E 
 
 151 
 C3 
 
 Historical Society s 
 
 .* CENTENNIAL MEMORIAL. 
 
 JOURNAL 
 
 CharMCarroll of Carrollton, 
 
 ^ 
 
 During his Visit to Canada in 
 
 1776. 
 

MEMORIAL CONTRIBUTION 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 Maryland Historical Society, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 OF TH E 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 
 JULY 4TH, 1876. 
 
JOURNAL 
 
 Charles (Jarroll of Carrollton 
 
 DURING HIS 
 
 Visit to Canada in 1776, 
 
 As ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FEOM CONGRESS; 
 
 WITH A MEMOIR AND NOTES. 
 
 BY BRANTZ MAYER. 
 
 PRINTED BY JOHN MURPHY, 
 FOB THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 
 
 BALTIMORE, MAY, 1876. 
 
C 
 
The Maryland Historical Society wishing to bring a proper 
 offering to the first Centennial Celebration of our National Inde- 
 dendence, resolved, for that purpose, to reprint a Journal of 
 Charles Carroll of Carrollton, of Maryland, signer of the Decla 
 ration of Independence. The original manuscript of this record 
 is kept in the Archives of the Society as a precious gift from 
 the descendants of its illustrious author. 
 
 The Journal was written by Mr. Carroll, in 1776, during a 
 journey to Canada with Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, 
 and Samuel Chase of Maryland, members of Congress, and, 
 jointly with Mr. Carroll, its delegated Commissioners to try 
 the feeling, and, if possible, to stir up the Canadians. By the 
 request of Congress the Reverend John Carroll, cousin of 
 Charles Carroll of Carrollton, and afterwards, the first Roman 
 Catholic Archbishop of the United States, accompanied these 
 gentlemen on their grave and delicate errand. 
 
 The undersigned were named by the Society to carry out its 
 wishes ; and with great respect, they offer this book as a patriotic 
 memorial showing that, at the end of one hundred years of 
 National life, Maryland is loyal to the men and memories of 1776. 
 
 BRANTZ MAYER, 
 WILLIAM H. CORNER, 
 JOHN J. JACOBSEN, 
 
 Committee of the Maryland Historical Society. 
 BALTIMORE, Maryland, 1 May, 1876. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION TO CANADA 
 
 17751776. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THAT long line of lakes and rivers which flow 
 soutlieastwardly across our continent, and 
 empty into the Atlantic through the gulf of 
 Saint Lawrence, seems to form a natural barrier 
 between two nations, marking their geographical 
 limits if it did not also bound different races. 
 And such, in fact, was really the case with a part 
 of this extensive chain, until the peace of Paris in 
 1763, when Canada, after the victory of Wolfe, 
 passed from the dominion of France to that of the 
 British crown. 
 
 In March, 1766, the stamp act was repealed; 
 but the English ministry, foiled in its first attempt 
 2 9 
 
10 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 on the liberties of the American colonies, seemed 
 determined to tease and worry them into rebel 
 lion. Taxation by duties was laid in 1767, and 
 Maryland at onco took ground against the imposi 
 tion. Associations for "non importation" were 
 speedily formed; but, after existing for a while, 
 they were abandoned, and local discontents arose 
 in our state that exasperated the people s feelings 
 against Ministerial oppressions, until they were 
 ripe for the revolt that ultimately broke out. 1 
 
 Amongst the earliest demonstrations of a dis- 
 pbsitio.n ,<>sV;tlie part of the colonists to resort to 
 violence.,, wa.s .the attack upon the newly ceded 
 
 The expedition that was sent to the north was 
 deemed, by some persons, of questionable policy, 
 and not a few of our people thought it entirely 
 subversive of the principles upon which we 
 grounded our resistance. It might naturally, 
 they alleged, be regarded as a war of conquest, 
 and, as such, was entirely at variance with the 
 spirit of our discontent. 
 
 Such, however, was not a just view of the case. 
 The boundary of the lakes to which we have 
 alluded, formed, in reality, no boundary to British 
 rule, for the sway of the Anglo-Saxon race was 
 now fully established over the whole of the north- 
 
 1 Soc McMahon s History of Maryland, vol. i, p. 380. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 11 
 
 crn part of the continent. It was obviously 
 proper, therefore, to detract, if possible, from the 
 power of our assailants to harm us on the great 
 watery highway of the lakes and rivers, or to 
 present such an united force of colonial and pro 
 vincial inhabitants as might counterbalance, in 
 a great measure, the pertinacious loyalists who 
 were disposed to discountenance our appeals for 
 justice. For it will be remembered, that before 
 the declaration of our national independence, the 
 warfare was neither against the throne nor the 
 laws of England, but against a reckless and op 
 pressive ministry. 1 
 
 In taking advantage, therefore, of this general 
 desire to enlist the whole of the British subjects 
 in America in the preservation of their privileges, 
 efforts were justly and fairly made to obtain 
 possession of the keys of the lakes and of the 
 St. Lawrence at Quebec and Montreal. 
 
 As Sir Guy Carleton had manifested a strong- 
 disposition to sustain the ministry against the 
 people, it was hoped that his efforts would thus 
 be neutralized, and an unbroken front of firm and 
 resisting freemen presented to the cabinet and 
 parliament. 
 
 Canada was a province whose citizens had not 
 yet coalesced with the English. In the debate on 
 
 l See Col. Kecd s letter to Washington, and Washington s reply. 
 Washington s Writings, vol. iii, p. 3-17. 
 
12 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the Canada bill, in 1774, the widest latitude of 
 opinion was expressed as to the proper govern 
 ment and laws for the conquered province, and 
 the most lamentable ignorance was displayed as 
 to the character and temper of the people. 1 
 
 Under the French the spirit of the government 
 had been military. Conquest was the chief object, 
 and the desire of the authorities was to command 
 the lakes, to control the territories on the Ohio, 
 and thus, descending the Mississippi to Louisiana, 
 to embrace the great internal resources of this 
 continent by two gigantic arms, one of which 
 should rest on the St. Lawrence whilst the other 
 controlled the Gulf of Mexico. Canada, therefore, 
 was the citadel and nursery of their troops. Large 
 detachments were sent every year to the Ohio and 
 to other interior parts of North America, and, by 
 these annual campaigns, the province was drained 
 of its blood and energy. The people had no time 
 for settlement and its peaceful results. Marriages 
 were prevented, and numbers perished in the toil 
 some services to which they were devoted among 
 the savages of the remote wilderness. But, after 
 the conquest by Great Britain, the aspect of affairs 
 was changed. The government became one of 
 peace, and the inhabitants not greatly augmented 
 in numbers by emigration were permitted to 
 
 1 Sec Cavendish s Debates on the Canada bill in 1774. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 13 
 
 cultivate tlicir lands, whilst the judges took care 
 not to interfere essentially with their laws and 
 customs. 1 Besides this, the policy P of England 
 towards Canada was wise in another respect. In 
 October, 1763, a royal proclamation was made, by 
 which the province of Quebec was limited and 
 bounded; and on the 13th of June, 1774, parlia 
 ment passed the "Quebec act," by which those 
 limits were enlarged, and his majesty s subjects 
 professing the religion of the church of Rome, 
 were guarantied the free exercise of their worship, 
 whilst their priests were protected in the full dis 
 charge of all their functions. 
 
 Thus Canada, though a quasi foreign country, 
 was a contented one, and it behooved our states 
 men to take heed lest her people, still alive to 
 their ancient military glory, might annoy or dis 
 tract our frontier. The warfare, therefore, that we 
 waged within her borders, was one, in fact, of 
 political propagandism, in Avhich the people, un 
 fortunately for themselves as the sequel proved, 
 took but little interest. 
 
 We will not dwell on the successes of our troops 
 in Canada up to the spring of 1776. So many 
 Avorks have been written on the history of that 
 period and on the biography of the eminent men 
 who led our armies, that it would be useless, in 
 
 i See " Debate.,, ; &c., pp. 104, 105. 
 
14 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 this sketch, to review the earlier part of our cam 
 paign. 
 
 But after the successes of Arnold and Allen at 
 Ticoncleroga and Crown Point, the former of these 
 officers pushed on towards Quebec through the 
 wilderness. By the capture of a small fleet at 
 Sorel, under General Prescott, the Americans had 
 gained command of the St. Lawrence above Que 
 bec, and, as all the British posts in Canada were 
 under our control, except the capital, that now 
 became the object of eager enterprise. 1 
 
 On the 31st of December, 177o, Montgomery 
 stormed that stronghold, and fell in the attack. 
 Our troops were unsuccessful in effecting a lodg 
 ment; but Arnold, on whom the command de 
 volved, sat down resolutely before the capital, in 
 the depth of winter, and with the small remnant 
 of his troops besieged a Ministerial army of nearly 
 double his number. 
 
 Reinforcements were sent to our colonial general, 
 who had been immediately promoted for his gal 
 lantry, and troops that carried their own provisions 
 during a perilous march on snow shoes, through 
 the forests, reached him from Vermont, Xew 
 Hampshire, and Massachusetts. 
 
 With this fragmentary, undisciplined, ill-fed, 
 and miserable array, he kept his ground until 
 
 1 See Spurks s Life of Arnold. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. lo 
 
 spring. Meanwhile, Wooster had quietly rested 
 during the long and severe winter, in the secure 
 and undisputed Montreal. "A state of repose," 
 says Mr. Sparks, "which his countrymen were not 
 prepared to expect from a man who had gained the 
 reputation of a bold and active officer in the last 
 
 war." 1 
 
 However, on the 1st of April, 1776, he left his 
 winter quarters for Quebec, and, as he outranked 
 Arnold, took command immediately on his arrival. 
 Arnold, who w T as no doubt discontented at not 
 being permitted to continue in authority at a sea 
 son when he might have struck a daring and 
 effectual MOAV, forthwith departed for Montreal, 
 and left this weak and injudicious officer to con 
 duct the siege. 2 
 
 Canada was thus, in fact, in the possession of our 
 colonial troops, yet the tenure was rather nominal 
 than real. It was a conflict between the military on 
 both sides, whilst the people of the province the 
 subject matter of all available controversy had as 
 yet manifested no ardent desire to join us. 
 
 Such was the state of things early in the memo 
 rable year of 76. But the feeble grasp with which 
 we held that remote provinco was not long to be 
 continued. On the first of April, Col. Ilazen, who 
 
 1 See Sparks s Life of Arnold, p. 55. 
 
 2 See Mr. Carroll s Journal, of the 2oth of May, and note, for the 
 Commissioners opinion of Woostcr s conduct in Canada. 
 
lf> INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 had taken command at Montreal, on the departure 
 of General Woostcr, and before the arrival of 
 Arnold, thus wrote to General Schuyler: 
 
 "You are not unacquainted with the friendly 
 disposition of the Canadians when General Mont 
 gomery first penetrated into the country. The 
 ready assistance they gave on all occasions, by 
 men, carriages, or provisions, was most remark 
 able. Even when he was before Quebec, many 
 parishes offered their services in the reduction of 
 that fortress, which were at that time thought 
 unnecessary. But his most unfortunate fate, added 
 to other incidents, has caused such a change in 
 their disposition, that we no longer look upon 
 them as friends, but, on the contrary, as waiting 
 an opportunity to join our enemies. That no 
 observations of my own may remain obscure, I 
 beg leave to observe that I think the clergy, or 
 guardians of the souls and conductors of the bodies 
 of these enthusiasts, haA^e been neglected, perhaps, 
 in some instances, ill used. Be that as it will, they 
 are unanimous, though privately, against our cause, 
 and I have too much reason to fear that many of 
 them, with other people of some consequence, have 
 carried on a correspondence the whole winter with 
 General Carleton in Quebec, and arc now plotting 
 our destruction. The peasantry in general have 
 been ill used. They have, in some instances, been 
 dragooned with the point of the bayonet to supply 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 17 
 
 wood for the garrison at a lower rate than the 
 current price. For carriages and many other 
 articles furnished, illegible certificates have been 
 given without signature; the one-half, of conse 
 quence, rejected by the quartermaster-general. It 
 is true, payment has been promised from time to 
 time; yet they look upon such promises as vague, 
 their labor and property lost, and the congress or 
 United Colonies bankrupt. And, in a more mate 
 rial point, they have not seen sufficient force in the 
 country to protect them. These matters furnish 
 very strong arguments to be made use of by our 
 enemies. With respect to the better sort of people, 
 both French and English, seven-eighths arc tories, 
 who would wish to see our throats cut, and perhaps 
 would readily assist in doing it, 
 
 "You may remember, sir, in a conversation with 
 you at Albany, I urged the necessity of sending 
 immediately to Canada able generals, a respectable 
 army, a committee of congress, a suitable supply of 
 hard cash, and a printer. Indeed, I had before 
 represented those measures in person to congress, 
 at least, to the committee of congress, and we have 
 since been flattered, from time to time, that we 
 should have one or all of these essentials." 1 
 
 The commissioners, alluded to by Colonel Hazen, 
 had already been appointed by congress; and, on 
 
 1 See Washington s Writings, vol, iii, p. 301, note. 
 
 3 
 
18 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the day subsequent to the date of his letter, had 
 departed from the city of New York on their way 
 to Montreal. 
 
 On the loth of February, 76, it was "Resolved 
 that a committee of three two of whom to be 
 members of congress be appointed to repair to 
 Canada, there to pursue such instructions as shall 
 be given them by that bodv." 1 
 
 O f *> 
 
 Dr. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SAMUEL CHASE, and 
 CHAS. CARROLL of Carrollton, 2 were chosen for 
 this purpose (the two first named being members), 
 and, by a special resolution, the last mentioned 
 gentleman was desired "to prevail on Mr. JOHN 
 CARROLL to accompany the committee to Canada 
 to assist them in such matters as they shall think 
 useful." 
 
 This gentleman, who afterwards became the first 
 Roman Catholic Archbishop of the United States, 
 had already received holy orders in Europe. He 
 was a Jesuit of distinguished theological attain 
 ments, and was celebrated for his amiable manners 
 and polished address. Both of the Carrolls were 
 educated in Europe, and had formed connections of 
 the most intimate kind with the people of the old 
 world. The Rev. John Carroll had been private 
 
 1 See Journals of Congress, vol. ii, p. 02, edition of 1800. 
 
 2 Charles Carroll of Carrollton was elected a member of the Congress 
 by the Maryland Convention on the 4th of July, 1776, and took his seat 
 on the 18th. Ho signed the Declaration of Independence on the 12th of 
 August, 1770. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 19 
 
 tutor in the family of Lord Stourton, with whom 
 he made the tour of Europe after the dissolution of 
 the Jesuits, and might, therefore, have been sup 
 posed to lean to the side of loyalty; but all the 
 members of his family had early manifested their 
 partiality for the colonies. Mr. Charles Carroll of 
 of Carrollton, also a Roman Catholic, after finish 
 ing his studies in the Temple and returning to 
 Maryland, had distinguished himself by his con 
 troversy with DAXIEL DULAXY, the great legal 
 luminary of Maryland, on the proclamation and 
 vestry questions, 1 and had intimated his resolution 
 to sustain his native land against the oppressions 
 of the mother country. The one was an humble 
 but learned clergyman; the other an independent 
 lawyer of ample fortune and promising talents; 
 but both staked, at once, their lives and honor on 
 the issues of the day, and were thus prepared to 
 take conspicuous parts in the approaching revo 
 lution. 
 
 Whilst congress was anxious to aid the cool 
 judgment of Franklin by the intrepidity of Chase 
 and the courtly address of Carroll, it went still 
 further, and requested the polished churchman to 
 unite himself with the expedition, "and assist the 
 commissioners in such things as they might think 
 useful." The object of this, although not entered 
 
 i Sec McMahon s History of Maryland, vol. i. p. 388, and Green s 
 Gazette, 1773. 
 
20 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 on the journals of congress or expressed in any 
 formal preamble to the resolutions, is perfectly 
 evident. In the debates on the Canada bill, in 
 1774, we are informed that there were one hun 
 dred and fifty thousand Catholics, and only three 
 hundred and sixty Protestants within the govern 
 ment of the province of Quebec, 1 and it was 
 therefore believed that one of the surest means 
 of prompt success with such a mass of Roman 
 Catholics, was to show them, by influential men 
 of their own creed, that their brethren over the 
 border, were up in arms and ready to do battle 
 in defence of religious and political liberty. Three 
 of these representatives came from a province ori 
 ginally founded by tolerant Catholics, who had 
 received a tolerant charter even from a bigoted 
 king. 2 
 
 We have seen that the Rev. Mr. Carroll was an 
 undoubted patriot, agreeing with the liberals in all 
 their views; yet it might be asserted that he was 
 
 1 Sec Debates, &c., p. 103. 
 
 2 We hold the opinion that no act could have been legally passed by 
 our colonial legislature in Maryland, in conformity with the charter of 
 Charles, that was not TOLERANT in its character to all religionists. Our 
 opinion is founded on a clause in the twenty-second section of that instru 
 ment, which declares that the charter shall be expounded always in the 
 most favorable and beneficial manner for the benefit of Lord Baltimore, 
 his heirs and assigns, " Proviso semper quod nulla fiat intcrpretatio per 
 quam sacro-sancta Dei ct vera Christiana reliyio aut Ligeantia nobis 
 hseredibus et successoribus nostris debita immutatione prejudicio vel clis- 
 pendio in aliquo patiantur eo quod expressa mentis, ; &c. 
 
 Broad Christianity alone is here referred to, and that was not to suffer 
 by "change, prejudice, or diminution." 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 21 
 
 not justified in joining an expedition that would 
 kindle the flame of religious war on the Catholic 
 frontier. Such, certainly, was also Mr. Carroll s 
 opinion, and he felt, as deeply as any man in 
 the colonies that religion should never become an 
 auxiliary of strife, and that it was his duty, as a 
 clergyman, to allay, if possible, the angry spirit of 
 the times and to prevail on the disaffected subjects 
 of Britain to maintain their allegiance by present 
 ing a bold front to Ministerial misrule. 
 
 In order, therefore, to estimate the delicacy of 
 Mr. Carroll s position, we must recollect that at 
 the period when congress required his services, the 
 prospect of reconciliation with the king was not 
 entirely shut out. Appeals, protests, and remon 
 strances had been tried in vain. All the ordinary 
 efforts of persuasion had failed to produce redress. 
 In such a state of things it would seem but reason 
 able that a patriotic priest, who regarded his duty 
 to his country as next to that he owed to God, and 
 who was zealous for the religious as well as the 
 political freedom of his brethren, should seize upon 
 so favorable an occasion to render service of last 
 ing value to the large, conquered mass of Canadian 
 Catholics. lie was, perhaps, about to obtain a 
 boon for himself; he desired that others should 
 participate in its benefits. And he naturally felt 
 anxious that, when civil and religious liberty were 
 for ever secured to the colonies, the subjects north 
 
22 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 of the lakes should, at the same time, obtain a 
 permanent concession of fair and equal laws. 
 
 Mr. Carroll was, therefore, very properly desir 
 ous to identify Canada with our struggle or to 
 procure her neutrality; as, from her imposing size, 
 her commanding geographical position, her foreign 
 population, and her recent disruption from France, 
 her resolved attitude of defiance or indifference 
 would, in all probability, strike terror into the 
 minds of the headstrong Ministry; and thus, by 
 opposing the formidable animosity of a United 
 Continent, we should gain our ends and nip the 
 war in its ripening bud. 1 Mr. Carroll s views, 
 therefore, were eminently pacific, and their wis 
 dom has since been fully proved. The colonies 
 obtained their independence, whilst Canada re 
 mains a discontented, refractory province of the 
 British empire. 2 
 
 1 See the Baltimore U. S. Catholic Magazine, vol. iv, page 251, and 
 Brent s Biography of Archbishop Carroll, p. 09. 
 
 2 One of the writer s earliest recollections is of the funeral of this 
 excellent prelate, which was celebrated with great pomp at Baltimore, in 
 1815, and attended by citizens of all Christian denominations. The loss 
 of Archbishop Carroll was not a loss alone to the church over which he 
 presided and which he may be said to have founded in the United States. 
 Men of all creeds loved him, for his life had been ono of tolerance, charity, 
 and affection. His career, as priest and prelate, had boen conceived in 
 that spirit of Christian moderation which, whilst it upheld firmly the 
 truth and efficacy of his own creed, still regarded the professors of other 
 forms as entitled to a liberal and unbigoted consideration. This good 
 bishop, who was long mourned, and will be long remembered by Mary- 
 landers, died in this city, at the age of eighty, on the 3d of December, 
 1315. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 23 
 
 It is worthy of special note that Dr. Franklin, 
 who now, at the advanced age of seventy, was sent 
 on this fatiguing journey to wrest Canada from 
 England or neutralize it, had been seventeen years 
 before, one of the first to urge its conquest upon 
 the mother country. When he was in London in 
 1759, although he had no interviews with the 
 minister, his conversation on American affairs 
 was always respectfully heeded by men in power, 
 and "it has been said on good authority," declares 
 Mr. Sparks, "that the expedition against Canada, 
 and its consequences in the victory of Wolfe at 
 Quebec and the conquest of that country, may be 
 chiefly ascribed to Franklin. He disapproved the 
 policy, by which the ministry had hitherto been 
 guided, of carrying on the war against the French 
 in the heart of Germany, where, if successful, it 
 would end in no real gain to the British nation, 
 and no essential loss to the enemy. In all compa 
 nies and on all occasions, he urged the reduction 
 of Canada as an object of the utmost importance. 
 It would inflict a blow upon the French power in 
 America from which it could never recover, and 
 which would have a lasting influence in advanc 
 ing the prosperity of the British Colonies. These 
 sentiments he conveyed to the minister s friends, 
 with such remarks on the practicability of the 
 enterprise, and the manner of conducting it, as 
 his intimate knowledge of the state of things 
 
24 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 in America enabled him to communicate. They 
 made the impression he desired, and the result 
 verified his prediction." 1 
 
 The same ripe judgment that discerned the im 
 portance of Canada for England, in order to give 
 her control over the lakes and the west, adopted 
 it for the colonies also, and thus Franklin was 
 discreetly selected for this responsible mission. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 ON the 2d of April, 1776, FRANKLIN, CHASE, 
 and the Carrolls, properly equipped for so fatigu 
 ing a journey of more than four hundred miles, 
 departed from the city of JNTew York in a sloop 
 for Albany. 
 
 These gentlemen had, of course, been duly com 
 missioned by congress "to promote or to form a 
 union between the colonies and the people of 
 Canada;" and on the 20th of March, they re 
 ceived their ample instructions. 
 
 They were told to represent to the Canadians 
 that the arms of the United Colonies had been 
 carried into that province for the purpose of frus- 
 
 pnrks s "Writing?, vol. i, pp. 248, 257. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 2o 
 
 trating the designs of tlie British court against 
 our common liberties; that we expected not only 
 to defeat the hostile machinations of Governor 
 Carleton against us, but that we should put it 
 in the power of our Canadian brethren to pursue 
 such measures for securing their own freedom 
 and happiness as a generous love of liberty and 
 sound policy should dictate to them. 
 
 They were desired to inform them that, in the 
 judgment of congress, their interest and that of 
 the colonies were inseparably united. That it was 
 impossible we could be reduced to a servile sub 
 mission to Great Britain without their sharing in 
 our fate; and, on the other hand, if we obtained, 
 as we doubted not we should, a full establishment 
 of our rights, it depended wholly on their choice, 
 whether they would participate with us in those 
 blessings, or still remain subject to every act of 
 tyranny which British ministers should please to 
 exercise over them. 
 
 They were told to urge all such arguments as 
 their prudence suggested to enforce our opinion 
 concerning the mutual interests of the two coun 
 tries, and to convince them of the impossibility 
 of the Avar being concluded to the disadvantage 
 of the colonies, if we Avisely and vigorously co 
 operated with each other. To convince them of 
 the uprightness of our intentions towards them, 
 they were to declare that it was the inclination 
 4 
 
26 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 of congress that the people of Canada should set 
 up such a form of government as would be most 
 likely, in their judgment, to promote their happi 
 ness. And they were, in the strongest terms, to 
 assure them that it was our earnest desire to adopt 
 them into our union as a sister colony, and to 
 secure the same system of mild and equal laws 
 for them and for ourselves, with only such local 
 differences as might be agreeable to each colony 
 respectively. 
 
 They were to assure the Canadians that we had 
 no apprehension that the French would take any part 
 with Great Britain; hit that it was their interest, and, 
 we had reason to believe, their inclination, to cultivate a 
 friendly intercourse with these colonies. 
 
 From this and such other reasons as might 
 appear most proper, they were charged to urge 
 the necessity the people were under of immedi 
 ately taking some decisive step to put themselves 
 within the protection of the United Colonies. For 
 expediting such a measure, they were to explain 
 our method of collecting the sense of the people 
 and conducting our affairs regularly by committees 
 of observation and inspection in the several dis 
 tricts, and by conventions and committees of safety 
 in the several colonies. These modes were to be 
 recommended to them. The nature and principles 
 of government among freemen were to be fully 
 explained, developing, in contrast to these, the 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 27 
 
 base, cruel, and insidious designs involved in the 
 late act of parliament for making a more effectual 
 provision for the government of the province of 
 Quebec. 1 Motives of glory and interest were to 
 bo proposed as stimulants to the Canadians to 
 unite in a contest by which they must be deeply 
 affected, and they were to be taught to aspire to a 
 portion of that power ly which then were ruled, and 
 not to remain the mere spoils and prey of their con 
 querors, 
 
 They were directed, further, to declare that we 
 held sacred the rights of conscience; and should promise 
 to the whole people, solemnly, in the name of congress, 
 the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion; and 
 to the clcrcjy the fall, perfect, and peaceable possession 
 and enjoyment of all their estates: that the govern 
 ment of every thing relative to their creed and clergy 
 should be left, entirely, in the hands of the good people 
 of that province, and such legislature as they should 
 constitute; provided, however, that all other denomina 
 tions of Christians should be equally entitled to hold 
 offices, and enjoy civil privileges and the free exercise 
 of their religion, as well as be totally exempt from the 
 payment of any tithes or taxes for the support of ve 
 il (j ion. 
 
 They were desired to press for a convention of 
 the people, a speedy organization of government, 
 
 1 The :i Quebec act," passed June, 1774. 
 
28 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 and union with the colonies. The terms of the 
 union should be similar to those of the other 
 colonies; and, if our terms were acceded to, they 
 were to promise our defence of the Canadians 
 against all enemies. 
 
 <*; 
 
 A free press was to be established, and the com 
 missioners were to settle all disputes betwixt the 
 Canadians and continental troops. They were to 
 reform all abuses, to enforce peace and good order, 
 and were empowered to sit and vote in councils of 
 Avar; to erect or demolish fortifications, and to 
 suspend military officers from the exercise of their 
 commissions until the pleasure of congress should 
 be known. 
 
 In additional instructions, they were empowered 
 and directed to encourage the trade of Canada witli 
 the Indians, and to assure the Canadians that their 
 foreign commerce should be put on the same footing 
 as that of the United Colonies. 1 
 
 Armed with their commission and these instruc 
 tions, our travellers departed, as we have seen, on 
 the 2d of April, from the city of Xew York; but it 
 was not until the 29th nearly a month afterwards 
 that they reached their destination at Montreal. 
 The details of this expedition will be found in the 
 accompanying diary of Mr. Carroll of Carrollton, 
 and the reader can not fail to be pleased with 
 
 1 See these instructions at large in the Amer. Archives, vol. v, p. 411. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 29 
 
 the patient and interesting narrative of the jour 
 nalist. 
 
 It seems from this document, and the corres 
 pondence of Franklin, that the Doctor remained 
 in Montreal until the llth of May, a few days 
 only after the abandonment of Quebec by our 
 troops, and was joined, on the following morn 
 ing, by the Rev. Mr. John Carroll at St. Johns. 
 Dr. Franklin s health had suffered greatly by the 
 journey, and he soon perceived that his efforts in 
 Canada would bo of no avail. On the contrary, 
 he saw that public opinion was setting strongly 
 against the colonies, that the army was in a 
 wretched condition, that the mouth of the St. 
 Lawrence was lost, and that powerful reinforce 
 ments would probably soon arrive from abroad. 
 He therefore left Canada to younger and more 
 hopeful men, and departed with his clerical friend, 
 who had been equally unsuccessful. 
 
 The object of this mission was doubtless tAvo- 
 folcl: first, to induce the Catholics to join us, or 
 remain neutral; and secondly, to make such 
 military demonstrations as would secure us the 
 province in spite of its people. To the first of 
 these objects the llev. Mr. Carroll immediately 
 addressed himself, and it seems that, within ten 
 days after his arrival in Montreal, all his diplo 
 macy proved ineffectual. 
 
30 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 "While the commissioners were applying them 
 selves," says Mr. Campbell in his excellent me 
 moir, 1 "with their characteristic ardor to the 
 fulfilment of their trust, the Rev. Mr. Carroll, 
 whose exertions were of a different character, was 
 diligently employed in visiting the clergy, and 
 conferring with individuals among them, lie ex 
 plained to them the nature of the differences 
 between England and the United Colonies, show 
 ing that the resistance of the latter was caused 
 by invasions of their charters, and violations of 
 Avell known and long recognized principles of the 
 British constitution. To this the clergy replied 
 that, since the acquisition of Canada by the British 
 government, its inhabitants had no agressions to 
 complain of ; that, on the contrary, government 
 had faithfully complied with all the stipulations 
 of the treaty, and had in fact sanctioned and pro 
 tected the ancient laws and customs of Canada, 
 even so far as to allow the French judicial or 
 ganization and forms of law, with a delicacy 
 that demanded their respect and gratitude. The 
 
 1 See Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll, by B. U. Campbell. 
 U. >S . Catholic Magazine, vol. iii, p. 244, &c. 
 
 Mr. Campbell states, in a letter to me, that "the part taken by the 
 Rev. Mr. Carroll in Canada was communicated to him by Dr. Fen wick, 
 bishop of Boston, a personal friend of Archbishop Caroll, who, in a 
 visit to Canada, met an aged Canadian priest who had seen Dr. Carroll 
 there, and gave Dr. Fenwick an account of what passed between Dr. 
 Carroll and the Canadian clergy, with his disapprobation of the course of 
 Dr. Carroll in endeavoring to enlist the Catholic clergy on the side of the 
 United Colonies/ 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 31 
 
 Rev. Mr. Carroll then represented to them that 
 congress had expressly stipulated that if the Cana 
 dians would unite with the colonies in the asser 
 tion of their constitutional rights, their religion, 
 its institutions, and the property of the religious 
 orders and communities should be protected and 
 guarantied; and that Catholics, instead of being 
 merely tolerated as by England, should have equal 
 rights with the professors of all other religions. 
 To these assurances the Canadians replied that, on 
 the score of religious liberty, the British govern 
 ment had left them nothing to complain of or to 
 desire ; that they were then in possession of all the 
 ecclesiastical property which they had held at the 
 time of the cession of Canada, that their numerous 
 and important missions were flourishing, and their 
 religious societies felt entire confidence in the pro 
 tection of the government, whose officers carried 
 their courtesy and respect so far as to pay military 
 honors to the public religious exercises, a conspicu 
 ous evidence of which was, that the government 
 actually furnished a military escort to accompany 
 the grand processions on the festival of Corpus 
 Christ!. And, therefore, that upon the well estab 
 lished principle that allegiance is due to protection, 
 the clergy could not teach that neutrality was con 
 sistent with the allegiance due to such ample 
 protection as Great Britain had shown the Cath 
 olics of Canada. 
 
32 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 "The judicious and liberal policy of the British 
 government to the Catholics had succeeded in 
 inspiring them with sentiments of loyalty, which 
 the conduct of the people and the public bodies 
 of some of the United Colonies had served to 
 strengthen and confirm. It was remembered, and 
 stated to the Rev. Mr. Carroll, that in the colo 
 nies whose liberality he was now avouching, the 
 Catholic religion had not been tolerated hitherto. 
 Priests were excluded under severe penalties, and 
 Catholic missionaries among the Indians rudely 
 and cruelly treated. His explanation that these 
 harsh measures were the result, in a great part, 
 of the laws of the royal government, did not 
 satisfy the Canadians of the favorable dispositions 
 of those who, though prompt and valiant in the 
 defence of their political rights, had never mani 
 fested a correspondent sensibility in support of 
 the sacred rights of conscience when Catholics 
 were concerned. The friends of the royal govern 
 ment had assiduously pointed out inconsistencies 
 between the address of the continental congress to 
 the people of Great Britain and that addressed to 
 the people of Canada, 
 
 "By the Quebec act, passed by parliament, it 
 was provided that his majesty s subjects professing 
 the religion of the church of Rome, of and in the 
 said province of Quebec, may have, hold, and 
 enjoy the free exercise of the religion of the 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 33 
 
 church of Home, &c., and that the clergy of the 
 said church may hold, receive, and enjoy their 
 accustomed dues and rights, with respect to such 
 persons only as shall profess the said religion. 
 They were also excused from taking the oath re 
 quired by the statute of 1st Elizabeth, or any 
 other oath substituted by other acts in the place 
 thereof, &c. 
 
 "Unfortunately, the address of congress to the 
 people of Great Britain, adopted the 21st of Oc 
 tober, 1774, had used the following language in 
 reference to the Quebec act: 
 
 " Nor can we suppress our astonishment that a 
 British parliament should ever consent to establish 
 in that country a religion that has deluged your 
 island in blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, 
 persecution, murder, and rebellion through every 
 part of the world. And that we think the legis 
 lature of Great Britain is not authorized by the 
 constitution to establish a religion fraught with 
 sanguinary and impious tenets, &c. 
 
 "After sentiments which did their religion so 
 much injustice, the Canadian clergy were not dis 
 posed to receive with much favor the follow 
 ing declarations of the same congress in their 
 Address to the inhabitants of the province of 
 Quebec: We arc too well acquainted with the 
 liberality of sentiment distinguishing your nation, 
 to imagine that difference of religion will preju- 
 
34 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 dice you against a hearty amity with us. You 
 know that the transcendent nature of freedom 
 eleyates those who unite in her cause aboyc all 
 such low-minded infirmities. The Swiss cantons 
 furnish a memorable proof of this truth. Their 
 union is composed of Roman Catholic and Pro 
 testant states, living in the utmost concord and 
 peace with one another, and thereby enabled, 
 ever since they bravely vindicated their freedom, 
 to defy and defeat every tyrant that has in 
 vaded them. " 1 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Carroll, having thus failed in his 
 part of the mission, joined Dr. Franklin and re 
 turned to the south. Meanwhile, however, Messrs. 
 Chase and Carroll of Carrollton had been busy 
 
 i "Nothing can exhibit more clearly the bad effects, upon the Cana 
 dians, of the address to tho British people, than the following contempo 
 raneous letter, comprised among the revolutionary documents recently 
 published by order of congress. 
 
 u Extract of a letter from Canada, dated Montreal, March 24, 1775. 
 
 " The address from the Continental Congress attracted the notice of 
 some of the principal Canadians ; it was soon translated into very 
 tolerable French. The decent manner in which the religious matters 
 were touched, the encomiums on the French nation, flattered a people fond 
 of compliments. They begged the translator, as he had succeeded so 
 well, to try his hand on that addressed to Great Britain. He had equal 
 success in this, and read his performance to a numerous audience. But 
 when he came to that part which treats of the new modeling of the 
 province, draws a picture of the Catholic religion, and Canadian man 
 ners, they could not contain their resentment, nor express it but in 
 broken curses. O the perfidious double-faced Congress! Let us blc.-s 
 and obey our benevolent Prince, whose humanity is consistent, and ex 
 tends to all religions ; let us abhor all who would seduce us from our 
 loyalty, by acts that would dishonor a Jesuit, and whose addresses, like 
 their resolves, are destructive of their own objects. " American Arc/ticcs, 
 vol. ii, p. 2.31. 
 

INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 35 
 
 with the military part of their embassy. On the 
 day after their arrival at Montreal, they attended 
 a council of war, 1 in which it was resolved to 
 fortify Jacques Cartier, the Falls of Richelieu, 
 an important post between Quebec and Montreal, 
 and to build six gondolas at Chamblay, of a 
 proper size to carry heavy cannon, and to be 
 under the direction of Arnold. But disasters 
 thickened around the insurgents. The small 
 pox had broken out among the troops, and was 
 making deep inroads upon their scanty num 
 bers. The Canadians showed no symptoms of 
 sympathy with the colonists, and, to crown the 
 whole, bad news was soon received from the be 
 siegers at Quebec. 
 
 On the 1st of May, General Thomas had taken 
 command at the capital, and found by the returns 
 that, out of nineteen hundred men, there were not 
 more than a thousand, including officers, who were 
 tit for duty; all the rest were invalids, chiefly 
 afflicted with smallpox. There were several posts 
 to be defended by this trifling force, and at such 
 distances from each other that not more than three 
 hundred men could be rallied to the relief of any 
 one of them, should it be assailed by the whole 
 force of the enemy. Besides this, there were but 
 one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, and only 
 
 1 Sec American Archives, vol. v, p. HOC. 
 
36 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 six days provisions in the camp, whilst their 
 French neighbors were so disaffected towards the 
 colonists that supplies were procured with the 
 greatest difficulty. 
 
 On the fifth, a council of war was held, and it 
 was resolved to remove the invalids, artillery, 
 batteaux, and stores higher up the river, so as 
 to prevent our being cut off by water from the 
 interior posts in the event of the arrival of 
 reinforcements to the enemy. But, on the 
 evening of the same day, intelligence was re 
 ceived in the American camp that fifteen ships 
 were forty leagues below Quebec, hastening up 
 the river; and early next morning five of them 
 hove in sight. 
 
 General Thomas 1 immediately gave orders to 
 embark the artillery and sick in the batteaux, 
 whilst the enemy began to land their troops. 
 About noon a body of the British, a thousand 
 strong, formed into two divisions in columns of six 
 deep, and supported with a train of six pieces of 
 cannon, attacked our sentinels and main guard. 
 Our officers made a stand for a moment on the 
 plains, with about two hundred and fifty men and 
 one field piece only, when the order for retreat 
 was given and our encampment was precipitately 
 deserted. In the confusion all our cannon and 
 
 1 lie died of smallpox soon after the retreat to Sorel. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 37 
 
 ammunition fell into the enemy s hands, and it is 
 believed that about two hundred of our invalids 
 were made prisoners. Following the course of 
 the river, our broken army fled towards Montreal, 
 and, halting for a w r hile at Deschambault, finally 
 retreated along the St. Lawrence, until it made a 
 stand at Sorel. 1 And thus Quebec was lost for 
 ever to the colonists. 
 
 Meantime the commissioners had kept up a 
 faithful correspondence with congress, and they 
 continued it until their departure from Canada. 
 Their manuscript letters, preserved in the depart 
 ment at Washington, are dated on the 1st, 8th, 
 10th, 16th, and 27th of May. 2 The last of these, 
 perhaps, is the most interesting of the series, and, 
 as it gives the results of their examinations, we 
 shall let it speak for itself, especially as the 
 "written report" made to congress by Messrs. 
 Chase and Carroll, on the 12th of June, 1776, 
 could not with the most diligent search be 
 found in Washington. 
 
 1 See the letters of General Thomas to the Commissioners, May 7th, 
 1776; and of General Arnold to General Schuyler, May 10, 177G. 
 Atticrican Archives, vol. vi, pp. 451, 452. 
 
 2 See American Archives, vols. v and vi. 
 
38 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 ""Montreal, 27th May, 1770. 
 
 THE COMMISSIONERS IN CANADA 
 
 k> To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS: 
 
 "In our last we informed you of the deplorable 
 state of the army; matters have not mended since. 
 We went to the mouth of Sorel last week, where wo 
 found all things in confusion; there is little or no 
 discipline among your troops, nor can any be kept 
 up while the practice of enlisting for a twelve 
 month continues; the general officers are all of 
 this opinion. Your army is badly paid ; and so 
 exhausted is your credit that even a cart can not oe 
 procured without ready money or force. AVe will 
 give you an instance of the lowness of your credit. 
 Three barrels of gunpowder were ordered from 
 Chamblay to Montreal; this powder was brought 
 from Chamblay to a ferry, about three miles olf, 
 where it would have remained had wo not luckily 
 passed by, and, seeing the distress of the officer, 
 undertaken to pay ready and hard money for the 
 hire of a cart to convey it to Low/aril. The army 
 is in a distressed condition, and is in want of the 
 most necessary articles meat, bread, tents, shoes, 
 stockings, shirts, &c. The greatest part of those 
 who fled from Quebec left all their baggage behind 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 39 
 
 them, or it was plundered by those whose times 
 were out, and have since left Canada. We are 
 informed by Colonel Allen that the men who, from 
 pretended indisposition, had been excused from doing 
 duty, were the foremost in the jftiyht, and carried off 
 such burdens on their backs as hearty and stout men 
 would labor under. 
 
 "With difficulty three hundred tents, and about 
 two hundred camp-kettles, were procured here, and 
 sent to the Sorel for the use of the army, and were 
 delivered, as we were informed, to one Major 
 Fuller, who acted in the room of Mr. Campbell, 
 deputy quartermaster-general, who had joined 
 the army at the Sorel but a day or two before 
 our arrival, where, among other instances of 
 mismanagement, we give the following: Colonel 
 Nicholson s regiment, consisting only of one hun 
 dred men, received thirty tents and thirty-one 
 camp-kettles; Colonel Porter s regiment, not ex 
 ceeding that number, received fifty-six tents and 
 thirty-three kettles. 
 
 "Your army in Canada do not exceed four thou 
 sand; above four hundred are sick with different 
 disorders; three-fourths of the army have not had the 
 smallpox. The greater part of Greatons, Bond s, 
 and Burr ell s regiments have been lately inocu 
 lated. There arc about eiylit tons of gunpowder in 
 the colony. To evince the great distress we are 
 reduced to for want of bread. Ave must inform YOU 
 
40 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 that we were obliged to buy thirty loaves of bread 
 of our baker to feed Colonel I)e Haas detachment, 
 which entered this town Friday night, on their way 
 to join General Arnold at La Chine, and who could 
 not be supplied by the commissary. Such is our 
 extreme want of flour that we were yesterday 
 obliged to seize by force fifteen barrels to supply 
 this garrison with bread. Previous to this seizure a 
 general order was issued to the town-major to wait 
 on the merchants, or others having provisions or 
 merchandise for sale, requesting a delivery of what 
 our troops are in immediate want of, and requir 
 ing him to give a receipt, expressing the quantity 
 delivered; for the payment of which the faith of 
 the United Colonies is pledged by your commis 
 sioners. Toothing but the most urgent necessity 
 can justify such harsh measures; but men with 
 arms in their hands will not starve when provi 
 sions can be obtained by force. To prevent a 
 general plunder, which might end in the massacre 
 of your troops, and of many of the inhabitants, we 
 have been constrained to advise the general to take 
 this step. We can not conceal our concern that 
 six thousand men should be ordered to Canada, 
 without taking care to have magazines formed for 
 their subsistence, cash to pay them, or to pay the 
 inhabitants for their labor, in transporting the bag 
 gage, stores, and provisions of the army. We can 
 not find words strong enough to describe our mis- 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 41 
 
 erablo situation; you will liave a faint idea of 
 it if you figure to yourself an army broken and 
 disheartened, half of it under inoculation, or 
 under other diseases; soldiers without pay, with 
 out discipline, and altogether reduced to live 
 from hand to mouth, depending on the scanty 
 and precarious supplies of a few half-starved 
 cattle, and trifling quantities of flour, which 
 have hitherto been picked up in different parts 
 of the country. 
 
 "Your soldiers grumble for their pay; if they 
 receive it they will not be benefited, as it will not 
 procure them the necessaries they stand in need 
 of. Your military chest contains but eleven thou 
 sand paper dollars. You are indebted to your 
 troops treble that sum, and to the inhabitants 
 above fifteen thousand dollars." l 
 
 " SAMUEL CHASE, 
 CHARLES CARROLL of Carrollton" 
 
 It would be difficult to draw a picture of more 
 abject wretchedness than is given in this graphic 
 letter of the commissioners, and it well prepares 
 us for the consequences. Having done all in 
 
 1 American Archives, vol. vi, pp. 589, 590. 
 
 6 
 
42 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 their power to maintain our authority in Canada, 
 Messrs. Chase and Carroll took their departure 
 from Montreal on the 29th of May, to be pre 
 sent at a council of war of the general and field 
 officers at Chamblay. On the 30th, it was re 
 solved by this council to maintain possession of 
 the strip of country u between the St. Lawrence 
 and Sorel, if possible, and, in the meantime, to 
 dispose matters so as fo make an orderly retreat 
 out of Canada." 1 
 
 On the 31st the commissioners passed from 
 Chamblay to St. John s, where every thing was 
 in confusion. On the morning of the 1st of June 
 they found General Sullivan, who had arrived 
 with fourteen hundred men during the night. 
 Xext day they took leave of the general, and 
 sailed from St. John s on their journey home 
 wards. 
 
 Thus ended the labors of the commissioners. 
 They returned to Philadelphia, reported to con 
 gress, and congress voted to send new troops and 
 to supply them properly. 2 But, in the meantime, 
 the fate of our efforts in Canada was sealed. 
 The last stand was made by General Sullivan. 
 "Yet," says Mr. Sparks, "it was more resolute 
 in purpose than successful in execution; the 
 whole army was compelled precipitately to evac- 
 
 1 See Carroll s Journal of those dates. 
 
 2 See Journals of Congress for June, 177G, vol. ii, p. 2CC, cd. of 1800. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 43 
 
 uatc Canada, and retire over the lake to Crown 
 Point. 
 
 "Montreal was held to the last moment. Arnold 
 then drew off his detachment with no small risk 
 of being intercepted by Sir Guy Carleton, and pro 
 ceeded to St. John s, making, as General Sullivan 
 wrote, a very prudent and judicious retreat, with 
 an enemy close at his heels. He had, two days 
 before, been at St. John s, directed an encampment 
 to be enclosed and ordered the frame of a vessel 
 then on the stocks to be taken to pieces, the tim 
 bers numbered and the whole to be sent to Crown 
 Point. General Sullivan soon arrived with the 
 rear of his retreating army and preparations were 
 made for an immediate embarkation. To this work 
 Arnold applied himself with his usual activity and 
 vigilance, remaining behind until he had seen 
 every boat leave the shore but his own. He 
 then mounted his horse, attended by Wilkinson, 
 his aid-de-camp, and rode back two miles, when 
 they discovered the enemy s advanced division in 
 full march under General Burgoyne. They gazed 
 at, or, in military phrase, reconnoitered it for a 
 short time, and then hastened back to St. John s. 
 A boat being in readiness to receive them, the 
 horses were stripped and shot, the men were 
 ordered on board, and Arnold, refusing all assist 
 ance, pushed off the boat with own hands; thus, 
 savs Wilkinson, indukrino; the vanity of 
 
44 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the last man who embarked from the shores of 
 the enemy. " 1 
 
 The commencement of this attack upon Canada 
 was attended with brilliant success. The early 
 efforts of Allen and Arnold at Ticondcroga and 
 Crown Point are remarkable for daring courage. 
 The career of Montgomery from the Isle Anx 
 Xoix to Quebec, and his storming of that strong 
 hold, rank conspicuously among military exploits. 
 The march of Arnold through the wilderness is 
 characterized by dangers and hardships that would 
 have appalled a less resolute soldier. And the 
 siege of Quebec, with the shadow of an army, 
 throughout a Canadian winter; the diplomacy of 
 congress by its commissioners; and last, though 
 not least, the honorable retreat of Sullivan and 
 Arnold, hotly pursued as they were by Burgoyne 
 to Sorel, Chamblay, and Isle Aux Xoix, all de 
 serve to be remembered, by the student of this 
 episode of our revolutionary struggles, as reflect 
 ing honor on the gallant men who retreated from 
 those extremities of the British possessions to pro 
 tect the vitals of the land in the approaching war 
 of independence. 
 
 In this introductory sketch, the editor, to whom 
 the Maryland Historical Society has confided so 
 
 1 Sparks s Life of Arnold, p. 02. 
 
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 45 
 
 pleasing a task, deems it useless to add a newly 
 written biography. The life of CHARLES CARROLL 
 OF CARROLLTON has been so frequently described, 
 that the people are familiar with it. Yet as the 
 writer who edited this work for the Maryland 
 Historical Society in 1845, and, thirty-one years 
 afterwards reperforms the task for the Centennial 
 Anniversary of our Xation in 1876, possesses an 
 autograghic manuscript of Mr. Carroll setting forth 
 his biography for Mr. Delaplaine in 1816, it has 
 been thought fitting to preserve by printing such 
 a memorial of the survivor of all the patriots who 
 signed the Declaration of Independence. It will 
 be found in an appropriate place in this book, 
 together with an original letter, owned by the 
 Maryland Historical Society and now^ first pub 
 lished, written on the 2nd of June, 1776, to the 
 father of "the signer" by the Reverend John Car 
 roll, immediately on his arrival in Philadelphia 
 from Canada. 
 
 The Diary which is now published was presented 
 by Mr. Carroll to his grand-daughter Mrs. Mac- 
 Tavish in 1823, and was deposited by her in 1844 
 among the archives of our society. 
 
 It is believed that this journal will be deeply 
 interesting to those who like to recur to the olden 
 times and to mark the improvement made in our 
 country within seventy years. The distance that 
 Mr. Carroll passed over in a month, may now 
 
46 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 be accomplished with ease in a couple of days, 
 whilst the wilderness he traversed has come to 
 "blossom like a rose." 1 It is by no means the 
 least memorable association with this valuable 
 journal that its author was one of the fifty-six, 
 who, soon afterwards signed the Declaration w r hose 
 pledges produced so magical a change on the face 
 of our country and on the welfare of mankind. 
 
 Baltimore, Maryland, 1 July, 1845, and May, 187G. 
 
 1 In comparing the past with the present, it may not be uninteresting 
 to record the fact that, in the year 1845, (when this Journal was first 
 printed,) persons could travel from : 
 
 New York to Albany, 150 miles, "by first class steamer, for . . $ 50 
 Albany to White Hall, by steamer and packet boat, 77 mile?, . 1 13 
 White Hall to St. John s by steamer, 150 miles, .... 2-3 
 St. John s to La Prairie, by railway, 15 miles, .... 50 
 La Prairie to Montreal, by steamer, 9 miles, 50 
 
 Timo two days, In all, 401 miles, cost, $2 83 
 
IF IBJllf 
 
JOURNAL 
 
 CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON, 
 
 DURING HIS 
 
 VISIT TO CANADA, IN 177G, 
 
 AS OXE OF THE COMMISSIONEES FROM CONGRESS. 
 
 A PRIL 2d, 1776. Left New York at 5 o clock, 
 L\ P. M.; sailed up North river, or Hudson s, 
 -*--"- that afternoon, about thirteen miles. About 
 one o clock in the night were awaked by the firing 
 of cannon: heard three great guns distinctly from 
 the Asia; soon saw a great fire, which we pre 
 sumed to be a house on Bedloe s island, set on 
 fire by a detachment of our troops. Intelligence 
 had been received that the enemy were throwing 
 up intrenchments on that island, and it had 
 been determined by our generals to drive them 
 
 47 
 
48 JOUEXAL OF CHAELES CAEEOLL. 
 
 off. Dr. Franklin went upon deck, and saw 
 waving flashes of light appearing suddenly and 
 disappearing, which he conjectured to "be the fire 
 of musquetry, although he could not hear the 
 report. 
 
 3d. A bad, rainy day; wind north-east; quite 
 ahead. A. M., eleven o clock, opposite to Colonel 
 Phillips s (a tory) ; pretty situation near the river; 
 garden sloping down to it; house has a pretty 
 appearance; a church at a little distance on the 
 south side, surrounded by cedar trees. The banks 
 of the river, on the western side exceedingly steep 
 and rocky; pine trees growing amidst the rocks. 
 On the eastern, or Xew York side, the banks arc 
 not near so steep, they decline pretty gradually to 
 the water s edge. The river is straight hitherto. 
 About five o clock wind breezed up from the south ; 
 got under way, and ran with a pretty easy gale as 
 far as the highlands, forty miles from ^ew York. 
 The river here is greatly contracted, and the lands 
 on each side very lofty. When we got into this 
 strait the wind increased, and blew in violent 
 flaws; in doubling one of these steep craggy points 
 we were in danger of running on the rocks; en 
 deavored to double the cape called St. Anthony s 
 nose, but all our efforts proved ineffectual ; obliged 
 to return some way back in the straits to seek 
 shelter; in doing this our mainsail was split to 
 pieces by a sudden and most violent blast of wind 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 49 
 
 off the mountains. Came to anchor: blew a perfect 
 storm all night and all day the fourth. Remained 
 -all day (the fourth) in Thunder Hill bay, about 
 half a mile below Cape St. Anthony s nose, and 
 a quarter of a mile from Thunder Hill. Our crew 
 were employed all this day in repairing the maiii- 
 sail. The country round about this bay has a wild 
 and romantic appearance; the hills are almost per 
 pendicularly steep, and coyered with rocks, and 
 trees of a small size. The hill called St. Anthony s 
 nose is said to be full of sulphur. I make no 
 doubt this place has experienced some yiolent con 
 vulsion from subterraneous fire: the steepness of 
 the hills, their correspondence, the narrowness of 
 the riyer, and its depth, all confirm me in this 
 opinion. 
 
 5th. Wind at north-east, mainsail not yet re 
 paired. Sailed about twelve o clock from Thunder 
 Hill bay; just before we doubled Cape St. An 
 thony s nose, Mr. Chase and I landed to examine 
 a beautiful fall of water. Mr. Chase, very appre 
 hensive of the leg of mutton being boiled too much, 
 impatient to get on board; wind breezing up, we 
 had near a mile to row to overtake the yessel. 
 As soon as we doubled Cape St. Anthony s nose 
 a beautiful prospect opened on us. The riyer, from 
 this place to Constitution fort, built on Marbler s 
 rock, forms a fine canal, surrounded with high hills 
 of various shapes; one, in particular, resembles a 
 
50 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 sugar loaf, and is so called. About three miles 
 from Cape St. Anthony s nose is another beautiful 
 cascade, called "the Buttermilk/ This is formed 
 by a rivulet which flows from a lake on the top of 
 a neighboring mountain; this lake, we were told, 
 abounds with trout and perch. Arrived about five 
 o clock at Constitution fort; Mr. Chase went with 
 me on shore to visit the fort; it is built on a 
 rock called Marbler s rock: the river at this place 
 makes a sudden bend to the west ; the battery (for 
 it does not deserve the name of a fort, being quite 
 open on the north-east side) has two flanks, one 
 fronting the south, and the other the west; on the 
 south flank were planted thirteen six and one nine 
 pounder; on the west flank, seven nine pounders 
 and one six pounder, but there were no cannoneers 
 in the fort, and only one hundred and two men fit 
 to do duty; they intend to erect another battery 
 on an eminence called Gravel hill, which will 
 command vessels coming up the river as soon as 
 they double Cape St. Anthony s nose. A little 
 above this cape a battery is projected to annoy 
 the enemy s vessels, to bo called Fort Mont 
 gomery; they intend another battery loAver down 
 the river, and a little below Cape St. Anthony s 
 nose. In the highlands arc many convenient spots 
 to construct batteries on; but, in order to make 
 them answer the intended purpose, weighty metal 
 should bo placed on these batteries, and skilful 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 51 
 
 gunners should be engaged to serve the artillery. 
 About nine o clock at night, the tide making, we 
 weighed anchor, and came to again about two 
 o clock in the morning, the sixth instant. The 
 river is remarkably deep all the way through the 
 highlands, and the tide rapid. When we came 
 to an anchor off Constitution fort we found the 
 depth of water above thirty fathoms. These 
 highlands present a number of romantic views, 
 the steep hills overshadow the water, and in 
 some places the rocks, should they be rolled 
 down, would fall into the river several feet from 
 the banks on which they stood. This river seems 
 intended by nature to open a communication be 
 tween Canada and the province of New York by 
 water, and, by some great convulsion, a passage 
 has been opened to the waters of Hudson s river 
 through the highlands. These are certainly a 
 spur of the Endless mountains. 
 
 Oth. Weighed anchor about seven o clock in the 
 morning: had a tine breeze; the country more 
 cultivated above the highlands; passed several 
 mills, all of them overshot; saw two frigates on 
 the stocks at Pokcepsay, building for the service 
 of the United Colonies; saw a great many lime 
 kilns in our run this morning, on both sides 
 of the river, the banks of which begin to slope 
 more gradually to the water s edge. We wrote 
 to General Heath, from off Constitution fort, and 
 
52 JOUKXAL OF CHARLES CARROLL, 
 
 sent the letter to the commanding officer of the 
 fort, with orders to forward it by express imme 
 diately to the general at Xew York. The pur 
 port of the letter was to inform the general of 
 the very defenceless condition of the fort, that 
 measures might be immediately taken to put it 
 in a better posture of defence. If Howe was a 
 man of enterprise, and knew of the weak state of 
 the fort, he might take it in its present situation 
 with sixty men, and without cannon. He might 
 land his party a little below the fort on the east 
 side, march over a marsh, and attack it on the 
 back part. It was proposed to erect a battery of 
 some cannon to sweep this marsh; but this, and 
 also the battery above mentioned, on Gravel hill, 
 have been strangely neglected, and nothing as yet 
 has been done towards constructing either of these 
 batteries, more than levelling the top of Gravel 
 hill. 
 
 Six o clock, P. M., came to anchor four miles 
 from Albany; had a most glorious run this day, 
 and a most pleasant sail; including our run in 
 the night, we ran this day ninety-six miles 
 Constitution fort being one hundred miles from 
 Albany, and sixty from Xew York. We passed 
 several country houses pleasantly situated on the 
 banks, or, rather, eminences commanding the 
 banks of the river; the grounds we could dis 
 cover from the vessel did not appear to be 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 53 
 
 highly improved. We had a distant view of the 
 Katskill mountains. These are said to be some 
 of the highest in North America; they had a 
 pleasing appearance; the weather being some 
 what hazy, they appeared like bluish clouds at 
 a great distance; when we were nearest to them, 
 they were distant about ten miles. Vast tracts 
 of land on each side of Hudson s river are held 
 by the proprietaries, or, as they arc here styled, 
 the Patrones of manors. One of the Ransalaers 
 has a grant of twenty miles on each side of the 
 
 O t 
 
 river. Mr. Robert R. Livingston informed me 
 
 o 
 
 that he held three hundred thousand acres. I 
 am told there are but ten original patentees be 
 tween Albany and the highlands. The descend 
 ants of the first proprietaries of these immense 
 tracts still keep them in possession; necessity has 
 not as yet forced any of them to sell any part. 
 7th. Weighed anchor this morning about six 
 o clock. Wind fair: having passed over the over- 
 slaw, had a distinct view of Albany, distant 
 about two miles: landed at Albany at half past 
 seven o clock; received, at landing, by GENERAL 
 ScHUYLER, 1 who, understanding we were coming 
 up, came from his house, about a mile out of 
 
 1 Generel Philip Schuylor, who was one of our distinguished revolu 
 tionary soldiers, was born in 1733, at Albany. He entered the army 
 at the breaking out of the French war in 1755, and accompanied Sir 
 "W. Johnson to Fort Edward and Lake George. After the peace of 
 1763, he undertook several civil employments. On the 25th of June, 
 
54 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 town, to receive us and invite us to dine with 
 him; he behaved with great civility; lives in 
 pretty style ; has two daughters (Betsy and 
 Peggy), lively, agreeable, black eyed girls. Al 
 bany is situated partly on a level, and partly on 
 the slope of a hill, or rising ground, on the west 
 side of the river. Vessels drawing eight and 
 nine feet water may come to Albany, and five 
 miles even beyond it, at this season of the year, 
 when the waters are out. The fort is in a ruin 
 ous condition, and not a single gun mounted on 
 it. There are more houses in this town than 
 in Annapolis, and I believe it to be much more 
 populous. The citizens chiefly speak Dutch, 
 being mostly the descendants of Dutchmen; but 
 the English language and manners are getting 
 ground apace. 
 
 Oth. Left Albany early this morning, and trav 
 elled in a wagon in company with Mrs. Schuyler, 
 her two daughters, and Generals Schuyler and 
 
 1775, (whilst a delegate to the Continental Congress,) he was appointed 
 third major general of the American army; and was forthwith charged 
 by Washington with the command of our forces in the province of New 
 York. Here and in Canada he served the country with great ability, 
 until the order was given to abandon that province. After this he dis 
 played his patriotism and usefulness in various public employments of a 
 a military character; and in April, 1779, congress, after his repeated 
 solicitations, accepted the resignation of his command in the army. The 
 benefit of his enlightened judgment and civil services was not denied to 
 his country during the remainder of his life. His last few years were 
 passed in dignified retirement; and, after suffering the most poignant 
 anguish from the distressing fate of his beloved son-in-law, General Hamil 
 ton, he died at the age of seventy-one, on the 18th of November, 1804. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 55 
 
 Thomas. At six miles from Albany I quitted the 
 wagon and got on horse-back to accompany the 
 generals to view the falls on the Mohawk s river, 
 called the Cohooes. The perpendicular fall is 
 seventy-four feet, and the breadth of the river at 
 this place, as measured by General Schuyler, is one 
 thousand feet. The fall is considerably above one 
 hundred feet, taken from the first ripple or still 
 water above the perpendicular fall. The river was 
 swollen with the melting of the snows and rains, 
 and rolled over the frightful precipice an impetu 
 ous torrent. The foam, the irregularities in the 
 fall broken by projecting rocks, and the deafening 
 noise, presented a sublime but terrifying spectacle. 
 At fifty yards from the place the water dropped 
 from the trees, as it does after a plentiful shower, 
 they being as wet with the ascending vapor as they 
 commonly are after a smart rain of some continu 
 ance. The bottoms adjoining the river Hudson 
 are fine lands, and appeared to be well cultivated; 
 most of them that we passed through were in 
 wheat, which, though commonly overflowed in the 
 spring, we were informed by our driver, suffered 
 no hurt, but were rather improved by the inun 
 dation. AYe arrived in the evening, a little before 
 sunset, at Saratoga, the seat of General Schuyler, 
 distant from Albany thirty-two miles. AYe spent 
 the whole day in the journey, occasioned by the 
 badness of the roads, and the delay the wagons 
 
56 , JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 met with in crossing two ferries. The roads at this 
 season of the year are generally bad, but now worse 
 than ever, owing to the great number of wagons 
 employed in carrying the baggage of the regiments 
 marching into Canada, and supplies to the army 
 in that country. General Schuyler informed me 
 that an uninterrupted water-carriage between Xew 
 York and Quebec might be perfected at fifty thou 
 sand pounds Stirling expense, by means of locks, 
 and a small canal cut from a branch that runs 
 into Wood creek, and the head of a branch which 
 falls into Hudson s river; the distance is not more 
 than three miles. The river Richelieu or Sorel, is 
 navigable for batteaux from the lake Champlain 
 into the St. Lawrence. The rapids, below St. 
 John s, arc not so considerable as to obstruct the 
 navigation of such vessels. 
 
 The lands about Saratoga are very good, par 
 ticularly the bottom lands. Hudson s river runs 
 within a quarter of a mile of the house, and you 
 have a pleasing view of it for two or three 
 miles above and beloAV. A stream called Fishkill, 
 which rises out of Lake Saratoga, about six miles 
 from the general s house, runs close by it, and 
 turns several mills; one, a grist mill, two saw 
 mills, (one of them carrying fourteen saws,) and 
 a hemp and flax mill. This mill is a new con 
 struction, and answers equally well in breaking- 
 hemp or flax. I requested the general to get a 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 57 
 
 model made for me by the person who built it. 
 Descriptions of machines are seldom accurately 
 made, and when done with exactness are seldom 
 understood. I was informed by the general that 
 it is customary for the great proprietaries of 
 lands to lease them out for three lives, some 
 times on fee-farm-rents, reserving, by way . of 
 rent, a fourth, or, more commonly, a tenth of all 
 the produce; but the proprietaries content them 
 selves with a tenth of the wheat. On every 
 transmutation of property from one tenant to 
 another, a quarter part of what the land sells 
 for is sometimes paid to the original proprietary 
 or lord of the manor. The general observed to 
 me that this was much the most advantageous 
 way of leasing lands; that in the course of a 
 few years, from the frequent transmutations of 
 tenants, the alienation fines would exceed the 
 purchase of the fee-simple, though sold at a high 
 valuation. General Schuyler is a man of a good 
 understanding improved by reflection and study; 
 he is of a very active turn, and fond of hus 
 bandry, and when the present distractions are 
 composed, if his infirm state of health will per 
 mit him, will make Saratoga a most beautiful 
 and most valuable estate, lie saws up great 
 quantities of plank at his mills, which, before 
 this war, was disposed of in the neighborhood, 
 but the greater part of it sent to Albany. 
 8 
 
58 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 llth. Generals Thomas and Scliuyler set off this 
 morning for Lake George; the former to be in 
 readiness to cross the lake on the first breaking- 
 lip of the ice, the latter to forAvard the embarka 
 tion and transportation of military stores and 
 supplies. 
 
 12th. It snowed all this morning until eleven 
 o clock; the snow above six inches deep on the 
 ground: it was not off the neighboring hills when 
 we left Saratoga. 1 
 
 16th. This morning we set off from Saratoga; I 
 parted with regret from the amiable family of 
 General Scliuyler; the ease and affability with 
 which we were treated, and the lively behavior 
 of the young ladies, made Saratoga a most pleas 
 ing sejour, the remembrance of which will long 
 remain with me. We rode from Saratoga to 
 McXeill s ferry, [distance two miles and a half,] 
 crossed Hudson s river at this place, and rode on 
 to one mile above Fort Miller, which is distant 
 from McXeill s two miles. A Mr. Dover has a 
 country-seat near Fort Miller; you see his house 
 from the road. There is a very considerable fall 
 in the river at Fort Miller. Just above it our 
 
 1 Dr. Franklin addressed a friendly letter to Josiah Quincy, dated loth 
 of April, 1776, in which he says, -I am here on my way to Canada, 
 detained by the present state of the lakes, in which the unthuwed ice 
 obstructs the navigation. I begin to apprehend that I have undertaken 
 u fatigue that, at my time of life, may prove too much for me, so / ait 
 down to write to a few friends, by way of farewell." See Sparks s Life of 
 Franklin, vol. viii, p. 180. American Archives, vol. v, p. .)47. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 59 
 
 baggage was put into another boat; it had been 
 brought in a wagon from Saratoga to McNeill s, 
 carried over the ferry in a wagon, and then put 
 on board a boat, in which it was conveyed to the 
 foot of Fort Miller falls; then carried over land 
 a quarter of a mile and put into a second boat. 
 At a mile from Fort Miller we got into a boat 
 and went up the Hudson river to Fort Edward. 
 Although this fort is but seven miles distant 
 from the place where we took boat, we were 
 above four hours rowing up. The current is 
 exceedingly rapid, and the rapidity was increased 
 by a freshet. In many places the current was 
 so strong that the batteau men were obliged to 
 set up with poles, and drag the boat by the 
 painter. Although these fellows were active and 
 expert r.t this business, it was with the greatest 
 difficulty they could stem the current in particu 
 lar places. The congress keeps in pay three 
 companies of batteau men on Hudson s river, 
 consisting each of thirty-three men with a cap 
 tain; the pay of the men is 4.10 per month, 
 The lands bordering on Hudson s river, as you 
 approach Fort Edward, become more sandy, and 
 the principal wood that grows on them is pine. 
 There arc several saw mills both above and 
 below Fort Miller. The planks sawed at the 
 mills above Fort Miller arc made up into small 
 rafts and left without guides to the current of 
 
60 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 the river; each one is marked, so that the raft- 
 men that remain just below Fort Miller falls, 
 watching for them coming down, may easily 
 know their own rafts. When they come over 
 the falls they go out in canoes and boats and 
 tow their rafts ashore, and then take them to 
 pieces and make them again into larger rafts. 
 The smaller rafts are called cribs. The ruins 
 only of Fort Edward remain; there is a good 
 large inn, where we found quartered Colonel Sin 
 clair s regiment. Mr. Allen, son of old Mr. 
 Allen, is lieutenant-colonel; he received us very 
 politely and accommodated us with beds. The 
 officers of this regiment are in general fine sized 
 men, and seemed to be on a friendly footing; 
 the soldiers also are stout fellows. 
 
 17th. Having breakfasted with Colonel Allen, 
 we set off from Fort Edward on our way to Fort 
 George. We had not got a mile from the fort 
 when a messenger from General Schuvler met 
 
 o ^ 
 
 us. He was sent with a letter by the general to 
 inform us that Lake George was not open, and 
 to desire us to remain at an inn kept by one 
 Wing at seven miles distance from Fort Edward 
 and as many from Fort George. The country 
 between Wing s tavern and Fort Edward is very 
 sandy and somewhat hilly. The principal wood 
 is pine. . At Fort Edward the river Hudson 
 makes a sudden turn to the westward; it soon 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 01 
 
 again resumes its former north course, for, at 
 a small distance, we found it on our left and 
 parallel with the road which we travelled, and 
 which, from Fort EdAvard to Fort George, lies 
 nearly north and south. At three miles, or 
 thereabouts, from Fort Edward, is a remarkable 
 fall in the river. AVe could see it from the 
 road, but not so as to form any judgment of its 
 height. We were informed that it was upwards 
 of thirty feet, and is called the Kingsbury falls. 
 We could distinctly sec the spray arising like a 
 vapor or fog from the violence of the fall. The 
 banks of the river, above and below these falls 
 for a mile or two, arc remarkably steep and 
 high, and appear to be formed or faced, with a 
 kind of stone very much resembling slate. The 
 banks of the Mohawk s river at the Cohooes are 
 faced with the same sort of stone; it is said to 
 be an indication of sea-coal. Mr. Wing s tavern 
 is in the township of Queensbury, and Charlotte 
 county; Hudson s river is not above a quarter of 
 a mile from his house. There is a most beau 
 tiful fall in the river at this place. From still 
 water, to the foot of the fall, I imagine the fall 
 cannot be less than sixty feet, but the fall is not 
 perpendicular; it may be about a hundred and 
 twenty or a hundred and fifty feet long, and in 
 this length, it is broken into three distinct falls, 
 one of which mav be twenty-five feet nearly 
 
62 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 perpendicular. I saw Mr. Wing s patent, the 
 reserved quit-rent is two shillings and sixpence 
 sterling per hundred acres; but he informs me 
 it has never been yet collected. 
 
 ISth. We set off from Wing s tavern about 
 twelve o clock this day, and reached Fort George l 
 about two o clock; the distance is eight miles and 
 a half; you can not discover the lake until you 
 come to the heights surrounding it, the descent 
 from which to the lake is nearly a mile long; 
 from these heights you have a beautiful view of 
 the lake for fifteen miles down it. Its greatest 
 breadth during these fifteen miles does not exceed 
 a mile and a quarter, to judge by the eye, which, 
 however, is a very fallacious way of estimating 
 distances. Several rocky islands appear in the 
 lake, covered with a species of cedar called here 
 hemlock. Fort George is in as ruinous a condi 
 tion as Fort Edward, it is a small bastion, faced 
 with stone, and built on an eminence command 
 ing the head of the lake. There are some barracks 
 
 1 See General Schuyler s letter to Washington, dated Fort George, 
 April 27, 1770, Am. Archives, vol. v, p. 1097; arid the letter immedi 
 ately following, from Arnold to Sehuyler, dated at Montreal on the 
 20th April. These letters give gloomy views of Canadian affairs. The 
 reader will not be amazed, after reading Arnold s account of our army 
 and its resources, that it finally retreated from the province. 
 
 According to Arnold s returns of the troops before Quebec on the 30th 
 March, 786 were on the sick list out of 2505, most of whom were griev 
 ously ill of the small-pox. "Fifteen hundred of these men," he says, 
 "are at liberty on the 15th of April, and probably not more than half 
 of them will be retained in the service." 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 63 
 
 in it, in which the troops were quartered, or rather 
 one barrack, which occupied almost the whole space 
 between the walls. At a little distance from this 
 fort, and to the westward of it, is the spot where 
 the Baron Dieskau was defeated by Sir William 
 Johnson. 1 About a quarter of a mile further to 
 the westward the small remains of Fort William 
 Henry are to be seen across a little rivulet which 
 
 1 See Chalmers s History of the Revolt of the American Colonies, vol. 
 ii, p. 277, and Smith s History of New York, vol. ii, p. 220. 
 
 The Baron Dieskau had collected about 3000 men at Crown Point, 
 and led a detachment of 200 regulars, GOO Canadians, and as many 
 Indians, up the South hay, intending to pass on and lay waste the set 
 tlements down to Albany; but, near Port Edward, he turned back, with 
 hopes of cutting off that part of the army which was then fourteen miles 
 higher up the lake. He was first met by a party of about 1000 men, 
 a few miles from our canp. He drove them before him, as well as a 
 detachment sent to support them; but, by a very great error, instead of 
 storming the log breastwork, he halted and scattered his irregulars at 
 one hundred and fifty yards, keeping up a fire of musquetry, until the 
 camp recovered from its surprise and began to play upon them with 
 artillery. 
 
 Wounded, and deserted by all but his handful of regulars, he endeav 
 ored to reach his boats at South bay; but was pursued, wounded again, 
 and taken. A detachment of 200 men from Fort Edward, arriving at 
 this instant, pursued the flying army, and completed the repulse before 
 the dusk of evening. ISir William Johnson received a wound in the 
 thigh early in the action, and the defence was conducted by General 
 Lyman. 
 
 Dieskau had been a favorite soldier of Saxe, and by his recommenda 
 tion had been entrusted by the French government with command in 
 Canada. He was long retained a prisoner in England, and, I believe, 
 died there from the effects of the wounds received in this fatal action. 
 His account of the battle and his correspondence with his government 
 may be seen in the collection of MSS. lately made by Mr. Brodhead for 
 the state of New York, and deposited at Albany in the Secretary of 
 State s office. See vol. xi of the Paris Documents, pp. 117, 123, 125. 
 
 In February, 17-50, parliament granted at the request of the colonies, 
 whose troops had defeated Dieskau, 115,000, not so much as a reim 
 bursement as a bounty; more as an encouragement for future exploits, 
 than as a reward for the past. 
 
64 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 forms a swamp, and is the morass mentioned by 
 Sir William Johnson in his account of the action 
 with Dieskau. Fort William Henry was taken 
 last war by Montcalm and destroyed; the garri 
 son, consisting of four hundred men, and sixteen 
 hundred others that were intrenched without the 
 fort, capitulated; a considerable part of these 
 men were murdered by the Indians, on their 
 march to Fort Edward, after they had delivered 
 up their arms, according to the terms of capitu 
 lation. The bay in which Montcalm landed is 
 seen from Fort George; he left a guard of five 
 hundred men only to protect his boats and artil 
 lery, and marched round over the heights to 
 come to the southward of Fort William Henry. 
 When on these heights, he discovered the in 
 trenched body without the fort, and seeing the 
 great indiscretion he had been guilty of in leav 
 ing so small a force to guard his baggage and 
 boats, he rashly marched back to secure them. 
 Had our troops attacked Montcalm s live hun 
 dred men, they would probably have defeated 
 them, taken his cannon and boats, and forced 
 him to surrender with his whole army. There was 
 nothing to impede the attack but want of enter 
 prise and conduct in the commanding officer. l 
 
 1 See Smith s History of New York, vol. ii, pp. 245-G, and Chalmers s 
 History of the Kevolt of the American Colonies, vol. ii, pp. 287-8. 
 
 " Montcalm, who succeeded Dieskau in command, crossed Lake Cham- 
 plain with eleven thousand men, and a numerous artillery, and invested 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. Go 
 
 The neighborhood of Fort George abounds with 
 limestone, and so indeed does all the country 
 surrounding the lake, and all the islands in 
 it. Their rocky coast and bottom contribute, no 
 doubt, to the clearness of the lake water. Xcvcr 
 did I sec water more transparent, and to its 
 transparency, no doubt, must be ascribed the 
 excellency of the lish in this lake, which much 
 exceed the fish in Lake Champlain. Lake George 
 abounds with perch, trout, rock, and eels. 
 
 10th. AVe embarked at Fort George this even 
 ing, about one o clock, in company with General 
 Schuyler, and landed in Montcalm s bay about 
 four miles from Fort George. After drinking 
 tea on shore, and arranging matters in our boats, 
 we again embarked, and went about three or 
 four miles further, then landed, (the sun being 
 set,) and kindled fires on shore. The longest of 
 the boats, made for the transportation of the 
 troops over lakes George and Champlain, are 
 
 Fort William Henry in the beginning of August, 1757. This fort had 
 been erected subsequently to the. Crown Point expedition. Webb, who 
 lay in its vicinity at Fort Edward, with four thousand regulars and 
 provincials, did every thing for its relief that could be expected from an 
 intelligent officer. But he found it impossible to collect the numerous 
 militias of the neighboring provinces, since they never had been em 
 bodied under any system, and the authority of the governors had long 
 bsen sacrificed to the passions of the multitude. 
 
 " Monro defended Fort William Henry with a gallantry that gained 
 him the applause of his conqueror, who could not, however, protect a 
 brave garrison from the plunder of the savages. Montcalm, after this, 
 retired into Canada, and so ended the third campaign of that war " 
 
66 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 thirty-six feet in length and eight feet wide; 
 they draw about a foot water when loaded, and 
 carry between thirty and forty men, and are 
 rowed by the soldiers. They have a mast fixed 
 in them, to which a square sail, or a blanket is 
 fastened, but these sails are of no use unless 
 with the wind abaft or nearly so. After we left 
 Montcalm bay we were delayed considerably in 
 getting through the ice; but, with the help of 
 tentpoles, we opened ourselves a passage through 
 it into free water. The boats fitted up to carry 
 us across had awnings over them, under which 
 we made up our beds, and my fellow travellers 
 slept very comfortably; but this was not my 
 case, for I was indisposed the whole night, with 
 a violent sickness at my stomach and vomiting, 
 occasioned by an indigestion. We left the place 
 where we passed the night very early on the 
 20th. 
 
 20th. We had gone some miles before I rose; 
 soon after I got out of bed we found ourselves 
 entangled in the ice. We attempted, but in 
 vain, to break through it in one place, but 
 were obliged to desist and force our passage 
 through another, which we effected without much 
 difficulty. At eight o clock we landed to break 
 fast. After breakfast the general looked to his 
 small boat; being desirous to reach the landing 
 at the north end of Lake George, we set off 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 67 
 
 together; but the general s boat and the other 
 boat, with part of the luggage, soon got before us 
 a considerable way. After separating, we luckily 
 fell in with the boat bringing the Montreal and 
 Canada mail, by which we were informed that 
 the west shore of the lake, at a place called 
 Sabatay point, was much encumbered with ice, 
 but that there was a free passage on the east 
 side; accordingly, we kept along the east shore, 
 and found it free from ice, by which means we 
 got before the general and the other boat; for 
 the general, who was foremost, had been delayed 
 above an hour in breaking through the ice, and, 
 in one place, was obliged to haul his boat over 
 a piece or neck of land thirty feet broad. Dr. 
 Franklin found in the Canada mail, which he 
 opened, a letter for General Sclmylcr. When we 
 had weathered Sabatay point, we stood over for 
 the western shore of the lake, and a mile or two 
 below the point we were overtaken by the gene 
 ral, from whom we learned the cause of his delay. 
 Mr. Chase and myself went on board the general s 
 boat, and readied the landing place at the south 
 end of Lake George near two hours before the 
 other boats. Lake George lies nearly north and 
 south, or rather, as I think, somewhat to the 
 eastward of a due north course. Its shores are 
 remarkably steep, high, and rocky (particularly 
 the east shore), and are covered with pine and 
 
68 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 cedar, or what is here termed hemlock; the coun 
 try is wild, and appears utterly incapable of cul 
 tivation; it is a fine deer country, and likely to 
 remain so, for I think it never will be inhabited. 
 I speak of the shores, and I am told the inland 
 country resembles these. The lake, in its great 
 est width, does not exceed, I think, two miles; 
 the widest part is nearest the north end, imme 
 diately before you enter the last narrows, which 
 are not, in their greatest width, above half a 
 mile. There are two places where the lake is 
 considerably contracted, one about the middle of 
 it, the other, as I have said, at the north end; 
 this last gradually contracts itself in breadth to 
 the size of an inconsiderable river, and suddenly, 
 in depth, to that of a very shallow one. The 
 landing place of Lake George is a few yards to 
 the southward of the first fall or ripple in this 
 river, through which the waters of Lake George 
 drain into Lake Champlain. We passed through 
 this ripple, and though our boat did not draw 
 above seven or eight inches, her bottom raked 
 the rocks; the water ran through this passage 
 about as swift as it does through your tail race. 
 From the landing place to Ticonderoga is three 
 miles and a half. The boats, in coming through 
 
 o o 
 
 Lake George, pass through the passage just de 
 scribed, and unload at a quarter of a mile beloAV 
 the usual landing place. Their contents are then 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 69 
 
 put into wagons, and carried over to Ticonderoga. 
 General Schuyler lias erected a machine for rais 
 ing the boats when emptied, and then letting 
 them gently down on a carriage constructed for 
 the purpose, on which they are drawn over land 
 to Ticonderoga, on Lake Champlain, to carry the 
 troops over the last mentioned lake, and down 
 the Sorel into the river St. Lawrence. These 
 carriages consist of four wheels, united bv a long 
 sapling, at the extremities of which the wheels 
 are placed; over the axletrees is fixed a piece 
 of wood, on which each end of the boat is sup 
 ported and made fast by a rope secured round a 
 bolt at the undermost part, and in the centre of 
 the axletrce. This bolt is made of iron, and 
 passes through the aforesaid pieces of wood and 
 the axletrec. These carriages are drawn by six 
 oxen, and this morning (21st instant) I saAV three 
 or four boats carried over upon them. Lake 
 George, from the south end of it to the landing- 
 place at the north extremity, is thirty-six miles 
 long. Its average width does not, I think, ex- 
 coed a mile, and this breadth is interspersed and 
 broken by innumerable little rocky islands formed 
 of limestone; the shores of which are commonly 
 so steep that you may step from the rocks into 
 ton or twelve feet water. The season was not 
 sufficiently advanced to admit of catching fish, a 
 circumstanc3 we had reason to regret, as they are 
 
70 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 so highly praised by the connoisseurs in good eat 
 ing, and as one of our company is so excellent a 
 judge in this science. There are no considerable 
 rivers that empty themselves into Lake George. 
 We saw some brooks or rivulets, which, I pre 
 sume, after the melting of the snows, are almost 
 dry. The lake must be fed, principally, with 
 springs, the melting of snows, and the torrents 
 that must pour into it, from its high and steep 
 shores, after rains. As there is no considerable 
 river that flows into it, so is the vent of its 
 waters into Lake Champlain very inconsiderable. 
 In summer you may step, dry-footed, from rock 
 to rock, in the place which I have called the 
 lirst ripple, and which I said we passed, coining 
 out of Lake George. The water suddenly shal 
 lows from a great depth to nine or ten feet or 
 less. This change is immediately discoverable by 
 the great change in the color of the water. The 
 lake water is of a dark bluish cast, and the water 
 of the river of a whitish color, owing not only to 
 the difference of the depth, but the difference of 
 the bottoms and shores, which, adjoining the river, 
 arc of white clay. 
 
 21st. I took a walk this evening to the saw 
 mill which is built on the principal fall of the 
 river flowing from Lake George into Lake Cham- 
 plain. At the foot of this fall, which is about 
 thirteen feet high, the river is navigable for bat- 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 71 
 
 teaux into Lake Champlain. From the saw-mill 
 to the place where the batteaux are put on car 
 riages to be carried over land, the distance is 
 one mile and a half. I saw them unload a boat 
 from the carriage, and launch it, at the same 
 time, into the river; this was performed by 
 thirty-five or forty men. To-day they carried 
 over this portage fifty batteaux. I saw the forty- 
 eighth put on the carriage. A little to the north 
 westward of the saw-mill, on the west side of the 
 river, I visited the spot where Lord Howe was 
 killed. At a small expense a continued navi 
 gation for batteaux might be made between the 
 lakes George and Champlain, by means of a few 
 locks. General Schuyler informed me that locks, 
 suificient and adequate to the above purpose, 
 might be constructed for fifteen hundred pounds 
 sterling. There are but four or five falls in this 
 river, the greatest of which is not above fourteen 
 or fifteen feet. But the general informs me a 
 much more advantageous water carriage may be 
 opened through Wood creek, which falls into 
 Lake Champlain at Skeenesborough, twenty-eight 
 miles south of Ticonderoga, The general pro 
 poses to have this creek accurately surveyed, the 
 heights ascertained, and estimate made of the 
 expense of erecting locks on Wood creek, and 
 the most convenient branch which heads near it 
 and falls into Hudson s river. If this water 
 
72 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 communication between Lake Champlain and the 
 province of Xew York should be perfected, there 
 is little danger of the enemy s gaining the mas 
 tery of Lake Champlain, or of their ever having 
 it in their power to invade these colonies from 
 Canada with any prospect of success, besides the 
 security which will be obtained for the colonies in 
 time of Avar by making this navigation. Trade, 
 during peace, will be greatly benefited by it, as 
 there will then be a continued water communica 
 tion between Xew York and Canada, without the 
 incoiiA enience and expense attending the portages 
 over land. 
 
 22d. I this morning took a ride with General 
 Schuyler across the portage, or from the landing- 
 place at the bottom of Lake George, to Ticonde- 
 roga. The landing place is properly on the river 
 which runs out of Lake George into Lake Cham- 
 plain, and may be a mile and a half from the 
 place where the former may be said to terminate, 
 i. e., where the lake is contracted into a river, as 
 a current and shallow water. This river, comput 
 ing its length from the aforesaid spot to the foot 
 of the falls at the saw-mills, and its windings, 
 which are inconsiderable, is not more than four 
 or five miles long. From the foot of the saw 
 mill falls there is still water into Lake Cham- 
 plain. It is at the foot of these falls that the 
 batteaux, brought over land, are launched into 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 73 
 
 the water, and the artillery and the apparatus 
 belonging to it are embarked in them; the stores, 
 such as provisions, ball, powder, &c., are em 
 barked from Ticonderoga. At sixty or seventy 
 yards below the saw-mill there is a bridge built 
 over the river: this bridge was built by the 
 king during the last war; the road from the 
 landing place to Ticonderoga passes over it, and 
 you then have the river on the right; when 
 you have passed the bridge you immediately 
 ascend a pretty high hill, and keep ascending 
 till you reach the famous lines made by the 
 French in the last war, which Abercrombie Ayas 
 so infatuated as to attack with musquctry only; 
 his cannon was lying at the bridge, about a 
 mile or something better from these lines. The 
 event of the day is too well known to be men 
 tioned; we lost [killed and wounded] near one 
 thousand six hundred men; had the cannon been 
 brought up, the French would not have waited 
 to be attacked; it was morally impossible to 
 succeed against these lines with small arms only, 
 particularly in the manner they were attacked; 
 our army passing before them, and receiving 
 a tire from the whole extent; whereas, had it 
 marched lower down, or to the north-west of 
 these lines, it would have flanked them: they 
 were constructed of large trunks of trees, felled 
 on each other, with earth thrown up against 
 10 
 
74 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 them. On the side next the French troops, they 
 had, besides felling frees, lopped and sharpened 
 their branches, and turned them towards the 
 enemy; the trunks of the trees remain to this 
 day piled up as described, but arc fast going to 
 decay. As soon as you enter these lines you 
 have a full view of Lake Champlain and Ticon- 
 deroga fort, distant about a quarter of a mile. 
 The land from thence gradually declines to the 
 spot on which the fort is built. 1 Lake Cham- 
 plain empties itself opposite the fort, and runs 
 south twenty-eight miles to Skeenesborough. 
 Crown Point is fifteen miles down the lake 
 from Ticonderoga. The lake is no where broad 
 in sight of the last mentioned place, but the 
 
 1 The works at Ticonderoga were trifling: logs had been piled up on 
 the land side in a line for a breastwork, with trees before it to embar 
 rass assailants. In August, 1758, Abcrcrombie, who was not informed 
 that there was, at one end, an open access to the French encampment, 
 ordered an attack with niusquelnj alone, upon that part of the line which 
 was completed and fortified with cannon. It was at that point that 
 the British sustained a loss of nearly two thousand men in killed and 
 wounded. 
 
 The French general, who was just within the lines, perceived the 
 folly of the British in advancing through the obstructions of an abattis 
 of trees, and forbade a musket to be fired until he gave the word. As 
 soon as the English troops were so completely within his toils that their 
 embarrassments utterly impeded flight, he issued the word of command, 
 and the assailants were slaughtered like cattle. 
 
 It was related by Colonel S-chuylcr, who was then a prisoner in 
 Canada, that Montcalm s whole force at Crown Point did not exceed 
 three thousand men, nor his killed, wounded, and captured, two hun 
 dred and thirty. From a dread of the British superiority, he had actu 
 ally resolved, before Abercrombie retreated, to abandon Crown Point. 
 See Smith s History of New York, vol. ii, p. L G-3. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 75 
 
 prospect from it is very pleasing; its shores are 
 not as steep as those of Lake George. They 
 rise gradually from the water, and are covered 
 more thickly with woods, which grow in good 
 soils, or at least in soils much better than can 
 be seen on Lake George. There is but one set 
 tlement on the latter, at Sabatay point; I un 
 derstood there were about sixty acres of good 
 land at that point. Ticonderoga fort is in a 
 ruinous condition; it was once a tolerable forti 
 fication. The ramparts are faced with stone. I 
 saw a few pieces of cannon mounted on one bas 
 tion, more for show, I apprehend, than service. 
 In the present state of affairs this fort is of 
 no other use than as an entrepot or magazine 
 for stores, as from this place all supplies for 
 our army in Canada are shipped to go down 
 Lake Cham/plain. I saw four vessels, viz: three 
 schooners and one sloop; these are to be armed, 
 to keep the mastery of the lake in case we 
 should lose St. John s and be driven out of 
 Canada; in the meantime they will be employed 
 in carrying supplies to our troops in that coun 
 try. Of these three schooners, two were taken 
 from the enemy on the surrender of St. John s, 
 one of them is called the Royal Savage, and 
 is pierced for twelve guns; she had, when 
 taken, twelve brass pieces I think four and 
 six pounders; these were sent to Boston. She 
 
76 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 is really a line vessel, and built on purpose for 
 fighting; however, some repairs arc wanted; a 
 new mainmast must be put in, her old one 
 being shattered with one of our cannon balls. 1 
 When these vessels are completely rigged, armed 
 and manned, we may defy the enemy on Lake 
 Champlain for this summer and fall at least, 
 even should we unfortunately be driven out of 
 Canada. When our small army last summer, 
 or rather fall, [in number about one thousand 
 
 1 This vessel had been taken the year before. After Ticonderoga and 
 Crown Point were secured by Colonel Allen, a party of his troops came 
 suddenly upon Major Skeene, at Skeenesborough, and, making him 
 prisoner, also seized a schooner and several batteaux, with which -they 
 hastened to Ticonderoga. Allen and Arnold then formed a plan to 
 make a rapid descent upon St. John s, take a king s sloop that lay 
 there, and attempt a descent upon the garrison. The schooner and 
 batteaux were therefore speedily manned and armed, and, as Arnold 
 had been a seaman in his youth, the schooner was assigned to his com 
 mand, while the batteaux were committed to the charge of Allen. They 
 left Ticonderoga at nearly the same time; but, as the wind was fresh, 
 the schooner outsailed the batteaux. At eight o clock in the evening of 
 the 17th May, 1775, Arnold was within thirty miles of St. John s; and, 
 as the weather was calm, lie fitted out two batteaux with thirty-five men, 
 leaving the schooner behind, and proceeded to his destination, where he 
 arrived at six o clock next morning. He immediately made his attack, 
 seized a sergeant with twelve men, and the king s sloop of about seventy 
 tons, with two brass sixes, and seven men. Neither side sustained any 
 loss ; and embarking, after a delay of two hours, he took with him his 
 captives, the sloop, and four batteaux, having destroyed five others. 
 
 Fifteen miles from St John s he met Allen pressing forward with his 
 party. Thoy saluted in honor of the victory, and the colonel pushed 
 on with cue hundred men towards La Prairie, to keep, if possible, the 
 ground that had been taken by Arnold. But, notwithstanding his reso 
 lution and courage, he was soon obliged to retreat before reinforcements 
 that came from Chamblay and elsewhere, and he returned to Ticonde 
 roga, with a loss of only three men, who had been taken prisoners. See 
 fyiarks s American BtO(/raj)/i>/, vol. i, p. 279, et seq. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 77 
 
 seven hundred,] came to Isle aux Noix, this 
 vessel was almost ready to put to sea, she 
 wanted only as much to be done to her as could 
 easily have been finished in three days, had the 
 enemy exerted themselves. Had she ventured 
 out our expedition to Canada must have failed, 
 and probably our whole army must have surren 
 dered, for she was greatly an overmatch for all 
 the naval strength we then had on the lake. 
 Had Preston, who commanded at St. John s, 
 
 ventured out with his garrison, consisting of six 
 
 ~ i ~ 
 
 hundred men, and attacked our people at their 
 first landing, he would, in all probability, have 
 defeated them, as they Avere a mere undisciplined 
 rabble, made up chiefly of the offings and out 
 casts of ]Vew York. 
 
 23d. We continued this day at the landing- 
 place, our boats not being yet ready and fitted 
 to carry us through Lake Champlain. General 
 Schuylcr and the troops were busily engaged in 
 carting over land, to the saw-mill, the batteaux, 
 cannon, artillery stores, provisions, &c., there to 
 be embarked on the navigable Avaters of Lake 
 Champlain, and transported over that lake to 
 St. John s. 
 
 24th. AVc this day left the landing place at 
 Lake George and took boat at the saw-mill. 
 From the saw-mill to Ticonderoga, the distance, 
 bv water, is about a mile; the water is shallow, 
 
78 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 but sufficiently deep for batteau navigation. A 
 little below the bridge before mentioned, the 
 French, during the last war, drove pickets into 
 the river, to prevent our boats getting round 
 from the saw-mill to Ticondcroga with the artil 
 lery; some of the pickets still remain, for both 
 our boats struck on them. Ticonderoga fort 1 is 
 beautifully situated, but, as I said before, it is 
 in a ruinous condition; neither is the place, in 
 my opinion, judiciously chosen for the construc 
 tion of a fort; a fort constructed at the saw-mill 
 would much better secure the passage or pass 
 into the province of New York by way of Lake 
 George. Having waited at Ticondcroga an hour 
 or two, to take in provisions for the crews of 
 both boats, consisting entirely of soldiers, we 
 embarked at eleven o clock, and reached Crown 
 Point a little after three, with, the help of 
 our oars only. Crown Point is distant from 
 Ticonderoga only fifteen miles. The lake, all 
 the way, from one part to another, is narrow, 
 scarce exceeding a mile on an average. Crown 
 Point is situated on a neck or isthmus of land, 
 on the west side of the lake; it is in ruins; 
 it was once a considerable fortress, and the 
 English must have expended a large sum in 
 
 1 For an interesting account of the capture of this place by Ethan 
 Allen, on the morning of the 10th of May, 1775, u ln the name," as ho 
 said, " of the Great Jehovah and Uie Continental Congress;" see 
 American Biography, first series, vol. i, p. 274, et seq. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 79 
 
 constructing the fort and erecting the barracks, 
 which are also in ruins. A great part of the 
 ditch is cut out of the solid limestone rock. 
 This ditch was made by blowing the rocks, as 
 the holes bored for the gunpowder are plainly 
 to be seen in the fragments. By some accident 
 the fort took fire, the flames communicated to 
 the powder magazine, containing at that time 
 ninety-six barrels. The shock was so great as 
 to throw down the barracks at least the upper 
 stories. The explosion was distinctly heard ten 
 miles off, and the earth shook at that distance 
 as if there had been an earthquake. This intel 
 ligence I received from one Faris, who lives ten 
 miles down the lake, and at whose house we 
 lay this night. The wood-work of the barracks 
 is entirely consumed by fire, but the stone work 
 of the first stories might be easily repaired, and 
 one of these barracks might be converted into a 
 fine manufactory. The erecting of these barracks 
 and the fort must have cost the government 
 not less, I dare say, than one hundred thousand 
 pounds sterling. 1 The lake is narrow opposite 
 
 1 As soon as Ethan Allen had got possession of Ticonderoga and 
 secured his prisoners, lie dispatched Seth. "Warner with a detachment of 
 men to seize Crown Point. The distance Avas only fifteen miles, but a 
 strong head wind drove back the boats, and the whole party returned 
 the same evening. A day or two afterwards, however, the attempt was 
 successfully renewed. The garrison consisting of eleven men and a 
 sergeant was captured, and sixty-one good cannon, and fifty-three unfit 
 for service, were taken. Sec Sparks s American Jliograplnj, vol. i. p. 277. 
 
80 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 the fort, and makes a bend, by which the 
 vessels passing on the lake were much exposed 
 to the artillery of the fort; and this advan 
 tageous situation first induced the French, and 
 then the English, to erect a fort here. The 
 French fort was inconsiderable, and close to 
 the water; the English fort is a much more 
 extensive fortification, and farther from the lake, 
 but so as to command it. 
 
 25th. We set off from Faris s at five o clock 
 in the morning. If Faris s information may be 
 relied on, his land and the neighboring lands 
 are exceedingly fine; he told us he had reaped 
 thirty bushels of wheat from the acre; the soil 
 appears to be good; but, to judge of it from 
 its appearance, I should not think it so fertile. 
 Three miles north of Faris s the lake begins to 
 contract itself, and this contraction continues for 
 six miles, and is called the narrows. At Faris s 
 the lake is about two miles wide. We break 
 fasted in a small cove at a little distance to the 
 southward of the Split rock. The Split rock is 
 nine miles from Faris s house. At the Split 
 rock the lake grows immediately wider as you 
 go down it; its width, in this place, can not be 
 much short of seven miles. When we had got 
 four or five miles from the rock, the wind headed 
 us, and blew a fresh gale, which occasioned a 
 considerable swell on the lake, the wind bcino- 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 81 
 
 northeast, and having a reach of twenty miles. 
 We were constrained to put in at one Me Caul - 
 ly s, where we dined on cold provisions. The 
 wind abating about four o clock, we put off again 
 and rowed seven miles down the lake to a point 
 of land a mile or two to the southward of four 
 islands called the Four Brothers; these islands 
 lie nearly in the middle of the lake, which is 
 very wide in this place, and continues so far as 
 you can see down it, Mr. Chase and I slept this 
 night on shore under a tent made of bushes. 
 
 2Gtli} We set off this morning at four o clock 
 from the last mentioned point, which I called 
 "Commissioners point," Wind fair; a pretty 
 breeze. At five o clock reached Schuyler s island; 
 it contains eisrht hundred acres, and belongs to 
 
 o O 
 
 Montreson, distant seven miles from the Four 
 Brothers. Schuyler s island lies near the western 
 shore. The lake continues wide; at ten o clock 
 got to Cumberland head, fourteen miles from 
 Schuyler s island. Cumberland head is the south 
 point of Cumberland bay. The bay forms a deep 
 recess on the western side of the lake; its length, 
 from Schuyler s island, at the point of land oppo 
 site to it, to Cumberland head-land, is fourteen 
 
 i On the 2Gth of April, 1770, the President of Congress addressed 
 letters to the commissioners, and to General Schuyler, upon the sub 
 ject of the late disturbances in Canada. See Am. Arch., vol. v, pp. 
 1085, 1086. For the resolutions spoken of, see same volume, p. 1G8G. 
 
 11 
 
82 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 miles, and its depth not less than nine or ten 
 miles. The wind luckily favored us until we 
 reached Cumberland head; it then ceased; it 
 grew cloudy, and soon began to rain, and the 
 wind shifted to the north-east. We breakfasted 
 at Cumberland head on tea and good biscuit, our 
 usual breakfast, having provided ourselves with 
 the necessary furniture for such a breakfast. As 
 soon as it cleared up we rowed across a bay, 
 about four miles wide, to Point aux Roches, so 
 called from the rocks of which it is formed. 
 Indeed it is one entire stone wall, fifteen feet 
 high, but gradually inclining to the north-east. 
 At that extremity it is little above the water. 
 Having made a short stay at this place to 
 refresh our men, we rowed round the point, 
 hugged the western shore, and got into a cove 
 which forms a very safe harbor. But the ground 
 being low and swampy, and no cedar or hemlock 
 trees, of the branches of which our men formed 
 their tents at night, we thought proper to cross 
 over to Isle la Motte, bearing from us about 
 north-east, and distant three miles. The island 
 is nine miles long and one broad. The south 
 west side of it is high land, and the water is 
 deep close in shore, which is rocky and steep. 
 AVe lay under this shore all night in a critical 
 situation, for had the wind blown hard in the 
 night, from the west, our boats would probably 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 83 
 
 have been stove against the rocks. We passed 
 the night on board the boats, under the awning 
 which had been fitted up for us. This awning 
 could effectually secure us from the wind and 
 rain, and there was space enough under it to 
 make up four beds. The beds we Avere provi 
 dent enough to take with us from Philadelphia. 
 We found them not only convenient and com 
 fortable, but necessary; for, without this precau 
 tion, persons travelling from the colonies into 
 Canada at this season of the year, or indeed at 
 any other, will find themselves obliged either to 
 sit up all night, or to lie on the bare ground or 
 planks. Several of the islands in Lake Cham- 
 plain have different claimants, as patents have 
 been granted by the French government and the 
 government of Xcw York. According to the 
 present division, most of them, indeed all, except 
 Isle aux Noir, are in the colony of Xew York. 
 
 27 tli. A fine morning. We left our nation s 
 station at four o clock, and rowed ten miles to 
 Point an Fer, so called from some iron mines 
 at no great distance from it; the land here, and 
 all the adjacent country, is very flat and low. 
 Colonel Christie has built a house at this point, 
 which is intended for a tavern; the place is 
 judiciously chosen. A small current begins here, 
 and the raftsmen are not obliged to row; after 
 thev brino; their rafts to Point au Fer, the 
 
84 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 current will carry them in a day to St. John s, 
 which is distant from this point thirty measured 
 miles. Windmill point is three miles below 
 Point au Fer ; and, a mile or two below the 
 former, runs the line which divides the province 
 of Quebec from Xew York. At Windmill point 
 the lake begins to contract itself to the size of 
 a river, but of a large and deep one. Opposite 
 to this point the width can not be much short 
 of two miles: six miles below Windmill point 
 you meet with a small island called Isle aux 
 Tetes: from a number of heads that were stuck 
 upon poles by the Indians after a great battle 
 that was fought between them on this island, 
 or near it. At this island the current is not 
 only perceptible, but strong. We went close by 
 the island, and in shallow water, which gave us 
 a better opportunity of observing the switfness of 
 the current. A mile or two below this island, 
 we breakfasted at a tavern kept by one Stodd. 
 At Isle aux Tetes, the river Richelieu, or St. 
 John s, or Sorel (for it goes by all these names), 
 may be properly said to begin. It is in this 
 placo above a mile wide, deep, and the current 
 considerable; its banks arc almost level with 
 the water, indeed, the water appears to be 
 rather above the banks; the country is one 
 continued swamp, overflowed by the river at 
 this season; as you approach St. John s the 
 
JOURNAL or CHARLES CAEROLL. 85 
 
 current grows stronger. Me aux Noix is half 
 way between St. John s and Point au Fer, and 
 consequently fifteen miles from each; we passed 
 close by it: it is very level and low, covered 
 at the north end with hazel bushes; but the 
 land is higher than the banks of the river. 1 
 We saw the intrenchmcnts thrown up by the 
 French during the last war, and the remains of 
 the pickets driven into the river, quite across to 
 the island, to prevent the English boats from 
 
 1 In a letter from Colonel Ethan Allen to congress, on the 2d June, 
 1770, he speaks of his expedition as one undertaken at the special en 
 couragement and request of a number of gentlemen in the colony of 
 Connecticut. After alluding to his successes, he declares that the key 
 of Canada is yet ours, and strongly recommends that two or three thou 
 sand men should be pushed into that province, so as to weaken General 
 Gage, and insure us the country. He even believed that if he could be 
 thus furnished, he would find it no insuperable difficulty to take Quebec. 
 
 If, however, it was thought premature to push an army into Canada, 
 he proposed to make a stand at the Isle aux Noix, which had been for 
 tified by the intrenchmcnts of the French during the last war, and had 
 greatly fatigued our large army to take it. 
 
 Allen s advice was deemed bold and incautious when given, but events 
 afterwards proved that it was characterized by wisdom and forethought. 
 If a competent force had been thrown into Canada before the British had 
 time to rally their scattered forces, the campaign would have rewarded 
 us with success instead of the sad failure that attended the wavering and 
 tardy policy pursued by congress in maturing the expedition. 
 
 Congress, or the country had, however, at this moment, not yet re 
 solved how far they would enlist the Canadians in the enterprise, and 
 could not but have regarded the attack on their French neighbors as 
 very much like a distinct war from that undertaken against the British. 
 The first effort of the colonies was to secure their own immediate posses 
 sions; the next, to prevent injury to them from such possessions as 
 Great Britain might retain. The reader will observe that Mr. Carroll 
 fully agreed with Colonel Allen as to the great importance of this mili 
 tary position at the Islo aux Noix. Sec Sparks s Am. Biorj , vol. ], p. 
 283 ct scq., ct p. 287. 
 
86 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 getting clown to St. John s. These fortifications 
 induced Gren l Amherst to penetrate into Canada 
 by Oswego lake and the St. Lawrence, rather 
 than run the hazard of being stopped at Isle aux 
 Noix. Indeed I believe he would have found it 
 a difficult matter to force his way through this 
 pass, which appears to me of great consequence 
 in the present contest, should the forces of the 
 United Colonies be obliged to evacuate Canada; 
 for if we occupy and fortify this island, drive 
 pickets into the river, and build row galleys, 
 and place them behind the pickets, or between 
 the little islets formed by the several smaller 
 islands, almost contiguous to Isle aux Noix, the 
 enemy will not be able to penetrate into the 
 colonies from Canada by the way of Lake Cham- 
 plain. It is certain that Amherst, rather than 
 expose himself to the disgrace of being foiled at 
 this post, chose to make a roundabout march of 
 several hundred leagues, and encounter the rapids 
 of the St. Lawrence, by which lie lost some of 
 his boats and several hundred men. 1 Having 
 
 1 General Amherst left Schenectady in June, 1700, to join an army 
 of four thousand regulars and six thousand provincials, who were to 
 descend into the heart of the French colony by the St. Lawrence. Mean 
 while General Murray was to approach, with two thousand regulars, 
 from Quebec, whilst five thousand provincial?, under Colonel Haviland, 
 were to penetrate by Lake Champlain. Sir "William Johnson also 
 held out a promise of assistance by a large body of Indian allies, of 
 whom not more than six hundred accompanied the western army for a 
 short distance, and then returned to their villages and hunting grounds. 
 The three grand divisions, however, met in the neighborhood of 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 87 
 
 passed the Isle aux Noix, the wind sprang up in 
 our favor; assisted by the wind and current, we 
 reached St. John s at three o clock. Before I 
 speak of this fortress, it may not be improper to 
 make some remarks on the navigation of Lake 
 Champlain, the adjacent country, and its appear 
 ance. The navigation appears to be very secure, 
 as there are many inlets, coves, and harbors, in 
 which such vessels as will be used on the lake 
 may at all times find shelter; the water is deep, 
 at least wherever we touched, close in with the 
 land. There are several islands in the lake, the 
 most considerable of which we saw; the principal 
 is Grand isle,- it deserves the appellation, being, 
 as we were informed, twenty-seven miles long, 
 and three or four miles wide. Isle la Motte is 
 the next largest, and Isle de Belle Cour ranks 
 after that. Isle la Motte we touched at; the 
 others we could plainly distinguish. We saw 
 several of the islands on the eastern shore of 
 the lake, some of which appear as large as Pop 
 lar s island; but having no person on board our 
 boats acquainted with the lake, we could not 
 
 Montreal, and drove the enemy s forces into the island, when, being 
 surrounded and unable to resist, Monsieur Vaudrieul, the governor, 
 surrendered all Canada to the British on the 8th of September. It was 
 whilst Amherst was proceeding north, on this expedition, that he was 
 forced to avoid the French at Isle aux Noix, and thus lost some valua 
 ble troops in the perilous navigation of the St. Lawrence. This result 
 confirms Allen s view of the military importance of that island in all 
 attacks on Canada. 
 
88 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 learn their names. The lake, on an average, 
 may be six miles broad; in some places it -is 
 above fifteen miles wide, particularly about Cum 
 berland bay and Schuyler s island; but in others 
 it is not three miles, and in the narrows not 
 above a mile and a half, to judge by the eye. 
 As you go down the lake, the mountains which 
 hem it in on the east and west extend them 
 selves wider, and leave a greater extent of fine 
 level land between them and the lake on each 
 shore. Some of these mountains are remarkably 
 high. In many places, on or near their tops, 
 the snow still remains. They form several pic 
 turesque views, and contribute much, in my 
 opinion, to the beauty of the lake. The snow 
 not dissolving, in their latitude, at the end of 
 April, is a proof of their height: the distance 
 at which some of these mountains are visible is 
 a still stronger proof. Several of them may be 
 distinctly seen from Montreal, which can not be 
 at a less distance from the most remote than 
 seventy or eighty miles, and, I am inclined to 
 think, considerably further. If America should 
 succeed, and establish liberty throughout this 
 part of the continent, I have not the least doubt 
 that the lands bordering on Lake Champlain 
 will be very valuable in a short time, and that 
 great trade will be carried on over Lake Cham- 
 plain, between Canada and Xew York. An easy 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 89 
 
 water communication may be opened, at no great 
 expense, (if General Schuyler be not mistaken,) 
 between the cities of Xcw York, Montreal, and 
 Quebec, and several other places in Canada. 
 Richelieu, or Sorel river, from Isle aux Tetes to 
 St. John s, would be esteemed a large river even 
 in Maryland. The navigation of it between those 
 places is good, for the current is not so strong 
 as not to be stemmed with oars, or a wind. At 
 St. John s the current is very rapid, and con 
 tinues so, sometimes more, sometimes less, to 
 Chamblay, distant twelve miles from St. John s. 
 Opposite St. John s, I think the river is half a 
 mile wide. 
 
 The fortifications of St. John s were not injured 
 by the siege; they consist of earth ramparts, 
 enclosed by a ditch filled with water; palisadoes, 
 closely joined together, are fastened at the base 
 of the ramparts, and confined by the weight of 
 them projecting half way over the ditch, to pre 
 vent an escalade. There are, properly speaking, 
 two forts, built around some houses, which were 
 converted into magazines and barracks; the 
 communication between the two is secured by a 
 strong enclosure of large stakes driven deep into 
 the ground, and as close as they can stand 
 together. A ditch runs alono; this fence. The 
 
 O t - J 
 
 houses within the forts suffered much from our 
 batteries which surrounded the forts, but the 
 1:2 
 
90 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 cannon was not heavy enough to make any 
 impression on the works. Want of ammunition 
 and provisions, and the inclemency of the season, 
 obliged the garrison to surrender; for the sol 
 diers were constrained to hide themselves in the 
 cellars, which are bomb-proof, or lie behind the 
 mounds of earth thrown up within the forts, 
 exposed to the severity of the cold and rains, or 
 run the risk of having their brains beaten out in 
 the houses by our shot, or by a fragment of the 
 walls and timbers, and bursting of the bombs. 
 As you go down the river from Point au Fcr to 
 St. John s, you have a distant and beautiful pros 
 pect of the mountains on either side of the lake. 
 After passing Isle aux NoLv, you have a tine 
 view of the mountain of Chamblay, on the top 
 of which is a lake stored with excellent trout 
 and perch. Having despatched a messenger to 
 Montreal for carriages for ourselves and baggage, 
 we crossed the river to go to a tavern on the 
 east side of the river, about a mile from the 
 fort. The house belongs to Colonel Hazen, and 
 has greatly suffered by the neighborhood of the 
 troops. There is scarcely a whole pane of glass 
 in the house, the window-shutters and doors arc 
 destroyed, and the hinges stolen; in short, it 
 appears a perfect wreck. This tavern is kept by 
 a French woman, married to one Donalio, now a 
 prisoner in Pennsylvania. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 91 
 
 2Sth. We remained at Colonel Hazcn s house. 
 Several batteaux with troops arrived this day and 
 yesterday evening from Ticonderoga, and most of 
 them fell down the river this day to Chamblay. 
 The land appears to be very fertile, and well 
 adapted to pasture; the grass began to grow fast, 
 although the frost was not then out of the ground, 
 the surface only being thawed. 1 
 
 20tli. Left Colonel Ilazen s house; crossed over 
 to St. John s, where we found our caleches ready 
 to receive us. After an hour s stay spent in get 
 ting our baggage into the carts, and securing the 
 remainder, which, for want of carts, we were 
 obliged to leave behind us, we set off from St. 
 John s for La Prairie, distant eighteen miles. I 
 never travelled through worse roads, or in worse 
 carriages. The country is one continued plain 
 from St. John s to La Prairie, and two-thirds of 
 the way uncultivated, though deserving the high 
 est cultivation. About five or six miles from La 
 Prairie you meet with houses and ploughed lands, 
 interspersed with meadows, which extend as far 
 as you can see; all this tract of land is capable 
 of being turned into fine meadow, and when the 
 country becomes more populous, and enjoys a 
 good government, I doubt not it will bo all 
 
 1 Immodiately OH the arrival of the commissioners at Montreal, Mr. 
 John Carroll addressed a letter to his mother, dated 1st May, giving an 
 interesting account of their journey to Canada. The reader will find it 
 in the American Archives, vol. v, p. 1158. 
 
92 JOUKXAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 drained and made into excellent meadow or pastu 
 rage. Without draining, it will be impossible to 
 cultivate it in any way. You have no view of 
 the St. Lawrence, or of Montreal, until you come 
 within three or four miles of La Prairie. At La 
 Prairie the idew of the town and the river, and 
 the island of Montreal, together with the houses 
 on the eastern side of the St. Lawrence, form a 
 beautiful prospect. As far as the view extends 
 down the river, you discern houses on either side 
 of it, which are not divided from each other by 
 more than four acres, and commonly by not more 
 than two. From La Prairie you go slanting 
 down the river to Montreal; this passage is com 
 puted six miles, though the river, in a direct 
 line across from the eastern shore to the town, 
 is not more than three miles. Ships of three 
 hundred tons can come up to Montreal; but they 
 can not get up above the town, or even abreast 
 of it. The river where we crossed is filled with 
 rocks and shoals, which occasion a very rapid 
 current in several places. We were received 
 by GENERAL ARNOLD, on our landing, in the 
 most polite and friendly manner; conducted to 
 headquarters, where a genteel company of ladies 
 and gentlemen had assembled to welcome our 
 arrival. As we went from the landing place to 
 the general s house, the cannon of the citadel 
 fired in compliment to us as the commissioners 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 93 
 
 of congress. Wo supped at that general s, and 
 after supper were conducted, by the general and 
 other gentlemen, to our lodgings, the house of 
 Mr. Thomas Walker, the best built, and per 
 haps the best furnished in this town. 1 
 
 May llth. Dr. Franklin left Montreal to-day 
 to go to St. John s, and from thence to congress. 
 The doctor s declining state of health, and the 
 bad prospect of our affairs in Canada, made him 
 take this resolution. 2 
 
 1 Sec Arnold s letter to Schnylcr, Montreal, April 30, 177G. Archives, 
 vol. v, p. 1155. And see also. Commissioners letter to Congress, dated 
 Montreal, 1 May, 1770, with the memorandum of the council of war as 
 to fortifying Jaqucs Cartier and the falls of Richelieu, and the^building 
 of six gondolas. American Archives, vol. v, p. 11G6. 
 
 2 Dr. Franklin s health (as he had predicted at the outset) was im 
 paired by the hardships of this journey. After being a fortnight at 
 Montreal, he set out homewards with Mr. John Carroll, who after 
 wards became the first Roman Catholic Archbishop of tho United 
 States. "With some difficulty they reached Albany, whence they came 
 to New York in a private carriage furnished by General Schuyler. 
 
 In a letter, dated at New York on the 27th of May, he thanks Gen 
 eral Schuyler and his wife for their attention to his comforts; and is 
 glad that he did not pursue his original intention of taking the general s 
 sulky and driving over the stones and gullies, in which he should proba 
 bly have overset and broken his bones. 
 
 In a letter of the same date, "to the Commissioners in Canada," he 
 informs his friends of his arrival, and rather petulantly says that they 
 left Mrs. Walker with her husband at Albany, from whence we came 
 down by land. We passed him on Lake Champlain ; but he, returning, 
 overtook us at Saratoga, when they both took such liberties in taunting at 
 our conduct in. Canada, tJtat it came almost to a quarrel. We continued 
 our care of her, however, and landed her safe in Albany, with her three 
 wagon loads of baggage, brought thither without putting her to any ex 
 pense, and parted civilly though coldly. I think they both have an excel 
 lent talent at making themselves enemies, and I believe, live where they 
 will, they will never be long without than." The Walkers are probably 
 the family alluded to in tho journal on the 29th of May. Works of 
 Franklin, vol. i, p. 404, and vol. viii, pp. 182, 183, Sparks s edition. 
 
94 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 12th. We set off from Montreal to go to La 
 Prairie. Mr. John Carroll went to join Dr. 
 Franklin at St. John s, from whence they sailed 
 the 13th. 1 
 
 13th. I went to St. John s to examine into 
 the state of that garrison, and of the batteaux. 
 There I met with General Thompson and Colonel 
 Sinclair, with part of Thompson s brigade. That 
 evening I went with them down the Sorel to 
 Chamblay. Major Wood and myself remained 
 in the boat when we got to St. Therese, where 
 the rapids begin and continue, with some inter 
 ruptions, to Chamblay. Flat bottomed boats may 
 go down these rapids in the spring of the year, 
 when the water is high; even a large gondola 
 passed down them this spring; but it would be 
 very difficult, if not impossible, to bring a gon 
 dola up against the stream. I much question 
 whether the batteaux could be brought up; cer 
 tain it is that the labor of towing them up, or 
 setting them up the current with setting poles, 
 
 1 Franklin did not forget the kind attentions of the Rev. John Carroll 
 during this journey; nor did he fail to appreciate the virtues and intel 
 lectual cultivation of that excellent clergyman. The following extract 
 from the doctor s private journal at Passy in 1784, shows that ho thought 
 of him constantly, and pressed his claims for the highest dignity of the 
 church in our confederacy. 
 
 li July 1st, (1784.) The pope s nuncio called, and acquainted me that 
 the pope had, on my recommendation, appointed Mr. John Carroll supe 
 rior of the Catholic clergy in America, with many powers of bishop; 
 and that, probably, he would be made a bishop, in partibus, before the 
 end of the year." Sec Works of Franklin, vol. i, p. 581, Sparks s edition. 
 

JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 95 
 
 would be greater, and take much more time, 
 than carting them over the carrying place from 
 Chamblay to within three miles of St. Therese. 
 All our batteaux which shoot the rapids and 
 go down the Sorel to Chamblay and that are 
 brought up again to St. John s, are carted over 
 the carrying place on frames constructed for the 
 purpose. It was proposed by some to bring a 
 gondola, built at Chamblay, over land three miles 
 into the Sorel, three miles below St. Therese; 
 others were of opinion it could be more easily 
 towed up over the rapids. ChamUay fort is a 
 large square stone building, with square tow T ers 
 at each angle, a place intended only as a protec 
 tion against the savages. I saw the holes made 
 by a six pounder, when it was taken by Major 
 Brown. Major Stafford might have held out 
 against the force which besieged him at least for 
 some days, in which time he would probably 
 have been relieved by Carleton. But, by Carle- 
 ton s subsequent behaviour, when he made an 
 attempt to go to the relief of St. John s, I 
 much question whether he would have taken 
 more effectual measures to rescue Stafford. The 
 taking of Chamblay occasioned the taking of St. 
 John s; against the latter we should not have 
 succeeded without the six tons of gunpowder 
 taken in the former. 
 
96 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 14th. I returned to Montreal by La Prairie; 
 the country between Cliamblay and La Prairie 
 is extremely fine and level, abounding with most 
 excellent meadow-ground as you approach the St. 
 Lawrence, with rich arable land round about 
 Cliamblay. The country lying between the St. 
 Lawrence and the Sorel is the best part of 
 Canada, and produces the most and best wheat. 
 In the year 1771 four hundred and seventy-one 
 thousand bushels of wheat were exported out of 
 Canada, of which two-thirds, it is computed, were 
 made in the Sorel district. 1 
 
 21st. This day Mr. Chase set off with me for 
 the mouth of the Sorel; we embarked from 
 Montreal in one of our batteaux, and went in 
 it as far as the point of land on the north shore 
 of the St. Lawrence, opposite to the northern 
 extremity of the Island of Montreal; here, the 
 wind being against us, we took post and travelled 
 on the north side of the St. Lawrence as low 
 down as La Nore, where we got into a canoe, 
 and were paddled down and across the St. Law 
 rence to our camp at the mouth of the Sorel; 
 it was a perfect calm, the distance is computed 
 at nine miles. The country on each side the St. 
 
 1 The commissioners wrote to congress from Montreal on the 8th of 
 May. See American Archives, vol. v, p. 1237. On May 10th. from same 
 place. See American Archives, vol. vi, p. 450. And again on the IGth 
 May. Id. p. 482. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 97 
 
 Lawrence is level, rich, and thickly seated; in 
 deed, so thickly seated, that the houses form 
 almost one continued row. In going from La 
 Nore to the mouth of the Sorel, we passed by 
 Brown s battery (as it is called), although it 
 never had a cannon mounted on it. To this 
 battery without cannon, and to a single gondola, 
 ten or twelve vessels, under the command of 
 Colonel Prescott, surrendered. Major Brown, 
 when the vessels came near to his battery, sent 
 an officer on board requesting Prescott to send 
 another on shore to view his works. It is diffi 
 cult to determine which was greatest, the impu 
 dence of Brown in demanding a surrender, or 
 the cowardice of the officer who, going back to 
 Prescott, represented the difficulty of passing the 
 battery so great and hazardous, that Prescott and 
 all his officsrs chose to capitulate. Brown re 
 quested the officer Avho went on shore to wait 
 a little until he saw the two thirty-two pounders, 
 which were within a half a mile, coming from 
 Chamblay; says lie, "If you should chance to 
 escape this battery, which is my small battery, I 
 have a grand battery at the mouth of the Sorel, 
 which will infallibly sink all your vessels." His 
 grand battery was as badly provided with cannon 
 as his little battery, for not a single gun was 
 mounted on either. This Prescott treated our 
 prisoners with great insolence and brutality. His 
 13 
 
98 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 behaviour justifies the old observation, that cow 
 ards are generally cruel. We found the dis 
 cipline of our camp very remiss, and every thing 
 in confusion; General Thomas had but lately 
 resigned the command to Thompson, by whose 
 activity things were soon put on a better footing. 
 22d. We left our camp and travelled by land 
 along the eastern bank of the Sorcl. At five or 
 six miles from the mouth of the Sorel the coun 
 try grows rich, and continues so all the way to 
 Chamblay. Xear the mouth of the river it is 
 very sandy. This part of the country is very 
 populous, the villages are large and neat, and 
 joined together by a continued range of single 
 houses, chiefly farmers houses. These are the 
 rich men in Canada: the seiynicurs are in general 
 poor. They were constrained by the ordinances 
 of the king of France to lease their lands for 
 ever, reserving two dollars for every ninety acres, 
 and some other trifling perquisites, as tolls for 
 grinding wheat; the tenants being obliged to have 
 their wheat ground at their sciynicnrs mills. It 
 is conjectured that the farmers in Canada can 
 not be possessed of less than a million sterling, 
 in specie; they hoard up their money to portion 
 their children; they neither let it out at interest, 
 nor expend it in the purchase of lands. Before 
 we left the camp we ordered a detachment up 
 to Montreal, under the command of Colonel De 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 99 
 
 Haas, consisting of near four hundred men, to 
 reinforce General Arnold, and, in conjunction, to 
 drive off a party of the eighth regiment, who, 
 with three hundred and fifty savages, and some 
 Canadians, had taken our post at the Cedars, 
 through the cowardice of Major Butterfield, 1 and 
 had advanced, on the 2oth instant, within fifteen 
 miles of Montreal. 
 
 23d. We got early this morning to Chamblay, 
 where we found all things in much confusion, 
 extreme disorder, and negligence, our credit sunk, 
 and no money to retrieve it with. We were 
 obliged to pay three silver dollars for the car 
 riage of three barrels of gunpowder from Little 
 Chamblay river to Longueil, the officer who com 
 manded the guard not having a single shilling. 
 
 24th. Colonel I)e Haas s detachment got into 
 Montreal this evening; the (lav before, we also 
 
 O *j 
 
 arrived there, having crossed the St. Lawrence 
 in a canoe from Longueil. 
 
 25th. In the evening of this day Colonel DC 
 Haas s detachment marched out of Montreal to 
 join General Arnold at La Chine; they were 
 
 1 Arnold had left Quebec on account of his suffering- from a severe 
 wound, but more probably in consequence of his jealousy and discontent 
 with General Woostor. At Montreal he was again in command, and, 
 for the results of his course after the disaster at the Cedars, the reader 
 is referred to his life, in Sparks s American Biography, vol. iii, p. 50, 
 ct seq. 
 
 At the Cedars, nearly four hundred men surrendered, by a disgraceful 
 capitulation, and a hundred more were barbarously murdered by savages. 
 
100 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 detained from want of many necessaries, which 
 we were obliged to procure for them, General 
 Wooster being without money, or pretending to 
 be so. 1 The enemy, hearing from our enemies 
 in Montreal, of this reinforcement, had retreated 
 precipitately to Fort St. Anne s, at the southern 
 extremity of the Island of Montreal, and from 
 thence had crossed over to Quinze Chicns, on the 
 north side of the St. Lawrence. 
 
 20 tli. We left Montreal this day at three 
 o clock, 2 to go to Chamblay, to be present at a 
 
 1 In a letter from the Commissioners to Congress, dated at Montreal 
 on the 27th May, 70, they deal with General Wooster in unmeasured 
 terms. "General Thomas," they say, "is now at Chamblay under the 
 small-pox. Being taken with that disorder, he left the camp at Sorel, 
 and wrote to General "Wooster to come and take command. When the 
 interest of our country and the safety of your army are at stake, we 
 think it very improper to conceal our sentiments, either with regard to 
 persons or things. General Wooster is, in our opinion, unfit totally 
 unfit to command your army and conduct the war. We have, hitherto, 
 prevailed on him to remain in Montreal. His stay in this colony is 
 unnecessary, and even prejudicial to our affairs. We would therefore 
 humbly advise his recall." MS. letter in the State department at Wash 
 ington. It is published by Mr. Force in the sixth volume of the American 
 Archives, at p. 589. 
 
 Wooster requested an inquiry into his conduct as commander of the 
 forces in Canada. The matter was referred by congress to a committee, 
 which, upon full investigation, declared that nothing censurable appeared 
 against him. Sec Journals of Congress, August 17th, 1776. He resigned 
 his commission in the continental army, and was appointed first major- 
 general of the Connecticut militia. Sec Sparks s Life and Writings of 
 Washington, vol. iii, p. 412, in note. 
 
 Wooster was killed in 1777, in a spirited action between the Con 
 necticut troops and the English force under Governor Try on, near 
 Danbury. 
 
 2 See letter from the Commissioners to Congress, dated 27 May, 177G, 
 in the sixth volume of American Archives, p. 590. This is their last 
 letter from Canada, and is very valuable, as containing a very full 
 report of the state of affairs in that province, and the condition of the 
 army. It has been freely extracted from in the introductory memoir. 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES^CARBOEIV - ; 101 
 
 council of war of the generals and field-officers, 
 for concerting the operations of the campaign. 
 
 30th. The council of war was held this day, 
 and determined to maintain possession of the 
 country between the St. Lawrence and Sorel, if 
 possible; in the meantime to dispose matters so 
 as to make an orderly retreat out of Canada. 
 
 31st. Set off from Chamblay for St. John s; 
 all things there in confusion: slept at Mrs. 
 Donaho s. 
 
 Jane 1st. Crossed over this morning to St. 
 John s, where General Sullivan, with fourteen 
 hundred men, had arrived in the night of the 
 31st past; saw them all under arms. It began 
 to rain at nine o clock, and continued raining 
 very hard until late in the evening; slept at 
 Donaho s. 
 
 2d. Crossed over again to the camp; took leave 
 of General Sullivan, and sailed from St. John s 
 at six this morning, with a fair wind; got to 
 Point an Fer at one o clock; got to Cumberland 
 head about seven o clock, P. M.; set off from 
 thence about nine, and rowed all night. We 
 divided our boat s crew into two watches. 
 
 3d. Breakfasted at Willsborough; rowed on 
 and received despatches by Major Ilickes; got 
 to Crown Point half-past six o clock, P. M. Set 
 off at eight, rowed all night, and arrived at one 
 o clock in the night at Ticonderoga, where we 
 found General Schuvler. 
 
CHAELES CARROLL. 
 
 4th. Set off tliis morning at five with General 
 Scliuyler, for Skeencsborough, and got there by 
 two o clock. The lake, as you approach Skeenes 
 borough, grows narrower and shallower; indeed, 
 within five or six miles of Skcenesborough, it has 
 all the appearance of a river. We hauled our 
 batteau over the carrying place at Skeencsbo 
 rough into Wood creek. This carrying place is 
 not above three hundred feet across; a lock may 
 ba made for two hundred pounds at Skeenes 
 borough, by which means a continued naviga 
 tion would bo effected for batteaux from one 
 Chesshire s into Lake Champlain. Major Skeene 
 has built a saw-mill, grist mill, and a forge at 
 the entrance of Wood creek into Lake Cham- 
 plain. Set off from Skeenesborough at four 
 o clock, rowed up Wood creek ten miles, to one 
 Boyle s, here we lay all night on board our boat. 
 
 5th. Set off at three in the morning, and con 
 tinued rowing up the creek to one Chesshire s. 
 This man lives near Fort Ann, built by Governor 
 Nicholson in 1709. The distance from Skeenes 
 borough to Chesshire s, is twenty-two miles, by 
 land, fourteen only; from this it appears that 
 Wood creek has many windings, in fact, I never 
 saw a more serpentine river. The navigation is 
 somewhat obstructed by trees drifted and piled 
 across the creek; however, W T C met with little 
 difficulty but in one place, where we were obliged 
 
JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 103 
 
 to quit our boat, and carry it through a narrow 
 gut, which was soon performed by our crew. 
 Two hundred men would clear this creek and 
 remove every obstruction in six days time. This 
 measure has been recommended by the commis 
 sioners to congress, and congress has complied 
 with the recommendation, and orders will soon 
 be given to General Schuyler to clear it, and 
 render the navigation easy. 
 
 I set off with General Schuyler, on foot, from 
 Chesshire s, at one o clock; walked seven miles, 
 and then met horses coming from Jones s to 
 us. Jones s house is distant nine miles from 
 Chesshire s. We dined at Jones s, and rode, 
 after dinner, to Fort Edward; the distance is 
 computed four miles ; Mr. Chase joined us 
 this evening. lie took the lower road and was 
 obliged to walk part of the way. 
 
 . Parted with General Schuler this morn 
 
 ing; he returned to Fort George on Lake George. 
 We rode to Saratoga, where we got by seven 
 o clock, but did not find the amiable family at 
 home. We were constrained to remain here all 
 this day, waiting the arrival of our servants 
 and baggage. 
 
 oo o 
 
 7 tli. Our servants and baggage being come up, 
 we left Saratoga this morning at nine; took boat 
 
 ~ O 
 
 and went down Hudson s river, through all the 
 rapids, to Albany. The distance is computed 
 
104 JOURNAL OF CHARLES CARROLL. 
 
 thirty-six miles. We arrived at Albany half an 
 hour past five. At six o clock we set off for Kew 
 York in a sloop: which we luckily found ready 
 to sail; got that evening and night twenty-four 
 miles from Albany. 
 
 Sth. Found ourselves, this morning, twenty-four 
 miles from Albany; at seven in the morning 
 wind breezed up, had a fine gale, and got below r 
 the highlands; a very great run. 
 
 Oth. Arrived at K"ew York at one o clock, P.M.; 
 Waited on General Washington at Motier s; 
 saw Generals Gates and Putnam, and my old 
 acquaintance and friend, Mr. Moylan. About 
 six o clock in the evening got into General Wash 
 ington s barge, in company with Lord Stirling, 1 
 and was rowed round by Statcn Island and the 
 Kilns, within two miles of Elizabeth-town, where 
 we got by ten at night. 
 
 10th. Set off from Elizabeth-town half-past five. 
 Got to Bristol at eight o clock, P. M.: at nine, 
 embarked in our boats, and were rowed down 
 the Delaware to Philadelphia, where we arrived 
 at two o clock in the night. 
 
 1 Lord Stirling was a brigadier-general in tlio American army, and 
 stationed at New York, where he had command for a short time, after 
 the departure of General Leo. Seo Washington s Writings, vol. iii, p. 
 318; and Franklin s Writings, vol. viii, p. 180, note, (Spwks s Edition.} 
 On the 27th of March, 1776, Franklin had apprised him by letter of the 
 proposed journey to Canada, and desired him to procure lodgings for the 
 party in New York, as well as to engage a sloop to hike them up the river 
 to Albany. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHIC SKETCH 
 
 OF 
 
 CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON. 
 
 On the 28th of July, 1816, Mr. Joseph Delaplaine, editor and 
 publisher at that time of " The Repository," wrote to Mr. Carroll 
 thanking him for his consent to sit to Mr. King, the artist, for a 
 portrait which Mr. Delaplaine desired to have. At the conclu 
 sion of his letter, which fills the first side of a quarto sheet, the 
 writer adds: "I beg you, Sir, to furnish me with a few facts of 
 your Life Birth Parentage Education Offices Profession 
 Correspondence with General Washington, and any facts you 
 may be pleased to furnish." 
 
 On the receipt of this, Mr. Carroll, then near entering on his 
 eightieth year, turned over the first page of this letter, and on 
 the two inner pages, set down, in a clear but slightly trembling 
 hand, the following draft, which is preserved in my collection of 
 Letters of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 14 105 
 
106 AUTOBIOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 
 
 " DOUGIIORAGAN, 21 Aug., 1816. 
 "Sir: 
 
 "I received this day your letter of the 28th past, and the first 
 half volume of your Repository, for which I hope my agent Mr. 
 James Neilson, in Baltimore, has accounted with your agent Mr. 
 ririlson. My letter of 6th instant in answer to Mr. King s of the 
 29th July, informed him I should be in Baltimore about the 20th 
 December and remain there during the winter, when I will sit to 
 him for my portrait at any place in that city he may appoint. 
 
 "I was born at Annapolis in September, 1737; on the 19th of 
 next month I shall enter into my 80th year. I was sent by my 
 father when about 11 years of age to St. Omer s for my educa 
 tion, where I remained about G years ; from thence I went, by his 
 direction, to a College at Rheims, and after remaining at that 
 College a year, I went to the College of Louis le Grand at Paris; 
 in all of these Colleges the students were taught by the Jesuites. 
 
 "In 1758 or 1759, I went to England and studied law in the 
 Inner Temple 3 or 4 years, not with a professional view ; and 
 returned to my native country in 1765, after an absence of about 
 18 years. 
 
 " On the breaking out of our revolution I took a decided part 
 in support of the rights of this country ; was elected a member 
 of the Committee of Safety established by the legislature; was a 
 member of the Convention which formed the constitution of this 
 State. The journals of Congress will show how long I was a 
 member of that body during the revolution. 
 
 "With Dr. Franklin and Mr. Samuel Chase, I was appointed 
 a Commissioner to Canada. I was elected a member of the 
 Senate at the first session of Congress under the present Con- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 107 
 
 federation: though well acquainted with General Washington, 
 and I flatter myself in his confidence, few letters passed 
 between us ; one, having reference to the opposition made to the 
 Treaty concluded by Mr. Jay, has been repeatedly published in 
 the newspapers, and perhaps you may have seen it ; that letter 
 is no longer in my possession. 
 
 " My Grandfather came to Maryland in the year preceding the 
 revolution in England, terminated by the dethronement of James 
 the Second. My mother was daughter of Mr. Clement Brooke, 
 a gentleman of respectable family in Prince George s County. 
 I have given you, Sir, in compliance with your request, all the 
 incidents of my public life and of my education, and remain, with 
 respect, 
 
 "Y r most hum: Serv 
 " CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTOX." 
 
 The letter from Mr. Delaplaine before referred to, on the inner 
 pages of which the above was written, is endorsed in Mr. Car 
 roll s handwriting: 
 
 "1816: August 28 
 "Joseph Delaplaine s Letter: 
 "received the 21 August and answered same day: 
 "see my answer within." 
 
 This particularity is interesting as showing the promptness 
 with which Mr. Carroll always attended to business, and espe 
 cially to his correspondence, many specimens of which arc in my 
 possession. Another interesting biographical scrap in my col 
 lection, is contained in an envelops endorsed by Mr. Carroll s 
 
108 AUTOBIOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 
 
 father: "A Character of my Son: By Mr. Jenison his Mas 
 ter;" beneath which the modest son has written: 
 
 "I fear this letter was dictated by Mr. Jenison s partiality to 
 me. I never found till this day (27th July, 1782) that he ever 
 wrote to my Father about me." 
 
 The character is as follows : 
 
 " Tho I am not in a disposition of Writing Letters, having lost 
 this morning the finest young man, in every respect, that ever 
 enter d the House, you will, perhaps, afterwards, have the plea 
 sure of assuring yourself by experience that I ve not exaggerated 
 Charles Carroll s character in the foregoing lines. The Captain 
 will be able to give you, I hope, a satisfactory account of him. 
 Tis very natural I should regret the loss of one who during 
 the whole time he was under my care, never deserv d, on any 
 account, a single harsh word, and whose sweet temper rendered 
 him equally agreeable both to equals and superiors, without 
 ever making him degenerate into the mean character of a 
 favorite which he always justly despis d. His application to 
 his Book and Devotions was constant and unchangeable, nor 
 could we perceive the least difference in his conduct even after 
 having read the news of his destination, which, you know, is 
 very usual with young people here. This short character I owe 
 to his deserts; prejudice, I am convinc d, has no share in it, as 
 I find the public voice confirms my private sentiments. Both 
 inclination and justice prompt me to say more, yet I rather 
 chuse to leave the rest to Captain Carroll to inform you of by 
 word of mouth." 
 
 BRANTZ MAYER, 
 
 EDITOR. 
 
LETTER FROM REV D JOHN CARROLL 
 
 (AFTERWARDS ARCHBISHOP or BALTIMORE) 
 
 TO CHARLES CARROLL, ESQ., 
 
 FATHER or CHARLES CARROLL or CARROLLTOX. 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, Jane 2d, 1770. 
 
 "Hon* D r S r 
 
 " I arrived at this place the day before yesterday in company 
 with Dr. Franklin. Cousin Charles and Mr. Chace left Montreal 
 with me on the 12th of May, that they might not be in any danger 
 from a frigate running up the River and getting between them 
 and the Eastern shore of S. Lawrence. As Dr. Franklin deter 
 mined to return to Philadelphia, on account of his health, I 
 resolved to accompany him, seeing it was out of my power to 
 be of any service after the Commissioners had thought it advisa 
 ble for them to leave Montreal. Your Son and Mr. Chace pro 
 posed staying at S. John s or in that neighbourhood, till they 
 should know whether our army would keep post at De Cham- 
 beau; arid the former desired me to give you notice of his being 
 safe and well. Since I left him it has not been in my power to 
 do it before this day, as we unfortunately chanced to come to 
 every post town on our road sometimes a day, sometimes a few 
 hours too late for the mail. When I left him he expected to 
 
 109 
 
110 LETTER FROM REV. JOHX CARROLL. 
 
 follow us in a few days: but Mr. Hancock tells me that if an 
 express sent some days since from Congress, reaches them before 
 they have left Canada, he is of opinion they will continue there 
 for some time. I shall set out from hence, next week and pro 
 pose doing myself the pleasure of calling at Elk-ridge. My aff te 
 and respectful cornpl 3 to Mrs. Darnall and Carroll with love to 
 Policy. Nothing new from Canada, nor indeed any advices at all 
 since we left it. Great divisions here between the contending 
 parties. I have presumed to trouble you to forward the inclosed 
 and remain 
 
 "Hon d D r S r 
 " Y r aff ts kinsman and hum Sev 1 
 
 "J. CARROLL." 
 
 "Ten tons of powder, 
 
 "500 small arms came in yesterday. 
 
 "Cos" Charles rece d large packets of letters from you a few 
 days before we left Montreal." 
 
 " To Charles Carroll Sen r Esq re 
 
 " to the care of M r W m Lux 
 
 " Baltimore 
 "free J. Carroll. " 
 
 1 Original MS. in the Archives of the Maryland Historical Society. 
 
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