OXFORD MAGDALEN TOWER. OXFORD 3Brief Ibistorical an& descriptive Wotes BY ANDREW LANG, M.A. SOMETIME FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD NEW EDITION LONDON SEELEY AND CO. LIMITED 38 GREAT RUSSELL STREET 1909 V-3 -^ :..-.-. ,* ^ V TO A. M. LEE 330179 PREFACE. HPHESE papers do not profess even to sketch the outlines of a history of Oxford. They are merely records of the impressions made by this or that aspect of the life of the University, as it has been in different ages. Oxford is not an easy place to design in black and white, with the pen or the etcher's needle. On a wild winter or late autumn day (such as Father Faber has made permanent in a beautiful poem) the sunshine fleets along the plain, revealing towers, and floods, and trees, in a gleam of watery light, and leaving them once more in shadow. The melancholy mist creeps over x Preface. the city, the damp soaks into the heart of everything, and such suicidal weather ensues as has been described, once for all, by the author of Jo/in-a-Dreams. How different Oxford looks when the road to Cowley Marsh is dumb with dust, when the heat seems almost tropical, and by the drowsy banks of the Cherwell you might almost expect some shy southern water-beast to come crashing through the reeds ! And such a day, again, is unlike the bright weather of late September, when all the gold and scarlet of Bagley Wood are concentrated in the leaves that cover the walls of Magdalen with an imperial vesture. Our memories of Oxford, if we have long made her a Castle of Indolence, vary no less than do the shifting aspects of her scenery. Days of spring and of mere pleasure in existence have alternated with days of gloom Preface. xi and loneliness, of melancholy, of resignation. Our mental pictures of the place are tinged by many moods, as the landscape is beheld in shower and sunshine, in frost, and in the colourless drizzling weather. Oxford, that once seemed a pleasant porch and entrance into life, may become a dingy ante-room, where we kick our heels with other weary, waiting people. At last, if men linger there too late, Oxford grows a prison, and it is the final condition of the loiterer to take "this for a hermitage." It is well to leave the enchantress betimes, and to carry away few but kind recollections. If there be any who think and speak ungently of their Alma Mater, it is because they have outstayed their natural " welcome- while," or because they have resisted her genial influence in youth. CONTENTS. i. THE TOWN BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY , . i II. THE EARLY STUDENTS. A DAY WITH A MEDI- EVAL UNDERGRADUATE . 39 III. THE RENAISSANCE AND THE REFORMATION . 73 IV. JACOBEAN OXFORD ...... 103 v, SOME SCHOLARS OF THE RESTORATION . 139 VI. HIGH TORY OXFORD. . * . , , .163 xiv Contents. VII. GEORGIAN OXFORD 189 VIII. POETS AT OXFORD: SHELLEY AND LANDOR . 213 IX. A GENERAL VIEW ...... 235 X. UNDERGRADUATE LIFE. CONCLUSION , . 25 ^ LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. MAGDALEN TOWER AND BRIDGE . . Frontispiece. GODSTOWE Page 7 GENERAL VIEW OF OXFORD . . . . . u FOLLY BRIDGE . 17 OXFORD CASTLE , . .21 BOCARDO, DESTROYED IN 1771 . <, . 27 BOCARDO, NORTH SIDE 31 Isis AND OXFORD CANAL . . . . . .35 MUNIMENT ROOM, MERTON COLLEGE ... 47 MAGDALEN TOWER FROM CHRIST CHURCH MEADOWS 5 1 STONE PULPIT AT MAGDALEN COLLEGE . . 55 CLOISTERS AT MAGDALEN COLLEGE 59 HIGH STREET 65 OLD HOUSES IN CASTLE STREET .... 77 STAIRCASE TO THE HALL AT CHRIST CHURCH . 85 NICHES AT ORIEL 89 ORIEL STREET . . .- . . . .97 IFFLEY 107 OXFORD SPIRES FROM IFFLEY 111 GATEWAY OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE . . . .115 xvi List of Illustrations. PAGE THE GARDEN FRONT OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE . 121 A SUMMER AFTERNOON ON THE CHERWELL . .125 ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE 129 PORCH OF ST. MARY'S 135 CHRIST CHURCH MEADOWS FROM THE RIVER . 143 NEW COLLEGE 171 THE RIVER AT BINSEY 181 MERTON COLLEGE 185 CHRIST CHURCH j95 BRAZENOSE COLLEGE. ...... 205 THE CANAL FERRY 209 MARTYRS' MEMORIAL 225 IN THE GARDEN OF WORCESTER COLLEGE . . 228 OLD EPISCOPAL PALACE 241 ON THE UPPER RIVER 257 THE START FROM IFFLEY 261 THE EIGHTS FROM FOLLY BRIDGE .... 265 THE UNIVERSITY BOATHOUSE 269 FLOODS AT OXFORD 275 IFFLEY MILL 279 I THE TOWN BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY. OXFORD. M I The Town before the University. OST old towns are like palimpsests, parchments which have been scrawled over again and again, by their successive owners. Oxford, though not one of the most ancient of English cities, shows, more legibly than the rest, the handwriting, as it were, of many generations. The convenient site among the interlacing waters of the Isis and the Cherwell, has commended itself to men in one age after another. Each genera- tion has used it for its own purpose ; for war, for trade, for learning, for religion ; and war, trade, religion, and learning, have left on Oxford their peculiar marks. No set of B 2 4 Oxford. its occupants, before the last two centuries began, was very eager to deface or destroy the buildings of its predecessors. Old things were turned to new uses, or altered to suit new tastes ; they were not overthrown and carted away. Thus, in walking through Oxford, you see everywhere, in colleges, chapels, and churches, doors and windows which have been builded up ; or again, openings which have been cut where none originally existed. The upper part of the round Norman arches in the Cathedral has been preserved, and converted into the circular bull's-eye lights which the last century liked. It is the same everywhere, except where modern restorers have had their way. Thus the life of England, for some eight centuries, may be traced in the buildings of Oxford. Nay, if we are con- vinced by some antiquaries, the eastern end of the High Street contains even earlier scratches on this palimpsest of Oxford ; the rude marks of savages who scooped out their damp nests, and raised their low walls in the The Town before the University. 5 gravel, on the spot where the new schools are to stand. Here, half-naked men may have trapped the beaver in the Cherwell, and hither they may have brought home the boars which they slew in the trackless woods of Headington and Bagley. It is with the life of historical Oxford, however, and not with these fancies, that we are concerned, though these papers have no pretension to be a history of Oxford. A series of pictures of men's life here is all they try to sketch. It is hard, though not impossible, to form a picture in the mind of Oxford as she was when she is first spoken of by history. What she may have been when legend only knows her ; when St. Frideswyde built a home for religious maidens ; when she fled from King Algar and hid among the swine, and after a whole fairy tale of adventures died in great sanctity, we cannot even guess. This legend of St. Frideswyde, and of her foundation, the germ of the Cathedral and of Christ Church, is not, indeed, without its value and significance for those who care for 6 Oxford. Oxford. This home of religion and of learn- ing was a home of religion from the begin- ning, and her later life is but a return, after centuries of war and trade, to her earliest purpose. What manner of village of wooden houses may have surrounded the earliest rude chapels and places of prayer, we cannot readily guess, but imagination may look back on Oxford as she was when the " English Chronicle" first mentions her. Even then it is not unnatural to think, Oxford might well have been a city of peace. She lies in the very centre of England, and the North- men, as they marched inland, burning church and cloister, must have wandered long before they came to Oxford. On the other hand, the military importance of the site must have made it a town that would be eagerly con- tended for. Any places of strength in Ox- ford would command the roads leading to the north and west, and the secure, raised paths that ran through the flooded fens to the ford or bridge, if bridge there then was, between Godstowe and the later Norman grand pout* Q O o The Town before the University. 9 where Folly Bridge now spans the I sis. Somewhere near Oxford, the roads that ran towards B anbury and the north, or towards Bristol and the west, would be obliged to cross the river. The water-way, too, and the paths by the Thames' side, were commanded by Oxford. The Danes, as they followed up the course of the Thames from London, would be drawn thither, sooner or later, and would covet a place, which is surrounded by half-a-dozen deep natural moats. Lastly, Oxford lay in the centre of England indeed, but on the very marches of Mercia and Wessex. A border town of natural strength and of commanding situation, she can have been no mean or poor collection of villages, in the days when she is first spoken of, when E ad ward the Elder " incorporated with his own kingdom the whole Mercian lands on both sides of Watling Street" (Freeman's "Norman Conquest," Vol. i. p. 57), and took possession of London and of Oxford as the two most important parts of a scientific frontier. If any man had stood in the days IO Oxford. of Eadward, on the hill that was not yet " Shotover," and had looked along the plain to the place where the grey spires of Oxford are clustered now, as it were in a purple cup of the low hills, he would have seen little but " the smoke floating up through the oakwood and the coppice/' The low hills were not yet cleared, nor the fens and the wolds trimmed and enclosed. Centuries later, when the early students came, they had to ride " through the thick forest and across the moor, to the East Gate of the city " (" Munimenta Academica," Oxon., Vol. i. p. 60). In the midst of a country still wild, Oxford was already no mean city ; but the place where the hostile races of the land met to settle their differences, to feast to- gether and forget their wrongs over the mead and ale, or to devise treacherous murder, and close the banquet with fire and sword. Again and again, after Eadward the Elder took Mercia the Danes went about burning I 9 - O > to fa X < O O The Town before the University. 13 and wasting England. The wooden towns were flaming through the night, and sending up a thick smoke through the day, from Thames-mouth to Cambridge. " And next was there no headman that force would gather, and each fled as swift as he might, and soon was there no shire that would help another." When the first fury of the plun- dering invaders was over, when the North- men had begun to wish to settle and till the land, and have some measure of peace, the early meetings between them and the English rulers were held in the border-town, in Ox- ford. Thus Sigeferth and Morkere, sons of Earngrim, came to see Eadric in Oxford, and there were slain at a banquet, while their followers perished in the attempt to avenge them. " Into the tower of St. Prides wyde they were driven, and as men could not drive them thence, the tower was fired, and they perished in the burning." So says William of Malmesbury, who, so many years later, read the story, as he says, in the records of the church of St. Frideswyde. 1 4 Oxford. There is another version of the story in the " Codex Diplomaticus " (DCCIX.). Aethelred is made to say, in a deed of grant of lands to St. Frideswyde's Church (" mine own minster "), that the Danes were slain in the massacre of St. Brice. On that day Aethel- red, "by the advice of his satraps, deter- mined to destroy the tares among the wheat, the Danes in England." Certain of these fled into the minster, as into a fortress, and therefore it was burned and the books and monuments destroyed. For this cause Aethelred gives lands to the minster, " fro Charwell brigge andlong the streame, fro Mere well to Rugslawe, fro the lawe to the foule putte," and so forth. It is pleasant to see how old are the familiar names " Cher- well," " Hedington," "Couelee" or Cowley, where the college cricket-grounds are. Three years passed, and the headmen of the English and of the Danes met at Oxford again, and more peacefully, and agreed to live together, obedient to the laws of Eadgar; to the law, that is, as it was administered in The Town before the University. 15 older days, that seem happier and better ruled to men looking back on them from an age of confusion and bloodshed. At Ox- ford, too, met the peaceful gathering of 1035, when Danish and English claims were in some sort reconciled, and at Oxford Harold Harefoot, the son of Cnut, died in March 1040. The place indeed was fatal to kings, for St. Frideswyde, in her anger against King Algar, left her curse on it. Just as the old Irish kings were forbidden by their customs to do this or that, to cross a certain moor on May morning, or to listen to the winnowing of the night-fowl's wings in the dusk above the lake of Tara ; so the kings of England shunned to enter Oxford, and to come within the walls of Frideswyde the maiden. Harold died there, as we have seen, but there he was not buried. His body was laid at Westminster, where it could not rest, for his enemies dug it up, and cast it forth upon the fens, or threw it into the river. Many years later, when Henry III. entered Oxford, not without fear, the curse 1 6 Oxford. of Frideswyde lighted also upon him. He came in 1263, with Edward the prince, and misfortune fell upon him, so that his barons defeated and took him prisoner at the battle of Lewes. The chronicler of Oseney Abbey mentions his contempt of supersti- tions, and how he alone of English kings entered the city : " Qiiod nullus rex attemp- tavit a tempore Regis Algari" an error, for Harold attempt avit y and died. When Edward I. was king, he was less audacious than his father, and in 1275 he rode up to the East Gate and turned his horse's head about, and sought a lodging outside the town, reflexis habenis equitans extra moenia aulam regiam in suburbia positam introivit. In 1280, however, he seems to have plucked up courage and attended a Chapter of Dominicans in Oxford. The last of the meetings between North and South was held at Oxford in October 1065. "In urbe quce famoso nomine Oxna- ford nuncupatur" to quote a document of Cnut's. (Cod. Dipl. DCCXLVI. in 1042.) The Town before the University. IQ There the Northumbrian rebels met Harold in the last days of Edward the Confessor. With this meeting we leave that Oxford before the Conquest, of which possibly not one stone, or one rafter, remains. We look back through eight hundred years on a city, rich enough, it seems, and powerful, and we see the narrow streets full of armed bands of men men that wear the cognisance of the horse or of the raven, that carry short swords, and are quick to draw them ; men that dress in short kirtles of a bright colour, scarlet or blue ; that wear axes slung on their backs, and adorn their bare necks and arms with collars and bracelets of gold. We see them meeting to discuss laws and frontiers, and feasting late when business is done, and chaffering for knives with ivory handles, for arrows, and saddles, and wadmal, in the booths of the citizens. Through the mist of time this picture of ancient Ox- ford may be distinguished. We are tempted to think of a low, grey twilight above that wet land suddenly lit up with fire ; of the C 2 20 Oxford. tall towers of St. Frideswyde's Minster flaring like a torch athwart the night ; of poplars waving in the same wind that drives the vapour and smoke of the holy place down on the Danes who have taken refuge there, and there stand at bay against the English and the people of the town. The material Oxford of our times is not more unlike the Oxford of low wooden booths and houses, and of w r ooden spires and towers, than the life led in its streets was unlike the academic life of to-day. The Conquest brought no more quiet times, but the whole city was wrecked, stormed, and devastated, before the second period of its history began, before it was the seat of a Norman stronghold, and one of the links of the chain by which England was bound. " Four hundred and seventy-eight houses were so ruined as to be unable to pay taxes," while, " within the town or with- out the wall, there were but two hundred and forty-three houses which did yield tribute. " With the buildings of Robert D'Oily, a follower of the Conqueror's, and the husband OXFORD CASTLE. The Town before the University. 23 of an English wife, the heiress of Wigod of Wallingford, the new Oxford begins. Robert's work may be divided roughly into two classes. First, there are the strong places he erected to secure his possessions, and, second, the sacred places he erected to secure the pardon of Heaven for his rob- beries. Of the castle, and its "shining coronal of towers," only one tower remains. From the vast strength of this picturesque edifice, with the natural moat flowing at its feet, we may guess what the castle must have been in the early days of the Conquest, and during the wars of Stephen and Matilda. We may guess, too, that the burghers of Oxford, and the rustics of the neighbourhood, had no easy life in those days, when, as we have seen, the town was ruined, and when, as the extraordinary thick- ness of the walls of its remaining tower demonstrates, the castle was built by new lords who did not spare the forced labour of the vanquished. The strength of the posi- tion of the castle is best estimated after 24 Oxford. viewing the surrounding country from the top of the tower. Through the more modern embrasures, or over the low wall round the summit, you look up and down the valley of the Thames, and gaze deep into the folds of the hills. The prospect is pleasant enough, on an autumn morning, with the domes and spires of modern Ox- ford breaking, like islands, through the sea of mist that sweeps above the roofs of the good town. In the old times, no move- ment of the people who had their fastnesses in the fens, no approach of an army from any direction could have evaded the watch- man. The towers guarded the fords and the bridge and were themselves almost im- pregnable, except when a hard winter made the Thames, the Cherwell, and the many deep and treacherous streams passable, as happened when Matilda was beleaguered in Oxford. This natural strength of the site is demonstrated by the vast mound within the castle walls, which tradition calls the Jews' Mound, but which is probably earlier The Town before the University. 25 than the Norman buildings. Some other race had chosen the castle site for its fortress in times of which we know nothing. Mean- while, some of the practical citizens of Ox- ford wish to level the Jews' Mound, and to " utilise " the gravel of which it is largely composed. There is nothing to be said against this economic project, which could interest or affect the persons who entertain it. M. Brunet-Debaines' illustration shows the mill on a site w r hich must be as old as the tower. Did the citizens bring their corn to be tolled and ground at the lord's mill ? Though Robert was bent on works of war, he had a nature inclined to piety, and, his piety beginning at home, he founded the church of St. George within the castle. The crypt of the church still remains, and is not without interest for persons who like to trace the changing fortunes of old build- ings. The site of Robert's Castle is at present occupied by the County Gaol. When you have inspected the tower (which does not do service as a dungeon) you 26 Oxford. are taken, by the courtesy of *the Governor, to the crypt, and satisfy your archaeological curiosity. The place is much lower, and worse lighted, than the contemporary crypt of St. Peter's-in-the-East, but not, perhaps, less interesting. The square-headed capitals have not been touched like some of those in St. Peter's, by a later chisel. The place is dank and earthy, but otherwise much as Robert D'Oily left it. There is an odd-looking arrangement of planks on the floor. It is the new drop, which is found to work very well, and gives satisfaction to the persons who have to employ it. Sinister the Norman castle was in its be- ginning, " it w r as from the castle that men did wrong to the poor around them ; it was from the castle that they bade defiance to the king, who, stranger and tyrant as he might be, was still a protector against smaller tyrants." Sinister the castle re- mains ; you enter it through ironed and bolted doors, you note the prisoners at their dreary exercises, and, when you have The Town before the University. 29 seen the engines of the law lying in the old crypt you pass out into the place of exe- cution. Here, in a corner made by Robert's tower and by the wall of the prison, is a dank little quadrangle. The ground is of the yellow clay and gravel which floors most Oxford quadrangles. A few letters are scratched on the soft stone of the wall the letters " H. R." are the freshest. These are the initials of the last man who suffered death in this corner a youn^ rustic who had murdered his sweetheart " H. R." on the prison wall is all his record, and his body lies under your feet, and the feet of the men who are to die here in after days pass over his tomb. It is thus that malefactors are buried, " within the walls of the gaol." One Is glad enough to leave the remains of Robert's place of arms as glad as Matilda may have been when "they let her down at night from the tower with ropes, and she stole out, and went on foot to Wal- lingford." Robert seems at firsr to have 30 Oxford. made the natural use of his strength. " Rich he was, and spared not rich or poor, to take their livelihood away, and to lay up treasures for himself." He stole the lands of the monks of Abingdon, but of what service were moats, and walls, and dungeons, and instru- ments of torture, against the powers that side with monks ? The " Chronicle of Abingdon " has a very diverting account of Robert's punishment and conversion. " He filched a certain field without the walls of Oxford that of right be- longed to the monastery, and gave it over to the soldiers in the castle. For which loss the Brethren were greatly grieved the Brethren of Abingdon. Therefore, they gathered in a body before the altar of St. Michael the very altar that St. Dunstan the archbishop dedicated and cast them- selves weeping on the ground, accusing Robert D'Oily, and praying that his robbery of the monastery might be avenged, or that he might be led to make atonement." So, in a dream, Robert saw himself taken before Our J BOCARDO, NORTH SIDE The Town before the University. 33 Lady by two brethren of Abingdon, and thence carried into the very meadow he had coveted, where " most nasty little boys," turpissimi pueriy worked their will on him. Thereon, Robert was terrified and cried out, and wakened his wife, who took advantage of his fears, and compelled him to make restitution to the Brethren. After this vision, Robert gave himself up to pampering the monastery and performing other good works. He it was who built a bridge over the I sis, and he restored the many ruined parish churches in Oxford churches which, perhaps, he and his men had helped to ruin. The tower of St. Michael's, in " the Corn," is said to be of his building ; perhaps he only " restored " it, for it is in the true primitive style gaunt, unadorned, with round-headed windows, good for shooting from with the bow. St. Michael's was not only a church, but a watch-tower of the city wall ; and here the old north-gate, called Bocardo, spanned the street. The rooms above the gate were used till within quite D 34 Oxford. recent times, and the poor inmates used to let down a greasy old hat from the window in front of the passers-by, and cry, " Pity the Bocardo birds : " " Pigons qui sont en Tessoine, Enserrez souLi trappe voliere," as a famous Paris student, Francois Villon, would have called them. Of Bocardo no trace remains, but St. Michael's is likely to last as long as any edifice in Oxford. Our illustrations represent it as it was in the last century. The houses huddle up to the church, and hide the lines of the tower. Now it stands out clear, less picturesque than it was in the time of Bocardo prison. Within the last two years the windows have been cleared, and the curious and most archaic pillars, shaped like balustrades, may be examined. It is worth while to climb the tower and remember the times when arrows were sent like hail from the narrow windows on the foes who approached Oxford from the north, while prayers for their confusion were read in the church below, The Town before the University. 37 That old Oxford of war was also a trading town. Nothing more than the fact that it was a favourite seat of the Jews is needed to prove its commercial prosperity. The Jews, however, demand a longer notice in con- nexion with the still unborn University. Meanwhile, it may be remarked that Oxford trade made good use of the river. " The Abingdon Chronicle" (ii. 129) tells us that "from each barque of Oxford city, which makes the passage by the river Thames past Abingdon, a hundred herrings must yearly be paid to the cellarer. The citizens had much litigation about land and houses with the abbey, and one Roger Maledoctus (per- haps a very early sample of the pass-man) gave Abingdon tenements within the city." Thus we leave the pre-Academic Oxford a flourishing town, with merchants and money- lenders. As for the religious, the Brethren of St. Frideswyde had lived but loosely (pro libito viverunf), says William of Malmesbury, and were to be superseded by regular canons, under the headship of one Guimond 38 Oxford. and the patronage of the Bishop of Salis- bury. Whoever goes into Christ Church new buildings from the river-side, will see, in the old edifice facing him, a certain bulg- ing in the wall. That is the mark of the pul- pit, whence a brother used to read aloud to the brethren in the refectory of St. Frides- wyde. The new leaven of learning was soon to ferment in an easy Oxford, where men lived pro libito, under good lords, the D'Oilys, who loved the English, and built, not churches and bridges only, but the great and famous Oseney Abbey, beyond the church of St. Thomas, and not very far from the modern station of the Great Western Railway. Yet even after public teaching in Oxford certainly began, after Master Robert Puleyn lectured in divinity there (1133 ; cf. " Oseney Chronicle "), the tower was burned down by Stephen's soldiery in 1 141 ("Oseney Chronicle/' p. 24). II THE EARLY STUDENTS. A DAY WITH A MEDIEVAL UNDERGRADUATE. II The Early Students. A Day with a Medieval Undergraduate. /"^XFORD, some one says, " is bitterly historical." It is difficult to escape the fanaticism of Antony Wood, and of " our antiquary/' Bryan Twyne, when one deals with the obscure past of the University. Indeed it is impossible to understand the strange blending of new and old at Oxford the old names with the new meanings if we avert our eyes from what is " bitterly his- torical." For example, there is in most, per- haps in all, colleges a custom called " collec- tions." On the last days of term under- graduates are called into the Hall, where the Master and the Dean of the Chapel sit in solemn state. Examination papers are set 42 Oxford. but no one heeds them very much. The real ordeal is the awful interview with the Master and the Dean. The former regards you with the eyes of a judge, while the Dean says, " Master, I am pleased to say that Mr. Brown's papers are very fair, very fair. But in the matters of chapels and of catechetics, Mr. Brown sets for a scholar a very bad example to the other undergraduates. He has only once attended divine service on Sunday morning, and on that occasion, Master, his dress consisted exclusively of a long great-coat and a pair of boots." After this accusation the Master will turn to the culprit and observe, with emphasis ill repre- sented by italics, " Mr. Brown, the College cannot hear with pleasure of such behaviour on the part of a scholar. You 3S,gated y Mr. Brown, for the first fortnight of next term/' Now why should this tribunal of the Master and the Dean, and this dread examination, be called collections \ Because (" Muni- menta Academica Oxon." i. 129) in 1331 a statute was passed to the effect that " every The Early Stiidents. 43 scholar shall pay at least twelve pence a-year for lectures in logic, and for physics eighteen- pence a-year," and that "all Masters of Arts except persons of royal or noble family, shall be obliged to collect their salary from the scholars." This collection would be made at the end of term ; and the name survives, attached to the solemn day of doom we have described, though the college dues are now collected by the bursar at the beginning of each term. By this trivial example the perversions of old customs at Oxford are illustrated. To appreciate the life of the place, then, we must glance for a moment at the growth of the University. As to its origin, we know abso- lutely nothing. That Master Puleyn began to lecture there in 1133 we have seen ; and it is not likely that he would have chosen Oxford if Oxford had possessed no schools. About these schools, however, we have no information. They may have grown up out of the seminary which, perhaps, was con- nected with St. Frideswyde's, just as Paris 44 Oxford. University may have had some connexion with "the School of the Palace." Certainly to Paris University the academic corporation of Oxford, the Universitas, owed many of her regulations ; while, again, the founder of the college system, Walter de Merton (who visited Paris in company with Henry III.), may have compared ideas with Robert de Sorbonne, the founder of the college of that name. In the early Oxford, however, of the twelfth and most of the thirteenth centuries, colleges with their statutes were unknown. The University was the only corporation of the learned, and she struggled into existence after hard fights with the town, the Jews, the Friars, the Papal courts. The history of the University begins with the thirteenth century. She may be said to have come into being as soon as she possessed common funds and rents, as soon as fines were as- signed, or benefactions contributed to the maintenance of scholars. Now the first re- corded fine is the payment of fifty-two shil- lings by the townsmen of Oxford as part of The Early Students. 45 the compensation for the hanging of certain clerks. In the year 1214 the Papal Legate, in a letter to his " beloved sons in Christ, the burgesses of Oxford/' bade them excuse the " scholars studying in Oxford " half the rent of their halls, or hospitia, for the space of ten years. The burghers were also to do penance, and to feast the poorer students once a-year ; but the important point is, that they had to pay that large yearly fine " propter suspendium clericorum" all for the hang- ing of the clerks. Twenty -six years after this decision of the Legate, Robert Gross- teste, the great Bishop of Lincoln, organized the payment and distribution of the fine, and founded the first of the chests, the chest of St. Frideswyde. These chests were a kind of Mont de Piete, and to found them was at first the favourite form of benefaction. Money was left in this or that chest, from which students and masters would borrow, on the security of pledges, which were gener- ally books, cups, daggers, and so forth. Now, in this affair of 1214 we have a 46 Oxford. strange passage of history, which happily illustrates the growth of the University. The beginning of the whole affair was the quarrel with the town, which, in 1209, had hanged two clerks, " in contempt of clerical liberty." The matter was taken up by the Legate in those bad years of King John the Pope's viceroy in England and out of the humiliation of the town the University gained money, privileges, and halls at low rental. These were precisely the things that the University wanted. About these matters there was a constant strife, in which the Kings, as a rule, took part with the Univer- sity. The University possessed the legal knowledge, which the monarchs liked to have on their side, and was therefore favoured by them. Thus, in 1231 (Wood, " Annals," i. 205), "the King sent out his Breve to the Mayor and Burghers com- manding them not to overrate their houses ;" and thus gradually the University got the command of the police, obtained privileges which enslaved the city, and became masters THE MUNIMENT ROOM, MERTON COLLEGE The Early Students. 49 where they had once been despised, starve- ling scholars. The process was always the same. On the feast of St. Scholastica, for example, in 1354, Walter de Springheuse, Roger de Chesterfield, and other clerks, swaggered into the Swyndlestock tavern in Carfax, began to speak ill of John de Croy- don's wine, and ended by pitching the tankard at the head of that vintner. In ten minutes the town bell at St. Martin's was rung, and the most terrible of all Town-and- Gown rows began. The Chancellor could do no less than bid St. Mary's bell reply to St. Martin's, and shooting commenced. The Gown held their own very well at first, and " defended themselves till Vespertide," when the citizens called in their neighbours, the rustics of Cowley, Headington, and Hinck- sey. The results have been precisely de- scribed in anticipation by Homer : r6(f)pa S'rtp* ol^ofjifvoi KtKoi/cff KtKoi>f and hit one John Felerd over the sconce. On this the Proctors come up, and the assailant is put in Bocardo, while Stoke goes off to a " pass-supper " given by an inceptor, who has just taken his degree. A Medieval Undergraduate. J\ These suppers were not voluntary enter- tainments, but enforced by law. At supper the talk ranges over University gossip, they tell of the scholar who lately tried to raise the devil in Grope Lane, and was pleased by the gentlemanly manner of the foul fiend. They speak of the Queen's man, who has just been plucked for main- taining that Ego currit, or ego est currens, is as good Latin as ego curro. Then the party breaks up, and Stoke goes towards Merton, with some undergraduates of that College, Bridlington, Alderberk, and Lymby. At the corner of Grope Lane, out come many men of the Northern nations, armed with shields, and bows and arrows. Stoke and his friends run into Merton for weapons, and " standing in a window of that hall, shot divers arrows, and one that Bridlington shot hit Henry de 1'Isle, and David Kirkby unmerci- fully perished, for after John de Benton had given him a dangerous wound in the head with his faulchion, came Will de la Hyde and wounded him in the knee with his sword." 72 Oxford. These were rough times, and it is not im- probable that Stoke had a brush with the Town before he got safely back to Catte's Hall. The old rudeness gave way gradu- ally, as the Colleges swallowed up the irregular halls, and as the scholars unat- tached, infando nomine Chamber- Dekyns, ceased to exist. Learning, however, dwindled, as Colleges increased, under the clerical and reactionary rule of the House of Lancaster. Ill THE RENAISSANCE AND THE REFORMATION. Ill The Renaissance and 77ie Reformation. \\T E have now arrived at a period in the history of Oxford which is con- fused and unhappy, but for us full of interest, and perhaps of instruction. The hundred years that passed by between the age of Chaucer and the age of Erasmus were, in Southern Europe, years of the most eager life. We hear very often too often, per- haps of what is called the Renaissance. The energy of delight with which Italy wel- comed the new birth of art, of literature, of human freedom, has been made familiar to every reader. It is not with Italy, but with England and with Oxford, that we are con- cerned. How did the University and the Colleges prosper in that strenuous time, 76 Oxford. when the world ran after loveliness of form and colour, as, in other ages, it has run after warlike renown, or the far-off rewards of the saintly life ? What was Oxford doing when Florence, Venice, and Rome were striving towards no meaner goal than per- fection ? It must be said that " the spring came slowly up this way." The University merely reflected the very practical character of the people. In contemplating the events of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in their influence on English civilisation, we are reminded once more of the futility of certain modern aspirations. No amount of University Commissions, nor of well-meant reforms, will change the nature of English- men. It is impossible, by distributions of University prizes and professorships, to attract into the career of letters that propor- tion of industry and ingenuity which, in Germany for example, is devoted to the scholastic life. Politics, trade, law, sport, religion, will claim their own in England, CASTLE STREET. The Renaissance and The Reformation. 79 just as they did at the Revival of Letters. The illustrious century which Italy employed in unburying, appropriating, and enjoying the treasures of Greek literature and art, our fathers gave, in England, to dynastic and constitutional squabbles, and to religious broils. The Renaissance in England, and chiefly in Oxford, was like a bitter and changeful spring. There was an hour of genial warmth, there breathed a wind from the south, in the lifetime of Chaucer ; then came frosts and storms ; again the brief sun- shine of court favour shone on literature for a while, when Henry VIII. encouraged study, and Wolsey and Fox founded Christ Church and Corpus Christi College, once more the bad days of religious strife re- turned, and the promise of learning was destroyed. Thus the chief result of the awakening thought of the fourteenth century in England was not a lively delight in litera- ture, but the appearance of the Lollards. The intensely practical genius of our race turned, not to letters, but to questions about So Oxford. the soul and its future, about property and its distribution. The Lollards were put down in Oxford ; " the tares were weeded out " by the House of Lancaster, and in the process the germs of free thought, of origin- ality, and of a rational education, were destroyed. "Wyclevism did domineei among us," says Wood ; and, in fact, the intellect of the University was absorbed, like the intellect of France during the heat of the Jansenist controversy, in defending or assailing " 267 damned conclusions," drawn from the books of Wyclife. The University " lost many of her children through the pro- fession of Wyclevism." Those who re- mained were often " beneficed clerks/' The Friars lifted up their heads again, and Ox- ford was becoming a large ecclesiastical school. As the University declared to Archbishop Chichele (1438), "Our noble mother, that was blessed in so goodly an off- spring, is all but utterly destroyed and deso- late. " Presently the foreign wars and the wars of the Roses drained the University of The Renaissance and The Reformation. 8 1 the youth of England. The country was overrun with hostile forces, or infested by disbanded soldiers. Plague and war, war and plague, and confusion, alternate in the annals. Sickly as Oxford is to day by climate and situation, she is a city of health compared to what she was in the middle ages. In 1448 "a pestilence broke out, occasioned by the overflowing of waters, .... also by the lying of many scholars in one room or dormitory in almost every Hall, which occasioned nasty air and smells, and consequently diseases." In the general dulness and squalor two things were re- markable : one, the last splendour of the feudal time ; the other, the first dawn of the new learning from Italy. In 1452, George Neville of Balliol, brother of the King- maker, gave the most prodigious pass- supper that was ever served in Oxford. On the first day there were 600 messes of meat, divided into three courses. The second course is worthy of the attention of the epicure : Q 8j Oxford. SECOND COURSE. Vian in brase. Carcell. Crane in sawce. Partrych. Young Pocock. Venson baked. Coney. Fryed meat in paste. Pigeons. Lesh Lumbert. Byttor. A Frutor. Curlew. A Sutteltee. Against this prodigious gormandising we must set that noble gift, the Library pre- sented to Oxford by Duke Humfrey of Glou- cester. In the Catalogue, drawn up in 1439, we mark many books of the utmost value to the impoverished students. Here are the works of Plato, and the " Ethics" and " Politics " of Aristotle, translated by Leo- nard the Aretine. Here, among the numer- ous writings of the Fathers, are Tully and Seneca, Averroes and Avicenna, " Bellum Trojae cum secretis secretorum," Apuleius, Aulus Gellius, Livy, Boccaccio, Petrarch. Here, with Ovid's verses, is the Commentary on Dante, and his Divine Comedy. Here, rarest of all, is a Greek Dictionary, the silent father of Liddel's and Scott's to be. The Renaissance and The Reformation. 83 The most hopeful fact in the University annals, after the gift of those manuscripts (to which the very beauty of their illumina- tions proved ruinous in Puritan times), was the establishment of a printing-press at Ox- ford, and the arrival of certain Italians, " to propagate and settle the studies of true and genuine humanity among us/' The exact date of the introduction of printing let us leave to be determined by the learned writer who is now at work on the history of Oxford. The advent of the Italians is dated by Wood in 1488. Polydore Virgil had lectured in New College. "He first of all taught litera- ture in Oxford. Cyprianus and Nicholaus, Italici, also arrived and dined with the Vice- President of Magdalen on Christmas Day. Lily and Colet, too, one of them the founder, the other the first Head Master, 0f St. Paul's School, were about this time studying in Italy, under the great Politian and Her- molaus Barbarus. Oxford, which had so long been in hostile communication with Italy as represented by the Papal Courts, at G 2 84 Oxford. last touched, and was thrilled by the electric current of Italian civilisation. At this con- juncture of affairs, who but is reminded oi the youth and the education of Gargantua ? Till the very end of the fifteenth century Oxford had been that " huge barbarian pupil," and had revelled in vast Rabelaisian suppers : " of fat beeves he had killed three hundred sixty seven thousand and fourteen, that in the entering in of spring he might have plenty of powdered beef." The bill of fare of George Neville's feast is like one of the catalogues deaf to the Cure of Meudon. For Oxford, as for Gargantua, " they appointed a great sophister-doctor, that read him Donatus, Theodoletus, and Alanus, in para- bolis" Oxford spent far more than Gargan- tua's eighteen years and eleven months over " the book de Modis significandis, with the commentaries of Berlinguandus and a rabble of others." Now, under Colet, and Erasmus (1497), Oxford was put, like Gargantua, under new masters, and learned that the old scholarship "had been but brutishness, and STAIRCASE TO THE HALL, CHRISTCHURCH. The Renaissance and The Reformation. 87 the old wisdom but blunt, foppish toys serving only to bastardise noble spirits, and to corrupt all the flower of youth." The prospects of classical learning at Ox- ford (and, whatever may be the case to-day, on classical learning depended, in the fifteenth century, the fortunes of European literature) now seemed fair enough. People from the very source of knowledge were lecturing in Oxford. Wolsey was Bursar of Magdalen. The Colleges, to which B. N. C. was added in 1509, and C. C. C. in 1516, were competing with each other for success in the New Learning. Fox, the founder of C. C. C, established in his college two chairs of Greek and Latin, " to extirpate bar- barism." Meanwhile, .Cambridge had to hire an Italian to write public speeches at twenty pence each! Henry VIII. in his youth was, like Francis L, the patron of literature, as literature was understood in Italy. He saw in learning a new splendour to adorn his court, a new source of intellectual luxury, though even Henry had an eye on the theo- 88 Oxford. logical aspect of letters. Between 1500 and 1530 Oxford was noisy with the clink of masons' hammers and chisels. Brazenose, Corpus, and the magnificent kitchen of Christ Church, were being erected. (The beauti- ful staircase, which M. Brunet-Debaines has sketched was not finished till 1640. The world owes it to Dr. Fell. The Oriel niches, designed in the illustration, are of rather later date.) The streets were crowded with carts, dragging in from all the neighbouring quarries stones for the future homes of the fair humanities. Erasmus found in Oxford a kind of substitute for the Platonic Society of Florence. " He would hardly care much about going to Italy at all, except for the sake of having been there. . . . When I listen to Colet, it seems to me like listening to Plato himself ;" and he praises the judgment and learning of those Englishmen, Grocyn and Linacre, who had been taught in Italy. In spite of all this promise, the Renais- sance in England was rotten at the root. The- ology killed it, or, at the least, breathed on it The Renaissance and The Reformation. 91 a deadly blight. Our academic forefathers " drove at practice," and saw everything with the eyes of party men, and of men who recog- nised no interest save that of religion. It is Mr. Seebohm (<< Oxford Reformers," 1867), I think, who detects, in Colet's concern with the religious side of literature, the influence of Savonarola. When in Italy " he gave himself entirely to the study of the Holy Scriptures." He brought to England from Italy, not the early spirit of Pico of Miran- dola, the delightful freedom of his youth, but his later austerity, his later concern with the harmony of scripture and philosophy. The book which the dying Petrarch held wistfully in his hands, revering its very material shape, though he could not spell its contents, was the Iliad of Homer. The book which the young Renaissance held in its hands in England, with reverence and eagerness as strong and tender, contained the Epistles of St. Paul. It was on the Epistles that Colet lectured in 1496-97, when doctors and abbots flocked to hear him, with 92 Oxford. their note-books in their hands. Thus Oxford differed from Florence, England from Italy : the former all intent on what it believed to be the very Truth, the latter all absorbed on what it knew to be no other than Beauty herself. We cannot afford to regret the choice that England and Oxford made. The search for Truth was as certain to bring " not peace but a sword/' as the search for Beauty was to bring the decadence of Italy, the corrup- tion of manners, the slavery of two hundred years. Still, our practical earnestness did rob Oxford of the better side of the Renais- sance. It is not possible here to tell the story of religious and social changes, which followed so hard upon each other, in the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth. A few moments in these stormy years are still memorable for some terrible or ludicrous event. That Oxford was rather " Trojan " than "Greek," that men were more concerned about their dinners and their souls, than The Renaissance and The Reformation. 93 their prosody and philosophy, in 1531, is proved by the success of Grynaeus. He visited the University and carried off quan- tities of MSS., chiefly Neoplatonic, on which no man set any value. Yet, in 1535, Layton, a Commissioner, wrote to Crom- well, that he and his companions had established the New Learning in the Uni- versity. A Lecture in Greek was founded in Magdalen, two chairs of Greek and Latin in New, two in All Souls, and two already existed, as we have seen, in C. C. C. This Layton is he that took a Rabelaisian and unquotable revenge on that old tyrant of the Schools, Duns Scotus. " We have set Dunce in Bocardo, and utterly banished him Oxford for ever, with all his blind glosses. . . . And the second time we came to New College w r e found all the great quadrant full of the leaves of Dunce, the wind blowing them into every corner. And there we found a certain Mr. Greenfield, a gentleman of Buckinghamshire, gathering up part of the same books' leaves, as lie 94 Oxford. said, therewith to make him sewers or blan- shers, to keep the deer within his w r ood, thereby to have the better cry with his hounds." Ah ! if the University Com- missioners would only set Aristotle, and Messrs. Ritter and Preller, "in Bocardo," many a young gentleman out of Bucking- hamshire and other counties would joyously help in the good work, and use the pages, if not for blanshers, for other sportive pur- poses ! " Habent siia fata libelli" as Terentianus Maurus says, in a frequently- quoted verse. If Cromwell's Commissioners were hard on Duns, the Visitors of Edward VI. were ruth- less in their condemnation of everything that smacked of Popery or of magic. Evangelical religion in England has never been very favourable to learning. Thus, in 1550, "the ancient libraries were by their appointment rifled. Many manuscripts, guilty of no other superstition than red letters in the front or titles, were condemned to the fire. , . , . Such books wherein appeared angles The Renaissance and The Reformation. 95 were thought sufficient to be destroyed, be- cause accounted Papish or diabolical, or both." A cart-load of MSS., lucubrations of the Fellows of Merton, chiefly in contro- versial divinity, was taken away ; but, by the good services of one Herks, a Dutch- man, many books were preserved, and, later, entered the Bodleian Library. The world can spare the controversial manuscripts of the Fellows of Merton, but who knows what invaluable scrolls may have perished in the Puritan bonfire ! Persons, the librarian of Balliol, sold old books to buy Protestant ones. Two noble libraries were sold for forty shillings, for waste paper. Thus the reign of Edward VI. gave free play to that ascetic and intolerable hatred of letters which had now and again made its voice heard under Henry VIII. Oxford was almost empty. The schools were used by laun- dresses, as a place wherein clothes might conveniently be dried. The citizens en- croached on academic property. Some schools were quite destroyed, and the sites 96 Oxford. converted into gardens. Few men took degrees. The college plate and the jewels left by pious benefactors were stolen, arfci went to the melting-pot. Thus flourished Oxford under Edward VI. The reign of Mary was scarcely more favourable to letters. No one knew what to be at in religion. In Magdalen no one could be found to say Mass, the fellows were turned out, the undergraduates were whipped boyish martyrs and crossed at the buttery. What most pleases, in this tragic reign, is the anecdote of Edward Anne of Corpus. Anne, with the conceit of youth, had written a Latin satire on the Mass. He w r as therefore sentenced to be publicly flogged in the hall of his college, and to receive one lash for each line in his satire. Never, surely, was a poet so sharply taught the merit of brevity. How Edward Anne must have regretted that he had not knocked off an epigram, a biting couplet, or a smart quatrain with the sting of the wit in the tail ! Oxford still retains a memory of the g The Renaissance and The Reformation. 99 hideous crime of this reign. In Broad Street, under the windows of Balliol, there is a small stone cross in the pavement. This marks the place where, some years ago, a great heap of wooden ashes was found. These ashes were the remains of the fire of October i6th, 1555 the day when Ridley and Latimer were burned. " They were brought," says Wood, " to a place over against Balliol College, where now stands a row of poor cottages, a little before which, under the town wall, ran so clear a stream that it gave the name of Canditch, Candida fossa, to the way leading by it." To recover the memory of that event, let the reader fancy himself on the top of the tower of St. Michael's, that is, immediately above the city wall No houses interfere between him and the open country, in which Balliol stands ; not with its present frontage, but much further back. A clear stream runs through the place where is now Broad Street, and the road above is dark with a swaying crowd, out of which rises the vapour of ioo Oxford. smoke from the martyrs' pile. At your feet, on the top of Bocardo prison (which spanned the street at the North Gate), Cranmer stands manacled, watching the fiery death which is soon to purge away the memory of his own faults and crimes. He, too, joined that " noble army of martyrs " who fought all, though they knew it not, for one cause the freedom of the human spirit. It was in a night-battle that they fell, and " confused was the cry of the paean," but they won the victory, and we have entered into the land for which they contended. When we think of these martyrdoms, can we w r onder that the Fellows of Lincoln did not spare to ring a merry peal on their gaudy- day, the day of St. Hugh, even though Mary the Queen had just left her bitter and weary life ? It would be pleasant to have to say that learning returned to Oxford on the rising of " that bright Occidental star, Queen Eliza- beth. " On the other hand, the University re- covered slowly, after being " much troubled," The Renaissance and The Reformation, toi as Wood says, " and hurried up and down by the changes of religion." We get a glimpse, from Wood, of the Fellows of Merton sing- ing the psalms of Sternhold and Hopkins round a fire in the College Hall. We see the sub-warden snatching the book out of the hands of a junior fellow, and declaring " that he would never dance after that pipe." We find Oxford so illiterate, that she could not even provide an University preacher ! A country gentleman, Richard Taverner of Woodeaton, would stroll into St. Mary's, with his sword and damask gown, and give the Academicians, destitute of academical ad- vice, a sermon beginning with these words, " Arriving at the mount of St. Mary's, I have brought you some fine bisketts baked in the Oven of Charitie, carefully conserved for the chickens of the Church, the sparrows of the spirit, and the sweet swallows of salva- tion." In spite of these evil symptoms, a Greek oration and plenty of Latin plays w r ere ready for Queen Elizabeth when she visited Oxford in 1566. The religious refugees, who had io'2 Oxford. "eaten mice at Zurich" in Mary's time, had returned, and their influence was hostile to learning. A man who had lived on mice for his faith was above Greek. The court which contained Sydney, and which welcomed Bruno, was strong enough to make the classics popular. That famed Polish Count, Alasco, was "received with Latin orations and disputes (1583) in the best manner/' and only a scoffing Italian, like Bruno, ven- tured to call the Heads of Houses, the Drowsy heads dormitantes. Bruno was a man whom nothing could teach to speak well of people in authority. Oxford enjoyed the religious peace (not extended to " Semi- narists ") of Elizabeth's and James's reigns, and did not foresee that she was about to become the home of the Court and a place of arms. IV JACOBEAN OXFORD. IV Jacobean Oxford. / TpHE gardens of Waclham College on a bright morning in early spring are a scene in which the memory of old Oxford pleasantly lingers, and is easily revived. The great cedars throw their secular shadow on the ancient turf, the chapel forms a beautiful background ; the whole place is exactly what it was two hundred and sixty years ago. The stones of Oxford walls, when they do not turn black and drop ofif in flakes, assume tender tints of the palest gold, red, and orange. Along a wall, which looks so old that it may well have formed a defence ol the ancient Augustinian priory, the stars oi the yellow jasmine flower abundantly. The industrious hosts of the bees have left their 1 06 Oxford. cells, to labour in this first morning of spring ; the doves coo, the thrushes are noisy in the trees. All breathes of the year's renewal, and of the coming April ; and all that glad- dens us may have gladdened some indolent scholar in the time of King James. In the reign of the first Stuart king of England, Oxford became the town that we know. Even in Elizabeth's days, could we ascend the stream of centuries, we should find ourselves much at home in Oxford. The earliest trustworthy map, that of Agas (1578), is worth studying, if we wish to understand the Oxford that Elizabeth left, and that the architects of James embellished, giving us the most interesting examples of collegiate buildings, which are both stately and com- fortable. Let us enter Oxford by the Iffley Road, in the year 1578. We behold, as Agas enthusiastically writes, " A citie seated, rich in everything, Girt with wood and water, meadow, corn, and hill." The way is not bordered, of course, by the long, straggling streets of rickety cottages, Jacobean Oxford. 109 which now stretch from the bridge half way to Cowley and Iffley. The church, called by ribalds " the boiled rabbit," from its peculiar shape, lies on the right ; there is a gate in the city wall, on the place where the road now turns to Holy well. At this time the walls still existed, and ran from Magdalen past "St. Mary's College, called Newe," through Exeter, through the site of Mr. Parker's shop, and all along the south side of Broad Street to St. Michael's, and Bocardo Gate. There the wall cut across to the castle. On the southern side of the city, it skirted Corpus and Merton Gardens, and was interrupted by Christ Church. Probably if it were possible for us to visit Elizabethan Oxford, the walls and the five castle towers would seem the most curious features in the place. Entering the East Gate, Magdalen and Magdalen Grammar School would be familiar objects. St. Edmund's Hall would be in its present place, and Queen's would present its ancient Gothic front. It is easy to imagine the change in the High / 1 o Oxford. Street which would be produced by a Queen's not unlike Oriel, in the room of the highly classical edifice of Wren. All Souls would be less remarkable ; at St. Mary's we should note the absence of the " scandalous image " of Our Lady over the door. At Mertonthe fellows' quadrangle did not yet exist, and a great wood-yard bordered on Corpus. In front of Oriel was an open space with trees, and there were a few scattered buildings, such as Peckwater's Inn (on the site of " Peck "), and Canterbury College. Tom Quad was stately but incomplete. Turning from St. Mary's, past B. N. C, we miss the attics in Brasenose front, we miss the impos- ing Radcliffe, we miss all the quadrangle of the schools, except the Divinity school, and we miss the Theatre. If we go down South Street, past Ch. Ch. we find an open space where Pembroke stands. Where Wadham is now, the most uniform, complete, and un- changed of all the colleges, there are only the open pleasances, and perhaps a few ruins of the Augustinian priory. St. John's lacks !SP- I nVNf>t;_Hi', o o x Jacobean Oxford. 113 its inner quadrangle, and Balliol, in place of its new buildings, has its old delightful grove. As to the houses of the town, they are not unlike the tottering and picturesque old roofs and gables of King Street. To the Oxford of Elizabeth's reign, then, the founders and architects of her successor added, chiefly, the Schools' quadrangle, with the great gate of the five orders, a building beautiful, as it were, in its own despite. They added a smaller curiosity of the same sort, at Merton ; they added Wadham, perhaps their most successful achievement. Their taste was a medley of new and old, they made a not uninteresting effort to com- bine the exquisiteness of Gothic decoration with the proportions of Greek architecture. The tower of the five orders reminds the spectator, in a manner, of the style of Milton. It is rich and overloaded, yet its natural beauty is not abated by the relics out of the great treasures of Greece and Rome, which are built into the mass. The Ionic and Corinthian pillars are like the I ii4 Oxford. Latinisms of Milton, the double-gilding which once covered the figures and emblems of the upper part of the tower gave them the splendour of Miltonic ornament. " When King James came from Woodstock to see this quadrangular pile, he commanded the gilt figures to be whitened over/' because they were so dazzling, or, as Wood expresses it, " so glorious and splendid that none, espe- cially when the sun shone, could behold them." How characteristic of James is this anecdote ! He was by no means le rot- soleil, as courtiers called Louis XIV., as divines called the pedantic Stuart. It is easy to fancy the King, issuing from the Library of Bodley, where he has been turn- ing over books of theology, prosing, and displaying his learning for hours. The rheumy, blinking eyes are dazzled in the sunlight, and he peevishly commands the gold work to be "whitened over." Cer- tainly the translators of the Bible were but ill-advised when they compared his Majesty to the rising sun in all his glory. THE GATEWAY OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE Jacobean Oxford. 117 James was rather fond of visiting Oxford and the royal residence at Woodstock. We shall see that his Court, the most dissolute, perhaps, that England ever tolerated, cor- rupted the manners of the students. On one of his Majesty's earliest visits he had a chance of displaying the penetration of which he was so proud. James was always finding out something or somebody, till it almost seemed as if people had discovered that the best way to flatter him was to try to deceive him. In 1604, there was in Oxford a certain Richard Haydock, a Bachelor of Physic. This Haydock prac- tised his profession during the day like other mortals, but varied from the kindly race of men by a pestilent habit of preaching all night. It was Haydock's contention that he preached unconsciously in his sleep, when he would give out a text with the greatest gravity, and declare such sacred matters as were revealed to him in slumber, "his preaching coming by revelation." Though people went to hear Haydock, they 1 1 8 Oxford. were chiefly influenced by curiosity. " His auditory were willing to silence him by pulling, haling, and pinching him, yet would he pertinaciously persist to the end, and sleep still." The King was introduced into Haydock's bedroom, heard him declaim, and next day cross-examined him in private. Awed by the royal acuteness, Hay dock con- fessed that he was a humbug, and that he had taken to preaching all night by way of getting a little notoriety, and because he felt himself to be " a buried man in the University." That a man should hope to get reputation by preaching all night is itself a proof that the University, under James, was too theo- logically minded. When has it been other- wise ? The religious strife of the reigns of Henry VI I L, Edvard VI., and Mary, was not asleep ; the troubles of Charles's time were beginning to stir. Oxford was as usual an epitome of English opinion. We see the struggle of the wildest Puritanism, of Arminianism, of Pelagianism, of a dozen Jacobean Oxford. 119 " isms," which are dead enough, but have left their pestilent progeny to disturb a place of religion, learning, and amusement. By whatever names the different sects were called, men's ideas and tendencies were divided into two easily recognisable classes. Calvinism and Puritanism on one side, with the Puritanic haters of letters and art, were opposed to Catholicism in germ, to litera- ture, and mundane studies. How difficult it is to take a side in this battle, where both parties had one foot on firm ground, the other in chaos, where freedom, or what was to become freedom of thought, was allied with narrow bigotry, where learning was chained to superstition ! As early as 1606, Mr. William Laud, B.D., of St. John's College, began to disturb the University. The young man preached a sermon which was thought to look Romewards. Laud became suspect, it was thought a " scandalous " thing to give him the usual courteous greetings in the street or in the college quadrangle. From 120 Oxford. this time the history of Oxford, for forty years, is mixed up with the history of Laud. The divisions of Roundhead and of Cavalier have begun. The majority of the under- graduates are on the side of Laud ; and the Court, the citizens, and many of the elder members of the University, are with the Puritans. The Court and the King, we have said, were fond of being entertained in the College halls. James went from libraries to academic disputations, thence to dinner, and from dinner to look on at comedies played by the students. The Cambridge men did not care to see so much royal favour be- stowed on Oxford. When James visited the University in 1641, a Cambridge wit produced a remarkable epigram. For some mysterious reason the playful fancies of the sister University have never been greatly admired at Oxford, where the brisk air, men flatter themselves, breeds nimbler humours. Here is part of the Can tab's epigram : k H 1 s I Jacobean Oxford. 123 " To Oxenford the King has gone, With all his mighty peers, That hath in peace maintained us, These five or six long years." The poem maunders on for half-a-dozen lines, and "loses itself in the sands," like the River Rhine, without coming to any particular point or conclusion. How much more lively is the Oxford couplet on the King, who, being bored by some amateur theatricals, twice or thrice made as if he would leave the hall, where men failed dismally to entertain him. " ' The King himself did offer/' What, I pray?' 1 He offered twice or thrice to go away ! ' " As a result of the example of the Court, the students began to wear love-locks. In Elizabeth's time, when men wore their hair " no longer than their ears," long locks had been a mark, says Wood, of " swaggerers." Drinking and gambling were now very fashionable, undergraduates were whipped for wearing boots, while " Puritans were many and troublesome," and Laud publicly 124 Oxford. declared (1614) that " Presbyterians were as bad as Papists/' Did Laud, after all, think Papists so very bad? In 1617 he was President of his college, St. John's, on which he set his mark. It is to Laud and to Inigo Jones that Oxford owes the beautiful garden-front, perhaps the most lovely thing in Oxford. From the gardens where for so many summers the beauty of England has rested in the shadow of the chestnut- trees, amid the music of the chimes, and in air heavy with the scent of the acacia flowers from the gardens, Laud's building looks rather like a country-house than a college. If St. John's men have lived in the University too much as if it were a large country-house, if they have imitated rather the Toryism than the learning of their great Archbishop, the blame is partly Laud's. How much harm to study he and Waynflete have unwittingly done, and how much they have added to the romance of Oxford ! It is easy to understand that men find it a S ;FH x&&?m$m: *** X .,.'* / < s \ -A-l 4^^SgV ^.",/^i &&"$ ^^^^';'' ;l w^ ^jpf^-^i A\f--, * 5---T -Af '/ .v}^ 'f% ,. fc-e.^ 1 ''f-^.jKi^.-^ t:. >: J '.'',- ,;!' /^ \.%^ Jacobean Oxford. 127 weary task to read in sight of the beauty of the groves of Magdalen and of St. John. When Kubla Khan " a stately pleasure- dome decreed," he did not mean to settle students there, and to ask them for meta- physical essays, and for Greek and Latin prose compositions. Kubla Khan would have found a palace to his desire in the gardens of Laud, or where Cherwell, " mean- dering with a mazy motion/' stirs the green weeds, and flashes from the mill-wheel, and flows to the I sis through meadows white and purple with fritillaries. " And here are gardens bright with sinuous rills, Where blossoms many an incense-bearing tree ; " but here is scarcely the proper training- ground of first-class men ! Oxford returned to her ancient uses in 1625. Soon after the accession of Charles I. the plague broke out in London, and Ox- ford entertained the Parliament, as six hundred years before she had received the Witan. There seemed something ominous 128 Oxford. in all that Charles did in his earlier years the air, or men's minds, was full of the presage of fate. It was observed that the House of Commons met in the Divinity School, and that the place seemed to have infected them with theological passion. After 1625 there was never a Parliament but had its committee to discuss religion, and to stray into the devious places of divinity. The plague pursued Charles to Oxford. In those days, and long afterwards, it was a common complaint that the citizens built rows of poor cottages within the walls, and that these cottages were crowded by dirty and indigent people. Plague was bred almost yearly at Oxford, and Charles really seems to have improved the sanitary arrange- ments of the city. Laud, the president of St. John's, became, by some intrigue, Chancellor of the Uni- versity. He made Oxford many presents of Greek, Chinese, Hebrew, Latin, and Arabic MSS. There may have been let us hope there were quiet bookworms who enjoyed Jacobean Oxford. 131 these gifts, while the town and University were bubbling over with religious feuds. People grumbled that " Popish darts were whet afresh on a Dutch grindstone." A series of anti- Romish and anti- Royal ser- mons and pamphlets, followed as a rule by a series of recantations, kept men's minds in a ferment. The good that Laud did by his gifts and he was a munificent patron of learning he destroyed by his dogmatism. Scholars could not decipher Greek texts while they were torturing biblical ones into arguments for and against the opinions of the Chancellor. What is the true story about the gorgeous vestments which were found in a box in the house of the President of St. John's, and which are now preserved in the library of that College ? Did they belong to the last of the old Catholic pre- sidents of what was Chichele's College of St. Bernard before the Reformation ? Were they, on the other hand, the property of Laud himself? It has been said that Laud would not have known how to K 2 132 Oxford. wear them. Fancy sees him treasuring that bright ecclesiastical raiment, Tre-rrXo* irafjL7rol/a\oi, in some place of security. At night, perhaps, when candles were lit and curtains drawn, and he was alone, he may have arrayed himself in the gorgeous chasuble before the mirror, as Hetty wore her surreptitious finery. " There is a great deal of human nature in man." If Laud really strutted in solitude, draped rather at random in these vestments, the ecclesiastical gear is even more interesting than the thin ivory-headed staff which supported him on his way to the scaffold ; more curious than the diary in which he recorded the events of night and day, of dreaming hours and waking. In the library at St. John's they show his bust a tarnished, gilded work of art. He has a neat little cocked-up mous- tache, not like a prelate's ; the face is that of a Bismarck without strength of character. In speaking of Oxford before the civil war, let us not forget that true students and peaceable men found a welcome retreat be- Jacobean Oxford. 133 yond the din of theological factions. Lord Falkland's house was within ten miles of the town. " In this time," says Clarendon, in his immortal panegyric, " in this time he contracted familiarity and friendship with the most polished men of the University, who found such an immenseness of wit and such a solidity of judgment in him, so in- finite a fancy, bound in by a most logical ratiocination, such a vast knowledge that he was not ignorant in anything, yet such an excessive humility as if he had known nothing, that they frequently resorted and dwelt with him, as in a college situated in a purer air ; so that his house was a uni- versity in a less volume, whither they came not so much for repose as study ; and to examine and refine those grosser proposi- tions, which laziness and consent made current in vulgar conversation/' The signs of the times grew darker. In 1636 the King and Queen visited Oxford, "with no applause." In 1640 Laud sent the University his last present of manu- 1 34 Oxford. scripts. He was charged with many offences. He had repaired crucifixes ; he had allowed the " scandalous image" to be set up in the porch of St. Mary's ; and Alderman Nixon, the Puritan grocer, had seen a man bowing tc the scandalous image so he declared. In 1642 Charles asked for money from the Colleges, for the pro- secution of the war w r ith the Parliament. The beautiful old College plate began its journey to the melting-pot. On August gth the scholars armed themselves. There were two bands of musqueteers, one of pikemen, one of halberdiers. In the reign of Henry III. the men had been on the other side. Magdalen bridge was blocked up with heaps of wood. Stones, for the primitive warfare of the time, were trans- ported to the top of Magdalen tower. The stones were never thrown at any foe- men. Royalists and Roundheads in turn occupied the place ; and while grocer Nixon fled before the Cavaliers, he came back and interceded for All Souls' College (which PORCH OF ST. MARY'S. Jacobean Oxford. 137 dealt with him for figs and sugar) when the Puritans wished to batter the graven images on the gate. On October 2Qth the King came, after Edgehill fight, the Court assembled, and Oxford was fortified. The place was made impregnable in those days of feeble artillery. The author of the " Gesta Stephani " had pointed out, many centuries before, that Oxford, if properly defended, could never be taken, thanks to the network of streams that surrounds her. Though the citizens worked grudgingly and slowly, the trenches were at last completed. The earthworks a double line ran in and out of the interlacing streams. A Parlia- mentary force on Headington Hill seems to have been unable to play on the city with artillery. Barbed arrows were served out to the scholars, who formed a regiment of more than six hundred men. The Queen held her little court in Merton, in the Warden's lodgings. Clarendon gives rather a humorous account of the discontent of the fine ladies: "The town was full of lords 138 Oxford. (besides those of the Council), and of per- sons of the best quality, with very many ladies, who, when not pleased themselves, kept others from being so." Oxford never was so busy and so crowded ; letters, society, war, were all confused ; there were excur- sions against Brown at Abingdon, and alarms from Fairfax on Headington Hill. The siege, from May 22nd to June 5th, was almost a farce. The Parliamentary generals " fought with perspective glasses/ 1 Neither Cromwell at Wytham, nor Brown at Wolvercot, pushed matters too hard. When two Puritan regiments advanced on Hinksey, Mr. Smyth blazed away at them from his house. As in Zululand, any build- ing made a respectable fort, when cannon- balls had so little penetrative power, or when artillery was not at the front. Oxford was surrendered, with other places of arms, after Naseby, and Presbyterians became heads of Colleges! SOME SCHOLARS OF THE RESTORATION. Some Scholars oj the Restoration. T N Merton Chapel a little mural tablet bears the crest, the name, and the dates of the birth and death, of Antony Wood. He has been our guide in these sketches of Oxford life, as he must be the guide of the gravest and most exact historians. No one who cares for the past of the University should think without pity and friendliness of this lonely scholar, who in his lifetime was unpitied and unbefriended. We have reached the period in which he lived and died, in the midst of changes of Church and State, and surrounded by more worldly scholars, whose letters remain to testify that, in the reign of the Second Charles, Oxford was modern Ox- ford. In the epistles of Humphrey Prideaux, 142 Oxford. student of Christ Church, we recognise the foibles of the modern University, the love of gossip, the internecine criticism, the great- ness of little men whom rien ne pent plaire. Antony Wood was a scholar of a different sort, of a sort that has never been very com- mon in Oxford. He was a perfect dungeon of books ; but he wrote as well as read, which has never been a usual practice in his Uni- versity. Wood was born in 1632, in one of the old houses opposite Merton, perhaps in the curious ancient hall which has been called Beham, Bream, and Bohemia Anla, by various corruptions of the original spelling. As a boy, Wood must have seen the siege of Oxford, which he describes not without humour. As a young man, he watched the religious revolution which in- troduced Presbyterian Heads of Houses, and sent Puritanical captains of horse, like Cap- tain James Wadsworth, to hunt for " Papis- tical reliques " and " massing stuffs " among the property of the President of C C. C. and the Dean of Ch. Ch. (1646-1648). In 1650 CURISTCIIURCH MEADOWS FROM THE RIVER. Some Scholars of the Restoration. 145 he saw the Chancellorship of Oliver Crom- well ; in 1659 he welcomed the Restoration, and rejoiced that " the King had come to his own again. " The tastes of an antiquary combined, with the natural reaction against Puritanism, to make Antony Wood a High Churchman, and not averse to Rome, while he had sufficient breadth of mind to admire Thomas Hobbes, the patriarch of English learning. But Wood had little room in his heart or mind for any learning save that con- nected with the University. Oxford, the city, and the colleges, the remains of the old religious art, the customs, the dresses these things he adored with a loverlike devotion, which was utterly unrewarded. He owed no office to the University, and he was even expelled (1693) f r having written sharply against Clarendon. This did not abate his zeal, nor prevent him from passing all his days, and much of his nights, in the study and compilation of University history. The author of Wood's biography has left a picture of his sombre and laborious L 1 46 Oxford. age. He rose at four o'clock every morning. He scarcely tasted food till supper-time. At the hour of the College dinner he visited the booksellers' shops, where he was sure not to be disturbed by the gossip of dons, young and old. After supper he would smoke his pipe and drink his pot of ale in a tavern. It was while he took this modest refreshment, before old age came upon him, that Antony once fell in, and fell out, with Dick Peers. This Dick was one of the men employed by Dr. Fell, the Dean of Ch. Ch., to translate Wood's " His- tory and Antiquities of the University of Ox- ford " into Latin. The translation gave rise to a number of literary quarrels. As Dean of Ch. Ch., Dr. Fell yielded to the beset- ting sin of deans, and fancied himself the absolute master of the University, if not something superior to mortal kind. An autocrat of this sort had no scruples about changing Wood's copy whenever he differed from Wood in political or religious opinion. Now Antony, as we said, had eyes to dis- cern the greatness of Hobbes, whom the Some Scholars of the Restoration. 147 Dean considered no better than a Deist or an Atheist. The Dean therefore calmly altered all that Wood had written of the Philosopher of Malmesbury, and so maligned Hobbes that the old man, meeting the King in Pall Mall, begged leave to reply in his own defence. Charles allowed the dispute to go on, and Hobbes hit Fell rather hard. The Dean retorted with the famous expression about irritabile illud et vanissimum Malmesburiense animal. This controversy amused Oxford, but bred bad feeling between Antony Wood and Dick Peers, the translator of his work, and the tool of the Dean of Ch. Ch. Prideaux (" Letters to John Ellis ; " Camden Society, 1875) describes the battles in city taverns between author and translator. " I suppose that you have heard of the continuall feuds, ard often battles, between the author and the translator ; they had a skirmish at Sol Hardeing [keeper of a tavern in All Saints' parish], another at the printe- ing house [the Sheldonian theatre], and several other places." L 2 148 Oxford. From the record of these combats, we learn that the recluse Antony was a man of his hands : " As Peers always cometh off with a bloody nose or a black eye, he was a long time afraid to goe annywhere where he might chance to meet his too powerful adver- sary, for fear of another drubbing, till he was pro-proctor, and now Woods (sic) is as much afraid to meet him, least he should exercise his authority upon him. And although he be a good bowzeing blad, yet it hath been observed that never since his adversary hath been in office hath he dared to be out after nine, least he should meet him and exact the rigor of the statute upon him." The statute required all scholars to be in their rooms before Tom had ceased ringing. It was, perhaps, too rash to say that the Ox- ford of the Restoration was already modern Oxford. The manners of the students were, so to speak, more accentuated. However much the lecturer in Idolology may dislike the method and person of the Reader in the Mandingo language, these two learned men do not box in taverns, nor take off their coats if they meet each other at the Clarendon Press. People are careful not to pitch into Some Scholars of the Restoration. 149 each other in that way, though the temper which confounds opponents for their theory of irregular verbs is not at all abated. As Wood grew in years he did not increase in honours. "He was a mere scholar, and con- sequently might expect from the greater number of men disrespect. When he was but sixty-four, he looked eighty at least. His dress was not elegant, "cleanliness be- ing his chief object." He rarely left his rooms, that were papered with MSS., and where every table and chair had its load of books and yellow parchments from the College muniment rooms. When strangers came to Oxford with letters of recommenda- tion, the recluse would leave his study, and gladly lead them about the town, through Logic Lane to Queen's, which had not then the sublimely classical front, built by Hawksmoor, " but suggested by Sir Christopher Wren." It is worthy of his genius. Wood died in 1695, " forgiving every one/' He could well afford to do so. In his " Athense Oxonienses" he had written the lives of all his enemies. 150 Oxford. Wood, " being a mere scholar/' could, of course, expect nothing but disrespect in a place like Oxford. His younger contem- porary, Humphrey Prideaux, was, in the Oxford manner, a man of the world. He was the son of a Cornish squire, was educated at Westminster under Busby (that awful pedagogue, whose birch seems so near a memory), got a studentship at ChristChurch in 1668, and took his B.A. degree in 1672. Here it may be observed that men went up quite as late in life then as they do now, for Prideaux was twenty-four years old when he took his degree. Fell was Dean of Christ Church, and was showing laudable zeal in working the University Press. What a pity it is that the University Press of to-day has become a trading concern, a shop for two- penny manuals and penny primers! It is scarcely proper that the University should at once organize examinations and sell the manuals which contain the answers to the questions most likely to be set. To return to Fell ; he made Prideaux edit Lucius Some Scholars of the Restoration. 151 Florus, and publish the " Marmora Oxoni- ensia," which came out 1676. We must not suppose, however, that Prideaux was an en- thusiastic archaeologist. He did the " Mar- mora" because the Dean commanded it, and because educated people were at that period not uninterested in Greek art. At the pre- sent hour one may live a lifetime in Oxford and only learn, by the accident of examining passmen in the Arundel Room, that the University possesses any marbles. In the walls of the Arundel Room (on the ground-floor in the Schools' quadrangle) these touching remains of Hellas are in- terred. There are the funereal stelae, with their quiet expression of sorrow, of hope, of resignation. The young man, on his tomb- stone, is represented in the act of rising and taking the hand of a friend. He is bound on his latest journey. " He goeth forth unto the unknown land, Where wife nor child may follow ; thus far tell The lingering clasp of hand in faithful hand, And that brief carven legend, Friend^ farewell. 152 Oxford. O pregnant sign, profound simplicity ! All passionate pain and fierce remonstrating Being wholly purged, leave this mere memory, Deep but not harsh, a sad and sacred thing."* The lady chooses from a coffer a trinket, or a ribbon. It is her last toilette she is making, with no fear and no regret. Again, the long-severed souls are meeting with de- light in the home of the just made perfect. Even in the Schools, these scraps of Greek lapidary's work seem beautiful to us, in their sober and cheerful acceptance of life and death. We hope, in Oxford, that the study of ancient art, as well as of ancient litera- ture, may soon be made possible. These tangible relics of the past bring us very near to the heart and the life of Greece, and waken a kindly enthusiasm in every one who approaches them. In Humphrey Pri- deaux's letters there is not a trace of any such feeling. He does his business, but it is hack-work. In this he differs from the * Poems by Ernest Myers. London, 1877. Some Scholars of the Restoration. 153 modern student, but in his caustic description of the rude and witless society of the place he is modern enough. In his letters to his friend, John Ellis, of the State Paper Office, it is plain that Prideaux wants to get prefer- ment. His taste and his ambition alike made him detest the heavy beer-drinking doctors, the fast " All Souls gentlemen," and the fos- sils of stupidity who are always plentifully imbedded in the soil of University life. Fellowships were then sold, at Magdalen and New, when they were not given by favour. Prideaux grumbles (July 28th, 1674) at the laxness of the Commissioners, who should have exposed this abuse : "In town, one of their inquirys is whether any of the scholars weare pantaloons or periwigues, or keep dogs." The great dispute about dogs, which raged at a later date in University College, had already begun to disturb dons and under- graduates. The choice language of Oxford contempt was even then extant, and Prideaux, like Grandison in " Daniel Deronda," spoke curtly of the people whom he did not like as 154 Oxford. "brutes." "Pembroke the fittest colledge in the town for brutes. " The University did not encourage certain " players " who had paid the place a visit, and the players, in re- venge, had gone about the town at night and broken the windows. When the journey from London to Oxford is so easily performed, it is amusing to read of Prideaux's miserable adventures, in the diligence, between a lady of easy manners, a " pitiful rogue," and two undergraduates who "sordidly affected debauchery/' 11 This ill company made me very miserable all the way. Only once I could not but heartily laugh to see Fincher be sturdyly belaboured by five or six carmen with whips and prong staves for provoking them with some of his extravagant frolics." The "violent affection to vice" in the Uni- versity, or in the country, was, of course, the reaction against the godliness of Puritan captains of horse. Another form of the re- action is discernible in the revived High Church sentiments of Prideaux, Wood, and most of the students of the time. Some Scholars of the Restoration. 155 The manners of the undergraduates were not much better than those of the pot-house haunting seniors. Dr. Good, the Master of Balliol, " a good old toast/' had much trouble with his students. "There is. over against Balliol College, a dingy, horrid, scandalous ale-house, fit for none but draymen and tinkers, and such as, by going there, have made themselves equally scandalous. Here the Balliol men continually, and by perpetuall bubbing, add art to their natural stupidity, to make themselves perfect sots." The envy and jealousy of the inferior colleges, alas ! have put about many things, in these latter days, to the discredit of the Balliol men, but not even Humphrey Pri- deaux would, out of all his stock of epithets, choose "sottish" and "stupid." In these old times, however, Dr. Good had to call the men together, and " Inform them of the mischiefs of that hellish liquor called ale; but one of them, not so tamely to be preached out of his beloved liquor, made answer that the Vice- Chancelour's men drank ale at the * Split Crow/ and why should not they too ? " 156 Oxford. On this, old Dr. Good posted off to the Vice-Chancellor, who, " being a lover of old ale " himself, returned a short answer to the head of Balliol. The old man went back to his college, and informed his fellows, "that he was assured there were no hurt in ale, so that now they may be sots by authority. " Christ Church men were not more sober. David Whitford, who had been the tutor of Shirley the poet, was found lying dead in his bed : " he had been going to take a dram for refreshment, but death came between the cup and the lips, and this is the end of Davy." Prideaux records, in the same feel- ing style, that small-pox carried off many of the undergraduates, " besides my brother/' a student at Corpus. The University Press supplied Prideaux with gossip. They printed " a book against Hobs/' written by Clarendon. Hobbes was the heresiarch of the time, and when an un- happy fellow of Merton hanged himself, the doctrines of Hobbes were said to have prompted him to the deed. To return to Some Scholars of the Restoration. 157 the Press. " Our Christmas book will be Cornelius Nepos ... Our marbles are now printing.'' Prideaux, as has been said, took no interest in his own work. " I coat (quote) a multitude of authors ; if people think the better of me for that, I will think the worse of them for their judgement. It beeing soe easyly a thinge to make this specious show, he must be a fool that cannot gain whatsoever repute is to be gotten by it. If people will admire him for this, they may ; I shall admire such for nothing else but their good indexs. As long as books have these, on what subject may we not coat as many others as we please, and never have read one of them ? " It is not easy to gather from this confes- sion, whether Prideaux had or had not read the books he " coated." It is certain that Dean Aldrich (and here again we recognise the eternal criticism of modern Oxford) held a poor opinion of Humphrey Prideaux. Aldrich said Prideaux was " incorrect," " muddy-headed," "he would do little or nothing besides heaping up notes ; " " as for MSS. he would not trouble himself about any, but rest wholly upon what had been 158 Oxford. done to his hands by former editors." This habit of carping, this trick of collecting notes, this inability to put a work through, this dawdling erudition, this horror of manu- scripts, every Oxford man knows them, and feels those temptations which seem to be in the air. Oxford is a discouraging place. Col- lege drudgery absorbs the hours of students in proportion to their conscientiousness. They have only the waste odds-and-ends of time for their own labours. They live in an atmosphere of criticism. They collect notes, they wait, they dream ; their youth goes by, and the night comes when no man can work. The more praise to the tutors and lecturers who decipher the records of Assyria, or patiently collate the manuscripts of the Iliad, who not only teach what is already known, but add to the stock of knowledge, and advance the boundaries of scholarship and science. One lesson may be learned from Pri- deaux's cynical letters, which is still worth the attention of every young Oxford student Some Scholars of the Restoration. 159 who is conscious of ambition, of power, and of real interest in letters. He can best serve his University by coming out of her, by declining college work, and by devoting himself to original study in some less ex- hausted air, in some less critical society. Among the aversions of Humphrey Prideaux, were the " gentlemen of All Souls." They certainly showed extraordi- nary impudence when they secretly em- ployed the University Press to print off copies of Marc Antonio's engravings after Giulio Romano's drawings. It chanced that Fell visited the press rather late one evening, and found "his press working at such an imployment. The prints and plates he hath seased, and threatened the owners of them with expulsion." "All Souls/' adds Pri- deaux, "is a scandalous place." Yet All Souls was the college of young Mr. Guise, an Arabic scholar, "the greatest miracle in the knowledge of that I ever heard of." Guise died of small-pox while still very young. 160 Oxford. Thus Prideaux prattles on, about Admiral Van Tromp, " a drunken greazy Dutchman/' whom Speed, of St. John's, conquered in boozing ; of the disputes about races in Port Meadow ; of the breaking into the Mermaid Tavern. " We Christ Church men bear the blame of it, our ticks, as the noise of the town will have it, amounting to ,1500." Thus Christ Church had little cause to throw the first stone at Balliol. Prideaux shows little interest in letters, little in the press, though he lived in palmy days of printing, in the time of the Elzevirs ; none at all in the educational work of the place. He sneers at the Puritans, and at the con- troversy on "The Foundations of Hell Torments shaken and removed/' He ad- mits that Locke "is a man of very good converse," but is chiefly concerned to spy out the movements of the philosopher, suspected of sedition, and to report them to Ellis in town. About the new buildings, as of the beautiful western gateway, where Great Tom is hung, the work of Wren, Some Scholars of the Restoration. 1 6 1 Prideaux says little ; St, Mary's was suffer, ing restoration, and " the old men," including Wood, we may believe, " exceedingly ex- claim against it." That is the way of Oxford, a college is constantly rebuilding amid the protests of the rest of the Uni- versity. There is no question more common, or less agreeable than this, " What are you doing to your tower ? "or " What are you doing to your hall, library, or chapel ? " No one ever knows ; but we are always doing something, and working men for ever sit, and drink beer, on the venerable roofs. Long intercourse with Prideaux's letters, and mournful memories of Oxford new buildings, tempt a writer to imitate Pri- deaux's spirit. Let us shut up his book, where he leaves Oxford, in 1686, to become rector of Saham-Toney, in Norfolk, and marry a wife, though, says he, " I little thought I should ever come to this." VI HIGH TORY OXFORD VI High Tory Oxford. HPHE name of her late Majesty Queen Anne has for some little time been a kind of party watch-word. Many harmless people have an innocent loyalty to this lady, make themselves her knights (as Mary Antoinette has still her sworn champions in France and Mary Stuart in Scotland), buy the plate of her serene period, and imitate the dress. To many moral critics in the press, however, Queen Anne is a kind of abomination. I know not how it is, but the terms " Queen Anne furniture and blue china " have become words of almost slanderous railing. Any didactic journalist who uses .hem is certain at once to fall heavily on the artistic reputation of Mr. Burne Jones to rebuke the philosophy of 1 66 Oxford. Mr. Pater, and to hint that the entrance- hall of the Grosvenor Gallery is that " by- way " with which Bunyan has made us familiar. In the changes of things our ad- miration of the Augustan age of our litera- ture, the age of Addison and Steele, of Marlborough and Aldrich, has become a sort of reproach. It may be that our modern preachers know but little of that which they traduce. At all events, the Oxford of Queen Anne's time was not what they call " un-English, n but highly con- servative, and as dull and beer-bemused as the most manly taste could wish it to be. The " Spectator " of the ingenious Sir Richard Steele gives us many a glimpse of non-juring Oxford. The old fashion of Sanctity (Mr. Addison says, in the " Specta- tor," No. 494) had passed away ; nor were appearances of Mirth and Pleasure looked upon as the Marks of a Carnal Mind. Yet the Puritan Rule was not so far forgotten, but that Mr. Anthony Henley (a Gentleman of Property) could remember how he had High Tory Oxford. 167 stood for a Fellowship in a certain College whereof a great Independent Minister was Governor. As Oxford at this Moment is much vexed in her Mind about Examina- tions, wherein, indeed, her whole Force is presently expended, I make no scruple to repeat the account of Mr. Henley's Ad- venture : " The Youth, according to Custom, waited on the Governor of his College, to be examined. He was re- ceived at the Door by a Servant, who was one of that gloomy Generation that were then in Fashion. He conducted him with great Silence and Seriousness to a long Gallery, which was darkened at Noon-day, and had only a single Candle burning in it. After a short stay in this melancholy Apartment, he was led into a Chamber hung with black, where he entertained himself for some time by the glimmering of a Taper, till at length the Head of the College came out to him from an inner Room, with half a dozen Night Caps upon his Head, and a religious Horror in his Countenance. The Young Man trembled ; but his Fears increased when, instead of being asked what progress he had made in Learning, he was ask'd ' how he abounded in Grace ? ' His Latin and Greek stood him in little stead. He was to give an account only of the state of his Soul whether he was of the Number of the Elect ; what was the Occa- sion of his Conversion ; upon what Day of the Month 1 68 Oxford. and Hour of the Day it happened ; how it was carried on, and when completed. The whole Examination was summed up in one short Question, namely, Whether he was prepared for Death ? The Boy, who had been bred up by honest Parents, was frighted out of his wits by the solemnity of the Proceeding, and by the last dreadful Interrogatory, so that, upon making his Escape out of this House of Mourning, he could never be brought a second Time to the Examination, as not being able to go through the Terrors of it." By the year 1/05, when Tom Hearne, of St. Edmund's Hall, began to keep his diary, the "honest folk " that is, the High Churchmen had the better of the Indepen- dent Ministers. The Dissenters had some favour at Court, but in the Univeisity they were looked upon as utterly reprobate. From the " Reliquiae " of Hearne (an anti- quarian successor of Antony Wood, a biblio- phile, an archaeologist, and as honest a man as Jacobitism could make him) let us quote an example of Heavens wrath against Dis- senters. "Aug. 6, 1706. We have an account from Whit- church, in Shropshire, that the Dissenters there having prepared a great quantity of bricks to erect a spacious High Tory Oxford. 169 conventicle, a destroying angel came by night and spoiled them all, and confounded their Babel in the beginning, to their great mortification." Hearne's common-place books are an amusing source of information about Oxford society in the years of Queen Anne, and of the Hanoverian usurper. Tom Hearne was a Master of Arts of St. Edmund's Hall, and at one time Deputy- Librarian of the Bodleian. He lost this post because he would not take " the wicked oaths " required of him, but he did not therefore leave Ox- ford. His working hours were passed in preparing editions of antiquarian books, to be printed in very limited number, on ordi- nary and LARGE PAPER. It was the joy of Tom's existence to see his editions become first scarce, then VERY SCARCE, while the price augmented in proportion to the rarity. When he was not reading in his rooms he was taking long walks in the country, tracing Roman walls and roads, and exploring Woodstock Park for the remains of "the labyrinth/' as he calls the Maze of Fair 1 70 Oxford. Rosamund. In these strolls he was some- times accompanied by undergraduates, even gentlemen of noble family, " which gave cause to some to envy our happiness/' Hearne was a social creature, and had a heart, as he shows by the entry about the death of his "very dear friend, Mr. Thomas Cherry, A.M., to the great grief of all that knew him, being a gentleman of great beauty, singular modesty, of wonderful good nature, and most excellent principles." The friends of Hearne were chiefly, per- haps solely, what he calls "honest men," supporters of the Stuart family, and always ready to drink his Majesty's (King James') health. They would meet in " Antiquity Hall," an old house near Wadham, and smoke their honest pipes. They held cer- tain of the opinions of "the Hebdomadal Meeting," satirised by Steele in the "Spec- tator" (No. 43). "We are much offended at the Act for importing French wines. A bottle or two of good solid Edifying Port, at honest Georges, made a Night cheerful, and NEW COLLEGE. High Tory Oxford. 173 threw off Reserve. But this plaguy French Claret will not only cost us more Money but do us less good." Hearne had a poor opinion of " Captain Steele," and of "one Tickle : this Tickle is a pretender to poetry." He admits that, though " Queen's people are angry at the ' Spectator,' and the com- mon-room say 'tis silly dull stuff, men that are indifferent commend it highly, as it de- serves." Some other satirist had a plate etched, representing Antiquity Hall a caricature of Tom's antiquarian engravings. It may be seen in Skelton's book. Thanks to Hearne it is easy to reproduce the common-room gossip, and the more treasonable talk of honest men at Antiquity Hall. The learned were much interested, as they usually are at Oxford, in theological discussion. Some one proved, by an ingeni- ous syllogism, that all men are to be saved ; but Hearne had the better of this Latitu- dinarian, easily demonstrating that the com- fortable argument does not meet the case of madmen, and of deaf-mutes, whom Tom did T 74 Oxford. not expect to meet in a future state. The ingenious, though depressing speculations of Mr. Dodwell, were also discussed : " He makes the air the receptacle of all souls, good and bad, and that they are under the power of the D 1, he being prince of the air." "The less perfectly good" hangout, if we may say so, "in the space between earth and the clouds," all which is subtle, and creditable to Mr. Dodwell's invention, but not susceptible of exact demonstration. The whole controversy is an interesting specimen of Queen Anne philosophy, which, with all respect for the taste of the period, we need not wish to see revived. The Bishop of Worcester, for example, "expects the end of the world about nine years hence." While the theology of Oxford is being men- tioned, the zeal of Dr. Miller, Regius Pro- fessor of Greek, must not be forgotten. The learned Professor endeavoured to con- vert, and even " writ a Letter to Mrs. Brace- girdle, giving her great encomiums (as having himself been often to see plays acted High Tory Oxford. 175 whilst they continued here), upon account of her excellent qualifications, and persuading her to give over this loose way of living, and betake herself to such a kind of life as was more innocent, and would gain her more credit." The Professor's advice was wasted on " Bracegirdle the brown/' Politics were naturally much discussed in these doubtful years, when the Stuarts, it was thought, had still a chance to win their own again. In 1706, Tom says, "The great health now is ' The Cube of Three/ which is the number 27, i.e. the number of the protesting Lords." The University was most devoted, as far as drinking toasts con- stitutes loyalty. In Hearne's common-place book is carefully copied out this " Scotch Health to K. J." : " He's o'er the seas and far awa', He's o'er the seas and far awa' ; Altho' his back be at the wa' We'll drink his health that's far awa'." The words live, and ring strangely out of 1 76 Oxford. that dusty past. The song survives the throne, and sounds pathetically, somehow, as one has heard it chanted, in days as dead as the year 1711, at suppers that seem as ancient almost as the festivities of Thomas Hearne. It is not unpleasant to remember that the people who sang could also fight, and spilt their blood as well as their " edify- ing port." If the Southern "honest men" had possessed hearts for anything but tip- pling, the history of England would have been different. When " the allyes and the French fought a bloudy battle near Mons" (1709, " Mal- plaquet") the Oxford honest men, like Colonel Henry Esmond, thought "there was not any the least reason of bragging." The young King of England, under the character of the Chevalier St. George, " shewed abundance of undaunted courage and reso- lution, led up his troups with unspeakable bravery, appeared in the utmost dangers, and at last was wounded." Marlborough's victories were sneered at. his new palace High Tory Oxford. 177 of Blenheim was said to be not only ill-built, but haunted by signs of evil omen. It was not always safe to say what one thought about politics at Oxford. One Mr. A. going to one Mr. Tonson, a barber, put the barber and his wife in a ferment (they being rascally Whigs) by maintaining that the hereditary right was in the P. of W. Ton- son laid information against the gentleman ; " which may be a warning to honest men not to enter into topicks of this nature with bar- bers." One would not willingly, even now, discuss the foreign policy of Her Majesty's Ministers with the person who shaves one. There are opportunities and temptations to which no decent person should be wantonly exposed. The bad effect of Whiggery on the temper was evident in this, that "the Mohocks are all of the Whiggish gang, and indeed all Whigs are looked upon as such Mohocks, their principles and doctrines lead- ing thus to all manner of barbarity and in humanity." So true is it that Conservatives W 1 78 Oxford. are all lovers of peace and quiet, that (May 2 9> J 7 5) "last night a good part of the Presbyterian meeting-house in Oxford was pulled down. The people ran up and down the streets, crying, King James the Third ! The true king ! No Usurper. In the even- ing they pulled a good part of the Quakers' and Anabaptists* meeting-houses down. The heads of houses have represented that it was begun by the Whiggs." Probably the heads of houses reasoned on a priori principles, when they arrived at this remarkable con- clusion. Inconsequence of the honesty, frankness, and consistency of his opinions, Mr. Hearne ran his head in danger, when King George came to the throne which has ever since been happily settled in the possession of the Han- overian line. A Mr. Urry, a Non-juror, had to warn him, saying, " Do you not know that they have a mind to hang you if they can, and that you have many enemies who are very ready to do it ? " In spite of this, Hearne, in his diaries, still calls George I., the Duke of High Tory Oxford. 179 Brunswick, and the Whigs, "that fanatical crew." John, Duke of Maryborough, he styles " that villain the Duke." We have had enough, perhaps, of Oxford politics, which were not much more prejudiced in the days of the Duke than in those of Mr. Gladstone. H earne's allusions to the contemporary state of buildings and of college manners are often rather instructive. In All Souls the Whigs had a feast on the day of King Charles's martyrdom. They had a dinner dressed of woodcock, " whose heads they cut off, in con- tempt of the memory of the blessed martyr.' These men were " low Churchmen, more shame to them/' The All Souls men had already given up the custom of wandering about the College on the night of January 1 4th, with sticks and poles, in quest of the mallard. That " swopping" bird, still justly respected, was ' thought, for many ages, to linger in the College of which he is the protector. But now all hope of recovering him alive is lost, and it is reserved for the excavator of the future to marvel over the N 2 1 80 Oxford. fossil bones of the " swopping, swopping mallard." As an example of the paganism of Queen Anne's reign quite a different thing from the " Neo-paganism " which now causes so much anxiety to the moral press-man let us note the affecting instance of Geffery Ammon. "He was a merry companion, and his conversation was much courted." Geffery had but little sense of religion. He is now buried on the west side of Binsey churchyard, near St. Margaret's well. Geffery selected Binsey for the place of his sepulchre, because he was partial to the spot, having often shot snipe there. In order to moisten his clay, he desired his friend Will Gardner, a boatman of Oxford, who was accustomed to row him down the river, to put now and then a bottle of ale by his grave when he came that way ; an injunction which was punctually complied with. Oxford lost in H earne's time many of her old buildings. It is said, with a dreadful appearance of truth, that Oxford is now to g u > fc H Pi W High Tory Oxford. 183 lose some of the few that are left. Corpus and Merton, if they are not belied, mean to pull down the old houses opposite Merton, halls and houses consecrated to the memory of Antony Wood, and to build lecture-rooms and houses for married dons on the site. The topic, for one who is especially bound to pray for Merton (and who now does so with unusual fervour), is most painful. A view of the " proposed new buildings," in the Exhibi- tion of the Royal Academy (1879), depresses the soul. In the same spirit Hearne says (March 28, 1671), "It always grieves me when I go through Queen's College, to see the ruins of the old chapell next to High Street, the area of which now lies open (the building being most of it pulled down) and trampled upon by dogs, &c., as if the ground had never been consecrated. Nor do the Queen's Coll. people take any care, but rather laught at it when 'tis mentioned." In 1722 " the famous postern-gate called the Turl Gate (a corruption for Thorold Gate) was " pulled down by one Dr. Walker, who 1 84 Oxford. lived by it, and pretended that it was a detri- ment to his house. As long ago as 1705, they had pulled down the building of Peck- water quadrangle, in Ch. Ch." Queen's also " pulled down the old refectory, which was on the west side of the old quadrangle, and was a fine old structure that I used to admire much." It appears that the College was also anxious to pull down the chamber of King Henry V. This is a strange craze for destruction, that some time ago endangered the beautiful library of Merton, a place where one can fancy that Chaucer or Wyclif may have studied. Oxford will soon have little left of the beauty and antiquity of Pateys Quad in Merton, as represented in our illustration. What the next generation will think of the multitu- dinous new buildings, it is not hard to conjecture. Imitative experiments, with- out style or fancy in structure or deco- ration, and often more than medisevally uncomfortable, they will seem but evi- dences of Oxford's love of destruction. MERTON COLLEGE. High Tory Oxford. 187 People of Hearne's way of thinking, people who respect antiquity, protest in vain, and, like Hearne, must be content sadly to en- joy what is left of grace and dignity. He died before Oxford had quite become the Oxford of Gibbon's autobiography. VII GEORGIAN OXFORD. /"\ VI 1 Georgian Oxford. has usually been described either by her lovers or her malcon- tents. She has suffered the extremes of filial ingratitude and affection. There is something in the place that makes all her children either adore or detest her ; and it is difficult, indeed, to pick out the truth con- cerning her past social condition from the satires and the encomiums. Nor is it easy to say what qualities in Oxford, and what answering characteristics in any of her sons, will beget the favourable or the unfavourable verdict. Gibbon, one might have thought, saw the sunny, and Johnson the shady, side of the University. With youth, and wealth, and liberty, with a set of three beautiful rooms in that " stately pile, the new building 192 Oxford. of Magdalen College," Gibbon found nothing in Oxford to please him nothing to admire, nothing to love. From his poor and lofty rooms in Pembroke Gate-tower the hypo- chondriac Johnson rugged, anxious, and conscious of his great unemployed power looked down on a much more pleasant Ox- ford, on a city and on schools that he never ceased to regard with affection. This con- trast is found in the opinions of our con- temporaries. One man will pass his time in sneering at his tutors and his companions, in turning listlessly from study to study, in following false tendencies, and picking up scraps of knowledge which he despises, and in later life he will detest his University. There are wiser and more successful students, who yet bear away a grudge against the stately mother of us all, that so easily can disregard our petty spleens and ungrateful rancour. Mr. Lowe's most bitter congratulatory addresses to the " happy Civil Engineers/' and his unkindest cuts at ancient history, and at the old philosophies Georgian Oxford. 193 which " on Argive heights divinely sung," move her not at all. Meanwhile, the majority of men are more kindly compact, and have more natural affections, and on them the memory of their earliest friend- ships, and of that beautiful environment which Oxford gave to their years of youth, is not wholly wasted. There are more Johnsons, happily, in this matter, than Gibbons. There is little need to repeat the familiar story of Johnson's life at Pembroke. He went up in the October term of 1728, being then nineteen years of age, and already full of that wide and miscel- laneous classical reading which the Oxford course, then as now, somewhat discouraged. " His figure and manner appeared strange" to the company in which he found himself ; and when he broke silence it was with a quotation from Macrobius. To his tutor's lectures, as a later poet says, " with freshman zeal he went ; " but his zeal did not last out the discovery that the tutor was " a heavy man," and the fact that there was "sliding o 194 Oxford. on Christ Church Meadow." Have any of the artists who repeat, with perseverance, the most famous scenes in the Doctor's life drawn him sliding on Christ Church meadows, sliding in these worn and clouted shoes of his, and with that figure which even the exercise of skating could not have made "swan-like," to quote the young lady in "Pickwick?" Johnson was " sconced " in the sum of twopence for cutting lecture ; and it is rather curious that the amount of the fine was the same four hundred years earlier, when Master Stokes, of Cats' Hall (whose career we touched on in the second of these sketches), deserted his lessons. It was when he was thus sconced that Johnson made that reply which Boswell preserves " as a speci- men of the antithetical character of his wit " " Sir, you have sconced me twopence for non-attendance on a lecture not worth a penny." Sconcing seems to have been the penalty for offences very various in degree. "A young fellow of Balliol College having, upon Georgian Oxford. 197 some discontent, cut his throat very dangerously, the Master of his College sent his servitor to the buttery-book to sconce him five shillings; "and," says the Doctor, "tell him that the next time he cuts his throat I'll sconce him ten ! " This prosaic punishment might perhaps deter some Werthers from playing with edged tools. From Boswell's meagre account of John- son's Oxford career we gather some facts which supplement the description of Gibbon. The future historian went into residence twenty-three years after Johnson departed without taking his degree. Gibbon was a gentleman commoner, and was permitted by the easy discipline of Magdalen to behave just as he pleased. He " eloped," as he says, from Oxford, as often as he chose, and went up to town, where he was by no means the ideal of " the Manly Oxonian in London." The fellows of Magdalen, possessing a revenue which private avarice might easily have raised to ,30,000, took no interest in their pupils. Gibbon's tutor read a few 198 Oxford. Latin plays with his pupil, in a style of dry and literal translation. The other fellows, less conscientious, passed their lives in tippling and tattling, discussing the " Oxford Toasts/' and drinking other toasts to the king over the water. " Some duties," says Gibbon, " may possibly have been imposed on the poor scholars," but " the velvet cap was the cap of liberty," and the gentleman commoner consulted only his own pleasure. Johnson was a poor scholar, and on him duties were imposed. He w r as requested to write an ode on the Gunpowder Plot, and Boswell thinks " his vivacity and imagina- tion must have produced something fine." He neglected, however, with his usual indolence, this opportunity of producing something fine. Another exercise imposed on the poor was the translation of Mr. Pope's " Messiah," in which the young Pembroke man succeeded so well that, by Mr. Pope's own generous confession, future ages would doubt whether the English or the Latin piece was the original. Johnson complained Georgian Oxford. 199 that no man could be properly inspired by the Pembroke "coll," or college beer, which was then commonly drunk by undergradu- ates, still guiltless of Rhine wines, and of collecting Chinese monsters. Carmina vis nostri scribant meliora foe fee Ingenium jubeas purior haustus alat. In spite of the muddy beer, the poverty, and the " bitterness mistaken for frolic/' with which Johnson entertained the other under- graduates round Pembroke gate, he never ceased to respect his College. "His love and regard for Pembroke he entertained to the last," while of his old tutor he said, " a man who becomes Jorden's pupil becomes his son." Gibbon's sneer is a foil to John- son's kindliness. " I applaud the filial piety which it is impossible for me to imitate. To the University of Oxford I acknowledge no obligations, and she will as cheerfully renounce me for a son, as I am willing to disclaim her fora mother." Johnson was a man who could take the 2OO Oxford. rough with the smooth, and, to judge by all accounts, the Oxford of the earlier half of the eighteenth century was excessively rough. Manners were rather primitive : a big fire burned in the centre of Balliol Hall, and round this fire, one night in every year, it is said that all the world was welcome to a feast of ale and bread and cheese. Every guest paid his shot by singing a song or telling a story ; and one can fancy Johnson sharing in this barbaric hospitality. " What learning can they have who are destitute of all principles of civil behaviour?" says a writer from whose journal (printed in 1 746) Southey has made some extracts. The diarist was a Puritan of the old leaven, who visited Oxford shortly before Johnson's period, and who speaks of " a power of gross darkness that may be felt constantly prevailing in that place of wisdom and of subtlety, but not of God In this wicked place the scholars are the rudest, most giddy, and unruly rabble, and most mischievous." But this strange and unfriendly critic was a Noncon- Georgian Oxford. 20 1 formist, in times when good Churchmen showed their piety by wrecking chapels and " rabbling " ministers. In our days only the Davenport Brothers and similar professors of strange creeds suffer from the manly piety of the undergraduates. Of all the carping, cross-grained, scandal- loving, Whiggish assailants of Alma Mater, the author of " Terrae Filius " was the most persistent. The first little volume which contains the numbers of this bi-weekly peri- odical (printed for R. Franklin, under Tom's Coffee-house, in Russell Street, Covent Garden, MDCCXXVI.) is not at all rare, and is well worth a desultory reading. What strikes one most in " Terrae Filius " is the religious discontent of the bilious author. One thinks, foolishly of course, of even Georgian Whigs as orthodox men, at least in their undergraduate days. The mere aspect of Mr. Leslie Stephen's work on the philosophers of the eighteenth century is enough to banish this pleasing delusion. The Deists and Freethinkers had their followers 2O2 Oxford. in Johnson's day among the undergraduates, though scepticism, like Whiggery, was un- popular, and might be punished. Johnson says, that when he was a boy he was a lax talker, rather than a lax thinker, against religion ; " but lax talking against religion at Oxford would not be suffered." The author of " Terrse Filius," however, never omits a chance of sneering at our faith, and at the Church of England as by law established. In his description of the exercises of the Club of Wits, only one respectably clever epigram is quoted, beginning, "Since in religion all men disagree, And some one God believe, some thirty, and some three." This production " was voted heretical/' and burned by the hands of the small-beer drawer, while the author was expelled. In the author's advice to freshmen, he gives a not uninteresting sketch of these rudimentary creatures. The chrysalis, as described by the preacher of a University sermon, " never, Georgian Oxford. 203 in his wildest moments, dreamed of being a butterfly ; " but the public schoolboy of the last century sometimes came up in what he conceived to be gorgeous attire. " I observe, in the first place, that you no sooner shake off the authority of the birch but you affect to distinguish yourselves from your dirty schoolfellows by a new drugget, a pair of prim ruffles, a new bob-wig, and a brazen- hiked sword." As soon as they arrived in Oxford, these youths were hospitably re- ceived " amongst a parcel of honest, merry fellows, who think themselves obliged, in honour and common civility, to make you damnable drunk, and carry you, as they call it, a CORPSE to bed." When this period of jollity is ended, the freshman must declare his views. He must see that he is in the fashion ; " and let your declarations be, that you are Churchmen^ and that you believe as the Church believes. For instance, you have subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles ; but never venture to explain the sense in which you subscribed them, because there are 204 Oxford. various senses ; so many, indeed, that scarce two men understand them in the same, and no true Churchman in that which the words bear, and in that which they were written." This is pretty plain speaking, and " Terree Filius " enforces, by an historical example, the dangers of even political freethought. In 1714 the Constitution Club kept King George's birthday. The Constitutional Party was then the name which the Whigs took to themselves, though, thanks to the advance of civilisation, the Tories have fallen back upon the same. The Conservative under- graduates attacked the club, sallying forth from their Jacobite stronghold in Brazenose (as seen in our illustration), where the " silly statue/' as Hearne calls it, was about that time erected. The Whigs took refuge in Oriel, the Tories assaulted the gates, and an Oriel man, firing out of his window, wounded a gownsman of Brazenose. The Tories, " under terror of this dangerous and unex- pected resistance, retreated from OrieL J) Yet such was the academic strength of the Jaco- r Georgian Oxford. 207 bites and the Churchmen, that a Freethinker, or a " Constitutioner," could scarcely take his degree. " Terrse Filius," who lashes the dons for covetousness, greed, dissipation, rudeness, and stupidity, often corroborates the Puritan's report about the bad manners of the under- graduates. Yet Oxford, then as now, did not lack her exquisites, and her admirers of the fair. " Terrse Filius " thus describes a " smart/' as these dandies were called Mr. Frippery : " He is one of those who come in their academical undress, every morning between ten and eleven, to Lyne's Coffee-house ; after which he takes a turn or two upon the park, or under Merton Wall, whilst the dull regulars are at dinner in their hall, according to statute ; about one he dines alone in his chamber upon a boiled chicken or some pettitoes ; after which he allows him- self an hour at least to dress in, to make his afternoon's appearance at Lyne's; from whence he adjourns to Hamilton's about five ; from whence (after strutting about the room for a while, and drinking a dram of citron), he goes to chapel, to show how genteelly he dresses, and how well he can chaunt. After prayers he drinks tea with some celebrated toast, and then waits upon her to Magdalen Grove or Paradise Garden, and 208 Oxford. back again. He seldom eats any supper, and never reads anything but novels and romances." The dress of this hero and his friends must have made the streets more gay than do the bright-coloured flannel coats of our boating men. " He is easily distinguished by a stiff silk gown, which rustles in the wind as he struts along ; a flax tie-wig, or sometimes a long natural one, which reaches down below his [well, say below his waist] ; a broad bully-cock'd hat, or a square cap of about twice the usual size; white stockings ; thin Spanish leather shoes. His clothes lined with tawdry silk, and his shirt ruffled down the bosom as well as at the wrists." These " smarts " cut no such gallant figure when they first arrived in Oxford, with their fathers (rusty old country farmers), in linsey- woolsey coats, greasy, sun-burnt heads of hair, clouted shoes, yarn stockings, flapping hats, with silver hatbands, and long muslin neck-cloths run with red at the bottom. After this satire of the undergraduates we may look at the contemporary account-book of a Proctor. In 1752 Gilbert White of H O Georgian Oxford. 2 1 1 Selborne was Proctor, and may have fined young Gibbon of Magdalen, who little thought that Oxford boasted an official who was to become an English classic. White paid some attention to dress, and got a feather- topp'd, grizzled wig from London ; cost him ^25^. He bought " mountain wine, very old and good," and had his crest engraved on his teaspoons, that everything might be handsome about him. When he treated the Masters of Arts in Oriel Hall they ate a hundred pounds weight of biscuits not, we trust, without marmalade. " A bowl of rum-punch from Horsman's " cost half-a-crown. Fancy a jolly Proctor sending out for bowls of rum-punch, and that in April ! Eggs cost a penny each, and " three oranges and a mouse- trap "'ninepence. White, a generous man, gave the Vice- Chancellor " seven pounds of double-refined white sugar." I like to fancy my learned friend, the Proctor, going to the present Vice-Chancellor's with a donation of white sugar ! Manners have certainly changed in p 2 2 1 2 Oxford. the direction of severity. " Share of the expense for Mr. Butcher's release" came to ten and sixpence. What had Mr. Butcher been doing ? The Proctor went " to Blen- heim with Nan/' and it cost him fifteen and sixpence. Perhaps she was one of the " Oxford Toasts " of a contemporary satire. Strawberries were fourpence a basket on the ninth of June ; and on November 6, White lost one shilling "at cards, in common room." He went from Selborne to Oxford, "in a post-chaise with Jenny Croke ; " and he gave Jenny a "round China-turene." Tea cost eight shillings a-pound in 1752, while rum-punch was but half-a-crown a bowl. White's highest terminal battels were but ^12, though he was a hospitable man, and would readily treat the other Proctor to a bowl of punch. It is well to remember White and Johnson when the Gibbon of that or any other day bewails the intellectual poverty of Oxford. VIII POETS AT OXFORD ; SHELLEY AND LANDOR. VIII Poets tit Oxford ; Shelley and Landor. A T any given time a large number of poets ** may be found among the undergradu- ates at Oxford, and the younger dons. It is not easy to say what becomes of all these pious bards, who are a marked and peculiar people while they remain in residence. The undergraduate poet is a not uninteresting study. He wears his hair long, and divides it down the middle. His eye is wild and wandering, and his manner absent, especially when he is called on to translate a piece of an ancient author in lecture. He does not " read " much, in the technical sense of the term, but consumes all the novels that come in his way, and all the minor poetry. His own verses the poet may be heard declaim- 2 1 6 Oxford. ing aloud, at unholy midnight hours, so that his neighbours have been known to break his windows with bottles, and then to throw in all that remained of the cold meats of a supper party, without interfering -with the divine afflatus. When the college poet has composed a sonnet, ode, or what not, he sends it to the Editor of the " Nineteenth Century," and it returns to him after many days. At last it appears in print, in " Col- lege Rhymes," a collection of mild verse, which is (or was) printed at regular or irreg- ular intervals, and was never seen except in the rooms of contributors. The poet also speaks at the Union, where his sentiments are either Revolutionary, or so wildly Conserva- tive that he looks on Magna Charta as the first step on the path that leads to England's ruin. As a politician, the undergraduate poet knows no mean between Mr. Peter Taylor and King John. He has been known to found a Tory club, and shortly afterwards to swallow the formulae of Mr. Bradlaugh. The life of the poet is, not unnaturally, one Poets at Oxford ; Shelley and Landor. 217 long warfare with his dons. He cannot con- form himself to pedantic rules, which de- mand his return to college before midnight. Though often the possessor of a sweet vein of clerical and Kebleian verse, the poet does not willingly attend chapel ; for indeed, as he sits up all night, it is cruel to expect him to arise before noon. About the poet's late habits a story is told, which seems authentic. A remarkable and famous contemporary singer was known to his fellow-undergradu- ates only by this circumstance, that his melo- dious voice was heard declaiming anapaests all through the ambrosial night. When the voice of the singer was lulled, three sharp taps were heard in the silence. This noise was produced by the bard's Scotch friend and critic in knocking the ashes out of his pipe. These feasts of reason are almost .incompatible with the early devotion which, strangely enough, Shelley found time and in- clination to attend. Now it is (or was) the belief of under- graduates that you might break the deca* 218 Oxford. logue and the laws of man in every direction, with safety and the approval of the dons, if you only went regularly to chapel. As the poet cannot do this (unless he is a " sleepless man "), his existence is a long struggle with the fellows and tutors of his college. The manners of poets vary, of course, with the tastes of succeeding generations. I have heard of two (Thyrsis and Corydon), " who lived in Oxford as if it were a large country- house." Of other singers, the latest of the heavenly quire, it is invidiously said that they build shrines to Blue China and other ceramic abominations of the Philistine, and worship the same in their rooms. Of this sort it is not the moment to speak. Time has not proved them. But the old poets of ten years ago lived a militant life ; they rarely took good classes (though they competed industri- ously for the Newdigate, writing in the metre of Dolores], and it not uncommonly happened that they left Oxford without degrees. They were often very agreeable Poets at Oxford; Shelley and Landor. 219 fellows, as long as one was in no way re- sponsible for them ; but it was almost im- possible human nature being what it is that they should be much appreciated by tutors, proctors, and heads of houses. How could these worthy, learned, and often kind and courteous persons, know when they were dealing with a lad of genius, and when they had to do with an affected and pretentious donkey ? These remarks are almost the necessary preface to a consideration of the existence of Shelley and Landor at Oxford the Oxford f 1 793~ I Sio. Whatever the effects maybe on Shelleyan commentators, it must be said that, to the donnish eye, Percy Bysshe Shelley was nothing more or less than the ordinary Oxford poet, of the quieter type. In Walter Savage Landor, authority recognised a noisier and rowdier specimen of the same class. People who have to do with hundreds of young men at a time are unavoidably com- pelled to generalise. No don, that was a don, could have seen Shelley or Landor as 22O Oxford. they are described to us without hastily classing them in the category of poets who would come to no good and do little credit to the college. Landor went up to Trinity College in 1793. It was the dreadful year of the Terror, when good Englishmen hated the cruel murderers of kings and queens. Landor was a good Englishman, of course, and he never forgave the French the public assassination of Marie Antoinette. But he must needs be a Jacobin, and wear his own unpowdered hair the Poet thus declaring himself at once in the regular recognised fashion. " For a portion of the time he certainly read hard, but the results he kept to himself ; for here, as at Rugby, he declined everything in the shape of competition." (Now competition is the essence of modern University study.) " Though I wrote better Latin verses than any undergraduate or graduate in the University," says Landor, " I could never be persuaded by my tutor or friends to contend for any prize whatever." The pleasantest and most profitable hours Poets at Oxford ; Shelley and Landor. 221 that Landor could remember at Oxford " were passed with Walter Birch in the Magdalen Walk, by the half-hidden Cher- well." Hours like these are indeed the plea- santest and most profitable that any of us pass at Oxford. The one duty which that University, by virtue of its very nature, has never neglected, is the assembling of young men together from all over England, and giving them three years of liberty of life, of leisure, and of discussion, in scenes which are classical and peaceful. For these hours, the most fruitful of our lives, we are grateful to Oxford, as long as friendship lives ; that is, as long as life and memory remain with us. And, " if anything endure, if hope there be," our conscious existence in the after-world would ask foi no better com- panions than those who walked with us by the Isis and the Cherwell. Landor called himself " a Jacobin," though his own letters show that he was as far as the most insolent young "tuft" from relishing doctrines of human equality. He 222 Oxford. had the reputation, however, of being not only a Jacobin, but "a mad Jacobin;" too mad for Southey, who was then young, and a Liberal. " Landor was obliged to leave the University for shooting at one of the Fellows through a window/' is the account which Southey gave of Landor's rustica- tion. Now Fellows often put up with a great deal of horse-play. There is scarcely a more touching story than that of the don who for the first time found himself " screwed up," and fastened within his own oak. " What am I to do ? " the victim asked his sympathising scout, who was on the other, the free side of the oak. " Well, sir, Mr. Muff, sir, when 'e's screwed up 'e sends for the blacksmith," replied the ser- vant. What a position for a man having authority, to be in the constant habit of sending for the blacksmith ! Fellows have not very unfrequently been fired at with Roman candles, or bombarded with soda- water bottles full of gunpowder. One has also known sparrows shot from Balliol Poets ai Oxford; Shslley and Landor. 223 windows on the Martyrs' Memorial of our illustration. In this case, too, the sportsman was a poet. But deliberately to pot at a fellow, "to go for him with a shot gun," as the repentant American said he would do in future, after his derringer missed fire, is certainly a strong measure. No col- lege which pretended to maintain discipline could allow even a poet to shoot thus wildly. In truth, Landor's offence has been exaggerated by Southey It was nothing out of the common. The poet was giving " an after-dinner party " in his rooms. The men were mostly from Christchurch ; for Landor was intimate, he says, with only one undergraduate of his own College, Trinity. On the opposite side of the quadrangle a Tory and a butt, named Leeds, was enter- taining persons whom the Jacobin Landor calls "servitors and other raff of every de- scription." The guests at the rival wine- parties began to "row" each other, Landor says, adding, " All the time I was only a spectator, for I should have blushed to have 224 Oxford. had any conversation with them, particularly out of a window. But my gun was lying on a table in the room, and I had in a back closet some little shot. I proposed, as they had closed the casements, and as the shutters were on the outside, to fire a volley. It was thought a good trick, and accordingly I went into my bedroom and fired/' Mr. Leeds very superfluously complained to the Presi- dent. Landor adopted the worst possible line of defence, and so the University and this poet parted company. It seems to have been generally under- stood that Landor's affair was a boyish esca- pade. A copious literature is engaged with the subject of Shelley's expulsion. As the story is told by Mr. Hogg, in his delightful book, the " Life of Shelley," that poet's career at Oxford was a typical one. There are in every generation youths like him, in un- worldliness, wildness, and dreaminess, though unlike him, of course, in genius. The divine spark has not touched them, but they, like Shelley, are still of the band whom the world Poets at Oxford ; Shelley and Landor. 227 has not tamed. As Mr. Hogg's book is out of print, and rare, it would be worth while, did space permit, to reproduce some of his wonderfully life-like and truthful accounts of Oxford as she was in 1810. The University has changed in many ways, and in most ways for the better. Perhaps that old, indolent, and careless Oxford, was better adapted to the life of such an almost un- exampled genius as Shelley. When his Eton friends asked him whether he still meant to be " the Atheist/' that is, the rebel he had been at school, he said, " No ; the college authorities were civil, and left him alone." Let us remember this when the learned Professor of Poetry at Oxford, Mr. Shairp, calls Shelley "an Atheist." Mr. Hogg sometimes complains that undergrad- uates were left too much alone. But who could have safely advised or securely guided Shelley ? Undergraduates are now more closely looked after, as far as reading goes, than perhaps they like certainly much more than Q 2 228 Oxford. Shelley would have liked. But when we turn from study to the conduct of life, is it not plain that no official interference can be IN THE GARDEN OF WORCESTER COLLEGE. of real value ? Friendship and confidence may, and often does, exist between tutors and pupils. There are tutors so happily gifted with sympathy, and with a kind of Poets at Oxford; Shelley and Landor. 229 eternal youth of heart and intellect, that they become the friends of generation after generation of freshmen. This is fortunate but who can wonder that middle-aged men, seeing the generations succeed and resemble each other, lose their powers of understand- ing, of directing, of aiding the young, who are thus cast at once on their own resources ? One has occasionally heard clever men com- plain that they were neglected by their seniors, that their hearts and brains were full of perilous stuff, which no one helped them to unpack. And it is true that modern edu- cation, when it meets the impatience of youth, often produces an unhappy ferment in the minds of men. To put it shortly, clever students have to go through their age of sturm und drang, and they are sometimes disappointed when older people, their tutors, for example, do not help them to weather the storm. It is a tempest in which every one must steer for himself, after all ; and Shelley "was borne darkly, fearfully afar," into un- plumbed seas of thought and experience. 230 Oxford. When Mr. Hogg complains that his friend was too much left to himself to study and think as he pleased, let us remember that no one could have helped Shelley. He was better at Oxford without his old Dr. Lind, "with whom he used to curse George III. after tea." There are few chapters in literary history more fascinating than those which tell the story of Shelley at Oxford. We see him entering the hall of University College a tall, shy stripling, bronzed with the Septem- ber sun, with long elf-locks. He takes his seat by a stranger, and in a moment holds him spell-bound, while he talks of Plato, and Goethe, and Alfieri, of Italian poetry, and Greek philosophy. Mr. Hogg draws a curi- ous sketch of Shelley at work in his rooms, where seven-shilling pieces were being dis- solved in acid in the teacups, where there was a great hole in the floor that the poet had burned with his chemicals. The one- eyed scout, " the Arimaspian," must have had a time of tribulation (being a conscien- Poets at Oxford; Shelley and Landor. 231 tious and fatherly man) with this odd master. How characteristic of Shelley it was to lend the glow of his fancy to science, to declare that things, not thoughts, mineralogy, not literature, must occupy human minds for the future, and then to leave a lecture on miner- alogy in the middle, and admit that "stones are dull things after all ! " Not less Shelleyan was the adventure on Magdalen Bridge, the beautiful bridge of our illustration, from which Oxford, with the sunset behind it, looks like a fairy city of the Arabian Nights a town of palaces and princesses, rather than of proctors. " One Sunday we had been reading Plato together so diligently, that the usual hour of exercise passed away unperceived : we sallied forth hastily to take the air for half-an-hour before dinner. In the middle of Magdalen Bridge we met a woman with a child in her arms. Shelley was more attentive at that instant to our conduct in a life that was past, or to come, than to a decorous regulation of the present, according to the established usages of society, in that fleeting moment of eternal duration styled the nineteenth century. With abrupt dexterity he caught hold of the child. The mother, who might well fear that it was about to be thrown over 232 Oxford. the parapet of the bridge into the sedgy waters below, held it fast by its long train. ." ' Will your baby tell us anything about pre-existence, Madam?' he asked, in a piercing voice, and with a wistful look." Shelley and Hogg seem almost to have lived in reality the life of the Scholar Gipsy. In Mr. Arnold's poem, which has made permanent for all time the charm, the senti- ment of Oxfordshire scenery, the poet seems to be following the track of Shelley. In Mr. Hogg's memoirs, we hear little of summer ; it seems always to have been in winter that the friends took their long rambles, in which Shelley set free, in talk, his inspiration. One thinks of him " in winter, on the causeway chill, Where home through flooded fields foot travellers go," returning to the supper in Hogg's rooms, to the curious desultory meals, the talk, and the deep slumber by the roaring fire, the small head lying perilously near the flames. One would not linger here over the absurd in- justice of his expulsion from the University. Poets at Oxford ; Shelley and Landor. 233 It is pleasant to know, on Mr. Hogg's testi- mony, that " residence at Oxford was ex- ceedingly delightful to Shelley, and on all accounts most beneficial/' At Oxford, at least, he seems to have been happy, he who so rarely knew happiness, and who, if he made another suffer, himself suffered so much for others. The memory of Shelley has deeply entered into the sentiment of Oxford. Thinking of him in his glorious youth, and of his residence here, may we not say, with the shepherd in Theocritus, of the divine singer, alff cV^ c'/ieO ia)oi9 vapiBp.ios co^eXc? ei/zei> eVo/xeuoi/ av a>pca ras KCI\US alyas