. 248). The time in which these events occurred is still a subject of controversy. From an allusion of Demosthenes, in his oration against Midias, to this expedition to Euboea, it appears that this took place immediately before that ora- tion was written. In what year was that oration written ? On the determination of this question hangs another and more important one : In what year was Demosthenes born ? In that oration he said he vras then thirty-two years old. Boeckh {TJeher die ZeitverhcJt. der Don. Rede geg. Meid., Berl. Acad, der Wissenschafi. 1818- 19) assigns this ora- tion to 01. 106. 4. More recently, Droysex (Ueher das Gehurtsjahr des De?nosth.,Rh. Mus. 4:tes Jahr.) has made an investigation, from which he concludes that the orator was born near the close of 01. 99, 2 (about June 382 B. C). At the same time, and by a different method, Prof. 236 PHILIPPIC III. C. F. Herman'N' was led to nearly the same result. He places it in the following autumn, about November {Got' tifig. Lee. Cat. Wint. 1845-46, De Demosth. anno natali), in the beginning of 01. 99. 3. The expedition to Euboea and the expulsion of Plutarch would, therefore, fall about the second year of the 107th Olympiad. dnaXXaytvzog Ulpian explains by dTteXadtrrog. rav ^tvoop. These soldiers had been in the service of the Athenians, but as they became turbulent because they did not receive their pay, Plutarch had advanced the money, and thus won them to his own service. It is related that, with the aid of these mercenaries, he took the Athenian cohorts prisoners, with Molossus, their leader, the successor of Phocion, whom he refused to set at liberty except on the payment of fifty talents as a ransom. Lucches. ex. Plut. Fhoc. Vit. c. 13, and Ulpiax, ad Or. adv. Mid. p. 360. Rued. Co?n. Hist. p. 217; Voeaiel, Prol. Phil. I. et Olyiith. p. 81. l4y.ovovTeg ds rovicov za TtoXXd, Ms auscuUantes in plerisque. Wolf, tovtmv, i. e. the party in favor of committing affairs to Philip's adjudication. relevTOJvreg, at last. Matth. Gr. § 558. § 58. Kul ydo TOt. Compare Phil. I. 6. The word avfi^ayog is added with bitter irony. Kal fierd .... aal^eadca, Posteaque e regione popular es ex- puHt, quum his jam pro libertate contenderent. Winiewski. This is evidently a more correct rendering than that of Wolf, who connects dtg with t^th'^lay.Ev. The sense is, *' The first rebellion was quelled, but when the liberal party endeavored the second time to regain their freedom, they were banished." The words tote ^th .... TIaQiiEvixovog given in the foot-note are wanting in Cod. ^, pr., and have strongly the air of having been appended afterwards. Spengel considers that they must have been added by the orator himself, or by one of his contemporaries, as history would scarcely ha "3 NOTES. 237 preserved the names of the leaders of such expeditions. Parmenio is mentioned in Or. de Fal. Leg. § 69, 6 fluofxevicov daaTtoTii diu'Aovav. The establishment of the tyrants is generally placed in Ol. 109. 1 ^ the expedition of Eury- lochus and Parrhenio in 01. 109. 2. Brueckner, Konig Phil. p. 248 ; Ruedig. ad h. 1. § 59. d)X tp '^oeo). u)X here serves to introduce an- other example, and is to be referred to the same principle as above, § 57. The city of Oreus was a place of importance in the northern part of Eaboea. Demosthenes in another oration (co?itr. Aristocr. § 213) mentions that the inhabit- ants occupied a fourth part of the island. It fell into the hands of Philip through the treachery of a few ambitious citizens, who, in order to obtain the government, bartered away their own independence. This, occurred, as is most probable, in the same year in which this oration was delivered (01. 109. 3), for in Or. de Cherson. § 18, it is mentioned as an event of recent occurrence : av — 7-xri rOV UVXOV TQOTtOV, 6v7t£Q ItZ^ ^S^QeOP TtQ 7/^. Cf. WiNIEWSKI, p. 170. hTToarrs fDdiTtTtco, favehat Philippo, gratiam iTrohrsvero. ScHAEFER. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 77, Qij^cdovg xa nqii'^\i(:LT(JL Ttnarxei. EvcpQcdog. The following notice of Euphraeus is given by Harp o ORATION : ovxog 'figeixr^g ijv xo ytvog, fiexto/8 ds xai rr^g rD,dxojrog diaxoi^r^g. Tourreil observes : La con- diiite du disciple Jit honneur au maitre. oncog elevdeooi, y.. X. X. trtQuxxE is to be repeated here : Euphrceus was labor- ing that his fellow- citizens might he free, etc. The ind. fut. expresses the certain success which would have followed the adoption of his counsels. § 60. v^Qitsxo xai TtQOvTtTjXamtsxo. The former is the generic, the latter the specific term. Compare Or. adv. Androt. § 58, v^qiaxai xal TiQOTtrjXdxiaxat. Mishandeln und mil Fiissen treten. Bremi. 21* 238 PHILIPPIC III. 7to)la av srrj X^yuv. Similarly Isockat. Evag. p. 302, disXdsTv TtoXv av SQyov ei?]. TinoT£ooi> T/%' ulMGEcog, pvevious to the taking of the city. TtQoreoor, like 7t()6, governs the gen. Cf. Bernhardt, Gr. Syntax, p. 233. tvtdei^ev. This and the noun tvdsi^ig were legal terms employed concerning lodging information against persons who were open and manifest violators of the laws. Pol- lux : hdei^ig ds i^v TtQog rov aqyovia 6(AoXoyov[At'vov ddi- M^^UTog, ov XQiGecog^. dlXa ri[A.a)Qiag deont'vov. " Atque tvdfihg proprie erat delatio eorum, qui legibus aut judicum sententiis aliquo aut loco aut munere aut jure exclusi, tamen eum locum adierant, aut jus illud atque munus usiirpaverant." Schoem. de Comit. Ath. p. 175. The term tTtayyeXia was nised in cases where information was lodged against those who had not yet been tried, and whose guilt was not yet proved. Concerning trSsihg, cf. BoECKH, Staafsh. I. 417 et seqq. ; C. F. Herm. Antiq. Gr. § 137, n. 5; Wachsmuth, II. 1. p. 295. ^vaTQaq)8VT8g, clubbed or banded together, ^schines, II. p. 177, oi'toi vvv In' e(A.s GvatQaqj^vzeg if/.ovai. Dem. Or. contr. Aristocr. § 170, avazQacp^vTMV rov te JB}]niaddov >:cu rov '^[xadoxnv, which Wolf renders, et Berisade et Ama- doco conspirantibus. XOQ^yov (see r/iil. I. ^ 36), used to signify one who pays the expenses of any transaction. So used of Philip, Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 216, ihiXlnTtqi x^QVY^P yQ(6iiEvog. § 61. dTtotvimaviaai signifies literally, to put to death by cudgelling. Bekker, Anecd. p. 438, dnoxv^iTtaviGai' am djtXMg TO dTtoxrEivai., dXld TVfjiTtavoig dTTOxreTvai. The rvfiTtavov was a wooden club or staff, anciently employed in the ex- ecution of condemned criminals, but in later times super- seded by the sword. tTrirr^dsiov, in the sense of dhor, like 8rAatog, Phil. II. § 37. So iEscHiN. Or. contr. Ctesij)hon. § 230, oim NOTES. 239 lTt(rt]^£io^ Ian dovrcci dmp'. Compare also Dem. Or. contr. Anclrol. § 57. Sic Latine idoneus pro dignus. SCHAEFER. 01 ^h Irt' t^nvalag onoarig ri^ovXoiTO, they conducted them- selves icith as much license as they chose. o\ ^dv denotes the partisans of Philip, the traitors above mentioned, ^cvleodai with omor,', OTtoaoj, and the like signifies unbounded freedom of action. Cf. Bremi ad h. 1. fi8fivrifm'0i from Codices ^, F, Bav. Vulg. ^le^irrif^ttrng, which Bekker and Voemel retain. The plural is de- fended by FuxKHAEXEL, Obs. crit. in Phil. III. p. 12. T/s' is used collectively. Compare Phil. I. § 48 ; Bern- hardy, Gr. Syntax, p. 439. Qtj^ai q)cov7iV, to utter a icord, to speak out. So in Latin, rumpere vocem, Virg. Ji,n. III. 246, IX. 377. " Signifi- canter dictum : loqui, tamquam ruptis vinculis, quibus timor vocem constrinxerat.'' Schaefer. 8iaGxevac)U^£P0i, drawn up in order of battle, instructa acie. Wolf. 01 fXEv — 01 dk The former refers to rap Ttollcov. ^ 62. ovrcog — uia/odog xat xaxcog, thus, in this base and. dastardly manner. Tovg — oaZovrag, obj. of sn^alovreg. avxovg refers to the tyrants themselves. Westermann reads kavrovg. The sense is, " they banished and put to death those who pro- tected them when they were accused of treason by Eu- phrgeus, and who were ready to treat the latter with every indignity." Concerning noieTv with t\yo ace, cf. Matth. Gr. § 415. Wolf and Auger understand the expression Evcfoaiov oTiovv TtoieTv in a good sense : " who were ready to encounter every danger to protect their country and liberate Euphraeus." In which Bremi concurs. But Jacobs very justly observes, that the aim of the orator is to exhibit the baseness of the traitors in the strongest light, showing that they now treated with despotic cruelty the very people to whom they formerly owed their own safety, tote sufficiently 240 PHILIPPIC III indicates tlie time to wliich the passage is to be referred. ScHAEFER. interprets otlovv Tioieiv, omnibus modis vexare, alles mogliche anzuthun. h^7V ficiQTVQi^aai;, x. r. 1., testifying hy this deed that he had opposed Philip, in behalf of the citizens, from upright and pure motives. § 63. TO aal. This reading is exhibited by the Codices 2^, Aug. i-^-^-^ F. and pr. T. Bekkee, has rov. The former is received as more correct by the principal recent editors. Compare Or. de Cherson. § 56, Ti Ttoz' ovv tori to aiTiov, CO ardgeg ^Adijvaioi, to rov [lev, a. t. X. Franke quotes Plat. Lach. p. 190. E, dlV lacog eyco ahiog — ro 08 aTioyiQivaodai [a,)] tovto. Compare further Xen. Anab. II. 5. 22, ed. DiNDORF, 6 tfiog tQCog lovrov a'niog to rolg"EXlri6iv t(is Ttiorov yev^odai. This accusative to is absolute and severed from all syntactical connection. It signifies what the speaker means to say, and serves to introduce the ex- planation. Funkhaenel therefore interprets dico, intel- ligo, cogito hoc. Cf. Herm. ad Soph. Aj. v. 114. The force of it may be thus given : You wonder, perhaps, what can be the reason for this, that, etc. OTZeQ y.al TZag' v^Tv. x. r. h, the very [cause] which exists among you, — because it is sometimes impossible for those who advocate the best interests of the commonicealth to court popular favor, even if they would. The orator means that there are time^ when public affairs are in a bad condition, and when the honest and patriotic statesman is obliged to speak unpleasant truths and propose disagreeable remedies. Compare Phil. I. § 38. Xa — TtQayiiax , salus et libertas patrice. Bremi. 01 5' tv avToTg, x. r. X., But the others (i. e. the venal orators) cooperate with Philip in the very things in ivhich they cajolr. the people. These are general remarks, which ap- ply not less to Athens than to those other cities, the story of whose downfall he now resumes. § 64. Elacpt'QEiv tatXevov. Supply ol fitr, viz. the sin- NOTES.' 241 cere patriots. Concerning this ellipsis, see Herm. ad Viger. p. 699; Matth. Gr. ^ 287, n. 4. The expressions Eiacft- Q£iv '/oi,^azu, siaqHjeiv ^4■ tov 7t6l£f.wv, etc. (cf. Phil. I. § 7), were common political expressions, to signify the pay- ment of an extraordinary tax, ichicli icas levied on properly in times of public emergency. The eia(fond was collected to meet the expenses of war ; no one was exempt, as was the case in regard to the hAXOVoyiai ; delay in payment was at- tended with confiscation. Herm. Staatsalt. § 162 ; Boeckh, Staats/i. I. 416. This subject is treated by F. A. Wolf, Prol. ad Lept. p. 94, and Wachsmuth, Gr. Antiq. II. 1. p. 136. liij TtiaxBvEiv, sc. (DiliTtTtco. This verb also depends on txilevop. The points of dispute between the two parties are given with extraordinary brevity and force, and so worded as to bear directly upon the controversies in Athens. Com- pare supra, ^ 8 et seqq. foj," kyy.axeh'^cfdridav, donee circumventi sunt. Wolf. Bis sie in dem Netze gefangen waren. Jacobs. %aoT flEyov. Some MSS. have after these words y.ai tlv- Ttovv ovdtv ; in others, they are found only on the margin. The recent editors reject them as a gloss. 01 d\ Supply thus : oi d' D.eyov xavr t^ av ifislXov omd. The same Codices which have '/.at tlvnovv ovdtv have also Ttooaijaav 5' drt^jdetai appended to aojd/^GeoOai. The rhythm of the period requires that both should be received or both rejected. Neither of them is necessary to the sense. Ilolld dt xal rd relevraTa. Ruediger incorrectly in- terprets TslEvraTa as an adjective : multa eaqiie ultima. The intervention of the particle dl and of xd renders such a connection inadmissible, xd xelevxcda is to be taken ad- verbially, as usual. Compare supra, § 12. For the sense is, that the people yielded most of their rights at the last moment, when they no longer had any hopes of being able to retain them. 01'/ ovT(og, X. T. ?.., not so, i. e. not indifferently. Auger : nee tenure, nee graticB causa, nee per ignorationem. 242 PHILIPPIC III. roT^; oloig. Understand this as relating to riolla : con- ceding much when they deemed themselves inferior in all, in danger of being robbed of the whole. Concerning this construction of r^xTdadai, see supra, "^ 36, note. § 65. ^r^dh Iv I'l^iiv Ivor, that nothing is in your power. Fu.NKHAENEL : quu7}i scletis re reputata nihil in vobis situm esse. The reading txXoyt^ofiEvoi yields a much more suitable sense than the vulg. tx loyiOfiov of Bekker. fit] ytvoixo. Compare' Phil. II. § 37. It is to be hoped, indeed, that your affairs may never come to this extremity, but if this should happen, you would better die a thousand times than do anything from obsequiousness to Philip. Such is in general the sense of the passage. The correction of the text from Cod. 2 yivoixo {a.sv — redviirai bs establishes a clear and consistent connection, which is by no means clear in the vulg., yivoizo — r^dvdvai yciQ. Further, the words yiiu TtQOt'adui rav vtcIq vficov Isyovroov tivdg, which are found after ^Inhrtnov in the MSS. (except ^), and in various editions, have been thrown into the foot-note, as they clearly could have formed no part of the original text. For certainly Demosthenes did not anticipate the demand of Alexander and the persecutions which the patriot orators were, several years later, called upon to endure. The con- jecture of Spengel, that it is not intended to signify the delivering up of the orators, but simply a disregard of them and a rejection of their counsels, ^s against the plain sense of the wrrds. § 68. KaXi'iv Y — X^^i?'*'' ^^ ^igl^^y ironical. Fine thanks surely. Compare Cic. Or. in Cat. I. 11, Prceclaram vera — grafiam. The omission of ^tv in the first member cor- responding to 5' in the second, as well as that of the words dmiXi^cpaciv xdniv in the following sentence, is to be attribu- ted to oratorical brevity. 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