n 
 
 H 
 
 I
 
 p 
 
 HERON-ALLEN. 
 
 JULT,
 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE LATE 
 
 Revolutions of P E R s i A. 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 BOOKS frlnted for J. PEMBERTON. 
 
 THE Law of Truth: Or, the Obligations of Re*foti 
 Eflential to all Religion. To which are prefix'd, fomc 
 Remarks, Supplemental to a late Tra&, intitled, Divine Refit- 
 ttuk. Price is. 
 
 Whert may be had, all written by the fame Author, 
 i . A Letter to a Deift, concerning the Beauty and Excellency 
 pf Moral Virtue, and the Support and Improvement which it 
 receives from the Chriftian Revelation. The Third Edition. 
 To which is added a Poftfcript. 
 
 a. A, Second Letter to a Deift, concerning a late Book, in- 
 titled, Chriftianity as Old as the Creation. More particularly that 
 Chapter which relates to Dr. Clarke. Price i s. 
 
 5 . Th Foundation of Moral Gopdncfs : Or, A further En- 
 quiry into the Original of our Idea of Virtue. Price i s. 
 
 4. The Second Part of the Foundation of Moral Goodnefs, 
 illuftrating and enforcing the Principles and Reafbnings con- 
 tained in the former. Being an Anfwer to certain Remarks 
 corpmunicated by a Gentleman to the Author. Pr. i s. 6 J. 
 
 f. Divine Redlitude: Or, A brief Enquiry concerning the 
 Moral Perfections of the Deity, particularly in Refpeft of 
 Creation and Providence. Pr. i s.
 
 I 
 
 THE 
 
 STORY 
 
 OF THE LATE 
 
 'Revolutions of P E R s i A : 
 
 Taken from the MEMOIRS of 
 
 leather KR U S I N S K I y 
 
 PROCURATOR of the 
 
 JESUITS at ISPAHAN; 
 
 Who lived Twenty Years in that Country, was employ'd 
 by the Bifliop of Iffahan^ in his Negotiations at the 
 Per fan Courtj for the EMPEROR and KING of Prance ; 
 and was familiarly converfant with the greateft Men of 
 all Parties. 
 
 Done into ENGLISH, from the Original, juft pitblijfrd with 
 the Royal Licence at Paris. 
 
 y Father DU GERGEAU, 
 
 ff^o has frefix'd a Map of P E R s i A, and a (hort Hiftory of the 
 SOPHIES, with curious Remarks on the Accounts given by 
 TAVERNIER, Sir JOHN CHARD IN, and other Writers that 
 h.i-ve treated particularly of that Government and Country, &c. 
 
 In Two Vo L u M E s, 
 
 VOL. I. 
 The SECOND EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J. P E M B E R T o N, at the Golden-Buck in 
 fleet-Street, MDCCXXXIII.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 I HOVGHthe Gazettes and other 
 publick Newspapers have -, for 
 feveral Tears paft., given us 
 many 'Particulars about the 
 Revolution in Perfia ; yet per- 
 haps there is no Event of our 
 Time, that has been deliver to us with more 
 Obfcurity. This is not faid to throw any 
 Blame upon the Authors who hand thofc 
 Advices to us : They are not anfwerabk 
 for Accounts which are fent to them at Jo 
 great a *Diftance ; and., be they ever fo de- 
 feffive, we owe them Thanks for the Care 
 they have taken to inform us, as much as was 
 in their 'Power., of every Thing relating to 
 this great Cataftrophe. 
 
 As to Events of the like Nature in Coun- 
 tries remote from us^ we have nothing fear ce 
 to depend on, but the Relations given by 
 A 'Perfons
 
 ferfins who were Eye-Witneffes* who were 
 in a Situation and Capacity to be informed, 
 not only of what was of a public k Nature, 
 but alfo of the mofl private Trau factions^ as 
 well at the Court of Perfia, as of that Na- 
 tion which has newly conquered that waft 
 Kingdom ; 'Perfons, in fljortj who being Fo- 
 reigners ^ with regard to Perfia, could have 
 no Reafon to favour one Tarty more than 
 another. 
 
 The Hiflory which follows is founded up- 
 on Evidence of this kind ; for the only Tlan 
 upon which I have formed itj is the Memoirs 
 of Father Jude Krufmskt, a Polifh Jefuitj 
 who lived twenty Tears at Ifpahan., and did 
 not leave that City till towards the Conclu- 
 fion of the Siege ; and who., from Opportuni- 
 ties that I am going to mention ,, was in a 
 Situation to be more particularly informed of 
 the intrinfick ^Part of Affairs, than is gene- 
 rally pojjlble for private Mettj and Fo- 
 reigners. 
 
 Two Tears before the dethroning of Schah- 
 Huflein, that is tofay., in 1720, the Bifoop 
 of lipahan,, having a Brief from the < Pope J 
 and Letters from the Emperor to- the King 
 of France j to deliver to the King of Perfia., 
 the ^Prelate engaged Father Krufinski., the 
 ^Procurator of the Jefuits in that Kingdom ', 
 to accompany him to his Audience^ and to 
 ajjlft him in the 'Profecution ofthofe Affairs 
 which he had to negotiate with the King's 
 
 Minifters
 
 C 
 
 Miniflers. As that Polifh Jefuit, who had 
 been eighteen Tears in Perfia, was 'very 
 well known at Ifpahan,, and was better ver- 
 ged than any other European /;/ the Method 
 of tranfacJing Bufinefs there ^ the 'Prelate 
 repofed fo much Confidence in his ^Probity 
 and Experience, that he totally abandoned 
 the Care of his Negotiation to him ; Jo that y 
 as Father Krufinsky fays himfelfj nothing 
 was treated there but what faffed through 
 his Hands. 
 
 The frequent Opportunities which the 
 Courfe of this Negotiation gave him of con- 
 verging with the chief Miniflers, and the 
 principal Officers 0/Schah-Huflein *, and the 
 Friendfhip they bore him for his Integrity 
 and Wifdom, put him into a Capacity to be 
 informed of Abundance of the Anecdotes and 
 Secrets of that Court, which could not be 
 learned from any but thofe who were con- 
 cerned in the Arcana of Affairs. A Man of 
 his Abilities , who for two Tears, the mojl 
 curious fart of Schah-HuflcinV Reign j and 
 in the very critical Times of the Revolution, 
 was with all the Minifters, and admitted not 
 only to their Audiences, but alfo to their Con- 
 verfation, could not fail of coming at many 
 'Particulars which could not be learned with- 
 out 'Doors. The Reader will eafily difcover 
 this in many *Parts of this Hiftory_, and efpe- 
 dally in thofe which relate to the In- 
 trigues and Fineffes of Myrr-Weis^ Father 
 A 2 /*
 
 (V) 
 
 to Myrr-Maghmud, who dethroned Scliah- 
 Huirein. The fir ft 'Part of this Hiftory is 
 the more, curious _, becaufe it is quite new to 
 Europe., where nothing of it has mthcrto been 
 Jo much as touched on. 
 
 Father Krufinski wanted nothing to be 
 fully informed of every Circumftance relating 
 to the Revolution in Perfia, but to have the 
 fame Intimacy with the Aghvans, who are 
 the Conquerors, as he had with the Perfians, 
 who are the Conquered y and ^Providence fa- 
 voured him with this Opportunity in the Man- 
 ner I am going to relate. 
 
 'During the Siege of Ifpahan, there was 
 none left in the Jefuits Monajlery at Zulfa ; 
 but the 'Procurator of that Society, who 
 chofe to flay there > if pojjlble to preferve the 
 few Moveables which the Mifflonaries had 
 
 +/ *?* 
 
 been forced to leave behind them. This Pro- 
 curator^ who before the Troubles was obliged 
 to keep in the Stables, for the ^fe of the 
 MiffionarieSj Mttles and Affes, which the 
 common 'Peopleof'Petfia. generally ride upon^ 
 was furnished with fever al Sorts of Salves 
 and Ointments proper for the 1)iftempers of 
 thofe Animals, and was very well skilled in 
 the Method of applying them. When the 
 Aghvans had taken Zulfa., it happened that the 
 High-Steward of MaghmudV Court, TEfik 
 Aghari, was feized with aTDiflemperwhich 
 his Thyfaians thought incurable. As the Re- 
 medies which the Jefuit trfd with very
 
 ( O 
 
 good Succefs in the Cure of the Ttiftempers 
 of Be aft s of Burthen, had acquired him 
 at Tsulfathe Refutation of an able Thyjician, 
 who was Mafter of choice Secrets, he was 
 recommended to the Lord Efik Aghari. The 
 'Phyjicians having already given him over, 
 he had no Exferiment left but to have re- 
 courfe to a foreign 'Practitioner, under whofe 
 Care he could not fare worfe than he had 
 done with his own Doctors ^ who thought him 
 incurable : Therefore the Procurator Jefuit 
 was fent for. As he was more a Farrier 
 than a c PhyJician J he was not willing to ft art 
 out of his Sfhere ; and> therefore, in the 
 'Ufe and App lie at ion of his Remedies., he ma- 
 naged his Patient as he ufed to do his Ajfes 
 and Mules. The Succefs exceeded his Ex- 
 pecJatiottj and his Remedies had the mofl hap- 
 py and compleat EjfeEt. The ^Patient^ after 
 being given over by his own fhyfaians, was, 
 perfectly recovered, and the Jefuit by his 
 Cure acquire das much Efteemfrom the Lord 
 Efik Aghari as he had gained a Reputation 
 for ( PhyJlck throughout the Aghvan Army. 
 The fir ft Vfe which the Jefuit Operator 
 made of his Credit with his 'Patient, was 
 to engage him to fend for Father Krufinski, 
 his Brother MiJ/ionary from Ifpahan, the only 
 Jefuit that was left in the City, where b*. 
 was ready to periflj for Hunger. He 
 him to underftand that this Father, to -~ 
 he was but an Apprentice^ was much < 
 
 A 5 s*.-
 
 ( vi ) 
 
 skilled than himfelfin Thyfick, and had Secrets 
 even more wonderful than Ms. He needed no 
 other Argument to perjwade Efik Aghari to 
 fend for him from Ifpahan to Zulfa, with 
 the *PermiJfion of Myrr-Maghmud,* who 
 confented to it without any 'Difficulty. 
 
 Father Krufinski, coming to the 'Patient's 
 Houfe made fuch ahandfome Acknowledgment 
 to hisT^eliverer, by the Salves and Ointments 
 of which he made him a 'Prefentj that he not 
 only gained his Favour, but his Confidence \ 
 and became one of his moft intimate Friends. 
 His conftant Attendance upon this great Of- 
 ficer ^ and the frequent Converfation they had 
 together while he was on the mending Hand,, 
 gave him an Opportunity to b* thoroughly in- 
 formed of every particular'Paffage in the Expe- 
 dition of the Aghvans j and it may be affirmed 
 that no Body was more capable tofet him right 
 in the whole Affair ^ than an Officer of that 
 Rank., who had been pre/ent at all the Con- 
 Jit It at ions ,, and had the great eft Share in the 
 Execution. 
 
 The Hiflory^ therefore., I now publish r , is 
 taken from the authentick and accurate Me- 
 moirs, of an intelligent impartial Man y who 
 relates nothing but what he faw with his 
 own Eyesj or heard from the Minifters of 
 
 both 
 
 * He was not yet Mafter of Ifpahaa ; but Schah-Huffein, who 
 was juft on the Point of furrendcring it, refilled nothing that he 
 demanded.
 
 Oil) 
 
 both ^Parties, of the greateft Knowledge and 
 Authority j and I dare affirm -, that there's 
 fcarce a Pliftory in the World that can be 
 Jo much depended upon for the Truth and 
 Certainty of Faffs as thisj at kaft to the 
 Conclusion of the Tear 171 5-. for the Memoirs 
 0/*Krufinski go no farther. 
 
 As for what has faffed from the End of 
 that Tear to the frefent Time., which goes 
 but a little Way in ths fecond c Part cf this 
 Work, I could have no Information but from 
 the public k News-papers, wherein Things 
 are reprefented in a very imperfect and tin- 
 certain Light. Of this the Reader may judge 
 by their Way of diftinguifhing the 'Place 
 where the Aghvans gained a Victory over 
 the Turks in 1717. The Battle, fay they, 
 was fought between Erivan and Ifpahan ; 
 which is very near the fame Thing., as if, 
 to tell where a Battle was fought in France, 
 they (hoitld fay it happen d betwixt Quin- 
 percorentim <zWMarfeilles;/:>r the ^Diftance 
 betwixt thefe two Towns is not fo great as 
 between Erivan and Ifpahan. 
 
 As to the little *Dependance that is to be 
 
 placed upon thofe Originals^ with regard to 
 
 the Certainty of Faffs _, I will only give one 
 
 Inftance here, which is, That it is prett nded 
 
 that the Turks laid Siege, for the fir ft Time, 
 
 to Ifpahan,, about the End of the Summer 
 
 in 1725. though 'tis evident from the Me- 
 
 tfoirs of Father Krufcnski, that in the Ex- 
 
 A 4 cnrjion
 
 r \ 
 vm ; 
 
 cnrjlon 'which they then made that Way, they 
 did not come within three 'Days Journey of 
 the Tlace. 
 
 What I mention at the End of my Hijlo- 
 ry, touching the Articles of the Treaty of 
 *Peace, concluded between the Grand Seignior 
 and the Sultan Afzraff, is taken from the 
 fame News-wafers. I have only omitted 
 one Article, which I did not think in the 
 leafl probable. 'Tis that where' tis faid, that 
 the Sultan Elreff, and his Envoys {hall be re- 
 ceived at Conftantinople, and in the other 
 Towns of the Ottoman Empire as true Muf. 
 fulmen ; notwithftanding fuch is the Diffe- 
 rence of Opinions between the Turks and 
 'PerJianSj that they look upon one another 
 as Hereticks, This Article might have food, 
 if the Turk had been treating with Schah- 
 Huflein, or the Sophies his T re dec effort, 
 who were of the Setf 0/~Rafi : But it can 
 by no Means fuit with Sultan Afzraff, and 
 the Aghvans, who arc now the prevailing Na- 
 tion in Perfia, and who are in all RefpetJs 
 of the fame Religion, and the fame SecJ as 
 the Turks^ namely, of the Sett of Sunni, 
 or the Followers of Omar, as may be obfer- 
 ued in many 'farts of this Hiflory. So that 
 this isjnfl the fame Thing, as if, in a Treaty 
 of 'Peace between two Roman Catholick 
 'Princes, who alfo acknowledge one another 
 as fitch j it fhould be Jtipulated that for the 
 future they (hall no longer treat each other 
 as Hereticks* I
 
 (ix) 
 
 1 make thefe Obfervations here, to adme- 
 nifo the Reader j that as to the Certainty of 
 Things., he ought to make a great 'Difference 
 between the Faffs pofterior to the Tear 1715". 
 which I only took from the publick Newt 
 'Papers ., and which I have very fuccinflly re- 
 Lited at the CLofe of this tt'ork, and the Faffs 
 preceding that Period., which are all ground- 
 ed upon the certain and genuine Memoirs of 
 Father Krufinski: This very ferfon fent 
 them to Father Fleuriau., 'Procurator of the 
 Jefnits MiJJlon in the Levant \ and from this 
 Reverend Father I received them, in order 
 to make them public k ; fo that as they came 
 to my Hands from that Source^ and by this 
 Canal, the prefent Hiftory I have composed 
 from them may jujlly be looked upon as a 
 Continuation of the Memoirs of the Levant 
 MffienSy of which Father Fieuriau has al- 
 ready publifh'd Jix Volumes. 
 
 I have not advanced one Faff concerning 
 the Events of this Revolution., to the End of \ 
 the Tear 172*5. but what is taken from the \ 
 Memoirs of Father Krufinski ; but I have not j 
 obferved the fame Order in my Hiftory as he \ 
 has done : He divides his Relation into thrqe 
 'Parts. The"~Jirjr contains the Arrival of 
 the Aghvans before Ifpahan, the Siege and 
 Surrender of that Capital, the Abdication of 
 Schah-Huflein, the two Tears and half of the 
 ^ fur per Maghmud'j Reign, the InjlaUation- 
 of his Succeffbr, and his Actions to the End 
 
 of
 
 (*) 
 
 I of the Tear 1725". The fecond contains the 
 \ Origin of the Rebellion of the Aghvans, and 
 all the Intrigues of Myrr-Weis, Father to 
 Maghmud, as well at Ifpahan as Candahar ; 
 his Rebellion j his Return to his own Coun- 
 try, and the Confequences of that Rebellion., 
 to the Moment that his Son Maghmud fet 
 out from Candahar at the Head of his Army 
 to bejiege Kirman frfl, and then Ifpahan. 
 The third and lafl Tart is Jpent in difcover- 
 ing the *Diforder and Confufan of the Perfian 
 Government in all its Tarts, under the Reign 
 of a weak 'Prince ', a Slave to the Will and 
 Tleafure of his Eunuchs, Terfons as inca- 
 fable to govern^ as he was himfelf. 
 
 This was the Method Father Krufinski pro* 
 fos'd in his Memoirs, which in my Hiflory 
 I have thought ft to alter. The lafl Tart 
 which takes up almofl one half of the Me- 
 moirs, is what I treat of firfl, and what I 
 have mofl contracted ; fo that what relates to 
 the 'Difbrders of the Government, confider'd 
 in general^ is hardly the eighth Tart of my 
 Hiflory. But I have taken more Scope as to 
 f articular Faffs, which I have detach' d 
 from that third Tart, in order to range them 
 in their due Tlace^ according to the Order 
 of Time in the Courfe of the Hiflory. From 
 the ^Diforders of the Government, I pafs to 
 the Origin of the Aghvans, who have con- 
 quer^d Perfia., which takes in all the fecond 
 Tart of Father Krufinski'j Memoirs, with 
 
 which
 
 (xi) 
 
 which I conclude the fa ft Tart of my Hif- 
 tory. 
 
 The fecond 'Part begins at the 'Departure 
 cf Myrr-Maghmud, when he march' d from 
 Candahar to befiege Kirman^fr/?, and then Ii- 
 pahan, and defcribes the whole Series of tfe 
 Revolution to the Treaty of Teace lately 
 concluded between the Grand Seignior and the 
 Sultan Afzraff, by which the latter is left in 
 quiet 'PoffeJJion of the Throne of Perfia, and 
 fecurd againfl the only Enemy that was 
 powerful enough to moleft him in his Con* 
 quefl. 
 
 'Tis true that the Turk has Reafon to be 
 
 fatisfied with the Share that remains to him., 
 
 which is near two hundred Leagues of the 
 
 Country in Length, from the Kingdom of 
 
 Caket, the mojl Northern Tart of Georgia, 
 
 to the City of Amadan on the South., and in 
 
 feme Places abo've one hundred Leagues in 
 
 Breadth. But I leaue it to 'Politicians to 
 
 judge, whether Conquefts at fo great Ttiftance, 
 
 which reach to the Center of Perfia^ are a 
 
 'valuable Acquifition for a ^Prince who is 
 
 four hundred or five hundred Leagues off, 
 
 and who will be very happy ^ if hereafter it 
 
 does not coft him more to preferve them than 
 
 what he will get by them. 
 
 This was all that I had to fay, in order 
 to fatisfy the ^Publick, as to the Materials I 
 had for this Hiftory., and my Met hod in wri- 
 ting it. All that remains for me now, is to 
 
 explain
 
 explain feme Toints which feem'd to me to 
 deferve it. 
 
 I may be blam'dforlnftance^ becaufe^ effe- 
 cially in the frft Tart of my Hiftory, I 
 mention the FacJs without 'Dates. To this 
 I anjwerj that I found none in my Memoirs^ 
 \where the Tears are not diftinguffid till to- 
 \wards 1710. Mean Time as this Want of 
 *Date is always perplexing to the Reader^ I 
 will endeavour to fufply it here, and regu- 
 late my felf according to an Event which is 
 clearly diftinguffid in thoje Memoirs., and 
 mentioned in a Note in the frft Tart of this 
 Hiftory. 
 
 The Fatt is this : The Mulcovite Embaf- 
 Jy_, which fo alarmed the Periian Court, be- 
 caufe of the Czar's Tower becoming formida- 
 ble even in Afia, after the entire *Defeat 
 of the King of Sweden,, could not arrive at 
 Ifpahan till after the Battle of Pultowa, 
 which was fought July 8. l^&). and be- 
 caufe it was by Reafon of this Embajjy that 
 Myrr-Wcis was fent back to Candahar, 
 where foon after his Arrival he rebel? d-, 
 this gives Room to fx the fending back of 
 Myrr-Weis to his own Country., and his Re- 
 bellion in the latter Months of the Tear 170^. 
 
 As it muft take him up Time to defeat the ill 
 Imfrejjlms which the 'Prince Georgi-Kan, Go- 
 vernour of Candahar had given him at the 
 Court of Perfia, and afterwards to make a 
 Tour to Mecca, and -to return from thence to 
 
 tfpa-
 
 Ifpahan, where he alfoftaid fome Time be fore 
 he iva,s fent back to Candahar, he could not 
 in lefs than four Tears do this^ and recon- I 
 die himfelf with the Minifters., and the \ 
 King himfelf j and erect all his Batteries 
 againft the Court, by Means of the Rebel- I 
 lioHj which he was contriving ; fo that it 
 may be conjectured that it was about the 
 Tear 1705. that the Trince Georgian 
 fent fiimlo Ifpahan, as a dangerous Man 
 that ought to be fufpe&ed. 
 
 "It was not till two Tears after his Re- 
 bellion that an Army was fent againft 
 him, which he defeated. This Expedition 
 and this ^Defeat could not fall out, there- 
 fore, but in the Tear 1711. 
 
 / meet with another 'Perplexity rela- 
 ting to the "Death of Myjr^Veis. Father 
 KrufinskiV Memoirs places it fir ft in 
 1717. which^Date is blotted out in my Manu- 
 fcrtpt, andjLj_i. writ over it. But as I 
 dw?t know whether this is the Author's 
 Correction, and as befides the 'Date of 
 1713. cannot tally with the important Faffs 
 related in the Memoirs .> I thought fit to ad- 
 here to that of 1 71 7 . which agrees perfect- 
 ly with thefe Facts. 
 
 'Tis faid that after the firfl Victory 
 which Myrr-Wds gained O'ver the Perfians, 
 which j as I have protfd., could not be fooner 
 than the Tear 1711. frefjj Armies were fent 
 againft him every two Tears > over which he 
 
 i had
 
 had always the Advantage. Now if he died 
 in 1713. that is to fay, two Tears after his 
 firft Victory, he would not have had the Op- 
 portunity of beating thofe Armies _, which af- 
 ter 1711. only came every two Tears to give 
 him any Tlifturbance. 
 
 Moreover ''tis prov'd by the Memoirs, that 
 the Brother of Myrr-Weis^ who fucceeded 
 him in the ^Principality of Candahar, enjoy 3 d 
 that 'Place but a few Months ., or even a few 
 'Days ; and that Maghmud, who had cut off 
 his Ancles Head^ was his immediate Subfti- 
 tutc. Now Maghmud, as is exprefly faid 
 in our Memoirs, was but twenty fix Tears 
 of Jlge when he died in 1715. therefore if 
 his Father was dead in 1713. he would have 
 been but fourteen Tears old when he cut off 
 his 'Uncle's Head, and caused himfelf to be 
 declared 'Prince of Candahar, and General 
 of the Troops of the Nation., which is beyond 
 all 'Probability ; whereas by fuppofing, as 
 the Manufcript fays in the fir ft 'Place, that 
 Myrr-Weis did not die till 1717. Maghmud, 
 who was then eighteen Tears of Age, and 
 who by attending his Father in all his Cam- 
 paigns and Rx cur fans from his Infancy, could 
 not but be more formed to Bufinefs., and 
 more enterprising^ than is ttfual at that 
 Age 3 might be in a Condition to fill the 
 important Toft to which he caufed himfelf 
 to be appointed. 
 
 If
 
 ( 
 
 It was not till two Tears after his /- 
 ftallatiotij that the Court of Perfia fent an 
 4rmy againfl him, commanded by the Son 
 of Sefi-Kuli-Kan, whom his Father ferved 
 in Quality of Lieutenant. Therefore this 
 Expedition, which was unfortunate to the 
 Per/ians, could not be made but in the Tear 
 1715. 
 
 The fuccefsful Expedition 0/Luft-Ali- 
 Kan, againfl Myrr-Maghmud was made the 
 Tear following^ andbyConfequence towards 
 the Beginning of the Summer ofijio. It 
 was in November that fame Tear that 
 this General, who was involved in the *Dif- 
 grace of the 'Prime Miniflerj his brother- 
 in- Law \ was apprehended at Chiras. All 
 the Facts pofterior to this Event are da- 
 ted in the Memoirs,, as well as this laft> Jo 
 that it were needlefs to run this Chro- 
 nology farther. But that the Reader may 
 fee the whole Series of it at one Glance^ 
 and confult it as he reads this Hiflory^ I 
 think it proper to place it here. 
 
 Myrr-Weis was fent as afufpec- 1 
 ted Terfonfrom Candahar to If- ( 
 pahan, towards the Clofe of the [ 75 
 Tear. 
 
 There he flayed without going out ? 
 
 of the Town till 3 
 
 He
 
 He made his ^Pilgrimage to Mecca' 
 during that fame Tear> and re-( 
 turned to Ifpahan about the Endf 
 ofitj or the Beginning of j 
 
 He was fent back to Candahar, 
 where he rebelled about the End 
 of that Tear. 
 
 He defeated the Perfian Army ^ 
 
 commanded by Koftrow-Kan,^ 1711 
 *Prince of Georgia, /;/ 
 
 He died, and was fucceededfrft by C 
 
 his Brother j and then by his fe- S 1717 
 cond Son Myrr-Maghmud, in 7 
 
 Myrr-Maghmud defeated the Per-C 
 fian Army Jent again ft him, in y 
 
 He is defeatedbv the Perfian Gene-*> 
 
 ral Luft^AT?Kan in the Summer^ 1720 
 
 The General Luft-Ali-Kan was 
 arreftedj and his Army differ- 
 fed by Means of the Ttifgrace of 
 Athemat-Doulet his Brother-in- 
 Law, in the Month of No- 
 vember, the fame Tear. 
 
 Myrr-Maghmud^/^ all the nexf) 
 Tear in making 'Preparations^ 
 for a great Expedition f and fetT 
 
 __ 
 He aj^ri'vejL^at Giulnabat, four 
 
 Leagues from Ifpahan, the $tbof> 172 2 
 JMarch, S 
 
 Hs
 
 ( Xvii ) 
 
 'He made himfelf Mafter of Ifpa- 
 han, the i id of October, the fame 
 Tear. 
 
 He diedj and his Coufin-Germam p 
 Atxi& Juccecdcd him in April 
 
 The Teace between the Grand^ 
 Seignior and AfzrafF was conclu-l^ 1/27 
 ded at the End of $ 
 
 Thus have I given the Chronological Se- 
 ries of the principal Events of this Revo- 
 volution ^ which will make amends for the 
 Want of the T)ates in the firfl Tart of my 
 Hiftory j for in the fecond., I have fet them 
 down exatJly. 
 
 Since j wherever I have ffoke of great 
 Sums of Money in this Hijlory 3 I have Jpe- 
 cify'd them by Tomans, which I have af- 
 terwards valued by our own Coin., I am ob- 
 * liged to give an Explanation here, both ar 
 to that Money, and its Value. 
 
 The Toman is not a fingle Species of Coin ', /_ 
 but Money in Tale., which is ufed in Pcrfia j 
 for con fider able Sums. 
 
 The Toman, taken in this Senfe> never 
 varies in it/elf^ but the Variation of our 
 Coins makes a proportionable Variation in 
 that. 
 
 At theTime ?*/ Ta vernier was in Perfia, 
 where he made his laft Voyage in 1663. the 
 Toman was valued at about 
 
 j by a nice Computation., at forty - 
 B '/*
 
 ( xviii ) 
 
 fx Livres, a 'Denier j and one fifth ^ as he 
 himfelf fays, f peaking of the Toman. 
 
 Our Money having rifen Jince, the Valu- 
 ation of the Toman rifes in 'Proportion ; in- 
 fomuch that in the Time of Sir John Char- 
 din,* whofe Travels in Perfia are later than 
 thofe of Tavernier, the Toman was valued 
 ^tff^^Ltivres. I will only produce two 
 ^Froojsof^t taken from his Book^ of the 
 Coronation of Solyman. He there fays., 
 p. 8r. cc They gave him eight Tornans., 
 cc which are four hundred Livres." And 
 in another Tlace before that., p. 298. " They 
 rc took but 8000 Tomans, which are 400000 
 cc Livres." Gemelli, who did not travel 
 to Perfia, till near thirty Tears after Char- 
 din'j fir ft Voyage^ reduces the Toman to fif- 
 teen Crowns ., and a little more y in which 
 'tis vifible that he has only copied Taver- 
 nierj as he has done in many other *P laces _, 
 though he never mijfes an Opportunity to 
 fall upon him when he can. It carft be 
 doubted but the Valuation of the Toman., 
 with refpeff to our Money ^ is very much 
 rifen Jlnce Tavernier ; and that it was at 
 leaft at fifty- five Livres > while Gemelli tra- 
 velled in Perfia, that is to fay ^ in *6$4. So 
 
 Fa- 
 
 * In In's latter Voyages in Per/ia, he reduces the Toman to for- 
 ty-five Livres, and we don't fee what made it fall; but 'tis ftill cer- 
 tain, according to Krufauki's Valuation, thpt under Schah Sofymaa 
 it was at fixty Livres.
 
 Father Krufinski, who came thither eight or 
 nine Tears after ^ and flayed twenty Tears 
 there j that is to fay^ during the greatejl 
 Tart of the Reign of Schah-Huflein, va- 
 lues the Toman at fat^JUwres of our Mo- 
 ney. The Letter jr2w^Capucmn 0/~Alep- 
 po, infertedin the Mercury of January 1727. 
 confirms this Valuation, by faying^ That a 
 Toman is worth twenty Crowns. And 
 this is the Rule I have conflantly follow* d 
 in my Valuation of the Tomans throughout 
 the whole Courfe of Ms Hiflory. 
 
 As to the Coins of Perfia, I think I 
 ought to correct a "PaJ/age which is in the 
 Relation inferted in the fecond Tome of the 
 Mercury for December 1726. } Tis there 
 faidj that the Ambajfador fent by Afzraif 
 to the Ottoman Porte carried for a *P re fent 
 2OOCO Tomans ofGold^ which feems to in- 
 fer _, that there are two Sorts of Tomans in 
 Perfia, Tomans of Gold^ and Tomans of Sil- 
 ver, a Thing abfolutely falfe^ and which 
 lobferve here, to guard the Reader againfl a 
 material Error, to which he might be liable 
 in that Refpeff. 
 
 Whereupon I jhall make thefe Remarks : 
 i. That they dotft coin Gold in Perfia, ex- 
 cept upon the AcceJJlon of its Kings to the 
 Crowtij and only to fcatter among the ' 
 People ) but that is not current Mo- 
 ney. 
 
 B z i. That
 
 , ^ -- ** 
 
 (xx) 
 
 2. That there are but two forts of Sums 
 m Perfia, the one called Toman, the other 
 called Or. E/g^Larins make an Or, and 
 eighty Larins a Toman ; and, by confequence, 
 a Toman is worth ten Ors. But when To- 
 mans are mentioned, the Queftion is not whe- 
 ther they are of Gold or Silver, and this Term 
 Jignifes Only a certain fxed Sum in Ac- 
 counts ^ which 'valued by the French Money 
 is worth; at this ^Day^ fixty Livres. This 
 Remark is taken from Tavernier., who ha- 
 ving traded confider ably at the Court of 
 Perfia, where he often received great Sums 
 of the King's Treafure., for the 'Diamonds 
 and Jewels which he fold to that 'Prince 
 in his feveral Voyages > ought to be cre- 
 dited more than any Body., as to what 
 relates to the Money of this Kingdom. 
 
 If Gemelli has only copied Tavernier, as 
 to the Coins 0/^Perfia, he catft be charged* 
 however j with having copied him in the e De- 
 fcription he gives of the Bridge of Chiras, 
 over the Senderout, a Quarter of a League 
 from Ifpahan ; for Tavernier fays no more 
 ofitj than that "*tis an old Bridge. But 
 Gemelli, who in all *P rob ability never faw 
 itj gives a 'Defcription of it according to 
 that of the Bridge of Zulfa, or the Bridge 
 of the Gators, given us by Tavernier. In- 
 deed Gemelli faces this Bridge with high 
 Walls of coloured Bricks, Which have a great 
 opening in the Middle, with a covered Gai-
 
 (xxi) 
 
 lery, and two little Footways at the Sides to- 
 wards the River. 
 
 In order to throw down thefe Walls* 
 and thofe pretended Galleries, which Ge 
 melli has raifed of his own Good-Will tip* 
 on the Bridge of Chiras near Ifpahan, there 
 needs no more than one Faff, related by 
 Father Krufinski in his Memoirs, of which 
 himfelf was an Eye-Witnefs. 'T is the Me- 
 thod that Charpentier Jacoub, a Courlander, 
 took in driving the Aghvans from this 
 Bridge by Camion- Shot , while the Perfians 
 defended it againft them ; for 'tis plain that 
 he could only fre upon one Side of the 
 Bridge, becaufe otherwife, and if he had 
 fred from either End of the Bridge, he 
 would have knocked the Perfians o-ttf-Head, 
 before he could have come at the Aghvans. 
 Now, if this Bridge of Chiras, was faced 
 with Walls and Galleries on each Side, how 
 could the Cannon do any Execution upon the 
 Aghvans, whom he could only fre upon m 
 Flank ? 
 
 As to this Charpentier Jacoub, 1 Jhall 
 
 here add one Thing, which will prove what 
 
 I have faid of the little Credit that is to 
 
 be given to the Relations that are handed 
 
 to us of this War. According to Father 
 
 Krufmski who faw the Attack made upon 
 
 the Bridge of Chiras on the 23 d of March 
 
 1726. it was this Chatpentier Jacoub, who 
 
 having levelled Cannons charged with Car- 
 
 B 3 fridges
 
 ( xxii ) 
 
 fridges againft the Aghvans, drove them front 
 the Bridge. Now according to the Account 
 infertedin the Mercury for November 1725. 
 it was under the Command of t his ^ fame 
 Jacoub the Courlander, that the Aghvans 
 made an Attack upon the Bridge of Chiras 
 that fame *Day the 23^ of March, which 
 is as much as to fay* that this 'very Man 
 fought on both Sides, attacking and defen- 
 ding the Bridge at the fame Time. 
 
 In thefe Relations I might correct ff- 
 ty Miftakes of the fame Importance. I 
 jhall only hint at one y which is fo contra- 
 ry to all Manner of 'Probability that I 
 can't conceive how it could flip the Wri- 
 ter's *Pen* *Tis there pretended that in the 
 laft Sally made by the brave Eunuch Ach- 
 met Aga, the ^Prince of Havoufa Mach- 
 met-Wali, who fuftained it at frft but 
 weakly ', joined openly then with the Agh- 
 vans ; that he fell with them upon Achmet ; 
 that he drove him from the Pods where 
 he had made a Lodgment ; and that he put 
 all the ^Perjians he met with there to the 
 Sword : And yet after this manifefl Treache- 
 ry , 'tis pretended that Schah-Huflein made 
 an Apology for this Traitor, whom he then 
 knew to be fuck, againft an Eunuch who had 
 done him faithful Service* ' This whole Nar- 
 rative is abfolutely falfe : The Eunuch was 
 indeed blamed by the King for having 
 
 fought
 
 <> ( xxiii ) 
 
 fought without the Orders of Machine t- 
 Wali General of the Army ; but the Ge- 
 nera/, 'who always held out for the King 
 in Appearance to the End of the Siege, ne- 
 ver turned his Arms againfl the Troops of 
 that King which he commanded ; and all 
 that he could be reproached for upon this 
 Occajion was, that he had not fupported 
 the Eunuch Achmet with as much Vigour 
 as he might and ought to have done ; as we 
 Jhall fnd in that Tart of the Hijlory, 
 where we have all the Particulars of this 
 Adventure. Schah-Hufie'm was fe far from 
 fufpetting that the General had betrayed 
 him^ that all the Eunuch Achmet could fay 
 to him upon this Occajion to convince him 
 of it, and to open his Eyes to fee a Tiece of 
 Treachery ', which was but too palpable, was 
 abfolutely to no purpofe. 
 
 Wherever I have mentioned the Chief Mi- 
 nifter 0/Perfia, / have called him the Athe- 
 rnat-Doulec, though others, and even my Me- 
 moirs call him Ichtimadewlet. But as^Jince 
 TavernierV Voyages, who always calls him 
 Athemat-Doulet, he is more known by this 
 Name in France than by any other, 1 have 
 thought ft to retain it* 
 
 Our publick News-Tapers don't agree 
 about the Name of the new Sultan <?/*Perfia. 
 Our Gazettes call him Efref, and the Accounts 
 inferted in our Mercuries call him Achefaf. 
 / know not how the Name of this Sultan 
 184- ought
 
 ) ^ 
 
 to be f renounced ; but as to the Way 
 of Writing it I have followed the Memoirs 
 of Father Krufmski, where it is always 
 writ AfzrafE 
 
 To the End that nothing might be wanting 
 which may contribute to the Satisfaction of 
 the Reader of this Work^ I have prefixed 
 a fhort Hiftory of the Sophies, containing 
 the Origin of that Family ', and the Succef- 
 fion of Kings it has given to Perfia, and 
 that have reigned there from 1499. when 
 Ifmael, the frft King of the Race of the 
 Sophies, mounted the Throne^ to the Month 
 of October 1722. when Schah-HufTein, the 
 laflKing of that Race was dethroned. This 
 Jhort Hiftory will ferve as an Introduction 
 to the Hiftory of the late Revolution ; fo that 
 in one and the fame Work, we Jhall have a 
 comfleat Hiftory of the Reigns of the Sophie s^ 
 which have lofted but 224 Tears. 
 
 As to ?V/;/^Thamas, whojlnce the Conclu- 
 Jion of the Teace between the Turks and 
 Aghvans, has given no Signs of Life \ he 
 muft be confldered as a Titular ', who has no 
 longer any real 'Poffejfion in Perfia ; but on- 
 ly certain Rights, which indeed are well 
 founded, and may be of great Service when 
 the Times favour, but as they are at pre- 
 fent^ are more burthenfome to him than they 
 can be prof table. 
 
 INTRO-
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 Of the Late 
 
 Revolution in PERSIA : 
 
 Or, A fliort 
 
 HiftoryoftheSOPHlES. 
 
 Shall not here enter into the In- 
 quiry, whether Europeans are in 
 the Wrong to give the Title of 
 Sophy to the Kings of Terjla of 
 the laft Race : Sir John Char din 
 in his Account of the Coronation of Soleiman y 
 Father to Schah-Huffein, fays, " That a 
 Kins; of Terjia would take that Title as an 
 
 "Affront
 
 ( O 
 
 Affront." Sir John adds, " That for his 
 " own Part, he could not help fmiling when 
 " he read theTitles Sophy 0/Terfia, and Grand 
 " Softy, in the Works of fome of our Wri- 
 " ters ;" and he aflerts, u That the trueTitle 
 " of the Kings otTerJia of that Family, is 
 " Safie y or Sefe. 
 
 I SHALL not difpute this with him ; for, 
 confidering how well he was acquainted 
 with the Language and Cuftoms of *Perfia, 
 'tis to be prefumed that he had Reafon for 
 his Foundation : But as the Abufe has pre- 
 vailed ; and as 'tis cuftomary in Europe to 
 give the Kings of 'Perjia of the laft Race 
 the Title of Sophy, which, with refpeft to 
 us, is become the particular Diftin&ion of 
 their Family, I fhall adhere to this Cuftom, 
 right or wrong, as I find it eftablifhed j and 
 fliall give the Name of Sophy to that Family 
 which late on the Throne of ^Perjia for two 
 hundred Years, and which is now extind by 
 the Scbak-Huffein's Abdication. 
 
 BUT before I enter into the Hiftory of this 
 Family, I think I ftiould take Notice, that 
 there is nothing more perplexed than its 
 Beginning. This is ownM by the Au- 
 thors themfelves that have wrote the Hi 
 tory of it, who are not at all agreed as to the 
 Manner how IJmael^ the firft King of this 
 Race, came to the Throne ; nor in a Mul- 
 titude of other important Articles. Mean 
 Time, as I muft not be altogether neuter in 
 
 this
 
 (3) 
 
 this Controverfy, I ihall adhere chiefly to Bi- 
 z,arus, as to thofe Times of Perplexity and 
 Obfcurity which this Hiltory mentions, from 
 the Death of 'Ufum-Caffan, to the Reign of 
 Ifmael the firft King of the Race of the So- 
 phies. I fhall likewife follow him in what 
 relates to the Reign ofljmae/, and that of the 
 Succeeding Kings to Codabende, beyond whom 
 his Hiftory does not extend. As to the Kings 
 of a later Date, I ihall chufe out of the Ac- 
 counts given by the feveral Authors, what I 
 think of moft Authority. 
 
 Origin of the Family of the Sophies. 
 
 THE Kings of Terjla. of this Family 
 pretended to be derived from Ali^ who 
 was Couim-Germain to Mahomet, and his Son- 
 in-Law, by marrying Fatima his Daughter. 
 Ali fucceeding his Step-Father, made a very 
 great Alteration in his Law. He added fome 
 Things, left out others, put new Glofles on 
 it, and made fuch a Reform in it, that it might 
 pals for a new Law. All thefe Alterations oc- 
 cafioned a Divifion in Mahometifm. The 
 greateft Number adhered to the Law, as it 
 had been given by Mahomet, and as it had 
 been prefcrved to them by Omar, one of the 
 thief of his Difciples ; and the others decla- 
 red
 
 (4) 
 
 red for it as it had been corrected and reform- 
 ed by Ali. 
 
 A LI died with Poifbn, and left two Sons ; 
 of whom the eldeft, named Hocen, came to 
 the fame End as his Father. The youngeft 
 named Huffein, fucceeding his Brother, iuf- 
 fered Death likewife, as they fay, in Terfia^ 
 for 'defending the Doctrine of his Father Alii 
 but he left twelve Sons, whom the 'Perjians 
 revere as fo many Prophets of their Law. 
 
 ONE of the moft famous of the Twelve 
 was MUSA CAIM, or, asfomecallhim,Mous- 
 SA KAIZEM; from whom, after a long Series 
 of Generations, they pretend to derive So- 
 fby, the firft of the Family of this Name, 
 that we know any Thing of. Whether he 
 came from MUSA CAIM, or no ; for this De- 
 icent is not at all proved, and there is too great 
 a Space between the Trunk and the Branches, 
 for us to be fure of any Thing in this refpecl: ; 
 it appears, however, very certain, that he 
 was the firft that refcued Alts Law from 
 the Obfcurity in which it had been buried 
 for many Ages, and made it revive in ^Perfia. 
 In order to diftinguilh Alt's Followers from 
 the other Muffulmen, he made an Order, that 
 inftead of theLinnenTurbans, commonly worn 
 by the Muffulmen, the others ihould wear a 
 red woollen Cap with twelve Folds, in Me- 
 mory of the twelve Children ofHu/eix^ and 
 'tis on Account of the Colour of their Tur- 
 ks call them Red-Heads. 
 
 This
 
 c i 
 
 This Reftorer of Al?s Reformation flourimed 
 towards the latter End of the fourteenth Cen- 
 tury ; and there is all the Reafon that can be, 
 to think that when Tamerlane returned to 
 PerJia, after the Defeat of Bajazet y he gave 
 thofc Marks of Efteem and Veneration to 
 MUSA CAIM that are faid to have been confer- 
 red on'his Son Guines^ or his Grandfon Schich- 
 Eidar, whom others call Heik-Adar. 
 
 BIZARUS, in his Hiftory of the Terjian Af- 
 fairs, Lib. 10. makes this Compliment to 
 Gumes ; but the Fa<5t cannot be reconciled to 
 Chronology without doing Violence to it : 
 Whereas, by afcribing it to Sophy, the Father 
 of Guines, all Things agree perfectly well. 
 And there's the more Reafon for this, be- 
 caufe, according to Biz>anis himfelf, Sophy 
 flourifhed at the Time that the Tartars pre- 
 vailed over the Turks, that is to fay, at the 
 Time of Bajazet's Defeat by Tamerlane. 
 
 TA VERNIER, I know not why, makes the 
 fame Compliment to Schich-Eidar, Son to 
 Guines ; which is an Error that Gemelli has 
 exactly copied from him, without perceiving 
 the Ridiculoufnefs of it. 
 
 ACCORDING to thofe two Travellers, Ta> 
 merlane returning to 'Perjia., after having rout- 
 ed and taken Bajazet, gave Schich-Eidar, in 
 Confideration of his Virtue and Sanctity, a great 
 Number of Captives that he had taken in thelaft 
 War. Now7^w^7^^diedin 1401. and Schicb- 
 E:dar muft then be a Man at full Growth : 
 
 Whereas
 
 CO 
 
 Whereas it appears that /y%^/, the firit King 
 of Terfia of the Sophy Family, and Son to 
 Schich Eidar^ was but twenty Years old "tf hen 
 he conquered *Perfia in 1499. and but forty- 
 five when he died in 15*34. Were we to 
 fuppofe that Schich-Eidar was but twenty- 
 five Years old, which is the leaft that can 
 be fuppofed, when the Luftre of his Repu- 
 tation and Virtue gained him the Marks of 
 Tamerlane's Efteem, it would follow that he 
 was above a hundred Years old when he had 
 a Son, who, according to the Teftimony of 
 Hiftorians, was not Twenty in 1499. The 
 Truth is, that Schich-Eidar cannot be luppofed 
 to have feen Tamerlane^ and that the Thing 
 in Queftion can hardly be applied even to 
 his Father Guines ; but that it tallies per- 
 fectly with his Grandfather Sophy , as I have 
 fhewn. To him, therefore, was it that Ta- 
 merlane gave the thirty thoufand Captives, 
 mentioned by Bizarus > and probably this 
 was the fame Sophy who, after having inftruc- 
 ted them in the Principles of his Sed, fent 
 them abroad to preach it Sword-in-Hand, a 
 Method which Bizarus himfelf mews he 
 made ufe of for the Propagation of his Doc- 
 trine. 
 
 So THY was fucceeded in his Zeal for the 
 new Seel: by his Son Guines^ of whom we 
 find nothing confiderable, and who is not Ib 
 much known upon his own perfonal Ac- 
 count, as for the Merit and Reputation of his 
 
 Son
 
 (7) 
 
 Son Schich-Eidar, to whom the Sophy Fami- 
 ly properly owes its firft Rife in the State. 
 
 ScHicH-EiD AR did not keep to the new Plan 
 of Religion, which his Grandfather had preach- 
 ed up, and which his Father had trained him 
 up in ; but reformed it as he thought fit, and 
 made a great many Alterations in it. The 
 edifying Life which he led, and the external 
 Appearance of Regularity and Piety which 
 he affe&ed in his whole Condud^, gained him 
 fb great a Reputation, that the People flock- 
 ed from the very Heart of Terjla^ and the 
 furtheft Parts of Armenia, to Ar devil the 
 Place of his Birth, in order to hear him, and 
 to be inftrufted in his new Religion. They 
 devoted themfelves to it with Zeal ; and when 
 once they had embraced it, obferved the Rules 
 and Statutes of it, with the moft fcrupulous 
 and rigid Nicety. They were the more at- 
 tached to him, becaufe he made them be- 
 lieve that he had a Revelation that no Muf- 
 fulmen mould be laved, but thofe who fol- 
 low'd the Do&rine of Alt, fuch as he preach'd 
 it. 
 
 THIS was his Manner of preaching at Ar- 
 devil in his own Country, of which, 'tis faid, 
 he was Lord as his Anceftors had been, and 
 from whence he was afterwards called Har- 
 devil. But notwithftanding his high Rank 
 and great Eftate, in his Manner of Life he 
 was plain, modeft, and even harm and auf- 
 tere ; and manifefted a vaft Contempt of Ho- 
 
 i nour
 
 nour and Wealth ; a Virtue fo uncommon 
 
 and extraordinary made fuch a Figure in ( Per- 
 
 Jia, and gained him fuch a Reputation, that, 
 
 though he was not of Rank enough to afpire 
 
 to Affinity with a King, yet Vjfom-CaffaKj 
 
 who, from being Governor of Armenia^ was 
 
 made King of ^Perjia^ by dethroning his Mat- 
 
 ter, and who attained to the peaceable Po 
 
 feffion of the Throne he had ufurped, chofe 
 
 him preferably to the greater* Noblemen 
 
 in the Kingdom for his Son-in-Law ; for he 
 
 gave him his Daughter Martha^ whom he 
 
 had by his Marriage with 'Deffina, Daugh- 
 
 tef of Calo-Jean, King of Trebifond and Ton- 
 
 tus. 
 
 USUM-CASSAN dying in 1478. was fuc- 
 ceeded by his third Son Jacup, lirnamed 
 Chierzeinal) i. e. One-Ey'd, becaufe he had 
 loft an Eye. The Father had put the eldeft 
 to Death for having rebelled againft him ; 
 and Jacup had poifon'd the fecond, according 
 to fome Authors, or, as others fay, killed 
 him the very Night that 'Dfum-CaJfan died, 
 that he might have no Rival in the Throne. 
 
 THOUGH he came to it by foul Play, he 
 governed with very great Wifdom and Mode- 
 ration, to the Satisfaction of all the Provinces : 
 But after he had reigned feven Years he was a 
 Victim to his Queen's Debauchery. His 
 Princefs proftituted herfelf to one of the chief 
 Lords of the Court, whom me loved to Di 
 tra&ion ; and not thinking Ihe did enough 
 
 for
 
 "(9) 
 
 for fb dear a Gallant to receive him in her 
 Husband's Bed, if me did not place him alfo 
 upon his Throne, fhe refolyM to difpatch Ja- 
 cup by Poiibn. 
 
 FOR this End fhe prepared a Dofe for him, 
 which fhe offer M him one Day as he came from 
 bathing. Notwithstanding the AfTurance fhe 
 put on at the very Moment fhe was acting the 
 Crime, the King her Husband fancying he 
 faw an Air of Confufion in her Countenance, 
 had a Sufpicion of her, and requir'd her to 
 drink fir ft. As fhe could not get off of it 
 without condemning herfelf, fhe fwallowed 
 the Poifon with an affe&ed Intrepidity ; which 
 deceived the King, and fo encourag'd him, 
 that after he had drank of it himfelf, he com- 
 mended it to the Lips of the Prince his Son, 
 then with him, who was eight Years of Age. 
 The Poifon was fo quick, that all three died 
 of it that Night in the Year 1485. 
 
 Jacup dying without Iflue, julaver^ one 
 of the firft Men in the Kingdom, and who 
 was Ibmewhat related to him, ieiz'd the 
 Throne, and reign'd three Years. 
 
 Bayjingir fucceeded him in 1488. r and 
 reign'd till 1490. Ruflan, a young Noble- 
 man of twenty Years old, fat in the Throne 
 after him, and reignM feven Years. It was 
 in his Reign that Schich-Eidar of Ardevil 
 loft his Life in the Manner I am going to tell 
 you. 
 
 C THOUGH
 
 (to) 
 
 THOUGH no Body had more Right to the 
 Crown than Schich-Eidar, on Account of 
 his marrying with the Daughter of C l)fum-Caf- 
 fan, his Birth was Ib unfuitable to that high 
 Rank, and fb far inferior to the great Men 
 of the Kingdom, that during the Reigns of 
 three Kings, who fucceeded one another in 
 five Years, there was not only no Talk about 
 him, but the very Perfons who fill'd the 
 Throne, not one of whom had a lawful Right 
 to it, took no Umbrage at the Pretenfions he 
 might form to it. 
 
 THE firft that gave any heed to it was 
 Ruftan : He began to be alarm'd at the Con- 
 courfe of the People from all Parts to Scbicb- 
 Eidar at Ardevil, to embrace his Religion, 
 and to adhere to his Perfbn : He was afraid 
 that the fecret Affection which the Terfians 
 retained in their Hearts for the Race of their 
 Kings, and the Veneration they paid to the 
 Virtue of Schich-Eidar, would occafion a Ci- 
 vil War in Favour of a Man that fecm'd the 
 more worthy of the Throne, becaufe he fet 
 no Value upon it, notwithftanding the juft 
 Claim he had to it. Upon this he refolv a to 
 get rid of him, and employed Aflaffines, who 
 murder'd him at ArdeviL He did not Hop 
 there, but thinking the new Sect, which Ei- 
 dar went about to eftablilh, even more dan- 
 gerous to the State than to the Muffiilman 
 Religion, he perfecuted it to fuch a Degree, 
 that feveral who had embraced it, aban- 
 don'd it. THESE-
 
 THESE were the Meafures that Rujlan took 
 to eftablilh himfelf in the Throne, when af- 
 ter a Reign of feven Years, he was kill'd by 
 Aghmat^ one of the great Lords of the King- 
 dom, who taking Advantage of the Kindnefs 
 fhew'd him by Ruftan's own Mother, made 
 her an Accomplice in his ^reafbn, and got 
 her to confent to the Death of a Son who 
 Jov'd her entirely. But Aghmat enjoy'd the 
 Throne he had ufurp'd no more than fix 
 Months, for the Soldiers of Ruftan\ Guard 
 not caring to obey a Man that had kill'd their 
 King, went to Carabes, one of Ruftan's 
 principal Officers, who HvM at Van^ to per- 
 fuade him to revenge their old Mafter's Death. 
 This Officer having by their means aflem- 
 bled a very confiderable Body of Troops, 
 march'd ftrait to Tauris, where having fur- 
 prizM Aghmat, who was in no Condition to 
 make Refiftance, he put him to Death with 
 Torture. The Throne being vacant by this 
 Ufurper's Death, a Nobleman nam'd Alvante^ 
 who was the neareft a-kin to c Djum-Caf^ 
 fan^ was chofe to fill it. Such was the De 
 tiny of c Perfia> from the Death of ^fum- 
 Caffan and his Son Jacup^ till at laft I]mael y 
 the Son of the famous Schich-Eidar of Ar- 
 devil fixM in his Family, in the Manner here- 
 after mentioned, that Sceptre which for a Se 
 riesof 1400 or 1500 Years had pafs'd through 
 fo many different Hands. 
 
 C 2 If-
 
 IS MAEL, 
 
 King of Perfia, the Fir ft of the Family of 
 the Sophies, /// ! 499- 
 
 SCmcH-EiDAR, whom Ruftan^ that Time 
 King of 'Perjiay caus'd to be murder'd at 
 Ardewl^ left three Sons on his Death-Bed, 
 who would have run the fame Hazard as their 
 Father, if they had fallen into that Prince's 
 Hands. The two eldeft, who were of Age to 
 fee their Danger, fled, one to AJla M'mor^ 
 the other to Aleffo ; IJmael, the third of 
 them, who was but a Child, was fnatchM 
 from the Danger by his Father's Friends, who 
 fent him to Hyrcania, or Ghilan^ where they 
 put him under the Protection of a Nobleman, 
 nam'd 'Pyrchalim., a Friend to their Family, 
 who was Matter of feveral Places on the Caf- 
 fian Sea. 
 
 PYRCHALIM, who took great Care of his 
 Education, caus'd him to be brought up in 
 thePrinciples of the Seel: of his Father Schick- 
 Eidar ; and the young Man underftanding 
 that this was the beft Way to form a great 
 Party, and to gain the Favour of the Popu- 
 lace, of which he had need to fupport the 
 juft Pretenfions he had to the Throne, fhewed 
 a great Zeal to propagate that new Religion, 
 
 and 

 
 ( '3) 
 
 and to obferve it. As he was extremely well 
 made, had a noble and happy Phyfiognomy, 
 and a great Share of Eloquence and Courage ; 
 fo advantageous an Idea was conceiv'd of his 
 Perfon, that not only the common People, 
 with whom his Father was Ib much in Vogue, 
 join'd with him, but thofe of Quality began 
 to efpoule him, to which the Prognofticks his 
 Father had form'd of him, may be faid to have 
 contributed not a little. For Schkh-Eidar, 
 who was a very skilful Aftrologer, and whom 
 the People ftill reverM as a Saint and a Pro- 
 phet, ventur'd at one of thofe Predi&ions in 
 Favour of Ifmael, that never hurt fuch for 
 whofe Advantage they are made, and which 
 are often of great Help to them in the Exe- 
 cution of their Projects, by prcpofleffing the 
 common People in their Favour. He had 
 foretold that this Son fhould be a great Pro- 
 phet and Conqueror; and that by his Zeal, 
 and by the Conqueft of a great Part of the 
 Eaft, he would one Day equal the Glory 
 of Mahomet himfelf. 
 
 As foon as Ifmael was grown up, and be- 
 gan to appear in the World, his Behaviour was 
 fuch as could not but confirm the great Hopes 
 they had conceiv'd of him j and by the no- 
 ble Indifference he fhew'd upon all Occafions 
 for Government and Grandeur, he chalk'd 
 himfelf out a Path to it ; which was ib much 
 the fafer, becauie he feem'd to be the more 
 worthy of it ; yet, as an honeft Care to reco- 
 C 3 yer
 
 (M) 
 
 ver his Patrimony, was not at all inconfiftent 
 with the Difintereftednefs which he valued 
 himfelf for, he made ufe of this Plea to arm a 
 good Number of his Difciples ; and having rein-* 
 forced them with fbme Succours which were 
 lent to him from Tyrchalim^ he enter'd Ar- 
 menia^ where the Lands were that ^fum-Caf- 
 fan had given his Mother for her Dowry, and 
 took Poffeflion of them by Force of Arms. 
 
 THIS firft Succefs, as well as the good Con- 
 dition of his Troops, gave his Party Reputa- 
 tion, and regain'd him a great Number of 
 his Father's old Diiciples, who had been obli-f 
 ged by his Misfortunes and the Perfecution to 
 abandon his Seel: : As they had all along re-> 
 tain'd their Principles, they devoted them- 
 felves to him with the more Zeal. Being re- 
 inforced by thefe new Soldiers, who lifted 
 in his Army, he went and attack'd the Caitle 
 of Marmurlac^ which was full of Riches. 
 After having forc'd and plunder'd it, he led 
 his Army againft Sumach, the Capital of Me- 
 fopotamta ; which he alfb took, and gave the 
 Plunder to his Troops. 
 
 THE Noife of thefe firft Exploits made 
 his Name fo famous, and the Booty which 
 his Soldiers had taken under his Command, 
 was fuch a Temptation to the Populace of 
 the neighbouring Countries, that they came 
 in from all Quarters to his Standard j and as 
 he found Arms in the Places he had pillag'd, 
 {p furnilh a great Part of the Multitude whq 
 
 had
 
 had notfe, he found himfelf at the Head of 
 a confiderabie Army, and in a Capacity to go 
 upon greater Enterprizes than the Attack of 
 Towns and Caftles : He flatter'd himfelf from 
 that Time with Ideas of the moft ftiining 
 Fortune, and propofing to himfelf no lefs 
 than the entire Conqueft of 'Perfia ; he carried 
 his Army towards Tauris., which was then 
 the capital City, and where Alvante, lately 
 placed upon the Throne, as we faid before, 
 had his Refidence. 
 
 THIS Prince was but juft rid of the Con- 
 fufion of a Civil War, in which he had been 
 engag'd with Moratcham his Brother, or as 
 fome will have it, his Son, who diiputed the 
 Crown with him, and who having loft a Bat- 
 tle, fled out of the Dominions of ferfia and 
 Armenia. The Perfections and Cruelties 
 which Alvante exerciied after his Victory, 
 againft feveral of the chief Families of Taurts, 
 who had taken Part with his Competitor, 
 gave Ifmael a very fair Opportunity; for 
 being inform'd how ill the King was beiovM 
 in that City, where there was icarce a Fami- 
 ly but had felt the Effe&s of his Vengeance, 
 he haiten'd his March, and no Iboner came 
 before the Town, but the Gates were open'd 
 to him. King Alvante j who not expecting 
 this Irruption into his Capital, was deftitute 
 of all the neceflary Forces to hold out a Siege, 
 and who knew, befides, that he had as many 
 Enemies in the City as there were Inhabi- 
 C 4 tants,
 
 tants, fled at the Approach of the Army, and 
 jetir'd towards Armenia. Ifmael enter'd with 
 Triumph into Tauris, without ihedding any 
 Blood, but that of fome of the fugitive King's 
 Guards, who did not make hafte enough to 
 follow him ; ib that by the moil fortunate 
 Event in the World, he was immediately Maf- 
 ter -of the chief City of the Kingdom, with- 
 out drawing a Sword. 
 
 NEVERTHELESS he was not fb puffed up 
 with his good Fortune, but that he confider'd, 
 that as long as King Atodnte was alive, he 
 fhould not be abfolute in Terjia. He made 
 the more hafte to purfue him, becaufe he 
 heard that the two Brothers being reconcil'd, 
 to repel their common Enemy, Moratcham, 
 who was raiting Troops in dffyria towards 
 Babylon, was preparing to~go and join his 
 Brother Ah ante, who was already at the 
 Head of a great Army in Armenia ; Ifmael 
 prevented them from joining, and having fur- 
 priz^d Alvautc, defeated him in a Battle, 
 in which the Prince himfelf was kill'd, fight- 
 ing at the Head of his Troops. Moratcham, 
 who was juft coming to join his Brother, 
 hearing of his Defeat and Death, carried his 
 Army towards Tduris, in order to take Pof- 
 feffion of it \ but Ifmael being inform'd of his 
 Defign, met him half Way r totally routed him, 
 and put him to Flight. This was in the Year 
 1499. which is reckon'd the Firft of IfmaePs 
 Reign. 
 
 Mo-
 
 ( 17) 
 
 MORATCHAM retiring for Prote&ion to Ala- 
 dul, KingofCaffadoci*, Ifmael entered that 
 King's Dominions the next Year, viz. 1 500. 
 with an Army of 70000 Men, but had no 
 great Succefs, his Forces fuffering there very 
 much from the Severity of the Seafon, and 
 the Scarcity of Pro vifions. He returned thither 
 the Year following with an Army of 40000 
 Men, and defeated Aladul and Moratcham 
 near Babylon. Moratcham fled to the Sul- 
 tan of Egypt, and returned to Terjia no 
 more. Aladul, retired to Cafadocia ; and If- 
 mael improving his Vi&ory, reduced Baby- 
 lon, Mefofotamia, and all the neighbouring 
 Provinces to his Obedience. 
 
 ISMAEL having no more Enemies to think 
 of, marched againft the Albanians, the Ibe- 
 rians, (now the Georgians^) and the Tar- 
 tars, who for four Years paft had not paid 
 Tribute to Terjia, to which he obliged them 
 again to fubmit. Then he turned his Arms 
 againft the King of Samarcand, a very power- 
 ful Prince, and gained a more fignal Victory 
 over him, than all he had won yet, which 
 alarmed the Sultan of Egypt, and even the 
 Grand-Seignior, who was then Bajazet IT. 
 
 HE warred with him, and Selym his Suc- 
 ceflbr. The firft War was only carried on 
 between their Lieutenants. In the fecond, 
 Selym came in Perfon, and took Tauris from 
 Ifmael / but at the Noife of his Approach, 
 Selym was obliged to retreat with Precipi- 
 tation j
 
 tation ; and, though he had the Advantage 
 oyerl/maetby Means of his Artillery, in which 
 the Turks^ at that Time, were much better 
 skilled than the 'Perjians, he loft fo many 
 Men in this War, and the Janizaries werelb 
 difcouraged at it, that they feared nothing fo 
 much as that they Ihould be obliged to make 
 War in Terjia. As the Turks had the Ad- 
 vantage in Artillery, Ifmael had better Troops 
 than his, which were ib zealoufly and invio- 
 lably attached to him, that, during thefe Wars, 
 though a great Number of Deferters came 
 from the Turks Camp to that of the Terjians, 
 who were by that Means informed of the State 
 of the Enemy's Army, never any ^Perjlan 
 deferted from IJmaePs Camp to that of the 
 Turks. Moreover the ^Perjlans were prepo 
 fefTed with fb high an Efteem for Ifmael^ that 
 they looked upon him as a Man altogether 
 divine, thought they had nothing to fear while 
 they fought under his Orders, and braved the 
 greatelt Dangers, and Death itfelf, with an 
 unfhaken Intrepidity ; fo that he held out 
 to the very laft, againft all the Efforts of 
 the Turks., who could never recover an Inch 
 of all the Ground that he had conquered. He 
 died in 1 525. at forty-fiveYears of Age, a quiet 
 PofleiTor of one of the largeft and moft power- 
 ful Monarchies in the World ; and reputed 
 one of the greateft and moft famous Kings 
 that ever ruled in the Eaft. He left four 
 Sons, of whom Thamas theEldeft, that we 
 
 arc
 
 (19) 
 
 are now to treat of, was his Succefibr in the 
 Throne, the three others having had each 
 their particular Appanage, as fettled by 7/1 
 mael. 
 
 T H A M A S, 
 
 Son 0/IsMAEL, fcwnd King of the Family 
 of the Sophies, in i 525*. 
 
 WERE we to judge of thisfecond King 
 of the Sophies ', according to the Pic- 
 ture which Olearius y and Ibme others, have 
 drawn of him, he was a very fbrry Original : 
 But Bi&arus^ in-his Hiftory ofPerJta, and 
 Chakondile in that of the Turks ^ give us a 
 better Character of him, though they agree as 
 to the Faults which others charge him with. 
 To form a folid Judgment of this Prince, 'tis 
 neceflary to confiderhim in two Views, name- 
 ly in Peace, and in War. In the firft of thele 
 Views, he was a very bad King, covetous of 
 his Subjects Wealth, committing the moft 
 crying Ads of Injuftice, from the Temptation 
 of trifling Profit, and abandoning the Govern- 
 ment wholly to his Minifters, while he devo- 
 ted himfelf entirely to Eafe and Pleafure, fhut 
 up in his Haram, where he was once ten Years 
 together, and never we-nt abroad. 
 
 But
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 BUT if we confider him in the fecond View, 
 that is to fay, in the Times of Difturbance 
 and War, he will be a very great Gainer; for 
 though he had no intrepid Valour, nor all 
 the Capacity of I/masl his Father, and though 
 the Turks took Babylon from him, with Me- 
 fopatamia and Ajfyria ; yet he conduced 
 himfelf like an able Prince in his Wars ; and 
 if he had but behaved as well in Time of 
 Peace, he would not have been much to 
 blame. 
 
 THAMAS was but eighteen Years of Age 
 when he fucceeded to the Crown in 15*25. He 
 had three Brothers Helcas, Beer am > and Sor- 
 mifa, each of whom had his Appanage fettled 
 on them by the King their Father. Helcas 
 had for his Share Affyria, and Mejbpotamia., 
 with the City of Babylon. Beer am, had 
 Media, Georgia, and Albania, toward the 
 CaJpian-Sea. Sormifa had 'Parthia, which 
 is now the Province ofCorafan* 
 
 BUT all thele Appanages were joined after- 
 wards to the Crown of Terfia, by the Death 
 of thofe Princes. Helcas revolting during the 
 Wars with the Turks, was taken by the Troops 
 of the King his Brother, who put him to 
 Death : Thomas got rid of the fecond Bro- 
 ther aftei the fame Manner, for fear he 
 ihould rebel j and the third died a natural 
 Death. 
 
 THAMAS reigned nine Years, without any 
 confiderable War to carry on abroad : But 
 
 in
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 in 15^4. Solyman being partly encouraged by 
 Vlama, a Terfian Nobleman, and Brother- 
 in-Law to Thamas, who came to him for 
 Protection, marched with his Army, againft 
 'Perfia, and advanced as far as Taurts, which 
 he took without committing any Diforder in 
 it. From thence he advanced to Sultania, a 
 City which was formerly the Refidence of 
 the Kings of Terjia, and which Tamerlane 
 had ufed very ill. Solyman II. halting for 
 fome Time in the Neighbourhood of that 
 City, was diflodged from thence by one of 
 the moft furious Storms that Hiilory makes 
 mention of. He returned towards ^ffyria, 
 where he made himfelf Mafter of Babylon, 
 and caufed himfelf to be crowned King of 
 Terjia by the Califf of tha.t City, to whom 
 that Fun&ion appertained in Quality of So- 
 vereign Pontiff of the Mahometan Religion. 
 After this Conqueft, all the Cities of Ajjyria, 
 and Mefopotamta, opened their Gates to Soly- 
 man, who alfo reduced Curdiflan, and 'Diar- 
 beck under his Obedience. He fpent the 
 Winter at Babylon, and with the Reinforce, 
 ment of the Troops that came to him from 
 Egypt and Syria, he returned towards Tanris. 
 Thamas, who took Poft in that City after So- 
 lyman's Departure, marched off at the Ap- 
 proach of the Army, as he had done the 
 Year before, and retired to the Mountains to 
 watch for an Opportunity of furprizing the 
 Enemies Army. But as he left Tanrts this 
 
 Year
 
 Year ifBf. he made fuch great Spoil in all 
 the neighbouring Provinces, that the Ene- 
 my's Army being almoft ftarved, was obli- 
 ed to quit Terjia. Thamas, who was again 
 juft entered into Tauris, where Solyman had 
 laid all Places wafte this fecond Time, gave 
 the Command of his Troops to ^Deliment, a 
 brave Caramenian, whopurfued and overtook 
 the Turks near Bet Us, on the left Side of the 
 Lake of Van, upon the iath of October, 
 where furprizing them in the Diforder of a 
 Retreat, when they leaft of all expeded it, 
 he cut them in Pieces, and gained one of the 
 compleateft Vi&ories over them, that the *Per- 
 Jlans ever had over the Turks. Though So- 
 lyman had taken Affyria and Mefofotamta 
 from Ter/ia^thefe Conquefts coft him fo dear 
 that he repented he ever undertook them ; 
 and at his Return to Conflantmofle put to 
 Death Ibrahim Tacha his Favourite, who 
 had been the Inftigator of that War. 'Tis 
 reckoned that out of 5*00000 Men, who pa- 
 fed the Euphrates to attack 'Perjia, not 80000 
 returned to Conflantmofle. 
 
 After this Lois, Solyman left 'Perjia, and 
 Thamas in Peace till 1548. when the War 
 broke out again between thofe two Powers, 
 upon Account of Bajazet, Son to Solyman, 
 who fled for Refuge to 'Perjia, and whom 
 Thamas would not furrender to Solyman, 
 when he demanded him. Solyman took the 
 Field with an Army of zocooo Men. Tba- 
 
 was
 
 mas, who had above 100000, having obtained 
 of the 'Portuguej/e, at that Time very power- 
 ful in AJia, a Body of 10000 Men of their 
 Nation, with twenty Pieces of Cannon, met 
 with the Turks on the Bank of the Euphra- 
 tes^ whom he attacked in Perfon, and by the 
 Valour of the Tortugueje, entirely defeated. 
 Solyman himfelf, who was wounded in this 
 Battle, loft 130000 Men there, befides feve- 
 ral Thoufands, who died, either of their 
 Wounds, or of Poverty and Milery in the 
 Retreat. This Battle was fought in 1549. 
 A Peace was concluded fbon after at the Ex- 
 pence of Bajazefs Life, whom Thamas, at 
 the Demand of Solyman, put to Death. This 
 Turkifh Emperor dying in 155*6. was fuc- 
 ceeded by his Son Selym II. with whom Tha- 
 was renewed the Peace he had made with 
 Solyman. Affairs remained in that State all 
 the reft of the Reign of Thamas, who died 
 in 1576. aged about Sixty-eight. He was 
 of a middle Stature, very robuft of Body, had 
 a tawny Complexion, and pretty wide Lips. 
 He fixed his Refidence at CasfaXj abandon- 
 ing Taurus -, which had ever been the Metro- 
 polis of the Kingdom, and the ufual Seat of 
 the Kings his PredecefTors. What gave him 
 aDifguft of that Place was, that as it lay 
 neat dr devil, where he was born, he did not 
 care to be in a City, where he might be of- 
 ten put in Mind of the mean Condition of 
 Schtcb-E'idar his Grandfather. He nomi- 
 nated
 
 CM) 
 
 nated for his SuccdTor Caidar Mirlzes^ the 
 third of Jiis Sons, a Youth of feventeen 
 Years of Age, whom he tenderly loved, and 
 who was already as Lientenant- General to the 
 King his Father, over all the Kingdom. But 
 the Terjtan Grandees, who did not like this 
 Choice paid no Regard to it, and offered 
 the Crown to Codabende, the eldeft Son, 
 who was at that Time in the Province of 
 Corafan. But he refufing it, they gave it 
 to Ifmael, the fecond Son of Thamas, of whom 
 we are now to give an Account. 
 
 ISMAEL II. 
 
 Son 0/THAMAs, Third King of the Family of 
 the Sophies, in 1 5 7 5 . 
 
 T T E was forty-three Years of Age, and 
 JTl actually a Prifoner, when, upon the 
 Refiifal of Codabende, his elder Brother, he 
 was placed upon the Throne. This Prince, 
 who delighted in War, in which he was well 
 verfed, and very fortunate, had oppofed the 
 Enterprizes of the Turkijh Tachas, who, not- 
 withftanding the Truce betwixt ^Perjia, and 
 the Grand-Seignior, took the Liberty to make 
 feveral Incurfions into the King's Territories. 
 He beat them in three confiderable Rencoun- 
 ters j in one of which he cut in Pieces the 
 
 Troops
 
 Troops of the Pacha of Erzeron^ who nar- 
 rowly efcaped with his Life. Inftead of 
 placing thefe Actions to the Account of his 
 Services, they went for Crimes at Court, 
 where Mae/urn Btch^ who did not care for 
 him, and had the Ear of Thamas more than 
 any other of his Minifters, put an odious Con- 
 ftruclion upon them, by reprefenting to the 
 King that IJmacVs railing Troops, and ma- 
 king War of his own Head in aTime of Truce, 
 was ibmething too prefuming for a young 
 Prince, who could do no more if he had the 
 Scepter in his Hands. He added that Ifmael 
 already thought himfelf independent ; and in 
 order to give the King his Father fuch Proofs 
 of it, as might aftonifh him, he put into his 
 Hands feveral of this young Princes Letters, 
 whereby he folicited the Governors of the 
 Places in his Neighbourhood to join with him 
 in a War againft the Turks, notwithstanding 
 the Truce. There needed nothing more to 
 alarm the fufpicious Temper of the Father, 
 who by the Advice of his Minifter, caufed the 
 Prince Ifmael his Son to be arrefted, and clap- 
 ped him up in the Fort of Kabkae, near Ar- 
 devil, the fame where Prince Helcas, the 
 King's Brother, was Prifoncr, when he was 
 put to Death. Ifmael was kept under Uriel: 
 Confinement there feveral Years. The King 
 his Father, who loved him, and did Juftice 
 to his Merit, was tempted feveral Times to 
 reftore him to his Liberty, and would have 
 
 D done
 
 done it, if thofe fame great Qualities which he 
 efteemed him for, and the Affection of the 
 People, who were extreamly prepoflefled in 
 his Favour, had not made him jealous that he 
 would dethrone him. This Surmife made the 
 greater Impreflion on the King, becaufe it was 
 artfully fomented by the Great Men of the 
 Court, and by the Governors of the Provin- 
 ces, who were jealous of Ifmael's haughty 
 proud Spirit, and afraid that if ever he came 
 to be their Mailer, he would turn them out 
 of their Governments, and put his Confidents 
 in their Places. Mean while the King his 
 Father, afraid to do any Thing more for him, 
 endeavoured at leaft to make his Prifon com- 
 fortable to him, by fending him very pretty 
 Women. But the Prince never went near 
 them; and fent to acquaint the King his Fa- 
 ther, that for his own part he was very eafy 
 under his Confinment j but he did not know 
 whether he fliould have Fortitude enough to 
 bear the Imprifbnment of his Children, in cale 
 he had any ; and that he had rather have none, 
 than live to fee them miferable. To this he 
 added, that Pleafures of that Nature were not 
 calculated for Men reduced to that State of 
 Slavery which he laboured under. 
 
 THIS was the Diipofition of his Mind, when 
 he was tranilated on a fudden from a Prifon 
 to a Throne ; which when he afcended, he ve- 
 rify'd what was formerly faid with Refpe& to 
 ) that Princes who come to it by fiich 
 
 Steps
 
 Steps are generally cruel. For he began his 
 Reign by putting his Brother Gaidar Mirifes 
 to Death. Then being curious to difcover 
 which of the Grandees had perf waded tHe King 
 his Father to keep him ib long in Priibn, he 
 made ufe of the very Stratagem that "Ujum* 
 Caftan had formerly employ M with Succefs 
 to catch his eldeft Son, who was in Rebellion 
 againft him : He Ihut himielf up for a few 
 Days in his Palace, and would liiffer none 
 but fome of his moft trufty Domefticks to fee 
 him. After fome Time he ordered them to 
 give out that he was dead, and to make all 
 the Ceremonies and Preparations ufually made 
 in the like Cafes. Every Thing lucceeded 
 to his Wifh : Thole who were difaffecled to 
 him, thinking him really dead, did not duTem- 
 ble their Sentiments with regard to a King 
 from whom they thought they had nothing 
 more to fear. The King who had his Spies and 
 Eve-Droppers, was informed of every Thing ; 
 and, as foon as he appeared again in publick, 
 caufed fome to be taken up, while others, 
 confcious of their Guilt, ran away to the Ex- 
 tremities of the Kingdom. The King, being 
 informed of it, preiently mounted his Horfe 
 to purfuc them with what Cavalry he had* 
 The Turks, who knew that he was advancing 
 to the Frontier, were alarmed, and conftruing 
 his March as a Declaration of War, took 
 the Field, and made Incurfions into the King's 
 Territories. Ifmael was vexed at this Dii- 
 D 2, appoint-
 
 tpointment ; and that he might not have two 
 different Wars to carry on at the fame Time^ 
 one abroad againft the Turks, the other at 
 home againft the Great Men, becaufe of the 
 Jealoufy he had given them, he put fuch of 
 the latter as he moft fufpcded to Death, and 
 prepared for a War with the Turks ; during 
 which he was poifoned by his Sifter Terfan- 
 concona, at the Inftigation of the Great Men 
 of theKingdom, and of his own Brothers, who 
 dreaded his Cruelty. He died in 157 7. 
 
 Son of TH A M A s, and elder Brother to 
 ISM A EL II. fourth King of the Family of 
 *&> Sophies, m 1577. 
 
 AFTER the Death of Ifmael II. the 
 Great Men of the Kingdom fent ano- 
 ther Deputation to Codabende^ who ftill re- 
 mained in the Province of Coraffan, to prefs 
 him to accept of the Crown. He excufed him- 
 felf for a Time, but at laft yielded to the 
 vigorous Inftances of the Deputies, and re- 
 pairing to Casbm^ was there proclaimed King 
 to the great Satisfaction of the whole King- 
 dom, which was very much prepoflefTed in 
 Favour of a Prince, whom they thought the 
 more worthy of the Throne, becaufe he had 
 jefufed it. 
 
 AUTHORS
 
 AUTHORS fpeak fb varioufly of him, that 
 'tis a hard Matter to form a certain Judgment 
 of him. Bizarus who wrote his Hiftory in 
 the Life-time of this Prince, fpeaks of him in 
 Lib. xi. as of a King who propofed to him- 
 felf to imitate fuch of the Kings, his Prede- 
 ceflbrs, as had the Honour of the Kingdom, 
 and the Augmentation of its Power moft at 
 Heart. Olearius^ who travelled in Terfia 
 in the Reign of Sefi his Great-Grandfon, and 
 about fifty Years after his Death, pretends, 
 that the Terjian Authors fay, on the contra- 
 ry, that never Prince held a Scepter with 
 more Indolence ; that his whole Delight was 
 to fhut himfelf up in his Palace, and to fpend 
 his Time in Gaming, and with the Ladies ; 
 that he had no good Succefs in War ; and 
 that the Enemies of the State, that is to lay, 
 the Turks on the one hand, and the 'Usbecks 
 on the other, taking the Advantage of his 
 Weakneis, took away feveral Provinces from 
 the Crown, which they kept during his 
 whole Reign. Chakondile, when he men- 
 tions his Acceffion to the Crown, gives very 
 near the fame Account of him \ but when he 
 comes to Particulars, he is in more than one 
 Inftance almoft as favourable to him as 
 Bizarus. 
 
 THERE'S all the Appearance in the World 
 
 that he had the Sentiments which Bizarus] 
 
 afcribes to him ; and ^tis certain, that if he had\ 
 
 been as effeminate and filly as the Author and' 
 
 D 3
 
 (3) 
 
 bis Enemies rcprefent him to be, he could 
 not have conducted himfelf with fo much 
 Skill and Succefs, as he did in the War which 
 fce was engaged in with the Turks, during 
 the whole Courfe of his Reign. 'Tis true, 
 that as he had naturally weak Eyes, not from 
 a red -hot Plate of Gold held againil them by 
 Order of his Brother IJmael, (for neither Bz- 
 &artis, nor Cbakondtle, nor Qlearius, Ipeak 
 of it,) but from a Defed of Nature, or ibme 
 Pit of Sickncfs, he carried on the War againft 
 them more by his Lieutenants, than by him- 
 {el and generally fhut himfelf up in his Pa- 
 lace ; which perhaps is the Reafbn that he was 
 reckoned, though unjuftly, to be a Prince of 
 fewer Abilities than he was really poflelTed 
 of. 
 
 HE began his Reign with the Death of 
 three of his Brothers, who fled away prefent- 
 ly towards the Turks Frontier ; but he allurM 
 them to Court by fine Promifes, and then put 
 them to Death. Being engaged in a War 
 with the Turks, in the very firft Year of his 
 Reign, he gave the Command of his Army 
 to his eldeft Son, who immediately took from 
 them the City of Van, upon the Confines of 
 Armenia, and gained a great Victory over 
 them in 1577. 
 
 HE afterwards obtained another more confi - 
 
 i-able Vidory near /fa^/w*, where, 'tis laid, 
 
 the Turks had 70000 Men killed. They loft 
 
 Scooo mere upon another Occafion ; when,
 
 '(30 
 
 however, the Ter flans dearly purchafed the 
 Vi&ory by the Lofs of 44000 Men on their 
 Side: But they retook the City of Szama- 
 chi, which the Turks had lately taken in 
 Scirir-van, a Province that lies on the weft 
 Side ofthcCaJpiauSea. This happened in 
 1578. 
 
 THE Turks received another more fatal 
 Shock the Year following. They had fent 
 i^ooo Horfe and 7000 Camels to a Plain 
 abounding with Forage, in order to refrefh 
 them, with 3 oooo Men to guard them. The 
 *Perflans who were but four Days March from 
 that Place, being informed of the Negligence 
 and Security to which thofe Troops abandon- 
 ed themfelves, went and furprifed them in 
 the Night-time, and gave them fuch a total 
 Rout, that, 'tis laid, neither Man, Horle, nor 
 Camel efcaped. Muftapba, the Grand Vifier, 
 who commanded the Ottoman Army was re- 
 called to Conftantinofle, and being depofed, 
 was his own Executioner. 
 
 SINAN PACHA, who fucceeded him, was 
 fent to jPer/ta to command the Army. But 
 as aj Grand Vifier likes better to ftay at Con- 
 flantinofle, than to have any Commiifion,how 
 honourable Ibever, he was fb prelling for 
 his Return, that by the Favour of a 'Per- 
 Jian AmbafTador, who came to his Camp to 
 make Propofals of Peace to him, he obtained 
 Leave from Amwratb III. to retur?\ to Con- 
 ^ and to carry the 'Perjian Ambaf* 
 D 4 fade
 
 if 5* ) 
 
 fador thither with him, which he did in 1582 
 Mahomet 'Pacha, who was fent in his Place; 
 was not more fortunate than the other Gene- 
 rals who ferved in that War before him. He 
 was entirely routed in Georgia by the "Per- 
 fans and Georgians in Conjudion, and loft 
 all his Baggage. Chalconaile himfelf owns all 
 thefe Advantages of the Terjiins over the 
 Turks, who indeed took fomc Place& from t .cm, 
 but paid very dear for them by the great Num- 
 ber of Men they loft upon all thofe Occa- 
 fionsj and others afterwards ; from whence 
 'tis natural to infer, that a Prince who was 
 capable of carrying on fb fharp a War, and 
 with fb much Succefs as Codabende did, du- 
 ring his whole Reign, was not fo contemp- 
 tible as fome Hiftorians have made him. He 
 died in 1585. and left three Sons. The two 
 firft reigned a few Months only, and the 
 Third, who was Abas the Great, many Years. 
 Moftof the Authors who treat of the Kings 
 of the Family of the Sophies, make no Men- 
 tion of the two former, and confequently do 
 not rank them in the Number of Kings. But 
 I thought fit to give them that Place upon the 
 Authority of Olear/us, who having refided 
 fome Time at the Court of Terfia^ nine Years 
 after theDeath of Schah-Abas the Great, could 
 not but be well informed of what he lays re* 
 Jating to the Fate of this Prince's two elder 
 Brothers^ 
 
 EMIR
 
 EMIR HEMSE. 
 
 The eldefl Son 0/ COD ABENDS, Fifth King of 
 the Family of the Sophies, in 1585. 
 
 HE fucceeded his Father as the Eldeft of 
 his Children ; but IJmael having gain- 
 ed the Grandees of the Court to confent to 
 his Death, caufed him to be murder'd in his 
 very Chamber by Aflaffines, who in the Dif- 
 guife of Women deceived the Kings Guards. 
 Ole arius fays, he reigned eight Months, as 
 well as IJmael his Succeflbr ; which wou'd 
 make a Year and four Months for both : 
 Wherein he manifeflly contradicts himfelf ; be- 
 caufe by making Abas the laft of the three 
 Brothers to reign the fame Year that Coda- 
 bende died, /. e. 1585. ^tis impoffible that 
 his two elder Brothers ftiould have fixteen 
 Months Reign between them. All that can 
 be faid, is, that they reigned a very fhort 
 Time; but how long, cannot be exa#ly deter- 
 mined. 
 
 ISMAEL
 
 (34) 
 
 ISMAEL III. 
 
 Second Son ^CODABENDE, Sixth King of the 
 Family of the Sophies^ in 1585. 
 
 HE was no fooner got upon the Throne 
 by the Murder of one Brother, than 
 he thought to fecure the PoiTeilion of it, 
 by difpatching his youngeft Brother Mir- 
 &a Abas ; but he was prevented by the lat- 
 ter 's Governor Murfched-Kuli-Kan^ who be- 
 ing fenfible that his own Life depended on 
 his Matter's, engaged fome Grandees of the 
 Court to difpatch IJmael ; and, for that Pur- 
 pofe, they employ 'd his Valet de Chambre 
 and Barber,who,while he was fhaving him, cut 
 his Throat. The Lords who were prefent at 
 this Execution, and Accomplices of it, killed 
 the Valet de Chambre that very Inftant to 
 prevent Difcovcry. Thus Ifmael's Reign 
 was almoft as fhort as his elder Brother's ; and 
 he left the Crown to Abas, who took Poflef- 
 fion of it without any Rival. 
 
 ABAS
 
 ABAS the Great, 
 
 Third Son ^CODABENDE, and Seventh King 
 of the Family of the Sophies, /;/ 1585. ** 
 
 THIS Prince in the Life-time of the 
 King his Father, refided at Heri, or 
 Herat, a Town of Coraffan^ governing what 
 belonged to 'Pcrjla in that Province. Coda- 
 bende^s Prime Minifter Mirza-Salmas, who 
 did not love him, and only meant to facrifice 
 him to the Intereftof the Prince Emir Hemfe 
 his Son-in-Law, made the King believe that 
 Abas was in Rebellion againft him, and aim- 
 ed at the Crown ; and advifed him to go and 
 befiege him in Hert, in order to make fure 
 of his Perfon. Abas^ who was informed of 
 it, and was always very fubmiffive to the King 
 his Father, fent him two Lords, who were 
 his trufty Friends, and went and made an Of- 
 fer to the King of their Heads, in cafe that 
 Abas fliould appear guilty of the leaft Di 
 obedience. The Affair being ftridly exami- 
 ned according to the Informations which the 
 King ordered throughout the Province, and 
 Parts adjacent, Abas was proved to be inno- 
 cent, and the Prime Minifter, on the contra- 
 ry, being found guilty, had his Head cut 
 
 THIS
 
 ( 3O 
 
 THIS Prince was the greateft King that 
 had been in ^Perjia for many Ages ; and his 
 Memory is held in the higheit Veneration 
 there to this Day. He was but eighten Years of 
 Age, when he afcended theThrone. Though 
 at that Time he gave great Hopes cf what he 
 would be one Day, he even furpafled all 
 Expectation ; and, excepting fome Acts of 
 Cruelty, for which he may juitly be re- 
 proached, he had all the Qualifications of 
 a great Prince. He gave full Indication 
 in the Inftances of his Reign, that he was 
 not of a Humour to be governed; for Mur- 
 Jched-Kuli-Kan, who had been his Gover- 
 nor in his Youth, and to whom he owed the 
 Crown, valuing himfelf too much on his Ser- 
 vices, and Hill pretending to controul him, 
 Tendered himfelf fo odious to Abas, that 
 this Prince, after having given him the firft 
 Blow himfelf, caufed him to be difpatched 
 by one of that Lord's Grooms, who came thi- 
 ther upon hearing the Noife, and whom the 
 King rewarded with the Title of Kan, and the 
 Government of Herat ; and next Day he cau- 
 fed all the Friends and Relations of the De- 
 ceafed to be put to Death, that he might ne- 
 ver be uneafy under the Apprehenfion of 
 what they might do by way of Revenge. 
 
 THE too cruel Severity which he exerci- 
 fed in this Inftance upon the Man to whom 
 he had greater and more fubftantial Obliga- 
 tions, than to all Men living, convinced all 
 
 the
 
 (37 
 
 the Grandees that they had to do with a 
 Sovereign that would govern by himfelf, and 
 whofe Minifters fhould be meer Minifters, 
 that is to fay, always very dependant and 
 fubordinate. 
 
 FINDING upon his Acceflion to the Crown 
 that the Kingdom was very much wafted by 
 the Conquefts which the Turks had made 
 on one Side, and the ^Dsbeck-Tartars on the 
 other, he refblved from that Moment to re- 
 cover the Poffeflion of all the Provinces that 
 had been taken from it. He began with the 
 Province of Coraffan, fituate on the South-Eaft 
 of the Caff tan Sea, of which Terjia had on- 
 ly a little Corner remaining, where he him- 
 felf had commanded during his Father's Reign. 
 He made himfelf Matter of the greateft Part 
 of this Province to one End of it, from which 
 he obliged Abdulla, Prince of the 'Usbecks, 
 to retire, by forcing him back to Mefz,at y 
 or Mefthed, a Place become fb famous fince, 
 by the Pilgrimage which this very Abas e- 
 tabliflied thither, and which ferves the *Per- 
 fans inftead of the Pilgrimage to Mecca. 
 After having ftaid in this Province three Years 
 to confirm his Dominion there, Abdulla made 
 an Effort to get into it again : But the Enter- 
 prize was fatal to him ; for his Army was 
 entirely defeated j and falling into the Con- 
 querors Hands, together with his Brother 
 Tilem-Kam, and his three Sons, Abas caufed 
 all their Heads to be cut off. 
 
 i AFTER'
 
 AFTER having fecured Coraffan by this 
 Execution, and by the good Order he efta- 
 blifhed there, he turned his Arms againft the 
 Turks > from whom he had much more to 
 reconquer, and who were Enemies much 
 more powerful, and more formidable than the 
 'Usbecks. As to the Events of this War, I 
 will not enter into a Detail which is not con- 
 fiftent with a ftiort Hiftory, and which would 
 require a large Volume, but ihall mention 
 enough to give the Reader a true Idea of 
 the Splendor and Power, which Schach-Abas 
 then re-eftablifhed in *Perfia y of which he 
 was afterwards, with juftReafbn, deem'd the 
 RESTORER. 
 
 IT muft be fuppofed, in the firft Place, that 
 the Turks had conquered from ?Vr/z,fincethe 
 Death ofl/mael I. at leait one hundred and fifty 
 Leagues in Length from South to North, rec- 
 koning from Tauris to the Extremities of the 
 Kingdom of Caket, and as much more in 
 Breadth, from the Weftern Coaft of the Caf- 
 fian Sea to the Black Sea^ that is to fay, 
 as much as they and the Mufcovites have 
 conquered of it in the late Re volution. "Tis 
 true, that they have now pufhed their Con- 
 quefts farther into the Heart ^.^Perjia^ where 
 they are Mafters of the Country, as far as 
 Amadan, which is above leventy Leagues 
 South of Tauris ; but, befides the Weftern 
 Coaft of the Caffian Sea, which they don'6 
 poffefs at this Day, though they were Maf- 
 
 tera
 
 (39) 
 
 ters of it at that Time, they had alfo taken 
 from Terjia the Village of Bagdat, or Ba- 
 bylon, with all Mefofotamia and Affyrm* 
 
 SCHAH-ABAS retook allthofe Countries du- 
 ring his Reign; and befides that, he conquer'd 
 from the "Turks a great many Places upon the 
 Black Sea, and even a Harbour near Trebi- 
 fond. He took as many along the Red Sea 
 to the Ocean, reckoning from the Mouth of 
 the Euphrates. He took Balfora in the *Per- 
 ,'uiii Gulph, and carried his Conquefts fo far 
 into Arabia, from whence he thought to drive 
 out every Turk, that he actually ieizM Me- 
 d'ma, a Town famous for having been the Re- 
 fidence of the Prophet Mahomet. He alib 
 took the Ifle of Ormus from the *Portuguefe, 
 and very much weakened their Power in the 
 Indies. In fhort, conlider him only on the 
 Foot of his military Atchievements, he may 
 pafs for one of the greateft Captains that ever 
 was in *Perfia. 
 
 BUT as by all thefe great Feats of Arms, 
 he fhewed himfelf an able Soldier, he dit- 
 covered that he had yet greater Talents as a 
 Statefman, by the Meafures he took to make 
 himfelf abfolute in his Kingdom, and to ci- 
 vilize it. He was the firft that, as we may 
 fay, made the Kings of *PerJia free Men. 
 
 WHEN he came to the Crown, Part of the 
 
 Kingdom was, as it were, parcelled among 
 
 twenty petty Princes, who had each the So- 
 
 icignty of the Countries they had ufurp'd, and 
 
 i fup.
 
 fupported one another in a total Independency 
 on the Kings of Terjia. Thefe Kings were 
 not abfolute, as they have been fmce : They 
 depended on the Grandees, and the Troops, 
 which though maintain'd at theirExpence, pre- 
 Iciib'd Laws to them fometimes, depos'd them, 
 and adually took away their Lives. Schach- 
 Abas having refoived to eftablifh a Syftem of 
 defpotick and arbitrary Government in his 
 Kingdom, fuch as it has been fince his Time, 
 he made it his Bufmefs to ruin the Veteran 
 Troops, and the antientFamilies of the Coun- 
 try. He gain'd his Point by the gradual De- 
 finition of the Courtches, from whom thofe 
 Families were defcended, and of which con- 
 fifted that Body of Militia which was moft for- 
 midable to the Kings ; but he did not take off 
 the Mask in this Refpecl:, till after he had 
 fill'd his Court and his Troops with thole 
 People that inhabited the Northern Extremi- 
 ties of 'Perfia^ as the Georgians, and other 
 adjacent Countries ; for being originally Chri- 
 tians, they were naturally Enemies to the 
 Courtcbes, as defcended from thofe antient 
 Turcomanians and Saracens, fb famous in 
 Hiftory for their Invafions, and for all the 
 Mifchiefs which they formerly did the Chrif- 
 tians. In the mean Time he kept fair with 
 the Grand Seigniors, of whom he ftood in 
 need in his War he made againft the Turks . 
 But Sefi, his Grandfon and Succeflbr, finifh'd 
 the Scheme on that Side of which he had 
 
 only
 
 (4') 
 
 only fbrm'd the Plan. As to the antient Mi- 
 litia of the Courtches, though it has fubfifted 
 ever fmce, yet the Kings of ^Perjia^ Succef- 
 fbrs of him whom we are now treating of, hath 
 always kept that Body fo much under, that they 
 were never in a Condition to give them the 
 leaft Uneafinefs. From him alfo they learn'd, 
 according to the Method of the Turks ^ to 
 truft the Miniftry and great Offices of the 
 Kingdom, in the Hands only of Foreigners, 
 who being originally Slaves, are not attached 
 by the Ties of Blood, either to their Equals, 
 or to the Grandees of the Kingdom ; fb that 
 the Government which was antiently very tem- 
 perate, is by his Management become defpo- 
 tick and abfolute to fuch a Degree, that it 
 may be faid, that there is not, perhaps, in the 
 Univerfe, a King that is more Mafter of the 
 Lives and Fortunes of his Subjects, than was 
 Schah-Abas and his Succeflbrs. 
 
 IN the Midft of Ib much Glory and Power, 
 fo great and fb well eftablifh'd, he had the 
 Misfortune to entertain unjuft Sufpicions of 
 his own Children. Of three Sons that he 
 had, he caus'd the Eyes of the two Youngeft 
 to be bored out, referving the Eideft nam'd 
 Sefi Myrz,a y to be his Succeflbr ; but this 
 young Prince having a Son nam'd Sain-Mur- 
 z,a y Schab-Abas who faw Sefi-Mir&a of Age 
 to fucceed him, and did not doubt, but the 
 Grandees to whom he had render'd himfelf 
 odious, during the whole Courfc of his Reign, 
 E would
 
 (40 
 
 would aflift the young Prince to dethrone him 
 if he fhould offer to undertake it, thought he 
 could not be fate againft Alarms, but by put- 
 ting him to Death. The Blow was no Iboner 
 ftruck, but he forely repented it. He fhut 
 himfelf up for ten Days in a dark Place, and 
 ftied Tears inceffantly : He put on Mourning 
 for a whole Year, and during the Remainder 
 of his Life, wore the plaineft Habits, without 
 any Ornament. 
 
 IN 1629. he fell into a dangerous Fit of 
 Illnefs, and finding his End drawing near, 
 he nominated for his Succeflbr, his Grandfon 
 Sain- Mir 'zaj charging four of his Prime Of- 
 ficers, that he could moft confide in, to inftal 
 him in the Throne after his Death, and to 
 make him take the Name of Sef^ which was 
 the Name of his Father. Thofe Lords tel- 
 ling him at that Time of a Prophecy which 
 fome Aftrologers had made, that this young 
 Prince would reign but three Months at moft ; 
 Let him reign as long as he can, fays he, 
 though it be but three T)ays ; / fhall be glad 
 of the Affurance, that one T>ay^ at leaft, he 
 will have that Crown upon his Head which 
 was due to the 'Prince his Father. 
 
 WITH this Grief for the Death of his Son, 
 he expir'd about the Clofe of the Year 1619. 
 "with the Reputation of one of the gretteft 
 Princes that ever reign'd in ^Perfla^ and leaving 
 to his SucceiTors fuch Examples and LefTons 
 as moft of them have made a very ill Ufe of. 
 
 He
 
 (43 ) 
 
 He died at Ferabad in the Province of Ma- 
 bander an > to the South of the Cajpian Sea, 
 a Town which he had built on the Sea-Side, 
 and the Place which he delighted in moft 
 throughout his whole Kingdom. He was fix- 
 ty three Years of Age, and had reign 'd forty 
 five. But it may be obferv'd in the Conduct 
 of the Aghvans y who are now Matters of the 
 Kingdom, that by deftroying the Nobility of 
 'Perfia and the antient Militia of that Nation, 
 they have only follow'd the Maxims and Ex- 
 ample of Schah-Abas, and that they have 
 treated the Modern Nobility juft as Schab- 
 Abas, and Schah-Sefi his Succeflbr, did the an- 
 tient Nobility and the Courtches. 
 
 S E F I, 
 
 Son to the jPr/V/^SEFi-MuRZA, and Grand- 
 Jon to Abas the Great, the Eighth King of 
 the Family of the Sophies, in 1629. 
 
 BEFORE the Reign of Schah-Abas, 
 the Children of the Kings of ferjia 
 appear'd at Court with Freedom. They were 
 alfb employed, and had Governments given 
 them when they came of Age. But after the 
 Death of' Mirza-SeJi, who was a Sacrifice to 
 the Jealoufy of the King his Father, this 
 Prince alter'd that Method, and caus'd his 
 E 2 Grand-
 
 : (44) , 
 
 Grand fbn to be educated in a Manner which 
 was afterwards a Rule for the Education of all 
 the King's Sons, that is to fay, he kept him 
 Ihut up in the Haram, where he had no Con- 
 verfation but with the Eunuchs. He was on- 
 ly taught to read and write; and all his Diver- 
 fions were ihooting with the Bow, and riding 
 upon an Afs in the Gardens. Schah-Abas 
 was fb much on his Guard againft this young 
 Prince, though he was of too tender Years 
 to undertake any Thing againft him, that 'tis 
 faid, that for fear he had more Wit than he 
 wifh'd him to have, he made him take Opium 
 every Day to ftupify him. 
 
 WHETHER Schah-Sefi had Memorials and 
 Inltru&ions from the King his Grandfather 
 and Predeceflbr, to cut off the chief Men of 
 the Kingdom, or whether he followed the 
 Cruelty of his natural- Temper, 'tis certain, 
 that there has not been in 'Perjia a more cruel 
 and bloody Reign than his. 'Tis faid that 
 he came into the World with two Hands 
 full of Blood, and that Schah-Abas prognof- 
 ticated from thence, that he would live to 
 bathe his Hands in Blood ; which was but too 
 much verified in the Sequel. 
 
 HE began his Cruelties with an only Bro- 
 ther, whofe Eyes he caus'd to be bored out. 
 He caft headlong from a Rock, his two Un- 
 cles, the younger Brothers of his Father 
 Mirza-Sefi, the fame whofe Eyes Schah-Abas 
 had bored out, and kept Prifoner in a Caftle. 
 
 The
 
 (45) 
 
 The Reafon he alledged was, that thofePrinces 
 being blind, were therefore good for nothing 
 in the World. He likewife put to Death not 
 only fuch of the great Lords, as he in any 
 Manner fufpected, but alfb many of thole that 
 were the moft attached to his Family, and who 
 having been the chief Minifters of the late 
 King his Grandfather, had the greatcft Share 
 of his Efteem and Confidence. 
 
 I SHALL not enter into a longer Detail of 
 the Cruelties, of which his Reign was one 
 continued Series. They had rendered him fo 
 odious even to thofe who had moft Acceis 
 to him, that they conipired againft him in 
 his very Haram ; and in the Midlt of his Wives 
 and Concubines, it was reiblved to poifbn 
 him : And the Thing was executed j but the 
 Quality or Dofe of the Poiibn not being 
 ftrong enough to do his Bufinefs, he was no 
 fboner cured of his Illnefs at two Months 
 End, but after great Enquiry he found that 
 the Poifon had been prepared in the Haram, 
 and that his Aunt, the Widow of one of 
 the chief Officers of the Court, whom he 
 had put to Death, had formed the Con- 
 fpiracy, and conducted it through. The 
 Night after he was informed of all thefe Par- 
 tieulars 3 terrible Shrieks were heard in the 
 Haram, and next Day it was known, that, 
 after he had ordered a great Ditch to be made 
 in the Garden, he had buried there all alive 
 forty Women that had a Hand in the Con- 
 E ) ipiracy j
 
 fpiracy; of which Number, 'tis faid, his own 
 Mother was one ; and that it was only to co- 
 ver the Horror of this Fact that a Report 
 was fpread at the fame Time, that ftie was 
 dead of the Plague. 
 
 BESIDES, this Prince had no confiderable Vir- 
 tue that would counterbalance his Vices ; for, 
 though he pretended to Courage, there was 
 more of Rafhnefs than true Valour in his Mi- 
 litary Conduct ; and though in the firft Years 
 of his Reign, he caufed the Turks to raife 
 the Siege "at Bagdatj and took Erivan by 
 Storm, he was more obliged for thofe Ex- 
 ploits to the Capacity and good Conduct of 
 his Generals, than to his own Skill and Pru- 
 dence. He loft two of the molt important 
 Places of his Frontiers, Candahar and Bag- 
 dat^ the one on the Baft, and the other on 
 the Weft, merely by his own Folly. The 
 Reader will find in the firft Part of this Work 
 how he loft the former ; and I fhall here ac- 
 quaint him how he came to lofe the other. 
 
 THERE was at Bagdat a very worthy 
 Governor named .Sef-ffufi- Kan^ ,j}jigirj^Mj 
 of Armenia. This brave Commander had be-~~ 
 lore held out two Sieges againfr. the Turks 
 with Succefs, ' and ftill commanded in the 
 Place, when Amurath^ the Grand Seignior, 
 came to befiege it in 1638. Schah-Sefi* in- 
 ftead of trufting to a Man of his Experience 
 tfor theDefence of this important Place, thought 
 fit to fend one of his Favourites thkher, to 
 
 whom
 
 (47 ) 
 
 whom he gave the Government of it. The 
 old Governor finding himfelf turned out, to 
 make Room for a worthlefs young Fellow,, 
 was fo ieniible of the Affront, that he chofe 
 to take Poifon rather than furviveit, and made 
 his Wife and his Son do the fame. TheGar- 
 rifon, to whom their old Commander was dear, 
 had no Courage to fight under the Command 
 of a new one; but, rebelling againft him, ca- 
 pitulated with Amurath for the Surrender of 
 the Place ; which he had no fooner entered, 
 but he put all the ^er flans to the Sword. 
 Thus did Bagdat, which was taken by Schah- 
 Abas from the Turks twenty Years before, 
 relapfe into their Hands, where it has re- 
 main'd ever fince. 
 
 WHEN Schah-Sefi fucceeded to the Throne, 
 he was fo chilled by the Opium which his 
 Grandfather made him to mix with his Food, 
 that the Phyficians prefcribedthe Ufe of Wine 
 to give him Warmth. He took fuch a Fancy 
 to it, that 'twas one of his greateft Pleafures 
 to drink to Excefs ; and his Cruelty was ne- 
 ver more to be dreaded than when he was in 
 that Condition. He meddled very little with 
 Affairs of the Goverment, palling his whole 
 Life with his Bottle, his Wives, or in Hunt- 
 ing , fo that had it not been for the numerous 
 Cruelties, which ftained his Reign with Blood, 
 it would have been fcarce perceivable that 
 he ever was King. He died j6_42. after a 
 Reign of twejjk^tfiaia^ His Death is afcri- 
 E 4 bed
 
 ( 48 
 
 bed to a Debauch of Wine ; but he had ren- 
 dered himfelf fo hateful to the Court by his 
 Cruelties, that it was always believed the Poi- 
 fon had help'd to carry him off. He was 
 of a middling Stature, very well made in his 
 Perfon, and had an Air of Good Humour and 
 Humanity in his Phyfiognomy, to which all his 
 Actions gave the Lye. 
 
 ABAS II. 
 
 Son of SEFI, the Ninth King of the Race of 
 the Sophies, in 1642. 
 
 Prince was but 
 J| of Age when he came to 
 after having ran a great Hazard of being 
 for ever incapacitated to fucceed his Father. 
 Schah-Sef, whofe Cruelty was fuch that it 
 did not fpare even his only Son, ordered 
 one of his chief Eunuchs, upon a certain Day, 
 without telling him the Realbn, to run the 
 Iron over Abas*s Eyes : His Intention to be 
 fure was that the Iron fhould be red-hot ; but 
 as he did not exprefs it fo, the Eunuch, who 
 had Compaflion of the Prince, and imagined 
 that the King having no other Heir, would 
 one Day be forry for the Order he had gi- 
 ven, only run the cold Iron over the Princes 
 
 Eyes,
 
 (49) 
 
 Eyes, and told the King that his Order was 
 obey'd. Mean Time the Prince, being in- 
 ftrufted by the Eunuch, acbd the blind Man 
 fb much to Perfection, that it was really be- 
 lieved he had loft his Sight. When Scbah- 
 Sefi found himfelf on his Death-Bed, and that 
 he was a&ually dying, he was forry that by 
 depriving his Son of Sight, he had deprived 
 himfelf of the only Heir to whom he could 
 leave the Crovrn. As he was extreamly af- 
 flided for it, and faid with what Satisfaction 
 he fhould have died, if he had but a Son to 
 liicceed him, the Eunuch feeing him almoft 
 ready to expire, allured him that he had a 
 Secret to reftore the Prince to his Sight, and 
 that he would prove it to him by bringing 
 him inftantly before him. The King, trani- 
 ported at this News, fent immediately one of 
 the chief Lords of his Court, named Ali-Kuli- 
 Kan, along with the Eunuch to bring the 
 Prince to him, whole Sight gave him fo much 
 Joy that it prolonged his Life till next 
 Day. 
 
 THE Reign of Abas II. was very different 
 from that of his Father ; and it may be faid, 
 that next to Ifmael I. and Sc bah- Abas the 
 Great, 'Perjia never had a better King of 
 the Family of the Sophies. Not but that, 
 like him, he was too much fubjcd to Wine, 
 and committed fbme Ads of Cruelty, butabate- 
 ing a few Excurfions, of which he might ju- 
 tly be reproached, he fhew'd himielfj during 
 
 the
 
 (50) 
 
 the whole Courfe of his Reign, truly worthy 
 of the Grown he wore. 
 
 As he was but thirteen Years of Age 
 when he took the Scepter into his Hands, 
 he left the Goverment of the Kingdom to his 
 Mother and to Athemat-'Doulet, an old Man 
 of near fourfcore Years of Age, in whom that 
 Princefs repofed all the Confidence that could 
 be. Things went on very quietly for the 
 three firft Years, tfiLjfa*i-Kax, the moft 
 powerful Lord at GourfpWlToP^as a decla- 
 red Enemy to the Prime Minifter, putting a 
 wrong Conftrudion upon a Word that the 
 King had faid, went to the Minifter 's Houfe, 
 and killed him as by Order from the King. 
 His Mother, who was incenfed to the laft 
 Degree, and thought herfelf infulted by fb 
 daring a Stroke, prefled the King to revenge 
 it. This Prince, who was then but fixteen 
 Years of Age, was fain to diffemble ; and in- 
 ftead of punilhing Jani-Kan, he gave him 
 the Office of the Deceafed,with the Forfeiture 
 of his Eftate ; and two Days after he made 
 him Generaliifimo of 'Perjia, which put 
 30000 Men under his Command. Perhaps 
 this new Minifter might have fupported him- 
 felf longer, notwithftandin^ the Hatred which 
 the King's Mother bore him, and notwith- 
 ftanding all the Influence fhe had over the 
 King her Son ; but having formed a Con- 
 ' Ipiracy to force the Haram, and to kill that 
 Princels in it, the King being informed of it, 
 
 ' caufed
 
 caufed him and his Accomplices to be mat- 
 facred next Day in the Council-Hall, when 
 they expected nothing like it. Tavernier 
 afcribes this Fad to Schah-Sefi : But Sir 
 John Chardin y who was much better inform- 
 ed, and more exad in all Refpeds than he 
 was, puts it to the Account of Scfwh-Abas. 
 
 THIS young Prince having eftablilhed his 
 Authority by this vigorous Stroke, took the 
 Reins of Government into his own Hands. 
 He was but eighteen or nineteen Years of 
 Age, when he went to befiegeCc*j&&tfr, which 
 in his Father's Reign had been iurrendered 
 to the Great-Mogul. He retook it with the 
 whole Province, which furrounds it, and 
 kept it ever afterwards, notwithstanding all 
 the Efforts of that fame Indian Emperor, who 
 caufed it to be befieged feveral Times, but al- 
 ways in vain, by Armies of 300000 Men. 
 He was fb much confounded at it himfelf, that 
 neither he nor his Succeflbrs dared afterwards 
 to attack it. Which in thefe latter Times has 
 proved the Misfortune ofJPer/Uij becaufe, if 
 Candahar had been in the Hands of the Great- I 
 Mogul, the Aghvans would never have at-y 
 tempted to conquer the Kingdom as they have 
 done. 
 
 THE farther Schah-Abas advanced into 
 his Reign, the more was he beloved by his 
 Subjects, and the more feared by his Neigh- 1 
 bours. He loved Juftice, and had no Mer- 
 cy for the Governors, and other publick Of- / 
 
 fkers, '
 
 > ficers, who abufing their Authority, oppref- 
 fed the People ; of which ieveral Inftances 
 may be feen in Tavernier. He had a great 
 and noble Soul, was very kind to Strangers, 
 and openly protected the Chriftians, whom 
 he would not have in the leaft molefted for 
 their Religion, faying, That none but: God 
 'was Mafter of their Conferences ; that, for 
 his own Tart, he was only 
 
 \ternals^) and that all his 
 
 of 
 
 ligion Joever they were, he owed jujlice to 
 them 'all alike. 
 
 HE gave a full Proof of thefe Sentiments 
 upon this Occafion : A *PerJian having ftab- 
 I bed an Armenian, for having feen him take out 
 I of the Bafm of a Mofque one of thofe Fifties 
 ! which they look upon as facred, becaufe they 
 belong to the Mofque, was abiblved for aimall 
 Matter by theSedre, orHigh-Prieft of theKing- 
 dom, who judged that \hsArmenian was killed 
 juftly. But Schah-Abas was of another Opi- 
 nion ; and, in Contempt of the ridiculous Ar- 
 gument of the High-Prieft, who pretended 
 that to take a confecrated Filh was a Crime 
 i which the firft Comer had a right to punilh 
 \ with Death, he feverely reprimanded him, 
 condemned him to pay a Fine to the Arme- 
 nian's Family, and caufed the Murderer to be 
 
 % J * 
 
 pumftied. 
 
 HE was but thirty-leven or thirty-eight 
 Years old when he died. He was then in 
 
 the
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 the Vigour of his Age, and had formed a 
 Defign to extend the Frontiers of his King- 
 dom on the North Side, and had a&ually 
 made fuch Preparations for the Execution of 
 it, that his Succefs was not doubted. His 
 Troops were numerous, and in good Condi- 
 tion ; and had found Ways and Means to 
 heap up Wealth, without putting his People 
 to the Expence. The Secret he had made 
 life of for this Purpofe was, not to fill up cer- 
 tain great Pofts when they became vacant, 
 but to put the great Sallaries thereto annexed 
 in his Exchequer, a Piece of Oeconomy 
 which was worth above twelve Millions a 
 Year to him. But Death overtook him in 
 the Midft of his great Projeds ; for he fell 
 {ick at one of his Pleafure-Houfes, about two 
 Leagues from 'Damagan, a City of the Pro- 
 vince of Teber-Eftoon^ or Tabarifton, as 'tis 
 called in the Maps, and after four Months 
 languifhing under the Venereal Difeafe, he 
 died the 25th of September^ i6&&. leaving 
 two Sons, the Eldeft about" twenty Years of 
 Age, named Sefi-Mirz,a, and the youngeft, 
 who was Eight, named Hamzech-Mirz>a; butj 
 he appointed neither of them for his Succef-/ 
 for. 
 
 SOLY-
 
 (54) 
 
 SOLYMAN, 
 
 Son 0/AsAs II. the Tenth King of the Race 
 of the Sophies, in 1666. 
 
 ABAS II. having not fixed his Succe- 
 lion upon cither of his Sons, there was 
 a Confutation which of the two to choofe for 
 his Succeflbr. A great Council was held up- 
 on it in the very Camp, which was pitched 
 round the Caftle where the King died ; and 
 this before his Death was known to any but 
 about eleven Minifters and principal Officers 
 of the Army that compofed the Council, and 
 two Eunuchs of the firft Rank, that were 
 prefent at his Departure out of the World. 
 
 As ^tis always more advantageous to thofe 
 who are in Place to have a Minor King for 
 their Sovereign, than one that is of Age to 
 govern, all the Suffrages were unanimous for 
 giving the Crown to the younger Son, whom 
 the King had brought along with him, and 
 who was then upon the Spot. And in order 
 to colour over the Injuftice done to the Eldeft, 
 it was pretended with a feeming Probability 
 that Schah-Abas had deprived him of his 
 Sight. The Foundation for it was, that when 
 the late King fet out upon his laft Journey, 
 in which he died, he turned back again to 
 Iffahan y when he was but eight Leagues 
 
 from
 
 (55) 
 
 it, with a very few Attendants, and en- 
 ter'd the Haram privately, without being feen. 
 He was there but two Hours, and it was re- 
 mark'd, that he came out very penfive. This 
 had given Caufe to fuppofe, that he only went 
 thither to deprive Mirza-Sefi of his Sight. 
 The Conje&urc, though well founded, prov'd 
 falfe. However thofe who affixed in the 
 Council made a Handle of it to exclude the 
 Eldeft, and to proclaim the Youngeft^ho had 
 the Generality of the Suffrages, when MuSd- 
 teck-Aga one of the two Eunuchs who were 
 prefent at the Confultation, and from whom it 
 was leaft expected., in that he was the Gover- 
 nor of the Prince whom they made Choice of, 
 caus'd the Election to mifcarry. Though he 
 had no deliberative Vote in the Aflembly, yet 
 he fpoke with Courage, and ftaking his Life 
 upon it, that Sefi-Mirza had not loft his 
 Sight, he fo vigoroufly reprefented to them 
 the Injuftice done to a Prince of his Age, to 
 prefer his younger Brother, who was but a 
 Child, before him, that he turn'd the Refolu- 
 tion that was enter'd into in Favour of Hamez- 
 Mtrza, and in a Manner forc'd the whole 
 Affembly to choofe the eldeft. 
 
 THE Thing being thus reiblv'd on, the 
 Council appointed Deputies to carry the News 
 to the Prince Sef-Mir&a at Ifpahan, which 
 was one hundred and forty French Leagues 
 from the Place where the King died. The 
 Deputies made this Journey with fuch a Dii- 
 
 patch,
 
 ( 
 
 patch, that they arrived at Ifpahan in feven 
 Days, 'viz,, the fecond ofOtfofor. The Chief 
 of the Deputation having defired to fpeak 
 with the Prince from the King his Father, 
 whofe Death was not known, there was a 
 great Alarm at the Haram^ where it was iuf- 
 pected that the King fent an Officer of the 
 firft Rank^from a Place fo far diftant, only to 
 take awav/tne Princess Life, and it was near 
 an Homroefore they could pluck the Child 
 from the Arms of his Mother, who thought 
 they were going to put him to Death. At 
 laft the Prince coming out of the Haram., the 
 Chief of the Deputies fell on his Knees be- 
 fore him, and paid due Homage to him as his 
 King. He was inftallM and crowned, and 
 was refblv'd to keep his old Name of Sef. 
 The Death of the old King, and the Coro- 
 nation of his SuccefTor, was not known in If- 
 fahan till the next Day, and the Army de- 
 camp'd, in order to return to the Capital, 
 without having heard a Word of the Death 
 of \Schach-Abas, or of the Election of Schah- 
 Sefi, till they were far advanced upon the Road. 
 THOUGH at firft he retained his old Name, 
 he changed it two Years after, upon an Occa- 
 fion that I am now going to mention. The 
 Debaucheries of Wine and Women having 
 very much irnpair'd his Health at the End 
 of two Years, the Phyficians not being able 
 to reftore it, laid the Blame upon the Stars, 
 accufing the Aftrologers of having not chofe
 
 (57) 
 
 a happy Date for his Coronation. This Dpi. 
 nion, ridiculous as it was 3 prevailed in a Coun- 
 try where they have mighty Faith in Aftro- 
 logy. The King was crown'd again; and 
 abandoning his old Name, he took that of 
 Solyman, which he went by to his Death. He 
 was fo ftrong and robuft, that with the Gripe of 
 his Hand he bent Gold Cups of the Thicknefs 
 of a Grown Piece, till both Sides met. Sir 
 John Chardin fays, he had ieen and handled 
 leverai of the Cups which this Prince had Ib 
 bent. But this Prince degenerated very much 
 from the Virtues of his Father Schah-Abas\\. 
 and made his Reign remarkable only by a 
 thoufand Instances of Cruelty, the bare Men- 
 tion of which is fhocking. When he was in 
 Wine, or in Wrath, no Body about him was 
 fure of Life or Eftate. He caused Hands, 
 Feet, Nofe, and Ears, to be cut off, Eyes to 
 be pluck'd out, and Lives to be facrificed a up- 
 on the leait Whim that took him ; and the 
 Man that was the moft in his Favour at the 
 Beginning of a Debauch, was generally made 
 a Sacrifice at the End of it. This is the Cha- 
 racter given us of him by Sir John Chardin > 
 who was in PartaWitnefs of what he relates 
 as to this Matter. Perfons thought their 
 Lives in fuch Danger whenever they ap- 
 proach^ him, that a great Lord of his Court faid, 
 When . he came from his Prelence, That he 
 always felt tf his Head was left Jlanding 
 upon his Shoulders. It was under this Prince, 
 that 'Perjia began to decay. F HE
 
 HE thought fb little like a King, that when 
 it was reprefented to him what Danger he was 
 in from the Turks, who when they had made 
 Peace with the Chriftians, would come and 
 attack his fmeft Provinces, if he did not put 
 himfelf in a Condition to repel them, he an- 
 fwer'd very indifferently, that he did not care, 
 provided they left him Ifpahan. He died 
 about the End of July 1694. leaving two 
 Sons, the one Huffein^ the other Abas. He 
 was forty eight Years of Age, and had reign'd 
 twenty eight. Gemelli fays he was fifty three, 
 and had reign'd thirty ; but he is miftaken in 
 both. Solyman was born in 1646. accord- 
 ing to Char din ^ who was at Ifpahan at the 
 Time of his Government. He came to the 
 Crown in 1666. and not in 1664. as Gemelli 
 fays, who does not feem to be fure of what 
 he advances, and who, though he pretends 
 he was at Schah-Huffein's Coronation, did not 
 fo much as know the Name of this Prince, 
 whom he always calls Schah-Offen. 
 
 HUSSEIN, 
 
 Son to SOLYMAN, the Eleventh andLajl King 
 of the Family of the Sophies, in 1694. 
 
 AS this Prince's Reign is the chief Sub- 
 jed of the Hiftory of the late Revolu- 
 tion, 'tis fufficitnt here only to name him in 
 the Succelfion to theo:her Kings of his Family. 
 
 HI S.
 
 Concerning the MAP. 
 
 I HAVE caufed a Map to be engraved, which 
 is far from being crouded with Names 5 
 and very proper for this Hiftory the Plan 
 of it ; becaule I have endeavoured to 
 avoid a Fault that is but too common in Charts 
 of this Nature, viz. the f welling them with 
 a great Number of Towns, and other Places, 
 not mentioned in the Hiftory, and leaving out 
 thole that are. As the Map I exhibit is on- 
 ly calculated for this Hiftory, I have not 
 troubled myfelf to fet down any Places, which 
 are not nam'd in it ; but as to thofe that arc 
 treated of, whether they be Cities, Towns, 
 or Villages, I think I have omitted none, at 
 leait, of fiich whofe Situation I was able to 
 determine. 
 
 I MAKE this Exception becaufe, as the 
 Memoirs of another Perfbn were my Guide, 
 I could not avoid the Mention of fbme Places 
 I found in thofe Memoirs, though their Si- 
 tuation was not plainly enough pointed for 
 
 me
 
 imc to give them their true Place in the Map. 
 Such for Example is Kioc-KUan^ a Canton 
 of Arabia, where Maghmud^ in 1724. made 
 an Expedition that was very unhappy for 
 him ; and the Province of Baflyaci, to which 
 'tis faid the Prince Myrza-Sefi^ the eldeft 
 Son of Schah-Hufle'm is retired. The Au- 
 thor of the Memoirs probably thought thefe 
 Names as well known abroad, as in ferjla 
 where he wrote, and therefore laid no more of 
 them ; but as I don't find any Trace of them, 
 either in the Maps or the Accounts we have 
 of thefe Countries, I chofe rather to leave 
 them out of my Map, than to fet them down 
 at random. For the fame Reafbn I have omit- 
 ted the Town of Aknli, of which the Au- 
 thor fays nothing more, than that 'tis a Town 
 inhabited by Armenians. But thefe People 
 are difperfed into fo many different Cantons 
 of 'Pcrjia, that a Man muft be a Conjurer, 
 unlefs he had been upon the Spot, to know 
 whereto place the Town of Akuli. 
 
 As to Karabegia^ which is not mention- 
 ed neither by that Name in the Maps, 
 it ftands for all that Country which lies be- 
 tween the Rivers Kur and Aras^ which are 
 the Cyrus and the Araz,es of the Antients. 
 J have not marked the Town, becaufe I 
 would not make the Map too broad ; but I 
 have reprefented one End of the Lake of that 
 Name, which will fuffice to fix it, becaufe it 
 lies to the South- weft of that Lake, 
 
 WHERE
 
 WHERE Ihavefaidthat^l/^rte^-/^// was 
 Prince of Hacvufa^ 1 thought I had iiifficient- 
 ly determin'd the Situation of that Province 
 by taking Notice that it bordered upon the 
 Province of the AghvAHS of Hafarai, who 
 are Neighbours to thofe of Candahar. The 
 Pofition of this {Ingle Town fixes thofe other 
 Cantons. 
 
 I HAVE given a larger Extent to the Pro- 
 vince of Mafandera ;/, on the South Side of it, 
 than is generally given in the common Maps, 
 which I thought make it too narrow : And my 
 Reafon for it is this : Sir John Chardtn, in his 
 Coronation of Solyman, fays, " That from If- 
 <c fahan to T)amagaan, (the fame Town that 
 Cc the Maps call 'Damgan,) a City which Jies 
 " at the South End of Mafandran, or Ta- 
 cc briftan, 'tis twelve Days Journey ; and that 
 " from ^Damagaan to the Cajpian Sea 'tis 
 " nine, 7 ' which is three Quarters of the Di 
 tance from Iff ah an to 'Damagaau. Now, 
 as this Province is contracted in the Maps, 
 we fcarce find it a Quarter Part of the Way 
 from ^Damagaan to the Caff Ian Sea, that it 
 is from ^DamagaaM to IJpahan ; therefore 
 it muft necefliirily be fuppofed, that this Pro- 
 vince extends much farther to the South than 
 is laid out in the Maps. 
 
 I HAVE not marked a Scale of Miles in the 
 Map, becaufe in fuch narrow Limits as I have 
 given it, 'twould be very Difficult to make a 
 kift Computation of the Diftances, efpecially 
 
 with
 
 with Regard to the Towns which are but 
 half a League at moft from Ifpahan, the 
 Diftance of which I have taken Notice of in 
 the Hiftory, much more exactly than it was 
 poffible to do it in the Map. Befides the 
 Degrees of Latitude and Longitude will fup- 
 ply that Defed. 
 
 As the Reader will be glad to fee, at one 
 View 3 all that thzTurks and Mufcovites have 
 conquered in ^erjla^ and what hitherto re- 
 mains to them, as well as what remains to the 
 Sultan Afz>raff^ I have taken care to inclofe 
 what belongs both to the one and the other 
 with particular Points. 
 
 ERRATUM, 
 
 In Page 40. Line zp. for Grand Signiors, read Grandees. 
 
 A Direction to the Binder. 
 
 'Place tins with the Map, jufl before the 
 Hiftory of the late Revolution. 
 
 THE
 
 HISTORY 
 
 Of the Late 
 
 Revolution in PERSIA: 
 
 F the Revolution of *Perfia has 
 been Ib aftoniftiing, when taken 
 only in a general View, and ac- 
 cording to the very imperfect 
 Ideas we can form of it from 
 the Gazettes and other publick 
 News Papers, we may affirm, it will appea: 
 ftili more amazing, when we come to give i 
 particular Account of the remote Caufes anc 
 Events that prepared the Way to it for abov( 
 twenty Years, and which at laft brought it to 
 a final IfTue, to the Advantage of a Handful, 
 as we may call it, of Barbarians _, who ex- 
 peeled nothing like it, and always thought it 
 a chimerical Project to attempt to dethrone this 
 fame King of "Perfia^ whom they havedcpos'd, 
 as it were, without defigning it. 
 
 F % THIS
 
 THIS is a Myftery that cannot well be ex- 
 plain'd without going back to the Beginning 
 of his Reign. As to his Character, he was the 
 moft human, and the beft tempered Prince, but 
 the weakeft that ever governed Terjia : And 
 his Misfortunes arc a Leflbn that good Na- 
 ture and Humanity, when carried too far, and 
 unattended with the Knowledge and Virtue 
 neceflary for a King, degenerates into Daftar- 
 dy, which is much more likely to make a 
 Prince defpis'd than belov'd ; and that if Re- 
 volutions fo extraordinary and flagrant as this 
 of 2V rjla^ arc not always the Confequenccs 
 of fuch Contempt, 'tis only becaufe there are 
 not Perfonsof fufficient Abilities at all Times, 
 and in all Countries, to lay hold of the Op- 
 portunities, and at the fame Time, ambitious 
 and refolute enough to run all the Hazards 
 of it. 
 
 Schah-Solyman, the Predeceffor of Hnffein y 
 left but two Sons that were in a Capacity to 
 iucceed him, and both by different Mothers. 
 The eldeft was called MirXA-Abas, and the 
 youngeft Huffem^ who lucceeded in the Man- 
 ner we are now going to relate. 
 
 Huffein's Mother had two other Sons, one 
 that was older than him, and the other younger. 
 Solyman having put the eldeft of them to 
 Death, the Mother was afraid the youngeft 
 Would have the fame Fate, the rather, becaufe 
 when he came to have a Notion of Things, 
 he abandon'd himfelf Ibmetimes Ib far to a 
 
 Re-
 
 Refentment for his Brother's Death, as to tax 
 his Father with Cruelty. She imagined too, 
 that Arts were ufed to provoke him, to make 
 him talk more than was proper ; and in order 
 to fnatch him from the Misfortune that had 
 bereav'd her of her eldeft, me fcnt him away 
 fb privately from the Haram^ (or Seraglio,) 
 that no Body knew afterwards what became 
 of him. Thus me fav'd her Son, but was 
 made a Sacrifice to her Tendernefs : Whether 
 it was that SolymaUj as is generally believ'd, 
 put her to Death, from a Sufpicion that flic, 
 and none but me, had promoted the Efcape 
 of this young Prince, and from an Apprehen- 
 fion that it might occafion a Civil War, or 
 whether, as fome have pretended, me threw 
 herfelf headlong in a Fit of Madnefs from 
 the Top of the Palace. 
 
 BY this Means none but Mir za- Abas and 
 Huffein were left in a Capacity of fucceeding 
 SolymaHj who after his Paflion was over for 
 the Elcape of Hujffein's younger Brother, 
 which had occafion'd the Death of the Mo- 
 ther, chang'd his Rage into a Companion and 
 Love for Huffein j and entertaining a more fa- 
 vourable Opinion of him than he had before, 
 he ordered that great Care mould be taken 
 of his Education, which he had very much 
 neglected hitherto, and that no Coft fliould 
 be fpared to educate him in a Manner wor- 
 thy of a Prince. 
 
 F ? WHEN
 
 (*) 
 
 WHEN Solyman died, he was fo well di 
 pos'd to Huffein, that his not appointing a 
 Succeflbr at his Death, can be afcrib'd to no 
 other Caufe, but his exceffive Tendernefs 
 for him ; for in Ihort, nothing but his ftrong 
 JByafs to Huffein could weigh with him 
 againftthe Merit of Mir&a-Abas> who by the 
 Confeffion of all Mankind, was much fitter 
 to fucceed him in the Throne than Huffein 
 was, who by Reafbn of the Deformity of his 
 Body, was always looked upon as tacitly ex- 
 cluded from all Hopes of the Crown. ^This 
 young Prince, though handfbme enough in 
 other Refpecb, had Legs thatwere monltroufly 
 crooked, and withal was Iplay-footed. He 
 was born, moreover, without any Ambition or 
 Paflion, and lov'd Retirement and Solitude 
 to fuch a Degree, that they commonly gave 
 him the Name of 'Dervifb. And indeed he 
 abounded with Zeal and Piety in the Exerci- 
 fes of his Religion, being wholly intent up- 
 on the Reading of the Alcoran, and difcover- 
 ing as much Modefty in his Behaviour, as 
 Probity in his Sentiments ; all Virtues of in- 
 trinfick Value, and fufficient for a private Man, 
 but which alone cannot make a Prince a good 
 Prince, much lels a great One. 
 
 ON the contrary, Mir '&a- Abas had all the 
 neceflary Qualities for a great King, He was 
 well flaap'd, robuft, had a noble Air and In- 
 clinations, delighting only in bodily Exetci- 
 fes, efpecially of the military Kind ; which 
 
 might
 
 might be ufed in the Haram^ wherein the 
 Sons of the Kings of 'Perfia were train'd up. 
 
 THOUGH every Thing feemM to plead for 
 the Choice of this Prince to be his Succeflbr, 
 yet Solyman would not determine himlelf in 
 this Refped, and only faid to the principal 
 Eunuchs that furrounded him, and who to- 
 wards the Clofe of his Reign, had got great 
 Footing in his Government, and had render'd 
 themfelves very powerful, that he left it to 
 them, and the other Grandees of the Kingdom, 
 to confider which of his two Sons, for whom 
 he had an equal Affedion, was beft for their 
 Purpofe; that if they were for a Martial 
 King, that would always keep his Foot in 
 the Stirrups, they ought to chufe Mtrza-Abas^ 
 but that if they wifh'd for a peaceable Reign, 
 and a pacifick King, they ougtyt to fi^ their 
 Eyes upon Hu/ein. 
 
 THUS did Schah-Solyman, through a Fol- 
 ly and Imprudepce, of which he did not fore- 
 fee the Gonfequences, but which colt his Poi- 
 terity the Lofs of a Kingdom, abandon the 
 Choice of his Succeflbr to Perfons who were 
 interefted to choofe out of the two Princes, 
 not him that was rnoft capable of govern- 
 ing the State, but him that was the fit- 
 teft and moft difposM to let them govern 
 him. 
 
 BEING abfblute Mailers of the Fate of 
 the Kingdom, and of the Fortune of the two 
 "M.^es, they did not hefitate long about the 
 
 ? - Choics
 
 ) 
 
 Choice. Mi3c*dka s had Inclinations too 
 
 fublime, and a Soul too great for them to 
 
 expeft much Complaifance from him. They 
 
 were even afraid of him already j and by 
 
 fome Sarcafms which indif erectly dropped from 
 
 that young Prince, againil the exorbitant 
 
 Power of the Eunuchs, they had Reafon to 
 
 judge, that he would be for clipping their 
 
 Wings. On the other Hand, Huffeitfs* Grand- 
 
 ] mother, by the Mother's Side, who had a 
 
 f great Party in the Haram^ and who a&ed 
 
 j vigoroufly for her Grandfbn, found no Diffi. 
 
 culty to gain the Eunuchs, by the AfTurances 
 
 Ihe gave them, even upon Oath, to make him 
 
 their Friend. 
 
 AT the fame Time an Intereft was fecur'd 
 with the Minifters and principal Officers, who 
 had not only been accuftomed for moft Part, 
 at lealt during the latter Years of Solyman's 
 Reign, to follow the Impreffions of the Ha- 
 ram> and to buckle to the Eunuchs, who 
 were Lords Paramount, but had more Incli- 
 . nation for a quiet peaceable Government, 
 than for a tumultuous warlike Reign, fuch 
 as that of Mtr '&a- Abas could not fail to be. 
 
 THIS Prince, though the moft defer ving of 
 the Crown, was therefore excluded from it ; 
 and while they were proclaiming and inftal- 
 ling his Brother, they fecur'd him, by put- 
 ting him under Itri&er Confinement than he 
 was fubjecl: to before in the Haram. But 
 for ail the Inftances that the Eunuchs could 
 
 make
 
 make to oblige the new King to bore out his 
 ' Eyes, as his PredeccfTors ufcd to ferve their 
 Brothers, he would never permit it, but al- 
 ways oppoied it, not only from a Sentiment 
 of Humanity, but in Purfuance of an Engage- 
 ment which the two Brothers had made with 
 one another. For when they were firft put 
 to reading in the Alcoran, they both fwore 
 upon that Book, which is their Goipel, that 
 which foever of them fhould be King, ftiould 
 not fuffer the Eyes of the other to be put 
 out ; but that, on the contrary, he fhould 
 content himfelf with keeping him under a 
 itrong Guard, and procure him the molt agree- 
 able and comfortable Accommodation confif- 
 tent with Imprifbnment. But what proves 
 that a Sentiment of Humanity had as great 
 a Share in this Moderation of Schah-HuJfein 
 as theTie of an Oath, is, that he behaved with 
 the fame Kindnefs to his other younger Bro- 
 thers, though he had made no Engagment 
 with them. 
 
 I MUST oblerve here, as to thofe Princes 
 of the Blood-Royal that are kept in the Ha- 
 ram, that it mull not therefore be imagined 
 that they are educated amongftWomen, or in 
 Voluptuoufneis. When they are come to fe- 
 ven Years of Age they are taken from the 
 Care of Women, and lodged infeparate Quar- 
 ters, where even their own Mothers are not 
 fo much as permitted to come to fee them 
 without exprefs Leave from the King. Eve- 
 ry
 
 (66) 
 
 ry one of thofe young Princes has two Maf- 
 ters, one to give them Learning, and the 
 other to form their Manners. Thefe two 
 Mailers are always Eunuchs, for no other 
 Man comes near them. They are fhut up 
 in Gardens, the Walls of which are fo high 
 that they never can fee the Sun at its Rifing 
 or Setting. Inftead of being brought up in 
 Delicacy and Idlenefs, they are kept to hard 
 Meat, and ftinted to bare Neceflaries, without 
 knowing any Pleafure 3 unlels the King in his 
 fpecial Grace is pleafed to indulge them. How- 
 ever, they are permitted under the Colourof 
 Diverfion, and for Bodily Exercife, at cer- 
 tain Hours, to throw a fort of Javelin, which 
 they call Girid, and which they dired againft 
 : a Butt, or to Ihoot in the fame Manner from 
 ! the Bow ; but they are never allowed to mount 
 a Horfe. 
 
 BESIDES the two Tutors juft now mention- 
 ed, they are allowed a third, when they come 
 to the Age of about Fourteen, whofe Care 
 is to form them to Piety, according to the 
 Difcipline of the Alcoran for till they have 
 attained that Age they are deemed unclean, 
 and, as fuch, though they are befides taught 
 to read, they are debarred from reading the 
 Alcoran, as well as from ufing the Prayers or- 
 dered by the Law ; becaufe, 'tis not prefumed, 
 that till they come to thofe Years, they are ca- 
 ble of giving all the necefTary Attention, nor 
 of preferving all the Purity which is proper 
 
 for
 
 for fb holy an Exercife and becaufe the leaft 
 wandering of the Thought, or Indecency, 
 though it be involuntary, is,according to them, 
 afufficient Profanation. Nor do they ufe, 
 during their Childhood, thofe legal Ablu- 
 tions which the Mahometans are obliged to 
 before their Prayers, and which are always 
 the neceflary and indifpenfible Preludes of all 
 their Religious Exercifes ; nor do they begin 
 topractife the Ablutions enjoined by the Law 
 till after their Circumcifion, which is as the 
 Seal of the Mahometan Religion, and which 
 is not ufed in Terjia before the Age of Four- 
 teen. At that Time the Eunuch, whoferves 
 as their Moulah, that is to fay, Doctor or 
 Chaplain, makes them read the Prayers five 
 Times a-Day, according to the Law of Ma- 
 honiet, each of which Prayers is preceded 
 by the Ablutions that are required, by Means 
 of which they reckon themfelves purified from 
 all Sin and Filth. The Moulah, who in- 
 ilrucls them, audibly and diftin&ly pronounces 
 the Words of the Prayer, which they are 
 bound to repeat after him ; but after he has 
 done, they are allowed to lengthen their 
 Prayers, if they have fo much Devotion. 
 Many of theie reclufe Princes do it, who re- 
 nouncing all Manner of Senfuality and Plea- 
 fure, flick clofe to the Reading of the Alcoran, 
 and to Prayer ; and in their Retirement lead 
 the Lives of Friars and Dervifhes. As to 
 their Nourifhment, it is very frugal : Of three 
 
 Meals
 
 Meals which they make in a Day 3 the moft con- 
 liderable, which is their Supper, is only Rice, 
 and their Drink is Sherbet , which ferves the 
 better to digeft it. At the two other Meals 3 in 
 which they have only Bread, Fruit, Cheefe, 
 Ibme Sweet-Meats, and Coffee, they drink 
 nothing but Water. Their Habits are as plain 
 as their Food : They put on but two Suits in 
 a Year, the one at the Vernal Solftice, the 
 other at the Autumnal; and they are only 
 made of a Woollen Stuff, from whence fbme 
 derive Sofhy^ the Name of the Royal Family, 
 which in the ^Perjian Language fignines 
 Wool. They are allow'd, indeed, a Ibrt of 
 Fur-Lining to the Suit, which is given them 
 .for the Autumnal Solftice j but 'tis no more 
 than Lamb's Wool. They pafs the Night in 
 ieparate Chambers, about which there are 
 Eunuchs that always walk the Rounds, and 
 which relieve one another in Turns to watch 
 while they fleep. 
 
 WHEN they are come to eighteen Years of 
 Age, they are each allow'd a Woman, who is 
 chofe without regard to her Birth or Condi- 
 tion ; I fay allow'd, becaufe they cannot dif- 
 pofe of her as they pleaie; for thofe Women 
 are ftiut up in a little Haram by themfelves, 
 where they are guarded by blackEunuchs, that 
 don't allow the Princes the Liberty of going 
 to them as often as they have a Mind to it. 
 But for fear left the Princes of the Blood 
 fhould multiply too fail, by Means of the 
 
 Women
 
 Women that are allowed to thofe Princes, the 
 Eunuchs who had Charge of the Women, 
 made it their whole Care to choofe none but 
 barren ones, or thofe whom they had the Se- 
 cret to render Ib, unlefs upon Failure of the 
 Branches of the Royal Family, the Neceffi- 
 ty of providing Succeffors obliged them to do 
 otherwife. Schah-Abas I. firnamed the Great y 
 who died in 1629. after a Reign efforts-four 
 Years, and who was not only the greateft 
 King of the Sophy Race, but one of the moft 
 able and wileft Monarchs that ever reigned, was 
 the firft that eftablifhed the Cuftom of keep- 
 ing the Children of the Kings fhut up, fo as 
 to have no Communication with thofe without 
 Doors, during the Reign of their Father. He 
 laid that it was not proper to expofe them too 
 much to the View of the People, who general- 
 ly worfhipthe rifingSun ; and that befides r as 
 Kings ought to be more jealous of their Crown 
 than their Wives ; they ought to take no lels 
 Precaution to preferve the one than the other. 
 He added, that as a Thing not known gives 
 no Temptation, the Children of Kings, bred 
 up in this retired Way, lived content in it, 
 and without Ambition, and were fb thorough- 
 ly inured to it, that fometimes they prefer- 
 red it to all the Splendor of Regal Grandure. 
 This was the very Cafe of Prince Mirza- 
 Sefi^ one of the Sons of the dethroned King, 
 who being taken out of the Haram before the 
 
 Troubles
 
 Troubles, to be put at the Head of Affairs with 
 the Title of Lieutenant-General of the King 
 his Father, over all the Kingdom, had not 
 enjoy 'd that Place above three Weeks or a 
 Month, but being furfeited with a Grandure, 
 and a Way of Living to which he had not 
 been ufed, he defired Leave to retire on Pre- 
 tence of Pains in his Head, and Ihut himfelf 
 up again in the Haram, to betake to his former 
 Courle of Life. 
 
 As the Daughters of the Kings of Terfia 
 are totally excluded from all Right to the 
 Grown, as well as their Children ; and as in 
 this Refped, they are not capable of giving 
 Umbrage, their Fortune is much happier 
 than that of the Princes their Brothers. For, 
 though they are confined under the Guard 
 of the black Eunuchs, that narrowly watch 
 their Conduct, yet they are brought up in 
 other Refpe&s with much lefs Severity, and 
 far more Liberty, with Regard to the Plea- 
 fures and Amufements confident with the De- 
 licacy of the Sex, which are not denied them. 
 When they are marriageable they are match- 
 ed to fome of the Grandees of the Kingdom, 
 to the great Mortification of the latter, who, 
 in Conlequence of fuch Marriage, and out of 
 Refped to an Alliance of fo high a Rank, are 
 obliged to content themfelves with their Wives, 
 and to abftain from the Ufe of Concubines in 
 their Harams. This were tolerable, however, 
 if the Children born of fuch Marriages, could 
 
 from
 
 < 7 ' ) 
 
 from thence acquire any Lawful Pretenfion to 
 the Crown, at leaft on Failure of Heirs Male; 
 but, even in this Cafe, they would have no 
 more Claim to it than the laft Man in the 
 Kingdom. I thought this Digreffion on a 
 Point not much known, would not be difob- 
 liging to the Reader ; and now I return to my 
 Subjed. 
 
 SCHAH-HUSSEIN, was no fooner featedon 
 the Throne, but the Eunuchs, not fatisfied 
 with having choie a Prince of his foft Temper, 
 narrow Spirit, and almoft natural Incapacity 
 of feeling the Yoke under which they in- 
 tended to keep him, were for making furer 
 of him, by inlpiring him withfuch a Guft for 
 Debauchery, as Ihould give him an Averfion 
 to Bufinefs. But they found the more Diffi- 
 culty in it, becaufe the very firft Action with 
 which this Prince began his Reign, feemed to 
 lay an invincible Obftacle againft the Deflgn 
 they had formed. 
 
 His Head being full of thole Notions of 
 Regularity, and fevere Difcipline, which he 
 had imbibed from the Alcoran, during his Re- 
 tirement, and in which he confirmed himfelf 
 yet more after he came to the Throne; and 
 this by fuch an Attachment to the Reading 
 of the faid Book, as feemed a little ftrange in 
 a King, and got him the Nick-Name of 
 Moulahj or Tar fen- Huff em, he thought him- 
 under an indifpeniable Obligation to prohibit 
 the Ufe of a Liquor which was forbid in the 
 
 Alcoran
 
 ( 7*3 
 
 Alcoran with the Utmoft Severity. There- 
 fore he iffued out an Edid abfolutely prohi- 
 biting the Ufe of Wine ; and not content with 
 having made the Law, he was the firft Man 
 to fhew an Example of putting it in Execu- 
 tion j for he caufed all the Wine- Veflels to be 
 brought out of the Cellars of his Palace into a 
 publick Square, and ( there to be ftav'd inPieces. 
 His Precaution extended ftill farther, and to 
 take away all Poflibility of tranfgreffing, he 
 forbad the Armenians of the Suburb Zulfa^ 
 who ufed to furnifh the Wine, to bring any 
 more in for the future, though in never fb 
 fmall a Quantity, on the Penalty of the entire 
 Forfeiture of the Delinquent's Eftate. 
 
 A s the Grandees of the Kingdom, and the 
 Court Lords, who had been accuftomed to 
 drink Wine, which was tolerated in 'Perjia 
 ever fince the Reign of Schah-Abas the 
 Great, /. e. for above two hundred Years, 
 were frighten'd at the Severity of this Edid, 
 the Eunuchs were more terrified from another 
 Motive. They knew that a temperate King 
 would not be always led by the Nofe j that 
 he would not fail to apply himfelf to Bufinels 
 if he had nothing to divert him from it ; and 
 that after forming himfelf to it by Degrees, 
 it is impoflible but he would open his Eyes 
 at length, and make off the Yoke which they 
 defigned to keep him under. There was no 
 other Method to ward off the Blow, but by 
 reftoring the Liquor which the King had pro- 
 
 i hibited
 
 (73) 
 
 hibited, than by putting him under a fort of 
 Neceflity of tafting it himfelf . They ima- 
 gined that he could not withftand the Temp- 
 tation; and that when he had once tailed of it, 
 he could not do without it. The Eunuchs 
 undertook it with the more Confidence, be- 
 caufe there was no Body at Court but what 
 wifhed well to their Defign, the King being 
 the only Perlbn concerned to oppofe it. The 
 Difficulty was to find out ibme Byafs in order 
 to make the Attempt without any Rifque, and 
 without the King's taking Umbrage at it. The 
 Eunuchs applied for this Purpofe to the King's 
 Grandmother, by the Mother's Side, to whom 
 he partly owed his Crown, and for whom he 
 always had a very great Value and Tender- 
 nefs. They brought her into their Views, 
 without much Difficulty. Haying accuftom- 
 ed herfelf all her Life long to the Ufe of 
 Wine, me was mortified at the new Edid ; and 
 Very glad, on the other hand, of an Oppor- 
 tunity to do a Pleafure to thofe whom fhe 
 had been obliged to for having placed her 
 Grandfon upon the Throne. It was therefore 
 concerted between them, that fhe ihould feign 
 herfelf fick ; and that when the King came to 
 fee her, as he would not fail to do when he was 
 informed of her Illnefs, ihe fhould give him 
 to underftand, that if he valued her Life, he 
 muft permit her to drink a little Wine, that 
 being the only Remedy, in the Opinion of 
 the Phyficians, that could relieve her. The 
 G Succefs
 
 (74) 
 
 Succefs anfwered the Expe&ation. The 
 King, alarmed at the pretended dangerous 
 Condition of his Grandmother, was fofway'd 
 by Pity, that, though it was Midnight, he 
 fent an Exprefs immediately to the Armeni- 
 ans of Zulfa for Ibme Wine. Thefe Wine 
 Merchants thinking it was a Bait laid for 
 them, declared, that as they had not dared 
 to keep any fince the fevere Prohibition laid 
 upon them by the King, they had not a Drop 
 left at his Service. As they knew not where 
 to have any, and as the Perfons who had 
 faved any ? were far from owning it, for fear 
 that fiich a Piece of Complaifance, how well 
 taken fbever it might be at that Juncture, 
 might hurt them another Day, it was hint- 
 ed to the King, that perhaps he might find 
 fome at the Toliftj Envoy's, who was then 
 at Court, and whofe Character exempted him 
 from observing the Law. It happened ac- 
 cordingly, and the King pouring it out into 
 a Cup, prefented it with his own Hands to 
 his Grandmother. This Cunning Lady, who 
 knew her Leflbn, refufed at firft to take the 
 Cup, faying, that flie could not refolve with 
 herfelf to drink Wine if the King himfelf 
 would not tafte it firft ; and when the Prince 
 excufed himfelf from the Precept of the Al- 
 coran, Ihe very readily told him, that the 
 Character with which he was veiled, put him 
 above all Manner of Laws ; for 'tis a Maxim 
 among the Ter/iansj That Kings are jubjett 
 
 to
 
 (75) 
 
 fo no Law > and that whatever they do^ they 
 commit no Siu. She then put him in Mind 
 that all his Anceftors and Predeceflbrs, fince 
 the Great Schah-Abas had not only drank 
 Wine, but alib permitted the Ufe of it to all 
 their Courtiers ; and really, continued fhe, how 
 could they poflibly, without fuch a Support, 
 have born the whole Weight of the Affairs 
 of fb vaft an Empire ? And how could he 
 hinifelf bear up under the Fatigues and Dif- 
 quietudes of Government, if he did not dul- 
 cify the Bitternefs of it by the U.(s of that 
 dear generous Liquor ? She added, that for 
 herPart j fhe was very fenfible nothing but Wine 
 could prolong her Days ; but that, were it to 
 fave her Life, fhe would never make Ufe 
 of it, if he himfelf was net the firft to let 
 her an Example. The King could not ftand 
 againft fo prefling a Solicitation, and drank 
 a large Cup of it, which inipired him with a 
 certain Brisknefs that he had no Notion of* 
 before ; and he took fuch a Fancy to it af- 
 terwards, that he abandoned himfelf entirely 
 to it, inibmuch that it was rare to find him 
 fober, and capable of attending to the minu- 
 teft Affair of Government. 'Tis true, in- 
 deed, that, after his Pilgrimage to Mef&at) 
 which we fhall have Occafion to mention 
 herefter, a Pilgrimage which he undertook 
 by Way of Devotion, to vifit the Tombs of 
 fome famous Saints of his Seel:, he did not 
 drink Wine to that Excefs as before : But this 
 G 3, Amend-
 
 Amendment came too late, and he was front 
 that Time fb befbtted by the Exceffes he had 
 been guilty of in that Way, and fo buried 
 in the Pleafures of his Haram, that he would 
 not by any Means hear the Mention of Bu- 
 finefs, but left it all to the Difcretion of his 
 Minifters and Eunuchs, who governed the 
 Kingdom juft as they pleafed, and took the 
 greater Licence, becaufe they were very 
 fenfibie they had nothing to fear from a 
 Prince who was fo weak as to refer the very 
 Petitions he received, to them, without fo 
 much as reading them. Thus did the Eu- 
 nuchs, after having dilpoled of the Throne as 
 they liked, put themfelves alfo in a Condi- 
 tion to difpofe likewife of all the Prerogatives 
 of the Prince whom they had placed on it j 
 and who conducing himfelf juft according to 
 their Impreffions, not fo much in Acknow- 
 ledgment of the Obligation he had to them, 
 as from an Averfion to Care and Bufinefs, be- 
 came upon the Throne itfelf, no more than 
 a Cypher, or the Freeman of his Slaves. Now 
 becaufe this exorbitant Power of the Eunuchs 
 has been one of the principal Caufes of the 
 Ruin of the Kingdom, 'tis proper to go back 
 to the Origin of that Credit and Power, which 
 being pufhed to the utmoft Extremity in the 
 Reign of Schah-Huffein y produced that ama- 
 zing Revolution which is the Subjed of this 
 Hiftory. 
 
 THE
 
 (77) 
 
 THE Eunuchs under the preceding Kings' 
 and efpecially fince Schah-Abas the Great, 
 were always ihut up in the Haram without 
 having any Thing to do with the Govern- 
 ment, and only confined to the Occupations 
 within their Sphere, as Perlbns fct apart to 
 guard the Prince's Bed, and not his Throne. 
 The only confiderable Office to which they 
 were admitted, was that of keeping the King's 
 Treafures, and the Management of the Fi- 
 nances ; for which they feem'd more proper 
 than others, becaufe, as they had no Kindred 
 nor Heirs, to whom they could leave their 
 Wealth, they were under the lefs Temptation 
 of enriching themfelves at the Expence of the 
 King and the Publick. For heretofore they 
 were all Foreigners, ' and taken out of Coun- 
 tries the fartheil diftant from 'Perfia, as from 
 the fartheft Arabia, ieveral Parts ofthcJW&J, 
 Great Tartary, Abyjfinia, and China > and 
 it was an old State Maxim to admit no Eu- 
 nuch that was a <PerJian. The Realbn of 
 this Policy, was to the End that being feque 
 ter'd from their Families, which the Genera- 
 lity of them knew nothing of, and depending 
 upon no Body, they might be the more at- 
 tach'd to the Perfon of the King, and have 
 lefs Caufe , and fewer Opportunities to di- 
 vulge Abroad what was fecretly tranfafted in 
 the Haram. It appeared, however, that ia 
 the later Times, and in the Reign even of 
 Scbah-Sotyman, Father and Prcdeceflbr to the 
 G 3 King
 
 King lately dethroned, they began to make 
 a Breach into that wife Cuftom of admitting 
 no Eunuch that was a Terfian : Of this we 
 have a very evident Proof in the Voyages of 
 Tavernzer, Lib. v. Caf. 22. who tells us, 
 that he who commanded in the Fortrefs of 
 Lar, when he pafled through that City in 
 1665. was a 'Perfian that had obtained the 
 Government by the Favour of his Brother, 
 who was Meter? that is to fay, firft Valet 
 de Chambre to the King ; a Poft which, \s 
 he obferves himielf elfewhere, is always con- 
 ferrM upon a white Eunuch, and which is 
 the prettier Employment, becaufe he that has 
 it is always near the King's Perfon, and fol- 
 lows him wherever he goes \ fo that the Meter, 
 lays, M. Tavernier, is looked upon as one 
 of the firft and moft conflderable Officers of 
 the Court. He adds afterwards, that this Go- 
 vernor of the Fortrefs of Lar y feeing hiss 
 Brother advanced in Years, and having four 
 Sons, thought fit to have the youngeft cat- 
 trated, that he might have his Uncle's Poft, 
 but that the Operation being ill performed, 
 the Child died at the End of three or four 
 Days, to the great Sorrow of the Father, who 
 was quite alhamed and confounded. 
 
 WHAT 
 
 *Tavernier is not confiftent with himfelf as to the Nature of this 
 Office, for he makes this Merer fometimes the Chief Valet tie Cham- 
 ire, at other Times Grand Mafter of the Wardrobe, and fometimes 
 firft Gentleman of the 'Bed-Chamber. Sir John Chardin in his Ac 
 yftkt CervunriM of Solymw makes him Great Chamberlain,
 
 (79) 
 
 WHAT M. Tavernitr fays relating to the 
 Shame and Confuiion of the Governor of Lar 
 upon this Occafion, is a plain Proof of the 
 Contempt they had in Terjia for fuch oi* 
 their Countrymen as difhonoured themfeives 
 by fo unworthy a Debafement of Manhood ; 
 and this makes it probable that their Num- 
 ber was not great. Confequently the Bulk of 
 the Eunuchs confifted only of Foreigners, who 
 were purchafed at a good Price when Children, 
 the common Pay for fuch being fifty Tomans 
 a Head, which is about three thoufand Livres. 
 Being carried from their Childhood into the 
 Haram, there they were brought up with all 
 the Care and Delicacy poffible, in order to 
 render them the more in love with the King's 
 Service, to whofe Goodnels they were obli- 
 ged for all the Sweets of Life which they 
 cnjoy'd there. But the Pleafure they found 
 within the Haram did not free them from 
 Contempt when they went Abroad, where 
 they always rode upon Mules or Afles, or elfe 
 walked a-foot, not being allowed the Ufe of 
 Horfes. As often as they appeared, in Pub- 
 lick, they were fure to be hooted at by the 
 Populace, which was not difpleafing to the 
 Kings, who permitted it very willingly, from 
 a Notion they had, that the Contempt and 
 Averfion which the Publick exprefTed for 
 thofe Wretches, would be one Reafon why 
 they ought to be the more devoted to their 
 Princes, from whom they receive nought but 
 G 4
 
 good Ufage and Favours. But Things had 
 quite another Afped in the Reign of Schab- 
 Hujftin, during which thole very People 
 that were before the Objed of the Scorn and 
 Ridicule of all that pafled by, never went 
 Abroad without the moft iplendid Equipage, 
 and with a Train and Retinue that taught 
 the People to pay Refped to thofe whom they 
 had been ufed to defpife. Inftead of being 
 afhamed of their Condition then, they valued 
 themfelves upon it, and carried the Jeft fo 
 far upon this Head, as to caufe an Edid: to 
 be published in the King's Name, forbidding 
 the making of Capons ; which fhew'd as if 
 thofe Half- Men were uneafy to fee a fort of 
 fpecifick Character, which they pretended 
 was an Honour to their Perfons, proftituted to 
 brute Creatures, 
 
 TOWARDS the Clofc of Schah- So ly man's 
 Reign they began to open a Way to that fur- 
 prizing Credit which they attained to under 
 his SucceiTor, This Monarch who had hither- 
 to always kept them on the antient Footing, 
 fell, unhappily for him and his Pofterity, into 
 that State of Infirmity and Decay, wherein 
 they who command the reft of Mankind are 
 at the Mercy of their Officers and Domefticks, 
 and at the Difcretion of trnir Phyficians and 
 Valets de Chambre. As they have more 
 Reafons to be fond of Life than the moft 
 happy of their Subjects, and, as by the Care 
 that is taken to keep at a Diftance every 
 
 Thing
 
 Thing that may give them the leaft Trouble, 
 they are not fo much ufed to fuffering as 
 others, all Services which tend either to 
 divert the Danger, or to diminifh the pre- 
 fent Affliction, rife in Value in proportion 
 to the Senfe of what they fuffer, and to their 
 Abhorrence of Death. In Situations of this 
 Kind, a flight Service done to their Perfons 
 affeds them much more than great Service 
 performed to the State, and all the Merit of 
 the moft important Victory is nothing in their 
 Eftimation to the Merit of giving a little Eafe 
 in the Extremity of Pain. 
 
 SUCH was the Condition Schah-Solyman 
 was reduced to by a very painful Gout, which 
 confined him to his Bed two whole Years, 
 during which, being ftiut up within the Walls 
 of his Haram, where none but Eunuchs came 
 near his Pcrfon, they were familiar to him, and 
 he looked upon their Attendance on his Perfon 
 -with another Eye to what he did before: 
 Their Care, their Uneafinefs, their Readinefs 
 in the minutelt Services, fecmed to him to be 
 of quite another Value than he ufed to put 
 upon them. He found they had Knowledge, 
 Learning, and Sentiments which he had not 
 yet perceived : He gave Ear to their Councils 
 with Delight : His Efteem for them increaled 
 every Day ; and as the Interefts of his King- 
 dom were not more at his Heart, than thofe of 
 his Health and Life, he thought he could not 
 $o better than to truft the former with Per- 
 fons
 
 (**) 
 
 fons, to whom he had fo happily trufted the 
 latter. The Diftance of his Minifters who 
 remained without, and with whom he could 
 have fcarce any Communication, feemed to 
 put him under the Neceflity of dealing thus, 
 and of granting, as he did, the general Super- 
 intendency of the Government of the King- 
 dom, over the Heads of all the Minifters and 
 great Officers, to an Eunuch in whom he had 
 plac'd an extraordinary Confidence. 
 
 'Tis true, that his more than ordinary Merit, 
 being a Man of a great Genius and uncommon 
 Capacity, feem'd, as it were before-hand to 
 juftify the King's Choice ; but the Event of 
 Things juftified it yet more: For Chagia- 
 *Drak, which was the Eunuch's Name, ma-, 
 nag'd Affairs fo wifely, providing for every 
 Thing, preventing Diicontents , pacifying 
 Commotions in their Birth^ and impreffing 
 Fear and Refpet on the boldeft, by propa- 
 gating feafonable Reports, as to the Recovery 
 of the King's Health, that the Kingdom loit 
 nothing by that Prince's Ina6tion during his 
 Illnefs. This he found himfelf, as foon as his 
 Health was reftor'd; and 'twas this that in- 
 duced him to form out of the chief of his 
 Eunuchs, whom he join'd in Commiflion 
 with Him that had ferv'd him ib well du- 
 ring his Illnefs, a particular Council, which 
 he render'd fuperior to all the Minifters. 
 He flatter'd himfelf, he had a double Advan- 
 tage in this new Eftablifhment ; for on the 
 
 one
 
 ('83. ) 
 
 one hand he thereby diverted upon the Eu. 
 nuchs the Odium of,what might Ibmetimes Ap- 
 pear harili in the Government; and on the 
 other hand, as Employments of fuch Impor- 
 tance gave the Eunuchs an Opportunity to 
 acquire great Riches, the King found his Ac- 
 compt in it, becaufe all their Eftates coming 
 to him by Right after their Death, the Trea- 
 fure they gathered muft be his. 
 
 ScHAH-HussEiN, who when he fucceed- 
 cd Schah-Solyman his Father, found Things 
 fettled on this Foot, was far from diminiming 
 the Prerogatives or Authority of the Perfbns 
 that had lately plac'd him on the Throne, and 
 of whofe Afliftance, even though he had not 
 lain under an Obligation to them of that Im- 
 portance, his natural Incapacity and Genius 
 accuftom^d to Subjection, would have obliged 
 him to make ufe for fupporting a Crown, the 
 Weight of which was too heavy for him. 
 
 THUS therefore did the Eunuchs become 
 under Schah-Huffein, the Arbiters of Af- 
 fairs, the Difpenfers of Employments and 
 Favours, and abfolute Mafters of the Govern- 
 ment, afluming to themfelves the Authority 
 of all Offices, which were little more than 
 empty Titles in the Hands of thofe that held 
 'em ; for though Affairs pafs'd as formerly, 
 through the Hands of thefe Titulars, they 
 did not dare to decide any Thing of Impor- 
 tance, without taking Orders from thofe chief 
 Mafters, who compos'd a fovereign Senate^ 
 
 in
 
 in which every Thing was drawn up over 
 Night that was to be laid next Day before 
 the King's Council. The Atbemat-*Doulet * 
 /. e. Prime Minifter, was no more exempt 
 from this Servitude than the other Minifters 
 or Officers of inferior Note. The only Per- 
 fon that wanted to be free from it, and to 
 fhake off the Yoke of fb ihameful a Depen- 
 dance, far'd the worfe for it, and though none 
 could reproach him, fell under the moil cruel 
 Difgrace, as will be fhewn in due Time : Not 
 but that the common and lefs important Af- 
 fairs ran in the ufual Channel, and always re- 
 niain'd at his Difpofal ; but as to grand Affairs, 
 fuch as making Peace or War, Treaties with 
 foreign Powers, and the Nomination of the 
 Viceroy fhips or Governments of Provinces 
 and lefier Towns, as well as of all Subaltern 
 Offices ; all this was refervM to the Sovereign 
 Senate of the Eunuchs, who while the King 
 was buried in the Delights of his Haram, and 
 not Ib much taken up with the Government 
 of his Dominions as the leaft of his Subjects, 
 difpofed of the chief Places of his Kingdom, 
 and of the Fortunes of all the Grandees as 
 they pleafed, in his Name. Neither the Merit 
 nor Services of the Candidates were con- 
 lider'd in the Diftribution of Offices, to 
 which there was no Accefs, but by the Inte- 
 reft and Favour of thofe to whom the King 
 had left the arbitrary Difpofal. Thofe Wret- 
 ches, more covetous, though they had no Heirs 
 i to
 
 (85) 
 
 to leave their Treafures to, than fuch general* 
 ly are who have numerous Families , fold 
 their Protection for Gold, and drove a pub- 
 Jick Trade, as it were, in Governments and 
 Employments. Offices were cliipofed of, not 
 to the moft deferving, but to the higheft Bid- 
 der. This Diforder, very pernicious in it felf, 
 proved yet worfe in its Confequences : In the 
 firft Place, becaufe it ftifled all Emulation, 
 and made People indifferent in acquiring the 
 neceffary Knowledge and Qualifications, no 
 Body giving themfelves the Trouble to ob- 
 tain or cultivate Talents, which they faw were 
 of no Service. Secondly, becaufe fiich as at- 
 tain'd to Offices by this Method, having drein'd 
 their Pockets to purchafe them, were no foon- 
 er in Place, but they pratlifed all Manner of 
 Extortion, and made a Penny of every Thing, 
 not only to reimburfe themfelves the Sums it 
 coft them to obtain their Employments, but 
 alfo that they might be in a Condition to fup- 
 port their Characters. 
 
 IN fhort, the infatiable Avarice of the Eu- 
 nuchs that governed in the Name of Schah- 
 HuJJein, pufhM their Oppreffions to fuch Ex- 
 cefs, that the like had not been known under 
 any of his Predeceflbrs ; and it was fbme fort 
 of Excufe for the moft criminal Extortions of 
 thofe that governed in the Provinces. As 
 thus; 
 
 'TWAS a very conftant Cuflom in Terjia, 
 in the Difpofai of Governments, to beitow 
 
 them
 
 (86) 
 
 them for Life ; and fcarce any were difplac'c!^ 
 unlefs they had given Occafion by too fla- 
 grant A&s of Injuftice, or unlefs it was to pro- 
 mote them to more confiderable Stations; ib 
 that if they had been oblig'd to advance any 
 Sums for their Places, as 'twas ten to one but 
 they had, though their Expences were much 
 more moderate than in the Reign of Scbab* 
 Hvffeitt, yet they had not the other Ex- 
 a&ions to fear from the Court afterwards, 
 fave only when the King fent them the Ca- 
 laate^ the Name they give to the rich Veft 
 with which the King prefented the Gover* 
 nors of Towns or Provinces, as a Mark of 
 his Satisfaction with their paft Adminiftration, 
 and as a Title which confirmed them again in 
 their Poft. To carry this Veft, fome Offi- 
 cer of the Court was generally chofe, whom 
 the King or his Minifters had a Mind to gra- 
 tify ; for they were oblig'd, not only to de- 
 fray the Expences of his Journey, and during 
 his Stay, but alfo to make him a confiderable 
 Preient, which was alfo tax'd fbmetimes at 
 the King's Pleafiire. But as under the Pre- 
 deceflbrs of Schah Huflein the Calaate was 
 fent but once a Year, and generally at the 
 Beginning of the Year, which in 'Perjia takes 
 Date at the Vernal Equinox, thefe Expen- 
 ces were looked upon as Part of the ordinary 
 Charge annexed to the Office, and could 
 not lerve the Governor as a Pretence to op- 
 prefs the People under his Jurifdidion, But 
 i \ it
 
 Jc was not fo under Schah-Huffein ; the Preient 
 that was made but once aYear under his Prede- 
 cefTors being made almoft every Month during 
 his Reign, and thofe Calaates, or Royal Veils, 
 were lent fb often, that there were Governors 
 who boafted they had as many for Change, 
 as they had Shirts. Neverthelels they did 
 not complain againft it ; for they found their 
 Account in it, becaufe by favour of thole ex- 
 traordinary Prefents, and under Colour of the 
 Gratuity which they were obliged to make to 
 the Officer that brought them, theyjailed-ten 
 Times as much upon the People. The Eu- 
 nuchs on their Part found their Advantage in 
 it ; for beiides that it gave them an Opportu- 
 nity to gratify their Creatures, withou^any 
 Expence to themfelves, by procuring them 
 fo lucrative a Commiflion as the carrying of 
 the Calaate co the Governors, the latter un- 
 derftood their own Intereft better than to let 
 thole Meifengers return to Court without 
 loading them with rich Prefems for their 
 Mailers, the whole at the Expence of the 
 poor People, who were more and more drain'd 
 by Jobs of that kind fo frequently repeated, 
 and were Hill farther exhaufted by the Alte- 
 rations of Governors, which for Reaibns that 
 Ihall be mentioned hereafter, became very 
 frequent under the Reign of Schah-Huf- 
 fein. 
 
 THIS may eafily be imagin'd, if it be con- 
 fiderM what the Power of thofe Governors 
 
 was
 
 (88) 
 
 was in the Provinces where they commanded j' 
 and where they were deem'd as ib many So- 
 vereigns : For no fboner did the Advice come 
 of the Nominationrof a new Governor, but the 
 chief Men of the Province met in aBody 3 and be- 
 gan by regulating the Sum which was certainly 
 to be raifed forthwith, either for the Charge of 
 the Governor's Reception,which they took care 
 to make with fuch Magnificence as fhould 
 pleafe him, or for the Prefents which they 
 were obliged to make over and above, by the 
 Value of which he rated the Efteem and Re- 
 gard they had for his Perfbn. For this Pur- 
 pofe they fixed a Sum of three or four thou- 
 land Tomans to be raifed, in equal Propor- 
 tions, by the private Men of the Province j 
 and as they who fettled the Sum were the ve * 
 ry Men chargM with the AfleiTment, they 
 were ib cunning that they found Means to 
 gain fix Times as much by it. This was the 
 Method they took in all the extraordinary 
 Contributions which they laid upon the Peo- 
 ple. 
 
 How burthenfome foever this Reception of 
 new Governors was to the Province, and to 
 private People, it was tolerable however when 
 it happen'd but feldom ; and this perhaps is 
 one of the Reafons that had induced the Pre- 
 deceffors of Schab-HuJfein to give Govern- 
 ments for Life, and not to change them with- 
 out great Reafons, the rather becaufe thoic 
 
 Alte-
 
 Alterations could not be made without taking 
 vaft Sums of Money from the Province. 
 
 To underftand this, you muft know that 
 in 'Pcrjia, though none but the King has a 
 Right to coin Silver Money, the Governors 
 of the Province have a Right to coin Copper : 
 And this Money, which is fixed at a certain 
 value in their Province while they command 
 there, finks one Half in the Value when 
 they are difplaeed, and never goes for any 
 more in the other Provinces ; Ib that a Piece 
 of Copper which is worth Ten Pence in the 
 Province where the Governor commands with 
 Whofe Stamp it was coined, is worth ;but Five 
 Pence in all the other Provinces of the King- 
 dom ; and fuffers the fame Abatement in his 
 own too, the Moment he gives Place to his 
 SuccefTor. By this Means, a Man who goes 
 to Bed at Night with a Ten-penny Piece in 
 his Breeches, finds but Five Pence there in the 
 Morning, if the Governor was chang'd in the 
 Night. And it was hardly poffible but thefe 
 Alterations muft often happen under a Prince 
 fo weak as Scbab-Hujfes y led too by People 
 who, at the fame Time that they governed 
 him, could not agree with one another. 
 
 THOSE who have rend the Accounts of 
 *PerJia know, that there, as well as in Turky, 
 the Princes make ufe of two Sorts of Eunuchs, 
 fome black and others white ; that the firft 
 are for the Guards of the Women in the In- 
 ner- Haram,where they are kept fhut up \ and 
 
 H the
 
 (#0 
 
 the others to attend the King, or for the 
 Guard of the Princes of the Royal Blood, in 
 a particular Haram feparate from that of the 
 Women. 
 
 THE Council of the Eunuchs, which Schab- 
 Huffein had form'd, after the Example of his 
 Predeceffor, and to whom he had left a grea- 
 ter Share of Empire and Authority than they 
 had in the preceding Reign, confifted of the 
 Chief of theie two forts of Eunuchs, who ha- 
 ving equally contributed to place Schah~Huf- 
 fem upon the Throne, equally fharcd in his 
 Acknowledgment. No wonder that the Eu- 
 nuchs of thefe two Sorts did not agree : The 
 very Difference of their Complexions was 
 enough to found a natural Antipathy be- 
 tween the two Parties ; and the Jealoufy of 
 Favour and Authority which each Party 
 ftrove to gain over the other, was a vaft Ad- 
 dition to it. But what rendered it more incu- 
 rable is, that is was founded upon a Spirit 
 of Fadtion which the Kings of Yer/ia* from 
 Schah-Abas the Great, who firft introduced 
 this Maxim in Government, thought it was 
 Policy to keep up, not only between the Eu- 
 nuchs and the Grandees of the Court, but al- 
 fo among all their Subjects. 
 
 THIS Prince who afcended the Throne in 
 f i^8<$. and who is looked upon in Terjia as 
 the Reftorer of the Monarchy, had left to his 
 Succeffors, among the moft important Secrets 
 for the Maintenance of their Authority, that 
 
 dangerous
 
 dangerous Maxim, 'Divide & Impera. As 
 the Crown had not been long in his Family, 
 and as he was but the Great Great-Grandibn 
 of Schab-Ifmael) the firft of the Sophies that 
 had ufurp'd it from the antient Kings, he was 
 even more upon his Guard againft his Subje&s 
 than againft his Neighbours. In order to 
 make fure of the one by the Antipathy of the 
 other, he took Care to introduce into all the 
 Cities of this Kingdom, foreign Colonies of 
 fuch Nations as were 'the leaft likely of ma- 
 king Alliances, and whofe Genius, Charac- 
 ter, Humor, Cuftoms, Manners, and Lan- 
 guage too, were moft oppofite and incompa- 
 tible. Out of all thefe different Nations a- 
 iembled in the lame Towns, and obliged to 
 live under the fame Laws, he found Means, 
 by lowing Divifion among them, to form in 
 each Town two Factions ib oppofite, and Ib 
 much Enemies one to the other, that People 
 of different States, in Arms againft one ano- 
 ther, do not pufh their Averlion and Enmity 
 farther. 
 
 THESE two Fa&ions, one of which was 
 called ^Pelenk) and the other Felenk, and which 
 were diftinguifhed from one another by the 
 particular Colour that each chofe for the Neck- 
 Bands of their Shirts, were equally diftributed 
 in every Town, where they formed, as it were, 
 two different Nations, that had no Relation 
 with one another ; the one Party not being 
 able ocontrad Marriage, or even to eat with 
 
 H 2, the
 
 (9*) 
 
 the other. Each of thefe Factions had their 
 Eftates feparate, and fb inalienable, that \yhat* 
 ever happened, the Houfes and Lands ap- 
 pertaining to either of the two Parties, 
 could not devolve to the other. It was 
 efpecially at the Celebration of the famous 
 Feaft of Hocen, and Huffein^ Alt's Son-in- 
 ILaw, that the Enmity of the two Parties 
 broke out in a more remarkable manner, by 
 means of the Permiffion that was then given 
 them to Fight. Though they did it without 
 Arms, becaufe they were not fuffered to make 
 ufe of any Thing elle but Stones and Sticks, 
 it was with fb much Fury and Blood-ftied, 
 that the King was often obliged to employ his 
 Guards to feparate them with drawn Swords : 
 And hard was it to accompliih it, even with a 
 Method fo effectual, inlbmuch that at IJpa- 
 ban in 1714. they were under a Neceffity, be- 
 fore they could feparate the Combatants, to- 
 put above Three hundred to the Sword on the 
 Spot. 'Tis true that the Spirit of Superfti- 
 tion contributed not a little to keep up and 
 aggravate the Animofity of the two Parties \ 
 for they who happened to fall in Battles of 
 this Nature, were looked upon as Martyrs. 
 Inftead of pitying them they were envy'd, 
 and People were very fcrupuious of having 
 fo much as a Thought of revenging a Death, 
 which proved to them in the Nature of an 
 Apotheofis. When the Battle was over, each 
 Faction carefully took up the Bodies of their 
 lefpedive Party, which had the Happincis, 
 
 accor-.
 
 (93) 
 
 according to them, to fall a Sacrifice to fb 
 holy a Solemnity ; and they were buried with 
 all the Pomp and Veneration that feemed due 
 to Peribns that were looked upon as the Friends 
 and Favourites of the great Prophet Alt. 
 
 THIS maflacring Feaft of Huffein was ce- 
 lebrated with the fame Pomp, and the fame 
 Difbrders in all the Towns of Terjia. The 
 Governors prefide at them, furrounded with 
 their Guards, which they alfo employed to 
 feparate the Combatants, when their proceeding 
 to Blows forced them to it. Notwithftanding 
 the Confufion and Trouble which fuch a fort 
 of civil War muft occafion, the Houfes on both 
 Sides were fecured from Plunder ; and if it 
 happened that any one was broke open, thofe 
 of the oppofite Party were fined in great Sums, 
 to make good the Damages, &c. 
 
 SCHAH-ABAS the Great who had eftablifh- 
 ed thofe Guftoms , was fenfible that there 
 was nothing more proper to keep up in every 
 City the Animofity of the two Factions into 
 which it was divided ; and upon whofe An- 
 tipathy he founded the Security of theThrone 
 more than upon any Thing elfe ; and it muft 
 be confeffed that, how ft range Ibever his Poli- 
 cy appeared in this Refpeft, it always had the 
 Effect he propofed, which was to hinder any 
 Town from rifing unanimouily in Rebellion 
 againftthePrince.Things werefo managed, that 
 the two Factions in each Town were as ftrong 
 one as the other, and equally incenfed with 
 H 3
 
 one another. Their Children fuck'd with theiif 
 very Milk an A verfion, or rather an Abhorrence 
 for every Thing that belonged to the contra- 
 ry Party. The continual and determinate Re- 
 folution to avoid all Manner of Dealings with 
 one another, and every Shadow of Relation 
 and Affinity that might tend in the leaft to 
 bring them acquainted, only ferved to foment 
 that tforror, and to fortify it by a Habit. A 
 mutual. Diffidence kept each Party to their 
 Duty, and neither of the two dared to ftir 
 for fear of giving Advantage to the other, 
 which, when fupported by the Forces and Au- 
 thority of the Government, could not fail of 
 gaining the Afcendant, ' 
 
 THIS Wall of Separation ere&ed by Schah- 
 "Abas in all Parts of the Kingdom, and care- 
 fully kept up by the Skill and Vigilance of 
 the Governors, had more Force and Virtue 
 towards maintaining the Peace of the Cities and 
 Provinces, than the moft numerous Garrifbns 
 could have had; fb that from theTime ofSchah- 
 Abas, to the Troubles of the latter Times, 
 there was not one Town tfiat difcovered fb 
 much as a Thought of revolting ; and if the 
 fame Policy had been obferved at Candahar^ 
 as in the other Governments of the Kingdom, 
 'tis not to be doubted but it would have re- 
 moved all Pretence for that Rebellion which 
 was the Caufe of the late Revolution. 
 
 WHEN Schah-Abas the Great took that 
 j his firlt Care was to eftablifh -two dif- 
 ferent
 
 ferent Factions in it, and to keep them up 
 by the fame Methods which he made ufe of 
 in the other Towns of his Monarchy. But 
 the City being retaken by the Mogul, under 
 the Reign of Schah-Sefi, Grandibn and Suc- 
 ceflbr to Schah-Ab*s, the Cuftoms which the 
 latter had eftablifhed there, vanifhed by De- 
 grees, and were abolifhed by Non-uiage : 
 And though Schah-Abas II. Son and Succe- 
 for to Schah-Sefi y reconquered it afterwards, 
 yet either from a fort of Regard for a Fron- 
 tier Town, which they had a Mind to fpare, 
 or from the Indolence of the Minifters, they 
 neglected to revive the fame Seeds of Difcord, 
 and the fame Practices which Schah-Abas\\. 
 had eftablifhed there when he conquered it ; 
 a Negligence which it was not forefeen, 
 would have been attended with Confequences 
 fo fatal, and which, as was afterwards proved, 
 coft the Race of the Sophies the Lois of the 
 Throne. 
 
 THE fomenting of thefe Civil Difcords was 
 one of that kind of Engines which require 
 skilful Hands to manage them, and which 
 caufe as much Diforder when they come to 
 fall in Pieces, and to be entangled by the Fol- 
 ly or Luke-warmnefs of thofe who have the 
 Direction of them, as they do Good in a State 
 when they are well conducted, and theirSprings 
 kept in good Repair. This was the very Cafe 
 in the Reign of Schah-Huffeitt, during which 
 thofe domeftick Animolities between the In* 
 
 H 4 habtants
 
 (9* ) 
 
 habitants of one and the fame Town, being 
 no longer moderated by an Authority ftrong 
 enough to keep them within due Bounds, 
 quickly broke out into open Wars. The two 
 Parties did not attack one another now with 
 Stones and Clubs, but with martial Arms- 
 and, upon fbme Occafions, Matters were pufh- 
 edfo far, that after a great deal of Blood fpilt, 
 they were obliged to fend for Troops on Pur- 
 pofe from the Neighbouring Provinces, in or- 
 der to force the Combatants on both Sides to 
 part, and to reftore Peace. Thefe Outrages 
 were the more frequent, becaule the Gover- 
 nors of the Towns, who found their Account 
 in it, contributed to them ; and, after having 
 fecretly kindled the Flame by Means of their 
 Emiflaries, who fet them together by the Ears, 
 they made a Handle of it to condemn each 
 Party to a great Fine 3 which they put in their 
 own Pockets. 
 
 THE fame Spirit of Difcord and Antipathy 
 raged in the Country, as in the City ; and 'tis 
 certain, indeed, that when fuch Divifions are 
 well managed, a Prince is fure to find in one 
 Half of his Subjects a good Safeguard againft 
 the Enterprises of the other. But, on the 
 other hand, when this Policy is carried too 
 far, it deprives him of the Service of thofe 
 Forces which would undoubtedly be a great 
 Aififtance to him, if their mutual Animoiity 
 did not hinder their acting in Concert. Schah- 
 Huffein fadly experienced this during the 
 
 Siege
 
 (91) 
 
 fiiege of Iffahan : Some Leagues from that 
 City there were two very brave Nations, who 
 lived under Tents, after the Manner of the 
 Tartars^ viz. the Lorians, and the Bachti- 
 larians. Each of them was able to raife an 
 Army of 20000 Men, one of which was iuf- 
 ficient to force the Rebels to raife the Siege. 
 But becaufe each Army was divided into two 
 Fadions, like the reft of the Kingdom, and 
 becaufe each of thofe Factions was for de- 
 priving the other of the Honour that might 
 accrue to it of having delivered the Capital, 
 they could never agree to make War together ; 
 ib that this Army, which, if they had been 
 united and acted in Concert, would have in- 
 fallibly defeated the Rebels, and faved the 
 King and the Capital, was defeated itfelf, 
 and put to flight, becaufe they were divided 
 into two Bodies, which acting feparately and 
 independently on each other, were too weak 
 a-part to make Head againft an Enemy equal 
 jn Valour, and much fuperior in Number. 
 
 SUCH, therefore, was the Conftitution of 
 the Government in ^Perjla^ which was only 
 fupported by an exad Equilibrium between 
 the Parties. The Spirit of Divifion was there- 
 in fb generally propagated, that there was 
 not a fingle Man but was of one or other 
 Fadion. From hence 'tis eafy to imagine 
 what JHLavock it made at the Court, that is 
 to fey, in a Country where the Spirit of Fac- 
 tion was always kept up, when it was baniflied 
 
 from
 
 from the reft of the World. Indeed it did 
 not break out there, as it did among the Com- 
 mon People, in Infults, Quarrels, and Scufc 
 fles ; but Attacks are not the lefs vigorous 
 and dangerous for being filent and crafty. 
 There were always two Fadions at Court in 
 the Reigns of Scbab-HuffeifisPredeceffoits, as 
 #vell as in his Time ; but the Diforders they 
 occafioned were not the fame by much, as they 
 were at the Court of Schah-Hu/ein. As thofe 
 Princes governed by themfelves ; and as they 
 knew how to ftrike a Terror, their Authori- 
 ty kept both [Parties in Awe ; and if any 
 Storm was formed to the Umbrage of the 
 Throne, a Regard for the Sovereign quickly 
 difperfed it. But it was not fb in the Reign 
 of Schah-Huffein^ who was a Prince formed 
 rather for Obedience than Command, too 
 fimple to difcover the Artifices of thofe who 
 were about him, and too weak to defend 
 himlelf againft them, if he had known their 
 Defigns. The Eunuchs, whofe Authority, 
 though it was great fb early as the latter Times 
 of his Predeceffor Schah-SoLyman, was always 
 checked by the Fear of difpleafing a King, 
 who in the Choice of his Minifters, defigned 
 they fhould be no more than Minifters, were 
 not under the fame Reftraint in the Reign of 
 Schah-Huffem his Son and SuccelTor : And 
 being inverted with a Power which made them 
 like fb many Kings, they could have defired 
 nothing more, if they ^could but haye agreed tir 
 
 gether,
 
 (99) 
 
 gether. But it was a Thing impofljble, con- 
 fidering the inveterate Antipathy which there 
 was between the White Eunuchs and the Black 
 ones, and which the Kings of 'Perfia all along; 
 made it a Maxim in Politicks to keep up ana 
 foment. Schab-Huffein not able to keep a 
 Balance between the two Parties, to whom he 
 had equal Obligation, and to whom he was 
 under equal Subjection, gave Ear by Turns 
 to both, and each in Turn was oblig'd to fub- 
 mit, from whence arofe thofe frequent Alte- 
 rations which were made in the Governments, 
 in the Command of the Armies, and in the 
 principal and moft important Places of the 
 Kingdom. 
 
 THE Eunuchs of the two Complexions 
 agreed only in one Thing, which was to have 
 the Management of all Affairs, ^xclufive of 
 all other Perfons. But beyond this, each of 
 thefe Cafts had their feparate Views and par- 
 ticular Creatures, which each Party endea- 
 vour'd to advance, as well to make a Shew of 
 their Credit., as to fupport their Fortune. 
 And as there was no Preferment to be got, 
 but through the Canal of thofe Almighty 
 Minifters and Difpenfers of all Favours, there 
 was a Neceflity of adhering to either the White 
 or Black Eunuchs, of whofe two Factions, 
 by neceifary Confequence, the whole Court 
 confiftcd. When either of the two Parties 
 liad procur'd a Government for one of their 
 Creatures., the contrary Party prefently let 
 
 all
 
 I@O 
 
 all Engines at Work to remove him, and to 
 put one of theirs in his Place; and it being 
 always more eafy to do Hurt than Good, eipe- 
 cially under a weak Prince, the End was ob- 
 tainM with little or no Difficulty. But the 
 new Subftitute was no fooner in Place, than he 
 was exposed to the fame Shocks, and imme- 
 diately demolifh'd. Confequently every Go- 
 vernor who judged what might come to pals 
 from what had happened, and who by the 
 fpeedy Removal of his Predeceflbr, was war- 
 ned that his own was at hand, left no Time, 
 but halten'd to fill his Purie, that he might 
 have wherewithal to purchafe a new Place, 
 or to defend himfelf againft any Profecution 
 he had to apprehend for his Oppreflions, the 
 whole at the Expence of the poor People, 
 who were fleeced in all Refpects by thofe too 
 frequent Alterations, as has been already ob- 
 ferv'd. 
 
 THE fame Thing was done, but with much 
 greater Prejudice to the State, with Refped 
 to the Command of the Armies : A General 
 fway'd by either of the two Fa&ions, was no 
 fooner fet out upon any Expedition, but the 
 other did all they could to render it abortive ; 
 the Troops were never in the Condition they 
 ihould be, neither for Number nor Quality, or 
 elfe they did not arrive foon enough in the 
 Field : Ammunition or Provilions were al- 
 ways wanting, infomuch that an Army, which 
 was already half ruin'd by Scarcity and the 
 
 Want
 
 c 
 
 Want of the greateft NecefTaries, did not 
 hold out againft an Enemy far inferior in 
 Number; and to this was owing the Ruin of 
 feveral flourifhing Armies in the Reign of 
 Schab-Huffein, which were cut in Pieces with 
 their Generals in the Wars which the State 
 had engag'd in againft the Lejgians and Agb~ 
 vans. Nothing perhaps contributed more than 
 this ill Conduct to draw the latter to IJpahatt^ 
 of which they at laft made themfclves Mat- 
 ters. What is moft deplorable in all this, is, that 
 notwithstanding the Defblation over the whole 
 Kingdom from Lofles fo confiderable, none 
 bore a Part in it but the Adherents of the 
 Eunuchs, who had efpoufed the routed Ge- 
 neral, while thole of the contrary Party tri- 
 umph'd in the publick Calamity, of which 
 they had under hand been the firft Movers : 
 They did not value the Death of 30000 Men 
 the Prejudice the oppofite Faction received by 
 fuch a Faction, made them eafy, while the 
 whole Kingdom fuffer'd by it ; and when an 
 able experienced General dropp'd, they con- 
 fider'd it in no other View, than as the Lois 
 of an Enemy that made Way for one of their 
 Creatures. Thus did thefe Halves of Men 
 infolently fport with the Fortune of the Gran- 
 dees, the Lives of private Men, and the For- 
 ces of all the State. 
 
 *Tis furprizing that the Grandees of the 
 Kingdom could {offer under fuch bafe Ty- 
 ranny, without repining, and that they did 
 
 not
 
 not exert all the Credit and Authority which 
 they might derive from their Birth and Ser- 
 vices to fet themfelves free ; but the Seeds of 
 Jealoufy and Difcord which the Eunuchs had 
 had the Policy to propagate in the moft con- 
 liderable and moft potent Families, by fetting 
 Brothers againft Brothers, had put them out 
 of a Condition to undertake any Thing. This 
 they did with Regard to Altmerdam-Kan, the 
 greateft Captain of that Time in *PerJia, and 
 the only one perhaps that was capable to hinder 
 the Revolution, as he would infallibly have 
 done, if his Projects had not been thwarted. 
 The Power, Abilities, and great Reputation 
 of that Nobleman giving them Umbrage, they 
 let his own Brother upon his Back; and un- 
 der fome Pretence, or other, which Minifters 
 are never at a Lofs for to ruin whom they 
 pleafe, they turn'd him out of his Govern- 
 ment, which he held in the fame Nature as a 
 Principality hereditary in his Family; and 
 after having banifh'd him to Kyrman, they 
 put his Brother in his Place. They made 
 ufe of the fame Artifice againft the Princes of 
 Gengea and Georgia^ by overturning the an- 
 tient Order of Succeffion in their Families. 
 When the Anceftors of thofe Princes, whom 
 Schah-Abas the Great fubdued more by Cun- 
 ning than Strength, confented to become Vaf- 
 lals to the Crown, it was on Condition that 
 their Principalities fhould always remain he- 
 reditary in their Family : And though gene- 
 rally
 
 rally'ipeaking, the King of TPerJia had it in 
 his Power to chufe out of the Princes of one 
 and the fame Family, which Ibever he plea- 
 fed to be Governor in Chief, it was always 
 the conftant Practice under Scbah-Hu/em's 
 Predeceffors, to conform in that Point to the 
 Order of Nature, and to give the Preference 
 to the Elder, exclufive of the Younger. The 
 Eunuchs under Scbah-Huffein had no Regard 
 to this Cuftom, but having it only in their 
 View to divide and embroil Families, from a 
 Jealoufy of their Grandeur and Intereft, they 
 chofe which foever of the Family they 
 thought fit, to inveft him with the Principa- 
 lity, by preferring the Younger in Contempt 
 of the Elder. This irregular Conduct, which 
 made a Divifion in thofe^ great Families, and 
 fet the Brothers together by the Ears, turned 
 to the Prejudice of the State. They employ'd 
 thofe Forces to make War with one another, 
 which might have been ufefully employ'd 
 againft the Enemies of the Kingdom j nay, 
 often one of the Parties held Intelligence with 
 them, and under-hand affifted them ; fb that 
 upon a certain Occafion, when the Prince of 
 Gengea commanded the 'Perjian Army againft 
 the Lefgians upon the Frontiers of the King- 
 dom, he had like to have fallen into the Ene- 
 my's Hands, through the Treachery of his 
 Brother, whom they had unjuftly difpoiTefsM 
 of his Principality : For Wachtanga was the 
 only Prince of the Family of the Princes of 
 
 Georgia^
 
 io 4 3 
 
 Georgia, who, with regard to this 
 Difpofal of the Principalities, which the Eu- 
 nuchs had introduced, was Proof againft the 
 general Temptation ; for the Principality ha- 
 ving been offered to him to the Prejudice of 
 his elder Brother, hegeneroufly refufed it from 
 a Sentiment of Equity, faying, That if God 
 had been willing he fhould have been Prince 
 of Georgia, he would have fent him into the 
 World before his Brother ', to whom the Prin- 
 cipality rightfully belong' d as his elder Bro- 
 ther ^ and who could not be deprived of it 
 without Injuftice. 
 
 'Tis natural to imagine from the Manner of 
 giving away Governments in the Reign of 
 Schah-Huffein^ and by the frequent Changes 
 owing to the Intrigues of the two oppoiite 
 Factions of the White and Black Eunuchs, 
 that the People had a great deal to fuffer un- 
 der Governors who regarded their Poft no 
 more than a Place to bait at, made it more 
 their Study to pillage the Cities and Provin- 
 ces, than to keep up good Order ; and this 
 they did with the lefs Caution and Referve, 
 becaufe they were very feniible that they 
 might do it with Impunity. 
 
 ScHAH-HussEiN was born withaDifpofition, 
 which was kind, and an Enemy to all manner of 
 Violence : This Temper of his, in which there 
 was as great a Mixture of Fear and Folly, as 
 of true Humanity, required a wife Corrective 
 in a Prince of his Character. It happen'd, on 
 
 the
 
 C 105 ) 
 
 the cbntraiy, that it was even made worfe by 
 the felfifh Infinuations of the Eunuchs that 
 governed him ; and who by horribly repre- 
 lenting to him certain Infcances of Severity, 
 of which fome of his Predecellbrs had been 
 guilty, rendered him incapable of confenting 
 to any Severity, though never fo moderate 
 or neceffary. 
 
 NOTHING is more proper to chara&erife 
 this Prince, and to fhew what Notion he had 
 of Clemency, than a Paflage I am going to 
 mention, of which the whole Court was wit- 
 nefs. In the Gardens of his Palace there 
 was a Pond, on which a great Number of 
 Ducks was always fwimming. Schah-Huffein 
 took a Pleafure fometimes to fire his Piftol 
 over the Pond, not to hurt, but only to frighten 
 them. It happened one Day unluckily and 
 undefignedly, that one of thofe Shots wound- 
 ed fome of the Ducks j at which he himfelf 
 was as much terrified as if he had really com- 
 mitted Murder, and made the fame Exclama- 
 tion as is cuftomary in 'Perjia, upon the fhed- 
 ding of human Blood, by faying, Kanluol- 
 dum, i. e. I am polluted with Blood) and that 
 very Initant he caufed two hundred Tomans 
 to be given to the Poor, as an Atonement 
 for what he thought a great Sin. 
 
 A Prince who was fo tender confciencM in 
 the Point of wounding a few Ducks, was ve- 
 ry loth to give his Confent to the fhedding 
 of* humai Blood, though as a Punifhment of 
 I the
 
 ( 10* ) 
 
 the greateft Crimes : And for twenty Years, 
 and more, that his Reign had lafted, he never 
 pafs'd one Sentence of Death, and confe- 
 quently never put on the Red Habit, which 
 was the fpecifick Colour the Kings of Terfa 
 wore when they were to pronounce any Sen- 
 tence of Death. 
 
 THE Eunuchs found a two-fold Advan- 
 tage in that boundlefs Clemency, with which 
 they had infpir'd Schah-Huffein ; firft of all, 
 becaufe it fecur'd their own Heads upon their 
 Shoulders ;Tccondly_, becaufe contrary to the 
 Principles of good Government which the 
 Great Scbah-Abas had eftablifh'd, and con- 
 trary to the Practice of the Kings of 'Perfidy 
 they had reduc'd all the Pains, even in the 
 moft puniftiable Crimes, to Forfeitures and 
 Fines, which they had the Cunning, as we 
 lhall now obferve, to convert to their own 
 Profit. 
 
 BEFORE Schah-Huffeitfs Reign, nothing 
 was more unufual in the Punifhment of the 
 Grandees, than the Forfeiture of Eltate. 
 Their Heads paid for their Guilt, but the 
 Eftates remained in the Families, who by that 
 Means always fupported themfelves, and 
 were in a Condition to fill the great Pofts, and 
 to ferve the Prince with Dignity. In this they 
 conformed to the Maxims of the great Schah- 
 Abas, who among the political Principles he 
 left to his Succeflbrs, recommended this in 
 particular, that they ought to punifti the 
 
 i Great
 
 io 7 
 
 Great and the Rich with corporal Pains, and, 
 on the contrary j the Vulgar and the Poor 
 with pecuniary Fines. Ht made this Maxim 
 his Foundation, that the former being polFe^ 
 led of great Eftates, were more affected by 
 corporal Punilhment than by the Diminution 
 of their Wealth ; whereas the latter, who 
 abounded in nothing, would be affected more 
 by the leaft pecuniary Fine, than by bodily 
 Pains. And under the Reigns of that Prince, 
 and his Succeflbrs, to the laft who was de- 
 thron'd, when a great Man was guilty of any 
 Fault that did not deferve Death, he was 
 condemned to receive a certain Number of 
 Blows upon the Soals of his Feet ; a Punifh- 
 ment fo fevere, that fometimes they died of 
 it, or at leaft were not able for a long while 
 to fet their Feet upon the Ground. The 
 Confequence was, that the Fear of this 
 Puniihment for Faults that were not capital, 
 and the Apprehenfion of fuffering Death for 
 thofe that were, kept the chief Officers of the 
 Court, the Governors of the Towns and Pro- 
 vinces, and even the inferior Magiftrates, in 
 Awe, becaufe they were certain that the 
 ilighteft Abufe which they ihould ma^e of the 
 Authority they were trufted with, would be 
 feverely punifhed in their Perfons. 
 
 THE falfe Notion of Clemency, with which 
 
 the Eunuchs infpir'd Schah-HuJJein^ buried 
 
 thofe wile Maxims in Oblivion, and changed 
 
 I z the
 
 the Sentences of Death into Forfeiture of Ef- 
 tates, and corporal Punilhments into pecuniary 
 Fines, to the Advantage of thofe avaritious 
 Minifters, who abufing the Simplicity of their 
 Mafter, and the timorous Piety which he ex- 
 ercifed in his Religion, made him fcrupulous 
 of admitting into his pwn Treafure thole 
 Fines and Forfeitures which they reprefented 
 to him as the Fruits of Iniquity, and which 
 they made no Scruple to receive from his 
 Hands, as a Gratuity for themfelves, their 
 Adherents, and Creatures. 
 
 As Fear only is the nsoft effectual Motive 
 to keep Men in their Duty, efpecially among 
 People over whofe Conduct the Principles of 
 Religion and Morality have but fmall Influ- 
 ence, it was hardly poffible but the Aflurance 
 of Impunity muft relax all the Springs of Go- 
 vernment. Confequently all that were in Au- 
 thority in the Towns and Provinces, only 
 made ufe of it to fatisfy their infatiable Ava- 
 rice. Being periuaded that they had -nothing 
 to fear, provided they had wherewithal to 
 feed their Protestors, and that the worft they 
 could undergo, would be to refund Part of 
 what they had robb'd, they took care to plun- 
 der enough, that they might be in a Condi- 
 tion to live at their Eafe, even after they had 
 paid great Fines ; fo that all they minded, was 
 to invent and put in Pra&ice new Tricks every 
 Day to obtain their Ends.
 
 ( 109) 
 
 THE Tributes in ^Perjia are very moderate, 
 and, as every one knows what he is to pay, 
 the Recovery of it is not difficult nor bur- 
 thenfome to private Perfons. Every Town 
 or Village, for Inftance, is afTefTed to pay 
 a certain fixed Sum which ftands, as it were, 
 for the Capital of what it is to pay ; but the 
 cafual and indirect Extortions always far exceed 
 the Capital ; which will appear more plain 
 from what follows, 
 
 IN the Principality of Gengea there's a 
 Town confifting of two hundred Armenian 
 Families. This Town is Part of the Appen- 
 nage of the King's Mother, to whom it pays 
 fifty Tomans, or three thoufand Livres. It 
 happened fome Years ago, that in one Week 
 only a Fine of three hundred Tomans, or 
 eighteen thoufand Livres, was paid by fome 
 of the principal Townfmen. This is a Fad, 
 of which the Author who furnilhed the chief ' 
 Memoirs of this Hiftory was a Witnels. 
 
 ONE of the Princes of Georgia enjoys 
 five Towns, or Villages, which the King of 
 ferfia mortgaged to him in Hyrcania ; and 
 which brings him in a Revenue of forty-five 
 Tomans, or feventeen hundred Livres. There's 
 a fort of Intend ant called ^Deroga, who has 
 Jurifdi&ion over thofe fiveTowns, and whofe 
 Bufinefs is not only to raife that Sum, but al- 
 fo to do Juftice, and to prevent the Diforders 
 and Quarrels which often arife with the Inha- 
 bitants of the adjacent Towns, either upon 
 
 I 3 Accoun t
 
 (ilo) 
 
 Account'of Water, which is very " fcarce in 
 yerjia^ or on Account of the Pafture, which 
 every one difputes to that Degree that fome- 
 times they proceed to Blows. This 'Deroga 
 Jias twenty Guards, whom he is obliged to 
 maintain at his own Charge. Befides the Tri- 
 bute of forty-five Tomans which he levies up- 
 on the five Towns of his Jurifdidion, he is alfo 
 obliged to furniih forty-five UK -inner Co- 
 lour of a Free-Gift, to keep lurv^lf in his 
 Poft ,- and though he has no otfier Eftate 
 but the Fines, of which he is even oblU 
 ged to give one Half to his principal Patron, 
 he finds in the other Half of thofe Fines not 
 only enough to difcharge his Free- Gift, to 
 pay his twenty Guards, and to maintain him- 
 felf in Plenty, but allb to enrich himfelf. As 
 thefe Fines are arbitrary, there's Caufe to be- 
 lieve that thefe fort of Judges, who profit by 
 them, always extend them to the higheft 
 Pitch. 
 
 OF this we may judge by another Fa&, of 
 which my Author was Witnefs. In a Town 
 named Akuh, one of .the moft confiderable 
 that the Armenians poflefs in Terjia, the 
 *Deroga that commanded there perceiving a 
 private Man's Afs^who lived there, browzing 
 in his Neighbour's Vineyard, fined the Ow- 
 ner of the Afs fifty downs. The Owner of 
 the Vineyard asking Pardon Tor his Neigh- 
 bour, by reprefenting that he did not take 
 Qflfence at it; and that in order to keep up a 
 
 good
 
 (in ) 
 
 good Underftanding, and Friendfhip among 
 Neighbours, they did not take it amifs if any 
 one's Ais happened to ftray into a Neighbour's 
 Vineyard ; the wife ^Deroga upon this Repre- 
 fentation condemned the Owner of the Vine- 
 yard to the fame Fine of fifty Crowns ; and 
 then told them both, that it was to teach them 
 how to keep what they had. 
 
 BUT no wonder that a Deroga of a Vil- 
 lage fhould take that Liberty to opprefs the 
 People after that Manner in a Corner of a 
 Province, when the Deroga of Ifpahan itfelf, 
 in the Capital, and under the Nofe of the 
 King, launches out into Enormities that are 
 ftill more flagrant. One of the chief Func- 
 tions of this Magiftrate was to take care of 
 the Security of the City, efpecially againft 
 Night-Robbers ; in which reipect this muft 
 be faid in Juftice to him, that he was fuch an 
 Enemy to them, that, Thanks to his Care 
 and Vigilance, there was not one who efca- 
 ped him. But inftead of profecuting them, 
 when they were taken, he only obliged them 
 to ranlbm themfelves like Prifoners of War ; 
 and was fo exceeding civil to them, that when 
 he found any of them not in a Condition to 
 redeem their Liberty, he had the Charity to 
 let them out of Prifon in the Night-time to 
 commit frefh Robberies ; which they did with 
 the greater Security, becaufe fuch as were 
 fuppofed to be in Prifon, and who actually 
 came thither for fhelter, as ibon as they had 
 I 4 robbed,
 
 * ) 
 
 robbed, were far from being fufpe&ed j fb 
 that by the Means of a fecond Robbery they 
 fecured themfelves from the Punifhment they 
 had defer ved for the firft. What I have now 
 mentioned was publickly known to every Bo- 
 dy at Iffahan, not long before the Cify was 
 befieged. 
 
 AND while I am upon the Article of 
 this Magiftrate, I cannot omit a fecond Trick 
 of his, which will appear to be as flagrant 
 as the former. An Armenian going to him 
 for Juftice againft a Night-Robber who 
 broke open his Houfe, the Deroga commit- 
 ted the Thief to Prifon, order'd the Goods 
 he had ftolen to be brought home to his Houfe, 
 and then faid to the injured Party, that, if he 
 expected any Juftice, he muft prove the 
 Theft to him by Evidence, and that the 
 Goods Ib robbed did appertain to him. The 
 Armenian^ who was afraid of fome foul Play 
 from that ftrange Judge, thouglit the fhorteft 
 Way would be to compound with the Thief 
 himfelf,and to engage him, on giving him up 
 Part of the Goods which he had ftolen, tocon- 
 fefs the Theft before the Derpga. The Thief 
 confented to the whole, and confefled the 
 Robbery in Prefence of the Judge. The Ar- 
 menian, who thought the Affair was deter- 
 mined by the Confeflion of the Delinquent, 
 according to Law, was very far out in his 
 Reckoning, for the Deroga turning towards 
 him in a very cold Manner, faid, What !
 
 have you no better Witnefs to produce than 
 this ? A Rogue ! a Thief ! Ton would have 
 me take his Evidence ? GOj Friend., bring 
 me Witness of Credit ^ Witnejfes that are 
 unexceptionable j Muffulmen^ and not Arme- 
 nians, and then Pll hear you. Thus was 
 Juftice difpenfed at Ifpahan in the Reign of 
 Schah-Hujftin ; and by the Manner that the 
 chief Magiftrate of the Capital conduced him- 
 ielf in this Refped under the Nofe of the 
 King, in the Sight of his Minifters, and to 
 every Body's Knowledge, one may judge how 
 it far'd in the Provinces. 
 
 ONE of the Diforders that was moft com- 
 plained of, and which was not fo tolerable 
 becaufe it had not been Ib cuftomary, was, I 
 do not only fay the Negled of the Gover- 
 nors, with Reipeft to the Safety of the Roads, 
 but alfo the partial Connivance they gave to 
 the Highwaymen thatinfefted them, and with 
 whom they divided the Booty. There's not a 
 Country in theWorld where the Roads were as 
 fecure as they were in Terjia^ before the 
 Reign of Schah-Hitffein. They muft thank 
 Schah-Abas the Great for it, whom I am 
 often obliged to quote, becaufe ^Perjia 
 owes what is excellent in her civil Govern- 
 ment to thofe wife Regulations ; and would 
 not have fallen into the Defolation fhe la- 
 bours under at this Day, if fhe had not devia- 
 ted from them, 
 
 THAT
 
 THAT great Prince, who knew that Trade 
 is the Wealth of a Kingdom ; and that no- 
 thing was more effectual to bring foreign 
 Merchants into the Country, than to fecure 
 them from all Manner of Infult and Surprize 
 in their Voyages, or Journeys, had eitabliftied 
 fo good an Order with relation to that in 
 his Dominions, that People might travel 
 there with as much Safety as they do at 
 Noon-Day in the moft civilized Towns ofEu- 
 rofe. Guards were ported at proper Diftan- 
 ces upon all the great Roads for that Purpole, 
 which, without being chargeable to the Go- 
 vernment, were maintained out of very mo- 
 derate Duties which they levied upon every 
 Load, and in Proportion to the Load, that is 
 to fay, fomewhat more for a Camel's Load 
 than for that of a Horfe : Which Duty was 
 called Raderte^ and the Guards Raders. They 
 never committed any Robberies by main Force 
 or Violence ; but when, notwithstanding the 
 Vigilance of the Raders, any was committed 
 fecretly, and by Surprize, the Governor 
 of the Town, in whofe Diftrid the Robbe- 
 ry happened, was obliged to make good the 
 Merchant's Lofs, at the Rate fpecified in his 
 Book of Accompts, including the Money he 
 had paid, both for Purchafe and Cuftoms. 
 As for the Robbers, confidering how the Ra~ 
 ders, or Patrols, were polled, that is to fay, in 
 Places through which there was a Neceffity 
 
 for
 
 for them to pals, it was almoft impoffible 
 for them to efcape ; and when they were once 
 taken, they had no Mercy to expect. They 
 were put to Death by very cruel Tortures, 
 as may be feen in Tavernier, Lib. v. Cap. 1 3. 
 who mentions three or four different Kinds 
 of it, the leaft of which ftrikes Horror. 
 
 THIS Policy fb wifely ellablifhed by Schah- 
 Abas,w& always kept up without Intermiffion 
 under his Succelfors, as we are aflured by the 
 fame Tavernzer^ho travelled in Terfia in the 
 Reign of Schah-Solyman^ who was Schah-Huf* 
 Jem's Predeceffor. He fays in one Place, 
 Lib. i. Cap. 4. that the Roads there were fo 
 (ecure that they had no need to rendezvous., 
 or travel in Caravans and Companies ; and, 
 as to the Obligation the Governors of the 
 Places were under to reimburfe the Merchants 
 what they had been robbed of, nothing can 
 be a better Proof that it was fubfifting even 
 at that Time in its utmoft Rigor, than a Story 
 which Tavernier tells of himfelf, Lib. v. 
 Cap. 13. concerning two Bales that he was 
 robbed of. The Governor of the City where 
 the Robbery was committed, paid him on 
 the Credit of his Book and Vouchers, 1400 
 Piaftres, which were his Demand, that is to 
 fay, above four thoufand Livres ; and that 
 with fo good a Grace, that after he had paid 
 him, he like wife made him a Prefent of Wine 
 and Proviiions, 
 
 IT
 
 IT was no longer fo in the Reign ofSchah- 
 Huffetn^ and nothing, perhaps, is a fuller In- 
 dication to what a Degree the Government 
 was degenerated and weaken'd under that 
 Prince, than the Highway-Robberies, which 
 were not only tolerated, but alib encouraged, 
 and in a manner authorized. The Caravans 
 did not dare to ftop any longer in the Vil- 
 lages, but chofe rather to encamp under Tents, 
 becui.'fe of the Difficulty of avoiding the 
 Ambuihes of the Peafants : And they were 
 obliged to keep conilant Guard, and to watch 
 every Man in theirTurn. Yet, notwithftand- 
 ing all their Vigilance and Precaution, it was 
 not poffible totally toefcapeout of the "Hands 
 of People, who refined every Day in a Cal- 
 ling which was their capital Livelihood. 
 The very Mothers encouraged their Children 
 to it, by promiiing them a good Supper if 
 they had the Canning to make a good Prize. 
 It was to no Purpofe when any Thing was 
 loft to complain to the Governor of the Place : 
 It was not now as in the Time of Schah-So- 
 lyman, or in the Reigns of the other Kings of 
 Terfia, from Schah-Abas the Great, when 
 the Governors were obliged to give an Ac- 
 count of the Robberies committed upon the 
 Lands of their JurifdicYion, and to make 
 good the Lois. All the Anfwer that one 
 of thofe Governors gave to a Merchant of 
 Teflis y who had been robbed of considerable 
 
 Effeas,
 
 ("7) 
 
 Effe&s, was this j Shew me the Robber ^ find 
 PIL oblige him to make you Rcftitution. 'Tis 
 true, that the Merchants Reply to him was 
 enough to confound him ; Tut me in your 
 ^Place, faid he to him, and yourfelf in mine; 
 and Pll Joon find you out the Robber. But 
 it was all one, and how iharp foever the Re- 
 ply was, the Governor was not offended at it ; 
 for there are no People that bear Reproaches 
 and Injuries more patiently than thofe of Qua- 
 lity in 'Perfia. If a Creditor that cannot get 
 his Money, fay the moil provoking Things 
 in the World to their Face, they take no Ex- 
 ceptions at it, but hear him with an Air of 
 Indifference and Infenfibility which is not to 
 be parallell'd, which made Father Jofefh 
 Maria fay in his Terfian Treafure^ That the 
 ^Phlegm of the Italians, compared to that of 
 the Perfians, is c PaJJlon and Fury. 
 
 AT laft Things came to fuch a Pafs, that 
 the Merchants in the Caravans not being able 
 to guard againit the Subtlety of the Robbers, 
 nor to obtain Juftice of the Governors, were 
 reduced to compound with the Highwaymen 
 themfelves, either by making a Sort of Treaty 
 of Infurance with them, whereby they gave 
 them a certain Sum, that they might not be 
 robbed, or by leaving them when they were 
 robb'd in full PofTeffion and Property of one 
 Half of the Robbery to fave the other. The 
 Highwaymen confented to it, and more readi- 
 Jy, becaufe they found their Account in it. 
 
 For
 
 For as they are very eafily dete&ed in 
 as every Canton knows thofe that follow this 
 Calling, and as from Hatred or Envy they 
 betray and difcovar one another, a Caravan 
 was no fooner gone by, but the Governor^ 
 who knew where to find them, arrefted them, 
 and took away all that they had robb'd^ if 
 they did not prevent it, by carrying him his 
 Part, which was always the beft Share of the 
 Booty. However, by this Condud they 
 faved themfelves from a Fine, which he 
 would infallibly have condemned them to 
 pay to him ; for as to other Puniftiments they 
 were out of Date, efpecially that of Death, 
 and thofe fevere Puniftiments ufed in former 
 Reigns. Every Thing ended in pecuniary 
 Fines, which reduced thofe Wretches to fuch 
 a State of Mifery, as put them under the Ne- 
 ceflity of robbing again for Subfiftance; and 
 indeed this was the Intention of the Gover- 
 nors, who were too great Gainers by their 
 Plunder to be glad to fee it at an End, fb 
 that when they condemned any Robber to a 
 Fine, it feems it was not fo much for having 
 robb'd, as becaufe he did not do it with Cun- 
 ning ; from whence it happen'd, that many of 
 thofe Mifcreants, having nothing to depend on 
 but the Bufinefs of Stealing, ftudied to ren- 
 der themfelves expert and accomplifh'd at it, 
 and to attain to the fame Degree of Skill with 
 thofe Knaves who in 'Per/ia are called Kara- 
 chyrfis, and are of furprizing Dexterity and. 
 
 Cun-
 
 Cunning. Thus was the Face of Affairs al- 
 ter'd to fuch a Degree, that the lame Gover- 
 nors, who tinder the preceding Reign had 
 been the Protectors of the Caravans, and 
 Sureties for all that were robbed on the pub- 
 lick Roads, became in the Reign of Schah- 
 Huffein, the Inftigators and Accomplices of 
 the Robberies then committed, infomuch that 
 one might juftly have applied to them the 
 Moral of the Fable of Mufeltim-Sade, a fa- 
 mous Terjian Poet, where he fays, That a 
 Traveller having plucked a Sheep from the 
 Jaws of a Wolf, threw it upon his Shoul- 
 der s^ and carried it home ; and that while 
 the poor Beaft was rejqycing in its happy 'De- 
 liverance, the Traveller^ fluck his Knife in- 
 to his Throat j which made the poor Sheep, 
 when dyings to fay to the Traveller, Ton fa- 
 yed me from the Teeth of the Wolf, 'tis true, 
 but you are the fame to me as a Wolf. 
 
 WH i L E all Things ran thus to Decay, 
 both in the Country and the Capital, Schah- 
 Huffein lay, as it were, buried in his Haram ; 
 and abandoning the reft of his Dominions to 
 the Diicretion of his principal Eunuchs, he 
 feemM to have no Tafte for any other Place 
 of Pleafure but this, which engrofled all his 
 Thoughts, and the Expences of which fwal- 
 lowed up the greateft Part of his Finances. 
 He looked upon his Haram as his particular 
 Kingdom, and the only one that deferv'd his 
 
 Regard. As Kings who have any Notion of 
 
 f~*\ 
 Glo-
 
 (no) 
 
 Glory have generally a Paffion either to fig- 
 nalizc themfelves by new Conquefts, or to 
 render themfelves formidable to their Neigh- 
 bours, by numerous Armies, that are always 
 well paid, and in good Condition, or to enrich 
 their Dominions by a flourifhing Commerce : 
 So this Prince difcovereda Paflion to diftinguifh 
 himfelf by the Number and Beauty of the 
 Women that he kept in his Haram, by the 
 Riches of their Habits, the Magnificence of 
 their Furniture, by the Enquiry after and Pro- 
 fufion of every Thing which could contribute 
 to render his Stay there as delightful as poffi- 
 ble ; and he boafted publickly, that he would 
 fpare no Coft to .out-ftrip the moft riotous 
 and moft voluptuous Kings that ever were in 
 theWorld. 'Tis very certain, however, that 
 none of his PredecefTors came near what we 
 have feen of this kind in his Reign, either 
 for the vail Number of Women, with which 
 he had filled his Haram, or for the extraordi- 
 nary Luxury and Splendor in which he 
 maintained them. His firft Care in the Be- 
 ginning of his Reign, was to caufe a general 
 Search to be made for all the handfome Wo- 
 men in 'Perfia^ and to order them to be 
 brought to his Haram. The Crop was fo 
 plentiful, and feem'd fo frelh, that it ferv'd 
 to give Name to the Year (1701.) wherein 
 it was gathered, which after that Time was 
 called the Year Kyfveran., i. c. the Tear of 
 Women. There is hardly a Country inhabited 
 x by
 
 (m) 
 
 by fo many different Nations as Terjia. Be 
 a young Woman of what Nation fbever, ex- 
 cept thcjfeivi/bj which was excluded, if Ihe 
 was but handlbmc, fhe was picked up for the 
 King's Haram. The Governors of the Pro- 
 vinces, who knew their Mailer's Tafte, and 
 that all the Services they were capable of do- 
 ing him in the Government were nothing in 
 his Efteem, compar'd with the Merit of en- 
 riching and adorning his Haram with fome un- 
 common Beauty, made it, their Bufinefs to 
 look out every where, and to procure them 
 at any Price; and when they were fo happy 
 as to be able to accompany the Tribute of the 
 Province, which they lent every Year to If- 
 fahan y with Ibme Prefent of this Nature, they 
 were periuaded that they had paid a better 
 Compliment, and that the King was more ob- 
 liged to them, than if they had fent double 
 the Sum to what the Province ufed to pay. 
 Each of thofc Women had her particular Eu- 
 nuch and Chamber-Maid, and as to the Ex- 
 pence of the Toilet and Provilions, it had no 
 Bounds from a Prince ,who thought it an Ho- 
 nour to out-do every Thing that had been 
 done of this Nature. Befides what he laid 
 out upon them in the Haram, he gave them a 
 confiderable Portion when they went forth to 
 be married. This was done fometimes, though 
 very rarely, during the preceding Reigns ; 
 but it was very common in Schah-Huffeiti's 
 Time, who bellowed thofe Women in Mar- 
 K riage,
 
 i lage, not only to his Courtiers, but alfo to the 
 inferior Officers of his Palace, and to his ve- 
 ry Cooks. As to the Great Men's Daughters 
 that had been bred up in the Haram, he mar- 
 ried them to other great Lords, not only af- 
 ter they had loft their Virginity, but when 
 they were actually with Child. The worft of 
 all for thefe Lords was, that whatever Chil- 
 dren they had elfe where, the Child that was 
 bom of this Venter became the eldeft of the 
 Family, and went away with the Bulk of 
 their Eftates. In 1 7 1 9. the Governor of Eri- 
 'van was obliged to receive on this Footing 
 the Daughter of a Prince of Georgia^ nam'd 
 Kojlrou-Kan^ whom the King fent to him. 
 from his Haram, with an Heir that he did not 
 expect. There are feveral conliderable Fa- 
 milies in Terfia, which boaft of fuch Extrac- 
 tion, and call themfelves Schah-Zade, i. e. 
 Kings Sons y for Za fignifies Son, and Schah 
 King. Of this Number is the illuftrious Fa- 
 mily of the hereditary Princes of Gengea> de- 
 fcended from SolymaJt, the PredeceiTor of 
 Schah-Huffein. But thefe Schah-Zades are 
 fo multiplied iince, that their great Number 
 has made them fink confiderably in the Efteem 
 they were held in heretofore, and before the 
 late Revolution there v were a great many of 
 them at IJfahan who made a very mean Fi- 
 gure there. 
 
 FROM the great Number of Women with 
 which Scbah-HujJein had Itored his Haram, 
 
 we
 
 1*3 
 
 we may infer what an Attendance there muft 
 be of Eunuchs, either for their Service, or 
 their Guard, which could not but incrcafe in 
 Proportion. Never King of Terjia had Ib 
 many by far, for they almoft equalled the 
 Number of his own Guards, and indeed he 
 had no other Guard at the Times of the Kou- 
 rouk, which I am now to give an Account 
 of. 
 
 'Tis the Cuftom in Terjidj that when the 
 King removes from Ifpahan along with the 
 Ladies of his Haram, to any of his Pleafure 
 Houfes, a Proclamation is made three Days 
 beforehand, of the Hour which he intends to 
 go abroad in, and the Streets through which 
 he is to pafs. This Proclamation is called 
 the Kourouk ; and 'tis to forbid every Man 
 from flaying in the Houfes that look into the 
 Streets, through which the King is to pafs, 
 or in the Country for two Leagues round. 
 Now as in 'Perjia they have no Ufe either of 
 Coaches or Waggons, becaufe of the Multi- 
 tude of little Canals which cut the Country, 
 and are fo managed as to water the Lands, 
 all the Ladies ride upon Horfes or Mules, 
 with each their Eunuch to hold the Bridle : 
 As to the Servant Maids, they ride upon A 
 fes ; and one of Scbah-HuJfem's great Diver- 
 fion* in thefe Kourouks> was to whip thole 
 Afles till they threw their Riders, and made 
 Sport for the others. As the Law, which ba- 
 nifhcd Men from all Places through which 
 K2 thd
 
 the King pafs'd with all this Equipage, did 
 alfo keep off his own Guard, he could then 
 have no other but his Eunuchs, who furround- 
 ed this whole Troop with Guns and Swords. 
 Beftdes them there were two other conlidcra- 
 ble Bodies of Eunuchs, one of which advanced 
 Very far before the Troop, and the other clo- 
 fed the March at the fame Diftance, not to 
 mention thofe that were employed, either to 
 fearch the Houfes by which they pafs'd, to 
 fee if no Man lay hid there, or to fcour the 
 Country, in order to put all to the Sword that 
 they found within the Limits prohibited by 
 the Kourouk. No doubt there muft be a 
 vaft Number of Eunuchs to fill all thofe 
 different Pofts. Mean Time a great Number 
 muft necelfarily remain, either for the Guard 
 of the Womens Haram, or of that which was 
 the Prifbn to the King's Brothers and Chil- 
 dren, who were never more narrowly watch'd 
 than in the King's Abfence. The greater was 
 this Number of Eunuchs, the more was the 
 Expence ; and 'tis certain, that fevcral good 
 Regiments might have been maintained with 
 the Money that it coft to provide for the 
 Number of Eunuchs which Schah-HujJein 
 had more than his PredecelTors. 
 
 No doubt it was a great Burthen to the 
 State to maintain the Haram in the Degree 
 it was rilen to under this Prince, who had 
 trebled the Expence of it to what it was in 
 the Time of his Predeceflbrs; but it may be 
 
 {aid 3
 
 faid, that he was yet more lavifh in other 
 Things, in which thole Princes were always 
 very moderate , and particularly in Building, 
 in which he buried immenfe Sums, and evea 
 cxhauftedthe Treafures of the Kings that had 
 reign 'd before him. Though their antient 
 Palace was fo fumptuous and magnificent, that 
 it may be look'd upon as a Monument of 
 their Splendor, he pull'd it all down, and 
 built a new one, with an Expence that fhew'd 
 he did not value what it coft. 
 
 THIS Building was Icarce compleatcd, but 
 he undertook a new one yet more confiderable 
 at Farabath^ one of his Pleafure Houles, 
 about a League from IJpahan. The Build- 
 ings which he raifed there were fo vaft and 
 magnificent, that he was tempted more than 
 once to remove his Haram thither, and to 
 make it his ufual Refidence. As he had built 
 in a Place that was extremely dry, the great- 
 eft Expence he was at in this Undertaking 
 was for Water, which was abfolutely want- 
 ing there, and which they were fain to bring 
 thither from a great Diftanee by Stone 
 Troughs, the Expcnces and Labour of which 
 cannot be conceived, fays my Author, but 
 by thofe who have feen it. 
 
 THE burning of the Great Royal Salon, 
 where the King ufcd to give Audience to 
 the AnibafFadors, and to make his publick En- 
 tertainments, was another Occafion of Ex- 
 pence to Schah-Huffe'iHi which was more ne^ 
 
 K 3 ceifary
 
 (126) 
 
 ceffary indeed, but helped towards dreining 
 his Finances. This great Salon, nam'd 
 Tchehel-Setoon^ i. e. Forty Pillars, becaufe 
 it adually ftands upon fo many Columns, is a 
 Building that ftands by it feif in the Midft 
 of the Gardens of the Royal Palace of Iff a- 
 ban. Char din ^ who has given a very exact 
 Rcprefentation of it in the Defcription of 
 IJfiahaHy fpeaks of it as the moft ftately A- 
 partmcnt in the Palace. It happened that 
 after one of thofe publick Entertainments 
 which the King fometimes made there in the 
 Night Time, a Fire broke out there, which 
 though it was very violent before it was per- 
 cciv'd, Part of the coftly Furniture of it 
 might perhaps have been fav'd, and Mca- 
 furcs were taken for that Purpofe, wheji 
 Schah-HuffetHy from a Motive of Submiffion 
 to the Will of God, forbad the Fire to be 
 put out, faying, That as it was the Will of 
 the Lord that his Salon fhould be burnt ^ he 
 isjould not opfofe it s and though there was 
 nothing more rich and lumptuous throughout 
 the whole Palace than the Furniture of this 
 Salon, which was on Purpofe to difplay the 
 Magnificence of this Prince, he chofe from a 
 Spirit of Refignation to Providence, to con- 
 tinue at the Fire till the whole was confu- 
 med. But his. Refignation Sid not hinder 
 him from raifing it again, and rebuilding it 
 more Splendor than the former. 
 
 BESIDES
 
 BESTD ES all thcfe ftately Edifices, he erect- 
 ed another, which may be reckoned a Mo- 
 nument of his Piety, as well as of his Power. 
 It was a Monaftery for 'Dervishes, the Mag. 
 nificence of which may be imagined by the 
 chief Gate of it only, which is of Maffy Sil- 
 ver. But that which ftill doubled the pro 
 digious Expence of all thofe great Buildings, 
 is, that he never digefted any of his Plans 
 thoroughly, and that upon a new Thought 
 he demolimed the whole Pile to the Ground, 
 and begun again. 
 
 IT was hardly poffible but all thofe extra- 
 ordinary Expences muft hurt his Finances ; 
 but his religious Zeal made him undertake 
 an unfeafbnable Pilgrimage, which not only 
 compleatly drcin'd his Exchequer, but allb 
 ruin'd all the Provinces through which he 
 pafs'd. There's a famous Monaftery on the 
 Confines of Terjia, next to Great Tartary^ 
 dedicated to a Santon, or Saint, of Atys Seff, in 
 a little Town named Mefesat, which is above 
 two hundred Leagues from Iffahan, Thi- 
 ther his Devotion carried him, attended by 
 all the Women of his Haram, and followed 
 by a Train of 60000 Men, which was fo ex* 
 penfivc, that half the Sum that his Journey 
 coft him, would have defray '4 the Charge 
 of all the Expeditions againft the Rebels 
 pf Candahar^ of which more hereafter, 
 
 WE muft do this Prince the Juftice, how- 
 ever, to obfcryc, that as much attach 'd ** no 
 K4
 
 was to his Religion, he was not opinionated, 
 and had no more than his Predcceffors, efpe- 
 cially lince Schah-Abas the Great, any 
 Thing of that Averlion and brutal Rage 
 which the Mahometans of Omar's Sect, fuch 
 as the Turks arc, exprefs againft all other Re- 
 ligions, and efpecially the Chriftian. This 
 may partly be alcribed to the Character of 
 the Geniu^ of the Terjians^ naturally incli- 
 ned to Kmdnefs and Humanity, but much 
 more to the Extraction of almoft all the 
 Kings of Terjia fince Schah-Abas that redu- 
 ced ^Perjia^ who are defcended from Georgian 
 Princeffes or Ladies ; for as they arc original- 
 ly Chriftians, they ftill prcferve, even in the 
 Midft of Mahometifm, in which they are 
 trained up from their Infancy, a very ftrong 
 Inclination for the Religion of their Ance 
 tors and their Country : They have alfo for 
 the moft Part retain'd the Cuftom of taking 
 their Chriftian Names. The Grandmother 
 of the dethron'd King was called Mary-Be- 
 gum, i. e. Trincefs Mary, for in f PerJia y as 
 well as in the Indies^ at the Mogul's Court, 
 the Title of Begum ii the peculiar Diltinc- 
 tion of the Princefles. This Cuftom of ta- 
 Idng the Nanie of Mary has parTed from the 
 Haram to the other Ladies of Terfia, elpe- 
 cially at Ifpahan, where 'tis a very common 
 Name. The Women being accuftomed tQ 
 the Name, they have a Sort of Veneration 
 for the Holy Virgin from whom it comes, j 
 
 vhey
 
 f l * 
 
 they honour her Images, receive and preferve 
 them with Refpeft, and Schab-HuJfein him- 
 felf voluntarily admitted them, notwithftand- 
 ing the Law of Mahomet^ which pofidvely 
 forbids it. 
 
 As in Terjia the King's Children are 
 brought up under the Eyes of their Mother 
 till feven Years of Age, and arc permitted to 
 fee them now and then afterwards, no Won- 
 der that they infpire them with Sentiments 
 for a Religion which indeed they fcarce 
 know any Thing of, but for which they al- 
 ways retain a Sort of Affection, as for the 
 Religion of their Country. Schah-Abas II. 
 Grandfather of the dethroned King, was Ib 
 prcpoflefled in Favour of Chriftianity, that it 
 was difagreeable to him to fpeak ill of it; 
 feveral incurr'd his Difplcafurc for fb doing, 
 and the Difgrace of Athemat-'Doulet, who 
 had governed during his Minority, was attri- 
 buted in great Part to the invincible Averfion 
 which that Prime Minilter difcover'd .upon 
 every Occafion to our Religion. And 
 the Armenians of his Time ufcd to tell one 
 another, as Sir John Ghardin reports in his 
 Coronation of Solyman p. 169. thatSchab- 
 Abas wii more a Chriftian than a Mahometan. 
 1 know not what Credit may be given to a 
 Report which was current in 'Perfia at the 
 Time he died, viz. that he was chriften'd on 
 his Death- Bed by Father Raphael a Capu- 
 jhitt) who being his Mathematician and Phy- 
 
 lician,
 
 fician,had free Accefs to him. I am the more in- 
 clin'd to doubt the/Truth of this Story, becaufe 
 Char din, who in the Book juft now quoted, 
 feems thoroughly informed of the Particulars 
 of this Prince's Death, does not fay one Word 
 of this fecret Hiftory : But however, the Su 
 picion that was commonly entertain'd of him 
 in ferfia, is a very pofitive Proof of the ihi- 
 ning Marks he gave of his Elteem and Af- 
 fection for Chriftianity. 
 
 ScHACH-SoLYMAN his Son, and Father to 
 $chah-HuJfein y had nothing of that ftrong 
 and declared Affection for the Chriftians ; and 
 Ibmetimes he gave the Miffionaries Trouble, 
 though it was more owing to the Inftigation 
 of the Eunuchs, who had begun to gain Cre- 
 dit with him, than to his own Accord. What 
 is certain is, that his Religion fate very loofe 
 about him, as he gave Reafbn to judge, by 
 what he faid one Day to Buch-T amber, the 
 Ambaflador of the Great Sobieski, John III. 
 King of ^Poland. 
 
 NOT long after this brave Prince had drove 
 the Turks from Vienna^ it was reported 
 in 'Per/ia, that he was gone to befiege 
 Conftantinople. Upon this Schah-Solyman 
 demanded of the Ambaflador what the King 
 of Toland would do, if he took that Capital 
 of the Ottoman Empire ; and this Minifter 
 making Anfwer, that it was his Mailer's De- 
 fign to gi^e no Quarter to any Mahometan $ 
 Very well, replied Solyman y making the %n 
 
 of
 
 .('3' ) 
 
 of the Crofs, with a very gay Countenance, 
 if the Chriftians take Conftantinople, I will 
 turn Chriftian as well as they ; and entertain- 
 ing the Ambaflador all Night long at a Feaft, 
 he carous'd with him till he made himfelf 
 drunk, with toafting a Health to the King 
 of Toland. 
 
 ScHAH-HussEiN, though far more devout in . 
 his Religion than Schah-Solyman his Father, ) 
 was not thoroughly convinced in his Mind that ( 
 it was a Whit better than the Chriftian Religion. \ 
 One Day as he was {hewing a Watch made \ 
 for him by M.Rottffeau of Geneva, his Watch- S 
 maker in Chief, to Giewader-BaJzi r his fa- 
 vourite Eunuch, / obferve, fays he to him, ^ 
 that the Franks , (the Name by which the 
 Europeans are callM in 'Rerjia^) are better 
 Workmen than ours, I am 'very much afraid, 
 that as they out-do ^ts in Arts, they alfo ex- 
 cel us in faints of Religion. He was fb af- 
 fected when he heard of our Hofpitals, and 
 the Care therein taken of the poor Patients, 
 that he was refolvM to imitate us in that fort 
 of Charity. He caused a magnificent Hoipi- 
 tal to be built at Ifpahan, and order'd all, 
 even the moft precious Remedies that could 
 be got, to be prepared in the Royal Difpen- 
 fatory for the Sick. But the Eafinefs of im- 
 pofmg upon a Prince incapable of perceiving 
 it, and more incapable ftili of refenting it, if 
 he had perceiv'd it, render'd his good Inten- 
 tions partly of no EtFecl:- for they who had 
 
 the
 
 ( 13* ) 
 
 the Management of the Hofpital that he had 
 founded, turn'd the moil precious Remedies, 
 which they got out of his Difpenfatory, to 
 their own Advantage, by felling to the Rich 
 what the King had intended to be diipensM 
 gratis to the Poor. He gave the latter an- 
 other Mark of his good Nature, by building 
 feveral Ovens, where he had Bread bak'd at 
 his own Charge, to be diftributed to the Poor 
 at a moderate Price. But how laudable ib- 
 ever his Intention was in this Refpect, he 
 would have affifted the Poor much more ef- 
 fectually, if he had prevented the Monopo- 
 lies of the Grandees, who in order to bring 
 their Corn to the better Market, privately 
 hinder'd the Carriage of any from the Country 
 to IJpahan. Schah-Solyman his Father, who 
 was at the like Nonplus in 1667. the Begin- 
 ning of his Reign, foon found out a Remedy, 
 which was more profitable to his Subjects, 
 and not fo burthenfome to himfelf. To re- 
 drefs this Diforder, he was at no more Trou- 
 ble than to c^hufe Ali-Kouli-Kan, one of 
 the chief Lords of his Court, a Man of a good 
 Headpiece and Refolution, into whofe Hands 
 he committed the whole Management of this 
 Affair. Ali-Kouli-Kan being convinced, that 
 a Famine in a great City does not proceed Ib 
 much from the Scarcity of Corn, as from the 
 JDifhonefty and Avarice of thofe who conceal 
 it, or flop up the Canals by which it ufually 
 comes, gave proper Orders, and caus'd them 
 
 to
 
 to be executed with fuch Refblution, that the 
 very next Day after the King had nominated 
 him, he reduc'd the Bread to a moderate 
 Price, and entirely reltor'd the Tranquility of 
 Ifpahatiy which was juft ready to revolt. 
 This may be feen more at large in Sir John 
 Chardin's Book of the Coronation of Soly- 
 man, p. 26 1 . where we find, that what this 
 Lord did at that Juncture, is worthy of the 
 Imitation of the politeft Towns in Europe on 
 the like Occafion ; and that nothing contri- 
 buted fo much to prevent a Famine, as an il- 
 luftrious Inftance (mention'd in that Book 
 p. 261.) of his Difmtereftednefs, and of the 
 Severity with which he began the Exercife 
 of his Employment. 
 
 WHEN Schah-Solyman made Choice of this 
 Nobleman to provide againft the publick 
 Neceflities, he was but twenty Years of Age ; 
 and being but juft come out of the Haram, 
 where he had been always confinM to his Co- 
 ronation, he muft be very raw, and unexpe- 
 rienced in the Arts of Government. But 
 however, he was wife enough to chufe a Mi- 
 nifter of fufficient Abilities to fupply his own 
 Deficiency, and by that Means he put a Stop 
 to the Diibrder, in the Manner that became a 
 King; whereas Schah-Huffeiu his Son and 
 SuccefTor, who was of a more advanced Age, 
 and confequently had had more Experience, 
 when he was under the fame Difficulty, pro- 
 vided no other Remedy than what might be 
 
 ex-
 
 . 
 
 expe&cd from a generous, rich, private Man? 
 without Authority and Character ; fo that as 
 much a King as he was, he did little more, 
 during a general Famine, than what was done 
 all the Year long by his Grandmother, a very 
 charitable Princefs, who limited the Expences 
 of her Houfe-keeping, and appropriated her 
 great Revenues to the Comfort and Nourilh- 
 ment of Multitudes of Poor, as well Chri. 
 tians as of the other Religion, and who for 
 her immenfe Charities would have deferv'd 
 to be call'd St. Helena among the ^Perjians^ 
 if her Alms had been animated by the Spirit 
 of the true Faith. 
 
 FROM all that I have hitherto related of 
 Schah-Huffem^ 'tis eafy to infer, that as he 
 was endowed with fbme of the Qualities and 
 Virtues which adorn a private Man, he had 
 none of thole which are neceffary for a Mo- 
 narch, He was good natur'd and human ; 
 but his good Nature was of that Stamp which 
 bears with every Thing, and punimes no- 
 thing, and in which the Wicked, being afTur'd 
 by it of Impunity; find their Account more 
 than honeft Men, whom it deprives of all 
 Hopes of Juftice. He hurt no particular 
 Perfbn, and by that Means injur'd all Man- 
 kind. The only Inftance in which he di- 
 eover'd the Marks of Greatnefs was, his Pat- 
 Con for Building, and his Inclination to Mag- 
 nificence, in which he took a Pride, though 
 his Application to it did not feem to be Ib 
 
 much
 
 . 
 
 much that of a King who makes it his Iblc 
 Delight, as that of a Man who makes it his 
 important and his only Bufmefs. He would 
 have nothing wanting for his Buildings, what- 
 ever was wanting in his Armies; and like 
 fome People, who are always more forward 
 to give Alms than to pay their Debts, he 
 built Monafteries and Hofpitals, while his 
 Troops periih'd with Hunger, and difpers'd, 
 or liifferM themfelves to be cut in Pieces on 
 the Frontiers, for Want of Pay and Ammu- 
 nition, being better pleafed to have ercded 
 fine Palaces in IJpahan and the Neighbour- 
 hood, than he was mov'd or afflicted to fee 
 whole Provinces taken away from him on all 
 Sides. 
 
 ALL this might pafs for the Declamation 
 
 of an Hiftorian, if this Prince himfelf, in 
 
 the moft important Conjuncture of his Reign, 
 
 had not explain'd himfelf in a Manner that 
 
 proves it infinitely beyond what I have done, 
 
 and which plainly fhews how little Care he 
 
 thought himfelf oblig'd to take of any Thing 
 
 but his Buildings, and the Management of 
 
 his Houfes, and to what a Degree he forgot 
 
 he was a King. For when at the Approach 
 
 of the Rebel's Army, which was advancing 
 
 by great Marches towards IJpahan, his Mi- 
 
 nifters and the Grandees of his Court endea- 
 
 vour'd to rouze him by the Proximity of his 
 
 Danger, and admonifhing him, that it was a 
 
 very ferious Affair, not to be jefted with; 
 
 Tt*
 
 ( n* ) 
 
 'Tis your Bujinefs, fays he, to kok to 
 you have Armies provided, as for my 
 if they leave me but my Houfe at Farabath 
 / am content. Thefe were the Sentiments of 
 this poor King, who was punilhed in the very- 
 Thing for which he feem'd to have any Fond- 
 nefs ; for his Houfe at Farabath, which he 
 had built and adorn'd with fuch Profufion and 
 Magnificence, was not only the firlt that was 
 plundered, but ferv'd. alfo as a Camp to the 
 Rebels, who would never have ventur'd to 
 undertake the Siege of Ifpahan, if they had 
 not found a Place for the moft fafe and com- 
 modious Camp they could have dehYd within 
 the large Circumference of that flately Houle 
 which was encompaffed with high and ftrong 
 Walls, and flank'd with Towers at convenient 
 Diftances. 
 
 HOWEVER, notwithftanding the King's In- 
 dolence, notwithftanding the Incapacity and 
 Tyranny of the Eunuchs that governed him, 
 notwithftanding the bad State of all the Pro- 
 vinces, and the general DifTatisfaction of the 
 whole Kingdom, 'tis very probable, that 
 ' Scbah-HuJfein would have died in Peace upon 
 his Throne, as well as many other Kings of 
 his Character, if, unhappily for him, a pri- 
 vate Man of a bold and cnterprizing Genius 
 had not been forc'd againft his Will to come 
 to Court from the remoteft Corner of his 
 Frontiers, and above four hundred and fifty 
 Leagues from IJfahan y who obierying very 
 
 nicely
 
 ( '37 ) 
 
 nicely how every Thing was managed at 
 Court, and how weak and confusM were 
 thofe Springs of that Royal Power, the Ma- 
 jefty of which had dazzled his Eyes at fuch 
 a Diftance, imagined that it was not in a Con- 
 dition to reduce any one to his Duty, that 
 ihould have the Courage to fhake off the 
 Yoke. Upon this he forrn'd his Plan, and 
 after having executed it by freeing his Coun- 
 try from the Tyranny of the ^Perjians, againft 
 whom he always made Head as long as he 
 liv'd, and whom he routed as often as they 
 came to attack him, he left a Son, who be- 
 ing bolder than himfelf, prefumed to under- 
 take to dethrone his Sovereign, and accord- 
 ingly carried his Point, to the great Aftonim- 
 ment both of AJia and Eurofe. This I ihall 
 give an Account of after I have in a few Words 
 treated of the Origin and Character of the 
 Nation to whom this great Event is ow- 
 ing. 
 
 THE Nation of the AGHVANS, hitherto 
 unknown in Europe, and fcarce known in AJia, 
 where it lies in a Corner, has rendered it fell 
 fo famous by the Conqueft it has lately made 
 of 'Perjia, one of the greateft Kingdoms in 
 the World, that there's no Body living, buc 
 will be very glad to have fome Account of a 
 People, who have begun .to ftiew themfelves 
 to the World by Ib fignal a Blow. 
 
 THE Aghvansj who were originally of 
 the Province of Szyrvau, which was antient- 
 
 L ly
 
 ('3*) 
 
 Jy eaird Great Albania, and which is fituate 
 between the Cafpian Sea and Mount Cauca- 
 Jus, were formerly fubdued by Tamerlane y 
 who could not reduce them till after many 
 Battles, wherein he cut a great Part of them to 
 Pieces. But as this unmanageable People, not 
 ufed to bear the Yoke, were continually re- 
 volting, and took Arms again upon the firft 
 Occafion that offer'd, he thought he could 
 not make lure of them, but by tranfplanting 
 them toi another Soil, being perfuaded, 
 that when they were once out of the Sight of 
 their own Country, they would at the fame 
 Time lofe that Love of Liberty and Indepen- 
 dence which had engaged them in fb many 
 Rebellions, and which had given him fb much 
 Trouble and Fatigue; and in order to keep 
 them under the ftri&er Subjection, he plac'd 
 them between Terjla and the Indies, upon the 
 Confines of each of thofe two Empires, which 
 he had equally reduc'd to his Obedience. 7 Tis 
 faid, that they were antiently Chriftians^_of 
 but that they turn'd Ma- 
 
 hojnetans for Want of the Affiftance and In- 
 ftruftionT^ttrcif' 1 "Prlefts i and Dodors, whom 
 Tamerlane took away from them, that they 
 might fboner embrace that Religion. As to 
 their Name, that alone feems to juftify what 
 is faid of their Origin, with jefbecl: to Alba* 
 
 f J ' - M. . ' - , . 
 
 nia\ for as in the Armenian Tongue our Let* 
 
 r i -, , * -irio-W r 
 
 ter L is chang d into G H, and our B into
 
 
 039) 
 
 ^Confonant, fo of the Woiddtians is form; 
 ed Aghuans. < 
 
 THE capital City of the Country to which 
 Tamerlane tranfplanted them, when he took 
 them from Albania^ is call'd Candahar, a 
 Town which borders on *Perfia to the Eaft, 
 as it does on the Dominions of the Mogul to 
 the Weft. It had Princes of its own for a 
 Time, who fubfrfted on the mutual Jealoufy 
 of the two Powers, between which it was fi- 
 tuate. But at laft Schah-Abas the Greaf, 
 who made as many Conquefts by his Policy 
 as his Arms, found a fair Opportunity to en- 
 gage the Prince, who was Mailer of it in his 
 Time, to put himfelf under his Protection ; 
 which he did accordingly, on Condition, that 
 a Prince of his Race fhould always command 
 in Candaharj as Vaflal and Tributary to th.e 
 King of 'Per fin. This Tavernier alfo men- 
 tions in his Voyages, Lib. v. cap. 23. 
 
 SCHAH-ABAS, who, according to the true 
 Maxim of all Politicians, was a punctual Ob- 
 ferver of his Word, with : regard to the Trea- 
 ties that he had made, even with his Vaflals, 
 not only fecur'd the Pofleilion of Candahar 
 to the Prince who fubmitted, but alfb conti- 
 nued the Government of it to his Son Alt- 
 mer dan-Kan after the Death of his Father. 
 Schah-Sef, Grandfon to Schah-Abas, fuc- 
 cecding his Grandfather, the Court of 'Perfia. 
 chang'd their Maxims. As Alimerdan-Kan 
 was pofleffed of great Wealth, which he had 
 
 L 2 for
 
 ( 14 ) 
 
 for moft Part by Inheritance from his Ance* 
 tors ; and as he cut the Figure of a potent So- 
 vereign in his Government, rather than that 
 of a VafTai, always eating out of Gold Plate, 
 and keeping a Houfe almoft as magnificent as 
 the King's ; the Minifters,who governed during 
 Schah-Sefi's Non-age, and who by infpiring 
 him with violent Sufpicions of feveral of the 
 greateft Noblemen, had perfuaded him to put 
 jfome of the moft confiderable of them to 
 Death, did not fail to raife the fame Jealoufy 
 in his Breaft againft the Prince of Candahar^ 
 whofe Wealth, of which they hoped to be Sha- 
 rers, tempted them more than the PoiTeilions 
 of the others, whom they had caufed to be 
 put to jDeath. The Difficulty was to get him 
 to Court j for the Misfortune of thofe who, 
 after being drawn thither in that Manner, left 
 their Heads there, made him very loth to 
 go ; and as he faw that> without Regard to his 
 Remonftrances, Couriers were fent to him one 
 upon the Neck of another, with prefling Or- 
 ders to repair to Ifpahan^ he did not doubt 
 but his Life was aim'd at, and in order to 
 provide himfelf an Afylum againft the Mi- 
 nifters of the Court of 'Perjia, he furrenderM 
 Candahar to the great Mogul. But he would 
 receive nothing from that Prince, and content- 
 ed himfelf with the Honour which he did him 
 to give him the firft Poft of the Kingdom, 
 which he kept Pofleflion of to his Death. 
 When he retired to the Mogul's Court, he 
 
 car*
 
 carried fuch a Mafs of Treafure with himj 
 that without taking any Thing from that 
 Prince, he liv'd at his Court with greater 
 Splendour than any Body, He caufed 
 a very fine Houfe to be built at Jehana- 
 bad, with a very fine Garden by the Water- 
 fide, which, according to the Report of Ta- 
 vernier^ who knew the Indies well enough 
 to be depended upon, is the moft ftately Edi- 
 fice in the Mogul's Dominions. That Prince 
 was furprized how Alimerdan-Kan y without ' 
 having any Salary from him, could live with 
 fb much Magnificence as he did; but one Day 
 as he went to fee him with the Princefles, in 
 that little Pleafure-Houfe juft now mentioned, 
 that Nobleman's Lady open'd feveral Coffers 
 full of Gold before thofe Princeifes, and 
 while they were vieAving them faid, That his 
 Majefy need not be furpri&edifher Husband 
 took nothing from him, becanfe they faw he 
 had enough for him and his Children to live 
 upon. 
 
 HE hadjwo .Childretyrtjt^.CoiiitQf Ter- 
 fta^ when he delivered up Candahar to the 
 grtTat Mogul ; and perhaps he had not been fb 
 much prels'd as he was, if it had not beenpre- j 
 fumM, that his Regard for his Children, who { 
 remained as Hoftages at Ifpahan^ would hin- 1 
 der him from carrying Matters to an Extre- 
 mity ; but having before his Eyes the Exam- 
 ple of Iman'K^J4li-Kan l another Governor of 
 the Province, yet more powerful than he, 
 
 L who
 
 ( 14* ) 
 
 I who was only brought to Court with his 
 \ Children to be put to Death there all together, 
 * he imagin'd that inftead of faying the Lives 
 of his two Sons, by repairing to Court, he 
 ihould only haften their Death with his own ; 
 and chofe to take Refuge with the great Mogul, 
 by delivering up Candahar to him, happen what 
 would, whereby he fecur'd his own Life, as 
 well as the Lives of his Children ; for whereas 
 they would undoubtedly have been put to 
 Death with him, if he had gone to IJpahan, 
 the Fear of exaiperating the Inhabitants of 
 the Province of Candahar ', and of rendering 
 them irreconcileable, by putting to Death the 
 two young Lords, who were defcended from 
 their Sovereign Princes, obliged the Court of 
 *Perfia) which hop'd one Day or other to re- 
 cover Candahar^ not only to keep fair with 
 them, but alfo to treat them with more Di 
 tindion than ever ; Ib that they met with as 
 much Favour from the King of 'Per/ia's Court, 
 as their Father receiv'd at the Court of the 
 Mogul. 
 
 THIS Policy of Schah-Sefi had its Effed 
 under his Son and SuccefTor Schah-Abas II. 
 For when that Prince went in the Beginning 
 of his Reign to befiege Candahar ', the Terjians 
 who were in the Army that the Mogul lent 
 to its Relief, and which compofed the greateft 
 Part of it, remember'd the kind Treatment 
 which the Court of c PerJia had fhewn to the 
 Children of Aimer dan- Kan ^ and did not do 
 
 eyery
 
 ( '43 ) 
 
 every Thing that they might haye done to 
 hinder Schah-Abas II. from making himfelf 
 Matter of it, and re-entering it, which he did 
 in 165-0. Since that Time it has always re- 
 main'd in the Hands of the 'Perjians, not- 
 withftanding all the Attempts which were af- 
 terwards made by the great Mogul Cha-Gean 
 to recover it. He caufed it to be befieg'd in 
 vain three feveral Times by two of his Sons, 
 Sultan ^Dera and Sultan Sty at, whom he lent 
 thither one after another, each at the Head 
 of an Army of 300000 Men ; and when for 
 Vexation that he had mifcarried, he asked 
 Alimerdan-Kan if he did not know a Way to 
 put him again in Pofleffion of Candabar^ that 
 Nobleman generoufly replied, That he knew 
 no other Way but to fnd out a fecond Tray- 
 tor that would betray it as he had done. 
 
 WH E N Schah-Solyman, Son to Schah- 
 Abas II. fucceeded his Father in the Throne, 
 Aurengzeb then Emperor of Mogul y who 
 had carried all his Points, and was uneafy to 
 let Candahar remain longer in the Power of 
 his Enemies, thought that the Difbrder in the 
 Affairs of the Court of ?Vr/&, and the 
 Weaknefs of the Government, under a young 
 unexperienced King, gave him a fair Oppor- 
 tunity to undertake the Conqueft of that Place 
 with Succefs. He was ftrongly tempted to 
 it, and would have certainly gone thither, if 
 he had not been diverted by the wife Coun- 
 fels of the Princds his Sifter, who reprefcnt- 
 
 L ed
 
 cd to him, that it would expofe the Glory he 
 had acquired till then; that the taking of Can- 
 dahar \\4as pot an eafy Matter ; that the Ar- 
 mies which Cha-Gehan their Father had fent 
 thither had mifcarried ; that as his own only 
 confiiled in a great Meafure c c PerJtans, who 
 fervM him not without Reluctance, and gave 
 him but lazy Ailiftance in that Expedition, 
 he ought to exped the fame Fate ; that if he 
 did not come off with Honour, it would be 
 an indelible Stain to his Reputation ; that, in 
 fhort, he had not a great deal to gain if he 
 fucceeded, but that if he miicarried, his Lofs 
 would be infinite. Aurengzeb complied with 
 thefe Arguments; and though whenever he 
 fent Ambafladors afterwards to the Court of 
 fPerfia, the firft Article of their Inftru&ion 
 was always to demand the Reftitution of Can 
 dahar j it was only look'd upon as a Matter 
 of Form, and did not hinder the two Kings 
 from living amicably, when they had nothing 
 to skuffle for elfe where. 
 
 THUS the City of Candahar remained to 
 *Perfia. It was a Place of the more Impor- 
 tance to this Kingdom, becaufe it cover'd the 
 Frontiers towards the Indies ; and there was 
 none Ib ftrong in all ^erjia^ it having been 
 fortified by European Ingineers, whom Cha- 
 Gehan the great Mogul employed there, 
 while he was Mafter of it. As 'tis the great 
 Thorow-Fare of the Caravans that go from 
 to the Indies, or that return thfther 
 
 from
 
 from thence, it has enrich'd it felf by the 
 Stay which the Caravans make there, and 
 which the Governors had the Art of protract- 
 ing. One may form a Judgment of its 
 Wealth, by the Tribute it paid to the King, 
 which was twelve Pound Weight of Gold 
 for every Day in the Year, exclufiveof many 
 other Duties, Fines, and Forfeitures. It lies 
 in the fame Latitude as IJpahan, at the Dii- 
 tance of three hundred and fifty TPerJian 
 Leagues, which according to Sir John Char- 
 din's Calculation in his Coronation of Soly- 
 man, make above four hundred and fifty 
 French Leagues. As it was from this City 
 that terrible Blow came which has ruiu'd a 
 Monarchy fb powerful as that of 'Perfia, I 
 thought my lelf oblig'd to omit nothing that 
 might contribute to give a perfect Knowledge 
 of it. Tavernier has left us a Draught of it 
 in the Fifth Book of his Voyages to ^Per/la. 
 
 THIS City therefore is the Capital of the 
 Province where the Aghvans were difpers'd, 
 living for the moft Part under Tents, like the 
 Tartars, being inur'd to Heat and Cold, and 
 all the Inclemencies of the Seafons. With 
 them the Matters, Slaves, Horfes, and Cat- 
 tle lay confufedly under one and the fame 
 Tent ; and this People is fo accuftomed to 
 Ordure and Naftinefs, that if a Horfe drops 
 down dead by their Side, there they let him 
 I'e and rotj without being offended at the 
 
 Stench^
 
 Stench, or taking any more Notice of it, than 
 if they had not the Senfe of Smelling. 
 
 THEY live upon very little, as molt of the 
 Eaftern Nations do, and put up with what 
 they find, be it good or bad. In the March 
 which they made through the Deferts, that they 
 were obliged to pafs over to Ifpahan, they 
 had no other Nourifhment than parch'd Wheat, 
 and their very General, the Ufurper Magh 
 mu^ was in this refpect on the fame Footing 
 as the meaneft of his Soldiers. When they 
 had made themfelves Matters of Zulfa^ a 
 Town inhabited by the Armenians, a good 
 Quarter of a League from Ifpahan, they 
 found Soap there, which they took and eat 
 like Sugar, having never feen any before. For 
 they have no Soap nor Lye, but Kennel Dirt or 
 Mud, into which they put their Linnen, and 
 there knead it with their Feet, after which 
 they wafli it in cold Water.. They eat raw 
 Cabbages, as alfb Lettices, and other Sallad 
 Herbs. 
 
 NAZIR-ULLA, one of the chief Captains 
 of the Army, being at the Houfe of an Ar- 
 menian Merchant at Zulfa, the latter preient- 
 ed him with a great VeiTel, in which were 
 feveral Pound Weight of Cloves, defiring 
 him to tafte them. Na&ir-^Dlla eat up all 
 without any Ceremony, and though there 
 were enough to have killed a Horfe, he was 
 not ib much as incommoded by them. They 
 have no other Table but the Ground, nor no 
 
 Cloth,
 
 ( '47 ) 
 
 Cloth, but their Bread, which they bake in 
 Pans in the Form of Pancakes. They eat 
 their Meat half drefs'd, after having laid it 
 over the Flames, or upon Live-Coals. In 
 their greateft Entertainments they have no- 
 thing more, and their only Drink is Water, 
 there being fcarce any Nation perhaps that is 
 more averie to Wine. 
 
 THE IK. Way of drefiing anfwers to the 
 Coarfenefs of their Diet. They wear aVeft, 
 which hangs down to their Toes, and which 
 they tuck up towards the Wafte, under which 
 they have a very wide Pair of Drawers of 
 plain Linnen, but their Legs are always bare. 
 The better Sort make uie of Shoes or Slip- 
 pers when they ride on Horfeback, as allb of 
 a Sort of Boots of very hard Leather, which 
 when they have fitted on, they never pull off, 
 but there let 'em remain till they rot away. 'Tis 
 true, that fince they have made themfelves 
 Mafters of Terjia, they have begun to wear 
 the Terjian Habit, at leaft in Part, that is 
 to fay, they have taken the Veft which reaches 
 no lower than the Knees. As to the reft of 
 their Habit, they have not yet made any Al- 
 teration in it, which bears fuch a mix'd Af- 
 pect of Magnificence and Beggary, as is 
 ibmewhat ridiculous. For 'tis a ftrange Med- 
 ley, to fee under a Veft of Gold Stuff, a wide 
 Pair of Drawers of coarfe Linen, and under 
 thefe a Pair of Stockings that is yet coarler ; 
 for that is the Drefs of the chief Men of their 
 
 Na-
 
 ( M* ) 
 
 Nation now at Iffahan. With thefe Vefts of 
 Gold or Brocade, they make no Scruple to fit 
 cjown upon the bare Ground, with their Legs 
 extended, not caring how they bedaggle them 
 with Dirt. The only Thing they are neat in 
 is, a long and broad Piece of coarfe Linen., 
 which they wear about their Neck, from 
 whence it hangs down before them like a Slab- 
 bering Bib, and which they make ufe of to 
 defend themfelves from the Injuries of the 
 Air, and efpecially to cover their Arms when 
 it rains. As to their Heads, which are Ihav'd, 
 except a little Tuft of Hair which they leave 
 at the Side of each Ear, they have nothing 
 to cover them but a fort of Scarf, which they 
 fold feveral Times round, and one End falls 
 down upon the Shoulder, while the other 
 Hands up in Form of a Creft upon the Head, 
 which in the Manner they order it, looks ve- 
 ry noble. Their Santons, who are, as it were, 
 their Fryars or Priefts, are the only People 
 that do not cut their Hair, nor on the other 
 Hand, do they ever comb it. Their Com^ 
 plexion is not altogether black, but fwarthy, 
 very brown, and inclining to black. They 
 are very ill ihaped, but of a nervous and ro- 
 buft Conftitution, of infinite Skill and Agility 
 on Horfcback j fo that if they let any Thing 
 fall to the Ground, they eafily take it up, 
 without alighting from their Horles. 
 
 As to their Women, they go bare-fac'd s 
 contrary to the Cuftornof almoft all the Eaft. 
 
 They
 
 (M9) 
 
 They wear Ear-Pendants, either of Glafs, or 
 fuch other Matter, which hang down to the 
 Waifte. They have their Heads fhav'd as 
 well as the Men, but then they wear Horfe- 
 Tails round their Heads, which hang down 
 backwards to the Ground. They alib make 
 ufe of Linen Drawers and Buskins, and cover 
 their Bodies with a long Robe, which they 
 tie with a Girdle under their Breafts. 
 
 BUT to come now to what is more the Bu- 
 fmefs of this Hiftory, in the Character of 
 this Nation, that is to fay, in Affairs Mi- 
 litary, it muft be own'd, that there is not 
 perhaps a People in the World that has fo 
 much Inclination to War, and that is better 
 form'd and train'd up to it, their whole Lives 
 being fpent almoft in one continued Robbery, 
 after the Manner of the Tartars j and in ma- 
 king Excurfions among their Neighbours for 
 Plunder. 
 
 As to their Manner of Fighting in a regu- 
 lar Battle, they fall on thus : They place at 
 firft in the Front of their Army, in the Na- 
 ture of their forlorn Hope, the beft Troops 
 they have, which they call Nafackci and 
 Rechluvan, i. e. Butchers and Wreflers. 
 Thefe make the Onfet, and fall impetuoufly 
 upon the Enemy, without obferving Order 
 or Rank in their Attack, but pufhing forward, 
 in order to open a Way for the reft of the 
 Army, which after this firft Shock, finds 
 much lefs Reiiftance. But when they arc 
 
 warmly
 
 warmly engaged, thole Najackci retire" 1 ui 
 Flank to the Rear of the Army, where they 
 form a Rear Guard, which is only to force 
 thofe whom they have engaged with the Ene- 
 my to fight, and to hinder any Body from 
 failing back. When they perceive one 
 running away, they fall upon him, and force 
 him to return to his Poft with fuch heavy 
 Blows, that if he does not make hafte, they 
 kill him. We may judge of their Refolution 
 and Severity, by a Paflage that happened at 
 the Attack of the Bridge of Abufatbah. As 
 a Soldier who was wounded there in his Right 
 Arm only retir'd to have his Wound drefs'd, 
 a Nafackci came to him., and drove him back 
 to his Ranks, bidding him fight with his 
 3Left Hand, if he could not with his Right ; 
 and adding by Way of Banter, that if he 
 ihould alfb lofe his Left Arm, he muft bite 
 the Enemy with his Teeth. By this Difpofi- 
 tion of the Order of Battle, an Army was 
 inclos'd, as it were, between two Fires, that 
 of the Enemy in Front, and that of the Rear 
 Guard on their Backs, which quite cut off their 
 Retreat, ib that they were under an indi- 
 penfable Neceffity, either to conquer or die. 
 Thefe fame Nafackci are the Perfons whofe 
 Bufinefs it is to carry off the Bodies of thofe 
 who are kilPd in the Battle ; but as to the 
 Bodies of thofe who are flain in the Flight, 
 no Care is taken of them. Befides the Sword 
 and the Pike, which they manage very well, 
 
 they
 
 OsO 
 
 they have alfo Piftols, which begin to be very 
 common amongft them. Before they had 
 conquered ( PerJta^ they were half naked, and 
 had no other defenfive Weapons but a Buck- 
 ler or Cuirafs of very hard Leather doubled. 
 But now they make ufe of fine Cuirafles of 
 Iron, which they found among the Spoils of 
 their vanquifh'd Enemy. But as brave and 
 refolute as they are in the open Field and in 
 Battles, they are altogether as lazy and cow- 
 ardly in Sieges, which they know nothing oil 
 So that there are {till ibme fmall Towns in 
 the Neighbourhood of IJpahan, of which 
 they could never yet make themfelves Matters j 
 and if they have reduced all the reft, it was 
 only by Stratagem, or by cutting off the Ca- 
 nals, or by Famine, and not by Force. 
 
 BUT one Thing which contributes as much 
 to the Succeis of their Undertakings, is the 
 exad Difcipline of their Troops. Perhaps 
 there are no Corps where the Leaders have 
 more Authority, and are better obey'd. 
 Though difpers'd in the leveral Quarters of 
 Iffahan^ the Signal is no fboncr given, but 
 they repair in an Inftant to their Colours; 
 and the Moment they took Pofleffion of 7/= 
 fahan, the Townimen were fb iafe and ie- 
 cure, that they might carry their Money in 
 their Hands, or upon their Heads, without 
 fear of any Violence from the Soldiers. In 
 the Tumult which happen'd when the Sultan 
 i who now reigns, was placed upon 
 
 the
 
 ('"5*) 
 
 the Throne in Maghmud's Head, and during 
 which the Aghvans fought with one another, 
 all the People of Iffahan fhut their Shops^ 
 and kept clofe within Doors \ but, as foon as 
 the Riot was fupprefled, the new Sultan fent 
 Orders the very fame Day to open the Shops 
 on Payment of a great Fine, which was done 
 immediately without any Prejudice to the 
 pooreft Burgher. 
 
 THEIR Treatment of thofe who become 
 their Prisoners by the Laws of War, has no- 
 thing in it of the Barbarity we find among 
 moft of the other eaftern Nations. They 
 look upon the felling of them into Slavery to 
 be a heinous Inhumanity, which they hold 
 in Abhorrence. 'Tis true, indeed, that they 
 keep them at Home as Slaves, and make 
 them do the Drudgery ; but, belides that, in 
 the Time even of their Slavery, they treat 
 them with Kindnefs and Care ; they never fail, 
 if they do but pleafe them, to reftore them to 
 Liberty at the End of a certain Term ; in 
 which Refpeft they differ as widely from the 
 other AfiatickS) as they do in Good-Manners. 
 For they can't be reproached with any of thole 
 incontinent and diflblute Extravagancies, ib 
 frequent among their Neighbours ; and if any 
 of them are faulty in this Kind, at leaft it does 
 not break out, and they conceal it to them- 
 felves as aVice which is neither common nor 
 authorized in their Country. 
 
 THIS.
 
 ( '49) 
 
 THIS is the Character of the Natioivof the 
 iS) who have lately conquered 'Per- 
 Jia^ and probably would never have thought 
 of a Defign of fuch Importance, if they had 
 not had a Man among them of a Genius above 
 his Countrymen ; and who at fuch a Diftance, 
 diipofed Matters fo well, that he left his Son 
 in a Condition to fmifh what he had but juft 
 drawn a Sketch of, and what he would never 
 perhaps have ventured to pufh fo far. 
 
 THE Perfon I mean is the famous Myrr- 
 Weis., Father to Myrr-Maghmud, who de- ' 
 thron'd Schah-Huffein King of "ferjla^ and 
 Uncle by the Father's Side to Myrr-Af- 
 z>raff\ who fucceeded Maghmud, and reigns 
 at this Day. The Author of the Account 
 inferted in the Mercury for November 1716. 
 was mifinformed, when he reprefented him as 
 a Man born of the Dregs of the People. The 
 Figure he made at Candahar twenty-five 
 Years ago, and the Title of Myrr, or Lord y 
 which he then was called by, plainly fhews 
 that he was no mean Man ; and certainly, 
 if he had been of as bafe Extraction as the 
 Author of that Relation fays, either he would 
 not have been in a Condition to give that 
 Umbrage he did to the Governor of Candahar, 
 or the latter would not have carried it fo 
 fair to him as he did, amidft the Sufpicions 
 he had of his Conduct. 
 
 THIS Governor of Candahar ^ who was the 
 firii Man that took Umbrage at the Conduct 
 
 M of
 
 '( '50 ) 
 
 warmly engaged, thofe Nafackci retire" 1 iri 
 Flank to the Rear of the Army, where they 
 form a Rear Guard, which is only to force 
 thofe whom they have engaged with the Ene- 
 my to fight, and to hinder any Body from 
 falling back. When they perceive one 
 running away, they fall upon him, and force 
 him to return to his Poft with fuch heavy 
 Blows, that if he does not make hafte, they 
 kill him. We may judge of their Refolution 
 and Severity, by a Paffage that happened at 
 the Attack of the Bridge of Abufatbah. As 
 a Soldier who was wounded there in his Rjght 
 Arm only retir'd to have his Wound drefs'd, 
 a Nafackci came to him., and drove him back 
 to his Ranks, bidding him fight with his 
 Left Hand, if he could not with his Right ; 
 and adding by Way of Banter, that if he 
 fhould alfb lofe his Left Arm, he muft bite 
 the Enemy with his Teeth. By this Difpofi- 
 tion of the Order of Battle, an Army was 
 inclos'd, as it were, between two Fires, that 
 of the Enemy in Front, and that of the Rear 
 Guard on their Backs, which quite cut off their 
 Retreat, fb that they were under an indrf- 
 penfable Neceffity, either to conquer or die* 
 Thefe lame Nafackci are the Perfons whole 
 Bufinefs it is to carry off the Bodies of thofe 
 who are kill'd in the Battle ; but as to the 
 Bodies of thofe who are flain in the Flight, 
 no Care is taken of them. Befides the Sword 
 and the Pike, which they manage very well, 
 
 they
 
 hey have alfb Piftols, which begin to be very 
 common amongft them. Before they had 
 conquer'd Terjfa^ they were half naked, and 
 had no other defenfive Weapons but a Buck- 
 ler or Cuirafs of very hard Leather doubled. 
 But now they make ufe of fine CuiraiTes of 
 Iron, which they found among the Spoils of 
 their vanquifh'd Enemy. But as brave and 
 refolute as they are in the open Field and in 
 Battles, they are altogether as lazy and cow- 
 ardly in Sieges, which they know nothing o 
 So that there are frill fome fmail Towns in 
 the Neighbourhood of IJpahan^ of which 
 they could never yet make themfelves Matters - y 
 and if they have reduced all the reft, it was 
 only by Stratagem, or by cutting off the Ca- 
 nals, or by Famine, and not by Force. 
 
 Bu T one Thing which contributes as much 
 to the Succefs of their Undertakings, is the 
 exa& Difcipline of their Troops. Perhaps 
 there are no Corps where the Leaders have 
 more Authority, and are better obey'd. 
 Though difpers'd in the feveral Quarters of 
 Ifpahan, the Signal is no fooner given, but 
 they repair in an Inftant to their Colours; 
 and the Moment they took Pofleffion of 7/= 
 pahan, the Townimen were fb lafe and ie- 
 cure, that they might carry their Money in 
 their Hands, or upon their Heads, without 
 fear of any Violence from the Soldiers. In 
 the Tumult which happened when the Sultan 
 who now reigns, was placed upon 
 
 the
 
 the Throne in MaghmutTs ftead, and during 
 which the Aghvans fought with one another, 
 all the People of Ifpahan fhut their Shops, 
 and kept clofe within Doors \ but, as foon as 
 the Riot was fuppreffed, the new Sultan fent 
 Orders the very fame Day to open the Shops 
 on Payment of a great Fine, which was done 
 immediately without any Prejudice to the 
 pooreft Burgher. 
 
 THEIR Treatment of thofe who become 
 their Prisoners by the Laws of War, has no- 
 thing in it of the Barbarity we find among 
 moft of the other eaftern Nations. They 
 look upon the felling of them into Slavery to 
 be a heinous Inhumanity, which they hold 
 in Abhorrence. 'Tis true, indeed, that they 
 keep them at Home as Slaves, and make 
 them do the Drudgery ; but, befides that, in 
 the Time even of their Slavery, they treat 
 them with Kindnefs and Care ; they never fail, 
 if they do but pleafethem, to reftore them to 
 Liberty at the End of a certain Term ; in 
 which Refped they differ as widely from the 
 other AJiatickS) as they do in Good-Manners. 
 For they can't be reproached with any of thofe 
 incontinent and diflblute Extravagancies, ib 
 frequent among their Neighbours ; and if any 
 of them are faulty in this Kind, at leaft it does 
 not break out, and they conceal it to them- 
 felves as aVice which is neither common nor 
 authorized in their Country. 
 
 THIS
 
 C '49) 
 
 THIS is the Chara&erof the Nation/of the 
 nS) who have lately conquered *Per- 
 Jia, and probably would never have thought 
 of a Defign of fuch Importance, if they had 
 not had a Man among them of a Genius above 
 his Countrymen ; and who at luch a Diftance, 
 diipofed Matters ib well, that he left his Son 
 in a Condition to fmifh what he had but juft 
 drawn a Sketch of, and what he would never 
 perhaps have ventured to pufh fo far. 
 
 THE Perfon I mean is the famous Myrr- 
 WeiSj Father co Myrr-Maghmud, who de- 
 thron'd Schab-Hu/ci* King of ^Perfia^ and 
 Uncle by the Father's Side to Myrr-Af- 
 zraff, who fucceeded Maghmud, and reigns 
 at this Day. The Author of the Account 
 inferted in the Mercery for November 1716. 
 was mifinformed, when he reprefented him as 
 a Man born of the Dregs of the People. The 
 Figure he made at Candahar twenty-five 
 Years ago, and the Title of Myrr^ or Lord y 
 which he then was called by, plainly Ihews 
 that he was no mean Man ; and certainly, 
 if he had been of as bafe Extraction as the 
 Author of that Relation fays, either he would 
 not have been in a Condition to give that 
 Umbrage he did to the Governor of Candabar, 
 or the latter would not have carried it ib 
 fair to him as he did, amidft the Sufpicions 
 he had of his Conduct. 
 
 THIS Governor of Candahar , who was the 
 firft Man that took Umbrage at the Conduct 
 
 M of
 
 (MO) 
 
 of Myrr-Weis was Georgi-Kan, Prince of 
 Georgia. This Prince after having governed 
 Georgia fome Time in Quality of the Kan, or 
 Governor, nominated by the King ofTerJta, 
 who, according to antient Capitulations made 
 with the great Schah-Abas, cannot place any 
 Governor in Georgia^ but a Prince of this 
 Family, was weary of this Dependance, and 
 took Advantage of the Weaknefs of the Ter- 
 Jian Court., to free himfelffrom the Yoak, and 
 to refume all the Rights of Sovereignty which 
 his Anceflors had enjoy'd. He was a great 
 Captain, and the Army that was fent againft 
 him, as foon as they were informed of his 
 .Revolt, could not have brought him to Rea- 
 fbn, if they had only attacked him with open 
 Force ; but the Money that was flipped into 
 the Hands of the chief Lords of the Coun- 
 try, who are diftinguiihed by the Title of 
 Er//?tfi#,did what the Forces of 'Perjia could 
 never have done. All thofe Grandees retir'd 
 with their Troops, and the Prince finding 
 himfelf abandoned, had no other Courfe to take 
 but to fly till he could negotiate his Return, 
 and make his Peace. This he did with the 
 more Eafe, becaufe he \tfas ailifted with the 
 Credit of his Brother, who was at Court, where 
 he officiated as Divan- Beg, or Chief- Jufticiary, 
 which is one of the firft Offices in the King- 
 dom. By his Means, therefore, he obtain'd 
 a Pardon for his Rebellion, and was re-efta- 
 blifhed in his Government. But as his paft 
 
 Conduit
 
 Condu& render'd him ftill fufpecled at Court, 
 they took hold of an Opportunity which of- 
 fer'd to remove him from Georgia^ by giving 
 him an honourable Commiflion to the other 
 End of the Kingdom. This Occafion was 
 owing to an Embafly from the Great Mo- 
 gul. 
 
 THIS powerful Prince, who for above fif- 
 ty Years, that he had loft Candahar y made 
 no other Uie of his Pretenfions upon that City, 
 but to trump them up whenever he had a Mind 
 to make the Kings of 'Perjia uneafy, fent a 
 great and ftately EmbafTy to Schah-Huffein y 
 in the Beginning of his Reign, to demand 
 that Place of him. The Court of ferjia^ 
 who took it for a Menace of War, refolved to 
 fortify themfelves on the Frontier towards Mo- 
 gul, and choie the fame Georgi-Kan to com- 
 mand there, that was lately re-eftablifhed in 
 Georgia. No Body was more capable than he 
 to fecure the Frontier againft the Enterprizes 
 of the Mogul ; and befides, his Capacity and 
 Valour, which kept the Court in continual Un- 
 cafinefs while he commanded in Georgia^ might 
 be employ'd without any Hazard at the other 
 End of the Kingdom. He received Orders 
 therefore, to let out with his Troops, and to 
 repair to Candabar^ to command in that Pro- 
 vince, and to watch the Motions of the Mo- 
 gul; and, in the mean Time, Koftrou-Kan y 
 his Nephew, was nominated to be his Lieu- 
 
 M i tenant
 
 ( -IJt) 
 
 tenant in Georgia, and to govern it in his 
 Name. 
 
 GEORGI-KAN behav'd in this new Govern* 
 ment to the entire Satisfaction of the Court, 
 whofe Intentions he purfued there to a Tittle. 
 For as they were not for a War , and as they 
 fent him to Candahar not fo much to make 
 War, as to deprive the Mogul of all Pretence 
 and Temptation to it, he took care, on the 
 one Hand, to eftablifh fo good a Regulation 
 in the Heart of the Province, that the Mo- 
 gul could not hope to furprize it ; and,- on 
 the other Hand, to keep the reftlefs Aghvans 
 he had under his Command within Bounds, 
 and to hinder them efpecially from making 
 thofe Incurfions, which they often took the 
 Liberty to make upon the Lands of the Mo- 
 gul, and which that Prince might have al- 
 ledged as a fufficient Provocation to fend an Ar- 
 my againft the Province. Such wife Conduct 
 which hinder'd any riling at Home or Abroad^ 
 reconcil'd him totally to the Court. But the 
 Thing that compleatly cancelled all old Suf- 
 picions, and alfo gain'd him a Share of Con- 
 fidence, was the Intelligence he gave with 
 refpe& to Myrr-Wets ; and which could on- 
 ly proceed from a Minifter as zealous for the 
 Intereft of the State, as he was able and clear- 
 fighted to difcover every Thing that could af- 
 fedb it. 
 
 As the City of Candahar, which ferves for 
 a Rampart to the whole Province, is the 
 
 flrongcft
 
 (IIJ) 
 
 ftrongeft place in Terjia^ Georgi-Kan faw 
 prefcntJy that that Province had nothing to 
 fear from the Mogul, as long as all was 
 quiet at home. This made him chiefly turn 
 his Eye to the People that inhabited it, in 
 order to fludy their Chara&er and Humour. 
 He perceived that they were a reftlels tur- 
 bulent People, naturally Warlike, never 
 pLeafed, but when they were making Ex- 
 curfions upon their Neighbours ; and Ib 
 brave and refblute, that they only want- 
 ed a Leader to become as formidable to their 
 Sovereign,when they knew their own Strength, 
 as they were to the Frontiers of their Pro- 
 vince. Myrr-Wets feemed to him a very fit 
 Perfon to aft this Part. He was in one of 
 the chief Stations at Candahar, where he ex-^ 
 ercifed the Office of Chielentar, or Inten- 
 dant for railing the Tribute paid to the King ; 
 and he managed this Employment with a 
 Generality, Difintereftednefs, and Kindnefs, 
 which won him the Hearts of the People. He 
 was exceeding rich, and made a very proper 
 Ufe of his Wealth to oblige all Mankind, and 
 to procure himfelf Friends and Creatures. His 
 Liberality was the more dangerous, becaule 
 it was accompanied with that gracious popular 
 Air, as never fails to make an Impreflion on 
 the Vulgar, who are generally deceived by it; 
 and by whom he was, therefore^ beloved even 
 fo Adoration. 
 
 M THE
 
 (|J4) 
 
 THE Prince Georgi-Kan, no fooner per- 
 ceived what he was driving at, but he took 
 Umbrage \ and, after having informed the 
 Court of his Sufpicions, he thought he could 
 do nothing of more Importance for the Securi- 
 ty of the Province, than to remove him from 
 it, by fending him to Ifpahan. In Turky 
 they would not have ufed that Ceremony; and 
 a pofitive Order to fend the Head of Myrr- 
 Weis^ would have made both the Governor 
 and the Court eafy, as to him : But in *Per- 
 Jia, where the Authority, as defpotick as it is, 
 is exercifed with more Lenity and Modera- 
 tion, they were obliged to take other Mea- 
 fures. The Governor, therefore, contented 
 himfelf with fending him to Court, not indeed 
 as a Prifbner, but caufed fo ftrid an Eye to be 
 kept over him, that he could not eafily efcape. 
 At the fame Time he fent Word to the King, 
 that if he had a Mind to fecure that Province, 
 he Ihould take care not to fuifer Myrr-Weis 
 ever to return to Candahar. 
 
 THIS Proceeding of Georgi-Kan was a 
 Piece of great Policy, as the Event fully 
 proved ; and Schah-HuJJein would have 
 been ftill upon the Throne, if he had not de- 
 viated from the Advice which this wife Go- 
 vernor gave him ; but Myrr-lVeis by his In- 
 finuations, loon rendered the Governor's Pre- 
 caution and Counfel of no Effed. As he ar- 
 rived at Court with the Chara6ter of a dan- 
 gerous and fulpicious Perfon, his firft Ap- 
 pearance
 
 pearance there was in the Nature of a Gioz- 
 Tittzack, or one that is always narrowly 
 watched. But as foon as he had Time to look 
 about him, and to view the Ground, what 
 with his fupple and pliant Temper, his flat- 
 tering and engaging Behaviour, and the Splen- 
 dor he lived in,which always gives a Man Credit 
 in Courts, he found Means by his Friends to 
 remove the Prejudices which the Governor 
 of Candahar had raifed againft him ; and 
 though, partly out of Regard to Georgi-Kan y 
 they were not willing to fend him Home again, 
 yet he was no longer watched at Court as 
 a fufpicious Perlbn, but ftood on the fame 
 Terms there with the other Courtiers, and 
 even thole who were moil welcome there. 
 
 THE Expence he put himfeif to there, 
 which the great Riches he was Mafter of 
 enabled him to fupport, had put him on a 
 Footing which gave him Accefs to the great- 
 eft Perfbns at Ifpahan. There was not a 
 Houfe of any Minifter, or Lord of the firft 
 Rank, where he was not heartily welcome ; 
 fo that any other Perfon in his Place that 
 had only aimM to be diftinguifhed at Court, 
 would have been highly pleafed with his 
 Deftiny. But Myrr-JVeis, who had Views 
 much more exalted, only confidered fuch Re- 
 gard at Court, as a proper Means to facilitate 
 his Return to his own Country. This he la- 
 bour *d by Degrees ; and in the mean Time, 
 that he might be a Gainer by the Force which 
 M 4 was
 
 . 
 
 was put upon him to ftay at Ifpahan, and 
 by that fort of Banifhment, which he was 
 kept in at Court, he applied himfelf to get a 
 thorough Knowledge of it, and ftudied how to 
 make a profitable Ufe of his Difcoveries. 
 
 THE Oppofition and Antipathy of the two 
 Faftions into which the Court was divided, 
 could not long efcape the Penetration of a 
 Man fo quick-fighted and cunning as he was. 
 He no fooner perceived it, but he refolved to 
 make a third Party, by iniinuating himfelf in- 
 to the other two ; and he concerted his Mea- 
 fures fo well, and fo artfully covered his De- 
 fign that he was never fulpe&ed by either. 
 When he was in Company with Perfons of 
 the fame Faclion as the Prince Georgi-Kan, 
 he thought no Encomiums too great to be- 
 ftow upon him. According to him y ' He 
 c< was, a Prince of the higheft Merit, one of the 
 " King's moft faithful Servants ; and one of 
 " the moft zealous Men for the publick Tran- 
 "quility. Never did any Governor difcover 
 "fo much Fore-fight, Attention, or Integrity. 
 " In fhort, he was a Man born for the pub- 
 " lick Good ; and the very Terror of his Name 
 <i! only, with theGharader he had for hisCa- 
 <( pacity and Valour, had kept the Great Mo- 
 " gul in Refpeft, and hindered him from ma- 
 " king a Diftnrbance.' He faid all this with 
 an Air fo natural and fo perfwafive, that the 
 Divan Beg y Georgt-Kan*s Brother, thought 
 it all fincere, and could not help chiding ( his 
 
 Brother
 
 ( '57) 
 
 Brother in his Letters, for having ill-treated, 
 and raifcd a Suspicion of the Man that was 
 the moft devoted to him of all the World ; 
 that ipoke of him in the handfomeit Terms; 
 and that was no lefs than his Panegyrift at 
 Court. 
 
 BUT when he happened to be with thofc 
 of the contrary Fac~tion,with whom he thought 
 he might talk very freely concerning this 
 Prince, his Language was the very reverie. 
 " Then he was a Man canker'd with Ambi- 
 tion, and in fome Contrivance againft the 
 <c Government. He had only removed him 
 a from Candahar, faid he, becaufe he thought 
 < c he looked over his Shoulders, and faw too 
 < f far into his Defigns, and becaufe he was too 
 zealous a Servant, to his Liking, for the 
 "King's Interefts, and too well inclined to 
 " maintain his Countrymen in their Obedi- 
 " ence. Then he complained of the Difor- 
 "ders committed by the Georgian Troops, 
 " which this Prince had brought with him, and 
 "which, fays he, ferve only to opprefs the 
 "Province. Why ftiould the Kingdom be 
 " put to the Expence of maintaining an Ar- 
 "my, which has the Stain of a late Rebel- 
 lion frelh upon it, and which perhaps is bat- 
 " tening at Candahar, only to begin a new one ? 
 "If there was an abfolute Neceffity forkeep- 
 "ing up an Army in that Province, it were 
 "much better that they ihouki be Troops 
 "and Generals of the 'Perjian Nation, ^ho 
 
 4 might
 
 < might be Gainers by the Abundance of a 
 
 < Country fo likely to enrich them/ And 
 upon this Topick he warmly prefs'd them, one 
 after another, to have an Eye to this Govern- 
 ment, by telling them how eafily they might 
 make their Fortunes there, without any Noife, 
 and offering them his hearty Services to that 
 End. He back'd thefe Difcourfes, which he 
 took care to time well, with Prefents of that 
 kind, which are welcome from a fine Gentle- 
 man, and which one would think might be 
 given and received without any Confequence, 
 though generally they touch to the Quick. 
 Thofe were fine India Calicoes, which are 
 very much coveted in 'Perjia, and efpecially 
 certain Woollen Stuffs, which are more prized 
 there than Cloth of Gold. Having fo much 
 Wealth at his Command, he fpared no Coft 
 to get what was the niceft, moft exquifite, and 
 beft wrought of the Kind, and beftow'd them 
 fo happily among the chief Men of the two 
 Fa&ions at Court, that he acquired an equal 
 Intereft with both. It was by thefe artful 
 Methods, this fubtle Management that he ab- 
 folutely demolimed all Prejudices that had 
 been raifed againft him ; and that from a Man 
 who was fufpeded, and, as it were, a Pri- 
 foner of State when he came to Court, he 
 came to be diftinguifhed there as a Confident, 
 and to have a great Share in the King's Fa- 
 vour, to whom he was as acceptable as the moft 
 favoured of his Courtiers. 
 
 As
 
 ('59) 
 
 As fbon as Myrr-IPcis found himfclf in 
 this Situation at the Court of Ifpahan, he 
 thought that nothing could contribute more to 
 confirm the good Opinion there entertained of 
 him, than tome popular Ad of Goodnels, 
 which might give him an Air of Devojion, 
 and make him efteem'd as a Man zealous for 
 his Religion and Salvation. A Pilgrimage 
 to Mecca was very proper to produce that 
 Effect, and to conceal ftill greater Defigns, 
 which we {hall lay open hereafter. 
 
 THIS Pilgrimage is an Article which is as 
 much recommended as any in Mahome?s 
 L,aw. 'Tis even a Command obliging upon 
 fuch as have Abilities to do it, and are not 
 hinder'd from it by fuch great Offices, and con- 
 fiderable Employments, as do not admit 
 of their Abfence. As Mahomet is equally 
 reputed both among the 'Perfians and the 
 Turks for the true Mefliah, and as their Dif- 
 ference is only about the Succeflbr of this 
 falfe Prophet, the Precept enjoining the Pil- 
 grimage to Mecca concerns them all alike : 
 But this Devotion is not near fo much in 
 Vogue in 'Perjia^ as it is in Turfy, and the 
 reft of the Mahometan World ; efpecially 
 lince the Reign of Schab-Abas the Great, 
 who left no Methods untried to run it down, 
 and to divert his Subjects from it. 
 
 THIS Prince, whofe Attention nothing that 
 could in the leaft affed his Dominions e 
 ipaped, perceived that Pilgrimages of this Na- 
 ture
 
 ture to Mecca and Medina, always carried 
 a great Quantity of Gold out of his King- 
 dom, becauie the Pilgrims took no Coin with 
 them but Gold Ducats, as well to pay the 
 Tributes demanded by the Turks * and .Arabs 
 through whofe Lands they were obliged to 
 pafs, as to defray the other Expences of the 
 Journey. In Order to remedy this Mifchief, 
 he deiign'd not to cut off thofe Pilgrima- 
 ges, which would only have ferved to frighten 
 the Populace, who are always fondly fuper^ 
 ftitious, but to change /the Time of making 
 them, and to turn the Devotion of his Peo- 
 ple towards another Object, which did not 
 oblige them to quit his Dominions. For this 
 End he made Choice of a Place called Mef- 
 z,at, which Tavernier calls Meched, and 
 Char din, Mefcbed^ in the Province ofCoraf- 
 fan, and built there in Honour of one of 
 their Imans, which they have in great Ve- 
 neration, a {lately Mofque, which was cal- 
 led Iman-Reza, after the Name of that Iman. 
 As he knew the Devotion of the People is 
 eafily led away by external Decoration, and 
 the Magnificence of Ornaments, he fpared 
 ix> Expence in this Refpecl:, even ib far as to 
 coyer the Dome with Plates of Gold. At 
 the fame Time he annexed great Revenues 
 to it, for the Maintenance of the Priefts 
 that were to officiate there : And becaufe 
 nothing makes fo much Impreflion upon the 
 Subjects, as the Example of the Prince, he 
 
 was
 
 was refolved himfelf to make this Pilgrimage 
 in Perfon, attended by his whole Court, and 
 with all the Pomp that ufed to accompany 
 Royal Majefty. The Courtiers being fen- 
 fible that they could not make their Court 
 to him better than by crying up this new 
 Altar, which he had lately let up in Oppo- 
 lition to that of Mecca, did not fail, when 
 they came back, to make a great Noife of 
 the pretended Miracles of Iman-Rez,aju\\\ch y 
 though difcredited by People of Senfe, were 
 fo ftrongly believed by the Vulgar, who took 
 them for real, that they addrefled all their 
 Prayers this Way, and by Degrees left off 
 their Pilgrimages to Mecca. The Succeflbrs 
 of Schah-Abas followed the fame Plan to 
 wean their Subjeds more and more from a 
 Devotion which was looked upon as preju- 
 dicial to the Interefts of the State ; fo that 
 it was rather tolerated there than iuffered; 
 and thongh Scbah-Hu/ein was fbmewhat re- 
 lax in this Point, as he had been in other 
 Maxims of his Predeceflbrs, yet the Pilgri- 
 mage to Mecca was ftill in great Difefteem, 
 and few People in Terjia ^were tempted to 
 make it. 
 
 BUT this Confideration could inot affecl 
 Myrr-Weis^ who though a Mahometan as 
 well as the 'Pcrjians^ was of a different Sed, 
 the fame with the Turks. The two Seds, in- 
 to which all the Mahometans are divided, 
 are diftinguifh'd by the Names of Sunnt and 
 
 Rafi.
 
 Raft. The former comprehends the Turks, 
 and the other Followers of Omar ; and the 
 latter includes the 'Perfians, and the other Fol- 
 lowers of Aly. The Aghvans^ by fubmitting 
 to the Dominion of the Kings of Terjia, had 
 made it an Article in their Capitulation, that 
 they ihould not be molefted for their Reli- 
 gion, on Account of the Sed to which they 
 adher'd ; and never was any Trouble given 
 them on that Head ; confequently they were 
 not furprizM at Court, that Myrr-Weis^ be- 
 ing an honeft Sunni^ had the Devotion to go 
 to Mecca, for which Pilgrimage thole of that 
 Sed have the higheft Veneration. On the 
 contrary, they were very much edified, to fee 
 that a Man who liv'd fo agreeably as he did 
 at IJpahan, had Power to withftand all the 
 Charms that might have kept him there, to 
 follow the Didates of his Devotion and Zeal. 
 Befides, he obtained Leave to make this Pil- 
 grimage with the lefs Difficulty, becaufe in- 
 ftead of carrying him back to Candahar, it 
 remov'd him four or five hundred Leagues 
 farther from it; for IJpahan lies almoft in 
 the Centre between Candahar and Mecca, ha- 
 ving the former on the Eaft, and the other 
 on the Weft, inclining to the South. 
 
 THUS did Myrr-Weis fct out for Mecca ; 
 which devout Pilgrimage deferves the more 
 Notice upon his Account, becaufe it was the 
 Foundation of all his future Undertakings. 
 It ferves as the Efocha of the firft Blow that 
 
 he
 
 he ftruck at the Terjian Monarchy, and muft 
 be look'd upon as the Source of all thofe In- 
 cidents, which afterwards prov'd its Ruin, as 
 I fhall now proceed to fhew. 
 
 THOUGH the Intrigues and the Manage- 
 ment of Myrr-Wets while he was at Canda- 
 bar, were juftly fufpecled by the Govern- 
 ment, who had Reafon to take Umbrage at 
 it, yet there was nothing criminal in his Con- 
 dudt. There's all the Reafon in the World 
 to think, that he was not well affefted to the 
 State at that Time ; but if he had any Views 
 of Rebellion, they could only be founded on 
 wild Projects, which he faw himfelf there 
 was no Likelihood of bringing to pafs ; and 
 'tis very probable that he would have itopp'd 
 there, if the Journey which he was forc'd to 
 make to Court had not diverted him of a Pre- 
 judice which had, till then, prov'd a Bar to 
 all his Defigns. 
 
 HE had all along depended fo much on his 
 Credit, on the Affe&ion of the People, on 
 his Power, on his Riches, and the great Num- 
 ber of his Friends and Adherents, that he 
 thought himfelf in a Condition to raife a Re- 
 bellion in the Province, and to be Mafter of 
 the capital City of it when he pleafed. But 
 when he bethought himfelf of the over-grown 
 Power of the King of ^Perjla^ fuch as he 
 fancied it to be, his immenfe Treafures, his 
 Forces in all Parts, the Armies which he \ ept 
 in Pay on his Frontiers, and which upon the 
 
 i firft
 
 firft Order would pour in upon him, and 
 cmfh him to Pieces, his Heart faii'd him. 
 He looked upon his Projects as wild Chirnaeras ; 
 and it appearM vifible to him, that the Con- 
 fequence of fuch an Attempt would only be 
 the Ruin of himfelf firft of all, and that then 
 it would give a lawful Pretext to aggravate 
 the Yoke of his Countrymen, who would 
 blame him for it, and for ever abhor him. 
 
 HE was full of thefe Ideas and Prepoflef- 
 lions when he came to Court; but he had not 
 been there many Months, e'er he was of ano- 
 ther Mind. This Power which he appre- 
 hended to be fo formidable when he viewed it 
 at a great Diftance, was much lefTen'd when 
 he faw it clofely. He had indeed a great 
 Number of Troops on Foot, but for molt 
 part ill pay'd, ill kept, difgufted with their 
 \ Service, too weak and difpirited to do any 
 Thing of Moment, and cramp'd by the 
 Divifion of the Minifters, one Part of whom 
 minded nothing but to thwart the Projects of 
 the other. Beiides all this, he faw a King of 
 a mean Spirit without Knowledge or Expe- 
 rience, who knew not the State of his King- 
 dom fo much as the lowed of his Subjects, 
 a meer Slave to the Eunuchs, who com- 
 manded in his Name,; and were more Kings 
 than himfelf. Myrr-lf^etSj who was a 
 Man of Refle&ion and good Judgment, when 
 he faw the Confufion of Affairs, and the 
 Weaknefs of the Government, could not exprefs 
 
 his
 
 his Surprife, to fee that the State fubfifted 
 and he perceived that it was more owing to 
 its Reputation than to its Strength j and that 
 confidering the low Condition, to which the 
 Kingdom was reduc'd, there was no Province 
 fo fmall, but might fiiake off the Yoke with 
 Impunity, and let it felf free if it had but 
 the Courage to attempt it. 
 
 WHAT he had all along thought impra&i- 
 cable, and as it were chimerical, in the 
 Schemes which he had fometimes contrived 
 for a Rebellion, appear'd then to him not on- 
 ly poffible, but even eafy and infallible. 
 From that Moment he formM and fix'd his 
 Project and the firft Thing he did in Confe- 
 quence was the Journey to Mecca, 
 
 WHATEVER was his Confidence in the 
 Credit that he had acquired with his Coun- 
 trymen, he thought that in an Enterprise of 
 fuch Importance as that which he had in his 
 Head, there was an ablblute Neceffity of 
 binding them to his Intereft, by fomething 
 yet ftronger than the Affection which they 
 bore to him, and which might be of fuch a 
 Nature,, as indifpenfably to engage the whole 
 Nation ; and as there is no Tie more power- 
 ful .or efficacious than that of Conference, he 
 propofed to turn his Rebellion into a War of 
 Religion, and to get the Sanclion of a Law 
 for it, to which even the moft moderate of 
 the Nation could not but pay a Deference, 
 and a blind Submiflion. 
 
 N
 
 (i66) 
 
 THAT was the Motive of his Pilgrimage 
 to Mecca-, where, after he had performed the 
 Devoirs of his Religion, he fent to defire the 
 chief Do&ors, who refided both at Mecca 
 and Medina^ that they would pleafe to grant 
 him a particular and fecret Conference, in or- 
 der to confult them, and take their Opinion 
 on fome Scruples of Conlcience, which had 
 for a long Time difturb'd him. The Confe- 
 rence being granted, Myrr-Weis opened it 
 with magnificent Prefents of all the richeft 
 and fineft Things that he could pick up in 
 ?Per/ia, and then told them, that though his 
 Conference had for a long Time prefs'd him 
 to come to Mahomet's Tomb, yet he muft 
 confefs to them, that one of the chief Mo- 
 tives which had at laft determin'd him to 
 undertake that pious tedious Pilgrimage, was 
 the Defire he had of confulting the moft 
 learned Doctors of the Law, and the greateft 
 Lights of the Mahometan Religion ; that the 
 Situation he was in of being reduced with his 
 whole Nation under the Obedience of a he- 
 retick Prince, had ftarted Doubts and Per- 
 plexities in his Mind, which nothing left than 
 an Authority fb irrefragable as theirs could 
 fatisfy; that he knew that their Decifions 
 were admitted as Oracles in all the Courts of 
 the Eaft; that he would receive them for 
 him and his Countrymen with the lame Re- 
 yerence, and that he would adhere to what 
 
 they
 
 they fhould pronounce, as much as if Mabo* 
 met himfelf had decided it. 
 
 AFTER this ftiort Preamble, he propofed 
 his Doubts to them by Way of Cafes of Con- 
 Icience. FIRST, he defired to know, u Whe- 
 " ther in the Oppreffion which the 'Perfians 
 f< were kept under, they could in Confcience 
 <c lay hold of any favourable Opportunity to 
 " recover their antient Liberty by Force of 
 " Arms, and free themielves from a Yoke, 
 " by which they were cramp'd in the Exer- 
 " cife of their Religion, the Laws of which 
 a were violated every Day ? 
 
 " SECONDLY, he defired to know if they 
 <c were obliged to keep the Oath of Alle- 
 " giance, which the chief Men of each Fa- 
 <c mily had been forc'd, with the Knife at 
 <c their Throats, to fwear to Hereticks of the 
 " Muflulman Law, fuch as the Terjiansy 
 " efpecially confidering the Non-obfervanct 
 " of the Conventions ftipulated, and Privi- 
 <c leges granted under the Seal of the Oath 
 '* taken by the King, and not minded by the 
 <c 'PerJiatiSj who not content with ail the Af- 
 <c fronts which they have loaded them with, 
 " have juft now, as the lalt Infult they can 
 " fubjecl: them to, put them under the Sla- 
 <c very of Ghiahours., (a Term that figni- 
 " fies Infidel, and which the Muflulmen in- 
 <c fult the Chriftians with,) who take away 
 " their Wives and Daughters, carry their 
 ic Sons into Slavery to Georgia^ and fell them 
 N a " after.
 
 (l**) 
 
 e< afterwards like Cattle that moreover they 
 <c prophane and deride what was molt facred 
 <c in their Religion, and that many of them, 
 " forc'd by the Georgians, had had the Mif- 
 " fortune to abjure Mahometifm, or elfe be- 
 <c ing feduc'd and drawn away by the Ter- 
 cc flans, embraced their Sect, both to the 
 u great Prejudice of the Mahometan Reli- 
 gion." 
 
 THESE two Cafes of Confcience were much 
 the fame in Effect ; for admitting that it had 
 been decided as to the firft, that they might 
 in Confcience rebel againft their King, -'tis 
 . evident, that from that Time they were not 
 bound to their Oath of Allegiance. But pro- 
 bably Myrr-Weis was very glad to put 
 Things in the ftrongeft Light he could, and to 
 have an Occafion by Favour of the fecond 
 Cafe, to give a longer Detail of thofe Grie- 
 vances of his Countrymen that were moft 
 likely to move the Companion of the Doc- 
 tors whom he confulted. 
 
 BUT this Precaution was not very neceflary j 
 and it may be faid, that confidering the Aver- 
 iion, and even a Ibrt of Abhorrence, which 
 the Turks, and efpecially the Men of the 
 Law, have to the Terjians, from a Principle 
 of Confcience and Religion, they are always 
 ready enough to do them an Injury; for they 
 hate them to fuch a Degree, that they common- 
 Jy fay, 'tis not fo great a Sin in the Article 
 of wilful Murder , to kill forty Terjians, or 
 
 Men
 
 (i6 9 
 
 Men of Raft's Sect, as to kill one Chriftian ; 
 and that in lawful War, 'tis more meritorious 
 to kill one of thofe than forty Chriftians. 
 Befides this Core of Averiion, which is com- 
 mon to all the Turks in general, with refpeft 
 to the *PcrJians y whom they look upon as 
 the moft dangerous Hereticks, and the moft 
 corrupt of their Religion, the Doctors of 
 Mecca and Medina have other particular Mo- 
 tives of Refentment and Enmity againft them, 
 as well on Account of what Schah-Abas the 
 Great did formerly, by eftablifhing the Pil- 
 grimage of Mefzat, in order to divert his 
 Subjects from that of Mecca, as in Purfuancc 
 of the authentick Excommunication, which 
 thofe fame Doctors formerly fulminated againft 
 the 'Perjians, upon the Inftance of Amur at h y 
 againft whom Schah- Abas mite War with Ad- 
 vantage. During the Confufion which the 
 Turk was in, he imagin'd that nothing would 
 be more proper to infpire his Troops with 
 frefh Courage, and to animate them againft 
 the 'Perfians their Enemies, than to publifh 
 againft them in the moft flagrant Manner, a 
 fort of Crufado, accompanied with all manner 
 of Excommunications and Curfes : And as the 
 ImanSj or Priefts and Doctors of the Law, 
 \vho refide at Medina and Mecca j are held in 
 fingular Veneration, not only in Turky^ but 
 alfo throughout the Eaft, he defircd them to 
 publiih the fame in their Name. 'Tis too 
 long to be inferted here at large ; 'tis fufficien 
 
 N 3 to
 
 7 ) 
 
 to take Notice, that among the Grievanc 6 * 
 which are there particularized, they reproach 
 the 'Perfans for not believing, that at the 
 Jlbdejl or Wafhing, it is lawful to wafh the 
 Foot all naked, but only to fprinkle the Wa- 
 ter lightly over it j for never fhaving their 
 Muftaches, but only the Beard of the Chin, 
 which is the comelieft Ornament of a Man, 
 as alfo for cutting it how they pleafe ; for ufing 
 in their Shoes and Stockings the holy green 
 Colour, confecrated to the Banner of Mabo- 
 wet) and for wearing the Red Turban. And 
 finally, after having declared that they are 
 branded as Hereticks in feventy Places of the 
 - Alcoran, that they are become abominable, 
 that they are the Sink of all Manner of Un 
 cleannefs and Sins, that they are the molt in- 
 iblent and molt irreconcileable Enemies that 
 the Turks have in the World, the Mufti con- 
 cludes in thefe Words : (See the Hiitory of 
 the Prefent State of the Ottoman Empire in 
 1670. Lib. II. cap.*.) u By Virtue therefore 
 "of the Authojity which I have received 
 " from Makoiwt hiniielf, and by Reafbn of 
 " your Wickednefs and Unbelief, I publick- 
 " ly pronounce, that 'tis lawful for any Be 
 ' licver, of what Nation ibever, to deftroy 
 ll and root you out. If he that killeth a Re- 
 : bel Chriftian^ doth a Thing agreeable to 
 " God, he that killeth a Terjian doth one 
 c that delerves a Reward ieventy Times 
 w greater. I hope a]fo from the divine Ma-
 
 ('7') 
 
 * jefty, that in the Day of Judgment he will 
 " make you ferve inftead of AiTes to thejews y 
 " that that miferable Nation which is the 
 " Contempt of the World, may mount and 
 u trot with you to Hell/ J 
 
 THOUGH Schah-Abas, who was perfbnally 
 branded in this Excommunication, was not of 
 a Character to be very uneafy at any Ana- 
 thema from Mecca, yet he was not willing 
 to be in Debt to the Turks on that Score; 
 and in order to pay them Curfe for Curfe,. 
 he caufed them to be fblemnly excommunica- 
 ted in his Turn by his Szicheliglam, i. e. the 
 High-Prieft of Terfia, and by Way of Re- 
 prifal for the Curfe upon the "Perjians, that 
 they might ferve as Afles to carry the Jews 
 to Hell, one yet more infulting was vented 
 againft the Turks, wifhing that the Excre- 
 ments of the Armenians might fall upon the 
 Head of Omar, whom the Turks acknow- 
 ledge Mahomet's true Succeflbr, and the 
 greateft Prophet of their Law, next to him. 
 This Imprecation is continued, even to this 
 Day in e PerJla ; and as often as the Moullat 
 call the People from the Top of the Mofques 
 to come to Prayers, they finifh their Invita- 
 tion with that pious Ejaculation. 
 
 FROM all this 'tis natural to infer, that 
 Myrr-Weis play'd a fure Game when he 
 addrefs'd himfelf to the Imans of Mecca ; 
 and that it was in a proper Senfe, making the 
 own Friends their Profecutors, He 
 N4
 
 fi'7'O . 
 
 had alfb all the Satisfaction on the Part of 
 thole Do&ors that he expeded; for they 
 not only folv'd all his Doubts, according 
 to his Defire, but they alfo gave him the 
 Decifion, or the Fetfa *, in Writing, fign'd 
 by the Dodors, feal'd with the Seal of 
 Mecca, and vcfted in a Word with all the 
 Forms that could render it molt authen- 
 tick. 
 
 IT was with this important Piece that 
 Myrr-Weis return'd to IJpahan, more plea- 
 fed with the Fruit of his Journey, than ever 
 was any Pilgrim of Mecca : His Return gave 
 equal Pleafure to the two oppofite Fadions of 
 the Court, each of which numbered him in 
 their Party; and he reconciled them to him- 
 felf ftill more, by curious Prefents of various 
 kinds, which he brought from his Pilgrimage, 
 and efpecially of the Banner of Mecca^ which 
 is the moft coftly, and the moil coveted over 
 all the Baft. 
 
 NEVERTHELESS, though after he was fur* 
 nifh'd with the Decifion at Mecca^ he delay'd 
 a great while to put himfelf in a Situation to 
 make Ufe of it for the Execution of his Pro- 
 jects, 
 
 This is the Name they grve in Turky to the Solution which 
 the Mufti gives -when he is confulted upon any Affair ef State or pri- 
 vate Cafe. When the Qutftion is well fluted, ana" committed t* 
 Paper in few Words, he writes fit the Bottom Yes, or No, or after 
 another very fljort Manner ; and this Opinion is cdll'd Fetfa: jtfttf 
 mbitb be adds, Cod knows beft.
 
 je&s, yet he took great Care of difcovering 
 the leaft Sign of Impatience to be fent back 
 to Candahar. On the contrary, he never 
 fhew'd more Indifference in that Relpeft, than 
 when he was moft eager to return, and had 
 moft Reafbn to wifh himfelf there. He even af- 
 fcded to make believe, that he had taken a 
 Fancy to Ifpahan, and he often talked of 
 fending for his Family thither. 
 
 THUS he amufed the Court by an external 
 Air of Indifference, till fome fair Opportunity 
 fhould offer for his Departure. He hop'd in- 
 deed to lay hold of the firft that fhould pre- 
 fcnt it felf, but he did not forefee that one 
 was like to offer fo foon, when upon Occa- 
 (ion of the moft trifling Incident to all Ap- 
 pearance, he found Means to force the King 
 and his Minifters to fend him back to Canda- 
 har, as a Man of Confidence at Court, and 
 upon whofe Zeal and Abilities they rely'd 
 moft for the Maintenance of their Authority 
 throughout the whole Frontier. 
 
 AN Ambaffador arrivM at that Time at 
 Szamachi *, who was going to the Court of 
 'Perfia from the Czar of Muftovy. The 
 Gentleman's Name was Ifrael Or//, an Arme- 
 nian Adventurer, born at Kafanlu in f PerJia, 
 
 who 
 
 ^Tavernier and Chardin call it Chamaky, tut in the fptUing 
 ef tkii Word I have foUoved the Author of my Memoirs. Tht G- 
 vtrnment of Siamachi take} in A Part of Southern Media, <"</ 
 Hyrcaott.
 
 who after having travcU'd through France] 
 Italy, and Germany, felling Coffee in the 
 Armies, lifted himfelf a Soldier at length in 
 the Troops of the Emperor Leopold, and at- 
 tain'd to the Rank of a fubordinate Officer. 
 Being a Man of Intrigue, he found Accefs to 
 i the Minifters of the Court of Vienna; and 
 becaufe he very well underftood the chief 
 Languages {poke in the Eaft, he was fent to 
 Conflantmofle to found the Difpofition of the 
 Turks, with refped to the Peace they had a 
 Mind to propofe to them, and which was af- 
 terwards concluded by the Treaty of Carlo- 
 *witz. Then he pafsM into the Czar's Ser- 
 vice, who made him a Colonel of his Troops, 
 and who not being included in the Treaty of 
 Carkwitz,, employ'd him in his Turn at Con- 
 flantmofle, to negotiate an Accommodation 
 with the Turks being unwilling to bring him 
 upon his Back, while he made War with the 
 King of Sweden, whom he intended to aN 
 tack forthwith. 
 
 THIS Armenian having conducted the Ne- 
 gotiation to the Czar's Satisfaction, he defir'd, 
 that as a Reward for his Services, he would 
 gratify him with the Embafly to 'Perfia, as 
 (he moft proper Means he could think of to 
 enrich himfelf in a little Time, becaufe as the 
 AmbaiT idors pay no Cuftoms in 'Perfia, he 
 propofed to carry with him, which he did, a 
 great Quantity of valuable Merchandize, 
 by which there was vaft Gain to be made^ 
 
 con-
 
 coniidering thi Exemption from the ordinary 
 Duties, As foon as he obtained a Grant for 
 it from the Czar, he potted to Vienna, where 
 in Memory of his paft Services, he alfb ob- 
 tain 'd Letters from the Emperor for the King 
 of 'Perfia. From thence he went to the 
 Court of Rome, where giving himfelf out for 
 a Man of the firft Rank, that had a World 
 pf Credit with the Schifmatick Armenians , 
 whom he would engage to bring into the Pale 
 of the Church, he was ib fuccefsful as to 
 get a Brief for that Purpofe from Clement XL 
 for the faid King of ferjta. 
 
 BEING furnim'd with all thefe Pieces, he 
 arriv'd at S&amachi with a very great Reti- 
 nue, as well of Armenians, who were at 
 the Charge of the EmbaiTy, as of Mtifto- 
 vites, who being deiign'd for the Guard of 
 the Ships which the Czar had in a Port of 
 the Cajpian Sea, not far from Szamachi, ac- 
 companied him to this City, in order to give 
 the more Luftre to the Embafly. I fhall not 
 here enter into the Particulars of this Arme- 
 niatfs Conduft, who was more a Merchant 
 than an Ambaflador, and fhall fay nothing 
 more of him than what relates to my Subject. 
 5 Tis hardly credible how much this Embafly, 
 as inconfiderable as it was in the main, alarm 'd 
 the Court of Iffahan^ to which two Things 
 efpecially contributed. Firft, his numerous 
 Retinue, which however when he came to 
 Isfahan, was reduc'd to two hundred Per- 
 form
 
 fons. Secondly, Some Difcourfe of his in 
 Publick at Szamacbi^ where he faid he was 
 defcended of the antient Kings of Armenia, 
 and gave to underfland, that he did not re- 
 nounce his Rights to that Sovereignty. All 
 this terrified the Court of Terjia, who did 
 not believe that an Armenian^ a natural born 
 Subjed of the King, fupported by a Prince 
 fb powerful as the Czar of M.uftovy, and 
 with a Retiniie as numerous as that which, 
 'tis faid, he had at Sz>amachi, was come into 
 ^erfia without fome lecret Defign. x As this 
 Ambaflador boafted, amongi other Things, 
 that he would caufe all the Miffionaries to 
 be turn'd out of 'Perjia, by convincing the 
 Court, that the Recommendations and Let- 
 ters of the Chriftian Princes, by Favour of 
 which they had found Protection in 'Perjia, 
 were all falfe and fpurious Pieces, (Difcourfe 
 which he chofe to indulge himfelf in to do a 
 Pleafure to the Armenians^ who as Schifma- 
 ticks, wifti'd the Miffionaries no Good ;) the 
 Europeans^ who had the Intereft of thefc at 
 Heart, and efpecially M. Michel a French- 
 matt) fent to the Court of 'Perfia by the late 
 King for the Interefts of Commerce, thought 
 he could not perform a greater Service to Re- 
 ligion, than to difTuade the Court from re- 
 ceiving the Ambaflador. For this End he 
 made ufe of the Alarm taken there at this 
 Armenian's Difcourfe, and inftead of diminifh- 
 ing increased it, by magnifying fomc Re- 
 ports
 
 ('77) 
 
 ports that were current about the pretended 
 Predictions which thzArmeniaits pleafed them- 
 felves with, as being coniain'd in their Ar- 
 chives ; and wherein it was faid that the 
 Kingdom of Armenia ftiould rife or revive 
 one Day, under the Protection of the Muf- 
 covites. And, in order to render the Alarm 
 ftill more prefling, the Ambaflador's Ana- 
 gram was tacked to thofe Predictions, by Ihew- 
 ing that in Ifrael Or it were found the Letters 
 // fera Rpi, i. e. He /ball be King. 
 
 All this took, indeed, but it had an E- 
 feel at Court quite contrary to what was pro- 
 poied ; for during the Alarm at the pre- 
 tended Projects of that Ambaflador, it was 
 imagined he would not be fo formidable at 
 Ifpahan^ if they could draw him thither, as 
 he might be if they left him in the Coun- 
 try ; befides that they could not fend back 
 the Ambaflador without offending the Czar 
 his Mafter, whom they were not willing to 
 embroil themfelves with, cfpecially fince the 
 Superiority which his Vi&ories had gained 
 him over the Swedes. 
 
 THE Governor of Szamachi received Or- 
 ders therefore to fend the Ambaflador away 
 to Ifpahan, where he was received with all 
 the Tokens of Honour and Diftin&ion. He 
 managed his Affairs there very well, with 
 Rcfped to his Commerce ; and befides carri- 
 ed it very even both to the Armenians and 
 
 Europeans that were at IJpahan. He died 
 
 f \ 
 feveral
 
 icreral Years after at Afracan, a ftaimch 
 Catholick, to the Mortification of the Bifhops 
 of his own Country, whom he would not 
 give Ear to -, and he carried the pretended 
 Hopes of the future Re-eftablifhment of the 
 Kingdom with him to his Grave. This I 
 thought fit juft to mention here, that the 
 Reader might have no Queftion to ask, as to 
 the Confequences of an Embafiy which did 
 no great Harm to Per/ia, from the Part 
 where it was apprehended, but afterwards was 
 the Gaufc of irreparable Mifchief from another 
 Quarter, by the Ufe which .Myrr-TFrnmade 
 of the Confufion which, that Event had caufed 
 at Court. 
 
 THIS Man, who had more Senfe alone 
 than all the Minifters of the Court put to- 
 gether, could not imagine how Perfons that 
 were at the Head of Affairs in fo great a 
 Kingdom as that of 'Perjia, fhould be alarm- 
 ed at any Thing fb chimerical as all that 
 Stuff which was related concerning the Ar- 
 menian EmbafTador, and EmbafTy ; and, 
 perhaps, nothing encouraged him more to 
 put in Execution what he had been long con- 
 triving, but the Contempt which he enter- 
 tained for the Terjian Court and Minifters. 
 But how chimerical and frivolous Ibever were 
 the Defigns with which they were alarmed, 
 he relblved, fince the Court thought them 
 real, to make that the Foundation of the 
 Scheme he had laid to be fent back to 
 
 his
 
 his Province : So that inftead of opening tht 
 Eyes of the Minifters and the Court, to fee 
 how they were impofed on, he made it his 
 Endeavour to fwell the Objefts, by aug- 
 menting and corroborating the Delufion as 
 much as poflible. No Body feemed more 
 ferioufly imprefs'd than he by every Thing 
 that was faid of the future Re-eftablifhment 
 of the Kingdom of Armenia. Recreated 
 Diffidence and Sufpicions upon this Head, 
 among all the Courtiers ; and the Efteem 
 which People had of his Abilities and Lear- 
 ning added Weight to their Fears and Jea- 
 loufies. 
 
 BUT when he was in Company with the 
 Lords of the Fadion which was oppofite to 
 that of the Prince Georgi-Kan, Governor 
 of Candahar, at the Head of which was 
 the Prime Minifter himfelf, he did not ad- 
 here to their general Plan, but entered into 
 politick Views and particular Refle6tions,which 
 tended to afperfe Prince Georgi-Kan y as the 
 moft dangerous Man in Terjia^ and the moft 
 to be miitrufted in the prefent Conjun&urc 
 of Affairs. At firft he gave them a terri- 
 fying Reprefentation of the exorbitant Power 
 of the Mufcovttes, who, fince the Defeat 
 of the King of Sweden* , were in a Condi- 
 tion 
 
 * The Battle of Pulrowa, vhere the King of Sweden VM entirely 
 jefe*ttd t vntfottght (he Stbofjuly, 1709. Wkith D*K my fervt 
 
 ft
 
 tion to give Law to all their Neighbours* 
 " What., fays he, if the Georgians > a People 
 " naturally reftlels and uneafy, and always 
 " well affected to the Mufcovites, who arc 
 " of the fame Religion and Rites as them- 
 " felves, Ihould take it in their Heads to 
 <c improve the Opportunity, and depend uj> 
 " on their Forces to fet themfelves at Liber* 
 *S ty ?" As to this he made a Remark upon 
 the Zeal with which the Czar had always 
 cfpoufed the Intereft of the Georgians at the 
 Court of ^Perflay to which he had often 
 been troublefome, by his too frequent, and 
 too prefling Sollicitations. " Has he not 
 " actually with him, Jays he, the Prince Sa- 
 " naz,arli-Kan, Coufin- German to Prince 
 " Georgi-Kan^ who has taken Refuge in 
 " Mftftovyj where he inceflantly teazes the 
 " Czar to free Georgia from Slavery to *Per- 
 " Jia ? And he will not ceaie to prefs him 
 " 'till he has brought him into it." From 
 thence he directed them to caft their Eyes to 
 the Danger that was to be feared from the 
 Armenians ', who being very numerous in 
 
 to fix within a very fmall Matter, the Epocha of Time that Myrr- 
 Weis was fent buck to Candahar. As the Memoirs from which I vritt 
 do not mention the txafl Date ofthefe Events, there's a, fttcejfity of 
 feeking for it elfevbere, and we canfnd none more exa8 than what 
 is taken from the very Difcourfe thatMyrr-Wcis ufed at that Tim*, 
 und which is exaftly fet down in thefe Memoirs. M. Michd,ab<rve- 
 mentiened, who was fent from the lat* King Lewis XIV. to tht 
 Court ef Pcrfia, was rttttrmd to France in 1 709, See tht Mercury for 
 March i7*0' P-lJ.
 
 yf#, and being poflefled of vaft Riches, which 
 they had acquired in Trade, would venture 
 both their Lives, and Fortunes, as foon as 
 Opportunity presented to fhake off a Yoke 
 which they bore with Impatience, and to re- 
 cover the antient Freedom, which they for- 
 merly enjoy'd under the Authority of their 
 Kings. " What, fays he., if at 3 aft, while 
 " the MufcoviteSy on one hand, are enter- 
 a ing Georgia^ where they would be recei- 
 " ved with open Arms ; and while the Artne- 
 <c nians, on the other hand, are rifing in the 
 " Heart of the Kingdom, the Prince Georgia 
 u Kan, on his Part, mould caufe the Aghvans 
 " to rebel, and put himfelf at their Head ? 
 " Or if, after having called in the Mogul, 
 " and delivered Candahar to him, he mould 
 " fall upon c Perjia, already too much per- 
 " plexed to face the Mufcovites and Arme- 
 K nians, what would then become of the 
 u Kingdom, when attacked on all Sides. 
 
 How little Solidity foever there was iri 
 all thefe political Vifions, which had no 
 other Bafis than the Chimeras formed in the 
 Brain, as to the pretended Defigns of the 
 Armenian Ambaflador from Mufcovy, they 
 were as well received as if there had been 
 nothing better founded and more real ; and 
 the Effect of them was more fpeedy and vio* 
 lent than Myrr-Weis expected. 'Tis true 
 that the Jealoufy of the Faction, which op- 
 pofed Prince Georgi-Kan % did no Prejudice 
 
 O by
 
 hy giving fome fort of San&ion to the Suf- 
 picion which Myrr-Weis had caft upon his 
 Condud. 
 
 THE Prime Minifter, and his whole Fac- 
 tion took Fire upon it, and fo warmly alarm- 
 ed the King concerning the imminent Dan- 
 ger which the Province of Candahar was in, 
 while in the Hands of a Prince juftly fufpeded, 
 and whom they did not dare, however, to re- 
 cal from thence, that they determined him to 
 fend Myrr-Weis thither immediately, as the 
 fitteft Perfon to thwart the Practices of the 
 Governor, and to make Head againft him, if 
 he Should offer to ftir. And to the End 
 that t>e Marks of his Efteem at Court might 
 give him the more Authority in the Country, 
 the King honoured him with the Calaate^ or 
 Royal Veil, which he received in Prefence 
 of the whole Court ; and caufed new Patents 
 to be difpatched, whereby he re-eftablilhed 
 him in the Exercife of his Office with a 
 more ample Power than he had held it be- 
 fore. 
 
 BEHOLD, therefore, Myrr-Weis returning 
 in Triumph to his own Country, with the 
 Favours of the Court heaped on him, and 
 Letters of Recommendation in his Pocket to 
 Prince Georgi-Kan from all his Friends, who 
 gave him a mighty Character of the Bearer, 
 and efpecially from c Dman-Beg y the Prince's 
 Brother ; wherein he gave him to underftand 
 that he could do nothing too much inAc- 
 
 know-
 
 loiowledgment, for all the good Things which 
 Myrr-Weis had faid of him, during his Stay 
 at Court. 
 
 ABOUT the End of the Year 1709. he 
 arrived at Candahar^ where he was received 
 as the Saviour and Hero of his Nation. He 
 loft no Time there ; but, in order to make 
 his Advantage of the Troubles and Alarms, 
 in which he had left the Court, he acted his 
 Part fo well in a few Days, that by the Fa- 
 vour of the Confidence which he had acquir- 
 ed with the Governor, he found an Oppor- 
 tunity to aflailinate him, when he leaft of all 
 miftrufted him, while at the fame Inftant 
 the People, who had taken Arms, put all the 
 Georgian or 'Perfian Troops that were in the 
 Gaidfori to the Sword. 
 
 As fbon as the Expedition was over, and 
 every Thing in Candahar quiet, he called 
 the People together ; and, after having con- 
 gratulated them upon the Courage and Refblu- 
 tion, with which they had freed themfelves 
 from the Oppreflion they were under by the 
 Georgians ^ he told them that this was not 
 enough ; and that the next Thing they muft 
 do was to make a Struggle for their Delive- 
 rance from the Slavery and Tyranny of the 
 ^Per/tans. That, as to the reft, he could a- 
 lure them they had nothing to fear from the 
 Reientments of the Court ; that befides 
 their being too far diftant to be attacked ia 
 a Trice, all Things were in fitch Confu- 
 O 2 fion
 
 {ion there, by the Clalhing of the Parties 
 with one another, that they were not able 
 / to undertake any Thing to their Prejudice ; 
 that even if they fhould, the Mufcovites y 
 the Armenians j and the Georgians^ would 
 cut out fo much Work for the Court, that 
 they would hare many other Things to 
 do, than to think of recovering Candahar^ 
 and that, happen what would, it muft coft 
 them a great deal of Blood, before they could 
 carry their Point. That, if they had any 
 Hearts, they fhould think of nothing here- 
 after, but how to maintain themfelves by Arms 
 in that State of Liberty to which they were 
 now reftored ; that they ought at laft to be 
 weary of paying fo many Tributes j and that 
 the Independency which they were going 
 to live in, would fecure them from the infa- 
 tiable Avarice of the Governors, who in- 
 riched themfelves at their Expence, and who 
 feemed to be lent among them for no other 
 End, bu^ to make their Fortunes in a little 
 Time. 
 
 THOUGH this Speech was fb pathetick, 
 yet it met with Oppofition from many of 
 the chief Men of the Country, who did not 
 approve the going on fo faft, nor the pufti- 
 ing of Things fo far. They fpoke in their 
 Turn, and reprefented, that what had been 
 done againft the Georgians was juft, and car- 
 lied its Excufe along with it : That, after fb ( 
 many Infults from thofe Infidels, upon the 
 i Honour
 
 Honour of their Wives and Daughters, they 
 ought certainly to be extirpated but that 
 they Ihould ftop there : That to talk of a 
 Rebellion was the Way to itain the Nation 
 by a Blot that would for ever difhonour it, 
 and which they abhorred to think of: That, 
 in fhort, they had a King, whom they owned 
 for fuch, and to whom they had fworn Al- 
 legiance ; and that they did not fee how the^ 
 could in Honour or Confciencejbreak the Oath 
 which they had taken to him. 
 
 THOUGH Myrr-IVeis perceivM the Im- 
 preflion which this Remonftrance made in 
 the AfTembly, efpecialiy the Part relating to 
 the Oath of Allegiance, he was not willing 
 to ftop the Effect of it, as he might have 
 done immediately. He gave all the Liber- 
 ty of Speech to thofe who were of an Opi- 
 nion contrary to his, and who by infilling fe 
 much on the Oath of Allegiance, which 
 they continually fet before the Eyes of the 
 People, had cooled the Paflions of thofe that 
 were the hotteft, and reduced them to Sen- 
 timents of Moderation. But after he had let 
 them fpend all their Ammunition, he fpoke 
 again, faying, " That the Scruple they had 
 " as to the Obligation of an Oath of Alle- 
 a giance was lawful, and well grounded ; that 
 a he laboured under that Scruple a long 
 " Time himfelf ; that for the many Years 
 *' he had been contriving how to free his 
 " Country from the Slavery under which ic 
 O j " groan'd
 
 ) 
 
 " groanM, this finglqConfideration of th,e Oath 
 " was all that had reftrained him ; that though 
 " the Contraventions of the ( PerJians y with 
 <c refped to feveral confiderable Articles of 
 " their Capitulations fworn by the King, 
 *' feemed to excufe them from being any 
 " more fcrupulous of the Oath they had taken 
 u to him, than they were as to the Oath by 
 *' which the King had bound himfelf to them, 
 " he did not mean that the Infidelity of others 
 " Ihould be an Example proper for them 
 <c to follow, or which could quiet their Con- 
 " fciences ; that no Body paid a greater De- 
 " ference than he to the Obligations which 
 " were impofed by an Oath of Allegiance ; 
 " that he was always perfuaded that no Pre- 
 " text or Confideration could free him from 
 " it ; that he had a long Time perfifted in 
 " thofe Sentiments, and Ihould ftill perfift 
 " therein, if he had not been compelled to 
 " fubmit to the moft awful Authority in their 
 " Religion, and to which they themfelves 
 <c could not difpenfe with their Submiffion." 
 WHEN he jfeid thefe Words, he pulled out 
 of his Pocket the Fetfa, or the Decifion which 
 he had brought from Mecca^ and cauied it 
 to be read before the whole Aflembly ; which 
 had fo fpeedy and compleat an Effecl:, that 
 the moft fcrupulous immediately confented, 
 and there was no Body who did not think 
 themfelves not only warranted by the Au- 
 thority of the Dodors of Mecca, and Me-
 
 ^ but even obliged in Confcience to take 
 Arms againft the King. And becaufe that, 
 after a Refolution of this Nature, it was ne- 
 cefTary to give fome Form to the Govern- 
 ment, Myrr-Weis^ who was very glad to 
 Jay hold of the Temper he found the People 
 in, prefled the Aflembly to make fuitable Pro- 
 vifion. They were not long in deliberating : 
 The common People, whofe Darling he was, 
 and who looked upon him as the Rcftorer 
 of their Liberty, and the Father of their 
 Country, named him on the Spot, with Ac* 
 clamations, Prince of Candahar^ and General 
 of the Troops of the Nation, leaving the Con- 
 dud of all Affairs, both of Peace and War, 
 to his Care. 
 
 BUT as he wanted Time to confirm him- 
 felf in his new Dominion andt^puthimfelfin 
 a Condition to refift the Forces that might 
 be lent againft him when the Court had Ad- 
 vice of his Rebellion, his firft Care was to 
 amufe the Court, with rciped to the Tran 
 adions at Candahar. Therefore he fent Ex- 
 prefles thither, whereby he gave the King 
 and his Minifters to underftand that the In- 
 furredion at Candahar, was only owing to 
 the Licentioufnefs and Tyranny of the Geor- 
 gian Troops, who living in that City, as 
 in a Town which they had taken by Storm, 
 and indulging themielves in the moft foan- 
 dalous Outrages againft the Honour of their 
 Wives and Daughters, had ib exalperated all 
 4 the
 
 (.88) 
 
 the Inhabitants, that it was not poffible to re* 
 flrain them from facrificing them to their Re- 
 venge : That he hoped this would be of no 
 Confequence ; and that he would omit no- 
 thing on his Part to do the King all the Ser- 
 vice upon this Occan*on,which his Majefty had 
 Reafbn to expert from his Loyalty and Zeal; 
 and to maintain his Nation in the Obedience 
 they ow'd him : That in the mean Time he 
 thought it his Duty to reprefent to him, that 
 according to the Difpofrtion he found in 
 People who were fcarce recovered from their 
 Indignation and Rage againft the Georgians, 
 for their Infults, it was proper to dilTemble, 
 ^nd to, give them Time to becalm ; that other^ 
 wife if they faw the Court inclined to take 
 violent Reiblutions againft them, he would 
 not be fure, whatever Effort he made to op- 
 pofe it, that they would not rufh through 
 Pefpair into the Hands of their old Mailers, 
 and call them to their Affiftance, which would 
 kindle a fatal War, the Conferences whereof 
 Were to be feared. 
 
 SUCH was the Diftance from Candahar to 
 Iff ah an, that it was fcarce poflible to be well 
 inibrm'd of the Truth of Things at Court, 
 where they belie v'd, or pretended to believe, 
 that every Thing was true as he reported : 
 And the Confiderations he made ufe of to 
 Binder the Court from undertaking any Thing, 
 had^the more Weight, becaufe they were 
 
 back'd
 
 (i8 9 ) 
 
 fcack'd by the chief Leaders of the Faction, 
 who were the Caufe of fending him back to 
 Candahar^ to contrive the Ruin of the Prince 
 Georgi-Kan. Their Jealouiy could not 
 brook that fo confiderable and rich a Province, 
 fhould be in the Hands of the Georgians^ to 
 the Prejudice of the Terjians. Belides, the 
 Court was too much alarmM ftill by the 
 Chimera's of the Kingdom of Armenia, to 
 have any Inclination to involve it felf in 
 frefh Broils. Thus they fuffer'd the Re^ 
 mainder of this Year, and all the next, to 
 ilide away, without giving the leaft Diftur- 
 bance to the Rebels, according as Myrr-Weis 
 had indeed forefeen ; and he had all that Time 
 to fortify himfelf, in cafe they fliould come 
 to attack him. 
 
 AT laft, when two Years were near expir'd, 
 viz. in 1721. when they were fully recover'd 
 of all the Alarms which the pretended future 
 Re-eftablifrknent of the Kingdom of Arme- 
 nia had filPd their Heads with, they turnM 
 their Eyes towards Candahar, and prepared 
 to take effectual Meafures to reduce the Re- 
 bels to Reaibn, and to recover a Province, 
 which was look'd upon as one of the moft im- 
 portant of the Kingdom. 
 
 THEY could not have taken wifer Meafures 
 for it than they did ; for as no Body could be 
 more concern'd to revenge the Death of the 
 Prince Georgi-Kan, and the Georgians, who 
 }iad been maflacred with him in the Rebel- 
 lion
 
 ( 190 ) 
 
 lion of Candahar, than a Prince of the fame 
 Family, and Troops of the lame Nation 
 they chofe for General of this Expedition, 
 the Prince Koflrou-Kan the deceafed's Ne- 
 phew, and gave him an Army, confifting for 
 the greateit Part of the Georgians his Sub- , 
 jefts. The Court found a double Advantage 
 in it ; for befides the Service it prov'd to them 
 againft the Rebels, it confiderably weakened 
 Georgia^ of which they never thought them- 
 lelves very fecure. Mean Time, for Fear 
 lealt the Georgians fhould be too cock-a-hoop, 
 if they alone Ihould gain their Point over the 
 Rebels, and leaft, valuing themfelves on their 
 Succefs, they Jhould be tempted to undertake 
 fomething upoh their own Strength againll 
 the State, a coniiderable Body of Terjian 
 Troops was join'd to them, who by iharing 
 the Honour of the Vi&ory with them, would 
 be in a Condition to hinder them from making 
 an ill Ufe of it. 
 
 NOTHING in the World could have hap- 
 pened better than this ; and the Rebels would 
 have had all the Reafon in Nature to have re- 
 pented of their Rebellion, if, as Myrr-Weh 
 really forcfaw, the Divifions at Court had not 
 ruin'd all thofe great Preparations. The 
 fame Faction, which by procuring the lend- 
 ing back of $[yrr-Weis to Candabar^ had 
 caufed the Death of Prince Georgt-Kan^ and 
 the Rebellion of the Province, was concerned 
 to thwart the Expedition of this Prince's Ne- 
 phew,,
 
 phew. They apprehended, that if he fhonld 
 fucceed, a Service of that Importance would 
 render him too great in the King's Opinion, 
 and that he would find an Opportunity to 
 let him know the Intelligence which that 
 Faction had held with Myrr-Weis, and con- 
 fequently the Concern it had in the Rebellion. 
 It was therefore not doubted, that if the Re- 
 bels had been worfted, he would have been 
 Matter of a great many Secrets, which could 
 not be ftifled, but by difappointing the Expe- 
 dition which was preparing againft them. 
 Confequently the Anti-Georgians look'd up- 
 on it as the main Article on which their Cre- 
 dit and Fortune turn'd and Myrr-Wels 
 would have had this Advantage in his Rebel- 
 lion, that as he was much concern 'd to be in 
 a Readinefs to ward off the Blows that were 
 coming upon him; he had Friends in the very 
 Miniftry of the Court of Terfia^ who were 
 no lefs concerned to take off the Force and 
 Edge of thofe with which he was threaten 'd. 
 For this End fome Engines werefet at Work, 
 which, though private, and out of the Way, 
 were not the lefs effectual . Three were em- 
 ploy'd efpecially, which were enough to have 
 dam'd the beft concerted Projects in the 
 World. The firft was with regard to the 
 Money which the General was to receive for 
 the Pay of the Troops during the Campaign. 
 The Sums had been regulated according to 
 the State of the Army in the King's Council, 
 
 and
 
 and the fame were accordingly allotted. This, 
 which was only a Matter of Confultation, could 
 not be attended with any Difficulty, both be- 
 caufe it was a Thing of Courfe, and the ra- 
 ther, becaufe it was regulated in Prefence 
 of the King himfelf, who had this Expe- 
 dition very much at Heart. But when it 
 came to be put in Execution, in which the 
 King had no Share, and they were forc'd to 
 have Recourfe to the Treasurers and fubordi- 
 nate Officers, a thoufand Ways were invented 
 to etude the Orders which had been given in 
 Council ; and fuch Minifters as had publick- 
 ly authorized them by their Suffrages, were, 
 under- hand, the moft forward to defeat them. 
 There was not only a Delay in the Payments, 
 which coming too late, and after the Blow 
 was given, difabled the General from the 
 Power to make ufe of them for the Execu- 
 tion of his Defigns, but fo many other Pre- 
 tences were ftarted, that notwithftanding all 
 his Solicitations and Rcmonftrances on that 
 Head, he could never get more than one 
 third of the Sum which had been promis'd 
 him, and which was abfolutely neceflary for 
 the Succels of his Expedition. 
 
 THE fecond Obftacle he met with, was ow- 
 ing to the 'perjian Troops that had join'd 
 his Army, and which being loth to obey a 
 General that was a Foreigner, had defir'd 
 that they might be commanded by an Officer 
 pf their own Nation, and by him only ; which 
 
 was
 
 ('93) 
 
 was of very fatal Confcqucnce for the parti- 
 cular Service. For though this fpecial com- 
 manding Officer was fubordinate to the Gene- 
 ral on ibme Accounts, and with refped to 
 the fubftantial Part of the Expedition, yet as 
 a Dependance on any fuperior, and efpecially 
 on one that is a Foreigner, and therefore 
 odious, is always difagreeable to a Comman- 
 der, who is at the Head of a confiderable Bo- 
 dy of Troops of the governing Nation, there 
 were a thoufand Inftances wherein the latter 
 ihew'd his Opinion of his own Merit, by 
 evading and thwarting the General's Orders ; 
 and he did it with the lefs Decorum, becaufe 
 he was very feniible, that inftead of its being 
 ill taken at his Hands, it would render him 
 acceptable to the Faction of the Anti-Geor- 
 gians, who had recommended nothing ib 
 much to him, as to behave in that Manner, 
 and to be as difagreeable to the General as 
 he poflibly could. 
 
 BUT the moft cruel Engine that was em. 
 ploy'd againft him, and what was the princi- 
 pal Cauie of his Ruin, and the Rout of his 
 Army, was an Officer that was appointed, as 
 it were, to do him Honour, and by Way of 
 fpecial Diftinchon, in Quality of Intendant 
 or Steward of his Houfhold. For this Pur- 
 pofe a Man was chofe of a crafty inli- 
 nuating Temper, who by Favour of the Ac- 
 cefs which his Employment gave him to the 
 General, introduced himfelf into his Confi- 
 dence,
 
 C 194 ) 
 
 dence, and difcovcr'd his Secrets. 'Tis not 
 faid, whether this Officer was chofe in Con- 
 cert with Myrr-Weis ; but 'tis certain, that 
 he himfelf could not have made a better 
 Choice, and that the Wretch prov'd a Spy 
 that exactly inform 'd him of all the Defigns 
 and Counfels of the Army that was fcnt 
 againft him. This unhappy Spy did worfe 
 than all this ; he went over to the Rebels, 
 and fervM them as a Guide to IJpahan. 
 
 IT was not poffible, but an Expedition 
 thwarted in fo many Relpe&s by thofe who 
 were trufted with the Direction of it, muft 
 have a fatal IjQTue. The Delays on one hand 
 in the Payment of Part of the Sums that had 
 been promised, and on the other hand, the 
 affected Slownefs of the 'Perfian Troops to 
 join the Georgians, were the Reaibn that the 
 Army arriv'd too late at Candabar^ and that 
 it did not enter the Province, but at a Time 
 when Myrr-JVeis had taken fuch Precautions 
 that it could not fubfift there. 
 
 THIS Leader of the Rebels, whofe Intelli- 
 gence of the State of the Enemy's Army, 
 of its March and Defigns, was the more to 
 be depended on, becaufe he had it from fome 
 of the very Minifters who directed the Ope- 
 rations of it, was informed of the precife 
 Time that it was to enter the Province. As 
 he was not in a Condition to undertake to re- 
 pel it, by oppofing Forces that were equal 
 or fuperior to it, he attempted to ruin it 
 
 by
 
 c 195 ; 
 
 by depriving it of the Means of Subfi- 
 tance. 'Twas with this View, that after 
 he had diligently gathered in the Harveft, 
 and lent all the Corn from the Country to 
 CandabaTy he march'd out of the City, at 
 the Head of his Troops, and went and made 
 fuch Spoil in all the neighbouring Countries 
 for feveral Leagues round, that when the Ar- 
 my arrived near Candahar, it found neither 
 Provifions nor Forrage, nor had any Hopes 
 of getting any elfewhere, the Excurfions of 
 Myrr-Weis having oblig'd all the Country 
 People to retire with all their Effects to fome 
 Place of Safety. 
 
 AT the Entrance therefore of the Cam- 
 paign, the Army laboured under all the In- 
 conveniences of Scarcity, which are feldom 
 felt out at the End of an Expedition. Upon 
 this enfued a Mifunderftanding between the 
 Georgians and e Per/ians ) the latter complain- 
 ing, that the General was more concerned for 
 the Neccffities of his own Vaflals and Geor- 
 gians , than he was for theirs. They would 
 fain indeed have drawn the Rebels into the 
 open Country ; and confidering the general 
 Scarcity throughout the whole Army, it was 
 the only Refource they had left ; but they 
 had to do with an Enemy too cunning to com- 
 mit the like Fault. Myrr-Weis ftood with 
 his Arms folded upon the Walls of Candahar, 
 from whence he caft an Eye of Concern upon 
 the Confederate Enemy's Army, which was 
 
 wafting
 
 wafting it felf to no Purpofe, being refolv'd. 
 not to ftir out till he faw them retreating. 
 Mean Time his Troops, who were fhelter'd 
 in the Town where they wanted for nothing, 
 only waited for his Orders to follow him, and 
 to fall upon the Rear- Guard of the Army, 
 as fbon as it Ihould decamp. 
 
 THEY did not wait long. The ^erjlans^ 
 who could not bear the Heat of the Sun, 
 and were in abfblute Want of Forragc, an In- 
 convenience fo much the worfe for them, be- 
 caufe their Armies confift for moft Part of 
 Horfe, defir'd or rather extorted Leave of 
 the General to retire; which put him allb 
 under a Neceffity of retiring with his Troops, 
 which he fent before with the Baggage, keep- 
 ing j himfelf.. in the Rear-Guard with the 
 Flower of the Troops, to cover their March. 
 Myrr-WetS) whofe Eyes were every where, 
 did not yet know whether his Decampment 
 was made in Earned, or in Jeftj but he was 
 fbon let into the Secret, by the Treachery of 
 the Intendant that was plac'd with the Gene- 
 jal ; who taking Advantage of that Ibrt of 
 Diforder which always attends the Retreat of 
 an Army, ran away with the News to Canda- 
 kar, where he took off the Mask, and join'd 
 the Rebels. 
 
 MYRR-WEIS who had only waited for 
 t v 'is Moment, immediately took the Field at 
 the Head of a great Body of Troops, all frelh 
 Men, who having an Enemy to oppole, that 
 
 was
 
 ( 1*7 ) 
 
 \vas already fatigued by Heat, and weaken'd 
 by Poverty, went to the Battle as to a certain 
 Vi&ory, of which they could not fail. Be- 
 ing mounted upon frefh Horfcs, and having 
 no other Incumbrancc but their Arms, they 
 were foon up with the Rear-Guard of the 
 Enemy's Army. At firft they only harral- 
 fed it by a few Skirmifhes, to give Time for 
 the Arrival of a Reinforcement that Myrr- 
 Wets expeded, which could not march fb 
 faft as the Horfe, viz. a Body of eight hun- 
 dred Camels, which carried two Soldiers each. 
 Back to Back, armM with great Carbines. 
 This Reinforcement was no fooner arrived, 
 but they fell on all Sides upon the Rear. 
 Guard, which was all cut in Pieces, with the 
 General. Myrr-Weis immediately after this 
 firft Expedition, went and fell upon the Ter- 
 T&flTroops, that were retiring with the lefs Ap- 
 prehenfion or Precaution, becaufa they thought 
 themfelves fecur'd by the Rear-Guard, of 
 whofe Defeat they were not informed. He 
 made a bloody Slaughter of them, and car- 
 ried away all their Baggage. One would 
 have imagin'd, that Myrr-Weis would have 
 thought two Victories enough for the Work 
 of one Day ; however, he did not ftop there, 
 but refolv'd to attack the Body of the Geor- 
 gian Armyi, which was marching homewards 
 the other Way. But he was check'd in his 
 Progrefs, by a Troop of five hundred Geor- 
 gians^ who, though furrounded on all Sides, 
 
 P dc-
 
 defended themfelves with fo much Refolution 
 and Courage, that they cut their Way through 
 the Enemy Sword in Hand, and went and 
 join'd the Body of their Army, which per- 
 haps would have been furpriz'd in their March, 
 and defeated as well as their Rear-Guard, had 
 it not been for this timely Intelligence. The 
 Refiftance which Myrr-Weis met with from 
 thofe five hundred Georgians^ made him give 
 over the Thoughts of purfuing the main Body 
 of an Army confifting of fuch good Troops, 
 and he return'd with his Aghvans laden with 
 Booty, to Candahar_, being followed into the 
 Town with all the Baggage of the Enemy's 
 Army , and though they had been twice vic- 
 torious, they could not help doing Juftice, 
 even at their own Expence, to the Bravery 
 of the Georgians., faying, That the Perfians 
 were but Women compared with the Aghvans, 
 and the Aghvans but Women comfard with 
 the Georgians. 
 
 THE Death of Koftrow-Kan^ the Gene- 
 ral of the Army, who was killed in Defence 
 of the Rear-Guard, was the moft confiderable 
 Lofs that 'Perjia fuftain'd on this Occafion, 
 and which it was the more difficult for it 
 to repair, there being at that Time no Cap- 
 tain in the Kingdom worthy to fucceed him. 
 This Prince was fp^ unhappy, as to renounce 
 the Chriftian Religion for the Mahometan, 
 in order to fecure his Right to the Principa- 
 lity of Georgia^ which he enjoy 'd with the 
 3 Title
 
 C 
 
 Title of VafTal and Governor in the Name of 
 the King of ^Per/So. But he afterwards re- 
 pented of it, and he was refolved to abjure 
 Mahometifm, happen what would, and to 
 return to the Church, as loon as his Expe- 
 dition to Candabar was at an End, with 
 full Purpofe, if it muft be fo, to facrifice his 
 Principality to his Religion. He had actually 
 begun to make Declaration of it, by caufing 
 a Crois to be placed in his main Standard. 
 The Miflionaries had not a more declared 
 Protector in the Kingdom of Terjia. He 
 had always two Capuchins with him, whom" 
 he kept there under theTitle of Phyficians, and 
 carried with him in hisExpeditionto Candahar, 
 as well as a Carmelite, named Father Bafil. 
 
 THE Confirmation at the Court of IJpa- 
 ban, and over all the Kingdom, upon the 
 News of this great Defeat was extraordinary, 
 and even thofe who rejoiced in their Hearts, 
 ns having been the Inltruments of it out of 
 fpite to the Georgians, were obliged to keep 
 their Joy fecret, and to conform to the pub- 
 lick Sorrow. The Mifcarriage of this Expe- 
 dition fo difcouraged the Court, that they were 
 not in hafte to undertake another. But at two 
 Years End they feemM to revive, and at the End 
 of every two Years they made ibme freih At- 
 tempt ; tho 1 the moft fortunate of all thofc En- 
 terprizes for the Court, were fuch wherein the 
 King'sArmy was able to retire, if without Ad- 
 Vantage, yet without any confiderable Shock, 
 Pa * As
 
 ( 200 ) 
 
 As for the others, which were all fignaliz'd by 
 frefli Defeats, they only ferved to gain the 
 Rebel's Party Credit, and to difcover the Fol- 
 ly and Weaknefs of the Court more and more. 
 There were fcarce any but the Georgians that 
 were capable of reducing the Rebels to Rea- 
 fon, and they even offered to march againft 
 them a fecond Time ; but as they imputed 
 the ill SucceiFes of their former Campaign in 
 the firft Place to the wicked Tricks that were 
 put upon them, by the affe&ed Delays in the 
 Payment of the Sums promifed them, of which 
 they had fcarce touched above a third Part j 
 fecondly, to the ill Conduct of the Terjian 
 Troops that had joined them, and by whom 
 they complained they were abandoned and be- 
 tray M ; they were not willing to undertake the 
 Expedition to Candahar, but upon two Con- 
 ditions : ill, That they Ihould be punctually 
 paid all the Sums ftipulated ; 2dly, That their 
 Army fhould confift of Troops of their own 
 Nation only, and that they alone ihould have 
 Charge of the Enterprize. 
 
 THE firft of thefe two Conditions was juft, 
 and met with no Difficulty^ but the fecond, 
 which was the principal, and as to which they 
 would hear of no Medium, caufed the Propo- 
 fition to mifcarry, becaufe the Court thought 
 the Remedy almoft as dangerous as the Evil. 
 For it was equally unfafe for the Court, whe- 
 ther the Enterprize fiicceeded, or not : If it 
 fucceeded, the Georgians, who would have ail 
 
 the
 
 (*>*.) 
 
 the Glory of it, would thereby become the 
 more formidable, and the better able to lhake 
 off the Yoke^ which they had already at- 
 tempted to IhaRf off more xhafTonce.^ If it did 
 not fucceed, it 
 Strength to the 
 tion to the Rebels 
 
 would afterwards be no Hopes. TH< 
 confidering how unable the Court was to un- 
 dertake any Thing upon it's own Bottom that 
 had any Profped of Succefs, they chofe ra- 
 ther to diffemblc the Misfortune, and to let it 
 take its Courfe, than to employ fufpicious and 
 equivocal Remedies, the very Succefs of which 
 feemed as much to be feared as the Mifcarriage. 
 Therefore they made no real Attempt againft 
 the Rebels ; who improving the tranquil State 
 in which they were left, made Incuriions in- 
 to the Provinces that were contiguous to them; 
 and fpreading Terror every where, under the 
 Condud of Myrr-Weis their General, they 
 fecured their Dominion, and his too, by new 
 Atchievements. 
 
 THIS famous Ring-Leader of the Rebels 
 at length accomplilhed all his Projects. He 
 had broke in Pieces) the Yoke which his 
 Nation had for a long Time laboured under, 
 and had made his Name famous by the Bold- 
 nefs of the Undertaking, and the Luftre of his 
 Victories. So many Armies as had been fent 
 againft him were either intirely defeated, or 
 all repulfed, and obliged to retire with Shame* 
 
 P 3 ap?
 
 ( 202 ) 
 
 and without any Advantage. By the conftant 
 Succefs he had in all the Expeditions which 
 were hazarded againft him, he had made the 
 Court of 'Perjia fenfible of their Incapacity, 
 not only to reduce him, but alfb to proted 
 the Provinces with which he was encompaf- 
 fed, againft his Excurfions. He had already 
 half fubdued them by the Terror of his Name 
 and Arms ; fb that it may be faid, he was 
 arrived to the Summit of Glory, if indeed 
 Glory can be acquired in an unjuft Caufe, 
 when Death overtook him at Candahar in 
 1717. after feven or eight Years of Govern-* 
 ment, always happy, to the great Regret of 
 his Countrymen, whofe Efteem and Affection 
 for him increafed every Day, after they had 
 once taken a Fancy to him. 
 
 THEY ftill preferved the fame Affection for 
 him after they had loft him , for though by his 
 Death they were at Liberty to choofe a Com- 
 mander out of their own Nation, yet they 
 had fo much Refped for his Memory,thatthey 
 would not take one that was not of his Fami- 
 ly ; and as his Children were as yet too 
 young for a Poft of that Importance, which 
 was to make Head againft all the Power of 
 *PerJ!a, they promoted his own Brother, the 
 Father of Sultan Afzraff, the prefent Regent 
 of Ifpahan, who at once had the Care of the 
 Government, and the Guardianfhip of his Ne- 
 phews, 
 
 THIS
 
 (203 ) 
 
 THIS new Commander, whofe Name is not 
 fet down in my Memoirs, was of a very dif- 
 ferent Charader from Myrr-JVets his Brother. 
 The latter was not more bold and enterprising, 
 than the other was moderate and CircumlpeS. 
 The great Succefs of his Brother had not 
 dazled his Eyes, but he clearly faw the Dif- 
 ference which there was between the Strength 
 of a vaft Monarchy, and that of a particular 
 Province ; and he was afraid, that if the Court 
 of Terjia mould once revive out of that lan- 
 guifhing ftupid State it was in for fome Years 
 paft, and concert jufter and wifer Meafures 
 than it had done hitherto, the Rebels would 
 fall a Vi&im to a Power whofe Refentment 
 would be the more terrible, becaufe it had 
 not only the Crime of Rebellion to revenge, 
 but the Shame of its Defeats. 
 
 THESE Confiderations inclined him to Peace, 
 in which the beft Heads of the Nation were 
 of his Opinion. For as they believ'd they 
 were not able to hold out to the End againft 
 all the Forces of Terfia, they thought it 
 would be the beft Way for their Nation to 
 take the Advantage of their prefent Superio- 
 rity, and of the weak Condition of the Court, 
 in order to make the beft Terms they could, 
 and to free themfelves at leaft from thofe Tm- 
 pofitions of the Government, which were too 
 defpotick and too burthenlbme. 
 
 WITH this View, therefore, and by Ad- 
 vice of the chief Men of the Nation, In* 
 
 P 4 itrudion
 
 ftrudions were drawn up for the Deputies that 
 were to be fent to Iffahan. By this Depu- 
 tation they made an Offer to reconcile them- 
 felves to the Obedience of the Crown of ?Vr- 
 fta on thefe two Conditions : i. That as the 
 Rebellion was only owing to the Opprelfions 
 and Violence of the Governors and foreign 
 Troops quartered upon them, no more fhould 
 be fent them for the future ; and that, after 
 the Example of fome other Provinces of *Per- 
 fa^ whofe Government was appropriated to 
 certain particular Families, that of Candahar* 
 and the whole Province of thzdghvans, ftiould 
 for the future be hereditary in the Family of 
 the late Myrr-Weis. 2. That the Tribute 
 formerly pay'd fhould be lelfened. 
 
 IT being impoffible to forefee that the 
 Court of 'Perfia would fall into that State of 
 Lethargy and Contempt, which it afterwards 
 funk into, nothing was more commended 
 than theCourfe which the Rebels took. They 
 came off of their Rebellion with Honour, by 
 making a confiderable Alteration in their Con- 
 dition for the better, and by guarding them- 
 felves for the future againft any Danger from 
 the Oppreflion of the Perjians. It was more- 
 over out of Doubt, that in the then Situa- 
 tion of the Court, they would readily have 
 fubfcribed to Conditions for the Recovery 
 of a Province which they were not able to re-, 
 duce, and for being delivered from fb much 
 Uncafinefs, and Perplexity, though with fbme 
 
 DimU
 
 Diminution of their Authority. But the 
 Misfortune was, that when the Deputies were 
 juft ready to fet out, this Projed of Pacifi- 
 cation was qualh'd by an Event that no Body 
 dream'd of. 
 
 THOUGH the greateft and wifeft Men in the 
 Nation were all, as has been laid, very much 
 for a Reconciliation, yet the greateft Part of 
 the common People, and the Soldiers efpecial- 
 ly, could not relifhit. Being puffed up with 
 their late Victories, they could not bear to 
 think of fubmitting to a People that they had 
 always beat, fince they rofe in Arms ; belides 
 they did not think it a fafe Courie to take. 
 They faid, " That whatever Conditions were 
 <tf ftipulated, they could not depend upon the 
 " Sincerity of the Terfians^ who would ne- 
 u ver forget how much they had loft by them, 
 " nor the bloody Affronts they had heaped 
 " upon them ; that they ought by no Means 
 <c to lay down their Arms ; and that even 
 " though they Ihould fubmit, at the long 
 " Run, they would have no more to fear 
 " from Terjtans flufh'd with Vidory, than 
 a what they fhould now of their own free 
 " Choice expofe themfelves to, from 'Per-' 
 " Jians vanquiflied, and therefore exafperated. 
 <c Befides, faid they, why fhould they be in 
 " fuch hafte to put themfeives in Irons, which 
 " no Body durft hold out to them ? And why 
 ' fhoutd not they rather take Advantage of 
 " the Folly and Indolence of the Court of 
 
 'Per/to^
 
 206) 
 
 l< Terjia^ in order to bring in neighbouring 
 " Provinces to their Party, and even to force 
 " them, if neceflary, Sword in Hand, to join 
 " with them againft the common Enemy ? 
 " That if they could but once come to fuch 
 a a Refolution, they would fbon be ftrong 
 * c enough, not only to hold out againft all the 
 a Attacks of the 'Perfians^ but even to fall 
 " upon them, and carry the War to their own 
 " Doors." 
 
 THIS, which was the publick Difcourfe 
 - of the common People, made the more Im- 
 preffion, becaufe it perfectly tallied with the 
 Advice which Myrr-Wezs gave on his Death- 
 Bed , for when there was no Hopes of his 
 Recovery, the chief Men of the Nation, be- 
 ing alarmed by the Lois of a Man who was 
 the Soul of their Party, and their real Sup- 
 port, thought fit to confult him what Mea- 
 fures they fhould take after his Death ; whe- 
 ther they fhould continue the War, or enter 
 into an Accommodation. To which he gave 
 this Anfwer precifely : If the Perfians, faid 
 he, are objltnately bent to come and attack 
 you, make your Teace ufon any Terms y but 
 if they Jleef over this War, go and attack 
 them even to the Gates 0/"Ilpahan. 
 
 THIS Dilpofition of the Populace, directly 
 contrary to the pacifick Views of the new 
 Governor and his Council, obliged them to 
 conceal the Meafiires they took for the Trea- 
 ty with the Court from the Notice of the 
 
 Publick
 
 Publick ; though fome of their Deliberations 
 were not fo fecret, but that they took Wings 
 and flc\v to the Ears of Maghmud., one of the 
 Sons of Myrr-JVeis* 
 
 THIS young Man, who could not be above 
 feventeen or eighteen Years of Age, having 
 followed his Father in all his Expeditions 
 from a Child, and been brought up among 
 the Soldiers, who were very fond of him, 
 no fooner fmelt what was doing, but upon 
 the bare Sufpicion of it he formed a Refb- 
 lution againft his Uncle and Guardian, which 
 was fuitable to his natural Savagenefs, and the 
 barbarous Education he had among Murderers 
 and Free-Booters. As he lodged in the fame 
 Apartment with him he found Means to get 
 into his Chamber one Night, and cut off his 
 Head while he was afleep. As foon as he 
 had ftruck this Blow, he ran to the Tower, 
 on the Top of which were the Drums with 
 which they ufed to call the People together, 
 and beat an Alarm : From thence defcending 
 into the Square, he acquainted the chief Men 
 he found there of what he had done ; and to 
 juftify fo ftrange an Action, he read the In- 
 ftru&ions to them, which he found among 
 his Uncle's Papers for the Deputies which he 
 was going to fend to Court. Then he ex- 
 horted them to pufti on the War with more 
 Vigour than ever, engaging, if they would 
 but follow him, and own him for their Com- 
 mander, to convince them that he knew how 
 
 to
 
 ( 208) 
 
 to put in Practice the LefTons he had receiv'd 
 from his Father, in the many Campaigns 
 which he had attended him in from his In- 
 fancy. 
 
 As the Mifchief was done, and could not 
 be undone, what had pafled was approved of. 
 The Soldiers who had a natural Affection, as 
 was before obferved, for Maghmud^ who was 
 always among them from a Child, were the 
 firft to declare in his Favour j and he had not 
 only their Suffrages, but thole of all the People 
 at the fame Time. Thus did Myrr-Magbmud 
 acquire the general Command over all his Na- 
 tion by Parricide, a Crime which God would 
 not fuffer to go unpuniihed, but, as we lhall 
 fee by-and-by, permitted Sultan Afzraff, his 
 Coufin- Germain, and Son of him whom 
 Maghmud had facrificed to his Ambition, to 
 make the fame Victim of the Murderer to 
 his own Ambition, by cutting off his Head, 
 as he was in Bed, after the fame Manner as 
 Maghmud had cut off the Head of Afzraff's 
 
 Father. But to return where we left 
 
 off. 
 
 MYRR-MAGHMUD, who naturally loved 
 War, and whofe Inclinations were, more- 
 over, confirmed by his Education in the Sol- 
 diery, and in the Noife of Military Expedi- 
 tions, no fooner found himfelf Prince of Can- 
 dahar y and General of the Aghvans in his 
 Father's Room, but he aim'd to fignalize him- 
 felf by fome Exploit that might juftify the 
 
 Choice
 
 Choice that had been made of his Perfon, 
 by putting him at the Head of the Nation, 
 and make up for the Authority he wanted 
 on Account of his Youth. Happy for him, 
 the Court of 'Perjia gave him all the Leiiure 
 that could be ; for, as they flattered them- 
 felves that an End was put to the Re- 
 bellion by the Death of Myrr-Weis^ and 
 found thofe Hopes more and more confirm- 
 ed by the NQtice they had of the peace- 
 able Temper of his Brother and Succerfor, as 
 well as the moft confiderable People of the 
 Nation, they did not think fit to run any 
 Rifque for the Recovery of a Province by 
 Arms, which they fhortly expeded to regain 
 by an Accommodation ; and when they af- 
 terwards heard of the late Revolution at Can- 
 dahar^ by the Murder of the Brother of 
 Myrr-Weis^ and the Election of his Son, it 
 was too late to give Order for the preparing 
 and fending of an Army to make War -above 
 four hundred Leagues from the capital Ci- 
 ty- 
 
 THE new General forthwith took the Field, 
 
 and following the Plan which Myrr-Weis 
 his Father, chalk'd out for him on his Death- 
 Bed, in cafe that the People declared for War, 
 defign'd immediately to make himfelf known, 
 and to ftrike a Terror into the neighbouring 
 Provinces by his Ravages. After he had done 
 this fufficiently, by frequent Excurfions al- 
 ways liiccefsful, he was more particularly in- 
 tent
 
 tent upon a DeGgn, the Succefs of which 
 would double the Power and Forces of his 
 Nation, and qualify them for greater Views, 
 than keeping barely on the Defenfive, as 
 they had done hitherto with Regard to 
 Jla. 
 
 THERE was in the Neighbourhood 
 dahar a Province called Hafarai, which was 
 inhabited by Aghvans y as well as that of 
 Candahar. Thefe two People, who were 
 of the fame Origin, and who antiently for- 
 med but one and the fame Nation, differed 
 in nothing but Religion. Indeed they both 
 followed the Mahometan Law ; but with this 
 Difference, that the Aghvans of Hafarai were 
 of the fame Belief as the ferjians ; where- 
 as thofe of Candahar conformed to that of 
 the Turks. The former were of the Sed of 
 the Rafij and the latter of the Sed of the 
 Sunni ; which makes the great Diftindion be- 
 tween the two Branches of the Mahometan 
 Religion, into which all AJia is divided. 
 
 WHILE the Candahar Rebels were for- 
 ming a Defign to ftrengthen their Party, by 
 making an Union and League with fbme Na* 
 tion, there was none that agreed better with 
 them than the Aghvans of HaJaraL They 
 were originally Brothers, and they had the 
 fame Inclinations, and the fame Cuitoms; 'Tis 
 true that the inveterate Enmity there is be* 
 twecn the Rafi's, and the Sunni's^ had formed 
 a Wall of Separation between thefe two 
 
 \ Tribes
 
 Tribes of Aghvans, which it was very difficult 
 to break down. And they conftantly refilled 
 the moft preffing Solicitations which the 
 Aghvans of Candahar made ufe of to en- 
 gage them to join them. They chofe to 
 fide with their Brothers on the Score of Reli- 
 gion, preferably to thofe who were fo by 
 Birth ; and the Attachment which they had 
 to their Seel always fupported their Fideli- 
 ty to the laft, as long as they were able to 
 hold out ; fo that if they complied, 'twas 
 only becaufc they had no other Courfe to 
 take. For Myrr-Maghmud perceiving that 
 no good was to be done with them by a Courfe 
 of Negotiation, had recourfe to Arms j and 
 he harrafTed and plagued them to fuch a De- 
 gree that while they were abandoned on 
 one hand, by the f Perfians, whofe Affiftance 
 they had often in vain implored, and pref- 
 fed on the other hand by the Enemy, who 
 opened their Arms to receive them j and in- 
 ftead of improving their Advantage to bring 
 them under Subjection, only defired to make 
 them Partners in their good Fortune againft 
 the *PerJians, they at laft confented to join 
 them, and were as firm and conftant to the 
 new Party, which the Necefllty of their Af- 
 fairs had obliged them to embrace, as they 
 had been true to the King, while they were 
 able to {land by him. Myrr-Maghmud 
 employed the two firft Years of his Gene- 
 
 ralfhip
 
 Talfliip to bring them to thefe Terms, while 
 the Ina&ion of the Court of Terjia gave him 
 all the Leifure for it that could be. 
 
 THE Declaration of the Aghvans of ffa- 
 farat in Favour of thofe of Candahar, as 
 much furprizM and alarmM the Court ofPer- 
 Jia, as it did Honour to Myrr-Maghmud, 
 who, as the firft Eflay of his Conduct and 
 Valour, had juft confummated an Affair 
 which even Myrr-Weis his Father was not 
 able to accomplifh. The Court found in the 
 Son an Enemy ftill more dangerous than in 
 the Father, in regard that he was of a more 
 enterprizing Genius; and then his Youth, 
 which was already made illuftrious by happy 
 Achievements, feem'd to prefage a long and 
 bloody War, if it was not prevented in Time. 
 It was refolv'd therefore, to fend a ftronger 
 Army againft him, than all that had yet ta- 
 ken the Field. 
 
 THE only Thing that remain'd to be done, 
 was to choofe a General for an Expedition 
 which was reckoned of the greateft Importance 
 that could be undertaken in the then Situation 
 of Affairs. For this Purpofe they caft their 
 Eyes on a Nobleman, nam'd Sefi-Kuli~Kan- 
 which fignifies the Lord who is Slave to Sefi. 
 Every Body approv'd of the Choice, and 
 even the prevailing Faction at Court, after all 
 their Oppofition to it, commented. The Mo- 
 tive which induced the Leaders of that Fac- 
 tion to concur in it, was this ; Either he will 
 
 fuc-
 
 fucceed in this War, faid they ; or elfe he 
 will miicarry in it, as others have done. If 
 he liicceeds, in this Cafe we lhall find our 
 Advantage by the Service it will prove to 
 the State, in the Government of which we 
 have a large Share ; and if on the contrary he 
 miicarry, he will be a new Sacrifice to our 
 Party. 
 
 REALLY a better Choice could not have 
 been made for the intended Expedition ; but 
 it was more eafy to nominate the Perfbn, than 
 it was to make the Employment acceptable 
 to him. Sefi-Kuli-Kan had formerly been 
 'Divan-Beg, or Chief Juftice at Ifpahan-, 
 and as he was a Nobleman of approv'd Inte- 
 grity, he exercised that great Office with fuch 
 a ftrid Impartiality, that the Favourites and 
 chief Courtiers who faw that he had no Re- 
 gard to their Recommendations, could not re- 
 lifti him, and even found Means to put the 
 King out of Conceit with that unalterable Re- 
 gard to Juftice, which they con ft rued as ex- 
 ceflive Rigour ; fb that this Nobleman per- 
 ceiving that he difoblig'd his Mafter in the 
 very Thing that ought to have gained him 
 more of his Efteem, and that nothing was 
 to be got by difcharging the Part of a Man 
 of Honour under a Prince who, though 
 perfectly honeft himfelf, had not Judgment 
 enough to let a true Value upon Probi.y, and 
 had too much Folly to fupport and protect it, 
 he refign'd his Poft to the King, and retir'd from 
 Court with Indignation. QL. THEY
 
 THEY therefore chofe him for the Expe* 
 dition to Candahar in his' Abfence, and no- 
 thing but the prefling Neceffity they were 
 under for a General of his Merit and Cha- 
 rader, made them think of him, and forced 
 the Minifters to go and find him out in his 
 obfcure Retreat. But as he knew all the Ar- 
 tifices that were put in Practice to thwart and 
 dilconcert the former Expeditions, and that 
 he was as odious to the prevailing Fa6tion, 
 aswere the late 'PnnceKoftrou-Kart, and the Ge- 
 nerals whom they had facrific'd to their Hatred 
 and Intereft, he excused himfelf without He- 
 iitation from the Employment to which they 
 had defign'd him. Not all the Intreaty of the 
 Minifters, and the King himfelfj could conquer 
 the Averfion he declared to fb dangerous a Com- 
 miffion, and he perfifted to excufe himfelf to the 
 latt. But as they faw none befides him really 
 capable, they made ufe of a Court Stratagem, 
 which whether he would, or no, put him un- 
 der a Neceility of ferving. 
 
 HE had an only Son that he dearly lov'd, 
 whofe fine Qualities promised much. They 
 imagined, that by giving this Son, though as 
 yet but feventeen Years old, the Title of Ge- 
 neral for the Expedition which was in hand., 
 the Father would be forc'd to accompany 
 him, and that his Tendernels would fb far 
 prevail over all his Pleas, that he would 
 not forbear going into the Field, to command 
 an Army in the Name of, and as Lieutenant 
 to his Son, which they could not perfuade 
 him to command in Chief! THERE-
 
 THEREFORE according to the Cuftom irt 
 *PerJia, when they have a Mind to veft any- 
 one with abfolute and extraordinary Autho- 
 rity, they fent the Son a very fine Horfe, 
 covered with a rich Harnels, a Buckler, and 
 Pike> a Cuirafs cover'd with Gold Brocade^ 
 and a Turban adorn'd with Diamonds. All 
 this was preiented as from the King to this 
 young Nobleman, and feafon'd with all the 
 fine Compliments that could be moft accep- 
 table and pleafing to his Peribn. The Fa- 
 ther indeed forefaw what would be the Gon- 
 fequences of a Snare which was thrown in 
 the Way of his Tendernefs : But he was his 
 Father ; and he could not withftand the Intreaties 
 of a Son fb exceeding dear to him, who flat- 
 ter 'd with a Mark of Honour and DiftincUon> 
 which was not to be parallel'd in a Youth 
 of his tender Years, conjur'd him with Tears, 
 not to be the only Man in the whole King- 
 dom to oppofe his good Fortune. Therefore 
 he confented to it, though with Difficulty j 
 and that he might not abandon his Son to the 
 Fire and Fury of Youth, in fo dangerous an 
 Employment, he reiblv'd, as the Court had 
 forefeen, to accompany him in that great Ex- 
 pedition in Quality of his Lieutenant. 
 
 TH^Complaifance he had for his Son ha- 
 ving prevail'd with him in this Inftance, be- 
 yond all the Authority of his Prince, did 
 not efcape the malicious Reflexions of the 
 Courtiers, who in order to diminiih before* 
 
 hand
 
 _ 
 
 hand the Merit of the Service in which he 
 was engaged, did not fail of obferving to the 
 King, that he had not fo much Intereft with 
 fiefi-Knli-Kan, as his Son had, for whofe 
 fake he had done more than he would have 
 done for any Regard he ow'd to his Prince, 
 or to the Welfare of the State. 
 
 MEAN Time the Father and the Son made 
 their Preparations, and after they had form'd 
 an Army of fixteen thoufand choice Men, the 
 young General, accompanied by his Father, 
 went to Court, where he was received with all 
 the Marks of Diftinction that could flatter 
 his Vanity. The King made a publick En- 
 tertainment for him, to which the Father was 
 alfo invited ; but he excused himfelf. He girt 
 his Sword alfbby his Side, in Prefence of the 
 whole Court j and that he might have an Op- 
 portunity of mewing his Skill on Horfeback, 
 and in throwing the Spear, he had a little 
 Tournament made for him, after the Manner 
 of the Country, in the Meidan or great Square 
 of Ifyahan; where the Youth diftinguiih'd 
 himfelf to the Satisfaction of the King, and 
 with the Acclamations of the People. 
 
 IN the Midft of thefe Acclamations, and 
 with the Prayers of all the Publick, he let 
 out from IJpahan to head his Army. But 
 the Event did not anfwer thofe mining Pre- 
 ludes. He had no fooner fet Foot in the Ene- 
 my's Province, but being carried away by 
 the Ardour of a young Man, and forgetting 
 
 th
 
 ("7) 
 
 the Advice that had been given him by his 
 Father, who follow'd him with the main Ar- 
 my, he went raftily with fome Squadrons 
 which he had in the Van, and skirmilhM with 
 the firft Troops that he met with of the Re- 
 bel's Army, by whom he was kill'd. The 
 Misfortune of the Son foon drew on that of 
 the Father, who heard this tragical News too 
 loon, and having nothing more to mind after 
 he had loft his only Son, the ible Object of 
 his Love and Hopes, hearken'd to no Advice 
 but that of Revenge and Fury, and rufiVd 
 into the Middle of the Enemy, where fight- 
 ing defperately, he was at lalt over-power^ 
 by Numbers, and found in Death an End to 
 all his Sorrow. After the Lofs of the Gene- 
 rals, the Army gave Ground, and was entire- 
 ly routed. 
 
 THE Court, which the leaft Lodes in for- 
 mer Campaigns dilpirited, leem'd to take 
 Heart in this, and was encourag'd to enter up- 
 on new Meafures, for renewing the War with 
 more Vigour than it had been carried on hi- 
 therto. Mean Time, as no Body offer'd to 
 condud an Expedition,which byReafbn of the 
 Death or ill Succefs of Ib many able Generals 
 who had fail'd in it, was look'd upon as a 
 dangerous Rock, the Athemat- c Doulet ', or 
 chief Minifter, was Ib zealous for the King's 
 Service, that he offer'd himfelf to his Majefty 
 for this great Enterprize. The King who did 
 him the Juftice to have a high Opinion of
 
 fcis Capacity, very well lik'd the Propofal, 
 and would readily have fet his Hand to it, if he 
 had not been diverted by the Eunuchs, who 
 being jealous of the Minifter's Credit, repre- 
 fented to the King, that it was not Prudence 
 to join fb great a military Poft, as the Com- 
 mand of his Armies, to that abfblute Autho- 
 rity, with which he was already vefted in the 
 Chief Poft of Athemat-'Doulet - y and that 
 thefe two Employments join'd together, might 
 be dangerous Inltruments in the Hands of a, 
 a Subject that would be tempted to abufe 
 them. 
 
 THIS Confideration check'd the King, and 
 prevailed over his Inclination; but what in 
 State Policy he had refus'd to his Prime Mi- 
 irifter for himfelf, he granted to his Brother- 
 in-Law Luft- Alt-Kan, whom that Minifter 
 had proposed to fuppiy his Place : And not- 
 withftanding all the Efforts of trie-contrary 
 Cabal to divert the Blow, the Athemat^Dou- 
 carry 'd it in ipite of them, and found an 
 Advantage in it, whifch fbon after coft him 
 very dean 
 
 THOUGH the Relation betwixt Luft-Ati- 
 Kan and the Prime Minifter, was enough to 
 have rendered his Vote in his Favour fufpi- 
 cious, yet his very Enemies did him the Juf- 
 tice to own, that he was not unqualified for 
 the important Employment with which he 
 was honoured. He was a Man of a good 
 Head-piece, well turn'd either for Advice 
 
 or
 
 c *'9 
 
 or Action and though he had not yet any 
 great Commands in the Armies, he was 
 reckoned pretty well versM in military Affairs. 
 And indeed to his Misfortune he made too 
 great a Dilcovery of his Talents, by the Man- 
 ner in which he went to work, and as much 
 alarm 'd the Cabal which oppos'd him at Court, 
 as he terrified the Rebels of Candahar. 
 
 BEFORE he undertook any Thing againft 
 the latter, he was refolv'd to open the Cam- 
 paign with fome fignal Exploit, to give him 
 a Reputation. The Arabians had for fome 
 Years paft furpriz'd the Ifle of Mafcate in the 
 Gulph of Terfia, and had expellM the Ter~ 
 fians from thence,which was to their very great 
 Prejudice. Luft-Alt-Kan proposed, before 
 he went upon any other Enterprize, to reco- 
 ver this Ifland ; and as foon as he had affem- 
 bled his Army, caus'd it^to march that Way. 
 As he wanted Ships to carry his Troops over 
 to the Ifland which he was to attack, he con- 
 certed juft Meafures thereupon with the 'Por- 
 tuguefe of the Indies, who on the Payment 
 of a certain Sum of Money, were to fend 
 their Tranfports for that Purpofe. The Tor- 
 tuguefe Fleet came in Time, but the Mo- 
 ney being delay'd through the Intrigues of 
 LH ft- Alt- Kan^s Enemies at Court, retir'd 
 into its Harbours, leaving the unhappy Ge- 
 neral upon the Shore lamenting his Cafe, to 
 find himfelf through the Treachery of thofe 
 who ought to have had the Intereft of the 
 
 Govern*
 
 220 ) 
 
 Government more at Heart, excluded from a 
 Conqueft, as infallible as it was important to 
 the Welfare of the Kingdom. 
 
 WHILE he was in vain reproaching and 
 curfing the Authors of this Treachery, he 
 heard that Myrr-Maghmud taking Advantage 
 of his Diftance, was advanc'd towards Ktr- 
 man, and by Means of a Correfpondence in 
 the Place, had taken it. 
 
 THIS famous Ringleader of the Rebels, 
 who from the Advantage he gain'd laft Year 
 over the *PerJia.n Army had entertain'd very 
 great Hopes, proposed no leis to himfelf than 
 to pulh the War into the Heart of the King- 
 dom; and that he might be more at hand to 
 carry it on there, he had caft his Eyes on the 
 City of Kirman^ to make it a Place of Arms, 
 and took it, as has been faid. This City, 
 which, as it were., forms a Triangle with If- 
 fahan and Candahar, lying South of both, 
 not ib far by one third from the former, as it is 
 from the latter, though 'tis three hundred 
 Leagues from Candahar^ is the Capital of a 
 Province of the fame Name, which was the 
 antient Caramania. Great Part of it is inha- 
 bited by the Gaurs, who pretend to be de- 
 fcended from the antient ^Perjlans^ Worfhip- 
 pers of Fire, and being very uneafy under 
 the Yoke of the modern 'Perfians^ who have 
 dften perfecuted them, Myrr-Maghmud had 
 no Difficulty to gain them; and it was by 
 their Means that he took the Town. 
 
 NOTHING 

 
 NOTHING lefs than an Event of this Con- 
 fequence could have delivered the 'Perfian 
 General from his Defpair for the Affront that 
 had been lately put upon him in fight of 
 Mafchate. As it was of Confluence not 
 to leave the Rebels Time to fortify them- 
 felves in the Town which they had thus fur- 
 priz'd, Luft-Ah-Kan did not flay for his 
 whole Army to attack them, but haftily 
 forming a Body of the fineft and moft active 
 Troops he had, he went before, and fell upon 
 Maghmud^ whom he entirely routed j and 
 after having drove him from Kirman, and 
 taken his Baggage from him, he purfued him 
 to Candahar^ where he oblig'd him to fhut 
 himfelf up, very much afham'd of his entire 
 Overthrow, and aftonifh'd to find there were 
 Men ftill left in Terjia, that were capable to 
 give him Law. 
 
 THIS Vidory causM the more Joy, and 
 made the more Noife in all 'Perfia^ becauie it 
 was the firft Time that the Aghvans had 
 been beaten fince the Rebellion, and was De- 
 monftration that it was not impoflible to con- 
 quer them. Mean Time the General, who 
 by Myrr-Maghmud' ) s bold Attempt upon the 
 City of Kirman, plainly faw the full Drift 
 of this Rebel's Projects, and the Importance 
 of that Place, made it his firft Care to fecure 
 it againft Infults, and all the Dangers of a fe- 
 cond Attack. He placM a good Garrifbn 
 ;n it 3 and fortified it fo well, efpecially that 
 
 Part
 
 ( 222) 
 
 Part call'd the Upper City, which is fepara- 
 ted from the Lower, that in 17x5- * it ftill 
 held out againft the Agbvans. 
 
 AFTER he had thus put all Things in Or- 
 der, his Refentment, which the Ncceffity of 
 his Affairs had only fufpended, broke out 
 with frefh Violence againft thofe who had oc- 
 cafion'd his Difappointment in the Expedition 
 to Mafchate ; and as he had no Juftice to 
 hope for from a King, whom they betray *d 
 to his Face in fuch a Manner, that he either 
 did not fee it, or was afraid to ftiew that he 
 faw it, he refolv'd to do hirrrfelf Juftice, and 
 to do it with fuch a high Hand as Ihould 
 humble the Cabal of his Enemies, and con- 
 vince them, that all the Protection they had 
 at Court Ihould not skreen them from his Ven- 
 geance. 
 
 IT was with this View that he brought his 
 Army back to the Coafts of the 'Perjian 
 Gulph, where moft of the great Men that 
 he had a Deiign upon, had good Eftates, and 
 fine Seats ; and on Pretence that his Troops, 
 for want of their Pay, could not fubfift other- 
 wife, he quartered them in all their Houles, 
 where they liv'd at Difcretion. All Horfes, 
 Camels, Arms, and other Things fitting for 
 
 * ibis Circumflance proves that there is a Miftakt in the Account 
 mferted in the Mercure for November 1716. where 'tis fad, that 
 this City fp*i taken by Maghmud in 1711. An Account cfvfaf 
 ftfi'-d At thii Siege will bt given hereitfter.
 
 a Soldier, wereleizM, without any Formality, 
 for the Ufe of the Army ; not to reckon the 
 great Contributions which they rais'd upon 
 the Province in general, and of which the 
 Noblemen, who hadEftates there, paid their 
 Quota as well as others. 
 
 BUT whatever Liberty he gave the Sol- 
 diers in this Refpeci, the Difcipline of his 
 Troops was kept up, and never perhaps was 
 there an Army in *PerJt&fo well kept, or Ib 
 fpruce. After it had refrelh'd it felf by a long 
 Stay, it had Orders to advance towards Chi" 
 ras, a City which lies on the Road from the 
 Gulph to Candahar^ and where the general 
 Rendezvous was appointed. AJ1 the Troops 
 rendezvous'd there in November 1710. with 
 feveral thoufand Camels laden with all Sorts 
 of Ammunition and Proviiions for the greateft 
 Part of the Campaign. 'Tis-very probable, 
 that this Army, as it was then difpos'd, fur- 
 nifh'd with all Things in Abundance, embol- 
 den'd by its late Succeffes, and conducted by 
 a wife and refolute General, under whom it 
 had newly learn'd to conquer, would foon 
 have reduc'd the dghvans to Reafbn, if a 
 great Diforder at Court, owing to the bafeft 
 Intrigue , had not ruin'd all thole great 
 Hopes, juft as they were ready to be confum- 
 mated. 
 
 LuFT-An-KAN hadaMindtoberevengM 
 on the Great Men of the Court; and, to his 
 Misfortune, he had fucceeded too well in it. 
 
 Thofe
 
 ( "4 ) 
 
 Thofe Noblemen being incenfed againft him] 
 and more nettled at the Difdain with which 
 he had treated them in ravaging their Lands, 
 than all the Lofles they had fuftained there ; 
 being alarmed, moreover, at the Credit which 
 the Victory he had gain'd over the Aghvans 
 had acquired him with the King, they did 
 not doubt but if he fucceeded in his Expe- 
 dition, fubdued the Rebels, and fupprefled 
 the Rebellion, a Service of that Importance 
 would render him too powerful at Court, and 
 that Athemat-T)oulet, his Brother-in-Law, 
 and he, having all the King's Confidence, and 
 all the Authority of the Government to his 
 own Share, exclufive of any other Perfbn, 
 would improve their Advantage to opprefs and 
 ruin them. 
 
 THFY faw no other Remedy but to pre- 
 vent it by ruining himfelf : And though they 
 could not do it without overthrowing the ' 
 Hopes of the fpeedy Reduction vCandahar y 
 and of pacifying that rebellious Frontier ; 
 yet the Confideration of their private Intereft 
 prevailed before the moft important Intereft 
 of the State ; and they choie to venture the 
 Lofs of All, than not to difarm a General, 
 who could not triumph over the Enemies of 
 the Kingdom, without crufhing them in Pieces 
 by his Triumph. 
 
 As the two oppofite Cabals at Court were 
 equally interefted to ruin a Man, whcfe Au- 
 thority and Power muft be equally burthen- 
 
 Ibme
 
 (."* 
 
 fomc and prejudicial to them, if he brought 
 his Defigns to pafs, they united, and joined 
 both againft him. But imagining that it would 
 not be poflible for them to fucceed in any 
 Undertaking againft him, as long as Athe- 
 mat-'Doulet, his Brother-in-Law, was in Place, 
 and fbrefeeing that this Minifter, in whom the 
 King had all Manner of Confidence, and to 
 whom, that he might the more quietly enjoy 
 the Delights of his Haram, he abandoned the 
 Care and Incumbrance of all Affairs, would 
 not fail to ward off the Blows that ihould be 
 aimed at his Brother-in-Law, they refolved 
 to deftroy him firft ; and they fucceeded by a 
 very ill concerted Piece of Management, with 
 which no other Prince but Schah-Hujfein^ 
 would have been ib eafily gull'd . 
 
 AMONG the Officers, who had moft Ac- 
 cefs to the Perlbn of the King, there were two 
 efpecially who, by the Nature of their Ser- 
 vice, were his moft intimate Confidents and 
 Familiars. The one was his Moullah, or 
 Director of his Confcience, and the other 
 his chief Phyfician. Thefe were the two 
 Officers that they employed to give the Athe- 
 mat-'Doulet the mortal Blow ; and becaufe 
 that in order to furprize the King into it, 
 'twas unavoidably necefTary to chooie a Time 
 when he had neither Leifure nor Conveniency 
 to take Advice of any but the Confpirators, 
 they pitched upon that Time of the Night 
 
 for
 
 ( "6 ) 
 
 for the Execution of their Defign, when they 
 might have him moft at their Discretion. 
 
 EVERY Thing was quiet in the King'sApart- 
 ment, and there was a profound Silence. The 
 King himfelf was actually afleep at one End 
 of his Palace, when he was fuddeniy awaked 
 by two Officers coming in with affrighted 
 Looks, who cafting their Turbans on the 
 Ground, as a Token of Sorrow, faid to the 
 King> " That though they were not ignorant 
 " that it was againft the Rules to dare to di 
 " turb his Repofe, and to enter his Majefty's 
 <c ' Bed-Chamber without his Leave, efpecial- 
 < ly during fo facred a Time ; yet the im- 
 <c minent Danger with which they faw him 
 <c threa.enM, did not fuffer them to have Re- 
 fl gardrto the ufual Formalities ; that his Life 
 tc and Crown were at ftake ; which now was 
 " the Time to fecure againft the Attempts 
 " of the Athemat- c Doulet ) who had fixed on 
 u that very Night for the Execution of his 
 " Parricide : That the faid Prime Miniiter, in 
 <c Concert with his Brother-in-Law the Ge- 
 " neral of the Army, had vow'd the Death 
 " of his Majefty, and the Extinction of the 
 " Royal Family : That while the latter was 
 " to go and make himfelf Mafter of Ifpahan 
 a with his Army, and to in veil the King^s 
 " Palace, fo that no Prince of the Royal 
 " Family might efcape, the Athemat-^Don-^ 
 4< let was to feize the King himfelf, with the 
 Affiftance of three thoufand Kurdes, which
 
 ( "7 ) 
 
 ' were to be brought to him that very Night 
 ' by a Prince of that Nation, for whom he 
 ^ had lent an exprefs Order, iealed with his 
 " Seal of Firft Minifter." 
 
 THE King was in immediate Confterna- 
 tion at the Greatnefs and Nearnels of the 
 Danger, efpecially when the two Eunuchs put 
 into his Hands a Proof of the Prime Mini- 
 fter's Correfpondence with theKurdes. This 
 was the very Order fent to the Prince of the 
 Kurdes, and fealed with the Seal of the Atbe- 
 mat-Tloiilet. This Piece formed a Prefump- 
 tion of the greater Importance, becaufe the 
 Manner of Inftalling an Athemat- c Doulet in 
 'Perjia^ is by putting the Seal of his Office 
 about his Neck, which is never taken off till 
 he dies, or is forced to refign it. 
 
 FEAR realizes all t 'Appearances, and renders 
 every Thing credible to thole who are iuf- 
 ceptible of it. 'The King had no fooner caft 
 his Eyes upon the Seal, which he thought 
 he knew, but he fancied himfeif undone, and 
 fainted away. As foon as he was a little re- 
 covered, a Council was haftily formed of 
 the moft trufty Eunuchs and Courtiers, who 
 had all an Undcrftanding with the two Infor- 
 mers. The^Confultation was Ihort, and the 
 Reliilt of it was, that the King fending for 
 the Corfehi-Bachi, or General of the Cor fens 
 ordered him to take his Guards, and others 
 along with him, to break open the Houie of the 
 Athemat-*Doulet j and to bring him his Head. 
 
 THIS
 
 ( 228 ) 
 
 THIS Prime Minifter who did not dream 
 of what was hatching againft him, was quiet 
 in his Wives Apartment, when the Cor/chi- 
 Bacht came to his Houfe with an armed Force, 
 and the Air of a Man that expeded to find 
 Refiftance. The Minifter was aftonifhed at fuch 
 a Vifit, at fb unfeafonable an Hour, but much 
 more when he faw himfelf hand-cuffed by that 
 Officer's Order, who meeting with no Oppo- 
 fition in the Execution of his Commands, had 
 him only carried to his Houfe, without offer- 
 ing any Violence. For, though it was the 
 King's Order to cut off his Head ; yet it 
 being reprefented to him, that in Gale he met 
 with no Refiftance from him, it would not 
 be proper to put him to Death,and that theKing 
 did not infift on it, the Officer only fecured his 
 Perfbn. 
 
 NEVERTHELESS he was not beholden fb 
 much for the Prefer vati on o'f his Life to 
 the Compaflion of his Enemies, as to their 
 Avarice ; for, as he had immenfe Riches, of 
 which thofe who had ruined him hoped to 
 ihare in the Forfeiture, they were very glad 
 to fave his Life, that under Pretence of ex- 
 torting a Confeffion from him, by Torments, of 
 the Secret of the pretended Confpiracy, they 
 might force him to diicover where his Trea- 
 fures were. As foon as he was arrived in the 
 Houfe of the Corfchi-Bach^ the firft Thing 
 they did, was to pluck out his Eyes, as is the 
 
 Practice 

 
 ( 1*9 ) 
 
 Pra&ice in Terjia, with regard to Perfons 
 guilty of High-Treafon, whofe Lives they 
 have a Mind to fpare. Then they examined 
 him by Torture, as to the Particulars of his 
 great Eftate. He made no Scruple to declare 
 all that he had, which in Gold, precious Fur- 
 niture, and Jewels, amouLtH to 900000 To- 
 mans, or four Millions and a T alf Sterling. 
 
 THE very Moment that the ^. ' -mat 1>ou- 
 let was arrefted, feveral Couriers v \cre di- 
 patched to arreft not only the General Luft- 
 dli-Kan^ but every one of the Prin.e Mini- 
 ter's Kindred, Friends, or Creatures, in the 
 Country j for, as to thofe at Court, they were 
 fecured immediately. The Man that they had 
 the greateft Defire to fecure, and who was the: 
 hardeft to take, was the General, who was 
 actually in the Neighbourhood of Chiras at 
 the Head of an Army, which was entirely 
 devoted to him ; and who knows to what Ex- 
 tremities he might have pufhed Matters againft 
 the Court, had he been then informed how 
 unjuftly his Brother-in-Law had been treated, 
 and of the Ufage which was defigned with 
 the fame Injuftice for himfelf ? But all po 
 lible Precautions were taken to prevent it : For 
 this End they chofe the only Man at Court 
 that was capable of making the greateft Di- 
 patch, and gave him a fecret Conimiilion for 
 the Governor of Chiras. The King ordered 
 him to find Means under fbme Pretence or 
 other to wheedle the General to his Lodgings, 
 
 R and
 
 and there to arreft him with as little Noife, as 
 poflible, and fend him under a good Guard 
 to Ifpahan, bound Hand and Foot. As nei- 
 ther ihe General, nor the other Friends and 
 Kindred of the Prime Minifter miftrufted any 
 Thing, all Orders fent againft them had their 
 Effecl:, and there was not one that thought of 
 efcaping. 
 
 ALL the Meafures that were taken that 
 Night, as well for arrefting the Athemat- 
 'Doulet^ as for difpatching the Couriers that 
 were fent to all Parts, could not be long a Se- 
 cret in fo fniall a Town as Tehran, where the 
 King then was. The Difcovery of a great 
 Confpiracy againft the Life of the Prince, the 
 Arreft of the Prime Minifter, who was faid 
 to be at the Head of it, the Cry that three 
 thoufand Kurdes were coming to furprize and 
 carry off the King-; belides the Addition 
 which every Body made of his own Head 
 to thofe different Reports ; all this was fpread 
 through the whole Town in a Trice ; and 
 was fo alarming to all the People, that they 
 Hood under Arms all Night. 
 
 BUT when Day-Light appeared, and the 
 King found there was no Stir ; that there was 
 no Talk of the March of three thoufand 
 Kurdes, nor of that of the Army from Chi- 
 ras toward Ifpahan ; and when he learn'd 
 not only by the Scouts he had lent Abroad on 
 all Sides, to get Intelligence, but by thofe who 
 
 arrived
 
 } I ) 
 
 rrived from different Quarters of the Town, 
 that every Thing was quiet Abroad, he be- 
 gan to miftruft that he had been impoled up- 
 on, and was afraid he had been too hafty with 
 regard to his Prime Minifter. He had always 
 loved and efteemed him ; he looked upon him 
 as the ableft Man in the Kingdom, and the 
 moil fit for the Employment he had born, and 
 he could not but own he had received confi- 
 derable Services from him ; fo that if it fhould 
 happen that he was not guilty, as he quickly 
 began to fuipecr. he was not, he was fully 
 fenfible that his Confcience would reproach 
 him all bis Life long for his unjuft and bar- 
 barous Treatment of him. Thefe firft Suf- 
 picions, and the Refentment he entertained, 
 had fuch an Impreffion upon him, that they 
 made him talk with that Air of Authority, 
 which he had not ufed to fpeak in, to fuch 
 of his Officers as had any Share of his Confi- 
 dence. He fent for his chief Phyfician Hekim- 
 J3afzy,one of the two Informers, and with a ve- 
 ry fevere Tone, and ftern Countenance bid him 
 take Care, that the Wounds they had made in 
 thcAthemat- f Doulet) by plucking out his Eyes, 
 did not endanger his Life, which if it fhould 
 mifcarry, he might depend upon it his fhould 
 anfwer for it. He faid, moreover, that as loon 
 as this Minifter was recovered, he would hear 
 him, in order to condemn him if guilty, or to 
 acquit him if innocent. It would have been 
 expeded of another King, that helhould have 
 
 R 2 added
 
 added, or to funifh his Accufers^ if they had 
 &ccufed him falfely : But it was a great deal 
 for 1 weak a Prince as Schah-PIufftin, to 
 venture to give Way to the Juftification of 
 a Man whom his Confidents had condemned. 
 
 THE fevere Tone with which the King 
 talked, perhaps the firft Time in all his Life, 
 had its Effedt. So much Care was taken of 
 the Wounds of the Athemat Tloulet, that 
 his Life was in no Manner of Danger ; and 
 as foon as he was in a Condition to appear, 
 the King was willing to have his Affair ex- 
 amined in a due Courfe of Law, as he decla- 
 red it fhould. I fhall now give an Account 
 of this Hearing, which I fancy will not dif- 
 pleafe the Reader : Though it were not natu- 
 ral for Perfons to be concerned for the Vin- 
 dication of an illuftrious Man, unjuftly op- 
 preffed, yet a brief Account of the Things 
 objected to him, and of his Anfwer, cannot 
 but be ufeful, becaufe of the Knowledge 
 which it may give of the Manners, Interefts r 
 Intrigues, and Conduct of the great Lords of 
 Ter/iaj during the laft Years of Schah-Huf- 
 fein's Reign. 
 
 THE King having, therefore, fixed a Day 
 to hear the Perfon accufed in his own Defence, 
 he appeared in an Aflembly, confifting of all 
 the Minifters and great Officers of the Court, 
 in which the King himfelf was pleafed to 
 prelide. They began with the Complaints 
 
 againft
 
 againft him, which were reduced to eight prin- 
 cipal Articles. 
 
 I. 'Twas pretended that one Day, as he 
 was in the City of Kom., at the Tomb of 
 Schah-Solyman, (Father of Sebdh-HuJftitt^ 
 who formerly put to Death the Prime Mini- 
 iter's Father, he let fall this Expreilion, A 
 Time may come when I (hall revenge the 
 'Death of my Fat her ^ by that of thy Son 
 and his whole Family, This Charge was 
 only founded upon the Report of one of the 
 At i hemat- c Dou let's Valets de Chambre. 
 
 II. HE was asked, that fince he always 
 wore the Seal of his Office about his Neck, 
 how it came to pafs that the Order, which was 
 faid to have been fent to bring the Kurdes^ 
 was fealed with that Seal, if he had not a Hand 
 in it? 
 
 III. HE was charged with having determi- 
 ned all Affairs, like as if he had been abfo- 
 lute Sovereign, and without taking Advice of 
 the Council or the other Minilters. 
 
 IV. IT was thrown into his Charge, that 
 his Orders were more refpected in the Pro- 
 vinces than thofe of the King himfelf. 
 
 V. THE Alliances he had made with great 
 Families, by marrying his Daughters and 
 Neices to the greateft Lords of the Kingdom, 
 in order to form a powerful Party, was num- 
 bcr'd among his Crimes. 
 
 R 3 YI. IT
 
 VI. IT was charged upon him as a greater 
 Crime than all this, not only that he was of 
 the Sect of the Sunn't^ut alfo that through his 
 Attachment to that Seel:, he under-hand fa- 
 voured the Lefgians, who were of the fame 
 Religion, and Hnemies to the Government. 
 To prove this, a Letter was produced under 
 his own Hand, whereby he gave the Lefgians 
 to underftand that they might fafely extend 
 their Ravages, as far as they pleafed, provi- 
 ded they did not advance to Erivan, which 
 he defired they would ipare, becaufe he that 
 commanded there was his Nephew. 
 
 VII. HE was reproached for having trufted 
 the Government of the Provinces in the Hands 
 of fome of his Nephews, who were but Chil- 
 dren. 
 
 VIII. Notice was taken of his great 
 Wealth, which, faid they, was more fuitable 
 to the Treafure of a King than of a private 
 Man ; and it was pretended that he could 
 not be ib rich without being dilhoneft. 
 
 To thefe Grievances which affected him 
 perfonally, fome others were added, relating 
 to his Brother- in- Law ; for which they ex- 
 pected he fhould be refponfable, on Pretence 
 that the faid General had done nothing but 
 in Concert with him, both with regard to the 
 Expedition to Mafcate y in which 'twas pre- 
 tended he only fail'd, becaufe of a fecrct 
 Understanding with the Commanders of the 
 
 'Portuguefe
 
 fe Fleet ; and alfb with regard to 
 the Eitates of the Court Lords, whom he had 
 ravaged in that Country. Lailly, it was de- 
 manded for what Reafon the General had 
 marched an Army that was defign^d againft 
 Candahar, towards Ijpahan ; and why, in- 
 ftead of going to beiiege Maghmud in Can- 
 ddhoTj after his Defeat, he chofe rather to 
 employ his Troops in plundering the Pro- 
 yinces of the Kingdom. 
 
 THE SE were the moil confiderable Grievan- 
 ces which were exhibited againft a Prime Mini- 
 fter, who had for a long Time governed the 
 State to the King's Satisfaction, and with a 
 Fidelity never fulpe&ed. The Prince cal- 
 ling upon him to anfwer if he had any 
 Thing to fay in his -own Juftification, he 
 fpoke with more Boldnefs than the Infor- 
 mers had aflumed in accufing him ; and made 
 fo little an Account of Life, thinking him- 
 felf not obliged for the Time to come to ufe 
 any great Caution in what he faid to any 
 Perfon whatibever, that he began with com. 
 plaining to the King of the King himfelf,who 
 having condemned him without a Hearing, 
 made the Proof of his Innocence very unne- 
 ceflary ; becaufe, how clear ibever he was in 
 his own Confcience, it was not in his MajeC- 
 ty's Power to reftore him to that Sight, of 
 which he had been deprived by too rafti a 
 Sentence ; adding, that Life was only a Bur- 
 den to him now ; and that he ihould take ic 
 
 R 4 as
 
 as a Favour, if the King would facrifice even 
 that to the Paflion of his Enemies who thirft- 
 ed infatiably for his Blood. Then, with the 
 utmoft Modefty, though with a noble Con- 
 fidence, he reckoned up the Services which 
 his Anceftors and he had performed to the 
 Crown } and, after having bemoan'd himfelf 
 on the unhappy Situation to which he was 
 reduced by Way of Reward, and on the In- 
 fignificancy of a Defence, which was required 
 of him too late, he descended into the Par- 
 ticulars of the Grievances, and anfwered 
 every Thing that had been alledged againft 
 him, Article by Article. 
 
 As to the Firft, therefore, he faid, " That 
 " the Evidence of a rafcally Footman, hir'd 
 a for ready Money to ruin his Mafter, was 
 a not to be admitted againft fuch a Man 
 " as he ; efpecially in a Facl to which he 
 u was the only Witnefs fworn, and of which 
 " he could not give any Proof/' Then he re- 
 quired that the Wretch might be put to the 
 Torture to compel him to declare, who had 
 fet him at Work to raife that Calumny. 
 
 As to the Second he owned, " That the 
 <c Stamp of his Seal which was found upon 
 
 c the pretended Ordei fent to the Comman- 
 " der of the Kurdes^ might be of fome Weight 
 
 ' againit him, if it was not very manifeft that 
 <c there wcie Forgers in Terjia > but that it 
 * c l>eing notorious that there was a great Num- 
 
 ber
 
 ( 237 ) 
 
 ic ber of them fo well vers'd in their Calling, 
 " that of two Pieces, one of which lawful, and 
 a the other counterfeit, it was a hard Matter 
 " to diitinguifh which was the Right ; fo filent 
 " a Teftimony as that could be of no Weight, 
 " if it was not accompanied and corroborated 
 c< with other Tokens." He was not content 
 with this general Anfwer ; and as this was 
 the only Grievance that was really material 
 to his Caufe, and that which had been the 
 unhappy Pretext of his Condemnation and 
 Calamity, he entered into fuch particular 
 Difcufiions of it, as plainly difcovered the 
 Falfhood and Folly of the Artifice that was 
 contriv'd to ruin him. 
 
 c< For, faid he, if the pretended' Confpira- 
 <c cy was to break out that very fame Night 
 " that T was arrefted, the Letter fent to call 
 " the three thoufand Kurdes muft have been 
 <c difpatched feveral Days before. It requir- 
 " ed twelve Days March for the three thou- 
 <c fand Men to come hither ; and had the 
 " Courier made never fo much Hafte, it 
 " would have taken him up feveral Days 
 a to carry it : Where, then,was this fatal Letter 
 " all theTimc, of which the King himfelf knew 
 " nothing till the Moment that 'twas fuppofed 
 " the Kurdes were to arrive ? Where was this 
 " Letter found ? and when was it intercepted ? 
 u Was it intercepted upon the Road be- 
 * fore it reached the K#rd ? In this Cafe it 
 
 " muft
 
 (( rnuft have been in Cuftody feveral Days be- 
 <c fore that which was fixM on for the Exe~ 
 " cution of the Project. Who was it found 
 u upon ? from whom was it taken ? and who 
 " was the Bearer of it ? If it came to the 
 " Hands of the Kurde, how did it find its 
 " Way back again ? did he fend it back ? Let 
 " him fay fo then. Why don't they pro- 
 * c duce his Evidence c For in an Affair of fuch 
 <c Confequence, wherein the Life of the King 
 " was at Stake, fuch a Diicovery cannot but 
 " redound to his Honour. But why Ihould 
 <c I make my Application to a Foreigner of 
 " a treacherous Nation, who is not to be de- 
 <c pended upon, when my own Brother-in- 
 " Law was at the Head of an Army twenty 
 <c Days March from hence, efpecially fince 
 " 'tis pretended that he was my Accomplice ? 
 " The Kurde was to bring me but three 
 Ci thoufand Men, and my Brother- in- Law 
 " was able to bring or fend meTen thoufand. 
 <c What ftrid Engagement was I ever known 
 u to have with this Foreigner, that I fhould 
 cc truft to him, rather than to my Brother- in- 
 ^ Law ? What Precautions have I taken not to 
 " be betrayed ? What Meafures for my own 
 " Safety? What is ourTreaty? what our Con- 
 " vcntions ? And if he was able to furprize 
 " the'King with his three thoufand Men,why 
 tc fhould he do it more for my Profit than his 
 <c own ? What Forces had I to give Law to 
 " him ? But how can it be pretended that I 
 
 " had
 
 ( 239) 
 
 ft had any Hopes of being able to furpiifcc 
 " the King with three thoufand Men, when 
 " I faw that he was attended with a Guard 
 " five Times ftronger ? From whence comes 
 " it that I fhould defer the Enterprize till the 
 " King was fecure in a Town, which, diffe- 
 <c rent from moft of the other 'Perjian Towns, 
 " is inclofed with ftrong Walls , and which 
 " muft necefiarily have been befieged with 
 " an Army of three thoufand Men againft 
 tc a Garrifon of fifteen thoufand ? In Ihort, 
 " if I had been fuch a Wretch, as to have 
 " formed the foul and horrid Conipiracy with 
 " which I am charged, how could I be 
 " ib filly, fo blind, as to keep at home 
 cc without any Guard but my common Ser- 
 u vants, that very Night too that I was juft 
 " ready to put it in Execution ? The Solitude 
 cc and Security in which I was found in my 
 " own Apartment at fo critical a Jun&ure as 
 " that muft be, is the beft Thing I can offer 
 " in my Vindication upon this material Ar- 
 tick." 
 
 As to the Third Head, he called the King 
 himfelf to witnefs, whether it was not true, 
 that his Majefty had not totally referr'd the 
 Difpatch of his ordinary Affairs to hL> Con- 
 dud , that as to extraordinary Affairs, fuch 
 as Negotiations and Things of this Nature, 
 he never meddled with them, but when his 
 Majefty was pleas'd to refer them to him by 
 a particular Conimiffion j that befidcs, as to 
 I his
 
 his minifterial Conduct, if he did not give 
 himfelf much Trouble to take the Advice of 
 the Eunuchs, or of the other Courtiers, who 
 complain'd of him, he was in the right not 
 to do it, and that he did not think it" expe- 
 dient to confult People that he knew were 
 too much his Enemies to give him good Coun- 
 lei, and too much wedded to their own pri- 
 vate Intereft to give any that was conducive 
 to the Welfare of the Publick. 
 
 As to the Fourth Article he {aid, that if 
 his Orders were better executed in the Coun- 
 try than thole that proceeded immediately 
 from the King himfelf, he was not to blame 
 for it, but the Eunuchs and the other Cour- 
 tiers, who were always ready to proted the 
 vileft of Caufes, and who by revoking the 
 King's Orders when they pleas'd, as often as 
 they were bribM by Prefents, had enervated 
 all the Force of them j whereas it was other- 
 wife with his Orders, which it was well 
 known, no Confederation of Credit or Inte- 
 reft could ever prevail with him to revoke. 
 
 As to the Fifth he laid, that if he had 
 married his Daughters and Neices into great 
 Families, he had done no more than what be- 
 came his Birth and Rank j and that he did not 
 believe it was criminal for a Man of his Quali- 
 ty, who was of one of the oldeft Families of the 
 Kingdom, and originally defcended from the 
 Lefgian Kings, to be cautious of degrading 
 
 himfel
 
 ( M 
 
 himfelf, by contra&ing an Alliance with the 
 Tools and Footmen of Eunuchs. 
 
 As to the fixth Article he laid, that fince he 
 was detcended, as above, from the Lefgian 
 Kings, it was no extraordinary Thing that he 
 fhould be of the fame Se& with his Country- 
 men, and all his Anceftors,as well as theTiwvkr; 
 that he never duTembled it ; and that as there 
 were entire Provinces in 'Perjia who were to- 
 lerated in that Religion by the Kings, he 
 did not fee upon what Foundation they 
 could make it a Crime in him, fo long as it 
 did not put him upon any Meafures contra- 
 ry to the King's Service Then he demanded, 
 " Whether the Incurfions which the Lefgi- 
 " ans had lately made into the Provinces 
 " of the Kingdom was fuch a ftrange Thing 
 <c that they ought to be imputed to him ? and 
 a whether they were People Ib pacifick, and 
 " fuch Friends toTranquility, that they flood 
 " in need of Solicitations to come and plun- 
 u der their Neighbours. Is it pretended, 
 <c continues he, that they never made any 
 " Incurfions upon our Lands, but fince I came 
 u into the Miniftry, when they have fbrmer- 
 " ly been fo troublefome, that his Majefty's 
 " Predeceflbrs have been under the Necelfi- 
 " ty of having Handing Armies upon their 
 u Frontier to keep them in Awe ? If any one, 
 " fays he, is to blame for thefe Ravages, 'tis 
 " not I, but 'tis owing to the Avarice of fuch 
 
 rr as,
 
 CM*) 
 
 (i as, by putting in their own Pockets the Pen- 
 <c iions formerly paid to thofe People to keep 
 <c them in their Allegiance, have forced them 
 <c to be their own Pay-Mafters, by plunder- 
 " ing the Provinces, and to make up by their 
 " Incurlions the Deficiency of the Subsidies, 
 a of which they have been difappointed. 3 
 After this he took Notice, " That when the 
 " King gave him a fpecial Commiffion to pro- 
 <c vide a Remedy for this Difbrder, he had 
 c< put at the Head of the Troops he fent 
 " againft the Lefgians the only one of ail 
 " his Nephews whom he had moft Con- 
 " fidence in, and whom he had even named 
 u in his Will for his Succeflbr in his Office, 
 " and Heir to his Eflate ; that every Body 
 knew the melancholy Iflue of that Expe- 
 " dition, wherein his Nephew fell a Sacri- 
 <c fice to the Lefgtans?" Whereupon he de- 
 manded, u Whether his Enemies had not 
 " alib fome Letter of his to produce, where- 
 <c by he had follicited thofe Barbarians to 
 " murder that Nephew who was Ib dear to 
 " him." 
 
 WHAT the Minifter had faid of thofe di- 
 verted Subfidies, which had given Occafion 
 to the Incurfions^ of the Lefgtans, was of the 
 more Weight, becaufe an Embaffy was new- 
 ly arrived at Court from one of the petty 
 Kings of that Nation, to whom the others had 
 applied to mediate an Accommodation be- 
 tween them and Terfia. He was the more 
 
 proper
 
 ( M3 ) 
 
 proper Perfbn for it, becaufe he had no Hand 
 in their Excurfions, but had always kept up a 
 good Underilanding with the 'Perjians* 
 For their own Part, the Thing which obli- 
 ged them to have Recourfe to pacifick Mea- 
 fures, was the Fear of an Incurfion from the 
 Prince of Georgia, of which we lhall take 
 Notice in its Place. The Ambaffador of 
 Szam Kal, which was the Name of the petty 
 King that was concerned for them, made ufe 
 of no other Argument to excufe their Incur- 
 fions, but the NeceiTity they were under of 
 making them for their Subfiftance, after their 
 Subfidies were flopped ; for it was under the 
 Name and Title of auxiliary Troops that the 
 Kings of Terjia had ufed to pay them cer- 
 tain Penfions, though in Truth they only 
 pay 'd them as a fort of Tribute, by which they 
 purchafed the Peace, and -Security of their 
 Subjects againft the Enterprizes of thofe 
 Barbarians. Thefe Subfidies which amount- 
 ed to 1700 Tomans, or 8500 Pounds Sterling, 
 had not been paid for many Years, the Funds 
 thereof being alienated by the Avarice of fome 
 Favourites or Governors of Provinces, who 
 had laid their Hands on them. They de- 
 manded, therefore, that the Payment of them 
 might be renewed for the future, and that an 
 Amnelty might be granted them for what 
 had pafft:d ; on which Condition they not on- 
 ly promiied to abftain from their ordinary Ex- 
 curfions, and to live in Terms of inviolable 
 
 Fidelity,
 
 (M4) ^ 
 
 Fidelity, but they alfo offered to employ 
 their Arms in Favour of f Perfia againft the 
 Jlghvans. We lhall havf an Opportunity 
 to give an Account hereafter of what was the 
 EfFed of this Negotiation ; 'twas fufficient 
 for the Prefent to mention io much of it on- 
 ly as was neccifary tojuftify what the Athe- 
 mat- < Doulet had offered in his Defence. 
 
 As to the Seventh Article he owns, that the 
 King at his Reqiieft had given the Govern- 
 ments of the Province to two of his Nephews, 
 who were as yet but Children ; that he was 
 entirely obliged to the Royal Goodnels for it ; 
 but that his Majefty having done others the 
 fame Favour, he did not fee why they ihould 
 charge it as a Crime upon him more than 
 them ; that befides they knew well enough 
 that fuch Precaution was taken to plant about 
 thofe young Governors wife and able Men, 
 who under the Name of Lieutenants or In- 
 tend ants, ordered all Affairs, that the Provin- 
 ces received no Prejudice by them. 
 
 As to the Eighth relating to his great Ef- 
 tate, he anfwered, that Part of it was Patri- 
 mony, Part of it what fell to him from his 
 Brothers, Part of it the Forfeitures which the 
 King had granted him, and Part of it was 
 owing alib to his good Conduct and Oeco- 
 nomy, without wronging any Body. Then 
 falling unmercifully upon the infatiable Ava- 
 rice of the Eunuchs., u However, faid he,fup- 
 ct pofing I had amafled all this Wealth, I 
 
 " had
 
 ) 
 
 " had Nephews and Daughters to take Care 
 u of; but I would fain know who thole Eu- 
 " nuchs lay up Treafures for, that have fuch 
 <c immenfe Eftates ? unlefs they don't care to 
 <( be told of thofe Camels laden with Gold and 
 " Silver, which they fend every Year to Mec- 
 " ca and Medina j which is contrary to the 
 " Laws and Conftitutiotis of the Kingdom, 
 " where the fame has been cxpreflly prohibi- 
 " ted fince the Time of Schah-Abas the 
 " Great, as they cannot be ignorant. 
 
 AFTER having thus vindicated himfelf, as 
 to what concerned him perfonally, he fays, 
 c< That every one being chargeable with his 
 <c own Actions, he might be excufed from 
 cc entering into a Difcuflion of Facts relating 
 " to his Brother- in- Law, whofe Conduct had 
 " been not only fo unblameable, but alfo fo 
 " wife, happy, and advantageous to the King- 
 " dom, that he was ready to be his Surety : 
 a That as to Mafcate he would refer himfelf 
 a to what the Commiflioner of the JPorttt- 
 ic U f e Fleet ftiould fay, who was actually 
 c< at his Court ; and that he would inform 
 " them, that the Fleet only retired without 
 " tranfporting the Troops at Mafcate^ be- 
 " caufe the Sum which the King had pro- 
 " mifed by his Ambaffador at Goa was not 
 paid." 
 
 FOR the Underftanding of this Fact, the 
 Reader ftiould know, that when Schah-Abas 
 the Great took Ormus from the Tortiiguefe^ 
 
 S by
 
 by the Help of an English Fleet, he made 
 Peace with the ^Portugutfe^ who confented 
 to leave him in Pofleffion of that Ifland for 
 Half the Produce of the Cuftoms, which was 
 afterwards valued at a certain Sum per Ann, 
 But, by the Diforder that happened in Affairs 
 during the whole Reign of Schah-HuJJein, 
 when the Finances were at the Difcretion of 
 the Eunuch? and Favourites, thofe Sums had 
 not been paid ; the Confequence of which 
 was, that the Tortuguefe taking Advantage 
 of the Neceffity the tyerfians were under for 
 their Fleet in the Expedition to Mafcate^ 
 flipulated with the AmbafTador whom the 
 King of Terjla had at Goa, that before the 
 Troops were tranfported to Mafcate, a cer- 
 tain Sum Ihould be paid them, in Part of 
 the Arrears due to them ; which Sum having 
 fail'd in the Manner that we have faid, the 
 Fleet retir'd in Difguft, not without Complaint 
 of the Diftionefty of the Minifters of the Court 
 of Terjia. But what could not but exafpe- 
 rate all honeft Men more than all, was, to 
 fee that the very Man, who to ruin the 
 Expedition to Maftate, out of Ipite to the 
 Prime Minifter and his Brother-in-Law, had 
 flopped the Payment of the Money, ihould 
 have the Front to charge the Mifcarriage of 
 the Enterprise on them two. 
 
 HE owned, that it was through his Ad- 
 vice that the General, after the Defeat of 
 Maghmudy returned with his Troops towards 
 
 the
 
 c 247 ; 
 
 the Terjian Gulph; that, as to the Spoil 
 which lie had made on the Lands of feyeral 
 of the Nobility, 'tis pofllble that he was pro- 
 voked becaufe he miffed the taking of Mafcate 
 for want of the Sums promifed to the 'Pvrtu- 
 guefe ; but ^tis certain that he was com pel I'd 
 to it on the other hand, by the Necetlity of 
 the War, and to keep the other Provinces 
 in Awe. As to the March of the Army to- 
 wards Cbiras, he laid, " That his Brother did 
 " no more in that than what became a Skil- 
 " fui General, who was willing to make lure 
 " of the Succefs of his Expedition : That 
 " having confidered that Koftrow-Kan, the 
 <c Prince of Georgia^ only miicarried in his, 
 " becaufe he came too late to Candahar^ 
 " and not till Harveit was gathered in, he 
 " was not willing to be fubjed: to the fame 
 " Inconveniency : That, as the Harveft did 
 " not come on at Candahar till towards the 
 " End of May> he had concerted his Mea- 
 " fures to be there before that Time ; that he 
 u had therefore propofed to furprize the 
 c Rebels by pafling over the Deferts between 
 u .C6/r^.rand Qandahar ; that it was his View 
 cc alib, by this painful March, and by the 
 " Severity of a more rigorous Climate, to 
 " inure the foft and effeminate 'Perjians to 
 * Fatigue : But that to the End that the Ar- 
 ** ^my might want no Provifions, neither in the 
 ct March, nor during the Campaign, he had 
 " amafled a yaft Store, with which he had 
 S 2 " laden
 
 ) 
 
 rc la*den feveral thoufand Camels ; that he 
 " (the Athemat-'Doulet himfelf ) had fent him 
 <c three thoufand Loads of Rice at his own Ex- 
 " pence. Now to what Purpofe, fays he, 
 " could he lay up fuch vail Stores of Pro- 
 " viiions, which could not be done without 
 " raifing the Murmurs of the People, if the 
 " Defign had been to carry the Army to If- 
 " fahan, by pairing through Provinces where 
 " there could not fail to be Provifions in 
 * c Abundance^ Was it not a hopeful Way 
 *5 to get the Favour of the People in the Ufur- 
 " pation of the Crown, to exafperate them 
 " by Contributions, which how neccifary fo- 
 <c ever, are always more or lels difagreeable 
 " to the People, and cannot fail of inceniing 
 5 C them againft thofe who order them." 
 
 As to the Accufation againft his Brother-* 
 in-Law, that he did not march to befiege Magk~ 
 mud in Candahar, after his Victory, " None, 
 ** faid he, but a mere Novice and Ignoramus 
 " in military Affairs would caft it in his 
 " Teeth. Don't they know that he left the 
 " Bulk of his Army by the Side of the Gulph, 
 <c when he went to furprize the Rebels % at 
 " K'trman ? and would they have had him 
 <c gone with the leiTer Part of his Troops, 
 " which were already haraifed by purfuing 
 <c Maghmud acrofs the Dcierts, to befiege 
 c< him, after the Harveft was over, in a City 
 <c where there was plenty of every Thing, 
 " and twice the Number of Men to defend
 
 a it, that he would have had to attack ft ? 
 u The next Crime they will lay to his Charge 
 " will be, that after fo many bloody Defeats, 
 " fo many compleat Routs, and, after the 
 " Lofs of fo many great Captains killed by 
 ^ the Aghvans^ he ihould dare to be the 
 <c firft to beat and put them to Flight. 
 
 THUS did this unfortunate Minilter vindi- 
 cate himfelf and his Brother-in-Law ; and 
 though he did it with more Courage and 
 Pride, than the prefent Situation of his Af- 
 fairs feemed to comport with, the King, inftead 
 of being offended with him, could not for- 
 bear weeping at the Misfortune of a Man 
 who had been always dear to him, and to 
 whom he had, by his rafh Credulity, done 
 more Injury than he could ever repair. 
 
 THE Hearts of his very Enemies relented, 
 as it were in fpite of them, to lee the fad and 
 cruel State to which he was reduced, after 
 a long Series of uninterrupted Profperity j and 
 they could not refule to pity the great Humi- 
 liation and Difgrace of a firft Minifter, whofe 
 high Situation and Fortune they had fo long 
 envy'd. 
 
 EVERY Body did him Juftice in their 
 Hearts, and the King more than any : But 
 how could they acquit him, though they knew 
 him fo innocent and unblameable, without 
 condemning themfelves ? It was, theitfore, 
 unavoidable for him to be the Vidim of that 
 S j unhajx.
 
 Unhappy Maxim which has too much pre< 
 vail'd in the Courts of Princes, and which 
 makes it indecent for Kings, who are impo- 
 ied upon every Day, to own, even after the 
 Injuftice is manifeft, that they were deceived. 
 Moreover, what other Courfe could the 
 King take with the Man who had the Key 
 of all the Secrets of State ; and who, after 
 the cruel Outrage committed againft him, 
 might think himfelf authorized to deceive 
 him ? How did they know but he might be 
 tempted to put the Plots in Execution, for 
 which he was punifb'd before- hand ? And 
 what had they not to fear fiom a Man of his 
 Genius, Capacity, and Courage, if once he 
 gave Way to his Refentments, and was at 
 Liberty to ac\ ? 
 
 STATE Policy, therefore, reqiriied that he 
 Ihould pafs for a criminal, both becauie he 
 had been already treated as fuch, and becaufc 
 he might become 1o. Therefore, though the 
 King was convinced of his Innocence, though 
 he was perfwaded, that blind as he was, he 
 faw more clearly into Affairs than all the 
 Minifters and Confidents that he had left ; and 
 that he was even better qualified than any of 
 them to be firft Minifter j yet as he could not 
 thoroughly confide for theTime to come in 
 the Advice of a Man, whom he had treated 
 too ill ever to truft him, he refolved to put 
 him out of his Way. But though he was 
 
 under
 
 c MI 
 
 under that Neceflity to keep a ftri& Guard 
 upon a Man to whom it might be dange- 
 rous to grant his full Liberty, he endeavour- 
 ed, however, to make his Captivity the more 
 toleiabie, by giving him the Caftle of Chiras 
 for his Prifon with a very great Penfion. My 
 Memoirs do not fpecify how rich it was, but 
 if we may be allow'd to form a Judgment from 
 the Conduct of Schah-Solyman, Father of 
 JSchah Huffein, to the two Chief Phyficmns of 
 the King his Father, whom, though he 
 might have juftly condemned to Death, he 
 chofe to confine in fuch a Prilbn as this for 
 their Lives, and gave them 20000 Crowns 
 Penfion, 'tis reafonable to fuppoie that Schuh- 
 Huffein granted one much more confiderable 
 to a Prime Minifter, who had always been 
 his Favourite, and to whom he endeavour- 
 ed by all the good Ufage, which was con- 
 fiftent with State Policy, to make amends, as 
 far as poffible, for the irreparable Injury he 
 had done him. He alfo made it his Bufi- 
 nefs to comfort him by letting before his Eyes, 
 the unavoidable Neceflity of Deftiny which 
 makes, as it were, an Article of Faith in the 
 Mahometan Religion ; fo that it may be faid, 
 that at the fame that he confined him to a Pri- 
 fon as a Criminal, every Step he took to- 
 wards him, could not but convince the whole 
 Court, that in his Heart he thought him inno- 
 cent. This Minifter was, therefore, conduc- 
 ted to Chiras y where he lived till Magbmud 
 
 84 had
 
 had taken IJpahan> when he was poifbned, as 
 ibme fay, for fear left the Ufurper Ihould car- 
 ry him off, and make ufe of his Counfels - or 
 perhaps, as others fay, he broke his Heart at 
 the Sight of his own Perfonal Misfortunes, and 
 the Defolation of his Country. Which Way 
 foe^er he died 'cis certain that he loft his Life 
 ifoon after Schah-Hujfem loft the Crown ; and 
 that if in the General Calamity of the King- 
 dom, he had any Perfonal Refentment on his 
 own Account, it muft be to find himfelf 
 fweetly revenged by the Ruin of a Mafter, 
 who only fell from the Throne, becaufe he 
 had deprived himfelf of the Affiftance of the 
 Minilter that was moft able to maintain him 
 upon it. He was the Man in all 'Perjia that 
 made the beft Appearance, and had the great- 
 eft Talents. He' loved all Europeans in 
 general, but particularly the French, to whom 
 he endeavoured to procure the Preference in 
 Trade to ail the other European Factories : And 
 this he did, not only out of an Inclination 
 to them, but much more from a^Reafon of State, 
 having a Notion that the too great Privileges 
 which Schah-Abas had granted to thofe Com- 
 panies were prejudicial to the Kingdom ; and 
 that the Government could only gain by the 
 pimirmtion and Decay of their Trade. He 
 was a Man of very regular Management 
 in his Affairs, and rather generous than 
 ftingy in the ufe of his great Wealth, which 
 he owM rather to his good Condud and Oe- 
 
 conomy 5
 
 conomy, than to Violence and Iniufticc. 
 The only Reproach which he feems to de- 
 ferve was, for having too much exafpt ated 
 Myrr-Wtis againft the Pih,ce Georgi-Kan 
 Governor ofcCandahar, whcfe Death n.a in 
 one Senfe be imputed to him. The Death 
 of the Prince Koftrow-Kan, the lattcr's Ne- 
 phew, and the Defeat of his Army, may al- 
 fo be afcrib'd to the Meafures which this Mi- 
 nifter made ufe of to thwart an Expedition, 
 which it was his Intereft to hinder the Prince 
 from fuccecding in. For this, indeed, how 
 unjuft fbever his Condemnation and Dilgrace 
 were on the Part of the King his Matter, and 
 his Enemies, 'twas very jiift on the Part of 
 Providence, which in the Difpenlation of its 
 Juftice to Mankind generally makes ufe of the 
 Injuftice of ibme, to punifh the Injuftice of 
 others. 
 
 THE fame Political Maxim which had 
 forced the &ng to facrifice his Minifter, as 
 innocent as he knew him to be, obliged him 
 to dhTemble hisDefignsto the two Inf Tmcrs, 
 who had fb bafely impofed on him. They 
 urg'd in Excufe the extraordinary Zeal with 
 which they had been tranfportcd upon an 
 Occafion wherein they thought the King's 
 Life in peril. 'Tis very true that if this 
 Prince had pleafed, as he might eafily Lave 
 done, ; and as the Athemat-'Doulet had liiiiud 
 to him, to have traced that fatal Letter, which 
 had been made ufe of to deceive him, he 
 
 would
 
 C *J 
 
 would fbon have found, that a Zeal for his 
 Perfon was a mere Pretence, in an Intrigue, 
 where the only Plot was that which was form- 
 ed againft his Minifter ; but he thought it was 
 dangerous for him to dive into a Myftery, 
 where he was afraid of finding Criminals whole 
 Number and Weight might have crulhed 
 him : Being fb abandon'd to his Eunuchs, 
 that they had his Life in their Hands, he 
 chofe rather to huih the Affair than, by 
 feeming to miftruft them, to create a Jea- 
 loufy in them, of which he might be a Vic- 
 tim. Therefore he accepted of the Excufes 
 made by the two Authors of the Calumny j 
 fo that, Thanks to the Maxim which was al- 
 ways obferved in Favour of Informers, viz. 
 That to require too much Circumjpeffion of 
 them, by making them anfwerable for the 
 Faffs which they relate^ would be to defeat 
 the' Ends of their Inquiry and Vigilance > and 
 that no Body hereafter would venture to give 
 Advice to 'Princes in a real ^Danger, if a 
 Man muft be found guilty for having taken 
 a falf Alarm, they came off with a Repri- 
 mand, in which tho' their Miftakewas blamed, 
 their Attention and Zeal was commended. 
 
 BUT nothing was a better Demonftration 
 how much they were convinced of the Firft 
 Minifter's Innocence, than the Carriage to- 
 wards all thofe who under the Denomination 
 of Kindred, Friends, or Creatures, were ar- 
 refted with him, and involved in his Dif- 
 i grace.
 
 grace. All were fee at Liberty, and fent 
 home without any other Examination ; and 
 if any were detain'd at Ifpahan, it was only 
 from a neceflary Precaution againft what a 
 juft Refentment might put them upon attempt- 
 ing in the Country. All in general were re- 
 ftor'd to their Eftates , but as it might not be 
 fafe to truft the Guard of the Provinces to 
 Perfons that had been fo ill ufed, thole who 
 had been removed from their Governments 
 were not reftored, except a fmall Number, 
 who, by Reafon of the Securities they gave 
 of their Fidelity, or by the good Offices of 
 their Friends, had Credit enough to be fully 
 reinttated in their Pofts. 
 
 BUT though the Perfecution againft thofe 
 who adhered to the Prime Miniiter was at 
 firft fo general, yet two were exceptcd out of 
 it, who were very nearly related to him in 
 Quality of his Sons-in-Law. They were two 
 Noblemen of the Family of the Princes of 
 Georgia. The one was called Kullar-Aghafi^ 
 Brother to him who a&ually held the Princi- 
 pality of Georgia ; and the other w&sMach- 
 met-Knli-Kan, Prince of Kachet in the fame 
 Georgia. They were both at Court in the 
 Time of the Difgrace of the Athemat- c Doulet^ 
 their Father-in-Law ; but their Fidelity to 
 the King and the Government was fo efta. 
 bliftied, that they were fecured againft all 
 Manner of Sufpicion. Therefore while thofe 
 who had any particular Relation with their 
 
 Father*
 
 Father-in- Law were imprifoned every where, 
 neither their Perfons nor Eitates were touch'd. 
 And though the Eltates of the Prime Mini- 
 fler were forfeited, they had fo much Regard 
 for the Sons-in-Law, that they iequeftered 
 the Part which was to come to them for their 
 Wives Dowry, which was all paid them. 
 
 As to the General Luft-All-Kan^ Brother- 
 in-Law to the Atbemat- c Doulet, .who was 
 taken up at Chiras, as we have obferved ; 
 though at the Time that he was brought to 
 Court, the Prejudices on Account of the pre- 
 tended Confpiracy were vanifhed, yet he was 
 not treated near fo kindly as that Minifter's 
 two Sons-in-Law : But then he was ufed not 
 fo much like a Criminal, as like a Man they 
 were afraid would become fb, and whom 
 they would, therefore, difable from being fuch. 
 Indeed they deprived him, with fbme Colour 
 of Juftice, of all that he had plundered in the 
 Province during his laft Campaign j but they 
 did not touch his Eftate of Inheritance, which 
 was referved entire to his Family. As for 
 him, they detained him at Ifpahan, under a 
 genteel Guard, without any Mark of Scan- 
 dal, that could ftick either upon him or his 
 Family, and only to be fafe againft the Con- 
 fequences of the Refentment of a Man who 
 was only fufpe&ed, becaufc he had met with 
 ill Treatment enough to provoke him to be a 
 Malecontent. But notwithftanding the In- 
 juftice which had been done hirr^ he ihew'd 
 
 plainly
 
 ? ; 
 
 plainly afterwards, that he was always more 
 difpofed to forget Outrages than his Duty. 
 Nor was it from any Diigult that he refu- 
 fed to command the Troops, as he was im- 
 portuned to do at the Time that Ifpahan be- 
 gan to be prefled with the Famine, but mere- 
 ly, as he laid himfelf in Juftification of his 
 Refulal, becaufe with the few Troops that 
 remained, he law plainly that there was no 
 Good to be done with the Agh-vans ; and that 
 in the mean Time, if, while he did his beft, 
 the leaft Thing fhould happen to check him, 
 the Sufpicions of what was paft would caufe 
 it to be imputed to him as a Crime. His 
 Excufes were at that Time taken for a mere 
 Pretext to cover that fecret Diiguft which 
 hinder 'd him from A&ion ; but his Condud 
 when Maghmud was Mafter oflfpahan, plain- 
 ly fhew'd the Candor of his Proceeding, and 
 the Uprightnefs of his Intentions. As this 
 Ufurper had learned, at his own Expence, 
 what he was capable of doing, he left no 
 Stone unturnM to make him his Friend, and 
 he thought that Luft-Ali-Kan would be the 
 more pliable, becaufe he did not doubt that 
 this Nobleman wuiild prefer the Friendihip 
 of a new King, who heap'd Wealth and 
 Honour upon him, before that of an unjuft and 
 dethroned King, who had abufed him in both 
 thefe Refpeds. But though, as foon as he 
 entered IJpahan, his very firft Care was to 
 fend for him to come to him, to give him 
 
 all
 
 (***) 
 
 all the Marks of Favour and Diftinftion that 
 were moft likely to win him, to raife him 
 to new Honours, to load him with Favours 
 of all kind ; and though he every Day im- 
 proved his kind Treatment of him, he could 
 never gain him to the Prejudice of what he 
 thought his Duty to the Royal Family, and 
 JSchafj Hujfein had the Mortification to fee that 
 this fame Man, whom he was fo weak as to 
 iulpet of Treafon, could not refolve with 
 himfelf to abandon him, when it had been 
 pardonable for him to have done it, and 
 notwithftanding the Example he had firft 
 fhewn him, by abandoning himfelf. Luft-Ali- 
 Kan, who might have lived peaceably at 
 Iffahan^ efteem'd and valued by him that 
 was the Mafter there, and who demanded 
 no other Complaifance of him, but to receive 
 his Favours, and to take them in good Part, 
 would not Ib much as give himfelf Time to 
 Hay till fome fair Opportunity offered to 
 ferve his old Mafters. Notwithftanding all 
 the Favours which the new King heaped 
 upon him, all his Care was to get out of 
 his Way ; for which at laft he found an 
 Opportunity, and with the Rifque of eve- 
 ry Thing, laid hold of it to go and join 
 the Prince Thamas, Son of Schah-Huffein^ 
 with whom he had a Son already; and who 
 with a handful of Troops ftill kept up the 
 remaining Hopes of the Royal Family in one 
 Corner of Terfia. 
 
 No-
 
 NOTHING is a better Proof of the high 
 Idea which the Agkvans had conceived of 
 the Abilities of this great Captain, than their 
 Confternation at his Eicape. 
 
 FROM the very firlt Sufpicion they had of 
 him they were ib uneafy and alarmed, as if 
 they thought themfelves ruin'd. And really, 
 conlidering the Notion they had, which 
 was not without Foundation, that if a Gene- 
 ral of his Merit and Experience was at the 
 Head of Prince Thomas Party, his Reputa- 
 tion would foon make him considerable, and 
 he would come himfelf e're long to attack 
 them in IJfahan^ and to drive them out as 
 he had done two Years before from Rinnan^ 
 they fpared neither Menaces nor Promifes to 
 deter him. Stricl: Search was made for him 
 in all the Houfes of Ifpahaii, which was 
 threaten'd with Fire and Sword, if it mould 
 appear that any Inhabitants had concealed 
 him ; the greateft Rewards were promifed to 
 any who mould difcover them : In fhort, eve- 
 ry Thing was in Diforder and Tumult among 
 the Jlghvans, when Advice came that he 
 was diicovered and apprehended at Ben-l/pa- 
 han, a great Town in the Neighbourhood of 
 the Capital, and that they were carrying him 
 to Maghmud. This Barbarian was Ib enrag- 
 ed, becaufe of the Trouble his Efcape had 
 put him to, that the Moment he faw him, 
 he rulh'd upon him with Fury, and cut him 
 to Pieces with his Sword. One may judge 
 
 of
 
 of the Fright he had been in at this Gene- 
 ral's Efcape by the Obligation he profefs'd 
 to the Inhabitants of Ben-IJpaban, for having 
 delivered him up. As they had given him 
 more Trouble than any City of Terjia ; and 
 as they had defeated feveral Bodies of his 
 Troops during the Siege of Iffahan, he never 
 could be heartily reconciled to them ; and 
 though he was all along very ftri& in obfer- 
 ving the Conditions upon which they fub- 
 mitted to him, yet it was plain that he re- 
 mem ber'd old Scores, and only waited for an 
 Opportunity to be revenged. But the Ser- 
 vice which they had now done him, in deli- 
 vering up the only Man in 'Perjia to him 
 that he beliv'd capable of driving him out 
 of a Throne, upon which he never thought 
 himfelf well eftablifhed, fb long as he had 
 fuch an Enemy before his Eyes, feemed of 
 fuch great Importance to him, that it can- 
 celFd all the Prejudices which he had till then 
 entertained againft the Inhabitants of Ben- 
 Ifpahan ; and he looked upon them after- 
 wards as Perfbns who were Proof agtinft all 
 Temptations. He imagin'd that, after an Ac- 
 tion of fuch Noife and Importance, by which 
 they had render'd themielves irreconcileable 
 with their old Matters, he might hereafter 
 depend upon them as much as upon the Agh- 
 vans themfelves, and he gave them the molt 
 authentick Marks of his Gratitude, and even 
 
 of
 
 of hisConfidence by the Privileges of ill Kinds, 
 of which he was lavifh to them. 
 
 WHAT I have juft now related of the Death 
 of the General Luff Ah-Kan^ did not hap- 
 pen till towards the Cloie of 1711. and af- 
 ter Schah-HuJftins Dethronement ; but it 
 was neceflary to anticipate Events a little, 
 that the Reader might have all the Satisfaction 
 that he could defire, with regard to the Fate 
 of this Great Man, whole Diigrace, as well 
 as that of the Prime Minifter, his Brother-in- 
 Law, ought to be looked upon as the Epo- 
 cha of the firil Blow that fhook the Throne 
 of Schah-Huffein^ as we fhall fhew heicaf- 
 ter. 
 
 IT was in November -., 1720. that the Gene- 
 ral was apprehended at Chiras^ juft as he 
 was on the March to befiege Candahar. 'His 
 Army which encamped round Chiras, and 
 which only waited for his Orders to decamp, 
 no Iboner heard that he was apprehended as 
 a Malefactor for High-Treafbn, and carried 
 under a ftrong Guard to Court, but every 
 one fearing to be involved in his Diigrace, 
 that they ftiould be called to account for the 
 Violences committed in the *PerJian Gulph, 
 and the neighbouring Provinces, and that they 
 fliould be robbed of the Booty they had 
 brought away, took care tofhift for themlelves 
 as faft as poffible ; fo that this Army, which 
 was one of the frneft that had been on Foot 
 
 T in
 
 in Per/ia for a long Time, was difperfed ia 
 a Moment. 
 
 THIS was what thofe who governed at Court 
 forefaw plain enough, if they did not con- 
 tribute to it by giving the Alarm to theTroops 
 of the Search which was threaten'd to be made 
 among them, for having plundered the Pro- 
 vinces. 'Tis certain that they were veryeafy 
 at Court at the difperfing of this Army, on one 
 hand, becaufe they were afraid it would take 
 Revenge for the Affront put upon their Ge- 
 neral, who was very dear to them, or left 
 the Spirit of Rebellion (hould creep in among 
 them, and blow up a Flame in the State ; and 
 on the other hand, becaufe Affairs took aTurn 
 which made it probable they Jiad no longer 
 need of them. 
 
 AND indeed it feemed they had nothing 
 to fear, neither from the Lefgians^ nor Magh- 
 mud. For the latter fince his Defeat was 
 afraid to ftir out of Candahar-, and there actu- 
 ally went Reports that the Jlghvans being 
 alarmed, and, mortify 'd at this firlt Shock, and 
 not caring to expofe tnen.felves to a fecond, 
 which would deftroy them without Remedy, 
 defired nothing better than to enter into an 
 Accommodation. As for the Lefgians, who 
 were threaten'd with a ipeedy Irruption by 
 Vachtanga, Prince of Georgia, and who had 
 no other Means to lay the Storm, than by 
 making their Peace with the King of Terjia^ 
 to whom Vach'tangawaA Vaffal, they defired 
 it with folded Hands, and fpared no Soli- 
 citations
 
 citations nor Submifllon to prevail with the 
 Court to proted them from the Refcntmcnt 
 of a Prince, by whom they law themlclves 
 ready to be crufhed to Pieces. And as this is 
 the firft Time of his Appearance upon the 
 Stage, it will not be improper to give the 
 Reader a true Account of him, and of what 
 gave Occafion to the Incurfion that he was 
 preparing to make againft the L*fottms. 
 
 AFTER the Death of Kafir ow- Kan, Prince 
 of Georgia, who was killed, as has iicen faH, 
 in his hrit Expedition againft Myrr-Weis^ 
 Vachtanga, as Eldefl of the lumvi.'g I'M- 
 ought to have fucceeded him. But becanic 
 could not do it without changing his Religion, 
 he chofe rather to renounce his Right and j 
 Title. That Brother who followed him, i - 
 ing already Patriarch of Georgia, offered 
 turn Muffulman, and to take a Wife, by quit- 
 ting the Patriarchat for the Principality. But 
 their Father, who was 'Divan- Beg^ or Chief 
 Juftice at Ifpahan, did not approve of the Pa- 
 triarch's Thought, and, notwithstanding he 
 was fuch a ftaunch Mu flu 1m an himfelf, 
 looked upon it as a Temptation, of which 
 he found Means to cure him, by a great 
 Number of Baftinadoes on the Soles of his 
 Fjeet, by which he confirmed him in his Pa- 
 triarchat*. Mean Time, a third Brother who 
 was not under the fame Engagements as the 
 T "L fecond, 
 
 * T/V/4/V thut he fail after-ranis n Ri>mn Cvko'.tt*.
 
 fecond, turned Mahometan, and was made 
 Prince of Georgia. As for Vachtanga, the 
 Court was fo difgufted with his Denial, 
 that they baniihed him to Kb man. But at 
 length, when a few Years were expired, the 
 Tedioufnels of his Exile prevailed on him, and 
 rendered him more pliable to the Solicitations 
 and great Promifes that were made to engage 
 him to. take the Turban : and as foon as this 
 
 ^^>""~ *****'*^P^^MPM^ tf^^^ 
 
 was done, he hadlfll the Rights of Primo- 
 geniture reftored to him, and was inti ailed 
 Prince of Georgia. 
 
 WHEN he was arrived at Teflis., which is 
 the Capital of the Country, and had heard, 
 : and partly feen with his own Eyes, the 
 horrid Ravages which the Lejgians had made 
 on his Lands, he refolved on fuch Revenge, 
 as fliould for ever put it out of their Power 
 to attempt the like again, and which might 
 ferve for a Warning to his Neighbours. With 
 this Defign, therefore, he called together all 
 the Nobility of his Dominions, and having 
 ordered all his Vaffals that were fit to bear 
 Arms, to come and join him at Teflis, he 
 formed an Army therewith of fixty thoufand 
 Men. In getting them together, and in ma- 
 king the other neceflary Preparations for his 
 Expedition, he Ipent the laft Months of the 
 Year 1719. which was the Year of his Re- 
 turn, and the firft Months of the Year 
 1720.
 
 HE was in a Condition to open the Cam- 
 paign about the End of the Spring. But as 
 his Defign was more upon their Pcribns, than 
 upon their Country, whole Poverty llxured 
 it, it was to no Purpofefor him to hurry himlelf 
 to Aciion. He knew that 'twas their Cuftom 
 to leave the Plains about the Beginning of 
 Summer, and to retire with their Flocks to the 
 inacceflible Parts of Mount Caucasus, where 
 they are fure to find a Shelter againft the 
 Heats of the Seaibn, which in the Fields are 
 not tolerable. Therefore he relblved to take 
 Time till the Cold of the Autumn and Win- 
 ter drove them from Mount Caucafus, where 
 'tis very fevere, and obliged them to come 
 down again into the Plains, where he depend- 
 ed on having them at his Mercy. 
 
 WHEN the Lefgtans faw his Manner of 
 proceeding, they imagined that they were 
 undone without Remedy, if they did not 
 find Means to ward off the Blow : And as^ 
 nothing but the Authority of the King of 
 Terjia y could hold the Arm which they faw 
 lifted up over their Heads, they were under 
 an indifpenfable Neceflity of having Rccourfe 
 to it. Mean Time, as it was already the 
 Month of December before they received the 
 News that the Court of Terjia had com- 
 plied with their Submiffion, they knew not 
 what Courfe to fteer. To quit Mount C**- 
 cafur, and to come down into the Plains, was 
 to abandon themfelves to the Georgians. 
 
 T
 
 (266) 
 
 ftay upon that Mountain in the Winter Time, 
 was the Way to perifh. And accordingly 
 feven hundred Families of thofe, who in their 
 Terror at the Approach of the Georgians 
 were fo obftinate as to ftay upon Mount 
 Caucafus, were buried in the Snows, which 
 was a Lofs of near ieventy thoufand Men 
 ,' to the Nation, each Family confifting gene- 
 rally of about an hundred Perfons. 
 
 THEY were in this cruel 'Dilemma, when, 
 happy for them, though unhappy for Schah- 
 liuffein, they were delivered * out of -it by 
 the two very Informers, Who had lately ruin- 
 ed the Prime Minifter; and who, on this Oc- 
 cafion, made the King commit a fecond Blun- 
 der, as prejudicial to him as the former, and 
 to which he ought partly to alcribe the Lofs 
 of his Crown. 
 
 THE formidable Army, which the Prince 
 of Georgia had on Foot, was as terrifying 
 to the Chief Phyfkian Hekim-Bafzi, and 
 to the Chief Moullah, or Chaplain to the 
 King, as it was to the Lefaans. One of the 
 Sons of the degraded Athemat-'Doulet, was 
 Brother to the Prince of Georgia ; and as 
 People confcious of their own Guilt are al- 
 ways under Terror, and imagine that eyery 
 Thing they do, tends directly to the Punifh* 
 ment of their Crimes, they imagined that the 
 Prince Vachtdnga would no iboner do him- 
 felf Juftice upon the Lejgians, but that he 
 would put himfelf at the Head of fixty thou- 
 fand
 
 land good Soldiers, and might be tempted to 
 come and demand Satisfaction of the King 
 for the Injuftice that had been done to the 
 Prime Miniiter, and to force him at leaft to 
 give up the two Informers to him, that had been 
 the Cauie of hisRuin. 
 
 BEING alarm'd in this Refped, they 
 frightened the King yet more iri.another. Not- 
 withstanding all the Conviction which* 
 Schah-Huflein had of the Innocence of his 
 Prime Minifter, and of the Knavery of his 
 two Confidents, his Weaknefs, and a jfg 
 Acquaintance, which is a fatal Rock to Pync\ 
 permitted them to regain the Ailcnclant, 
 which they always had over him. They 
 improved it by making him jealous of Prince 
 Vachtan&a's Undertaking, by reprefenting to 
 him, that this Expedition, vrt\ciein the Prince 
 feem'd to aim only at thefZ/g/<**/, co; 
 ed his Majefty as much, or more thati' the 
 Lefgians themfelves; that with the pnwciful 
 Army, at the Head of which he marched 
 againft thofe Barbarians, he would loon 
 reduce them ; and that afcer having *fciken 
 their Country, which Borders upon Mttfca* 
 vy y he would be very well able, with 
 the Reinforcements he would get from the 
 Mufiovitesy to moleft and attack Terfia, 
 whenever hepleafed : That there was a very 
 plain Method to prevent, and to defeat his 
 Projects i that the only Thing that needed to 
 be done, was to grant Peace to the Lefgtant* 
 
 ' *
 
 (268) 
 
 \vho had folicited it for along Time, with the 
 utmoft tntreaty ; and, in confequence there- 
 of, to fend a pofitive Order to the Prince of 
 Georgia, to difarm, and to retire Home ; 
 that by doing fo, he would gain the Lef- 
 gians, who would only be obliged for their 
 Safety upon this Occaiion, to the King's 
 /joodnefs and Clemency ; and that even tho' 
 they Ihould be ungrateful enough to forget 
 their Obligation to his Majeity, for having 
 preierved them from imminent and total 
 Rufti, yet the Fear of being abandon 'd to the 
 Dill-ration of the Prince of Georgia, upon 
 the ftrrt Infurredion they Ihould make, would 
 retain them in their Duty : That the Prince 
 of Georgia^ on his Part, having no longer 
 a Pretext to take Arms, would lie very 
 quiet on this Proritier ; and that the Jealoufy 
 and Jpiffidence between the Georgians and 
 Lefgians would keep them both in a Sub- 
 million, which would free the Court from all 
 Uneafmefs upon their Account. 
 
 THE Advice was approved ; and as the 
 Affair" was prefllng, and they knew that the 
 Prince Vachtanga was already on the March, 
 a Courier was lent inftantly to carry him the 
 King's Orders, which were not only pofi- 
 tive, but fo lofty, that it feem'd he affeded to 
 treat him without any Decorum. In fhort, 
 the Order faid, That if he had taken Horfe 
 ; for the Expedition, he muft dilmount that 
 ilnftant ; that if he was a&ually purfuing 
 'the Lefgians ', he muft flop that Moment ; 
 
 that
 
 that if he had drawn his Sword he muft 
 immediately flieath it ; and that he muft take 
 great Care of difturbing the Peace, which it 
 had pleafed the King to grant to that Nation. 
 "Tis more eafy to imagine, than to ex- 
 prefs how much the Prince Vachtanga was 
 enraged at an Older fo imperious and unlea- 
 fonable. He was provoked to fee certain 
 Victory fnatch'd out of his Hands ; and that 
 he mould be brav'd in fuch a haughty Manner 
 in the Sight of thole very Barbarians, that 
 he was ready to crufh to Pieces. It was thought 
 that in his Vexation he would have gone far- 
 ther, notwithstanding the Orders of the Court, 
 if he could have been lure of the chief Lords 
 of his Nobility , whole Troops made great 
 Part of his Army ; but miftrufting that the 
 Court had gain'd them, and fearing to be 
 abandoned by them, as the Prince Georgt- 
 Kan formerly was, if he contra ven'd the 
 King's Orders, he took the only Courle 
 he had to take, which was to declare that 
 he would obey. He made the Declaration, 
 indeed, but in a Manner that was truly wor- 
 thy of his great Soul ; for having fent for 
 the Courier, which had brought him the Or- 
 der, he drew his Sword before him, and point- 
 ing him to it, made an Oath that he would 
 never draw it for the Service of the King, 
 or the Defence of Terfia ; an Oath which he 
 obferved afterwards too religioufly, to the 
 great Prejudice of the King and Kingdom, 
 as will appear hereafter. He retired after 
 
 this
 
 this Declaration, and carried back his Army, 
 which raged with indignation to fee that, af- 
 ter all the Ravages which the Lefgtans had 
 made in Geor^ia^ they fhould eicape out of 
 their Hands, jutt as they were on the Point 
 of facrificing them to their Vengeance. There- 
 fore they conceived from that Time fuch an 
 indifferent Opinion of 'Perjia, that they ne- 
 ver were reconciled to it afterwards. As to 
 the Prince Vachtanga he took Care to fecure 
 his Frontiers againlt the Excurfions of the 
 Lejgtans. After which he Ihut himfelf up 
 at [eflis, refolved to have nothing at all to 
 do with 'Perjia, and not to bear Arms, unlefs 
 he was attacked himfelf. All thispafs'd about 
 the End of the Year 1710. and not long 
 after the Difgrace of the Athemat-TlouLet, 
 which happened, as we have faid, in Novem- 
 ber the lame Year. 
 
 AFTER what t,he Court of 'Perjia had late- 
 ly done in Favour of the Lejgians^ whom 
 they had preierv'd from total Deltrudion, they 
 expected a great Calm on the Side of that 
 Frontier; and 'tis certain that they had all 
 the Reafon to expert it, if they could depend 
 on the Gratitude and Oaths of thofe Barba- 
 rians. But they were Bonds too weak to ftop 
 a fierce Nation, accuftomed to live by Rob- 
 bery, and not to be aw'd by any Thing lefs 
 than the Fear of a fuperior Power. This Peace 
 which they had foliated with the greateft 
 Earneftnefs, and which they had, as we may 
 i fay,
 
 fay, begg'd on their very Knees, fubfifted no 
 longer on their Part, than till they could re- 
 cover from their paft Fright. It fcarce laft- 
 ed three or iL-iir Months, and they fpem Part 
 of the Time in nuking Preparations for the 
 Campaign, as foon as the Sealbn Ihould per- 
 mit. For, as foon as they faw that the Geor- 
 gian Army was retired, and that after the 
 Oath which the Prince of Geofgia had ta- 
 ken never to draw the Sword for the Service 
 of Terjia, they had nothing to fear from 
 him, as long as they did not touch his Fron- 
 tiers, they relblved to fall upon the Provin- 
 ces of Terjia which they bordered upon, and 
 which the Court, from a too great Confidence 
 in the Faith of a Treaty they had wheedled 
 them into, had left absolutely unprovided of 
 Forces. They wanted nothing but a Pretext 
 to break the Peace, which they had juft con- 
 cluded ; and they fought for one that might 
 interell the whole Nation, and oblige even 
 thofe who before had kept fair with 'Per- 
 Jia, to take Arms in their Quarrel. The 
 Difgrace of the Athemat-'Doukt, whofe 
 Eyes had been put out, and who was con- 
 fined in Tetfia for the Remainder of his Days, 
 after his Eftate was forfeited, feem'd to them 
 very likely to produce the Effed which they 
 propofed. 
 
 THIS Minifter, as has been obferved before, 
 was originally of their Nation, and even 
 of the Blood of their Kings. They pretend- i 
 
 ed,
 
 cd,that it was out of Spight to the wholeNation 
 he had been fo cruelly and bafely treated; and 
 that it concern'd their Honour to refent it. 
 
 \ Scarce any Thing could be worfe contrived 
 
 'than this Pretext ; for, as their Treaty of 
 Accommodation was not made, till after the 
 Diigrace of the Athemat-^Douiet^ it does not 
 appear how the Injuitice done to one of 
 their Countrymen could authorize them to 
 break the Peace, which it had not hinder'd them 
 
 /from concluding. But, as they only wanted a 
 Pretext ; and, as that feem'd to them more fpe- 
 cious than any other, they made ufe of it to in- 
 cenfe the whole Nation, and to make it fenfible 
 oftheObligationof a commonRefcntment, from 
 which no Body was to be diipenfed withal. 
 Therefore he fummon'd an Aflembly of all the 
 Families upon this Head, wherein it was refol- 
 ved, that the whole Nation fhould take Arms to 
 demand Satisfaction for the N Affront which 
 had been put upon it in the Perfon of the 
 Athemat-^oulet, their Countryman. The 
 League was general ; and even thofe who 
 till then had hVd in a good Underftanding 
 with 'Perjia, were at laft oblig'd to join with 
 the others to attack it. 
 
 THEY went into the Field in the Begin- 
 
 ! ning of the Spring, 17x1. and fell upon the 
 neighbouring Provinces, which little expecled 
 fuch a Vifit ; and thinking that they had a 
 good Safeguard in the Treaty concluded three 
 or four Months before, were out of a Capa- 
 city
 
 ('-7J) 
 
 city to make any Refiftance. The Lejgians 
 fprcad themfelves every where, like a i orient 
 \vhich nothing can refift : They plunder'd ie- 
 veral very confiderable Towns, and particu- 
 larly Szamachi : And, after having cut in 
 Pieces ibme Troops that were rallied toge- 
 ther to oppofe their Excurfions and Ka 
 they fell upon the Province of Szyr'xan, 
 one of the richeft in Terjia, which tncy 
 foon reduced to be one of the poorert, by 
 their plundering it without Mercy. 
 
 IT was at the fame Time that the City of 
 Tauris, which was the greateit, and molt fa- 
 mous of 'Perjitj next to Ifpahan, and which. 
 is alfo comprised in the Province of 
 wan y was deftroy'd by an Earthquake, where- 
 in eighty thouiand Souls perifhcd. This 
 Calamity, added to the Scourge of War, 
 occafioned a very great Confternation through 
 all ( PerJla. But what moit frightened IJpa- 
 ban, was, a Phenomenon that appear'd there 
 in the Air, during the Si.mmer of 1721. 
 The Clouds being at that Time very thick, 
 the Sun appeared through them of a Blood 
 Colour, which lafted near two Months. The 
 Aftrologers of 'Perjia being consulted upon 
 it, declared that it was an Omen of a great 
 Effufion of Blood ; and, as they are very 
 much heard in that Country, the Account 
 which they gave of the Phenomenon, on- 
 ly ferved to augment theConfternat* n, which 
 was more vifibleatCourt,than elfe where. Eve-
 
 ry Body feem'd to have a fecret Foreboding 
 of the Calamities that were foon to arrive : But 
 this Apprehenfion, inilead of awaking the 
 King and his Minifters, by rouzing them out 
 of the profound Lethargy which they feem'd 
 to be buried in ; and inilead of animating 
 them to make any extraordinary Effort to 
 prevent the Misfortunes, with which they 
 were threaten'd on all Sides ; only made them 
 fuHen and heartlefs, like People that fee an 
 Evil coming over their Heads, which they 
 have no Strength nor Means to avoid. The 
 Inaction and the Weaknefs of the Court by 
 this general Difcburagement was what reviv'd 
 the Hopes of Myrr-Maghmud, and gave him 
 an Opportunity to verity the Prefages and 
 Predi&ions which the Stars and Star- Gazers 
 had foretold in vain, if the 'Perfians had had 
 but the Courage to have taken the neceflary 
 Meafuresto divert the EfFe&s of them. This 
 is what I am going to explain in the Sequel 
 of this Hiftory, in which it will appear that 
 never was there a cheaper Cooqueil of fo great 
 a Kingdom ; that the Conquerors never dream 'd 
 of any fuch Thing; and that they had notde- 
 jtermined at laft to undertake it, if they had 
 not thought the Succcfsfure, and found it eve- 
 ry Day more pra&icable, the farther they ad- 
 vanc'd 
 
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