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 UNIVERSITY 
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 64th Congress \ cT?M\rrT;^ I Documknt 
 
 INGRESS \ 
 
 essioii J 
 
 SENATE 
 
 1st Session J >. .n.vn. -^ No. 438 
 
 INTERNATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION 
 
 AN ADDRESS 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 AT THE CONFERENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL 
 
 HIGH COMMISSION AT BUENOS AIRES, 
 
 ARGENTINA, ON APRIL 4, 1916 
 
 BY 
 
 HON. W. G. McADOO 
 
 r^ECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 
 
 AND CHAIRMAN OF THE UNITED STATES SECTION OF 
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION 
 
 SOUTHERN BRANCH, 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LIIJRARY, 
 
 cos AtS^atES. CALIF. 
 
 PRESENTED BY MR. FLETCHER 
 
 May 9, 1916.^0rcicrcd to be printed 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
 
 1916
 
 INTERNATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION. 
 
 ADDRESS BY HON. W. G. McADOO. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury and Chairman of the United States Section of the International High 
 
 Commission. 
 
 Mr. President, Excellencies, and Gentlemen of the Inter- 
 national High Commission : It is with intcnso satisfaction and pleas- 
 ure that the members of the United States section of the Interna- 
 tional High Commission find themselves in this beautiful and hos- 
 pitable city, the capital of the noble Ivepublic of Argentina, to join 
 their colleagues of the International High Commission in a discus- 
 sion of the vital problems that have brought us together. We aro 
 fortunate both in the time and the place of this meeting. In the 
 time, because the necessity for the measures we aro trying to secure 
 was never more urgent; and in the place, because the progressive 
 and stimulating ideals of the great people of the Argentine have 
 created a favorable atmosphere in which the objects of the com- 
 mission's labors will be sympathetically nurtured and developed. 
 
 the international high commission. 
 
 What is the reason for the International High Commission ? It is 
 the necessity for a continuing agency of a coordinating and directive 
 character to accomplish, through the action of the several American 
 States, the important reforms which, for the past twenty-five years, suc- 
 cessive Pan American conferences have vainly recommended, and to 
 bring about unity of action concerning numerous ciuestions which have 
 been developed by the progress of the world and emphasized by the 
 European war. 
 
 PAxV AMERICAN CONFERENCES. 
 
 The first Pan American Conference was held in Washington in 
 1889 and 1890; the second in Mexico City in 1902; the third in 
 Rio de Janeiro in 1906; the fourth in Buenos Aires in 1910; and 
 recently the Pan American E^inancial Conference in Washington in 
 1915. Upon reading the proceedings of these great conferences, all 
 brilliantly intellectual and interesting, one is struck with the immense 
 educationar value of their w^ork and the soundness of their conclu- 
 sions and recommendations. Many of the most important subjects 
 on the program of the present International High Commission were 
 clarified and simplified by these conferences to such an extent that 
 the labors of this commission will be greatly lessened. Our prede- 
 cessors discussed arbitration of boundary disputes; the general doc- 
 trine of the gold standard; the necessity for uniformity of customs 
 regulations and classifications of merchandise; uniformity of laws 
 respecting bills of exchange; trade-marks, copyrights, and patents; 
 banking facilities; improved ocean transportation facilities ; the 
 completion of an intercontinental railway connecting the Northern 
 and vSouthern Continents. vSomo of the new cpu^stions m.c, are to 
 consider are those relating to ])ills of lading and warehouse rec(M|»ts; 
 arbitration of commercial disputes; stal)ilizati(>n of international 
 exchange; exploitation of petroleum and mineral coiiibustibles; 
 improved cable facilities, reduced cable rates, and wireless 1oleg;aphy; 
 the need for unifying protective legislation in behalf of labor and 
 
 3 
 
 >x ^ 451.647
 
 4 INTERNATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION. 
 
 laboring classes. So that vrc arc not entering altogether upon orig- 
 inal work in the discussions that are before us. 
 
 In spite of the higlily educational work of these conferences, prac- 
 tical results have been small. After twenty-live years we have sub- 
 stantially the same problems; they are still unsolved; they remain a 
 challenge to the constructive intelligence and enterprise of all the 
 people of the American States. 
 
 Wluxt has been the chief reason for this failure? The answer 
 seems clear. Not one of the conferences perfected an active organ- 
 ization under a central direction to continue the work in the intervals 
 and light unremittinglv for the removal of the difficulties which have 
 stood in the way of tliat wholesome and extensive development of 
 inter-American relations, commercial, social, and political, fore- 
 ordained as the destiny of the American Republics. 
 
 Resolutions of ])odies of able and brilliant men are inherently 
 effective only when they arouse those tidal waves of human interest 
 and enthusiasm which, by their very momentum, carry the issues to 
 success. It is seldom that such things occur. History records few 
 instances of this sort, but it records many instances of achievement 
 through persistent and intelligently organized effort. 
 
 THE FUTUEE OF THE AMERICAS. 
 
 The outbreak of the European war accentuated many of our 
 problems and brought clearly home to the American Republics the 
 danger of complete dependence upon the great European States for 
 their economic develo]:)ment and commercial security. All of them, 
 including the United states, faced at the beginning of the war possi- 
 bilities of appalling disaster. That experience clearly shows the 
 imperative necessity for closer relations between the American States 
 themselves and a more enduring organization of their own life in 
 order that they may work out their destinies, freed as far as possible 
 from the dangers which constantly menace their economic develop- 
 ment througli Euro))ean complications. It was essential in these 
 circumstances that the American nations should take measures for 
 their own protection; that they should reconstruct, as far as practi- 
 cable, their commercial and financial ix'lationships for the security of 
 their own interests and the welfare of their people. It was not from 
 any desire to take advantage of the misfortunes of the great nations of 
 Europe witli whicli the ties of friendship and commercial intercourse 
 have been so strongly developed. These ties must continue, not only 
 because we desire it but because we wish to serve Europe while we serve 
 om-selves. To do this we nuist nuike ourselves so strong that when 
 the smoke of battle has cleared and peace is restored to those stricken 
 lands we nuiy aid them us they have aided us in our time of need. 
 
 Wbih' thes*' are our j)urj)oses, we should not be bhnd to the 
 fact that e((>n(»mic ciianges of a revolutionary character must follow 
 the colossal coullict now in |)rogress and force readjustments of 
 inU'mationiil relatit)nships throughout the entire world. When 
 Ibis time comes the American nations nuist not be unprepared; they 
 must begin now tosbajx' their own future: they must talve measures 
 not only to >^ec\nT. their own interests but to put themselves in 
 position to relieve the heavily l)ur<leiied nations of Euro|)e of many 
 dt-m.-iiids they have heretofore inade upon them. It stands to 
 reason that the destruetion of capital and property and life during 
 this great war will leave the contending nations prostrated for many
 
 INTERNATIONAL niGH COMMISSION. 5 
 
 years. During the time of their recuperation they will be unable 
 to play the important part in the economic development of the 
 American States which tliey have played in the past. The noblest 
 concepts of duty and friendship dictate that we should help them 
 when the time comes to bind up their wounds and repair their losses. 
 The attempt to organize the resources of the American States ig 
 conceived, therefore, in no selfish or unfriendly spirit. It is inspired 
 by the highest motives of good will; it proceeds from a noble purpose 
 to marshal their resources and make them in the highest degree 
 available for the best service of manldud throughout the world. 
 
 now TO ACHIEVE PRACTICAL RESULTS. 
 
 It was in view of these weighty considerations and the necessity for 
 early and positive action that the Pan American Financial Conference 
 was called to convene in Washington in May, 1915. It was the firm 
 resolve of those who directed that conference that a permanent organ- 
 ization should be created and charged with the duty of carrying into 
 effect its conclusions and recommendations. This International High 
 Commission, appointed by each of the American States, is the machin- 
 ery devised by that conference for this purpose. The financial confer- 
 ence reaffirmed the necessity for action upon the various subjects which 
 this commission is here to discuss, but left it to this commission to suggest 
 the necessary laws and urge their enactment by the interested States. 
 
 The work of the International High Commission will ])e the connect- 
 ing link between the successive Pan American Financial Conferences 
 which, for my part, I earnestly IwpQ may become a part of tlie per- 
 manent poUcy of the American States. If such a linancial confer- 
 ence shall be held every two years, with the International Hifjjh Com- 
 mission as the intermediate worlcing body to carrv into effect the 
 conclusions of these conferences, we will no longer live in the realm 
 of theories, but vnll make practical results of every conference certam. 
 The work of these financial conferences and of their adjunct, the 
 International High Commission, is not of a diplomatic character. 
 It does not, therefore, involve any conflict with the diplomatic organi- 
 zation of the different States. Its problems are not political; they 
 are distinctively financial and commercial, and these are not primarily 
 the subjects of diplomacy. It follows as an inevitable corollary that 
 there is no conflict between the Pan American Union and the Pan 
 American Financial Conference and the International High Commis- 
 sion. I am sure that I express the views of each and all of you when 
 I say that the Pan American Union is realizing the high purpose for 
 which it was created in the most thorougli and satisfactory manner. 
 
 The importance of its contribution to international relations and 
 to the service of interests of the most diversilied types can not bo 
 exaggerated. This useful and splendid union is l)ut in the infancy 
 of its career, and I am sure that its work, under the wise guidance 
 of the diplomatic representatives of the Pan American States, will 
 continue to serve in the highest degree the best interests of the 
 American States in the field in which it labors. 
 
 PERMANENT ORGANIZATION OF THE INTrOKXATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION. 
 
 The United States Section of tho Intornationai High Commission 
 has been established by act of the Congress and th? necessary funds 
 have been appropriated to enable it to maintain its oi-ganization and 
 
 ^ cr .^ /^ ^ K*^
 
 6 IXTERXATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION. 
 
 do tho work for which it was created. Presumably each country 
 represented lierc has taken simihxr action with respect to its own 
 commission. 
 
 How should the commission itself organize most effectively ? If I 
 may be permitted to suggest, I would say that each section should 
 have a permanent chairman and secretary, with headquarters in 
 some convenient city, preferably the capital of its own country. 
 These various sections should be coordinated and directed through a 
 central organization, consisting of a president, a vice j^resident, and 
 a secretary general of the International High Commission itself, 
 whose headcpiarters should be in the capital of the country of which 
 such president, vice president, and secretary general are citizens. 
 This central organization should l)c charged with the general direc- 
 tion of tlie work and keep in constant touch with each section of the 
 International High Commission. By this kind of cooperative effort 
 we should endeavor to secure from the Governments concerned ap- 
 proval of the measures which may be agreed upon and recommended 
 at the present session of the International High Commission. 
 
 ELIMINATE BARRIERS TO TRADE AND COMMERCE. 
 
 In the light of past experience and present necessity surely such 
 reforms as are j^ossible ought to be accomplished now, if they can be 
 accomplished at all. They are so manifestly in the interest and to 
 the advantage of each one of the American States that a determined 
 effort should be made to secure prompt and conclusive action. Why 
 should we, from indifl'erence or nep;lect, continue laws, regulations, 
 or practices wliich operate to the cletriment of our respective coun- 
 tries? Wliy should we maintain barriers in the way of proper 
 development of our trade and commerce when, by a mere stroke of 
 the pen, so to speak, we can destroy them? Why should we dimm- 
 ish, if we do not actually prevent, the prosperity of millions of our 
 fcUow human beings in the various nations of the Americas because 
 we do not permit that fair play of economic forces which, if released, 
 would promote the prosperity of all ? 
 
 These objects can not be attained in short order. Their very mag- 
 nitude and complexit}^ involve patience, persistence, zeal, and deter- 
 mination. What we seek is not impossible, as some pessimists insist. 
 We have the power to make the seemingly impossible possible, if we 
 know what we want and are resolved to achieve it. Let us, therefore, 
 gentlemen, devote ourselves with all of the energy, intelligence, and 
 enthusiasm we can command to the benevolent tasks before us. Let 
 us proceed with the unaltera])le determination to translate these con- 
 clusions into the law of our respective States. Let it not be said that 
 wc have failed, as our predecessors have failed, to secure the remedies 
 after we liave ascertained what the remedies ought to be. W> have a 
 great and inspiring opportunity to render a service of incalculable 
 benefit to all of tlie nations of the Western Hemisphere — an oppor- 
 tunity tlnU ai)p('als to the imagination, tlnills the blood, and enobles 
 the thought. Let us determine our program and go forward with the 
 inflexible coura*:;!' and high ])ur|)ose of a San Alartin, a Bolivar, an 
 Artigas. an O'liijjgins, a Washington, and success can not escape us. 
 
 Laws alone will not. (»f course, create conmierce or })ring i)ros])erity, 
 althou;ih laws alone frcfiuently destroy commerce and prevent pros- 
 perity; but benelifcnt laws will encourage commerce and contribute 
 to pro-pcritv by crf-ating the conditions und(M- which the individual
 
 INTERNATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION. 7 
 
 may work with security of lifo and property and en<:jago in iiiferna' 
 tional trade ^yithout needless impediments. This bein^ done, indi- 
 vidual initiative and enterprise must always be relied upon as Iho 
 chief factor to do the rest. 
 
 THE FOUNDATIONS OK PROSPERITY. 
 
 Trade between the peoples of the different nations of the earth 
 rests upon the fundamentals of mutual confidence, p;ood will, and 
 respect. Nations, like individuals, find in the ties of friendshij) (ho 
 best guaranty of peaceful and profitable intercourse. llaj)pily the 
 fundamental of friendship already exists between the American 
 States, and we owe it to ourselves to reinforce that friendship with 
 laws so harmonious that the citizens of our respective countries may 
 have the fairest and freest opportunity to cultivate the most intimate 
 relations with each other. 
 
 When this is done North American capital in abundance will 
 seek opportunity to assist in the development of your wonderful re- 
 sources. I imagine that the assistance of North American capital in 
 your development will not be regarded as harmful to your interests. 
 On the contrary, will it not be a helpful and conserving influence, 
 beneficial alike to Latin America and to European investors in 
 Latin America, if your development shall not be arrested or re- 
 tarded for want of adequate capital? It is because we wish to use 
 the power and resources of our country to help our neighbors, and 
 because by helping them to strengthen themselves wo steadily 
 approach the realization of that ideal of American unity whiclr 
 has been for generations the dream of statesmen of both conti- 
 nents, that we are striving to do what our President so nobly ex- 
 pressed in his speech to the Pan American Financial Conference 
 m Washington, May, 1915, when he said, "We are not trying to mako 
 use of each other, but we arc trying to be of use to one another." 
 Tills is the spirit of our national policy; this is the very essence of 
 international morality — the Golden Rule of international intercourse. 
 
 TRANSPORTATION. 
 
 The problem of ocean transportation to which the Argentine 
 Minister of Finance has referred is, beyond doubt, of paramount 
 importance. For many years the American nations have blindly 
 ignored their economic security, if not their physical safety, by 
 depending almost entirely upon foreign ships for the transportation 
 of their deep-sea commerce. Now, when a great war involves the 
 leading maritime nations upon whose flags they relied, they find 
 themselves without the essential means of protecting their own 
 interests. We must correct this situation. Tlio American nations 
 must quickly find the way of creating a merchant marine of ample 
 proportions to secure forever their physical and economic safety. 
 The completion of the missing links of the great intercontinental 
 railway is also of supreme importance and should be considered an 
 indispensable feature of inter-American policy. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES AND LATIX AMERICA. 
 
 It is a significant and felicitous fact that the essential fundamental 
 of friendship and mutual respect has always existed between the 
 United States and the Latin American Republics. With the exccp-
 
 8 INTERNATIONAL HIGH COMMISSION. 
 
 tion of the War with Mexico in 1S47, the great Repiibhc of the North 
 has been at peace with every Central and South American State from 
 the beginning of their existence to the present time. 
 
 The United States has consistently and unceasingly manifested 
 (k^ep interest in the weliare of the Latin American Republics, This 
 found its first expression in the Monroe doctrine, enunciated by one of 
 our great Presidents not only for the protection of the United States, 
 but for the jjreservation of the strugglmg Republics of the Western 
 Hemisphere in the days of their infancy. 
 
 More recentl}' the Goveniment of the United States has given fresh 
 and convincing evidence of its friendly attitude toward and its high 
 appreciation of the Latin American States. In the unfortunate 
 complications in Mexico we have accepted the friendly advice and 
 assistance of the Republics of South America. It was the ambas- 
 sadors of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile and the ministers of Bolivia, 
 Uruguay, and Guatemala who, in response to the request of our 
 Government, contributed so patrioticalh", unselfishly, and nobly to 
 the effort to solve the Mexican problem with due regard to the rights 
 of the nations and the interests of the people of suffering Mexico. 
 
 These notable events have given new" point and importance to 
 uiter-American relations. They have served to make more convinc- 
 ing and clear the attitude of the United States toward all the nations 
 of the Westeni Hemis])here. They have reaffirmed those noble sen- 
 timents of friendship expressed by our great President in his speech 
 at Mobile in 1913, and have given new emphasis to his statement on 
 that occasion that the United States ''will never again seek one 
 additional foot of territory by conquest." To this added force has 
 been given by the recent declarations of our illustrious President and 
 our distinguished Secretary of State in favor of mutual guarantees of 
 the territorial integrity and political independence under republican 
 forms of government of every nation of the American Continent. 
 
 With such guarantees we do not have to live in fear of each other; 
 we do not have to suspect each other; wo do not need to arm against 
 each other, because so long as there is assurance against loss of ter- 
 ritory or independence by any nation on this continent we can work out 
 our desthiies in peace, undisturbed by internal fear or external aggres- 
 sion. Contrast this with the state of affairs in unhappy Europe, where 
 race oppressions, race hatreds, national vrrongs, extentUng through the 
 centuries, have created the disastrous conditions of mutual (hstrust 
 and suspicion which have turned the leading nations into armed camps 
 and precipitated the most colossal conflict in the history of time. 
 
 It would seem as if in the very wisdom of God the American Conti- 
 nent was created as a refuge where men of all nations might, in the 
 spirit of true fraternity, build new States, dedicated to liberty, jus- 
 tice, and liumanity, as an example to the woi'ld of the regenerative 
 forces of mankind; where, freed from the passions and hatreds of cen- 
 turies, they may (lemonstrate the ability of man to live in peace and 
 amity, exemplifying the loftiest ideals of liberty and humanity, set- 
 tlhig no disj)ut('S ];y the sword })ut by the light of God's justice'alone, 
 and developing a civilization which will fullill the mission for which 
 Christ died more than 1,900 years ago. God grant that our beloved 
 America may realize this dream and stand, for time and eternity, as 
 the examplar and champion of international rectitude and honor! 
 
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