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 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE 
 
 OF 
 
 LOS 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 CALIFORNIA 
 ANGELES
 
 \
 
 London. FubtUhtd hy tfir
 
 DIOCESAN HISTORIES, 
 
 St. ASAPH. 
 
 BY THE 
 
 Venerable D. R. THOMAS, M.A., F.S.A. 
 
 [archdeacon of MONTGOMERY, AND VICAR OF MEIFOD. 
 
 AUTHOR OF 
 
 " HISTORY OF ST. ASAPH, DIOCESAN, CATHEDRAL AND PAROCHIAL" 
 
 Y FFYRDD YNG NGHRIST, HEN EGLWYS EIN TAUAU, ETC. 
 
 WITH MAP. 
 
 PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE TRACT COMMITTF.E. 
 
 LONDON : 
 SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE, 
 
 NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, CHARING CROSS, W.C. ; 
 
 43, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, E.C.; 
 
 BRIGHTON: 135, North Street. 
 New York: E. & J. B. YOUNG & CO. 
 li
 
 Y 
 
 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE FOUNDATION OF THE SEE. 
 
 When Cyndeyrn (Kentigernus), Bishop of the 
 Strath Clyde Britons, whose diocese extended from 
 the Clyde to the Mersey and whose see was at 
 Penrhyn Rhionydd (Glasgow), surnamed INIungo 
 (i.e., Mwyngu, the amiable), was driven, about 
 the middle of the sixth century, an exile from 
 his northern diocese, he betook himself at once to 
 Mynyw (jNIenevia), the then famous see of St. David. 
 Speeding thence, with the good archbishop's blessing, 
 he appears to have followed as far as Nidum (Neath), 
 the course of the Via Julia ; by the side of which 
 the beautifully- situated church of Llan-gyndeyrne 
 still hands down the memorial of his presence. From 
 Nidum he turned northwards, and took the line of 
 the British track-way of " Sam Sws," until after skirt- 
 ing the southern slopes of the " Berwyn " range, he 
 crossed the hills of Yale into the Vale of the Clwyd, 
 where a beautiful spot, at the confluence (aber) of 
 the Clwyd and Elwy, presented an ideal site for a 
 religious settlement.^ It was an elevated platform at 
 
 ' In the resemblance of the words "Sws" to "Sus,"' = 
 a sow, and " Aber " in early Welsh " aper " to aper = a boar, 
 and in the suffix " wyn" = white in Berwyn, we see the origin 
 of the legend which represents Kentigern to have been directed 
 to the spot by a white boar. 
 
 19G92S2
 
 2 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 the northern end of the Vale, which stretches for 
 twenty miles between lofty ranges of hills, and opens 
 northwards to the sea. From these hills he might, on 
 a clear day, oftentimes discern the summits of his own 
 dear mountains ; whilst the very name of the river 
 and the vale would remind him of his native Clyde. 
 Here, then, the little band set to work to prepare the 
 ground, and to build for their common worship a 
 church of timber, and for themselves houses and 
 workshops. Very vividly does the saint's biographer 
 describe their activity and zeal. " Some were busy 
 clearing the site, some in levelling it, and others in 
 cutting the foundations. Some carried the materials, 
 whilst others planed the timbers and compacted them 
 together, in British fashion, with skill and speed, to 
 form the needed buildings." For as in the older, but 
 kindred, institution at Bangor-Iscoed, so here also it 
 was intended to combine the several purposes of 
 worship and education, agriculture and the manual 
 arts. " From north and south, and east and west, 
 they swarmed like bees into a hive," and the little 
 band soon swelled into an extensive community ; till 
 tradition reports the members to have reached the 
 number of 965, " who lived together in monastic 
 discipline and served God with great abstinence." Of 
 these, 300, who were illiterate, were employed in 
 tilling the ground and looking after the cattle ; 
 another 300 were occupied with the preparation of 
 food, and the other requirements of the establishment ; 
 while the remaining 365, who were skilled in learn- 
 ing, were charged with the performance of divine 
 worship, in such sort that daily throughout the year
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE SEE. 3 
 
 the services of the sanctuary were carried on in un- 
 failing succession.! 
 
 So long as the district, however beautiful its sur- 
 roundings, was occupied by swamps and forests, 
 Caswallon Lawhir — (Cassibelan of the Long Hand), 
 the then King of Gwynedd (North Wales), was no 
 doubt favourable to the settlement therein of Cyn- 
 deyrn and his little band, and he was too much en- 
 gaged in expelling the Gwyddelod (the Irish), to 
 pay much attention to its development; but when 
 Maelgwn Gwynedd had succeeded him on the 
 throne, and the Gwyddelod had been driven out, the 
 altered aspect of the locality, the great attraction 
 which drew to it so many of his subjects, and the 
 claims of sanctuary which it asserted in the face of 
 his imperious will, appear to have stirred up his 
 jealousy ; and he set himself to oppose its progress, 
 and even its existence. But, becoming in time con- 
 verted to a better mind, he ended by showing him- 
 self its great promoter and patron. Perhaps he was 
 the more moved to this by the recall of Cyndeyrn to 
 his diocese in the north ; and the appointment of Asa, 
 or Asaph, a native of the immediate locality and one 
 of his own subjects, may have been the seal of his 
 reconciliation. Suffice it to state that King INIaelgwn 
 was as much honoured in his later years for his 
 munificence in its support as the Triads describe him 
 to have been in his earlier days, " Wise in council 
 and brave in war.'' At all events, it is to him that 
 
 ' This rule is still Lome witness to in the title of " Ciirsal" 
 Canons; i.e. cursalis, from "cursus,"' a course. 
 
 B 2
 
 4 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 the earliest records attribute the endowments of 
 which man's memory then had no remembrance ; 
 and the tradition was so far consistent with fact that, 
 whereas the major part of the land bestowed upon 
 the see lay within the compass of its immediate 
 neighbourhood, the remainder was found in the 
 district that intervened between Llanelwy and his 
 palace at Dyganwy, on the banks of the river Conwy. 
 The visit of Cyndeyrn to St. David suffices to 
 indicate that the origin of the see belongs to a period 
 when the British Church had long been in existence 
 and possessed a regular organisation, however much 
 of the country may have still remained un-christian- 
 ised. We are, therefore, happily relieved from the 
 inquiry, which belongs more properly to the elder 
 sisters of Llandaff and St. David's as to when and by 
 whom, under what conditions, and through what 
 chain of circumstances Christianity was first intro- 
 duced into these islands. But there are some 
 matters, connected with the intervening period, 
 which require to be touched upon, as well for their 
 relation to the area of this diocese as for the light 
 they throw upon its religious institutions and its 
 previous history. Of these, the first is the great 
 " Pelagian controversy," which convulsed the 
 Church at the beginning of the fifth century. 
 Morgan (Greco-Latinised into " Pelagius ") is said to 
 have been a member of the College of Bangor-is- 
 Coed, within the principality of Powys, and to have 
 been eminent for his learning and piety and sanctity 
 of life. His very errors appear to support this 
 probability; for just as Bangor was for North Wales
 
 FOUNDATION OF IHE SEE. 5 
 
 the chief seat of religion and learning, so the 
 Pelagian heresy seems to have arisen from an attempt 
 to combine some of the principles of Druidism with 
 those of Christianity. From the Druidic "con- 
 ception of God in nature, underlying and reflected in 
 the powers of the universe and a consequent rever- 
 ence for all created things, and a gentleness towards 
 every living thing in that it contained a particle of 
 divine truth," the step was neither far, nor unnatural, 
 to the Pelagian tenet, that there is no such thing as 
 original sin, but that man was able to work out his 
 own salvation without the assistance of grace. So 
 again, the Druidic notion of the immortality of the 
 soul, " not unlike that of the Vedanta sect of 
 Hinduism," that it was " as it were a spark from the 
 all-embracing Spirit to be reabsorbed again into the 
 parent flame, whenever by contemplation and suf- 
 fering in one or more stages of existence, it has 
 freed itself from whatever disqualifies it for union 
 with the Deity "^ was practically not far removed 
 from the Pelagian doctrine that man could " by his 
 natural powers so attain to a state of perfection as not 
 to be subject to passion or sin." Put these tenets 
 were seen to be utterly at variance with Christian 
 teaching, which puts forward as its great central 
 facts the doctrines of the Fall and the Atonement. 
 And so an appeal was at once made by the Church of 
 Britain to the great Galilean Communion for its 
 assistance in counteracting this dangerous heresy. 
 Garmon (St. Germanus), bishop of Auxerre, the most 
 
 ' "The Ancient Briti>h Church." Piyce, 14.
 
 6 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 learned and pious of the Gallican bishops, was there- 
 upon deputed by his brethren in synod assembled 
 to undertake this mission, and with him was asso- 
 ciated Bleiddyn (Lupus), bishop of Troyes. This 
 visit occurred in a.d. 429, and the result, according 
 to Constantius, the biographer of St. Garmon, was a 
 speedy and triumphant confutation of the Pelagians. 
 But it does not seem to have been either final or 
 complete ; for the heresy again revived, and Garmon 
 was, A.D. 447, a second time commissioned on the 
 same service, and accompanied this time by Severus, 
 bishop of Treves. The success of this mission and 
 the veneration in which he was afterwards held are 
 attested by the many churches which bear his name : 
 and their situation even supplies a rough clue to 
 the course of this portion of his visit. From 
 St. Harmon's, in the commote of Gwrthreinion, — 
 where a legend, given in Nennius, connects him 
 with an act of ecclesiastical discipline upon 
 Gwrtheyrn, the regulus of the district, the very name 
 of which, he says, was changed in commemoration of 
 the circumstance to Gwarenniaron (Gwarthrunion) : 
 "quod Latine sonat calumnia juste retorta," — we 
 trace him through Castle Caereinion to Llan-Armon 
 in Mechain {hodie Llanfechain), and thence into 
 jSIochnant, where Llan-Armon ^Mynydd jNLawr hands 
 down his name. . . . From hence he followed the 
 same line which Cyndeyrn subsequently traversed — to 
 Llan-Armon in Dyffryn Ceiriog, and onwards thence 
 into Yale, — where another Llan-Armon is held to 
 occupy the site, on which he celebrated the divine 
 office on the night before he engaged the Pelagian
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE SEE. 7 
 
 adversaries on the field of j\Iaes-Garmon near Mold. 
 This engagement, which has been handed down as 
 " The Halleluiatic Victory," was most probably a 
 contest of tvords rather than of blows — a controversy 
 rather than a battle. "During the holy days of 
 Lent," we are told by Beda (i. 20), "the people, 
 instructed by daily sermons, resorted in crowds to 
 the grace of baptism, . . . and a church was 
 prepared with boughs for the Feast of the Resur- 
 rection of our Lord. The army advanced, still wet 
 with the baptismal water, — the faith of the people 
 was strengthened, — Germanus led them on. The 
 adversaries [described as the Saxons and Picts, but 
 that is a manifest anachronism] were the first to 
 begin ; then Germanus, bearing in his hand the 
 standard, instructed his men, all in a loud voice, to 
 repeat his words ; and the enemy advancing securely, 
 as thinking to take them by surprise, the priests 
 three times cried ' Hallelujah.' A universal shout 
 of the same word followed. The enemy fled in 
 disorder, and so the prelates triumphed without blood- 
 shed, and gained a victory by faith without human 
 force." Indeed, the whole history seems more ap- 
 propriate to describe some great Church council — 
 possibly the un-identified, but traditionally later, 
 "Synodus Victorian," — than an actual battle of 
 armed warriors. In any case, it formed an epoch 
 in the religious history of the country in that it effec- 
 tually checked the spread of Pelagianism, and 
 secured for the sacrament of baptism its proper 
 position in the scheme of Christian doctrine and 
 polity.
 
 8 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Another witness to the close inter - communion 
 which then existed between the British and the 
 GaUican Churches is suppHed by the veneration in 
 which the memory of St. Hilary of Aries and St. 
 Martin of Tours was held, and by the number of 
 churches dedicated in their names. And it is further 
 confirmed by the missionary labours of Cadvan, 
 Tydecho, Mael, and Sulien in the Merionethshire 
 and Montgomeryshire portions of the diocese, 
 whither they had fled from Armorica on the advance 
 of Clovis, A.D. 510. Indeed, there are good reasons 
 for believing that these districts, together with parts, 
 at least, of Cardiganshire, Radnorshire and Shrop- 
 shire, once formed the early diocese of Llanbadarn, 
 of which their countryman, St. Padarn, was the 
 founder and first bishop. Whether, however, they 
 were the first planters, or only the revivers of a 
 Christianity weakened by Pelagianism, in the dis- 
 tricts that bear them such honour, it is not possible 
 to decide ; but it is tolerably certain that there were 
 other parts where the native Church carried on its 
 work from its central colleges — or monasteries as they 
 were called, but, as we should now say, clergy houses, 
 — with more or less success. Such were those of 
 Dogfan in Mochnant, of Gwyddvarch in Meifod 
 (Mechain), of Dyfnog in Cinmeirch, of leuan 
 Gwas Batric in Dinmael, and others elsewhere. The 
 difticulties which had to be encountered, the blind 
 opposition and the credulous facility wath which, in 
 many instances, the opposition was overcome, during 
 the first foundation of these missionary centres, have 
 become, in the course of transmission, so encrusted
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE SEE. 
 
 with legends, that they have come down to us in 
 " the Lives of the Saints " rather as allegorical, 
 descriptions than as simple records of the facts. 
 A general similarity of circumstances, however, is- 
 traceable in all. The missionary band is at first 
 opposed by the local chieftain, partly from suspicion: 
 and partly from fear ; but soon gains for itself repute- 
 by virtue of some miracle, and then becomes a centre 
 of attraction, where the arts of civilisation are fos- 
 tered and the truths of the Christian faith are 
 taught. From these headquarters, in process of 
 time, members radiated outwards to the surrounding 
 country, co-terminous with the authority of the local 
 chieftain. Resulting from this — for the Church was 
 the great organiser and civiliser of the age — there 
 arose, in time, a further limitation into cantreds, or 
 hundreds, with their own ecclesiastical organisation ;.. 
 and, later still, as Christianity became more diffused 
 and converts multiplied, mission stations in the first 
 instance, and then settled churches, were established 
 in each commote or division of the hundred, — not^. 
 indeed, as independent, but more or less subordinate 
 to the Mother Church.' In the laws of Hywel 
 Dda, A.D. 914-928, there are very definite regulations 
 for the appropriation of new endowments to the 
 Mother Church and its chapelries, and what propor- 
 tion of his tithes a new founder should assign to the 
 former and what to the latter, or to the stipend of 
 his domestic chaplain {offeiriad teulu). But, as many 
 of these "laws" were but the "re-enactment, or digest,. 
 of an earlier code of Welsh canons, dating from 
 about the seventh century," we see that the Church
 
 lO ST. ASAPH. 
 
 must have been well organised at a very early 
 period. 1 
 
 The most memorable event in this earlier portion 
 of our history was undoubtedly the arrival of St. 
 Augustine and his controversy with the native British 
 bishops, an event pregnant with great consequences 
 for this kingdom and a controversy in which this 
 diocese was intimately concerned. 
 
 His mission to the heathen Saxons, his landing at 
 Thanet, and his reception by yEthelberht, who assigned 
 to him the little church of St. Martin's in Canterbury, 
 where Bertha, his queen, had been used to worship, 
 being parts of the general Church history of the 
 kingdom, only affect us now by their witness to the 
 earlier Christianity of the country. His endeavour 
 to enlist the co-operation of the British bishops, and 
 the grounds of their refusal, have, however, a very 
 special interest for us, as bringing out some of the 
 distinctive features of that earlier system. It is a 
 misfortune, in one respect, that we are dependent 
 for our account of the controversy upon one who 
 shows such strong prejudice as Beda ; but it will, on 
 the other hand, leave us the more free to accept what 
 he does state as at the least not biased in favour of 
 the Britons. Beda was born just seventy years after the 
 event, and we may therefore assume that he has 
 transmitted to us the version that most approved itself 
 to his historical research ; for it is with the mission 
 of St. Augustine that he ceased to be a compiler and 
 began to be an historian. 
 
 ' "Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents,"' Iladdan and 
 Stubbs, i. Appendix A, p. 127 and p. 211.
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE SEE. II 
 
 He tells us (book ii., chap. 2), that about the year 
 A.D. 603, "Augustine, with the assistance of K. 
 Aedilberct, drew together to a conference the bishops, 
 or doctors, of the nearest province of the Britons, at 
 a place to that day called ' Augustine's Ac,' on the 
 borders of the Huiccii and West Saxons." This was 
 most probably at y^/^^/-Clive, on the Severn, the 
 Trajediis (Welsh, Trawst) of the Romans, the Old 
 Passage of later times, at the junction of the two 
 provinces of Britannia Prima and Britannia Secunda, 
 and on the great highway between Canterbury and 
 St. David's. The "brotherly admonitions" with 
 which Augustine began and the "rebukes" by which 
 he followed them up proved equally unavailing, and 
 it was only when recourse was had to a miracle, as so 
 often the case in like circumstances, that the matter 
 was settled. " The adverse party ■iinivillingly con- 
 senting, a blind man of the race of the Angles was 
 brought, and he having received no benefit from the 
 ministry of the Britons was immediately healed by 
 Augustine." This, of course, according to Beda's 
 notions, ought to have settled the question ; but the 
 Britons "could not cast off their ancient customs 
 without the consent and leave of their people. They 
 therefore desired that a synod might be again 
 appointed, at which more of their number would be 
 present." 
 
 From this it would appear that, at this first con- 
 ference, only a portion of the British Church was 
 represented, probably South Wales and, perhaps, 
 Damnonia (Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall). At the 
 second conference there was a fuller representation.
 
 12 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 There came " seven bishops of the Britons, and many 
 most learned men, particularly from their most noble 
 monastery, which, in the language of the Angles, is 
 called Bancorriaburg, over which the Abbot Dinoth 
 is said to have presided at that time." It does not 
 appear from this that Dinoth himself took part in the 
 conference ; indeed, the inference would be that he 
 did not, and we therefore pass over the speech 
 which tradition has assigned to him on the occasion. 
 But there is much probability in the statement that 
 they first "consulted a certain holy and discreet man 
 who was wont to lead an eremitical life among them." 
 And we may not be far wrong in identifying him. The 
 monastery of Bangor-is-Coed, on the Dee, had been 
 founded by the princes of Powys, and was the chief seat 
 of learning in their principality, the eastern side of 
 which was exposed for its whole length to the English 
 invaders. The West Saxons had already advanced 
 once as far as Chester, had burnt Uriconium to the 
 ground, and had forced the princes of Powys from 
 their capital at Pengwern (Shrewsbury) westwards 
 into Wales. The Mercians, too, were ever pressing 
 onw^ards through the Midlands, and fast encroaching 
 on their flanks. And when they now saw Augustine 
 coming under the protection of Ethelberht, we can 
 well understand Dinoth, himself a retired warrior and 
 brother-in-law of Brochwel Ysgythrog, the reigning 
 prince, urging his countrymen to consult the famous 
 hermit, as they would at the same time be able to take 
 counsel with the court of Brochwel, before the site 
 of whose now ruined castle at Mathrafal there rises 
 in the beautiful vale of Meifod a lofty hill, the name
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE SEE. 1 3 
 
 ■of which is not unhkely derived from this very episode 
 — " Gallt yr Ancr"— the Hill of the Hermit. Such a 
 proceeding would well coincide with the statement of 
 the Britons, " that they could not cast off their ancient 
 customs without the consent and leave of their 
 people " ; and the place of consultation would almost 
 lie in their way from Bangor to the place of conference. 
 After much and angry disputation, Augustine sum- 
 marised the issue in the following terms : — " You act 
 in many particulars contrary to our customs, or rather 
 to the custom of the universal Church, and yet if you 
 will comply with me in these three points, viz., to keep 
 Easter at the due time ; to perfect the administration 
 of baptism, by which we are born again to God, accord- 
 ing to the custom of the holy Roman and Apostolic 
 Church ; and jointly with us to preach the Word of 
 God to the nation of the Angles, we will readily 
 tolerate all other things you do, though contrary to 
 our customs." These conditions the Britons rejected, 
 and along with them a fourth, which is implied in their 
 answer, that " they would do none of those things, 
 nor receive him as their archbishop." Then 
 Augustine, in a threatening manner, foretold that, in 
 case they would not join in peace with their brethren, 
 they should be w^arred upon by their enemies ; and 
 if they would not preach the way of life to the 
 English nation, they should, at their hands, undergo 
 the vengeance of death, — all which, Beda goes on 
 to tell us, fell out exactly as he had predicted. " For 
 yEdilfrid, the war-like king of the English, having 
 raised a mighty army, made a very great slaughter 
 of that perfidious nation, at ' the City of the Legions,'
 
 14 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 which by the Enghsh is called Legacsestir, but by the 
 Britons more correctly Carlegion (Chester)." This 
 occurred in the year a.d. 613, and on this occasion 
 some "twelve hundred of the monks of Bangor." 
 who, after a three days fast, had gone forth with 
 others to pray for the success of their Christian 
 fellow-countrymen, and were placed under the pro- 
 tection of the aged Brochwel, were ruthlessly slain 
 by order of ^dilfrid, because they opposed him with 
 their imprecations." In the "very great slaughter" 
 there fell among others Selyf ap Cynan, the grandson 
 of Brochwel, and King Cadell. This reverse must 
 have been a terrible blow to the Britons, though some 
 authorities assert that Cadvan, king of Gwynedd, 
 as generalissimo, Morgan, king of Dyfed, and 
 Blederic, king of Dyfnaint (Devon and Cornwall), 
 joined their forces with those of Powys, and speedily 
 avenged the defeat by the overthrow of ^dilfrid, on. 
 the banks of the Dee. At all events, we find from 
 this time onward the struggle for conquest again and 
 again renewed. In a.d. 620, Edwin of Northumbria 
 advanced against Cadwallawn, the son and successor 
 of Cadvan, and defeated him in the bloody battle of 
 Caer Digoll, or the Long Mountain, thence described 
 in the Triads as one of " the three discolourings of the 
 Severn." Twelve years later, returning from exile in 
 Ireland, Cadwallawn married the sister of Penda of 
 Mercia, and, with his aid, defeated and slew Edwin ; 
 but he was himself defeated and slain by Oswald, in 
 the following year, at Denisbourne. Another ten 
 years, and we find Oswald and Penda engaged in a 
 deadly struggle at Maserfeld, where Oswald's army
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE SEE. 15 
 
 was routed and himself slain, and his mangled remains 
 exposed in derision on a cross hard by, which thence 
 came to be called "Croes Oswallt," or "Oswald's 
 treow," the present Oswestry. From this time the 
 Welsh, who were cut off alike from their kinsmen 
 in Cumbria and Strathclyde to the north and from 
 those in Devon and Cornwall to the south, appear to 
 have been left in peace as far as external enemies 
 were concerned until Offa, king of Mercia, at the 
 close of the eighth century, renewed the struggle for 
 supremacy, and by virtue of his great victory on 
 Rhuddlan ^Nlarsh confined the Britons within the 
 limits of the dvke that bears his name.
 
 1 6 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CHARACTERISTICS OF ITS POLITY. 
 
 It is evident from the controversy ^Yith Augustine, as 
 well as from earlier testimonies, that the British 
 Church, whatever its distinctive features, was a true 
 and orthodox branch of the Church Catholic ; other- 
 wise Augustine, who was so jealous a champion of 
 the Roman customs, would never have invited its 
 co-operation on terms that only touched its outward 
 form. Of the two special conditions, the one touching 
 baptism was the most important and the most difficult 
 to understand. Very various interpretations have 
 been given to the words, " complere baptismum." 
 By some it has been assumed that baptism itself had 
 fallen into disuse in consequence of the Pelagian 
 heresy, and that Augustine now insisted on its revival ; 
 by others, that the " Complementum Baptismi" 
 referred to confirmation. But neither of these can 
 be right, for the double reason that the absence of 
 either baptism or confirmation would have been a 
 fatal bar to communion and that confirmation is 
 mentioned in St. Patrick's " Epistola ad Coroticum." 
 The same epistle also makes mention of chrism, the 
 absence of which was supposed by others to be the 
 defect implied, " ut ministerium baptizandi quo Deo 
 renascimur, juxta morem sancta; Romans et Apos-
 
 CHARACTERISTICS OF ITS POLITY. 1 7 
 
 tolicce Ecclesire complcatis.'" By others, again, it 
 has been held to refer to the manner of applying the 
 chrism and the ceremonious washing of the neophyte's 
 feet at the end of baptism.^ But the most probable 
 solution is that which refers it to single instead of 
 trine immersion, a custom which appears to have 
 prevailed in Brittany, in Spain, and in parts of Gaul.- 
 The Easter point is of peculiar interest, as showing 
 that the British Church still adhered to the eighty- 
 four years cycle of Sulpicius Severus, which the 
 Roman Church had itself abandoned, first in 457 for 
 that of Victor Aquitan, which consisted of 532 years, 
 and subsequently, in a.d. 525, for the nineteen years 
 cycle of Dionysius Exiguus, in order to be in harmony 
 with the more accurate Alexandrian computation. 
 It was long before this dispute was settled ; for, in the 
 latter part of the eighth century, Elvod of Bangor tried 
 in vain to introduce the Roman cycle; and, "on his 
 death in a.d. 809, there was a great tumult among 
 the ecclesiastics on account of this question, for the 
 bishops of Llandaff and Menevia (St. David's) would 
 not succumb to the archbishop of Gwynedd, being 
 themselves archbishops of older privilege."'^ From 
 this it appears that there was no one see that could 
 claim to be metropolitan to the exclusion of the rest, 
 but that the dignity eidier went by seniority— as a 
 primus inter pares, — or else that it followed in some 
 way the pre-eminence which was acquired by one or 
 other of the divisions of the Principality, with each 
 
 ' Dr. Rock, in " Archceologia Cambrensis," 1S71, p. 16. 
 ^ "Councils and Eccles. Documents," i. 153. 
 ' " Brut y Tywysogion," sub ann. 755 et 809. 
 
 C
 
 1 8 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 of which there was a conterminous bishopric; in 
 Powys, Llanehvy (St. Asaph) ; in Gwynedd, Bangor ; 
 in Ceredegion, Llanbadarn ; in Dyfed, Mynyw 
 (St. David's) ; and in Gwent or Morganwg, Llandafif. 
 Another point of difference between the two 
 Churches lay in the form of the "tonsure," which, 
 though not mentioned in the conference, became, 
 after the settlement of the Easter question, a source 
 of much contention and bitterness of feeling. Gildas 
 states that the Britons followed the Jewish fashion, 
 and that the Romans called it the mark of Simon 
 Magus. Its peculiarity consisted in the shaving of 
 the entire front part of the head, and leaving the hinder 
 part untouched ; whereas the Roman custom was to 
 leave a circle of hair round the shorn head, in imita- 
 tion of the crown of thorns, and thence called the 
 " coronal tonsure," and sometimes that of St. Peter. 
 The British, although resembling the Eastern form, 
 was said to have been derived from Ireland, where it 
 was universally adopted, and probably was only a 
 Christian adaptation of a pre-Christian or Druidic 
 tonsure in use among the Gradh Fili or Graduate- 
 Bards ; and hence it was regarded, on the one side, 
 as a mark of nationality, and, on the other, as a 
 relic of heathenism. Thus, in the sixty-first of the 
 *' Canones Wallici," which are assigned to the seventh 
 century, — but evidently here, as in other places, 
 showing signs of later manipulation, after the recon- 
 ciliation with Rome, — it is laid down that " any 
 Catholic letting his hair grow long after the fashion 
 of the barbarians (' more barbarorum ') is to be held 
 excommunicate." How far this threat was effectual
 
 CHARACTERISTICS OF ITS POLITY. 1 9 
 
 will be seen from the "Injunctions" of Archbishop 
 Peckham, who, in 1284, notes for correction the 
 " coma prolixior " and " strictior corona "' of the clergy 
 of this diocese. 
 
 The canons above mentioned prove, moreover, 
 that the British Church had its threefold orders, — 
 bishops, priests, and deacons, besides abbots and 
 monks, — living under rules of different degrees of 
 strictness in discipline. They also show the relation 
 of the civil to the ecclesiastical courts of the day. 
 "If a cleric wishes to implead a layman, they are to 
 abide by the decision of the bishop " (Canon 40) ; 
 " If a layman bring an action against a cleric, they 
 must take the sentence of the civil judge " (Canon 41). 
 Their disciplinary provisions, however, make it clear 
 that its members, clerical and lay, were far from 
 reaching a high standard of Christian life ; indeed, 
 they seem to have retained something of their primi- 
 tive habits and practices under their new conditions ; 
 and Gildas, while he bears testimony to the purity of 
 their doctrines, inveighs severely against the laxity of 
 some parts of their conduct. At the same time, it 
 is not easy to accept his testimony as altogether 
 unaffected by a later tampering ; for in his view their 
 ecclesiastical polity was doomed, — " vestra exitiabilis 
 structura " : — as it was to St. Peter and his successors 
 that the Lord had said, "To thee I will give the 
 keys of the kingdom of heaven ; but to you, Depart 
 from me, ye wicked doers, that, parted off with the 
 goats on the left, ye may go into everlasting fire." ^ 
 
 ' Gildse Epistola, in "Ecclesiastical Documents," i. p. 106. 
 
 C 2
 
 20 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 These quotations from Gildas, the earliest British 
 writer on Church history, being translations from 
 Latin, suggest a question of peculiar interest, and 
 one often asked, — Was there in existence at this early 
 time any version of the Holy Scriptures in Welsh? 
 If the answer is to depend solely on written evidence, 
 then it must be in the negative ; for, whilst not only 
 Gildas but Nennius and Beda, wrote in Latin, the 
 fragments of Welsh poetry that date furthest back are 
 silent on the whole subject ; although, strangely 
 enough, as a matter of literary comparison, the " Laws 
 of Hywel Dda," and the earlier ones of Dyfnwal 
 Moelmud incorporated into them, were written in 
 the Welsh language. We accept, therefore, the con- 
 clusion arrived at by the late A. W. Haddan, after a 
 careful comparison of the earliest Latin versions in 
 use in the Scoto-Britannic Churches, " that there was 
 a special British (and Irish) revision of the old Latin ; 
 that this revision began to be superseded in the time 
 of Gildas, c. a.d. 560, in some of the books of the 
 Old and New Testament by the Vulgate, and lingered 
 on in a few instances as late as Nennius and Asser, 
 c. A.D. 900 ; but that there is no trace anywhere of 
 any Celtic version of the Bible, or of any part of it." ^ 
 
 Augustine, being struck with the similarity of the 
 customs in the Churches of Britain and Gaul and 
 their difference from those of Rome, asked Gregory 
 why, " since the faith was one," the customs should 
 differ, and especially in the manner of celebrating 
 divine service. The differences themselves were not 
 
 ' " Councils and Eccles. Documents," i. Appendix G.
 
 charac'ii:ristics of its polity. 21 
 
 specified ; but they may be assumed to form part of 
 the common substratum that underhes the uses of 
 York, Bangor, Sarum, and Hereford, and to account 
 for the observance of the Festival of Trinity Sunday 
 and the computation of the Sundays to Advent from 
 it, and not as in all offices of the Roman type — from 
 Whitsun Day.' The Communion Service was dis- 
 tinguished by a multiplicity of collects ; that for 
 Ordination by the custom of anointing the hands of 
 deacons and the hands and heads of bishops and 
 priests. The bishops Avere consecrated by a single 
 bishop; and the churches were dedicated with 
 special rites, and either followed the name of the 
 place or took that of their living founder, — the first 
 instance of a Scripture saint being not earlier than 
 that of a Llanfihangel (St. Michael's) in a.d. 717. 
 Such in the main were the characteristics of the 
 British Church about the time of the isolation of 
 AVales from Cumbria and Strathclyde on the north 
 and from Damnonia (Somerset, Devon, and Corn- 
 wall) on the south. Henceforth we have to consider 
 its fortunes in this more restricted area, and under 
 the name of the Welsh Church, especially within the 
 principality of Powys. The materials for the interval 
 to the Norman period are, however, but scanty, and 
 require to be used with discrimination. Putting 
 down the era of the native ^^'elsh saints as from 
 A.D. 400-700, we have their "Lives" only in MSS. 
 of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and they are 
 tinged with the colours of this later date. They 
 
 1 (( 
 
 \nnotated Prayer-book," i. 114.
 
 2 2 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 represent some of the stages in the process of change- 
 and fusion which passed over the British system, 
 civil and ecclesiastical. Unlike the earlier pilgrim- 
 ages of Saints David and Teilo and Padarn to 
 Jerusalem, the later ones are taken to Rome ; where 
 Cadwaladr the Blessed, the last king of British blood, 
 is represented to have died, circa a.d. 68 i, and where 
 later princes, like Cyngen in a.d. 854, follow the 
 example. Aldhelm, bishop of Sherborne, circa 705, 
 Beda, a.d. 731, and the Canon of Theodore, re- 
 enacted in a.d. 731, show us very plainly that there 
 was all this time the bitterest opposition between the 
 clergy on either side of the Severn ; that they had 
 neither intercommunion nor intercourse ; neither 
 greeting nor kiss of peace for one another.^ The 
 same feelings were probably shared in matters ecclesi- 
 astical and civil, for the Welsh princes began to be 
 subject to the English kings. A Saxon was made 
 bishop of St. David's in 871, and in the end of the 
 ninth and the beginning of the tenth centuries (South) 
 Welsh bishops are said to have been consecrated by 
 the archbishops of Canterbury. 
 
 In the year a.d. 926 Hywel Dda (the Good) took 
 with him three bishops (those of St. David's, Llandaff, 
 and Bangor), with other learned men, to Rome, 
 " to consult the wise in what manner to improve the 
 laws of Wales, and to ascertain the laws of other 
 countries and cities, and the laws in force in Britain 
 during the sovereignty of the emperors of Rome." 
 Returning home, he convoked to the Ty Gwyn o,r 
 
 ' "Councils and Ecclcs. Doc," i. 202.
 
 CHARACTERISTICS OF ITS POLITY. 23 
 
 Daf (Whitland, in Carmarthenshire), " all the heads of 
 the tribes of the country and their assistants and all 
 the wise and learned, ecclesiastical and lay," who 
 drew up a code founded on that of Dyfnwal 
 Moelmud. And after a second journey to Rome to 
 see that those laws were in accordance with the law 
 of God and the laws of countries and cities in the 
 receipt of faith and baptism, he submitted them to 
 the judgment of the commotes and the verdict of 
 the country before they were finally ratified as the 
 laws of the land. On this second journey Chebur of 
 St. Asaph is named as one of the three attendant 
 bishops ; and it is the only case, with the exception of 
 " Melanus Llanelvensis," consecrated by Bishop 
 Eledwd, of St. David's, circa 1070, where a bishop of 
 this see is distinctly mentioned from the time of 
 Tyssilio, ciixa 600, till the consecration of Gilbert by 
 the archbishop of Canterbury in a.d. i 143, from which 
 time the succession is complete. This silence is 
 remarkable when we are told that the ecclesiastics 
 summoned by Hywel numbered " seven score 
 croziers, archbishops and bishops, good teachers, 
 schoolmasters, abbots, and priors''; and that there 
 were in Dyfed, within the two counties of Carmarthen 
 and Pembroke (a smaller area than the present 
 diocese of St. David's), as many as seven episcopal 
 houses, in four of which the abbots were required to 
 be graduates and in holy orders. And I think we 
 shall not be wrong in inferring that, dependent upon 
 the mother see, there were several religious houses, 
 governed by abbots, and having on their foundation a 
 bishop, who acted as suffragan within the diocese.
 
 24 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 The "laws" distinguish the Church lands into 
 episcopal, abbatial, and hospitial, and note as a 
 special privilege that, unlike other cases, where a 
 nine days notice is required, in these there is a 
 right to immediate decision in their own courts ; 
 " for their land did not emanate from our law." 
 But all possessors of Church land must come to 
 every new king at his accession, and make a declara- 
 tion of their privileges and their obligations. Among 
 these, the "privileges of sanctuary" are minutely 
 defined, and the extent of the "corphlan" (cemetery) 
 within which the refugee was safe. A wrong done 
 within the church was more heavily punished than 
 one within the churchyard ; and in the case of 
 mother churches the fine was double that of others ; 
 one moiety in each case going to the abbot or 
 parson, and the other moiety, in the former instance, 
 to the ministering priest and scholars, in the latter to 
 the ministering priest alone. The "offeiriad teulu," 
 priest of the household or domestic chaplain, had 
 his duties and privileges carefully defined. A third of 
 the king's tithe and his land was to be free ; and 
 whenever a church with a burial-ground was con- 
 secrated in a villein township, with a priest to 
 officiate therein, the villein was thereby rendered 
 free. Practically, therefore, we may conclude that 
 the extensive missionary districts served from 
 the central establishments at Meifod, Oswestry, 
 Llanrhaiadr, Llangollen, Wrexham, Mold, Ruthin, 
 Llanrwst, and elsewhere, passed through a process of 
 re-arrangement somewhat as follows. As converts 
 multiplied and the country became more generally
 
 CHARACTERISTICS OF ITS POLITY. 25 
 
 Christian, more ample and assured spiritual pro- 
 vision was required. In some cases the landholders 
 conferred a tithe or other proportion of some product 
 of their land on the mother institution ; two-thirds to 
 the college and its members, the other third to 
 secure among their number one to attend to their 
 special cure. In others, they built a church and 
 assigned a burial-ground in their midst, so as to have 
 a resident parson and services of their own, and 
 to be privileged to manage their own parochial 
 affairs with freedom of voice and vote. Where this 
 was effected entirely or mainly by one person and 
 the district compact, it became a rectory fully 
 equipped ; where by several persons, there we find 
 coniportioners, or " portionists," representing these 
 different parties, but still members of one collegium, 
 or clergy-house. We find Giraldus Cambrensis com- 
 plaining severely that " the churches have almost as 
 many parsons, or parties, as there are principal men 
 in the parish ; and that the sons, after the decease of 
 their fathers, succeed to the ecclesiastical benefices, 
 not by election, but by hereditary right, possessing 
 and polluting the sanctuary of God ; and if a prelate 
 perchance presumed to appoint or institute any 
 other person, the people would certainly revenge the 
 injury upon the institutor and the instituted." A 
 somewhat similar custom prevailed among the Irish 
 clergy, established by St. Columba in lona, as well as 
 in the Church of Brittany, and something of much 
 the same kind until quite recently in Russia. These 
 " portionists " were indeed so numerous and their 
 stipends so scanty that they were held to be injurious
 
 26 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 rather than helpful to the work of the Church, and 
 many efforts were made to unite them. The " Taxatio 
 Ecclesiastica " of Pope Nicholas, a.d. 1291, has many 
 illustrations of their partial survival ; but they were 
 finally combined, with the result that the vicar or 
 ministering priest still received a third only of the 
 whole, whilst the other two-thirds formed the parson 
 or rector's share ; and as such it was frequently 
 appropriated to the use of monastic houses. Indeed, 
 the abuse complained of, if it did not suggest, 
 must have at least facilitated the appropriation. 
 Some laws of later date mention, among the pri- 
 vileges of the clergy as accredited teachers, the right 
 to an allowance-fee from every plough within their 
 district, certain free land, and a licence by virtue of 
 their science. Children from seven years of age to 
 fourteen were placed under their direction, and at 
 fourteen they were brought to the Lord and com- 
 mended to him, and thenceforth had the Lord's 
 privilege, and were themselves responsible. This 
 has been hitherto understood of "coming of age," 
 but it must, I think, really refer to " confirmation " 
 and the spiritual rights which it conferred; as the 
 chapter in which it occurs speaks of baptismal 
 privileges, and refers clearly to ecclesiastical matters. 
 Among the functions of the clergy, besides that of 
 imparting instruction, were those of keeping "au- 
 thentic records " as well of local and national events, 
 privileges, and customs (the groundwork of the 
 early "Bruts" or Chronicles), as also of tribal 
 genealogies and family pedigrees, of legal marriages 
 and honourable achievements. This last provision
 
 CHARACTERISTICS OF ITS POLITY. 27 
 
 was a public necessity as a " descent proved to the 
 ninth degree " was a condition of the title and pri- 
 vileges of a " boneddig," or gentleman, and not only 
 regulated the devolution of property, but also defined 
 the limit to which in family feuds a claim for the 
 "satisfaction of blood"' might be pressed; a pro- 
 vision, indeed, which was calculated to weld more 
 closely tribal ties and sympathies, but was also a 
 rough and ready means of impressing on an excitable 
 race the great principle that every tribesman was 
 " his brother's keci^er."
 
 :28 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH PERIOD. 
 
 This diocese of Llanelwy, as St. Asaph was at first 
 •called, was originally conterminous with the princi- 
 pality of Powys, and extended, roughly speaking, 
 from a line drawn from the mouth of the Conwy to 
 the mouth of the Dovey, on the west, to a similar 
 line from the Dee, near Chester, to the Severn, near 
 Shrewsbury, on the east, having the sea as its northern 
 and the hills of Maelenydd, between the Severn and 
 the Wye, as its southern boundary. The inroads of 
 the Mercians, however, early broke through this 
 eastern line; and the construction of Watt's Dyke, 
 which extends from near the mouth of the Dee to 
 Maesbury Marsh, a little to the south of Oswestry, 
 marked the first great encroachment. This was 
 probably soon after the burning of Pengwern Powys 
 (Shrewsbury), when the neighbouring "churches of 
 Bassa were deprived of their privileges," and the Welsh 
 were driven back into the hills. A yet narrower limi- 
 tation followed the invasion by Offa and his victory 
 on Rhuddlan Marsh in a.d. 798 ; and the great dyke 
 that bears his name appears to have extended from 
 Newmarket, which overlooks the scene of the battle, on 
 the north, right over hill and dale, to the extreme south 
 of the principality, near the mouth of the Wye at Chep-
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH PERIOD. 29' 
 
 Stow. Although barbarous punishments were inflicted 
 on those who Avere caught on the other side of this 
 line, it proved to be an artificial rather than an actual 
 boundary ; for during the tenth century we find the 
 country beyond to its older limits in the possession of 
 the great Welsh chieftains, such as Edwyn of Tegengl, 
 lord of the county from the Clwyd to the Dee ; Tudor 
 Trevor, lord of the Shropshire border ; and Elystan 
 Glodrydd, lord of Ferlys between the Severn and the 
 Wye. But a little later we see the Mercians again 
 paramount. The " Domesday " comments, however, 
 upon much of these lands, that they had been "waste 
 in the time of King Edward," show that it had been, 
 in great measure, a profitless as well as troublesome 
 rule which the Saxon king had exercised. The 
 record, however, introduces us to another system, 
 which proved, of external causes, the most fatal to 
 the independence of the Welsh as a nation, and eccle- 
 siastically produced such results as largely affected 
 the circumstances of the Welsh Church. The esta- 
 blishment of powerful nobles, with practically sovereign 
 authority, all along the line of the INIarches, at Chester, 
 at Shrewsbury, at Hereford, and at Gloucester, backed 
 by the power of the Conqueror, and bound together 
 by the ties of self-preservation and aggrandisement, 
 had for William the many advantages of rewarding 
 his followers with valuable possessions, and supplying 
 at the same time a firmer bulwark against the incur- 
 sions of the Welsh than had ever been afforded by the 
 Mercian earls. Thus, Shropshire was granted to Roger 
 de Montgomery, who in turn planted his trusty lieu- 
 tenants in strong fortresses along the border. Hugh
 
 o 
 
 O ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Lupus received " Cestrescire," which was extended 
 to the banks of the Chvyd, whilst his cousin and 
 vice-comes, "Robert of Rhuddlan, held of the king 
 North Wales, besides the land which the king had 
 given him in fee, but excluding the lands of the 
 bishopric." But whether the "bishopric" referred 
 to was that of " Bangor," the see of Gwynedd, or 
 North Wales, as strictly understood ; or " Llanelwy," 
 within two miles of which Robert's castle stood, and 
 some of whose richest lands were now included within 
 Cestrescire; or "Lichfield" (Cestre), from which 
 Robert, the earl's son, a monk, is accused of having 
 taken two hides of land in Bedesfeld (in Maelor), is 
 not certain. Indeed, the " Domesday " survey, being 
 essentially a civil measure, intended to supply a 
 register of lands and their tenures, is necessarily 
 limited and incomplete in its ecclesiastical notices, 
 and only touches upon them in so far as they fall 
 under that category. Thus, for instance, under 
 " Cestrescire," in the hundredof " Atiscros,"extending 
 from the River Clwyd to Saltney ALirsh, eight such 
 notices occur : in " Exestan Hundred " three, in 
 " Mersete" one, in " Terra de Gal " one, in " Chen- 
 lei et Dernion " none. Sometimes a church is 
 mentioned in connexion with a single name, some- 
 times with a group ; here a church and no pres- 
 byter ; there presbyters but no church ; elsewhere 
 both the one and the other ; in some land is merely 
 noticed ; in others it is defined to be " in dominio." 
 These notices, being brief and interesting, and the 
 first of their kind relating to the diocese, are here 
 given in a tabulated form : —
 
 THE XORISIAN-WELSH PERIOD. 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 " 
 
 <L) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rD 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 r^ 
 
 C 
 
 s 
 
 ^ 
 
 3 
 
 i~> 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 a> 
 
 rt 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 cr . 
 
 tu 
 
 r— 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 ■ ^ 
 
 
 
 ri 
 
 P 
 
 lA 
 
 
 ^ rt 
 
 
 
 
 f^ 
 
 
 
 tj 
 
 
 •S u 
 
 -~1 
 
 ^W 
 
 »-H 
 
 o 
 
 3 
 cj 
 
 HI 
 
 "o 
 o 
 <u 
 
 2 
 
 "5 
 
 o 
 
 in 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 rt g 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 tJ f n 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 ti s- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <" !n 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .^ 
 
 ,^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 ::^^- 
 
 
 
 r-" 
 
 • 
 
 
 .^-s 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 r^ ^ 
 
 
 
 u • 
 
 
 
 t/i Qi 
 
 _o 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 ?i d 
 
 
 rt 
 
 .^- 
 
 .-rf 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 -rt.S 
 
 
 
 0) Cli 
 
 cS 
 
 u 
 
 
 • ^ 
 
 
 rtii 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 -^ 
 
 <L» 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 H- 1 l-H 
 
 
 CJ 
 
 o 
 
 -3 i; — .- 
 
 jt 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 „ - P M >^ •>, ir 
 
 £^ 5^ o c rt ? > 
 
 r- 2 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 /-s U 
 
 
 
 ■~r. '/■ O 
 
 S: o 
 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 
 3« S^cjui-a.t; 
 C^:^ h- -J :=. O O W 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 CI
 
 32 
 
 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 The silence as to the cathedral is, under the 
 circumstances, not surprising. Its position on the hne 
 of march from Chester to Conway and Snowdonia, 
 and its exposure to so many dangers by sea and land, 
 would, in any case, prevent it from becoming either 
 great or wealthy, and would account for its being 
 described as a "civitas munita." Indeed, the sur- 
 rounding conditions may not unreasonably have 
 caused it more than once to be what it was described 
 some years later, " pro vastitate et barbaric episcopo 
 vacantem," and its bishop to have greater claim even 
 than those of Bangor, St. David's, and Glamorgan 
 (Llandaff), to the character which Henry of Hun- 
 tingdon, A.D. 1135, gives to them, as "NuUarum 
 urbium episcopi propter desolationes AVallia;.'' As 
 we cannot suppose that there was no bishop during 
 the long period to which Wharton applies the term 
 "altum silentium," and as Llanelwy in those times 
 of devastation was ill adapted for a bishop's home, 
 we may assume that, like their successors in the 
 fifteenth century, when the palace and the cathedral lay 
 in ruins, they resided elsewhere, in those more peaceful 
 quarters of their diocese where the Norman power 
 had not yet encroached. The very successes of the 
 Normans probably induced the native clergy to 
 withdraw to the secluded parts of the country ; whilst 
 their foreign speech, uncouth manners, and strong 
 national sympathies rendered them all the more 
 obnoxious to the new powers who, in their turn, did 
 all they could to supplant them with clergy of their 
 own, and to introduce into their midst religious 
 orders whose sympathies were almost always foreign,
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH TERIOD. 33 
 
 and who in all countries have been used as foils to 
 the nationalism, so to speak, of the parochial and 
 secular clergy. This new influence was brought to 
 bear upon the South Welsh dioceses rather earlier 
 than upon those of the North ; but from the middle 
 of the twelfth century, when Gilbert was consecrated 
 to this see by Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, 
 A.D. 1 143, and so was the first of our bishops to 
 derive his orders from England, his successors, for a 
 hundred years, appear to have been supporters of 
 the Norman interests ; and of their number, Godfrey, 
 a nominee of Henry I., was " driven away by poverty 
 and the hostility of the Welsh," and his successor, 
 Adam, died at Osney Abbey. Of the grants of 
 Bishops Reyner, Abraham, and Hugh, we shall have 
 to speak again. Indeed, we may apply here even 
 with greater force what a learned writer has said of 
 the corresponding case in England, that " the greater 
 prelates, being Normans, did trample upon the inferior 
 clergy, who were generally English, increased the 
 pensions which the clergy were to pay them, or else 
 withdrew their stipends, and yet loaded them with 
 new services, and every way oppressed them without 
 mercy. And, to complete the servile dependence, an 
 artifice was contrived to obtain indulgence from the 
 l)ope, that whatever churches they held in advowson 
 they should commit them to be served by clerks, 
 who, as to the cure of souls, should be responsible to 
 the bishop, but, as to the profits, should be account- 
 able to the abbot or prior and his brethren."' Con- 
 
 ' liiirn's "Ecclesiastical Lav," i. p. 64. 
 D
 
 34 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 current with this was the great enrichment of the 
 religious houses, which both excited the jealousy of 
 the State, inasmuch as their property was exempted 
 from civil exactions, and led, in some cases, to con- 
 siderable luxury and laxity of discipline. This was 
 much exaggerated, again, by the action of the 
 preaching friars, who, professing great poverty and 
 strictness, inveighed against the monks; but when they 
 themselves, in turn, became enriched, they fell into 
 the like excesses, and brought about this result, that 
 at the dissolution, which they helped to hasten, they 
 were both together swept away ; and not only their 
 temporal goods but their spiritualities also (/.£'., the 
 rectories that had been appropriated to them) were 
 alienated and lost to the Church. 
 
 Directly after the Conquest, Roger de Mont- 
 gomery introduced the Benedictines into Shrewsbury, 
 and endowed them with the advowsons of many 
 churches and other privileges. Before 1086 his 
 lieutenant — Warin — added the church of St. Oswald 
 (Oswestry) with its tithes; and in 1190, AVilliam 
 P'itzAlan II. quitclaimed to it the church with certain 
 demesne tithes. From the charters of Bishop Clinton 
 (1129-1149) and of Bishop Durdent (1149-1161), 
 confirming the same, with its chapelries {i.<\, St. Mar- 
 tin's, Llansilin, and Llanyblodwel), it is evident that 
 Oswestry was at that time regarded as in Cestre 
 (Lichfield) diocese. In a.d. 1093, Hugh Lupus, earl 
 of Chester, expelled the secular canons from the Saxon 
 foundation of St. Werburgh ; introduced the same 
 order (Benedictines), and transferred to them the old 
 possessions, with the tithes of Haurdina (ILiwarden),
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH PERIOD. 35 
 
 Colesul (in Flint), and Bissopestred (in Mold); to 
 which were further added, the same year, the church 
 of Holiwell and its mill by Adaliza, his daughter-in- 
 law, the church and manor of Batavari (Bodfari) by 
 William de Punterleya, the church of Dessart by 
 William Meschinus, and the tithes of Yradoc (Hirad- 
 dug, /.^.,Tremeirchion) by William Malburch. In 1 1 lo, 
 the "Augustinians" were established at Haughmond, 
 near Shrewsbury, by William FitzAlan I., and soon 
 received, inter alia, a moiety of Hanmer. About 
 A.D. 1 1 70, the "Knights Hospitallers" were settled by 
 another FitzAlan at Halston, and they had affiliations 
 at Yspytty Ivan, at Llanwddyn, and at Tregynon, 
 together with the church of Kinnerley. A little later, 
 the "Cistercians "were brought in, and soon became the 
 most favoured and numerous of the monastic bodies. 
 To their nunnery at Llanllugan, founded, or, more 
 likely,- refounded, ii 70-11 88, the church of Llanfair 
 Caereinion was granted by Bishop Hugh in 1239; 
 and Llanllwchaiarn was added in a.u. 1263 by 
 Bishop Anian I. Their abbey at Aberconway, c. 1 1 98,. 
 was enriched with the appropriation of Eglwys Rhos, 
 and in 1282 with Eglwys-fach, also, in exchange for 
 Rhuddlan ; the abbey of "Basingwerk," with Holywell ,: 
 " Strata Marcella " with the churches of Berriev/ and 
 Bettws ; and " Valle Crucis" with those of Llandysilio, 
 Llangollen, Wrexham, Rhuabon, Chirk, and Llan- 
 santffraid. Thus, before the middle of the thirteenth 
 century most of the parishes along the borders, or 
 marches, which had fallen under the civil jurisdiction 
 of the Norman lords were, mainly through their 
 influence, attached to monastic houses, and their 
 
 D 2
 
 36 ST, ASAPH. 
 
 great tithes appropriated to their support and enrich- 
 ment. During this period, and as further illustrating 
 the circumstances that marked this re-settlement, 
 there arose many controversies as to the extent of 
 the diocese, its privileges and its administration. 
 
 When we bear in mind that the first bishop 
 consecrated to this see by the archbishop of Can- 
 terbury was Gilbert and the date a.d. 1143, it is 
 significant to read that so early as 1125 there had 
 been a proposal on the part of the king of England 
 to transfer the diocese, together with those of Bangor 
 and Chester, from the province of Canterbury, which 
 had now begun to claim jurisdiction over the whole 
 of Wales, to that of York, in order to compose the 
 strife as to precedence which had arisen between the 
 two archbishops.^ It was not, however, carried out ; 
 f;o far, at least, as this diocese and Bangor were 
 •concerned, for the sufficient reason that neither the 
 authority of Henry nor the jurisdiction of Canterbury 
 was as yet acknowledged in North Wales. Fifty 
 years later (a.d. 1175) Adam, bishop of this diocese, 
 at the invitation of two local chieftains and on the 
 claim that " all the churches between the Wye and the 
 Severn belonged by diocesan right {jure parochiali) 
 to the see of Llanelwy," proceeded to consecrate, or, 
 rather, reopen, the church of St. Michael- at Kerry, 
 which had been rebuilt. In this, however, he was 
 strenuously and successfully opposed by Giraldus, 
 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, " Eccles. Doc," i. 316. 
 
 ^ This is possibly the church that is recorded to have been 
 consecrated in a.d. 717, and to be the first dedicated to other 
 than a living founder.
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH PERIOD. 37 
 
 surnamed Cambrensis, archdeacon of Brecon, who 
 
 acted as representative of tlie then vacant see of 
 
 St. David's, and claimed for it the jurisdiction it had 
 
 exercised for three hundred years. This period 
 
 carries us back to the death of Gwgan, king of 
 
 Ceredigion, and the absorption of his kingdom in 
 
 that of Rhodri Mawr (who then became king of all 
 
 Wales), and so supplies a clue to the real question at 
 
 issue, — whether the earlier rule of Powys should now 
 
 reassert its claim, or whether the power which had 
 
 prevailed since the breaking up of Ceredigion should 
 
 still maintain possession. Following soon after this, 
 
 we find, as already noticed, that (a.d. 1129-1161) 
 
 Oswestry, with its surrounding district, was treated as 
 
 part of Lichfield diocese, a circumstance which 
 
 could have been due only to the influence and action 
 
 of the Lord Marchers. A century later, and doubtless 
 
 owing to a similar cause, there occurred a dispute 
 
 between the bishops of this diocese and of Hereford 
 
 relative to their line of boundary. On the eastern 
 
 bank of the Severn lay a district called "Gorddwr," 
 
 which had been originally under the jurisdiction of 
 
 Meifod, and still acknowledged the ecclesiastical 
 
 connexion by the payment of certain dues and 
 
 charges, though territorially lying within the lordship 
 
 of Caus, and as such subjected to the diocesan rule 
 
 of Hereford. This territory Bishop Anian, who is 
 
 described as "longe fortissimus privilegiorum sedis 
 
 suae vindex et assertor, ^ claimed for his see on the 
 
 plea of ancient jurisdiction as part of Powys. But 
 
 ' " Annales CambruTC."
 
 38 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 both Cantilupe and Swynfield, successive Bishops of 
 Hereford, withstood the claim on the strong ground 
 of possession, and not unHkely, though not stated, 
 on that of inheritance also, as a portion of the 
 territory of Elystan Glodrydd, Prince of Ferlys and 
 Earl of Hereford. A jury of Welshmen and English- 
 men combined decided in favour of Hereford ; and 
 defined the boundary to be " the midstream of the 
 Severn from the ford called Rhydwymma, where the 
 river divided the lands of Sir Reginald de Mont- 
 gomery from those of Peter Corbet, to the ford of 
 Shrawardine. Immediately afterwards the Bishop 
 entered on horseback the said ford of Rhydwymma 
 to the middle of the river, and thus took possession 
 of all places and vills within the bank assigned to 
 him, with all the episcopal offices pertaining thereto ; 
 and the clergy of the different parishes thereupon 
 tendered their obedience.''' 
 
 On a similar claim of pre-Norman custom, Bishop 
 Anian contested with the widow of John Fitz-Alan 
 the right to the advowson of Llanymynech ; and, 
 being defeated in the Curia Regis, appealed to the 
 Pope and refused to institute her presentee. This 
 refusal, however, was summarily disposed of by 
 Edward I., who, in a writ to the Sheriff of Shropshire 
 A.D. 1 28 1-2, ordered him to distrain upon the 
 Bishop's goods. 
 
 Perhaps Anian felt encouraged in this and his 
 other controversies by the success which had 
 marked his complaints against Llewelyn ap Gruffydd, 
 
 » Swinfield's "Household Roll.'
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH PERIOD. 39 
 
 Prince of Wales, whom he accused of encroaching on 
 the privileges of the see. His main charges were 
 that the Prince, inter alia, had " denied the Bishop 
 the right to make a will ; that injury had been done 
 to the episcopal manors during the vacancy of the 
 see by his officers in charge ; that he had refused to 
 allow the canons to elect into the vacancy without 
 his licence ; that his bailiffs had held courts in the 
 churchyard and even in the church, and had refused 
 to the Bishoi) and Chapter their proper share of the 
 fines ; that vassals of the Church, on transferring 
 their allegiance to the English, had been deprived of 
 their property and no respect paid to the plea that it 
 was a feoff of the Church • that he had demanded 
 certain ' procurations ' from religious houses, and 
 had denied to the parochial clergy a share in the 
 commons, woods, and pastures ; and that in the case of 
 the sanctuary at Llanrwst (Yspytty Ivan) he had 
 defrauded the Church of property." It was con- 
 ceded, indeed, that the Prince had abated somewhat 
 of these practices: but, as he claimed to do it "of 
 grace and not of right," the Bishop carried the case 
 before the Archbishop, and from him to the Pope. 
 Thereupon all the Cistercian abbots of Wales, with 
 the sole exception of the Abbot of Basingwerk, who 
 took an active part against Llewelyn, joined in a 
 circular letter to the Pope, in which they not only 
 denied the truth of the charges put forward by 
 Anian, but positively asserted that the Prince had 
 *'alwa}s proved a steady friend and patron, not only 
 of their own, but of every religious order, and a stead- 
 fast guardian of the Church in Wales." Perhaps the
 
 40 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Cistercians were not sorry for the opportunity of 
 tlius publicly contradicting the statements of the 
 haughty and uncompromising Dominicans, with 
 whom they had themselves been engaged in another 
 bitter dispute. In the death-struggle for his country, 
 in which he was now engaged with the English king, 
 and under the shameful abuse of the powers of 
 excommunication, ever available for promoting the 
 English interests, Llewelyn gave way and conceded 
 the points at issue, being no longer able to with- 
 stand " the warnings and mandates of the Apostolic 
 See." 
 
 The controversy, above alluded to, with the 
 Cistercians had special reference to the Abbey of 
 Valle Crucis, and illustrates the growth of foreign 
 ecclesiastical influence, just as some of the other 
 disputes we have mentioned show the growth of a 
 foreign or at least external political power. The 
 Abbot claimed that, having become possessed of the 
 church of Llangollen with its chapelries of Wrexham, 
 Rhuabon, Chirk, Llansantffraid, and Llandegla, one 
 vicar in the mother church sufficed for the whole ; 
 whilst the Bishop insisted upon appointing a vicar in 
 each of the capellae also. This, in spiritual matters, 
 was the counterpart of the claim made in Henry I.'s 
 time by the Prior of St. Milburg's, 'W'enlock, with 
 respect to temporalities ; viz., that his widespreading 
 lands constituted but one parish, and so were 
 parochially subject to none but the mother church ; 
 and the result in both cases Avas the same, for after 
 much disputing and many appeals the monastic 
 claims were confirmed.
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH PERIOD. 4 1 
 
 Much light is thrown upon the organisation of the 
 diocese, its rural deaneries and parishes, about this 
 period, by a MS. in the British Museum, which has 
 only been brought to light within this year.^ It is 
 entitled " Estimacio Ecclesiarum," and embraces the 
 dioceses of St. Asaph, Bangor, and Llandaff. From 
 internal evidence it belongs to the middle of the 
 thirteenth century, and it appears to be the taxation 
 made in a.d. 1254, when Pope Innocent IV. had 
 given in the previous year the first-fruits and tenths 
 of all ecclesiastical benefices to King Henry III. for 
 three years. " It is sometimes called Pope Innocent's 
 ' Valor,' sometimes the ' Vetus Valor,' and sometimes 
 the ' Norwich Taxation,' from the circumstance of its 
 having been principally executed by Walter de Suth- 
 field, Bishop of Norwich." From it we learn that 
 this diocese comprised at the time eight rural 
 deaneries, seventy-nine rectories (ecclesie), and at 
 least nineteen capell^ (or vicarages). The return 
 was made for each deanery by the Decanus Loci 
 (rural dean) or the official as in Powys and Rhos, 
 with two or more other clergy, under oath. In some 
 cases the value is given in ;£. s. d. ; in most cases in 
 marcs. The sum of the whole diocese, excepting the 
 religious houses, amounted to ^^208. 9s. 8d. Tenth, 
 ^20. i6s. iijd. The sum total of the tithe of the 
 diocese to j[,zo. i6s. iid. Deduct from them for 
 tithes of rectories (ecclesie) appropriated to reli- 
 gious houses ;^i. i6s. od., and the remainder avail- 
 
 ' Cotton Collection : Vitcllius, c. x. Montgomeryshire Col- 
 lections, 1S87, pp. 331 ct seqij.
 
 42 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 able amounted to ^^29. os. iicl. Being the first 
 known record of the kind for this diocese, its list of 
 deaneries and parishes is given more fully : — 
 
 1. Dccanatus de Ros et Reiveniattk (Rhos and Rhyfoniog) 
 
 includes Ecclesia de S'" Assaph cum suis Capellis et 
 Porcio Episcopi Assavensis in eadem ; Abergele cum 
 duabus capellis; Dinerth,' Llanuber;- Egliswach ; 
 Idanvrewist ; Llanissannan ; Lleswaen ; Kegidauc ; ' 
 Diss'ch ; ^ Llanndulas ; Eglwys Ros ; Llanuvartell ; * 
 Gwythrem et Nanclym ; Bechwylemin.® Summa, 
 Ixxi. //. 
 
 2. Dec. de Po'coys, Ecclesia de Eberriw una medietas . . . 
 
 alia medietas que est Cist. Ordin. (non)taxatur ; Llan- 
 dishul, Capella de Lamerewic ; Ecc de Llanlocharen, 
 Capella de Llanveyr'' Cap", de Bettws ; Medietas eccl. 
 de Trefkenon, alia med. spectat ad Hospic ; ^ Cap", de 
 Aberhaf; Capella de Llanoedelan ; Ecca de Manaon, 
 Cap. de Castett ; Ecca de Llanveyr," Porcio Monia- 
 lium, Cisterc. Ordinis'" non taxatur ; Cap", de Llan- 
 kenwy ; Cap", de Llanurveyl ; Cap. de Llankaduan ; 
 Cap. de Garthbeybeau ; Ecca de Meyvot ; Capella de 
 Llanvelig ; Cap. de Llanvectheyn ; Cap. de Llansan- 
 fret ; Cap. de Llanuthaghil ; Ecca de Llantrinew ; 
 Cap", de Llantessilyau ; Cap. de Kegidua " ; Cap. de 
 Trallug.'- Summa, xxvi''. iiii\ viii''., Dec" lii^ v*". ob. 
 
 ' Llandrillo in Rhos. 
 
 - Uanfair Talhaiarn. 
 
 ' St. George. 
 
 '' Llansanlffraid Glan Conway. 
 
 * Whitchurch, Denbigh. 
 
 * Llanelian 
 
 ' Llanvair in Cedeweyn, i.e. Newtown. 
 
 * The Knights Hospitallers at Halston, 
 ^ Llanvair in Caereinion. 
 
 " LlanlJugan. 
 " Guilsfield. 
 '■- Welsh Pool.
 
 THE NORMAN-WKLSH TKUIOD. 43 
 
 3. Dec. dc Iffn^lcfcitt\ Ecclesic ilc Llaneurgeyn' ; llclegcn ; 
 
 Fuytfoid ; T-lanassa ; Ciiencsgor ; Disscilh ; RluuUan ; 
 Cum: liutlcwanii ; Ksccyvauc ; Naniicrcho ; Eccl.de 
 Halliwell que est Cist'. 
 
 Summa, xxxvi". x ""' Dec. Ixxxiii™'. 
 
 4. Dec. etc AAiir/iur : Eccl. de Llanraeadcr ; rcnnant ; 
 
 Ilyrnant ; Llankcnauc; Llansilyn; Capclla do Llaiigai- 
 mayaun ; Ecca de Blodval : Mulatan' ; S"-' Martini, 
 Croesoswald*, Trefwen^ I'xca de Kinardinlhe que est 
 Ilospitalar : Summa xx'' vi'"' viii'''^'" Dec. xl«'' viii''. 
 
 5. Dec. (/c K'cz-^ilianc and Maudoc : Ecclesic de Maudoc" ; 
 
 Darewcyn ; Bicnmeyr" and Kemeys ; Llanw lil ; 
 Penegees ; Machenllyd ; Llanemaudoe' ; Malluet. 
 
 Summa ix". vi^ viii''. Dec. xviii'. viii''. 
 
 6. Dec. dc J^thda-cr : Eccl S>^' Colyen'" ; Gresford ; Estun" ; 
 
 Marchoeil ; Emhestock ; Llancallen que Monast. 
 Ci-^t. -' Gwiexam que est Mon. Eoiundem. 
 
 Summa xviii". vi". viii''. Dec. .xxxvi\viii''. 
 
 7. De:. d-: Monte Alio. Eccl. de Mohald ; Kilkeyn ; 
 
 Llanuerteys . de S*"" Germano : de S*"" Tessiliao. 
 
 Summa xii". vi\ viii''. Dec. xxvi*. viii''. 
 
 ' EnglcfieUI. 
 
 - Northop. 
 
 ' Llanarmun DyfTryn Ceiiiog. 
 
 * Selattyn. 
 
 * Oswestry. 
 
 " Whittington. 
 
 ' The Knighls Hospitallers at Halston. 
 
 ** Same parish given under two names, i.e., Llanymawddwy. 
 
 '* Llanbrynmair. 
 
 '" Rhuaho'-. 
 
 " Hope. 
 
 '- Vallc Crucis.
 
 44 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 2. Dec. lie Edeniiaiin. Ecclesie de Lantreulle ; Gwide!- 
 wern ; Coruaen ; Langar ; Betos ; Lanuihagel ; 
 Langum ; Lansanfreyt ; Kericdrudion ; Llandervael ; 
 Llanvaur. Summa xiii'". viii^ iv''. Dec. xxvi^ x'^. 
 
 Summa tocius Ep'atus p't' do' relig' : ccviii'". ix' viii"*. Dec" 
 xx''. xvi'' xi"*. ob. 
 
 Summa total decime dioc. assav. xxx'' xvi' xi"*. Sbfctis n\ 
 xxxvi* p dec. Ecc* relig. rem, xxix" : xi**. 
 
 Two noteworthy .stages in the growing power of 
 Canterbury are marked by the respective Visitations 
 of Archbishop Baldwin and of Archbishop Peckham, 
 and they show the great advance made in the claims 
 of jurisdiction in the course of a hundred years. In 
 A.D. 1 187 Baldwin, under the plea of preaching the 
 Crusades and enlisting the Welsh in the cause, 
 visited as legate each of the Welsh cathedrals, and, 
 a thing before unheard of, celebrated mass therein, 
 "tanquam investitures cujusdam signum," by way, as 
 it were, of induction into spiritual jurisdiction over 
 them. In 1284 Archbishop Peckham made a Metro- 
 politan Visitation of the Welsh dioceses, commencing at 
 Oswestry, and shortly afterwards issued his Injunctions 
 in which, as " Totius Anglice Primas," he compares 
 his Visitation to that of Jerusalem by Our Lord, and 
 gives warning of a similar punishment for disobedience. 
 He then descends into details, which throw much 
 light on the condition and character of the clergy. 
 He particularises many peculiarities which he required 
 them to lay aside, so as to conform to the rest of 
 the clergy of his Province. Such were want of 
 sobriety, letting the hair grow long, an insufficient 
 tonsure, impetuosity of speech, and ignorance of
 
 THE NORMAN-WELSH PERIOD. 45 
 
 Latin {Jitera scripta), the peculiar shape of their vest- 
 ments and dress ; and the leaving their head, and 
 feet, and calves bare. The sin of incontinence,^for 
 such the non-acceptance of the rule of clerical celi- 
 bacy seemed to the followers of St. Dunstan, — is 
 sharply reprehended ; and they are exhorted to be 
 more observant of the canonical hours, and un- 
 failing in the Daily Prayer ; and to obey the recent 
 Lambeth statute as to the reservation of the Host and 
 its ceremonious conveyance to the sick. The educa- 
 cation of the young in grammar, and the instruction 
 of the laity in faith and morals, — which had fallen 
 more or less into abeyance, owing to the number and 
 smallness of the " portions," by reason of which 
 neither were the portionists able to reside, nor the 
 vicars to support the parochial calls, — are to be pro- 
 vided for by the union of these portions, and the 
 requirement that, where the rectors do not reside, 
 there shall be a sufficient maintenance for the vicars^ 
 so that they may reverently and worthily discharge 
 the several offices of their ministry. And inasmuch 
 as the cathedral should be an exemplar to the 
 diocese, the houses of the dean and canons must 
 be as near to it as possible ; the canons must wear 
 their hood and amice in the cloisters, and must 
 attend in a proper manner to the daily services and 
 observe the canonical hours. They must, moreover, 
 make it their chief endeavour to bring their people 
 into union with the realm and people of England, 
 otherwise not only will the king and nobles of 
 England, but those of the rest of the world, — and, 
 failing them, the Holy Roman Church itself, — enforce
 
 46 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 it by preaching a crusade against them ; raid against 
 this vain will be the power of the Welsh. Finally, 
 after reproving their addiction to dreams and their 
 old-world legends of Brutus and Troy, he urges them, 
 under fear of ecclesiastical censure, to give a welcome 
 to the Friars Preachers and the Friars Minors, " with 
 whom almost alone sound doctrine was to be found 
 in these parts." These Injunctions were dated from 
 Bangor, iv. Kal. Julii (June 28), a.d. 1284. Similar 
 ones were issued for that diocese, and others for 
 St. David's and Llandaff. Following so closely on 
 the civil conquest and the annexation of Wales to 
 the English Crown, as set forth in the Statutes of 
 Rhuddlan, a.d. 1282, these proceedings of Archbishop 
 Peckham must be regarded as their ecclesiastical 
 counterpart, and as completing the jurisdiction of 
 Canterbury over the Welsh Church.
 
 ST. ASAPH, 47 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM THE .ANNEXATION TO THE REFORM.Vl ICN. 
 
 The "Taxatio Ecclesiastica " of a.d. 1291, which was 
 occasioned by a grant of the tenths, made in 1288 
 by Pope Nicholas IV. to King Edward I., lor the 
 purpose of defraying the expenses of an expedition 
 to the Holy Land, supplies useful information as to 
 some changes of administration which had taken 
 place since the earher return of 1254, and is, at the 
 same time, of great importance as forming the 
 standard by which all the taxes, whether to tlie King 
 or to the Pope, continued to be regulated until the 
 26 Henry VIII. Compared with the '" Norwich 
 Taxation" it shows (i) an increase in the number of 
 deaneries from eight to sixteen : thus, while 
 
 1. Ros and Rewen' remain the same as J^os and 
 
 liez'eneai/c. 
 
 2. Powys is subdivided into /'iv/rr, Kcdaveyn, 
 
 Kereynon^ and Mecheyn. 
 
 3. Henglefent corresponds to EiighfiU. 
 
 4. Marchia ' appears as Marchia, Mochnant. and 
 
 Kenlleyth. 
 
 5. Keyveliauc and Maudoe remain as before. 
 
 6. Maelaur reappears as Maelaur and Nandiiaidwc.
 
 48 ST. ASAPH, 
 
 7. Monte Alto has become Yall and Stratalwen. 
 
 8. Edeyrniaun is divided into Edeyr?naun, Dyn- 
 
 ftiael, and FeiiUyn. 
 
 (2) In the earlier "Taxation," — in every deanery, 
 except Powys, each entry is made as simply "Ecclesia 
 de . . . ," with the sole exception of " Capella de 
 Llangarmayan " in Marchia ; in Powys the list in- 
 cludes eight ecclesise and seventeen capellae with one 
 portion, that belonging to the nuns of Llanllugan in 
 Llanfair Caereinion ; though we cannot suppose that 
 there was so marked a difference in the nature of the 
 ecclesiae and capellae. In this latter "Taxation" 
 " Ecclesia de . . . "' occurs in every instance — divided 
 in most cases into rectoria and vicaria — with in the 
 collegiate churches, such as Llandrinio, Meifod, Llan- 
 rhaiadr, Llansilin, Eston(Hope), Corvaen, Llansannan, 
 and Skeyvyauc, an enumeration of the " Portiones." 
 
 (3) This enumeration in a.d. 1291, and the almost 
 total omission in a.d. 1254, when we know they 
 existed to a large extent, will probably explain the 
 great increase in the value of the livings given in the 
 earlier returns as ;!^2o8. 9s. 8d. — dec. ^20. i6s. i i^d. ; 
 and in that of 1291, only forty years later, as 
 ^1,332, i8s. 9d— dec. ^^133. 5s, lo^d. 
 
 On the earlier occasion the portions were so many 
 and so small that they were under the taxable limit, 
 and therefore not mentioned ; now, owing to their 
 union, in accordance with Archbishop Peckham's 
 Injunctions, they came under the taxation, and so 
 were taken into account. 
 
 (4) Several parishes are mentioned by name in the
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 49 
 
 Jater " Taxation" which were either omitted altogether, 
 or only referred to indefinitely as Capelhx;. Such are 
 under : — 
 
 Rhos et Rhyfoniog—'tii. Asaph, Henllan,Tremeirch- 
 ion, Llangernyw, and Llannefydd. 
 
 Englefield — Caerwys and Rhywlyfnwyd. 
 
 MocJuia7it — Llangedwyn, Llanarmon, Bettws (Llan- 
 wddyn), and Llan-Gadwaladr. 
 
 Nanheudwy — Chirk (Y Waun), Llansantflraid. 
 
 Yall — Bryneglwys. 
 
 Edeiniion — Llanaelhaiarn, Llanycil, Llanuwchllyn, 
 and Llangower. 
 
 (5) The churches appropriated to the Knights 
 Hospitallers, viz., Kinnerley, Trefgynon, and Doly- 
 gynwal (Yspytty Ivan), are described as " non deci- 
 mantur"; the other appropriations are evidently 
 included in the rectoria of their respective parishes, 
 although not definitely so stated. The " Taxation '' 
 of the cathedral body is given separately, not as in 
 1254, under the deanery of Rhos and Rhyfoniog. The 
 temporalities also of the bishop and canons, and of 
 all the religious houses, are added under their respec- 
 tive heads. The houses so named are Basingwerk, 
 Conway (/>., Aberconway, or Maenan), Strata Mar- 
 cella, Valle Crucis, Llanllugan (nunnery), Strata 
 Florida in St. David's diocese, and Haghmon in 
 Cestre (Lichfield). 
 
 It appears, however, to have been easier to ascer- 
 tain the amount of the income and the tenths than 
 to secure their payment. At all events, we find 
 Bishop Llewelyn writing, in 1305, to the king and 
 stating his inability to collect the levy, because the 
 
 E
 
 50 - ST. ASAPH. 
 
 clergy denied both their liability and their ability 
 to pay. Whereupon the king enjoins the bishop 
 to distrain upon the goods and benefices of the 
 defaulters. The goods were accordingly sequestrated 
 and offered for sale, but owing to the season of the 
 year, the badness of the roads, the difficulty of transit, 
 the sympathy of the people, and the fear of ecclesi- 
 astical censures, there were no bidders. Some of the 
 clergy who resisted the claim appealed to the Court 
 of Rome, but with what result does not appear. 
 The kings, however, of those days had a summary 
 way of dealing with their recalcitrant subjects through 
 the sheriff; and it is more than probable that such 
 was the case here, and that he made the bishop 
 responsible for the clergy: '■'' Tanqtiam mandatorwn 
 nostrorum contemptorem ?na}iifestti!ii." 
 
 One of the first things that had been taken 
 in hand after the Annexation was the repair of the 
 damages wrought to the cathedral and the churches 
 of the diocese. Whether from accident or from a 
 mistaken policy, the churches had suffered severely 
 in the course of the recent struggles. In a letter 
 addressed to the commander of the English forces, 
 Archbishop Kilwardby charges them with "desecrating 
 churches and churchyards, damaging church pro- 
 perty, burning one of the bishop's houses, slaying 
 some of his servants, and committing other acts of 
 sacrilege," — some of the very grievances alleged by 
 Prince Llewelyn as the provocation which had driven 
 him to arms for his country. " The English hitherto," 
 he says, " have spared neither age nor sex, and have 
 respected neither churches nor holy places." The
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 5 I 
 
 cathedral itself had been burned ; and this was made 
 the occasion of a strong appeal to the Pope (Mar- 
 tin IV.) on the part of the King, the Bishop, and 
 the Canons, to have it transferred to the neighbouring 
 town of Rhuddlan, under the shelter of the rebuilt 
 castle ; but, owing perhaps to the jealousy of the 
 Archbishop, the scheme came to nothing. A com- 
 mission, however, was appointed to assess the 
 damages, and by its award ;^ioo was paid over to 
 the Dean and the Archdeacon on x\ll Souls' Day, 1284. 
 This sum, equivalent to rather more than three 
 thousand pounds of our money, was supplemented 
 by another fund, which the canons collected by 
 going about the country and exhibiting a famous 
 copy of the Gospels that belonged to their cathe- 
 dral. The four Welsh dioceses, and those of 
 Hereford, Lichfield, and Coventry, were thus visited 
 by them under authority; and, to judge from the 
 years 1290-93, their annual collection was about 
 ^30, giving for the whole nine years a sum total 
 equal to about ^9,000 of our present standard. With 
 these resources, and such other funds as accrued 
 from appropriations, fines, legacies, and fabric lands, 
 the work of rebuilding was taken in hand, and ap- 
 pears to have been completed by the end of 1295. 
 The free tenants of the dean and chapter were bound 
 to render annually certain services ("pro operationibus 
 ecclesic-e cathedralis ") in work at the Red Rock, and 
 this service was described as " Ardreth y Gareg 
 Goch." This " rock" lay about a mile away, between 
 the cathedral and I.lannerch, and the red sandstones 
 in the west and south walls of the nave still attest 
 
 K 2
 
 52 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 this obligation. Whether any alteration was effected 
 in the plan of the cathedral we have no means of 
 judging ; but its recent restoration by Sir Geo. Gilbert 
 Scott enables us to realise accurately its appearance 
 when it stood forth in that early handiwork of 
 1284-95. Massive in construction, but simple in 
 plan, and with little ornamentation, it comprised 
 chancel, choir, and nave, with north and south aisles, 
 and north and south transepts, with a central tower 
 at their intersection. The south transept formed the 
 Lady-chapel, and a door led into the chapter-house 
 through the north wall of the chancel or presbytery. 
 Of the site of the houses of the dean and canons we 
 have no indications left, nor can we say, from any 
 sufficient evidence, where exactly they stood, save 
 " prope et circa ecclesiam." 
 
 The reconstruction of the fabric was immediately 
 followed by the reorganisation of the services, in 
 accordance with the injunctions of the archbishop 
 (Peckham). The statutes of 1295 required the 
 canons to provide one vicar for every two — 
 " propter guerrarum discrimina," — and four priests 
 were to live in the same house. But the following 
 year, in a chapter holden on March 6, 1296, it was 
 ordained more definitely that the dean and the preben- 
 daries of Vaenol and Llannefy dd (the precentor and the 
 chancellor) should each find a priest skilled in music 
 to serve their cures and attend the daily services with 
 the vicar-choral ; that the archdeacon should find a 
 priest or a layman skilled in vocal or instrumental 
 music ; the prebendaries of Meliden (treasurer) and 
 Llanfair (2) should find four singing boys or choristers,
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 53 
 
 and the prebendary of Meifod (sacristan) should con- 
 tribute ten shillings per annum in augmentation of 
 the salary of the waterbearer to secure his attendance 
 with the other ministers in the daily services. All the 
 minor clergy (beneficed in Gwyddelwern) were re- 
 quired to be present at the daily services at all the 
 canonical hours under penalty of a penny fine for 
 each absence. In the same year, Bishop Llewelyn 
 ap Ynyr appropriated the rectorial tithes of Llansilin 
 and Rhuddlan to the general fund of the cathedral, 
 and those of Llanasa to the fabric and the lighting. 
 In 1336 the great tithes of Nantglyn were added for 
 the support of the ten vicars and for incidental ex- 
 penses, on the condition that two masses should be 
 said daily in the new Lady chapel (the south tran- 
 sept), one in honour of the Blessed Virgin, the other 
 for the souls of the benefactors of the see, whether 
 living or dead. And a similar condition was attached 
 to the appropriation of Blodwel in 1377 to the bishop's 
 uses. Three years later. Bishop Spridlington further 
 augmented the stipends of the vicars by appropriating 
 the great tithes of Llanrhaiadr in Mochnant jointly 
 for their benefit and for the other cathedral expenses. 
 And two days afterwards he obtained the royal licence 
 to annex the chapelries of Pole and Kegidfa (Welsh- 
 pool and (kiilsfield) to the mother church of Meifod, 
 and appropriate the whole to himself By these 
 additions to the income which had belonged to the 
 .see and chapter at the time of the " Taxatio " of 1 291, 
 Ave may conclude that sufficient provision was made 
 for the orderly and reverent ministrations of the 
 cathedral, as the pattern for the diocese, and that at
 
 54 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 his period it reached its highest state of efficiency. 
 But how far there was a corresponding improvement 
 in the case of the secular and parochial clergy and 
 their ministrations we are unable to say. The " por- 
 tions " had, indeed, been united ; but they had also 
 been, to a large extent, alienated by being appro- 
 priated to monastic houses ; and the controversy 
 already noticed between Bishop Anian and the 
 Abbot of Valle Crucis showed that the spiritual in- 
 terests of the parishes, whence they drew their 
 income, was not always a |^first concern of their 
 appropriators, though in certain instances they did 
 make fair provision by way of outlying cells and 
 capella;. 
 
 Many questions of jurisdiction arose in consequence 
 of the altered aspect of the civil power, and the new 
 relation of the ecclesiastical body ; and whilst some 
 were settled in a summary fashion, others were 
 submitted to the arbitration of juries versed in the 
 customs and precedents of the time, who decided 
 in accord with "old and immemorial usage." 
 
 The first of these had reference to the custody ot 
 the temporalities on the death of Bishop Anian, in 
 A.D. 1293. In the lordship of Bromfield were certain 
 "lands and tenements" the custody of which was 
 claimed by EarlWarren, "just as it had been enjoyed 
 by his predecessors in the lordship before the con- 
 quest of the country." But the plea was overruled 
 by the king in council, on the ground " that all lands, 
 everywhere situate, belonging to vacant sees belonged 
 to the Crown ; and that he had, by his recent con- 
 quest, re-acquired the lands of Bromfield"; and on
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 55 
 
 the same ground, Robert de Staundon, justiciary of 
 North Wales, was commanded to take possession at 
 once of the temporahties within the lordship of Den- 
 bigh and elsewhere. 
 
 Another dispute was but a repetition of an older 
 one between Bishop Anian and Llewelyn, Prince of 
 Wales. In the present case, one Madoc ap Philip 
 having died intestate in the cantred of Englefield 
 possessed of goods worth ;^4, the bishop (Llewelyn) 
 took possession of them ; but the king disputed his 
 right and claimed them for himself. The jury, how- 
 ever, found for the bishop, and the title of the see to 
 all such goods was confirmed. 
 
 In A.D. 1 3 10 the advowson of Northop was claimed 
 by Edward II. on the plea that it had belonged at 
 one time to David, Prince of Wales, and he presented 
 to it one of his chaplains ; the bishop, however, 
 refused to institute, on the ground that it had always 
 belonged to the see ; and the question being tried 
 before Robert de Holland, justiciary of Chester, 
 the verdict was given here also in favour of the 
 bishop. 
 
 The bishop and chapter were equally successful, 
 the following year, in resisting a contribution imposed, 
 without their consent, by the Earl of Doncaster on 
 their tenants in the lordship of Denbigh. For it had 
 been one of the immemorial privileges of their Church 
 that no such contribution should be demanded with- 
 out their previous assent and concurrence. 
 
 An entirely new feature occurs about this time in 
 the form of " Papal Provision." In 1306, Clement V. 
 appointed John Toppan, Doctor of Laws, to a canonry
 
 56 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 in the cathedral and to the rectory of Llanwyllin.^ And 
 in A.D. 1344, Clement VI. nominated John Trevor, 
 then at Rome, to the next vacant canonry or sinecure, 
 and subsequently to the bishopric itself as soon as it 
 should become vacant ; to which he was then conse- 
 crated "in Curia Romana," but he was not allowed to 
 take possession until after he had made his profession 
 of obedience at Canterbury. This practice, viz., the 
 papal designation of an ecclesiastic to a stall, a sine- 
 cure, or a see not yet vacant, is said to have arisen 
 out of the custom of referring disputed elections to 
 Rome for settlement, and to have been adopted there 
 for the twofold purpose of promoting a favourite 
 candidate and of preventing the Crown from keeping 
 sees long vacant for the sake of their temporalities. 
 Of one of its fruits or abuses Hallam writes, that the 
 richly-endowed Church of this country came to be 
 regarded as " the free pasture of Italian priests, who 
 were placed by the mandatory letters of Gregory IX. 
 and Innocent IV. in all the best benefices."- 
 
 On the death of Bishop Trevor, in 1357, a dispute 
 arose between Edward the Black Prince, as guardian of 
 the temporalities, and the Archbishop as custodian of 
 the spiritualities, concerning certain rights and privi- 
 leges which had been immemorially enjoyed by the 
 archbishop of the province on the death of his 
 suffragans. These were a moiety of the " sacerdotia," 
 or benefices, held by him, a third of the small tithes 
 of all vacant benefices, and a tenth of the valor of all 
 
 1 Trobably Llanuwchllyn, near Bala. 
 - Hallam, " Middle Ages," ii. 209.
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 57 
 
 the Others, — "decima bonorum dotalium" {i.e., a 
 tenth on dower chattels), and the mortuaries of the 
 deceased bishop, which in this diocese comprised his 
 best horse, saddle, and bridle, his hooded cloak, and 
 his best seal and signet ring. The dispute resulted 
 in confirming them to the Archbishop, as "longa 
 consuetudine acquisita." A more important question 
 arose on the promotion of Llewelyn ap Madoc from 
 the deanery to the bishopric as to the presentation to 
 the vacant deanery. Unlike the English deaneries, 
 to which the Crown presents, the Welsh ones are in 
 the patronage of their respective bishops ; and the 
 point now disputed was whether Bishop Llewelyn, 
 who had been provided to the see and consecrated 
 by the Pope at Avignon, and had also received the 
 spiritualities from the Archbishop, but not yet the 
 temporalities, had the right of presentation to the 
 deanery, or whether it belonged to the Prince of 
 Wales as their custodian until restored. The com- 
 missioners appointed by the Archbishop were unable 
 to decide the matter ; and the Prince assumed the 
 right and nominated Robert de Walsham. But the 
 nomination was not acted upon ; and the difficulty 
 was solved by a compromise. The Bishop appointed 
 to the vacancy another friend of the Prince, William 
 de Si)ridlington, who, in time, succeeded to the 
 bishopric also, and was named by the Black Prince 
 one of the executors to his will. 
 
 What the religious state of the great mass of the 
 people was at this period it is not easy to say. It 
 can hardly, however, have been other than very 
 unsatisfactory, and yet it was by no means so low
 
 58 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 as is too often assumed to have been the case in 
 those " Dark Ages." The services, although in Latin, 
 and therefore "not understanded of the people," 
 must nevertheless have been so explained to them 
 as to educate the heart, though it may have left the 
 intellect but little touched; many Scripture stories 
 and religious legends were current in the vulgar 
 tongue ; and no small proportion of the bardic poems 
 were on sacred themes. An " Officium B. Marias 
 Virginis," translated into Welsh by Dafydd Ddu 
 Hiraddug, a vicar of Tremeirchion, in the middle of 
 the fourteenth century, has excellent renderings of 
 some of the Psalms and other portions of the Holy 
 Scriptures, but we have not found any Welsh Wycliffe 
 of this period to turn the whole of the Bible into the 
 vernacular. 
 
 When we speak of the bards and their poetr}^, we 
 must bear in mind that we speak, as it were, of the 
 press of that day. For the bards after the conquest 
 of the country lost their most exciting theme, and 
 tuned their harps to less stirring echoes than those of 
 war. And just as in their circuits they recited 
 not only their own compositions, but also those of 
 their more eminent predecessors, so their own songs 
 became in turn handed on by many others, and 
 formed a portion of the common inheritance. When, 
 therefore, we find so largely in poems, thus re-echoed 
 at hundreds of firesides, sacred subjects treated 
 reverently, we are justified in concluding that the 
 spiritual condition of the people was not altogether 
 so benighted. 
 
 Politically, their case was much more oppressive
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 59 
 
 and hopeless. Conquered by Edward I., oppressed 
 by the severe and unscrupulous rule of the Lords 
 Marchers, and appealing in vain to the king's 
 justiciaries for redress, the Welsh writhed in silence 
 under their wrongs. But no sooner had Owen of 
 Glyndyfrdwy, or, as more usually written, Owen 
 Glyndwr, raised his banner for Wales and freedom 
 than multitudes of followers poured in from all parts, 
 rejoicing in the hope of avenging the wrongs on 
 which they had been brooding ; and the bards, once 
 more burning with the old martial spirit, aroused in 
 them the hopes of former days. 
 
 During the ten years, 13 99- 1409, through which 
 Owen was able to maintain a brave but futile inde- 
 pendence, the Church in this diocese suffered sorely 
 both from the one side and the other. Enraged 
 against Bishop Trevor for having pronounced the 
 sentence of deposition upon his liege and patron, 
 Richard II., Owen in 1400 burned the cathedral and 
 canons' houses, together with those of the bishop at 
 St. Asaph, Meliden, and St. Martin's; and in that 
 ruined state the cathedral remained for eighty, and 
 the palace for a hundred, years. 
 
 If the treatment of the Welsh had been oppressive 
 before, it was made doubly cruel and humiliating 
 now by the enactments of Parliament in 1401 3 and 
 when Bishop Trevor found that neither justice nor 
 consideration was any longer to be had for his 
 countrymen, he joined Glyndwr; and when the 
 latter could no longer maintain his ground openly, 
 the bishop was driven into exile in France. 
 
 These troubles, however, which exasperated the
 
 6o ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Welshmen against the Enghsh and the EngUshmen 
 against the Welsh, were but the prelude to those 
 more miserable feuds and intestine wars in which 
 the adherents of the Yorkist and Lancastrian parties, 
 no longer able to restrain their mutual jealousies and 
 antipathies, involved the length and breadth of the 
 land for thirty years in fratricidal war. During this 
 period of rival factions and civil commotion, it is 
 almost idle to look for outward signs of Church 
 progress and development. The cathedral, bishop's 
 palace, and canons' houses, lay all in ruins ; the 
 bishops lived away in the abbeys and priories, which 
 they were allowed to retain in cominendaju. Robert 
 de Lancaster, 1411-1433, at Valle Crucis ; Lowe, 
 T433-1444, in his Austin Priory; Pecock, 1444-1450, 
 a prisoner in Thorney Abbey; Knight, 1450-147 1, 
 at his priory of Daventry; and Redman, 1471-1495, 
 at Shapp, in Westmoreland. During this period the 
 rectories of Meifod, Guilsfield, and Welshpool were 
 held in conimendani with the bishopric, to eke out its 
 diminished resources. It was not till Bishop Redman's 
 time that any attempt was made to repair the cathe- 
 dral, but the palace still remained a ruin; and Bishops 
 David ap lorwerth and David ap Owen continued to 
 reside in their respective monasteries of Valle Crucis 
 and Aberconway, — until the latter rebuilt it after a 
 hundred years' desolation. 
 
 The deans all held preferment elsewhere, and of 
 the canons we have practically no records for this 
 century. And yet its close witnessed a large amount 
 of church rebuilding and renovation. Wrexham, 
 Oresford, Mold, Northop, Holywell, Ruthin, Holt,
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. Ci 
 
 and Llangollen, all show that the cessation of the 
 Wars of the Roses was immediately followed up 
 by the restoration of the ruined fabrics of the 
 Church ; and that it was the opportunity rather than 
 the will that had so long delayed it. 
 
 It happened too, that, while these wars had im- 
 poverished, not to say ruined, many of the leading 
 nobles, they had been at the same time dispersing 
 their wealth among a new class, and investing with 
 greater power the merchant and the tradesman. 
 The nobles, thus impoverished, began to look with 
 envious eyes upon the wealth of the religious houses 
 around them ; for they had not only come unharmed 
 out of the conflict, in which they had had no share, 
 but had even grown enriched in some cases by the 
 investment of funds, which, as good husbandmen 
 and careful financiers, they had been able to accumu- 
 late. And many were the calculations made by 
 courtiers and politicians as to the profits and advan- 
 tages that might accrue to themselves and to the 
 state by a re-arrangement, as they would call it, but 
 in reality a confiscation of their property. And when 
 the needs of the State became urgent, and the 
 difficulty of meeting them great, it seemed but a 
 short and easy step from theory to practice. Many 
 other causes, indeed, combined to render this pos- 
 sible, without which it never could have taken place 
 without a revolution. 
 
 The estrangement which the monks and friars had 
 created between the people and the secular clergy, now 
 brought its own Nemesis, and they were themselves 
 the first to suffer in the reaction. Their foreign sym-
 
 62 ST. ASAPH, 
 
 pathies, for they were directly subject not to the 
 bishops, but to the Pope, and as such were regarded 
 as his special instruments, were particularly obnoxious 
 to the national feelings ; for the Church of this 
 country had been, throughout the period of even its 
 closest alliance with Rome, very jealous of its nation- 
 ality and inherent independence ; and claimed from 
 Magna Charta downwards to be essentially " Ecclesia 
 Anglicana," the Church of England. And this 
 national sentiment proved to be a very powerful 
 lever in the Reformation movement. It was not 
 merely the substitution of one head for another in 
 the management of its Temporalities and Spiri- 
 tualities,^ but politically it was the reassertion of its 
 continuity with the National Church of pre-Norman 
 times. The claim to greater sanctity of life, which 
 the Regulars had put forward, as being pre-eminently 
 "The Religious," received a great shock in the 
 charges brought forward on the score of the irre- 
 gularity that prevailed in some of their houses ; for 
 whether the charges were true or false, or only partly 
 so, in either case they were very largely believed ; 
 and neither the noble work done by some of the 
 greater abbeys in the education of the young, in 
 the tending of the sick, and in the support of the poor, 
 nor the admittedly holy lives of many of their 
 members, were able to stem the torrent that swept 
 away in one flood the good and the evil together. 
 
 ' By "spiritualities" in this connexion were meant not, as is 
 sometimes loosely asserted, the mission and grace of the minis- 
 terial office, but those sources of income called " spiritualia," 
 which were derived from dues and offerings, as distinct from 
 the " temporalia," which accrued from tithes, glebelands, and 
 other property.
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 63 
 
 Two bishops of this diocese helped on, in different 
 ways, the movement. Pecock (a.d. 1444-9) not 
 only held that the clergy might marry, but maintained 
 that it was "not necessary for salvation to believe 
 and approve all that was affirmed and determined by 
 a General Council ; and that the universal Church 
 may err in matters of faith." These and other 
 opinions, deemed heretical, led to his deposition and 
 imprisonment for life in Thorney Abbey, " where he 
 was to have nothing to write wdth, no stuff to write 
 upon " ; but the influence of his writings remained, 
 though he himself was silenced. Standish (a.d. 15 18- 
 35) was one of the bishops who assisted Queen 
 Catherine in the suit concerning her divorce from 
 Henry VIII., which may be looked upon as the crisis 
 of the movement. For the king now rejected the 
 Papal supremacy and claimed for himself to be, within 
 this realm, the Protector and Supreme Head of the 
 Church of England — "quantum per Christi leges 
 liceat " ; having been already entitled by the Pope, for 
 his orthodoxy, "Defender of the Faith." And to 
 this faith in its theological aspect he still resolutely 
 adhered, while he facilitated a movement which 
 owed its strength and ultimate form to the principle 
 of reasserting in Church and State an appeal to 
 an earlier standard ; thus constituting it a re-forma- 
 tion rather than a revolution, and securing for it 
 general adherence and consequent permanence. 
 Such a movement could not, humanly speaking, 
 have taken place before ; and it was only rendered 
 possible now by the first-fruits of the invention of 
 printing. What had previously been of necessity the 
 monopoly of a few very learned men, with special
 
 64 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 opportunities and rare abilities, was now become 
 a matter of prime interest to a new race of scholars, 
 with advantages before unknown. Old versions of 
 the Holy Scriptures, patristic writings, early com- 
 mentaries, historical records were all laid open, 
 compared, and weighed, with the result that, while 
 the Church of Rome enlarged its creed by the 
 introduction of twelve new Articles at the Council of 
 Trent, the Church of England reverted to the more 
 primitive method and Catholic standard of undivided 
 Christendom, "quod semper, ubique, ab omnibus." 
 It must not be assumed, however, that so large and 
 complicated a movement was altogether popular. 
 The poor were especially sufferers through the 
 dissolution of the monasteries, for they had always 
 found succour and protection there in their need ; 
 and the Church suffered a grave and permanent loss 
 through the alienation of those tithes, which had 
 been appropriated to them for the jiurposes of 
 charity, hospitality, and education. The actions of 
 their spoliators did little to recommend the movement 
 they were ruthlessly carrying on ; and the new learning 
 was not likely to commend itself to those who 
 contrasted these fruits with their experience under 
 the old form. Here, indeed, the people in general 
 could not be expected to realise any great benefit ; 
 for printing was as yet an unknown quantity to the 
 Welsh ; and no book in that language had yet 
 emanated from the press. The service books were 
 in Latin ; and the religious and devotional treatises in 
 their own tongue were only to be found in manuscript. 
 And these MSS. were themselves the production
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 65 
 
 almost entirely of the religious houses that were 
 being robbed and sold to the highest bidder. The 
 first book of a devotional character, printed in the 
 Welsh language, was one by William Salesburj^ con- 
 taining the Alphabet, Kalendar, Creed, Lord's Prayer, 
 and Ten Commandments, the Seven Virtues of the 
 Church, the National Games, and the Bardic 
 Measures; and this was followed in 155 1 by his 
 translation of the Epistles and Gospels for the 
 Church's Year. But another sixteen years passed by 
 before the first Welsh version of the New Testament 
 was published ; and for this also we are mainly 
 indebted to the same learned and excellent man. 
 
 The Declaration, in which the dean and chapter 
 abjured the supremacy of the Pope, and substituted 
 for it that of the Crown, is explicit as to the national, 
 as well as the ecclesiastical, bearing of the change. 
 They assert that " the Roman bishop has no higher 
 authority conferred upon him by God within this 
 realm than any other foreign bishop"; and that, 
 " renouncing such laws, decrees, and canons of the 
 Bishops of Rome as are found to be contrary to 
 the Divine law and Holy Scripture or the laws of 
 this realm, they will adhere to the king and maintain 
 his laws ; and that, in their addresses, they will, in a 
 catholic and orthodox sense, preach Christ, His 
 words and deeds, simply and purely after the rule of 
 Holy Scripture and of the truly catholic and orthodox 
 doctors." This declaration is dated August 21, 
 1534, and is signed by Ffoulk Salusbury, Dean; 
 John Britton (or Brierton), Canon ; Godfrey Ruthin, 
 Prebendary, and David Owen, Prebendary. Two of 
 
 F
 
 66 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 these names represent local families, which were 
 among the first to embrace the Reformation move- 
 ment, viz., the Salusburies of Lleweni and the Good- 
 mans of Ruthin ; to the latter of whom belonged 
 Gabriel Goodman, Dean of Westminster, who in many 
 ways assisted Dr. Morgan, the translator of the Bible 
 into Welsh, and also founded Christ's Hospital and 
 the Grammar School in his native town of Ruthin. 
 
 From the " Valor Ecclesiasticus " (26 Henry VIII., 
 A.D. 1535, commonly known as the King's Book), we 
 learn many interesting particulars, not only as to 
 the value of the ecclesiastical benefices at that time ; 
 but also as to the nature and comparative growth of 
 endowments and their destination. The deaneries 
 and parishes remain much as they were given in the 
 " Taxatio Ecclesiastica " of a.d. 1291 ; but with the 
 addition of "Liberae Capellse" at Denbigh, Oswestry, 
 and Penrhyn in Rhos. Besides which, there were 
 also, both in town and country, many other capellas, 
 which, having no endowments of their own, were in 
 some cases not reckoned at a.\\ ; and in others were 
 only taken note of for the profits of their freewill 
 offerings, but allowed no deduction for the charges of 
 the priest who served them; with the result, that in 
 cases of impropriation, they were allowed to fall into 
 disuse and ruin. Among the offerings presented at 
 different shrines, the chief appear to have been those 
 at St. Winifred's Well, St. Garmon's in Yale, 
 St. Dervel Gadarn in Edeirnion, St. Monacella at 
 Pennant, and the Holy Cross in Strata Marcella, 
 with others in the churches of St. George, St. Martin's, 
 and Gresford. They were presented for the most
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION TO THE REFORMATION. 6^ 
 
 part on the Wake or Saints' Day, and were sources 
 of considerable addition to the income of the clergy, 
 and to the funds for the repair and adornment of the 
 churches. If we compare the relative value of the 
 parochial endowments at the two periods, a.d. 1291 
 and A.D. 1535, we shall find that the increase has 
 hardly exceeded the natural change in the value of 
 money during the two centuries and a half that 
 intervened ; and that even in the monasteries, which 
 both received the lands then given and absorbed 
 a large amount of parochial tithes, the growth was 
 not very great ; owing, probably, to the introduction 
 during the interval of the Statute of Mortmain — 
 passed for the very purpose of preventing their 
 enrichment. Thus, for instance, we find for the 
 greater corporations the subjoined data for the 
 respective periods as far as relates to this diocese : — 
 Temporalia. Spiritualia. 
 
 1291. 1535. 1291. 1535. 
 
 £. s. d. £. s. d. £. s. d. £. s. d. 
 
 ^'chyef ] 33 5 o 25 10 o 287 10 o 431 I9 6 
 Abbey of 
 
 Basingwerk 46 11 o 126 8 lO 157 15 2 
 
 Aberconway ) 
 
 or > 26 2 4 123 20 56 8 10 
 
 Maenan ) 
 
 Valle Crucis 14 14 8 6170 152 16 5 
 
 Strata Mar- 13^^,^ 5i 2 6 22 5 
 
 cella J 
 
 o 
 
 "lSCh } . 9 o 9 6 o ,388 
 
 ^"ofnalS I "9 -4 .0 9, o o 
 
 This last column, " Spiritualia,'" is the more interesting, inas- 
 much as it shows the amount of parochial tithes alienated 
 at the Dissolution of the monasteries, and therefore lost 
 to their original, as well as to their appropriated uses. 
 
 F 2
 
 68 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 
 
 During the reign of Henry VIH. the Reformation 
 movement is more memorable, as far, at least, as we 
 are now concerned, for its national, political, and 
 social aspects, than for its theological and intellectual 
 influence. It was during the brief period of Edward 
 VI. (1547-15 53) that this aspect was brought into 
 prominence through the employment of the printing- 
 press and the institution of schools. Commissioners 
 were sent down to inquire and report ; and they 
 recommended the establishment of Free Grammar 
 Schools at the cathedral city of St. Asaph, and in 
 the border town of Shrewsbury. Parochial schools, 
 too, began to be held in many of the churches for 
 the special benefit of the poor. While in the new 
 vernacular literature, Salesbury's two books, already 
 noticed, led the way. But it was only of short dura- 
 tion ; for the death of Edward and the accession of 
 Mary stopped the work, and drove the workers into 
 hiding or exile. Salesbury withdrew to Caedu, among 
 the hills of Hiraethog, where a curiously-constructed 
 chamber, with a small loop window, and accessible 
 only by a passage through the chimney, was long 
 pointed out as his hiding-place and study during this 
 dangerous period ; while Richard Davies, his fellow-
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 69 
 
 worker, fled to Geneva. The schools were forbidden 
 to be held in the churches. Those clergy, who had 
 taken advantage of the permission to marry, were 
 deprived, including in their number a former Bishop 
 (Barlow, now of Bath and Wells), the first of English 
 prelates to take to himself a wife ; and the two arch- 
 deacons. Pollard and Thomas Davies. And a renewal 
 of indulgences was obtained by the bishop (Goldwell) 
 in behalf of pilgrims to St. Winifred's Well. 
 
 But, once again, the death of the Queen and the 
 accession of Elizabeth caused a change in the aspect 
 of affairs ; for Elizabeth's sympathies were known to be 
 with the Reformers, and her reign proved to be most 
 auspicious for the interests of the Welsh Church. One 
 of her first cares was to have the Welsh sees filled 
 by natives, who could understand the language and 
 feelings of the people, and minister to them in the 
 tongue they understood best. Richard Davies was 
 recalled from exile and consecrated bishop of this 
 diocese on January 31, 1560; and we gather from a 
 return made by him, in this same year, to Archbishop 
 Parker, many particulars as to the condition, the pre- 
 ferments, and the abilities of his clergy, who were 
 graduates, who exercised hospitality, and who had 
 been licensed to preach. Among them we find three 
 under age (adhuc pueri), two of them being pre- 
 bendaries of the cathedra], and the third (grammati- 
 cam discens) rector of Caerwys ; two not yet in holy 
 orders (nondum in sacris ordinibus initiati), the sine- 
 cure rectors of Llandrillo in Rhos and Whitford ; and 
 three "pursuing their studies at Oxford," the sinecure 
 rectors of Corwen (Edmund Meyricke, LL.B., Arch-
 
 70 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 deacon of Bangor), Llandrillo inEdeirnion, and March- 
 wiail— the last, however, under special licence from 
 the bishop. The competent and licensed preachers 
 were only five in number : Dean Evans, Chancellor 
 Price, and the rectors of Newtown, Llanfyllin, and 
 Llangvvm (prgeterea nuUi sunt). 
 
 Bishop Richard Davies was promoted to St. David's 
 in the following year, and succeeded at St. Asaph 
 by Thomas Davies, who had been deprived of his 
 archdeaconry by Queen Mary; and in a diocesan 
 council held on November 12, 1561, the following 
 important and suggestive orders were agreed upon 
 by the clergy : — 
 
 " That every of them have the Catechisme yn the 
 mother tonge in Welshe, red and declared yn 
 ther severall churches every Sonday with the 
 answer made therunto accordingly, and yn the 
 Englyshe tonge at . . . . on Sondays and 
 holydays. 
 
 "That every of them shall forthwith avoyd, re- 
 move, and put away, or cause to be put away, 
 all and every fayned relyques and other super- 
 stycyons had withyn ther severall churches, and 
 abolysche ther auters yn the same, within eight 
 days. 
 
 ^' That every parson, vycar, or curate, and sty- 
 pendary prest, being under the degre of a 
 Master of Arte, shall have and provyde to have 
 yn his use and occupation the New Testament 
 yn Latin and Englyshe, with the paraphrase of
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 7 I 
 
 Erasmus upon the same, and to learn two chap- 
 ters of the same yn memorie without the boke, 
 viz^ the first to the Romans and the sixth of 
 John. 
 
 *' The Litany to be sung or seyd on Wenesdays 
 and Frydays. 
 
 *' After the pistyll and gospell, yn Englyshe, the 
 same to be red also in Welshe." 
 
 The stipend of the " lady-prest " was to be assigned 
 to " a scholemaster for the teaching of children, 
 wherby idellness of yowth may be avoyded, and the 
 same kept to learning and browght upp in love and 
 fear of God and knowledge of ther dewties towerd 
 the worlde." 
 
 Two years later, an Act of Parliament was passed 
 imposing on the bishops of Bangor, St. Asaph, St. 
 David's, Llandaff, and Hereford, the duty of trans- 
 lating the Bible into the Welsh language, under a 
 penalty if it did not appear within a certain period ; 
 but it made no provision for the expenses of the 
 work or the costs of printing. William Salesbury, 
 who had already proved his devotion, ability, and 
 learning (for he was master of nine languages, besides 
 English and Welsh), was appointed by them to 
 superintend the work and act as general editor. 
 With the assistance of Bishop Richard Davies, an 
 eminent Biblical scholar, and one of the translators 
 of the new English version, known as Parker's, who 
 translated the Epistles — i Timothy, Hebrews, St. 
 James, St. Peter i and 2 ; and of Huet, precentor of
 
 72 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 St. David's, who translated the Book of Revelation. 
 The whole of the New Testament was completed 
 and published in 1567, in which year the bishop and 
 Salesbury also produced, at their joint labour and 
 expense, the first complete Welsh version of the Book 
 of Common Prayer. 
 
 In his Preface to the New Testament, the Bishop 
 further held out a promise of the speedy appear- 
 ance of the translation of the Old Testament; and, 
 according to the memoirs of Sir John Wynn of 
 Gwydir, " they were very onward with it, and had 
 gone through with it, if variance had not happened 
 between them after they had spent nearly two 
 years in that business, concerning the general sense 
 and etymology of one word which the bishop would 
 have to be one way and William Salesbury another, 
 to the great loss of the old British and mother 
 tongue. The book, thus unfortunately interrupted, 
 was long delayed, until Dr. William Morgan, vicar 
 of Llanrhaiadr in Mochnant, consented to take it in 
 hand. But the difficulty of the task, the heavy 
 expenses, and the opposition he met with, would 
 have deterred him, as he tells us in his Dedication, 
 from proceeding further than the Pentateuch, had it 
 not been for the encouragement, the counsel, and 
 the pecuniary assistance of Archbishop Whitgift. 
 He was opposed, on the one hand, by those who 
 looked upon the undertaking as an obstacle to the 
 fusion of the two peoples, and maintained that the 
 best means of union and concord was to compel the 
 Welsh to learn the English language. To this ob- 
 jection Dr. Morgan replied with many and earnest
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 73 
 
 reasons, especially protesting against making political 
 unity a plea for ignoring religious truth, and adding 
 a grave warning lest, while waiting to learn English, 
 the people should lose hold of religion itself. Another 
 obstacle arose from his own parish ; for his people 
 complained to the Archbishop that he was incom- 
 petent for the task, and was neglecting them on its 
 account. Whereupon he was summoned to appear 
 before Whitgift, who, however, formed so high an 
 opinion of his merit and abilities, that he made him 
 his chaplain, and helped him in many ways to com- 
 plete the translation. 
 
 Others, to whom he acknowledges his indebtedness 
 for books, criticism, counsel, and hospitality during 
 the progress of the work, were the bishops of St. 
 Asaph (William Hughes) and Bangor (Hugh Bellot), 
 the Dean of Westminster (Gabriel Goodman), Dr. 
 David Powel, the learned Welsh scholar and annu- 
 tator, Archdeacon Edmund Prys, author of the 
 " Metrical Version of the Psalms in Welsh," and 
 Richard Vaughanj Provost of St. John's Hospital, 
 Lutterworth, bishop successively of Bangor, Chester, 
 and London. The completed translation was pub- 
 lished in 1588, and its excellence may be inferred 
 from the fact, that many of its renderings, which were 
 altered in the Authorised Version of 1620, are never- 
 theless supported by the Revised Version of 1885; 
 and that two remarkable omissions, alleged by Dr. 
 Griffith in Convocation, in 1640, as reasons for a new 
 Edition, were not omitted in Dr. Morgan's Version 
 at all, but in Bishop Parry's Authorised Version of 
 1620, which was followed by that of 1631.
 
 74 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 To realise the value of this inestimable boon is 
 indeed impossible. The absence of a version in 
 their own language had hitherto hindered the general 
 reading and preaching of the Word, and the terms 
 used in its explanation had sometimes been of 
 doubtful, because unsettled, meaning, and so had 
 been misunderstood from want of familiarity. 
 
 We have already seen how, at the Diocesan 
 Council held in 1561, it had been required, in view 
 of this difficulty, that the Catechism and the Epistle 
 and Gospel for the day should be regularly read both 
 in Welsh and English ; and in the Articles of Con- 
 vocation, 1575, it is further provided : " That every 
 bishop shall take order .... that every parson, 
 vicar, as being under the degree of Master of Arts, 
 and being no preacher .... shall have of his own a 
 New Testament, both in Latin and English or Welsh, 
 and shall confer daily one chapter of the same, the 
 
 Latin and English or Welsh together And 
 
 that archdeacons, commissaries, and officials in their 
 synods and visitations .... shall appoint to every 
 such some certain tax of the New Testament to be 
 conned without book or otherwise to be travailed in 
 .... and shall exact a rehearsal of the same and 
 examine them." Now that the whole Bible was 
 available, it was ordered to be set up in the churches, 
 that all who could might resort thither at all times to 
 read, or hear it read; that the reproach might be 
 rolled away, which was written in the preamble to 
 the Act, 1563, viz., that the people of Wales "were 
 entirely destitute of God's Holy Word, and remained 
 in the like, or rather, more, darkness and ignorance
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 75 
 
 than they had been in the time of Papistry." That 
 the new boon was used and valued may be inferred 
 from the fact that within thirty-two years a new 
 edition of Dr. Morgan's translation was issued by 
 Dr. Parry, his successor in the see, who, in 1620, 
 with the aid of his learned chaplain, Dr. John Davies, 
 of Mallwyd, author of a Latin-Welsh and Welsh- 
 Latin dictionary, brought it more into accord with 
 the Authorised English Version of King James. And 
 this again was crowned by another advance, when 
 Sir Thomas Myddelton and Mr. Rowland Heylyn, 
 both natives of this diocese, but resident in London, 
 published, at their joint expense, the first portable 
 and handy edition of the Bible and Prayer Book in 
 a small octavo size. 
 
 Grave complaints have indeed been made against 
 Bishop Hughes on the 'ground of " misgoverning 
 his diocese, and of tolerating the most disgraceful 
 abuses." And certainly the record is sad enough ; 
 but how far the bishop was responsible, or could 
 have helped it under the circumstances, is not so 
 clear. He himself was charged with having "held 
 sixteen rich livings in coniinendam,^' but they do not 
 appear to have been held all at once ; and some of 
 them only for a year, the fact being that, owing to 
 the impoverishment of the see, a Faculty was allowed 
 him by the archbishop to hold the archdeaconry and 
 other benefices to the value of ^150 per annum. It 
 is almost certain, too, that in the late years of his 
 episcopate he had to bear his share in the heavy 
 expenses of the publication of the new Welsh Bible. 
 ^' Most of the great livings were in the possession of
 
 76 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 persons who lived out of the country," showing that 
 the old system of Papal provision still bore fruit in 
 the matter of sinecures. " One person that had two 
 of the greatest livings in the diocese boarded in an 
 alehouse ; " and as he must have been Mr. George 
 Smyth, the chancellor of the diocese, it shows that 
 the glebe houses must have been either very few in 
 number, or else reduced to a sad state of dilapida- 
 tion. The last charge was, that " only three preachers 
 resided upon their livings ; " but " preacher " meant 
 much more then than it does now, involving not only 
 a competency to compose theological treatises — for 
 such the sermons of those days were — but to be able 
 to do so when there was as yet no Authorised Version 
 of the Holy Scriptures in the vernacular — a standard 
 well illustrated by the only three clergymen so licensed, 
 viz., Dr. William Morgan, the translator of the Old 
 Testament ; Dr. David Powel, the eminent Welsh 
 scholar ; and Archdeacon Powel, the aged rector of 
 Llanfechain. 
 
 That the bishop was not altogether indifferent to 
 his episcopal duties is manifested both by the assist- 
 ance he rendered to Dr. Morgan in his great literary 
 work, and by an expensive lawsuit in which he be- 
 came involved, through refusing to institute a Mr. 
 Eagshawe to the living of Whittington in 1585, 
 because he did not understand Welsh sufficiently 
 well to minister therein to the inhabitants of the 
 parish. 
 
 He was succeeded in 1601 by William Morgan, 
 the translator of the Bible, whom Queen Elizabeth 
 had promoted in 1595 to the bishopric of Llandaff;
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 77 
 
 and a controversy which he had with Sir John Wynn 
 of Gwydir shortly afterwards, shows v/hat powerful 
 influences were brought to bear in the matter of 
 sinecures, and what sterling qualities were required 
 in a bishop to withstand the pressure. Sir John, 
 pleading some kind offices he had rendered to the 
 bishop in his youth, applied to him for a lease of the 
 rectory of Llanrwst, and this the bishop refused to 
 grant on the ground of conscience, " which assureth 
 me that your request is such, that in granting it I 
 should prove myself an unhonest, unconscionable, 
 and irreligious man ; you a sacrilegious robber of my 
 ehurch, a perfidious spoiler of my diocese, and an 
 unnatural hinderer of preachers and good scholars, — 
 the consideration of which would be a continual 
 terror and torment to my conscience." 
 
 From the records of a Synod of the Clergy held 
 on October 26, 1601, within a month of his transla- 
 tion, we learn that they first taxed themselves, ac- 
 cording to immemorial usage, with a rate of 3d. 
 in the pound on all their ecclesiastical incomes, 
 according to the " Book of First-fruits," and that the 
 bishop admonished them to have a sermon in every 
 parish church once, at least, in every three months — 
 to hold divine service and catechisings on every 
 Sunday and Festival, morning and evening, and on 
 the mornings of Wednesday and Friday, and the 
 evening of Saturday ; and added a peremptory warn- 
 ing against celebrating clandestine marriages. At a 
 chapter held in the following March, under the 
 presidency of the bishop, a scheme was drawn up 
 for a series of sermons in the cathedral by the
 
 •jS ST. ASAPH. 
 
 respective members of the chapter ; and to this 
 Bishop John Owen, in 1630, added a further order, 
 which required those members who derived a portion 
 of their income from the parish of St. Asaph to take 
 their turn of Welsh sermons in the parish church. 
 
 Of the general state of the diocese, we are told in 
 his Return, made in 1633 to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, that "all is exceedingly well, save only 
 that the number and boldness of the Romish re- 
 cusants increased much in many places, and was 
 much encouraged by the superstition and frequent 
 concourse of some of that party to Holywell, other- 
 wise called " St. Winifred's Well." And again, a year 
 later, the bishop writes that they " were not anywhere 
 troubled with inconformity, but that he heartily 
 wished that they might be as well acquitted from 
 superstition and profaneness." These words indicate 
 that, while on the one hand the greater care for 
 Church order, discipline, and work were bearing fruit 
 in the disappearance of inconformity, the two ex- 
 tremes of Rome and Geneva were becoming sources 
 of increasing danger. The Roman Catholics, on the 
 one hand, who had continued to worship and receive 
 the sacraments in the parish churches for the first 
 eleven years of Elizabeth's reign, and only ceased to 
 do so on the excommunication of the Queen by the 
 Pope, when he found that it was no longer possible 
 to recover the supremacy, had been becoming, on 
 religious grounds, more definitely separatist, and, 
 from the days of the Gunpowder Plot, were, on 
 political grounds, feared and watched. On the other 
 hand, the more violent Puritans, who thought that
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 79 
 
 the Reformation had by no means gone far enough, 
 and that the best way to reform was first to eradicate, 
 treated the Word of God with much profaneness of 
 expression, and caricatured reHgion in the phra- 
 seology of their everyday Hfe. Presbyterians, Inde- 
 pendents, and Anabaptists combined together against 
 the Church ; but when they had overthrown her, they 
 strove for the mastery in turn for themselves. Al- 
 though there had already been a great clearance made 
 by the impeachment, fining, and imprisonment of the 
 bishop — by the deprivation of the clergy who refused to 
 accept the Solemn League and Covenant, or to substi- 
 tute the Directory for the Book of Common Prayer, the 
 climax was not reached until the promulgation of the 
 Act of 1 649, "for the better propagation and preaching 
 of the Gospel in Wales," which made a tolerably 
 clean sweep of the remaining clergy. A committee 
 of seventy-two persons was thereby appointed for the 
 thirteen counties, — (i), to receive all charges that 
 should be exhibited against any parson, vicar, curate, 
 and schoolmaster, or any other having or to have 
 ecclesiastical benefit or promotion ; to grant warrants 
 for their attendance, to examine witnesses on oath, 
 and either on the admission of the accused or the 
 oath of two credible witnesses, to eject the said 
 parson, &c., allowing, if they saw fit, for his wife 
 and children a sum not exceeding one-fifth of the 
 living, all parish charges, public taxes, and other 
 duties, being first deducted out of the whole." On 
 this committee were men like Twistleton, the Re- 
 publican Governor of Denbigh Castle, and John 
 Jones (the regicide), who took care, while removing
 
 8o ST. ASAPH. 
 
 the clergy from their benefices, to secure for them- 
 selves some of the episcopal lands ; and when we 
 learn that under the charges of immorality and 
 scandal were included " bowing at the name of 
 Jesus," "assisting His Majesty," "refusing to con- 
 tribute to the rebeUion," and singing the 43rd Psalm, 
 " Then shall I to the altar go," and others of a like 
 character, we are not surprised to read that the rector 
 of Garthbeibio was not allowed even to make any 
 defence, that the vicar of Llanasa, though for fourteen 
 years under sequestration, was unable to recover any 
 fifths, and that the vicar of Welsh Pool was forced to 
 withdraw, with his wife and family, first to Merioneth- 
 shire, and thence into Anglesey. 
 
 The committee were (2), to grant certificates to 
 such as should be approved by a body of twenty- 
 five ministers of the Gospel, nominated for the 
 purpose, " for preaching as well in settled congrega- 
 tion and parochial charges as in an itinerary course," 
 and for their support to receive and dispose of all 
 rectories and other ecclesiastical livings." This com- 
 mittee of approvers consisted of Presbyterians, In- 
 dependents, and Antipaedo-Baptists, and among them, 
 connected in one way or another with this diocese, 
 were Ambrose Moston, and Morgan Lloyd, of 
 Wrexham, Stephen Lewis, the intruded vicar of 
 Meifod, William Jones, preacher at Denbigh Castle 
 under Governor Twistleton, Vavasor Powell, and 
 Rowland Nevett, of Oswestry. And as (3), "no 
 person was thenceforth to be vested in any rectory, 
 vicarage, or other ecclesiastical promotion, unless 
 recommended and approved of" by them, it is only
 
 FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. 8 1 
 
 necessary we should bear in mind their heterogeneous 
 composition, in order to reaHse the absolute need of 
 the requirement, that if these intruded ministers 
 would retain their benefices after the Restoration, 
 they must submit to episcopal ordination. 
 
 Very few of the episcopal clergy retained their 
 benefices under these accumulated conditions. " In 
 Montgomeryshire, the county where I lived," writes 
 Vavasor Powell, " there were eleven or twelve never 
 rejected ; so in all other counties, more or less," 
 therefore, for every such one remaining in, there must 
 have been three or more deprived. Indeed, if the 
 handwriting and orthography of the parish registers, 
 and subsequent insertions for the Commonwealth 
 period, be any index, and they ought to be, we should 
 say that a much larger proportion were driven out., 
 Among them were not only the bishop (Owen), the- 
 Dean (Maurice), and the whole Cathedral Chapter ;. 
 but also, among others resident or holding commen- 
 dams in the diocese, Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of 
 Gloucester, and Dr. William Nicholson, his successor 
 in that see, Dr. Morley, Bishop of Winchester, 
 J. Meredith, Provost of Eton, and Warden of All 
 Souls, Humphrey Lloyd, afterwards Bishop of 
 Bangor, and John Lloyd, who became subsequently 
 Archdeacon of Merioneth. 
 
 It was not, however, the clergy only that suffered 
 during these troubles ; the churches and other 
 ecclesiastical buildings shared in the misfortunes of 
 war. Llansilin and Oswestry, parish churches, were 
 occupied by the Royal forces, and the latter was also 
 battered by the Parliamentarians. At Wrexham, Flint, 
 
 G
 
 82 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 and Holywell, Sir William Brereton and his forces "did 
 pull down the organs, defaced the windows and the 
 monuments, and pulled down the arms and hatch- 
 ments." And the cathedral, upon which considerable 
 care and expense had been laid out, was used as a 
 stable for the horses of one Miller, a postmaster, who 
 occupied the Bishop's Palace as an inn, fed his calves 
 in the bishop's throne, and removed the font into his 
 3'ard for use as a watering-trough. 
 
 How, meanwhile, did the people in general fare in 
 the matter of spiritual provision for their wants ? In 
 the towns — the largerones at least — a resident minister 
 was put in charge ; but in a large number of country 
 parishes, they were left to the chances of itinerancy. 
 The inhabitants of Guilsfield state, in a petition to 
 the Committee of Approvers, in 1652, that since 
 " Mr. Elhs,^ an able divine, had been sequestered 
 for supposed delinquencies, they had been without 
 communion, without baptism, visitinge of the sick or 
 form of a church : the church door being commonly- 
 shut on the Lord's Day, as particularly on Easter 
 Day last and the Sunday following ; that the service 
 of God was much decayed, and religion scandaHsed ; 
 and that their sacred rights are not only withheld, 
 but invectives published against such as shall minister 
 them to us, by ambulating preachers, who tell us 
 theyr sermons are sufficient for salvation, and 
 recompense enough for the tithes we pay, which are 
 exacted of us with all rigour." The invectives 
 mentioned above referred most likely to the new 
 
 ' The late vicar.
 
 FROM THE Rl.loK.MATION TO THE RESTORATION. 83 
 
 sect of Quakers, which had recently sprung up in 
 opposition to the extravagances of the Puritans — and 
 had established a footing at Cloddiau Cochion in 
 that parish, " Amongst the Anabaptists," writes the 
 Presbyterian, Richard Baxter, " was an abundance of 
 young transported zealots, and a medley of opinion- 
 ists who all hasted directly to enthusiasm and sub- 
 divisions, and brought forth the horrid sect of Ranters, 
 Seekers, and Quakers in the land." The Quakers 
 were peculiarly obnoxious to the new powers, not only 
 for the contemptuous way in which they sometimes 
 addressed them as "blind guides," "hirelings," "de- 
 ceivers," &c. , but also for their troublesome interference 
 in the religious services, during which they would 
 sometimes stand up and contradict the preacher, and 
 at other times would rise up uninvited and speak ; one 
 sequel of which was, as Richard Davies tells us, in 
 his "Autobiography," "we were committed to prison 
 on that law, made in Oliver's days, that none was to 
 speak to the priest or preachers, neither at their 
 worship, nor coming and going." 
 
 There came, however, after awhile, deliverance 
 from the self-righteousness and tyranny of these evil 
 times. Those few clergy who survived the inter- 
 regnum were restored to their old cures, wherever the 
 then holder preferred to resign rather than subscribe 
 to the Act of Uniformity ; the three conditions of 
 which were episcopal ordination, assent and consent 
 to the Book of Common Prayer, and renunciation 
 of the Solemn League and Covenant — a Presbyterian 
 oath, which was directed chiefly against the episcopal 
 clergy, and bound every one " to endeavour the
 
 84 ST, ASAPH. 
 
 extirpation of prelacy." And here, let us contrast for 
 a moment the principle and the honesty, supposing 
 the sufferings on each side, for argument's sake, to 
 have been equal, of the two parties respectively. Of 
 the " Episcopal Clergy," three fourths, at the very 
 least, had given up their benefices rather than submit 
 to violate their consciences ; while of the '• ejected 
 ministers " intruded into their places, I can only 
 make out twenty-one for the whole diocese of St. 
 Asaph, comprising the counties of Denbigh and 
 Flint, with portions of Montgomery, Merioneth, and 
 Salop, and this from "a list as complete as it could 
 be made, of the ministers and itinerant preachers in 
 the Principality, who were either silenced after the 
 restoration or rejected by the Act of Uniformity," 
 published in 186 1 in the " History of Protestant Non- 
 conformity in Wales." If we further analyse this list 
 of twenty-one, we shall find that five were itinerants 
 without fixed charge, and described as Independents 
 or Baptists, and that of the other sixteen only eleven 
 were settled ministers ; the other five being made up 
 of two schoolmasters (one "not in orders " at all) and 
 three others described respectively as "a candidate 
 for the ministry," "a strict Congregationalist and 
 high Dissenter," and " an eminent saint and famous 
 preacher " j and yet again, of the eleven ministers, 
 three had been active as members of the Committee 
 of Approvers, and another afterwards conformed, 
 whilst of yet another Philip Henry writes in his 
 " Diary " that Dr. Griffith, bishop of the diocese, is 
 his friend, and keeps him in salva conscieniia.
 
 ST. ASAPH. 85 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FROM THE RESTORATION TO 1811. 
 
 How many of the deprived clergy survived the 
 sufferings and hardships of the Commonwealth, and 
 lived to be restored to their former benefices, is un- 
 certain. But when we bear in mind that the laity 
 had suffered at least as sorely during that period, and 
 were much more exasperated, we do not wonder that 
 some strict precautions were taken to prevent a re- 
 currence of that bitter past. The Puritans had ranged 
 themselves on one side, not only in religion, but also 
 in politics. And as, on the one hand, a Romanist 
 faction was now intriguing for the re-establishment of 
 Poper}-, and on the other, the " remnants of the Re- 
 publican party were seeking to take advantage of the 
 Dutch war, and throw the kingdom into confusion 
 and anarchy, that they might once more try the 
 experiment of their beloved Commonwealth,"^ the 
 Conventicle Act and the Five-Mile Act were passed, 
 with a view especially to counteract the danger with 
 which these two parties were believed to threaten, on 
 their respective lines, the quiet and well-being of the 
 restored State. 
 
 Bishop Owen having died at Aberkinsey, during 
 
 ' Southey's "Book of the Church," pp. 439-441.
 
 86 ST. ASAPIl. 
 
 his deprivation in 1651, was succeeded on the 
 restoration by Dr. George Griffith, who had been his 
 chaplain, and a Proctor in Convocation for the clergy 
 of the diocese. Although he had been engaged 
 in long and bitter controversy with Vavasor Powell, 
 in whose neighbourhood he lived, he appears, never- 
 theless to have retained his living of Llanyniynech 
 throughout the Commonwealth. When promoted 
 to the bishopric, he set at once about the work of 
 restoring the interrupted ministrations of the parishes 
 and the damaged fabrics of the churches. In 1662 he 
 revived the scheme of sermons drawn up by Bishop 
 Morgan in 1601, substituting only for November 17^ 
 May 29, as a day of public thanksgiving for the 
 end of the great rebellion, and adding January 30 in 
 memory of the martyred king. He also took an 
 active part in the revision of the Prayer Book, and 
 had a chief hand in composing the form for the 
 baptism of adults, a service now rendered necessary 
 by the tenets and practices of the Baptists and the 
 Quakers. 
 
 From a return sent by him in 1666 to the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, we find three kinds of pluralities 
 enumerated as then existing in this diocese : — ■ 
 
 (i.) Outlayers that held sinecures here, but lived 
 abroad altogether upon their other preferments, 
 of whom there were twelve. 
 
 (2.) Pluralists resident within the diocese, having 
 sinecures with those other with cure of souls ; 
 and these also were twelve in number. 
 
 ^3.) Such as have more benefices than one with
 
 FROM llli; KESl ORATION TO 181I. 87 
 
 cure of souls,— of which there were four cases 
 besides his own Coi/imoidani, wliich included 
 the archdeaconry. 
 
 As some of these vicarages were insufficient by 
 themselves to support an incumbent, his next successor 
 but one, Isaac Barrow (1669-80), who had previously 
 been bishop, and for some time Governor of the 
 Isle of Man, procured the passing of an Act of 
 Parliament in 1678, by virtue of which the sinecures 
 of Denbigh, Llanrvvst, Caerwys, Machynlleth, 
 Nannerch, Llandyssil, and one of the comportions of 
 Llansannan were consolidated with their respective 
 vicarages ; the vicarage of Llanarmen in Yale, 
 improved by the addition of the parsonage- house and 
 the glebe lands ; and the sinecure of Llanrhaiadr, 
 in Mochnant, appropriated to the dean and chapter 
 for the repairs of the cathedral and the augmenta- 
 tion of the revenue of the choir ; and until this 
 became available, he resigned his own Commendam 
 of Ysgeifiog for that purpose. He further showed 
 his care for the diocese by refusing to renew the 
 lease of his Manor of Meliden, which would have 
 been to his own great profit, but at the expense of 
 his successor, — a proceeding which gained for him 
 the commendation of the king, and a promise that 
 it should not thereafter be in the power of any 
 bishop to make any lease thereof that should 
 be in force any longer than his own time. Other 
 instances of Bishop Barrow's concern and liberality 
 were the re-covering the north and south aisles 
 of the cathedral with lead; the wainscoting of
 
 88 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 the eastern parts of the choir; the expenditure 
 of much money on the palace and the mill 
 belonging to it ; the erection of an almshouse for 
 eight poor widows, which he also endowed with ^S 
 per annum ; and the bequest of ;!^2oo towards a Free 
 School, which he had purposed, if spared, himself to 
 build. A life marked by such continuous acts of 
 generous sympathy for others was closed with a 
 request for the prayers of posterity ; for on his tomb- 
 stone, near the west door of the cathedral was long 
 to be seen this epitaph, composed by himself, — 
 " O vos transeuntes in Domum Domini, domum 
 orationis, orate pro conservo vestro ut inveniat miseri- 
 cordiam in Die Domini." 
 
 Some statistics of the numbers and relative pro- 
 portions of Conformists, Nonconformists, and 
 Papists, of communicant age, within the diocese in 
 the year 1676, given in Bishop Barlow's (of Lincoln) 
 "Remains,"pp. 314-321, are interestingand instructive. 
 
 The total number of Conformists was 45,088 ; of 
 Nonconformists, 635 ; and of Papists, 275 ; and their 
 relative proportion, Conformists to Nonconformists, 
 as 71 to I, and to Papists, 163 to i ; while the 
 Nonconformists were to Papists as 2 to i. 
 
 Bishop William Lloyd, the successor of Isaac 
 Barrow, a prelate of singular learning and ability, 
 and of untiring industry and devotion to duty, made 
 it a first endeavour, after his promotion to the see in 
 1680, to win back the Nonconformists by friendly 
 conference and argument. For which purpose he 
 invited, first, the Quakers to meet him at Llanfyllin, 
 and afterwards the Presbyterians at Oswestry, to
 
 FROM IHE RESTORATION TO 181I. 89 
 
 confer together and discuss their points of difference. 
 Each side was represented by prominent and able 
 champions, the bishop being supported by Mr. 
 Humphreys, dean of Bangor (afterwards bishop of 
 Bangor and of Hereford), and Mr. Henry Dodwell. 
 And although, as might have been expected, he did 
 not succeed in convincing either the one section or 
 the other, he nevertheless, by his gravity, calmness, 
 and evenness of spirit, won their goodwill and 
 smoothed down the rough edges of their antagonism. 
 In the following year, he issued some " Directions to 
 his clergy in order to a Notitia of his diocese," 
 among which, under each parish, information was 
 required as to the names of the housekeepers, the 
 number of souls in each family, and the ages of all 
 under i8, without names; the names of all Popish 
 recusants, and of all persons under excommunica- 
 tion ; an account of all sums of money given to any 
 pious or charitable use, and not disposed of for the 
 same ; a copy of the church register for the year, and 
 all licences for marriage granted since the death of 
 his predecessor, "with the heads of all those things 
 which you think fitt to impart for my information, or 
 wherein you desire my advice or assistance in matters 
 belonging to the Church." Some of these results, 
 with other points, substituted or added by later 
 bishops, were summarised by Bishop Tanner, and 
 carried down by others to the year 1745, and have 
 greatly facilitated the history of that period, as they 
 give also the names of the townships, the value and 
 appropriation of the tithes, with memoranda of 
 moduses and dues, an abstract of terriers, and the
 
 90 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 dedication of the churches, together with notices 
 of the services and the charities. 
 
 A similar care for the efficiency of the spiritual 
 ministrations is evidenced by certain orders agreed 
 upon by the bishop and clergy, at a Synod held at 
 St. Asaph, on July 4, 16S3, "for the more decent and 
 orderly administration of the holy offices," and the 
 due performance of their ecclesiastical duties. They 
 are arranged under nine heads, and are valuable 
 for the directions they give with respect to : — i, the 
 Sacrament of the Lord's Supper ; 2, baptism ; 3, 
 burial ; 4, excommunication and absolution ; 5, 
 the observation of the Lord's Day ; 6, admitting and 
 swearing of wardens ; 7, the residence of the clergy ; 
 8, terriers ; and 9, gifts to charitable uses. 
 
 One difficulty that pressed heavily upon him was 
 the supply of clergy, as affected by an article of Con- 
 vocation passed in 1685, which restrained the ordina- 
 tion of those who were not graduates in the University, 
 a restraint which the bishop had at the time excepted 
 against, as not being practicable in the Welsh dioceses. 
 " For we have a great many more cures of souls, than 
 we have graduates in this country ; and, as most of the 
 people understand nothing but Welsh, we cannot 
 supply the cures with any other but Welsh men." 
 He was obliged, therefore, sometimes to overlook the 
 restriction, and he pleads in his apology to the arch- 
 bishop that of those whom he had ordained, the 
 graduates had not been always the best scholars. " I 
 have more than once seen them shamefully outdone 
 by men that never saw the University, and I never 
 ordained any but them that could perform the exer-
 
 FROM THE RESTORATION TO 1 8 I 1 . 91 
 
 cise required by the 34th canon of the Synod in 
 1603." 
 
 It must have been with no little satisfaction that 
 he could write thus modestly towards the close of his 
 busy episcopate. " For the state of the Church in 
 North Wales, I bless God I do not know any reason 
 we have to complain. I am well assured that in 
 these six counties there are not six persons fewer in 
 the communion of our Church than there were in the 
 beginning of His Majesty's reign. And for them that 
 are in the Church communion, who are the generality 
 of our people, I thank God I do not find that they 
 grow worse. I hope they rather gi'ow better ; and, 
 that which is my greatest comfort, I do not know of 
 one scandalous Churchman in this diocese." 
 
 The leading part taken by him as one of " The 
 Seven Bishops " in resisting the unconstitutional pro- 
 ceedings of the king, when he tried to abrogate the 
 penal laws by his own personal authority, their 
 imprisonment in the 'i'ower, their trial and acquittal, 
 and the triumphant joy with which it was hailed by 
 the people, are well-known portions of our national 
 history. Less known is his share in bringing about 
 the accession of William and Mary to the throne, 
 which, in one respect at least, had a baneful influence 
 on the fortunes of the Church. For the refusal of 
 the non-jurors to transfer to them the allegiance they 
 had sworn to James was resented, not only by 
 depriving them of their sees and benefices, but also 
 by the introduction of politics into the conditions of 
 ecclesiastical promotion, and a corresponding blight 
 of spiritual interests. The vacant sees and livings
 
 92 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 were filled by the appointment of friends and sym- 
 pathisers of William and Mary, with little regard for 
 the spiritual good of the people. This bishopric, 
 rendered vacant by the promotion of Lloyd to that of 
 Lichfield and Coventry in 1692, was filled by the 
 transfer of Edward Jones (a Montgomeryshire man) 
 from Cloyne in Ireland; an appointment which 
 proved very disastrous to this diocese, and was the 
 less excusable because one who for his ability and 
 merits had been earnestly hoped for, was passed over 
 because he had opposed Dr. (now Archbishop) 
 Tennison in the Convocation of 1 689. Bishop Jones's 
 administration was in painful contrast to that of his 
 predecessor. "Perhaps no bishop ever took posses- 
 sion of his see with more advantage than he did ; for 
 the diocese had undergone, in all respects, the strictest 
 regulation under the care and government of Bishop 
 Lloyd for the space of twelve years ; the clergy were 
 under exact discipline, the several parishes furnished 
 with painful and deserving pastors, the revenues of 
 the bishopric increased, and the rights of the Church 
 everywhere recovered and settled." Whereas this 
 episcopate was marked by so much corruption, negli- 
 gence, and oppression, that an address, signed by 
 thirty-eight of the leading beneficed clergy, was sent 
 in 1697 to the archbishop, enumerating, under no less 
 than thirty-four heads, their complaints against the 
 bishop, and praying for an inquiry. The bishop was 
 summoned the following year to answer these charges ; 
 and by his own confession had been guilty of gross 
 neglect of ecclesiastical discipline, not only in not 
 punishing, but even in promoting, offenders ; had
 
 FROM THE RESTORATION TO 181I. 93 
 
 permitted laymen to perform the ofifice of curates ; had 
 disposed simoniacally of some of his preferments; 
 had allowed his wife to receive money, by way of 
 earnest, for certain promotions ; and had been in the 
 habit of appropriating to himself a year's profits of 
 vacant livings on the plea of carrying on a lawsuit 
 for the recovery of the advowson of Llanuwchllyn. 
 The archbishop's sentence, pronounced after three 
 years' delay, was that "he should be suspended from 
 his episcopal office, administration, and emoluments, 
 for the space of six months " ; " et ultra donee satis- 
 fecerit," — a sentence strangely inadequate to the 
 offence.^ A brief interval intervened between his 
 restitution and his death ; and he was succeeded, 
 after the six months' episcopate of Dr. Hooper, by 
 William Beveridge (i 704-1 70S), who at once set 
 about reviving the custom of public catechising, which 
 had of late fallen into much disuse ; and, to facilitate 
 this object published, for the use of his clergy, a 
 " Plain and Easy Exposition of the Church Cate- 
 chism." Two measures which greatly benefited the 
 poor clergy about this time were the establishment of 
 Queen Anne's Bounty and the abolition of Mortuaries. 
 By the former, certain " first-fruits " and " tenths " paid 
 on bishoprics and other benefices of a certain value, 
 originally to the Pope and, from 26 Henry VHL, to 
 the Crown, were granted by the Queen for their 
 better support ; and by the latter, certain payments 
 made to the bishop on the death of the clergy, — 
 
 ' The contemporary Bishop of St. David's, Thomas Watson, 
 1687-99, was also deprived for simony.
 
 94 
 
 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 reasonable enough in the case of a celibate priest- 
 hood, but often oppressive in the case of a widow and 
 children,' were done away with, and the bishop 
 recouped by the first sinecure in his patronage that 
 fell vacant. As this happened to be Northop, and 
 the mortuaries had never been of any considerable 
 value (for Bishop Fleetwood, at least, had rarely taken 
 them in kind), the arrangement proved to be a 
 mutual boon. Usually, he had forgiven the poor 
 widows, — and ])robably his predecessors had done 
 likewise, — and he had compounded with the richer 
 ones, and apphed the money to buying books for 
 the new library he had caused to be made over the 
 school. 
 
 From Bishop Fleetwood's Primary Charge (1710), 
 which was very explicit on the duties of the ministers, 
 churchwardens, and people, and was, contrary to the 
 usual practice, printed and sent round to the clergy 
 some time before his Visitation, we learn that there 
 were two abuses he resolved to amend ; viz., the 
 non-residence of "some rectors who thought them- 
 selves at liberty to absent themselves because not 
 tied by oath to canonical residence as vicars were," — 
 a plea which he declared to be contrary to the Act 
 21 Hen. VIII. ; and the substitution, in some places, 
 of a sermon once in every fortnight or three weeks 
 
 ' In this diocese they comprised " his best gelding, horse, or 
 mare, his best gown, best cloak, coat, jerkin, doublet, and 
 breeches, his hose or nether stockings, shoes and garters, his 
 waistcoat, hat and cap, his faulchion, his best book and surplice, 
 his purse and girdell, his knife and gloves, and his signet or 
 ring of gold."
 
 FROM THE RESTORATION TO 181I. 95 
 
 For one every week. This, too, he insisted on 
 amending; but left it to the discretion of the incum- 
 bent whether it should be in Welsh or in English ; 
 at the same time expressly disapproving the action of 
 those clergy who gave an English sermon to favour 
 one or two families in the parish at the expense of 
 the rest of the parishioners. With his Charge he also 
 sent a request to the clergy that they would supply 
 him at his visitation with a short account of their 
 parish and church, its dedication-wake, monuments, 
 superstitious usages, townships, tithes, and tithe- 
 holders ; thus supplementing and completing to date 
 the lines of information already marked out, as we 
 have seen, by Bishop Lloyd. With many excellent 
 qualities, however, the bishop was not popular in his 
 diocese ; for both clergy and laity were more in 
 sympathy with the churchmanship of the earlier 
 than with the growing latitudinarianism of this, and 
 the last Stuart, reigns ; and they chafed at the 
 wrong inflicted on them by the last three appoint- 
 ments of men unacquainted with their language. On 
 the translation, therefore, of Fleetwood to Ely in 
 1714, George I., in order to reconcile them to his 
 family, appointed as his successor a native of the 
 diocese, Dr. John Wynne, Principal of Jesus College 
 and Margaret Professor of Divinity at Oxford.' 
 Indeed, so far was this feeling made to reach that the 
 loyalty of every beneficed clergyman to the House of 
 Hanover was made for some time a regular item of 
 the Visitation Articles. 
 
 ' The appointment, however, of Hoadley to Bani^or in 1716, 
 was little calculated to have this effect in the sister diocese.
 
 96 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 From the reports of the rural deans in 1729 and 
 1749 we are able to gather so many interesting 
 particulars about the ministrations, the fabrics, and 
 some of the parochial customs, that we can form a 
 fair estimate of the state of the Church at the end of 
 the first two quarters of the century. In 1729, the 
 rule was to have on Sundays morning prayer with a 
 sermon, and in the afternoon evensong with cate- 
 chising, though in some places the catechising was 
 limited to Lent ; a monthly celebration of the Holy 
 Communion ; the holy days were generally observed ; 
 in the communion of the sick it was customary to 
 wear the surplice ; and the offertory was collected 
 every Sunday for the support of the poor, except in 
 the deanery of Bromfield, which followed the EngUsh 
 custom of levying a tax for that object, in accordance 
 with the Act 43 Elizabeth. That deanery differed 
 also from the rest of the diocese in not having offer- 
 ings at funerals. The fabrics of the churches were 
 beginning to undergo considerable change ; instead 
 of the old loops and lancets letting in a dim religious 
 light through what had still survived of their painted 
 glass, Hanoverian windows, with round heads and 
 sashes, were introduced; pews and appropriations 
 began to occupy the body of the church, in lieu of 
 the open seats or "commons"; and in order to 
 supply the room thus monopolised, the old rood-lofts 
 were in many cases removed from their position 
 between the chancel and the nave, and portions of 
 them utilised in a new gallery, for the lighting of 
 which dormers were inserted in the roofs, and at the 
 same time the chancels were filled with seats right
 
 FROM THE RESTORATION TO iSlI. 97 
 
 to the east end. While the chancel, however, 
 was generally flagged, the rest of the flooring was 
 often only carpeted with rushes ; the nave, moreover, 
 was very often used as a schoolroom, and the church- 
 yard as its playground, and this as well on Sundays 
 as weekdays. In one or two mountain parishes even 
 markets and fairs were held in the churchyards, and 
 they complained of '* buying and selling in the very 
 porches"'; a survival from the past, and a witness, 
 however incongruous to our ideas of reverence, to 
 that hallowing of daily work which was intended, and 
 that special protection which was conferred on such 
 occasions, as well as of the particular source of in- 
 come from tolls and fees by which the scanty incomes 
 of the clergy had in medireval times been supple- 
 mented. Clandestine marriages were matters of 
 complaint in more places than one, and in some 
 Montgomeryshire parishes the people refused to pay 
 the Church levy or " lewn," because it was not re- 
 coverable, like the poor's rate, and they declared that 
 if turned out of the Church they would be welcomed 
 in the meeting-houses. 
 
 In 1749 the services were performed with regu- 
 larity, not only on Sundays and holy days, but also 
 on Wednesdays and Fridays in Lent, and in Denbigh, 
 Oswestry, and Wrexham daily; catechising was 
 frequent, and the Holy Communion administered 
 monthly, the numbers returned as communicating at 
 Easter being very large. 
 
 The Church fabrics, however, were in many cases 
 in but an indifferent state, nor did they receive very 
 much help from the costly system of " Briefs," by 
 
 H
 
 98 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 which it was the custom to meet extraordinary ex- 
 penditure. For instance, while there was collected 
 on 9,902 Briefs for Llanddulas church, in 1732, the 
 sum of _;^649. 13s. 8d., the patents charges and costs 
 of collection absorbed ;i^432. 17 s. 6d., leaving for the 
 building of the church only ^216. i6s. 2d. And in 
 like manner, in the case of Whittington, where 9,986 
 Briefs brought in;^6i4. 12s. gd., the costs swallowed 
 up ;^33o. 1 6s., leaving an available balance of only 
 ^^273. 1 6s. 3d. Akin to the condition of the 
 churches was that of the parsonage-houses. In 
 many parishes, indeed, none existed, and in some 
 they were only mud-floored cottages of a single 
 story ; and as there was no Queen Anne's Bounty 
 available for their repair, it was either found cheaper 
 to rent some other house in the parish, or sometimes 
 there was united with it another cure with a better 
 residence ; but with the one common result of in- 
 creasing decay and accumulating mischief, temporal 
 and spiritual, for the future. 
 
 This combined with many other grave causes to 
 render the interval to the close of this century the 
 darkest and most hurtful period of the Church's history. 
 Externally, indeed, as far as the old Noncormity was 
 concerned, the Church had had little to complain of 
 or to fear ; for statistics compiled in 1 7 1 5 show that 
 in the three counties of Denbigh, Flint, and Mont- 
 gomery there were only four Presbyterian places of 
 worship, with an average attendance of 440 ; five 
 Independent, with an attendance of 300 ; and one 
 Anabaptist, with 150; while another return, dated 
 1742, and made by one of themselves, proves that
 
 FROIM THE RESTORATION TO l8ll. 99 
 
 their numbers had increased but Httle in the interval. 
 " In Denbighshire there are three congregations of 
 Dissenters, viz., a small one in the town of Denbigh, 
 and two in Wrexham, and, I might add, one in 
 Oswestry, which, though in Shropshire, the people are 
 Welsh, and border on Denbighshire. In Flintshire 
 is a small one ; in Merionethshire there is but one, 
 not far from Bala ; in Montgomeryshire there are 
 five congregations, two of which were lately gathered 
 by that excellent minister of Christ, Mr. Lewis Rees, 
 who preaches at five places in this county, and two 
 in Merionethshire, between twenty and thirty miles 
 from his habitation." Add to these a few Roman 
 Catholics and Quakers, and we have the relative 
 proportion of Churchmen and Dissenters one hundred 
 and forty years ago. What, then, were some of the 
 chief causes that have led to such a contrast as we 
 see now existing? Many of the causes were, no 
 doubt, common to England and Wales, and have left 
 bitter fruits there as well as here ; but one, at least, 
 with results of its own, was peculiar to the Princi- 
 pality, — I mean, of course, the language, which 
 presented, it must be admitted, a grave barrier to the 
 free intercourse of the component parts of the king- 
 dom, and was a drawback to the worldly advance- 
 ment of the monoglot Welshman. But how was it 
 faced ? Was it by carefully selecting for their spiritua 
 guidance and oversight the best material their council 
 afforded,— men of the stamp of the earlier Tudor 
 bishops, such as Davies, Morgan, Parry, Criffith, and 
 Lloyd ; and providing for their further instruction in 
 the language of business by means of week-day 
 
 H 2
 
 lOO ST. ASAPH. 
 
 schools ? Alas ! no ; and, incredible as it may seem, 
 from 1727 to 1870 — for a period of 150 years — no 
 Welsh-speaking bishop presided over this diocese ; 
 not one who could administer confirmation in the 
 language alone understood by the monoglot cate- 
 chumen, or could take part efficiently in any other 
 office of the Church in the Welsh tongue. i\nd it 
 was no better in the other three dioceses. Perhaps 
 this sense of incongruity emphasised their desire for 
 the spread of English, and led them to be less strict 
 as to the proficiency in Welsh of some of those whom 
 they admitted into holy orders and promoted to 
 benefices. Besides which, they believed, no doubt, 
 that it would be the best thing for the people themselves 
 to lose a language which was a bar to their material 
 advancement. But it was a mistaken method ; and as 
 it began at the wrong end, it tended to aggravate the 
 evil they were so anxious to minimise. One of its 
 first fruits was to check and almost extinguish a 
 feature which had honourably distinguished the Welsh 
 clergy of the past, namely, their zeal for the publica- 
 tion of books in the vernacular for the enlightenment 
 of their countrymen,^ and to hand over the powerful 
 instrument of the press to those who have not been 
 slow to use it to the Church's detriment. 
 
 Another cause was the evil of non-residence, in 
 which the bishops themselves too often set the ex- 
 ample. For from 1750 to 1795, a half-century of 
 
 ' This may easily be seen by comparing the respective periods 
 in the Rev. D. Silvan Evans's edition of " Llyfiyddiaeth y 
 Cymru," an account of Welsh bool<s down to the year iSoo. 
 Price, Llanidloes.
 
 FROM THE RESTORATION TO 181I. lOI 
 
 momentous importance for the welfare of the Welsh 
 Church, not one of the bishops of St. Asaph resided 
 within his diocese for more than a month or two in 
 the summer of each year. Nor can it be pleaded 
 here, as it may justly be elsewhere, that the income 
 was utterly inadequate ; though, even so, a chief 
 pastor's first duty should have been to the diocese 
 under his charge. To non-residence was added 
 " pluralism " to a large extent. The sinecures that 
 should have helped the working clergy of the more 
 poorly endowed parishes were too often heaped in 
 the two richer North Welsh sees on relatives and 
 personal friends of the bishops ; while poor incum- 
 bents and ill-paid curates were left to eke out a 
 scanty maintenance with school-keeping through the 
 week, and the duties of two and even three adjoining 
 yet distant churches on the Sundays. This treatment 
 led to considerable estrangement of feeling between 
 the inferior clergy, who discharged most of the duties, 
 and the superior ones, who received most of the 
 rewards.' 
 
 In spite, however, of these discouragements, and 
 
 ' e.g. Take three years of Bishop Newcome's episcopate, 
 1761-69. Residing himself almost entirely at Whitchurch in 
 Shropshire, he promoted in — 
 
 1764. March 3, Henry Newcome to Rectory of Llanymynech. 
 ,, ,, 23, ,, ,, transferred to Vicarage of 
 
 Gresford. 
 ,, May 4, Peter Newcome to Prebend of Llanfair. 
 
 1765. Sept. 4, Benjamin Newcome to Sinecure R. of Cilcain. 
 
 1766. Oct. II, Peter Newcome to Sinecure R. of Darowen. 
 ,, ,, ,, Henry Newcome to Preb. of Llanfair.
 
 I02 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 ■when many of the Welsh clergy were giving way to 
 evil habits, a goodly roll of quiet worthy men strove 
 hard to counteract the evil. The circulating schools, 
 instituted by Griffith Jones, vicar of Llanddowror, in 
 St. David's diocese, proved of great service. The 
 system adopted was to send a teacher for three 
 months to a rotation of poor mountain parishes, and, 
 after an interval, revisit the same. For carrying on 
 the work he himself prepared a number of teachers. 
 In many parishes in this diocese there had been 
 schools long in existence, as shown by the benefac- 
 tion tables ; but in others this was probably the first 
 step. Their great feature was religious education 
 on the lines of the catechism and the prayer-book. 
 Unfortunately, upon his death the funds which had 
 been provided for securing the perpetuation of the 
 work were thrown into Chancery, from which they 
 only emerged in 1807. The work, however, had 
 taken root, and helped to produce a result which 
 the founder could little have contemplated. Many 
 or the new masters had been recruited out of Non- 
 conformist ranks, and a Calvinistic bias was given to 
 the whole. And when afterwards Thomas Charles 
 of Bala revived the work in the Sunday schools 
 which he set on foot, these men, who had little or 
 no Church sympathies, were among the first to urge 
 the appointment of lay preachers, and so to separate 
 into a denomination a religious movement which had 
 arisen out of the Church itself, and had aimed 
 hitherto at being a kind of church brigade or guild.^ 
 
 ' "We do not intentionally dissent, nor regard ourselves as 
 Dissenters from the Established Church. With regard to our
 
 IKOM I HE RKSTORATION JO 181I. 1 03 
 
 The history of the ])eriod is in many ways sad- 
 dening. A great opp.ortunity was lost, and may 
 never recur ; but the loss was not so wanton as is 
 sometimes supposed. It was to the preaching of the 
 Vicar of Llanddowror that Howel Harries and Daniel 
 Rowlands of Llangeitho attributed their first vivid 
 impressions of religion. These men were the founders 
 of Welsh Methodism, and their fervid but sensational 
 preaching was often followed by uncontrollable excite- 
 ment of agony or joy ; and they launched out terrible 
 denunciations, not only against the prevailing vices, 
 but also against some things that were in themselves 
 innocent, if not praiseworthy. Other circumstances 
 occurred at a critical time to incline the balance 
 against them. " The [)ropagation of ^\'esleyanism 
 in the Principality," writes Mr. Rees, " to a great 
 extent changed the style of preaching in the three 
 leading denominations — the Independent, the Calvin, 
 istic Methodist, and the Antipffidobaptist. In order to 
 keep at a safe distance from Arminianism such a high 
 
 doctrinal iwsilion, we fully agree wiili the Articles of the Church 
 of England. We only desire, with all humility, in that unity 
 ihe full liberty (which the excellent form of our Government 
 allows) of using all Scriptural means to extend the knowledge 
 of God and of Jesus Christ, whom he has sent ; and thereby to 
 build up ourselves in our most holy faith. What appears in our 
 practice as tending towards Dissent has occurred from neces- 
 sity, not from choice. It is not our pui-pose to create a schism, 
 or a sect, or a party, God forbid ; but our benefit and that of 
 our countrymen. This is the mark to which we aspire through 
 all means." — From the " Rules of the Private Societies among 
 those called Methodists in Wales," agreed upon at Bala, June 
 15 and 16, 1801,
 
 I04 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Calvinistic strain of preaching was adopted as tended 
 to lead the people direct to the whirlpool of Anti- 
 nomianism." ' This must have weighed heavily in 
 the balance of conflicting reasons at the time ; and 
 it is curious that three quarters of a century from the 
 date of their separation witnesses a not dissimilar 
 divergence in the action that the denomination is 
 taking in matters of present-day agitation. However, 
 the separation did take place in 1811, when their lay 
 preachers were ordained, and the old rule of receiving 
 the Sacraments, both of Baptism and the Lord's Sup- 
 per, at the hands of episcopally ordained clergy, was 
 laid aside ; and those clergy who had co-operated in 
 the movement broke off their connexion rather than 
 be partakers in the schism. 
 
 1 " History of Protestant Nonconformity in Wales," first ed., 
 p. 464.
 
 ST. ASAPH. 105 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE PRESENT CENTURY. 
 
 If the last century was a period of spiritual apathy 
 and decadence, the present has been one of re- 
 awakening and progress. An improved tone and 
 legislative measures arising therefrom have removed 
 many obstructions and facilitated a more economical 
 use of existing means, besides calling forth a very 
 large amount of further voluntary aid. One by one, 
 the evils of pluralities and non-residence have been 
 removed and sinecures been abolished, while their 
 income has been applied, partly to the improvement 
 of the cures whence they were derived, partly towards 
 the spiritual supply of poor and populous districts. 
 Residence, promoted by the action of Queen Anne's 
 bounty in making loans for building, has brought 
 with it many improvements in both the spiritual and 
 the temporal condition of the parishes ; the restora- 
 tion of the old parish churches and the erection 
 of many new ones ; the subdivision and re-arrange- 
 ment of the old, and the formation of some sixty 
 new, parishes ; the general provision of national 
 schools, in which great assistance has been given by 
 the National Society — the erection of numerous- 
 mission-rooms and the supply of many additional 
 clergy; so that, notwithstanding its linguistic dif- 
 ficulties and the isolation and poverty of a large
 
 I06 ST. ASAPH, 
 
 proportion of its parishes, this diocese is now, in 
 material equipment, perhaps not far behind its most 
 favoured English sisters. It would surely have been 
 far otherwise if the unhappy provision of Act 6 and 7 
 William IV., ch. 77, s. 19, which ordered the union 
 of the two sees of Bangor and St. Asaph, in order 
 that the income of the one suppressed might be 
 transferred to rich Manchester, had not been 
 repealed. For this all North Wales is indebted 
 mainly to the late Earl of Powis,i ^yjiQ jgd the 
 opposition, and prevented so large and unwieldy an 
 area, with its peculiar difficulties of language and 
 locomotion, from being left to the supervision of 
 only one bishop ; and it has perpetuated its sense of 
 this obligation in the foundation of the Powis Scholar- 
 ship for the encouragement of candidates for the Welsh 
 ministry. 
 
 Another clause of the same Act, the fortieth, 
 provided for the re-arrangement of ecclesiastical 
 patronage among the several Welsh bishops, and 
 transferred from this diocese to those of 
 
 Llandaff 25 livings, of the annual value of ;^8,ooo 
 
 St. David's 3 „ ,, ,, ;^i,200 
 
 Bangor 6 ,, ,, ,, ;^i,4CO 
 
 Gloucester and Bristol i ,, ,, ,, ;^3°o 
 
 ;^I0,900 
 
 But handed over from Bangor 7 livings ,, ,, ;^2,247 
 
 The result being 28 parishes transferred ,, ,, ^^8,653 
 
 ' " Conservator Episcopatus Asaphensis "' is the happy allu- 
 sion on his effigy in Welshpool Church.
 
 THE PRESENT CENTURY. I07 
 
 It is to be hoped that this transfer, which came 
 into operation in the year 1862, has proved more 
 beneficial to the two dioceses of South Wales than 
 to our own, by enabling their bishops to exchange 
 with the Crown and the Lord Chancellor some of 
 the above livings for others within their own juris- 
 diction. 
 
 The Act 6 and 7 Victoria, ch. 77, "for regulating 
 the cathedral churches in Wales," while it did 
 not otherwise alter the existing canonries, yet it 
 took away the slight payments that had hitherto 
 been attached to them, and substituted four resi- 
 dentiary canonries with a stipend of ^350 per 
 annum to each, and at the same time provided that 
 two of these should be permanently annexed to the 
 archdeaconries. And in accordance with this pro- 
 vision the archdeaconry, which had been held in 
 commendam from the time of Bishop William Hughes 
 in 1573, was revived by an Order in Council in 
 1844, and subdivided into those of St. Asaph and 
 Montgomery. To the former of these were assigned 
 the four deaneries of Tegengyl, Rhos, Bromfield, and 
 Marchia; to the latter the other four, viz., Pool and 
 Caereinion, Cedewaun, Cyfeiliog and Mawddwy, and 
 Penllyn and Edeirnion. 
 
 By another Order in the same year, gazetted 
 February 4, 1845, the rural deanery of Bromfield 
 w^as subdivided into Mold and AVrexham ; that of 
 Marchia, into Oswestry and Llangollen ; Rhos, into 
 Denbigh and Llanrwst ; and Tegengyl, into St. Asaph 
 and Holywell. 
 
 In 1849, July 30, considerable additions were
 
 Io8 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 made to the extent of the diocese by the assignment 
 to it of the Peculiar of Hawarden with its chapelries 
 of Buckley, Broughton, and Penmynydd ; and by the 
 transfer of Bangor-is-y-coed with Overton, Hanmer, 
 Worthenbury, Bronington, Threapwood, Holt, and 
 Isycoed from Chester; of Kerry with Dolfor and 
 Sarn, and Moughtre from St. David's, and of But- 
 tin^ton from Hereford. A further alteration was 
 eftected in 1859 by the transference of the deanery 
 of " Dyffryn Clwyd and Kemerch " from the diocese 
 of Bangor to the archdeaconry of St. Asaph in ex- 
 change for that of " Cyfeiliog and Mawddwy," from 
 the archdeaconry of Montgomery. By another Order 
 in Council dated June 29, 1882, the rural deaneries 
 were re-arranged and increased in number from 
 thirteen to sixteen by the formation of those of 
 Bangor-is-y-coed, Caereinion and Rhos ; and the two 
 archdeaconries were compacted by the exchange of 
 Oswestry from St. Asaph, for Penllyn and Edeirnion 
 from Montgomery. But as the archdeaconries were 
 now very unevenly divided, another Order was pro- 
 cured December 31, 1886, by which Penllyn and 
 Edeirnion was re-transferred and Llangollen added 
 to the archdeaconry of Montgomery, so that it now 
 comprises 88 parishes, with 112 clergy and no 
 church schools ; whilst that of St. Asaph embraces 
 116 parishes, with 166 clergy and 155 schools. 
 
 The work of church-building and restoration has 
 gone on progressing with remarkable steadiness from 
 the establishment of the Diocesan Church Building 
 Society in 1834. It has found munificent supporters 
 in Bishops Carey and Short, and has been enabled
 
 THE PRESENT CENTURY. lOQ 
 
 to make grants amounting to ;^24,967, thereby 
 eliciting many times that sum from other sources 
 towards the erection of 58 new churches, the re- 
 building of 26, the restoration and improvement of 
 93 others, and the provision of 38 school and mission 
 chapels. Besides which, no fewer than fifteen new 
 churches have been built and six old parish 
 churches rebuilt by the liberality of individual 
 Churchmen. The cathedral, as the mother church 
 of the diocese, has shared in this great movement, 
 and, with the exception of the two transepts, has 
 been excellently restored under the direction of the 
 late Sir Gilbert Scott. It is calculated that the sum 
 expended on this work throughout the diocese 
 amounts to not less than ^900,000. 
 
 By the re-arrangement of old parishes, no fewer 
 than sixty-three new ones have been formed. A 
 report made in 1835 states that there were then in 
 the diocese 131 benefices, with a total rent-charge of 
 ;^88,573 of which sum the parochial incumbents 
 received ;^44,6i3, while ecclesiastical proprietors and 
 colleges had ^^29,539, and lay proprietors ^^14,420. 
 In 1 86 1 the number of benefices was 187, of which 
 148 had glebe houses, an increase of 97 since 1835. 
 At the present time the number of parishes is 207, of 
 •which only 13 arc unprovided with a parsonage-house. 
 
 But it is not simply in its material organisation that 
 the Church has made a great advance, but also in 
 the increase of the living ministry. Many assistant- 
 curates had been engaged in the diocese before ; but 
 the very first year of the present episcopate (Bishop
 
 no ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Hughes) was signalised by the institution of two 
 most useful societies. One of these, for " Church 
 Extension," is for the purpose of helping to provide 
 additional clergy in the larger and more populous 
 parishes, whether Welsh or English, and especially 
 where the co-existence of the two languages side by 
 side involves double duties and a divided flock. 
 The average number of additional clergy thus pro- 
 vided amounts to eighteen, and the total amount 
 expended by it during sixteen years reaches ;^ 15,000, 
 which has been supplied, in part by donations, and 
 in part by subscriptions. The total number ot 
 Assistant Curates at present in the diocese is 86. 
 
 The other Society, the '•' Board of Education," 
 was called into being through the Elementary Educa- 
 tion Act of 1870, for the twofold purpose of helping 
 to supply the deficiencies of accommodation and also 
 of testing and improving the religious instruction im- 
 parted. The number of Church day-schools in the 
 diocese is 262, of which all but one are open to 
 inspection ; and in them 80 assistant-teachers and 
 162 pupil teachers are employed. The number of 
 scholars present at examination for the year ending 
 April, 1886, was 22,270, and of these only 50 were 
 withdrawn from all religious instruction, and 17 from 
 a part thereof The work of providing school 
 buildings continues to go on with much steadiness, 
 and in the last six years the sum of ;^ 14, 234 has 
 been so expended. The total number of grants 
 made by the Board since its establishment in 1870 
 has been 57 for building, amounting to ;^2,278j and 
 for aid in maintenance of 60 schools, ^1,727.
 
 THE PRESENT CENTURY, III 
 
 Concurrently with this there has gone on a 
 corresponding dihgence in the performance of 
 all pastoral duties, as well as a more reverent 
 discharge of the spiritual offices of the Church. 
 Retreats and Quiet Days for the clergy, missions 
 for the laity, diocesan conferences for both in 
 common, have all tended to produce a more 
 earnest and united spirit of Church work. And 
 although greater hostility and more bitterness have 
 been shown against her, the Church has slowly, but 
 steadily, been turning back the tide of prejudice, and 
 is beginning to reap the fruits of the revived life of 
 the last half-century. Two facts, from which her 
 adversaries hoped great things, have recently empha- 
 sized this; viz., the Burials Amendment Act of 1880, 
 and a so-called religious census, which has lately been 
 held by the Nonconformists, of the attendances at 
 church and chapel on Sunday, January 9, 1887, and 
 which some of them denominate "disastrous," while 
 others altogether repudiate it, and its prime mover 
 himself professes to reject it. Another phase of the 
 same agitation, organised against the payment of 
 tithes, we may also hope to see over-ruled for good ; 
 and we believe that those who have been so sedulously 
 prejudiced against the clergy and the Church will, 
 after a while, become increasingly loyal when they 
 realise the true character of the present movement. 
 We cannot say positively what proportion her members 
 bear to the whole population of the diocese ; but she 
 is far stronger than any one of the denominations, 
 and, perhaps, not much behind the whole put together. 
 Spiritually, too, she is beginning to recover her place
 
 112 ST, ASAPH. 
 
 as, once more, the old Mother Church. And if there 
 have been errors and sloth in the past, and threatening 
 dangers in the present, there is abundant hope for 
 the future. On this point the testimony of a " Welsh 
 Nonconformist Minister," who claims to have " had 
 the best opportunities for watching and estimating 
 the relative progress of the Church and Dissent in 
 Wales during recent years," may have more than 
 ordinary weight when he gives his reasons, and then 
 adds his " deliberately formed opinion that the Church 
 is slowly but steadily gaining ground, and that this 
 growth will continue and increase from year to year."
 
 BISHOPS OF ST. ASAPH. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 c. 560 Cyndeyrn (Kentigernus). 
 c. 570 Asaph. 
 c. 600 Tysilio. 
 c. 800 Renchidus. 
 c. 928 Cebur. 
 c. 1070 Melanus. 
 
 143 Gilbert. 
 
 152 Geoffrey of Monmouth. 
 
 154 Richard. 
 
 158 Godfrey. 
 
 175 Adam. 
 
 183 John I. 
 
 186 Reyner. 
 
 225 Abraham. 
 
 235 Hugh. 
 
 240 H0\YEL AP EdNYFED. 
 
 249 Anian I. 
 
 267 John H. 
 
 268 Anian IL 
 
 293 Lle\velyn ap Ynyr (de Bromfield). 
 314 Davydd ap Bleddyn. 
 352 John Trevor I. 
 357 Llewelyn ap Madoc. 
 
 I
 
 114 ST, ASAPH. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1376 William de Spridlington, 
 
 1382 Lawrence Child, LL.B. 
 
 1390 Alexander Bache, S.T.P. 
 
 1395 John Trevor II. 
 
 1411 Robert de Lancaster. 
 
 1433 John Lowe, S.T.P. 
 
 1444 Reginald Pecock, S.T.P. 'ti--f^-^ ihh.3 
 
 1450 Thomas Knight. 
 
 147 1 Richard Redman, S.T.P. 
 
 1495 ^Lchael Diacon, S T.B. 
 
 1500 Davydd ap Iorwerth. 
 
 1503 Davydd ap Owen, LL.D. 
 
 1 5 13 Edmund Birkhead, S.T.P. 
 
 1518 Henry Standish, S.T.P. 
 
 1535 William Barlow, S.T.P. 
 
 1536 Robt. Warton (or Parfew), S.T.P. 
 1555 Thomas Goldwell, S.T.P. 
 
 1558 Thomas Wood, S.T.P. 
 
 1560 Richard Davies, S.T.P. 
 
 1 561 Thomas Davies, S.T.P. 
 1573 William Hughes, S.T.P. 
 1 60 1 William Morgan, S.T.P. 
 1604 Richard Parry, S.T.P. 
 1624 John Hanmer, S.T.P. 
 
 1629 John Owen, S.T.P. iXf^^v t^ ^u^oi.^^ i^»*^ 
 
 .T?!^^ ^^'S\ 
 
 1660 George Griffith, S.T.P. 
 1667 Henry Glemham, S.T.P. 
 1669 Isaac Barrow, S.T.P. 
 1680 William Lloyd, D.D. 
 1692 Edward Jones, D.D.
 
 mSHOPS OF ST. ASAPH. II5 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1703 Gi:oRGE Hooper, D.D. 
 
 1704 William Beveridge, D.D. 
 1708 William Fleetwood, DD. 
 1715 John Wynne, D.D. 
 
 1727 Francis Harf:, D.D. 
 
 1 73 1 Thomas Tanner, D.D. 
 
 1736 Isaac Maddox, D.D. 
 
 1743 John Thomas, D.D. 
 
 1743 Samuel Lisle, D.D. 
 
 1748 Hon. Robert H. Drummond, D.D. 
 
 1 761 Richard Newcome, D.D. 
 
 1769 Jonathan Shipley, D.D. 
 
 17S7 Samuel Hallifax, LL.D., D.D., F.S.A. 
 
 1790 Lewis Bagot, LL.D. 
 
 1802 Samuel Horslev, LL.D., F.R..S., F.S.A. 
 
 1S06 William Cleaver, D.D. 
 
 1815 John Luxmoore, D.D. 
 
 1830 William Carey, D.D. 
 
 1846 TnoiiAS Vowler Short, D.D. 
 
 1870 Joshua Hughes, D.D., elected April 17th, 
 
 consecrated May 8th, and enthroned 
 
 jNIay 19th, 1870.
 
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 132 
 
 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 LIST OF BENEFICES. 
 
 A.— Transferred from Bishop of St. Asaph to Bishop of 
 
 Llandaff. 
 
 Benefices. 
 
 * Bettws Caedewaun 
 
 Bettws in Rhos 
 
 Bodfari 
 
 Caerwys 
 
 * Castle Caereinion 
 
 Cwm 
 
 Eglwys Rhos 
 
 Eglwys Fach 
 
 ** Erbistock 
 
 Halkin 
 
 Llanarmon Dyffryn Ceiriog 
 
 Llandderfel 
 
 Llandyssil 
 
 Llanferres 
 
 * Llanfihangel yng Nghwnfa 
 
 * Llangynyw 
 
 Llanmerewig 
 
 Llanwyddelan 
 
 *** St. Martin's 
 
 * Morton 
 
 Ysgeifiog 
 
 Dylife 
 
 Llanbrynmair 
 
 Penegoes 
 
 Llanfechain 
 
 County. 
 Vicar Montgomery . . . 
 
 ,, Denbigh 
 
 Rector Flintshire 
 
 Vicar 
 Rector 
 Vicar 
 Rector 
 
 Vicar 
 
 P.C. 
 
 Rector 
 
 P.C. 
 
 Vicar 
 
 Rector 
 
 Montgomery... 
 
 Flintshire 
 
 Carnarvon 
 
 Denbigh 
 
 Denb. & Flint. 
 
 Flintshire 
 
 Denbigh 
 
 Merioneth 
 
 Montgomery... 
 
 Denbigh 
 
 Montgomery... 
 
 Salop 
 
 Flintshire .... 
 Montgomery . 
 
 ft 
 t> 
 
 211 
 
 333 
 296 
 
 425 
 575 
 273 
 167 
 220 
 
 254 
 312 
 250 
 260 
 373 
 313 
 334 
 504 
 
 133 
 176 
 320 
 669 
 700 
 
 "3 
 330 
 250 
 562 
 
 B. — Transferred from Bishop of St. Asaph to Bishop of 
 St. David's. 
 
 * Llanerfyl Rector 
 
 Llandysilio P.C. 
 
 * Llansannan Vicar 
 
 Montgomery... 435 
 
 „ 430 
 
 Denbign 376
 
 LIST OF BENEFICES. 133 
 
 C— Transferred from Bishop of St. Asaph to Bishop of 
 
 Bangor. 
 
 Benefices. County. £, 
 
 Cemmaes Rector Montgomery... 288 
 
 Darowen Vicar ,, 155 
 
 Llanwrin Rector „ 272 
 
 Llanymawddwy „ Merioneth 218 
 
 Mallwyd „ Montg. & Mer. 255 
 
 Machynlleth „ Montgomery... 230 
 
 D. — Transferred from Bishop of Bangor to Bishop of 
 St. Asaph. 
 
 Efenechtyd Rector Denbighshire 200 
 
 Llanbedr Dyffryn Clwyd ,, ,, 34° 
 
 Llanelidan ,, >> 252 
 
 Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd .. . Vicar ,, 261 
 
 Llanrhaiadr in Kinmerch ,, •,■, \ ^qq 
 
 Cum Prion P.C. ,> / 
 
 Llanychan Rector ,, 17° 
 
 Llanynys Vicar ,, \ ,- 
 
 Cum GyfFylliog C. ,, J 
 
 E.— Transferred from Bishop of Bangor to Bishop of 
 
 Llandaff. 
 
 Clocaenog Rector Denbighshire 376 
 
 Llangwyfan ,, >> 257 
 
 Llangj'nhafal ,, »» 4°° 
 
 * Llanfwrog m »> 45^ 
 
 F.— Transferred from Bishop of Bangor to Bishop of 
 St. David's. 
 
 Derwen Rector Denbighshire 341 
 
 Llandymog ,, >> 670 
 
 G. — Cilcain ; Vicar, Flintshire, transferred from Bishop of St. 
 Asaph to Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol, has been re- 
 exchanged. 
 
 By subsequent exchanges made by the respective bishops 
 for benefices within their own dioceses, those marked 
 
 * have been transferred to the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 ## ^ ,j ,, Dean and Chap, of Gloucester. 
 
 *#» J J „ „ Lord Trevor,
 
 134 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 APPENDIX G. 
 
 List of Churches Built, Rebuilt, or Restored 
 through the munificence of individuals. 
 
 I. — New Churches. By. 
 
 Bersham, St. Mary's, 1876 T. Lloyd Fitzhugh, Esq. 
 
 Bettisfield, St. John Baptist, 1878 Lord Hanmer. 
 Bodelwyddan, St. Margaret, i860 Lady Willoughby de Broke. 
 
 Bryn, Rhuabon, in progress P. Ormrod, Esq. 
 
 Hengoed, St. Barnabas, 1849 Rev. A. R. Lloyd. 
 
 Llwydiarth, St. Mary, 1854 Sir W. W. Wynn, Bart., 
 
 M.P. 
 
 Maesbrook, Kinnerley, 1878 Misses Croxon. 
 
 Oswestry Union, St. Ann's Hon.Mrs.Stapleton-Cotton. 
 
 Penygloddfa, Llanllwchaiain, un- 
 dertaken Sir Pryce Pryce Jones. 
 
 Pool Quay, St. John Evangelist, 
 
 1863 Earl of Powis. 
 
 Rhosygwalia, Holy Trinity, (i) 
 
 1836 Rev. W. Cleaver 
 
 Rhosygwalia, Holy Trinity, (2) 
 
 l88o H. T. Richardson, Esq. 
 
 Rhosymedre, 1837 Sir W. W. Wynn, Bart., 
 
 M.P. 
 
 Southsea Rev. M. Hamer. 
 
 Towyn, St. Mary's, 1873 R. Bamford Hesketh, Esq. 
 
 Trefnant, Holy Trinity, 1855 Mrs. and Mr. Townshend 
 
 Mainwaring. 
 
 H.— Old Parish Churches Rebuilt. 
 
 Erbistock, St. Hilary, 1861 Mrs. Boates. 
 
 Halkin, St. Mary, 1878 Duke of Westminster, K.G. 
 
 Llanbedr, St. Peter, 1863 John Jesse, Esq. 
 
 Llanddulas, Holy Trinity, 1869 ... R. Bamford Hesketh, Esq. 
 
 Pentre Voelas, 1857 C. W. G. Wynne, Esq. 
 
 Llangedwyn, St. Cedwyn, 1869 ... Sir W. W. Wynn, Bart., 
 
 M.P.
 
 ENDOWED GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. 
 
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 137 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Act for Propagating [the 
 
 Gospel in Wales, 79 
 Adam, Bishop, ;i^, 36 
 Anabaptists, 83 
 Anian, Bishop, 37, 38 
 Anne's Bounty, Queen, 93, 
 
 105 
 Archdeaconry, 75, 107 
 
 • of St. Asaph, 116 
 
 Montgomery, 125 
 
 Asaph, St., Bishops of, 113 
 Diocesan Council, A.D. 
 
 1561, 70 
 
 Synod, A.D. 1601, 77 
 
 1683, 90 
 
 Rural Deanery, 116 
 
 Augustine, Mission of St., 10 
 Augustinians, the, 35 
 
 Baldwin, Visitation of Arch 
 
 bishop, 44 
 Bangor-Is-y-Coed Deanery, 
 
 127 
 Baptism Service for Adult, 86 
 Baptismi Complementum, 16 
 Bards, the, 58 
 Barlow, Bishop, 69 
 Barrow, Bishop, 87 
 Benedictines, the, 34 
 Benefices transferred, 1 32 
 Beveridge, Bishop, 93 
 Bible, Morgan's Welsh, 72 
 Bishops of St. Asaph, 113 
 Blodwel, appropriation, 53 
 
 Bounty, Queen Anne's, 93, 
 
 British Church, characteristics, 
 16 
 
 Version of Holy Scrip- 
 tures, 20 
 
 Briefs, 98 
 
 Bromfield Deanery, 96 
 
 Caedewain Deanery, 125 
 Caedu, 68 
 
 Caereinion Deanery, 108, 126 
 Canones Wallici, 18, 19 
 Carey, Bishop, 108 
 Cathedral, 2, 51, 52, 60, 82, 88 
 
 appropriations, 53 
 
 statutes, 52, 77, 86 
 
 Charge of Bishop Fleetwood, 
 
 94 
 
 Charles of Bala, 102 
 
 Chebur, Bishop, 23 
 
 Churches built, &c., by indi- 
 viduals, 134 
 
 injured in the wars, 50, 
 
 60, 81 
 
 Cistercians, the, 35, 39 — ' 
 
 Cloddiau Cochion, 83 
 
 Committee of Approvers, 79, 
 82 
 
 Commonwealth period, 79 
 
 Cyfeiiiog Deanery, 43, 108 
 
 Cyndeyrn, St., I 
 
 Dafydd Ddu Hiraddug, 58
 
 138 
 
 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Davies, Bishop Richard, 69, 71 
 
 Bishop Thomas, 70 
 
 Davies, the Quaker, Richard, 
 
 Dean and Chapter, declara- 
 tion, 65 
 
 Deaneries, patronage of the 
 Welsh, 57 
 
 Rural, 42, 47, 108 
 
 Denbigh Deanery, 118 
 Deprived clergy, 79 
 Diocesan Board of Educa- 
 tion, 110 
 
 Church Building Society, 
 
 108 
 
 Church Extension So- 
 ciety, no 
 
 Diocese, transfers to, 108 
 Domesday notices, 30 
 Dyffryn Clwyd Deanery, 119 
 
 Easter, computation of, 17 
 Edeirnion Deanery, 43, 130 
 Ejected Ministers, 84 
 Endowed Grammar Schools, 
 
 135 
 Englefield Deanery, 43 
 
 English forces, injuries by the, 
 
 Estimacio Ecclesiarum, 41 
 
 FitzAlan, grants, 34, 35 
 Fleetwood, Bishop, 94 
 
 Galilean Church, 5, 8 
 Garmon, St., 6 
 Garthbeibio, Rector, 80 
 Gilbert, Bishop, 33 
 Giraldus Cambrensis and 
 
 Kerry, 37 
 Glyndwr, Owen, 59 
 Gold well, Bishop, 69 
 Goodman, Dean, 66 
 Gorddwr controversy, 37 
 ■~ Gospels, St. Asaph copy of 
 
 the, 51 
 
 Graduate clergy, 90 
 Griffith, Bishop, 86 
 Guilsfield petition, 82 
 
 Halleluiatic victory, 7 
 Harris, Howell, 103 
 Hawarden, 108 
 Heylyn, Rowland, 75 
 Holywell, 60, 66, 69, 82 
 
 Deanery, 120 
 
 Hughes, Bishop Joshua, no 
 
 Bishop William, 75 
 
 Hywel Dda, the laws of, 22 
 
 re Endowments, 9 
 
 Intestates, goods of, 55 
 
 Jones, Bishop, 92 
 
 Jones of Llanddowror, 102 
 
 Kerry controversy, r^ jurisdic- 
 tion, 36 
 
 Kilwardby, Letter of Arch- 
 bishop, 50 
 
 Knights Hospitallers, the, 35 
 
 Llanasa appropriation, 53 
 I,landdu1as brief, 98 
 Llanfyllin Deanery, 127 
 Llangollen Deanery, 107, 128 
 Llanrhaiadr in Mochnant, 
 
 appropriation of, 53, 87 
 Llanrwst Deanery, 121 
 Llansilin, 53, 81 
 Llanuwchllyn, 56, 93 
 Llanymynech, advowson of, 
 
 Llewelyn ap Griffith and Bishop 
 Anian, 38 
 
 Madoc, Bishop, 57 
 
 Lloyd, Bishop, 88 
 
 Maelgwn Gwynedd, 3 
 Maelor Deanery, 43 
 Marcher Lords, 28, 37 
 Marchia Deanery, 43, 107
 
 INDEX. 
 
 139 
 
 Mawddwy Deanery, 43 
 Meifod appropriation, 53, 60 
 Melanus Lanelvensis, Bishop, 
 
 21 
 Meliden Manor, 87 
 Methodism, Welsh, 103 
 Mold Deanery, 43, 122 
 Montgomery, Archdeaconry 
 
 of, 107, 108, 125 
 Montgomeryshire, temp. Com- 
 monwealth, 81 
 Morgan, Bishop William, 72, 
 
 76 
 Mortuaries, 93 
 Myddelton, Sir Thomas, 75 
 
 Nantglyn appropriation, 53 
 Nantheudwy Deanery, 48 
 New Testament, Salesbury's, 
 
 71 
 
 Newcome, Bishop, 101 
 Nonconformity in A.D. 17 15 
 
 and 1742, 98, 99 
 Non- Jurors, 91 
 Non-residence, 94, loo, 105 
 Northop, advowson of, 55, 94 
 Norwich Taxation, 41 
 Notitia of the Diocese, 89, 95 
 
 Offerings, 66 
 Oswestry, 34, 44, 81 
 
 Deanery, 129 
 
 Owen, Bishop John, 78 
 Owen Glyndwr (or Glynd- 
 yfrdwy), 59 
 
 Parker, Bishop Davies' return 
 
 to Archbishop, 69 
 Parry, Bishop, 75 
 Patronage, transfer, 106 
 Peckham, Visitation of Arch- 
 bishop, 44 
 Pecock, Bishop, 63 
 Pelagian controversy, 5 
 Penllyn and Edeirnion 
 Deanery, 44, 107, 108, 130 
 
 Pilgrimages, 22 
 Pluralities, 86, loi, 105 
 Pole (Welshpool) appropria- 
 tion, 53 
 Pool Deanery, 47, 131 
 Portionists, 25, 45 
 Powell, Dr. David, 73 
 Povvis, Earl of, 106 
 
 Scholarship, 106 
 
 Deanery, 42, 47, 48 
 
 Prayer-book in Welsh, 72 
 Provision, Papal, 55 
 Prys, Archdeacon Edmund, 73 
 Puritans, the, 79 
 
 Quakers, the, 83 
 
 Red Rock, the, 51 
 Religious Orders introduced, 
 
 34 
 Residence of Bishops,33,59,6o 
 
 Canons, 52 
 
 Clergy, 45 
 
 Return of state of Diocese, 
 A.D. 1560, 69 
 
 1633, 78 
 
 1666, 86 
 
 1729, 96 
 
 1749, 97 
 
 Rhos Deanery, 123 
 Rhydwymma, 38 
 Rowlands of Llangeitho, 103 
 Rural Deans reports, 96 
 
 Sacerdotia, 56 
 
 Salesbury William, 65, 68, 71 
 Schools, Church, public ele- 
 mentary, 136 
 
 endowed grammar, 135 
 
 free grammar, 68 
 
 parochial, 68 
 
 Short, Bishop, 108 
 Sinecures, loi 
 
 consolidated, 87 
 
 Spiritualities, the, 34, 62, 140, 
 
 Errata, p. 62
 
 140 
 
 ST. ASAPH. 
 
 Spridlington, William de, 
 
 Bishop, 57 
 Standish, Bishop, 63 
 Statistics, A.D. 1676, 88 
 Synod, A.D. 1601, 77 
 
 1683, 90 
 
 Tanner, Bishop, 89 
 
 Taxatio Ecclesiastica, A.D. 
 
 1291, 47 
 Temporalities, custody of the, 
 
 54, 56 
 Tonsure, the, 18 
 Toppan, John, LL.D., 55 
 Trent, Council of, 64 
 Trevor, I., Bishop John, 56 
 
 — n., „ „ 59 
 
 Union of St. Asaph and 
 Bangor, 106 
 
 Valle Crucis and its Capellae, 
 40 
 
 Valor Ecclesiasticus Henry 
 
 VIII., 66 
 Vetus, Pope Innocent 
 
 IV., 41 
 Visitation of Archbishop 
 
 Baldwin, 44 
 Archbishop Peckham, 47 
 
 Walsham, Robert de, 57 
 Welsh Versions of the Holy 
 Scriptures, 22, 58, 65, 71, 
 
 75 
 Welsh, Catechism in, 70 
 
 Welshpool, Vicar of, 80 
 
 Wenlock, St. Milburg's 
 
 Priory, 40 
 
 Wesleyanism, 103 
 
 Whitgift, Archbishop, 73 
 
 Whittington, brief, 98 
 
 lawsuit, 76 
 
 Wrexham, 35, 80, 81 
 
 Deanery, 124 
 
 Wynne, Bishop, 95 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 ,1'age 52, line 4 from bottom,/£ir "Vicar Choral," read "Vicars- 
 Choral." 
 
 ,, 55, line 2^, for " Doncaster," read " Lancaster." 
 
 ,, 62, line'4, before "dues" insert "tithes," and remove it 
 from the following line. 
 
 ,, 87, line IT,, for " Llanarmen," read "Llanarmon." 
 
 ,, 91, " Non-Jurors "yi)/ " non-jurors."
 
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