- V' ' 
 
PAX iMUNDI. 
 
PAX MUNDI 
 
 A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 THE MOVEMENT FOR PEACE 
 
 EY MEANS OF ARBITRATION, NEUTRALIZATION, 
 
 INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DISARMAMENT 
 
 BY 
 
 K. P. ARNOLDSON 
 
 Member of tJie Second Chamber of the Swedish Riksdag 
 
 AUTHORIZED ENGLISH EDITION 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY THE BISHOP OF DURHAM 
 
 3Eontiau 
 
 SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. 
 PATERNOSTER SQUARE 
 
 1892 
 

 <.^\^ 
 
 Butler & Tanner, 
 
 The Selvvood Printing Works, 
 
 Frome, and London. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 TAGE 
 
 Introduction i 
 
 Arbitration 8 
 
 Neutrality 40 
 
 Further Developments 82 
 
 The Prospects 138 
 
 Appendix 165 
 
 29055,1 
 
PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 This little work, written by one who has long- 
 been known as a consistent and able advocate 
 of the views herein maintained, has been trans- 
 lated by a lady who has already rendered great 
 services to the cause, in the belief that it will 
 be found useful by the increasing number of 
 those who are interested in the movement for 
 the substitution of Law for War in international 
 affairs. 
 
 J. F. G. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE 
 ENGLISH EDITION. 
 
 It is natural that the advocates of international 
 Peace should sometimes orrow discouragfed and 
 Impatient through what they are tempted to con- 
 sider the slow progress of their cause. Sudden 
 outbursts of popular feeling, selfish plans for 
 national aggrandisement, unremoved causes of 
 antipathy between neighbours, lead them to 
 overlook the general tendency of circumstances 
 and opinions which, when it is regarded on 
 a large scale, is sufficient to justify their lofti- 
 est hopes. It is this general tendency of 
 thought and fact, corresponding to the maturer 
 growth of peoples, which brings to us the 
 certain assurance that the Angelic Hymn which 
 welcomed the Birth of Christ advances, slowly 
 It may be as men count slowness, but at least 
 unmistakably, towards fulfilment. There are 
 pauses and interruptions in the movement; but, 
 on the whole, no one who patiently regards the 
 course of human history can doubt that we are 
 drawing nearer from generation to generation 
 to a practical sense of that brotherhood and 
 
XU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that solidarity of men — both words are neces- 
 sary — which find their foundation and their 
 crown in the message of the Gospel. 
 
 Under this aspect the Essay of Mr. Arnold- 
 son is of great value, as giving a calm and 
 comprehensive view of the progress of the 
 course of Peace during the last century, and of 
 the influences which are likely to accelerate its 
 progress in the near future. 
 
 Mr. Arnoldson, who, as a member of the 
 Swedish Parliament, is a practical statesman, 
 indulges in no illusions. The fulness with 
 which he dwells on the political problems of 
 Scandinavia shows that he is not inclined to 
 forget practical questions under the attraction 
 of splendid theories. He marks the chief 
 dangers which threaten the peace of Europe, 
 without the least sio^n of dissemblinor their 
 gravity. And looking steadily upon them, he 
 remains bold in hope ; for confidence in a great 
 cause does not come from disregarding or dis- 
 paraging the difficulties by which it is beset, 
 but from the reasonable conviction that there 
 are forces at work which are adequate to over- 
 come them. 
 
 We believe that it is so in the case of a 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 policy of Peace ; and the facts to which Mr. 
 Arnoldson directs attention amply justify the 
 belief. It is of great significance that since 
 1 794 there have been " at least sixty-seven 
 instances in which disputes of a menacing 
 character have been averted by arbitration '' ; 
 and perhaps the unquestioning acceptance by 
 England of the Genevan award will hereafter 
 be reckoned as one of her noblest services 
 to the world. It is no less important that 
 since the principle of arbitration was solemnly 
 recognised by the Congress of Paris in 1856, 
 arbitral clauses have been introduced into many 
 treaties, while the question of establishing a 
 universal system of international arbitration 
 has been entertained and discussed sympa- 
 thetically by many parliaments. 
 
 At the same time Mr. Arnoldson justly 
 insists on the steady increase of the power of 
 neutrals. Without accepting the possibility 
 of *' a Neutral League," he points out how a 
 necessary regard to the interests of neutrals 
 restrains the powers which are meditating 
 war. And I cannot but believe that he is right 
 when he suggests that the problems of the 
 neutralization of Scandinavia, of Alsace and 
 
XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Lorraine, of the Balkan States, of the Bos- 
 phorus and Dardanelles, demand the attention 
 of all who seek to hasten ^' the coming peace." 
 
 It would be easy to overrate the direct value 
 of these facts ; but their value as signs of the 
 direction in which public opinion is rapidly- 
 moving can hardly be overrated. They are 
 symptoms of a growing recognition of the 
 obligations of man to man, and of people to 
 people, of our common human interests and of 
 our universal interdependence. 
 
 I should not lay great stress on the deterrent 
 power of the prospect of the ruinous losses and 
 desolations likely to follow from future wars. 
 A great principle might well demand from a 
 nation great sacrifices ; and the very strength 
 of a policy of Peace lies in the postponement of 
 material interests to human duties. But none 
 the less the wide expansion of commercial 
 and social intercourse, joint enterprises, even 
 rivalries not always ungenerous, exercise a 
 salutary influence upon the feeling of nation 
 for nation, and make what were once regarded 
 as natural animosities no longer possible. 
 
 Under the action of these forces we are 
 learning more and more to endeavour to regard 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 debated questions from the point of sight of 
 our adversaries, to take account of their reason- 
 able aspirations, to make allowance for their 
 difficulties, even to consider how they can best 
 render their appropriate service to the race, 
 while we strive no less resolutely to keep or ta 
 secure the power of fulfilling our own. We 
 could not regard our enemies as our grand- 
 fathers regarded theirs. Already the conviction 
 begins to make itself felt that the loss of one 
 people is the loss of all. 
 
 Meanwhile the growth of popular power and 
 popular responsibility brings a wider and more 
 collective judgment to bear upon national 
 questions. The masses of peoples have more 
 in common than their leaders, among whom 
 individual character has fuller development. 
 The average opinion of men, when the facts 
 are set forth, responds to pleas of fellowship 
 and righteousness, and tends to become domi- 
 nant. 
 
 Such influences in favour of international 
 Peace spring out of steady movements which, 
 as they continue, will increase them. The past 
 does not limit their power, but simply reveals 
 the line of their action. Above all, they cor- 
 
XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 respond with that view of our Christian faith 
 which the Holy Spirit is disclosing to us by 
 means of the trials of our age. Through many 
 sorrows and many disappointments we are 
 learning that the fact of the Incarnation assures 
 to us the unity of men and classes and nations; 
 and a wider study of history, which is now 
 possible, shows that the course of events makes 
 for the establishment of that unity for which 
 we were created. 
 
 I cannot therefore but hope that the Essay 
 of Mr. Arnoldson, which gives substantial evi- 
 dence of the reality and growth of this move- 
 ment towards Peace, will confirm in courage 
 ous and patient labour for an assured end all 
 who join in the prayer that it may please God 
 '' to give to all nations unity, peace, and con- 
 cord." 
 
 b. f. dunelm. 
 
 Auckland Castle, 
 
 October \\th, 1891. 
 
PAX MUNDI. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It was the small beginning of a great matter 
 when, on December 22nd, 1620, a hundred 
 Puritans landed from the ship Mayflower upon 
 the rocky shore of the New World, having, 
 during the voyage, signed a constitution to be 
 observed by the colonists. 
 
 These pious pilgrims were guided by the 
 conception of religious freedom which should 
 construct for them there a new kingdom. They 
 had, say the annalists of the colony, crossed 
 the world's sea and had reached their goal ; 
 but no friend came forth to meet them ; no 
 house offered them shelter. And it was mid- 
 winter. Those who know that distant clime, 
 know how bitter are the winters and how 
 dangerous the storms which at that season 
 
;2^; ^/ ; /; ',_; '. ; : .'?AX mundi. 
 
 ravage the coast. It were bad enough in 
 similar circumstances to travel in a well-known 
 region ; but how much worse when it is a 
 question of seeking to settle on an entirely un- 
 known shore. 
 
 They saw around them only a bare, cheerless 
 country, filled with wild animals and inhabited 
 by men of questionable disposition and in un- 
 known numbers. The country was frozen and 
 overgrown with woods and thickets. The 
 whole aspect was wild ; and behind them lay 
 the measureless ocean, which severed them from 
 the civilized world. Comfort and hope were 
 to be found only in turning their gaze heaven- 
 ward. 
 
 That they did conquer that ungrateful land 
 and open the way for the boundless stream of 
 immigration which for wellnigh three centuries 
 has unceasingly poured in, must find its ex- 
 planation in the faith that upheld their ways 
 amid the dangers of the wilderness, amid the 
 hunger, cold, and all manner of disheartening 
 things, and gave them that power which re- 
 moved mountains and made the desert bloom. 
 
 These Puritans, strong in faith, were the 
 founders of the New World's greatness ; and 
 
INTRODUCTION. 3 
 
 their spirit spoke out to the Old World in the 
 greeting with which the President of the United 
 States consecrated the first transatlantic tele- 
 graph cable in 1866 : — 
 
 *' Glory be to God in the highest, and on 
 earth peace, goodwill to men." 
 
 When this messacre came to us, the roar of 
 cannon was but newly hushed, and the man of 
 *' blood and iron" had victoriously set his foot 
 upon one of Europe's great powers ; the same 
 Austria which since then has, by the Triple Al- 
 liance, united its warlike strength with Germany. 
 
 But that messao^e has not been an unheeded 
 sound to all ; especially to those whose warn- 
 ing voices the people never listen to before 
 the misfortune falls, but who are always justified 
 after it has struck. Yes ! perchance in the near 
 future it may again appeal to their reason, and 
 find a hearing only when Europe has fallen 
 into untold miseries after another war. 
 
 While menacing forebodings of this long ex- 
 expected war were spreading in the summer of 
 1887 through various parts of our continent, a 
 little company of courageous men, strong in 
 faith, like the pious pilgrims of the Mayfiowei^ 
 gathered together for the voyage across the 
 
4 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 sea to the New World, there to lay the founda- 
 tion of a lasting work for peace. 
 
 Their first object was to present to the 
 President of the United States and to Con- 
 gress an address aiming at the establishment 
 of a Court of Arbitration, qualified to deal with 
 disputes which might arise between Great 
 Britain and the United States of North America. 
 In that address, signed by 270 Members of 
 the British Parliament, allusion was made to 
 the resolutions on peace which from time to 
 time had been brought into Congress ; and' 
 those who undersigned it declared themselves, 
 ready to bring all their influence to bear in 
 inducing the Government of Great Britain to- 
 accept the proposition which should come from 
 the Congress. Amongst those who signed it 
 were, besides many distinguished Members of 
 the House of Commons, several peers, includ- 
 ing some of the bishops. 
 
 The address was presented to President 
 Cleveland on October 31st, by a deputation of 
 twelve Members of Parliament, whose spokes- 
 man, Mr. Andrew Carnegie, in his introductory 
 speech, said : '' Few events in the world s 
 history would rank with the making of suck 
 
INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 a treaty. Perhaps only two in our own 
 country's history could fitly be compared with 
 it. Washington's administration established the 
 republic ; Lincoln's administration abolished 
 human slavery. We fondly hope, sir, that it 
 may be reserved for yours to conclude a treaty 
 not only with the government of the other 
 great English-speaking nation, but with other 
 lands as well, which shall henceforth and for 
 ever secure to those nations the blessiuQ^s of 
 mutual peace and goodwill. The conclusion of 
 such a treaty will have done much to remove 
 from humanity its greatest stain — the killing of 
 man by man. And we venture to hope, that if 
 the two great nations here represented set such 
 an example, other nations may be induced to 
 follow it, and war be thus ultimately banished 
 from the face of the earth." 
 
 In the President's favourable answer he men- 
 tioned that no nation in its moral and material 
 development could show more victories in the 
 domain of peace than the American ; and it 
 appeared to him that the land which had 
 produced such proofs of the blessings of peace, 
 and therefore need not fear being accused of 
 weakness, must be in a specially favourable 
 
e> PAX MUNDI. 
 
 position to listen to a proposal like the present ; 
 wherefore he received it with pleasure and 
 satisfaction. 
 
 A week later, Nov. 8th, the son-in-law of 
 Queen Victoria, the Marquis of Lome, presided 
 over a great meeting in London, at which many 
 eminent men were present. The chairman 
 emphatically remarked in his speech, that the 
 settlement of international disputes by a Court 
 of Arbitration has the advantage that, through 
 the delay which is necessary, the first excite- 
 ment has time to cool. The meeting declared 
 itself unanimously in favour of the proposed 
 memorial. Thereupon followed many similar 
 expressions of opinion in England, whilst simul- 
 taneously in twenty of the largest cities of 
 North America mass meetings were held, 
 which with unanimous enthusiasm gave ad- 
 hesion to the cause, and petitions of the same 
 character flowed in to the President and Con- 
 gress from the various parts of the great re- 
 public. 
 
 Encouraged by these preparatory movements 
 amongst the two great English-speaking peoples, 
 M. Frederic Passy, with other Members of the 
 Legislative Assembly of France, placed himself 
 
INTRODUCTION. 7 
 
 at the head of a movement to petition the 
 French Government, requesting that it should 
 conclude an Arbitration Treaty with the United 
 States. 
 
 Such a memorial, bearing the signatures of 
 1 12 deputies and i6 senators, was received with 
 much interest by the President. 
 
 On April 21st, 1888, Passy and forty- four 
 other deputies moved a resolution in the 
 Chamber to the same effect ; and the idea has 
 been carried forward in many ways since then, 
 especially by a petition to the President of the 
 United States from three International Con- 
 gresses held in Paris, June 2 3rd-30th, 1889. 
 
ARBITRATION. 
 
 Should these efforts lead in the near future 
 to the intended result, International Law would 
 thereby have made an important progress. 
 
 It can no longer be denied that International 
 Law does actually exist ; but we undervalue 
 its significance because we are impatient. We 
 do not notice the advances it has made because 
 they have been small ; but they have been 
 numerous ; and slowly, step by step, inter- 
 national jurisprudence has progressed. This 
 affects not only the awakening sense of justice 
 and acknowledged principles, but also their 
 application, which from the days of Hugo 
 Grotius, 250 years ago, down to Martens, Blunt- 
 schli, Calvo, and other most distinguished 
 jurists of our day, has been the subject of great 
 scholarly activity, by means of which the various 
 regulations of jurisprudence have little by little 
 been pieced together into a foundation and 
 substance of universally accepted law. 
 
ARBITRATION CLAUSES. 9 
 
 What has been most generally done to gain 
 the object in view has been the insertion of 
 ARBITRAL CLAUSES in treaties which were being 
 concluded or had already been concluded in 
 reference to other questions. In this direction 
 SiGNOR Mancini of Italy has been especially 
 active. As during the time he was Minister 
 of Foreisfn Affairs he had the concludinof of 
 a great number of treaties between Italy and 
 other countries, he made use of the opportunity 
 to insert into almost all — in nineteen instances^ 
 — an arbitral clause. 
 
 We have examples of treaties with such 
 clauses in the commercial treaty between Italy 
 and England, 1883 ; Norway, Sweden, and 
 Spain, by a supplement in 1887 ; also England 
 and Greece, 1886. According to the first two 
 agreements, all disputes about the right under- 
 standing of the treaties shall be settled by 
 arbitration, as soon as it becomes apparent 
 that it is vain to hope for a friendly arrange- 
 ment. In the Greco-English treaty it is further 
 stipulated that all disputes which directly or 
 indirectly may arise in consequence of that 
 
 ^ Mazzoleni, in his *^ L'ltalia nel movimento per la 
 Pace," gives twenty instances. See pp. 58, 59. trans. 
 
lO PAX MUNDI. 
 
 treaty always shall, if they cannot be amicably- 
 arranged, be referred to a committee of arbi- 
 tration, which shall be nominated by each party 
 with a like number of members ; also that if 
 this committee cannot agree, there shall be 
 appointed a tribunal of arbitration, whose de- 
 cision both nations bind themselves to accept. 
 
 The idea of concluding distinct treaties of 
 ARBITRATION, or of giving a widely extended 
 range to arbitral clauses, so that they should 
 affect the whole relation of the contracting 
 parties to one another, is comparatively new. 
 
 So far as I know, Mr. William Jay was the 
 first who in modern times advocated this idea, 
 in a work which came out in New York in 
 1842, and in which he proposed : that in the 
 next treaty between, for example, the United 
 States and France, it should be stated that in 
 case any dispute should arise between the two- 
 nations, not only in respect of the interpretation 
 of that treaty, but also in respect of any other 
 subject whatever, the dispute should be settled 
 by means of an arbitration by one or more 
 friendly powers. 
 
 A similar proposition was presented to Lord 
 Clarendon in 1853. By sending a deputation. 
 
ARBITRATION TREATIES. I I 
 
 to the plenipotentiaries at the Congress at 
 Parts in 1856, the Enghsh *' Peace Society "• 
 succeeded in inducing them to introduce into^ 
 one of the protocols a solemn recognition of 
 the principle of Arbitration. In the name of 
 their governments they expressed the wish that 
 the states between which any serious misunder- 
 standing should arise, should, as far as circum- 
 stances permitted, submit the question to the 
 arbitration of a friendly power before resorting 
 to arms. This proposition, which was unani- 
 mously adopted, was made by Lord Clarendon, 
 the representative of England, and supported 
 by the emissaries of France, Prussia, and Italy, 
 — Walewsky, Manteufel, and Cavour. 
 
 But the first movement in favour of indepen- 
 dent Treaties of Arbitration came up in a peti- 
 tion in 1847, from the English Peace Society to> 
 Parliament. 
 
 The next year this subject was discussed in 
 the Peace Congress at Brussels. 
 
 A few months later, Cobden brought forward 
 in the House of Commons an address to the 
 Government, with the request that the Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs should be charged to invite 
 foreign powers to enter into treaties with this 
 
12 . PAX MUNDI. 
 
 object. The proposal was In the beginning 
 received with astonishment and scorn ; but 
 called forth later an earnest and important 
 debate. 
 
 About six years later, H enry Richard drew 
 the attention of many influential members of 
 the American Congress to the relations which 
 were felt to be favourable for trying to arrange 
 a treaty of arbitration between Great Britain 
 and the United States. American statesmen, 
 less bound by the old traditions of European 
 •diplomacy would, it was thought, be able with 
 greater freedom to attempt such a novelty. 
 The replies to this application were very 
 favourable and encouraging, and in various 
 ways since then attempts have been made to 
 realize the idea. 
 
 In many Parliaments from time to time 
 propositions in this direction have been brought 
 forward and approved. 
 
 On July 8th, 1873, Henry Richard brought 
 before the English Parliament a proposition 
 requesting the Government to invite negotia- 
 tion with foreign powers for creating a uni- 
 versal and well-established international system 
 of arbitration. The then Prime Minister, 
 
PARLIAMENTS ON ARBITRATION. 1 3, 
 
 Gladstone, expressed himself as favourable ta 
 the proposal, but advised its being withdrawn. 
 Richard, nevertheless, persisted that it should 
 be dealt with, and obtained the remarkable 
 result, that it was carried with a majority of 
 ten. 
 
 This example was followed by the Italian 
 Chamber of Deputies, Nov. 24th of the same 
 year; and again on July 12th, 1890;^ by the 
 States General of Holland, Nov. 27th, 
 1874; by the Belgian Chamber of Repre- 
 sentatives, Dec. 19th, 1875 ; and shortly after 
 by the Senate of the United States of 
 America, and Congress also, June 17th, 1874 ; 
 and April 4th, 1890. 
 
 The last-named resolution of Congress had 
 been accepted by the Senate, Feb. 15th of the 
 same year, being recommended by the Com- 
 mittee on Foreign Affairs, and runs thus : — 
 
 The President be, and is hereby requested to invite from* 
 time to time, as fit occasions may arise, negotiations with 
 any government with which the United States has or may 
 have diplomatic relations, to the end that any difficulties or 
 disputes arising between them, which cannot be adjusted 
 
 1 On a motion by Ruggiero Bonghi, supported by Crispi 
 in a speech in which he said that the future depended 
 upon a European tribunal of arbitration. 
 
14 PAX MUNDT. 
 
 by diplomatic agency, may be referred to arbitration, and 
 be peaceably adjusted by such means. 
 
 On May 9th, 1890, Don Arturode Marcoartu 
 moved in the Spanish Senate that the Spanish 
 "Government should enter into relations with 
 •other European powers to bring about a per- 
 manent tribunal of arbitration in Europe. In 
 the first place, the mover proposed that the 
 states should come to an agreement upon a 
 general truce for five years. In that interval 
 a congress of emissaries from all the European 
 <jOvernments and Parliaments should be called 
 together. The business of the congress should 
 be to work out a code of international law\ 
 The proposition was urged, especially with 
 regard to the necessity of finding a reasonable 
 solution of the great social question, since all 
 effort in that direction appears to be hopeless 
 so lono- as the savincrs of the nations are 
 swallow^ed up by military expenditure. The 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs requested the 
 Senate to take the proposition into serious 
 •consideration, and on June 14th the Senate 
 resolved to authorize the Government to enter 
 into negotiations with foreign powers for the 
 object indicated. 
 
SWEDEN AND NORWAY. 1 5 
 
 Neither are the Scandinavian ParHaments 
 unaffected by this movement. 
 
 As far back as 1869 the question of arbitra- 
 tion was mooted in the Swedish Parliament 
 by Jonas Jonassen. In 1874 he proposed in the 
 second chamber that Parhament should submit 
 to the King '' that it would behove his majesty 
 on all occasions that might [present themselves 
 to support the negotiations which foreign powers 
 might open with Sweden or with each other with 
 reference to the creation of a tribunal of arbitra- 
 tion for the solving of international disputes." 
 The committee which dealt with the proposi- 
 tion advised its acceptance. The Lower 
 House passed it, March 21st, by seventy-one 
 votes against sixty-four ; but the Upper House 
 rejected it. 
 
 The miserable dealing of the Parliament of 
 1890 with the question I shall have occasion to 
 refer to further en. 
 
 In the same year, the question made surpris- 
 ing advance in Norway. On March 5th the 
 Storting voted on the motion of Ullmann and 
 many others, by eighty-nine votes against 
 twenty- four, an address to the King, which 
 begins thus : — 
 
l6 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 "The Storting hereby respectfully approaches your 
 Majesty, with the request that your Majesty will make use of 
 the authority given by the constitution in seeking to enter 
 into agreements with foreign powers, for the settling by 
 arbitration of disputes which may arise between Norway 
 and those powers." 
 
 And concludes with these words : — 
 
 " In the full assurance that what the Storting here re- 
 quests will be an unqualified benefit to our people, it is 
 hereby submitted that your Majesty should take the 
 necessary steps indicated." 
 
 A similar resolution was very near, being- 
 voted by the Danish Folketing in 1875. 
 The proposition as brought forward was, May 
 13th, unanimously recommended by the com- 
 mittee in charge, but on account of the dissolu- 
 tion of the House two days later, could not be 
 acted upon. 
 
 Several years ago a petition was circulated 
 in the various districts of Denmark, by which 
 Parliament was urged to co-operate as early as 
 possible in bringing about a permanent Scan- 
 dinavian treaty of arbitration. 
 
 In such a treaty, binding in the first instance 
 for thirty years, the petition affirms that the 
 ^ree' northern kingdoms will have an efficient 
 moral support when there is occasion to with- 
 
DENMARK AND ARBITRATION. I 7 
 
 Stand the efforts of the great powers to entice 
 or to threaten any of them to take part in war 
 as alHes on one side or the other. Such a 
 treaty will, therefore, in great measure serve to 
 preserve the neutrality of the northern king- 
 doms, and thereby their lasting independence. 
 
 This petition was dealt with in the Folketing, 
 March 27th, 1888. After a short discussion, 
 the following motion of F. Rajer was passed 
 by fifty votes against sixteen. 
 
 " Since the Folketing agrees with the wish expressed 
 in the petition, provided it is shared by the other States 
 without whom it cannot be carried out, the House passes 
 on to the order of the day." 
 
 In his little paper : On the Prevention of 
 War by Arbitration, F. Bajer writes : 
 
 " It may certainly be granted, that a little State like Den- 
 mark cannot well work at the creation of a European 
 tribunal of arbitration, so far as that means setting itself at 
 the head of a movement for inviting the other European 
 States to a Congress by which its creation shall be adopted. 
 
 "But a little State like Denmark can always do something 
 in the direction of arbitration between States. It can 
 bring the matter a practical step forward by applying first to 
 the other small States, especially to the neighbour States of 
 Sweden and Norway, and proposing to them that mutual 
 disputes shall in future, as far as possible, be settled by 
 arbitration when other means have failed. The relations 
 
I 8 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 between the three northern kingdoms are indeed now so 
 friendly that a war between them can hardly be thought of 
 for a moment. But — as was said in confirmation of the 
 resolution in the first northern Peace Meeting, respecting a 
 permanent arbitration treaty between the three kingdoms — 
 they have carried on many bloody internecine wars, which 
 have only benefited their powerful neighbours, but have 
 been in the highest degree injurious to themselves ; and 
 the possibility of war between the three northern king- 
 doms is not excluded so long as they are not simultaneously 
 neutralized, or in some other way engaged to carry out a 
 common foreign policy. It is no longer ago than 1873 
 that the so-called '^ pilots' war " in Oeresund caused much 
 bad blood among relatives on both sides of the sound. 
 That that was settled authoritatively by the mutual declara- 
 tion of the 14th of August is due to circumstances on whose 
 continuance for the future it is not possible to reckon. 
 Had a strained relation at the same time obtained between 
 one or more of the great powers within or without the 
 Baltic ports, and had these endeavoured to sow discord 
 between the coast powers, that they might fish in the 
 troubled waters, and feather their own nests by getting 
 these small states as their allies ; and if one power had got 
 Denmark, but its enemy got Sweden-Norway as an ally 
 — a new northern fratricidal war would have broken out. 
 Even if such a future possibility cannot be entirely eradi- 
 cated by a mutual arbitration treaty amongst the northern 
 nations, a new guarantee for peace would be secured." 
 (Bluntschli's expression.) "For the small northern king- 
 doms would by such a treaty acquire an excellent moral 
 support when it came to withstanding the attempt of 
 the great powers to entice or threaten them into taking part 
 in wars as their allies. Such a participation is always a 
 
SWITZERLAND. 1 9 
 
 dangerous game, because, as history shows, the small States 
 lose rather than gain. The small States are used as 
 counters for the great ones to play with." 
 
 At this point we may remark, that as far back 
 as 1848, the same year that the Peace Congress 
 was held in Brussels, Feb, 2nd, a treaty (the 
 Guadaloupe- Hidalgo Treaty) was concluded 
 between the United States of America and 
 Mexico, containing a clause that a committee 
 of arbitration shall settle, not only such differ- 
 ences as may arise directly concerning that 
 treaty, but also shall, as the highest authority, 
 adjudicate as far as possible all disputes which 
 may arise between the high contracting 
 States/ 
 
 Switzerland concluded, July 20th, 1864, a 
 similar treaty with the Hawaian Islands, and 
 on October 30th with San Salvador.^ 
 
 Siam, whose monarch has given many proofs 
 of sympathy for Oskar II., concluded a similar 
 treaty. May i8th, 1868, with the United King- 
 doms, and also with Belgium, Aug. 29th of the 
 
 1 See Martens' **Nouveau recueil general," xiv. p. 32 
 (artxxi,), and Calvo, "Droit International," 11., § 1499. 
 
 2 According to a Manuscript by President Louis 
 Ruchonnet, addressed to F. Bajen 
 
20 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 same year.^ The Central and South American 
 Republics, Honduras, and the United 
 States of Colombia did the same when on 
 April loth, 1882, they signed an arbitration 
 treaty between themselves.^ 
 
 Since that time this vigorous idea has grown 
 into the Central and South American Arbi- 
 tration League, and is now making good way 
 towards being applied to the whole of America. 
 
 The question now is, whether the value of 
 peace treaties, in general or in particular, 
 which are established between mutually distant 
 small States can be estimated as highly as the 
 good intention of their creation, which is 
 habitually acknowledged to be good ? Are 
 
 ^ See " Svensk fbrfaltningssamling," 1869, No. 74, page 
 26, and ''Lois Beiges," 1869, No. 36, § 24. In the 
 Swedish-Siamese treaty, art. 25, it is stated : " Should any 
 disagreement arise between the contracting parties which 
 cannot be arranged by friendly diplomatic negotiation or 
 correspondence, the question shall be referred for solution 
 to a friendly neutral power, mutually chosen, whose decision 
 the contracting powers shall accept as final. Similar agree- 
 ments are to be concluded between Italy and Switzerland, 
 Spain and Uruguay, Spain and Hawaii, and between France 
 and Ecuador. 
 
 2 The Treaty is given word for word in the Herald 0] 
 Peace ^ July, 1883. 
 
VALUE OF TREATIES. 2 1 
 
 they something to be depended upon ? Will 
 they be carried into effect ? 
 
 That depends in the first place upon what 
 is meant by peace treaties. 
 
 If reference is made to certain international 
 settlements which the conquered, with hatred 
 in their hearts, bleeding, upon their knees 
 were forced to accept, we may at once grant 
 that they imply no security for peace, but, on 
 the contrary, are a fresh source of warlike 
 complications. 
 
 Thus, for example, the conclusion of peace 
 which France was forced to sign at Versailles, 
 Feb. 26th, 1871, and by which Alsace-Lorraine 
 was torn from France, became a volcano which 
 now for nineteen years has held the nations in 
 suspense and unrest, and still threatens to ruin 
 Europe. 
 
 Neither would it be advisable to set much 
 store on such obligations as the Western 
 Powers undertook in the agreement which 
 goes by the name of the November Treaty, 
 to help us to defend the northern part of our 
 peninsula against Russia ; because a guaran- 
 teed neutrality implies in reality more danger 
 than safety, if the guarantee is not mutual ; that 
 
22 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 is, in this instance, if our eastern neighbour is 
 not included in the guarantee ; which is so far 
 from being the case that the treaty, on the con- 
 trary, is a source of menace and distrust to him. ^ 
 
 With respect to certain treaties of alHance, 
 whose object is to collect the greatest pos- 
 sible NUMBER OF BAYONETS as a mutual security 
 against other powers, who, on their side, seek 
 to protect themselves by uniting their forces, 
 nobody can see in them anything else than a 
 guarantee for an armed peace, which, by the 
 necessity of its nature, leads to war. 
 
 If, on the contrary, by peace treaties are 
 meant such international contracts as are not 
 WRITTEN in blood ; such as relate to trade and 
 commerce, industry, art, science and so on, it 
 would be in vain to seek for a single instance 
 
 ^ In this treaty, which was concluded at Stockholm, 
 Nov. 2 1 St, 1855, the King of Norway and Sweden 
 bound himself not to resign to Russia, or to barter with 
 her, or otherwise allow her to possess, any portion of the 
 territory of the united kingdoms, nor to grant to Russia 
 right of pasture or fishery, or any similar rights, either on 
 the coast of Norway or Sweden. Any Russian proposal 
 which might be made under this head must be made 
 directly to France or England, who then by sea and land 
 must support us by their military power. A glorious con- 
 trast to the declaration of neutrality, Dec. 15th, 1853! 
 
FAILURES EXAMINED. 23 
 
 of the breach of contract, either on the side of 
 the weaker or the stronger. 
 
 Neither can any example in our time be 
 pointed to of open violation of the rights of a 
 small country in its quality of an independent 
 State, as long as these rights have stood under 
 the mutual guarantee of the great powers, 
 
 As evidence to the contrary, the London 
 treaty of May 8th, 1853, has been adduced, which 
 was intended to secure Denmark's neutrality ; 
 the Treaty of Paris, April 14th, 1856, respecting 
 the Black Sea ; and the fifth article of the Peace 
 of Prague in 1866. But here the fault lies in a 
 misunderstanding. 
 
 What the Treaty of London established was 
 not the indivisibility of Denmark, but of the 
 Dano- German monarchy. The German terri- 
 tory was to be fast linked to the Danish. This 
 was admitted, as a principle, by the treaty to 
 be fitting and right, but the treaty contained 
 no trace of stipulations as to guarantee. 
 
 With respect to Russia's breach of treaty 
 of the stipulations as to her banishment from 
 the Black Sea as a military power, ^ it must be 
 
 ^ Conquered Russia had to bind herself, at the conclusion 
 of peace, not to keep war ships in the Black Sea, not to have 
 
24 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 remembered that the representatives of the. 
 powers, and of Russia also, on January 17th, 
 1 87 1, signed a protocol, whereby it was settled 
 as an essential axiom in international law, that 
 no power can absolve itself from the obliga^ 
 tions which are entered into by treaty without 
 the consent of the contracting parties. There- 
 fore Russia openly acknowledged that her 
 declaration of not choosing to abide by the 
 injunctions stipulated for in the Treaty of Paris 
 respecting the Black Sea, was precipitate, 
 and that, consequently, the treaty was per- 
 manently in force until it was formally abro- 
 gated. This took place in the new treaty of 
 March 3rd, of the same year. Besides, here 
 comes in what was said above about the value 
 of such treaties as are concluded after brute 
 force has deterrnined the issue. And this not 
 only was the case in the Black Sea stipulations, 
 but also with respect to the unfulfilled promises 
 of article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, whereby 
 the Danish people was to be given the oppor- 
 tunity for a plebiscite- in determining upon their 
 
 any haven for war ships on her coasts. Stipulations which 
 were perceived by all thinking men at the time to be unten- 
 able in the long run. 
 
MINOR TREATIES. 25 
 
 reunion with Denmark. As to the peace 
 treaties between the lesser States, which cer- 
 tainly have important trade relations one with 
 another, but which, on account of their mutually 
 distant position, cannot reasonably be expected 
 to go to war with each other, it is true that 
 one cannot in general attribute any special 
 importance to them. Nothing is gained by 
 over-estimating their value. But they deserve 
 to be brought forward as enrichments of inter- 
 national law and guide-posts for other States. 
 And that the small States need not wait until 
 the great ones are ready to unite appears just 
 as much in accordance with the nature of the 
 case as with the interests of their own well- 
 being. 
 
 Calvo, undeniably the first authority in these 
 matters, emphasizes as a significant fact, that 
 no single example can be pointed to in which 
 States, after their mutual disputes have been 
 referred to the consideration or judgment of 
 arbitrators, have sought to withdraw from 
 the operation of the decision. And according 
 to Henry Richard and other authorities, by 
 allowing international questions to be settled 
 by arbitration, at least in sixty-seven instances, 
 
26 PAX MUIsiDi. 
 
 disputes of a menacing character have been 
 averted. 
 
 I shall not here give a detailed account of 
 all these instances, but only with the greatest 
 conciseness refer to some of them. 
 
 In 1794 a contest between England and the 
 United States of America respecting St. Croix 
 river was settled by arbitration ; in 1803 France 
 was in the same way condemned to pay 
 18 million francs to the United States of 
 America for unlawful seizure of vessels ; in 
 18 [8 a threatening dispute between Spain 
 and the United States of America was 
 settled by arbitration, and a contention between 
 these and England was arranged by the Em- 
 peror of Russia, who was chosen as arbitrator, 
 etc. 
 
 The best known of such disputes was the 
 so-called Alabama question, which threatened 
 a desolating world-war. This affair sprang 
 out of the North American civil war 1861-65. 
 The Southern States had privateers built in 
 England, among which the Alabama especially 
 wrought great mischief to the Northerners. 
 The Government of the Union considered that 
 England had broken her neutrality in allowing 
 
ALABAMA ARBITRATION. 2 7 
 
 the equipment of the privateer, and requested 
 compensation. 
 
 A bitter feeling grew up and war appeared 
 inevitable. But on January 24th, 1869, an 
 agreement was happily entered into, which, with 
 fresh negotiations, led to the Washington treaty, 
 May 8th, 187 1. In harmony with this the dis- 
 pute was referred for settlement to a Court of 
 Arbitration consisting of five members, of which 
 England and the United States each chose one, 
 and the neutral states of Italy, Switzerland, and 
 Brazil, likewise each chose one. These five 
 met on December 15th, 187 1, as a tribunal 
 of arbitration, at Geneva, and delivered their 
 judgment on September 14th following (four 
 votes against England's one), that the English 
 Government had made a breach in its duty 
 as a neutral power with respect to some of the 
 privateers under consideration, and therefore 
 England would have to pay an indemnity of 
 15^ million dollars to the United States.^ 
 
 England bowed to the award and fulfilled 
 her duty. 
 
 ^ ;^3,i96,874 were received by Sec. Fish, Sept. 9th, 1873. 
 See Haydn's *' Dictionary of Dates." 
 
28 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 In the same way the powerful insular king- 
 dom voluntarily submitted to settlement in 
 the weary contention regarding the possession 
 of Delagoa Bay and the surrounding region 
 on the east coast of Africa. The dispute was 
 entrusted for settlement, in 1874, to the 
 President of the French Republic, MacMahon, 
 and he decided in July, 1875, in favour of 
 Portugal. That the new contention between 
 these two States, which for some time now 
 has excited an inflammable spirit, not only in 
 Portugal, but in other countries as well, will 
 be arranged in the same friendly manner, there 
 is but little doubt. 
 
 The claim of Portugal is much older than 
 that of England. Its special ground is the dis- 
 covery of the coast which was made by Portu- 
 guese mariners three hundred years ago. The 
 Portuguese urge, that since the coast is theirs, 
 they have a right to go as far inland as they 
 choose and place the country thus entered 
 under their dominion. They say further, that 
 they have made a treaty with a native ruler 
 over a kingdom which stretches far inland, and 
 that ruined fortresses are still to be found which 
 show that they once had this distant region in 
 
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL. 29 
 
 possession. To this assertion Lord Salisbury 
 answers, that where ruined fortresses are found 
 they only testify to fallen dominion. The En- 
 glish Government could not recognise Portugal's 
 construction of the contested question ; accord- 
 ing to that construction the question would 
 virtually turn upon the possession of Shireland 
 and Mashonaland (the inland country north and 
 south of the Zambesi). It denied Portugal's 
 claim to this territory as so entirely groundless 
 that it could not enter into such a question; but 
 has on the other hand made a peremptory 
 claim, arising from Portugal's violence towards 
 the natives who are under England's protec- 
 tion, for dishonour to the English flag, and for 
 other international offences, etc. 
 
 The right of possession of the regions in 
 question can no longer be regarded as doubtful, 
 since Portugal had set aside the general inter- 
 national axiom, that the claim for possession 
 according to colonial usage can only be held 
 valid when colonization is actually carried out 
 to the furtherance of civilization and public 
 safety. Portugal's assertion that the signatories 
 of the Congo Act would be the right adjudi- 
 cators of the question was denied, upon the 
 
30 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 ground that Portugal had delayed to make her 
 claim valid when Nyassaland was declared to be- 
 long to the sphere of England's interests. On 
 July ist, 1889, the Under-secretary, Sir James 
 Fergusson, in the Lower House, explained that 
 the Portuguese Government had been informed 
 that they would be held answerable for all loss 
 which Englishmen might suffer by the annulling 
 of the Delagoa railway convention. The same 
 day Lord Salisbury informed the Upper House 
 that the English Government would send three 
 war-ships to Delagoa Bay, to be ready in case of 
 need. Portugal's conduct was, in his opinion, 
 unjustifiable. 
 
 Then came the noble lord\s ultimatum, with 
 the demand that Portugal should recall all 
 Portuguese officers and troops from the terri- 
 tory which stands under the sovereignty of 
 England or lies within the sphere of England's 
 interests, and give an answer within twenty- 
 four hours ; otherwise England would be com- 
 pelled to break off her relations with Portugal. 
 This threatening manner of procedure, by which 
 a weaker nation was humbled by superior 
 power, roused bad blood in Portugal and was 
 sharply censured in many parts of Europe ; yes, 
 
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 even in England, and in Parliament, in the 
 press, and at many great public meetings. At 
 one of these meetings, composed of 700 work- 
 men delegates from various parts of England 
 and 130 Members of Parliament, in quality of 
 vice-presidents, it was unanimously resolved to 
 protest against Lord Salisbury's conduct as at 
 variance with the dignity of the British nation ; 
 and to request that the dispute should be settled 
 by arbitration — so much the rather, as the more 
 certain one is of being in the right, the more con- 
 fidently can one's cause be placed in the hands 
 of an impartial tribunal. Later on the English 
 Government, together with the North American 
 virtually resolved on this expedient for solving 
 the difficulties relating to Delagoa Bay. Portu- 
 gal made difficulties and delays, but at length 
 declared herself willing to enter into a proposal 
 for arbitration.^ All three States were now 
 united in asking the Government of Switzerland 
 to choose three of her most distinguished jurist 
 officials as arbitration judges. 
 
 At the time when the first Anglo- Portuguese 
 cpntest was settled by the President of the 
 French Republic there occurred a second ex- 
 ^ The Arbitrator^ 1890, April. 
 
32 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 kmple of both importance and interest. For 
 many years there had been a menacing bound- 
 ary dispute between Italy and Switzerland, just 
 a little seed of quarrel, such as formerly always 
 broke out into bloody strife, since according 
 to the traditions of national honour not an inch 
 of a patch of ground must be given up except 
 at the sword's point. But the two kingdoms 
 decided to commend the case to an arbitrator, 
 viz., the United States minister in Rome, P. 
 Marsh, who, after a careful study of the claims of 
 the contending parties, declared judgment in fa- 
 vour of Italy, and so the contention was adjusted. 
 
 Two DANGEROUS DISPUTES, which in 1874-75 
 and 1880 threatened an outbreak of war be- 
 tween China and Japan, but were happily solved 
 by arbitration, might be named, but for fear of 
 being prolix I dare not go more particularly 
 into them, instructive as they are. 
 
 The first arose as a result of a murder of 
 some Japanese on the island of Formosa, and 
 was settled by the English minister in Pekin, 
 who was chosen by both parties as arbitrator, 
 who decided that China should give Japan in 
 redress a large sum of money, which was done.^ 
 
 1 The Japanese Government demanded redress, which was 
 
CHINA AND JAPAN. 33 
 
 The second of these disputes concerned the 
 sovereignty of the Liu Kiu Islands, and was 
 
 at first refused by China. This led to a stormy corre- 
 spondence, which at last became so bitter that both sides 
 prepared for war. The Japanese troops had already taken 
 possession of Formosa. During this dangerous juncture^ 
 the British minister in Pekin, Sir Thomas Wade, offered to 
 mediate as an arbiter. The offer was accepted, and led to 
 an agreement between the Chinese Government and the 
 Japanese ambassador in Pekin, by which China was to 
 pay Japan 500,000 taels, and the Japanese troops were to 
 evacuate Formosa. When Lord Derby, who was at that 
 time Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, received a telegram 
 from Sir Thomas Wade respecting this happy result, he 
 answered him : *' It is a great pleasure to me to present to 
 you the expression of the high esteem with which her 
 Majesty's Government regards you for the service you have 
 rendered in thus peaceably adjusting a dispute which other- 
 wise might have had unhappy consequences, especially to 
 the two countries concerned, but also for the interests of 
 Great Britain and other parties to treaties." Sir Harry 
 Parkes, the English minister in Japan, wrote to Lord Derby, 
 that the Mikado, the Emperor of that land, had invited him 
 to an interview for the purpose of expressing his satisfaction 
 at the result, and through him to present his warm thanks for 
 his brave and efficient service. The Japanese minister in 
 London also called upon Lord Derby and expressed the 
 thanks of his Government to Mr. Wade. " He could assure 
 me," said Lord Derby, when he repeated the words of his 
 excellency, " that the service which has thus been rendered 
 will remain in grateful remembrance among his country- 
 men." 
 
 D 
 
34 I'AX MUNDI. 
 
 adjusted by a compromise brought about by 
 ex-president Grant, who in a conversation with 
 the Chinese Minister uttered these memorable 
 words : '' An arbitration between two nations 
 will never satisfy both nations alike ; but it 
 always satisfies the conscience of humanity/' ^ 
 
 Not to be tedious, I pass over here many 
 other remarkable instances in which war and 
 lesser misfortunes have been averted by arbi- 
 
 ^ This dispute had assumed quite a serious and menac- 
 ing character when the ex-president Grant, on his journey- 
 round the world, came to China. When his arrival be- 
 came known, the Chinese prince, Kung, submitted to him 
 that he should use his great influence in mediating between 
 the two countries. A specially interesting conversation 
 followed: "We have," said Prince Kung, "studied inter- 
 national law as it is set forth by English and American 
 authors, whose works are translated into Chinese. If any 
 value is to be set upon principles of international right, as set 
 forth by the authors of your nation, the doing away with the 
 independence of the Liu Kiu Islands is an injustice." Grant 
 reminded him that he was there only as a private individual, 
 but added, " It would be a true joy to me if my advice or 
 efforts could be the means of preserving peace, especially 
 between two nations for whom I cherish such interest as 
 for China and Japan." Immediately afterwards he returned 
 to Tokio, the capital of Japan, called upon the Emperor and 
 his Minister, and advocated a peaceable settlement of the 
 dispute. He wrote to Prince Kung the result of his medi- 
 ation, and produced a scheme for a Court of Arbitration. 
 
ARBITRATIONS. 35 
 
 tration ; and will now name further only some 
 of the latest date. 
 
 In 1887 a lengthened dispute about bound- 
 aries between Chili and the Argentine Re- 
 public was adjusted by arbitration, through the 
 mediation of the United States Ministers in the 
 two countries. After a complete and precise 
 fixing of the boundary line, an agreement was 
 added : That the Straits of Magellan shall for 
 ever be neutralized ; free passage shall be 
 secured to ships of all nations, and the erection 
 of forts or other military works on either of its 
 shores shall be forbidden. 
 
 Fresh in the memory is the passionate 
 quarrel between Spain and Germany about the 
 Caroline Islands. That was submitted, on 
 Prince Bismarck's proposal, to Pope Leo XIII. 
 for settlement, and was adjusted by him. 
 
 Most people now living remember the 
 Afghanistan boundary question, which was 
 happily solved by the friendliness on both 
 sides of the Russian and English Govern- 
 ments. The whole world followed for a while 
 that dispute with anxiety and disquietude. 
 The press unhappily, as usual, employed its 
 influence in stirring up the national passions in 
 
36 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 both countries. But before it had gone too far, 
 fortunately the feeHngs were quieted by the 
 pubHc being reminded that both England and 
 Russia had taken part in the resolution of the 
 Paris Congress, which declared that when any 
 serious dispute arose between any of the con- 
 tracting powers, it should be referred to the 
 mediation of a friendly power. Upon this 
 ground the English Government proposed to 
 the Russian that the '' dispute should be 
 referred to the ruler of a friendly State, to be 
 adjusted in a manner consistent with the 
 dignity of both lands." This proposal w^as 
 accepted, but did not come into practice. It 
 was not needed. The Afghanistan boundary 
 commission itself carried out its duties to a 
 successful issue. 
 
 Still later many smaller international dis- 
 putes have been solved by arbitration ; for in- 
 stance : — 
 
 Between Italy* and Colombia in South 
 America, respecting Italian subjects who had 
 suffered loss through the last revolution in 
 Colombia, in which Spain as arbitrator decided 
 in favour of Italy. 
 
 Between Brazil and Argentina respecting 
 
ARBITRATIONS. 3 7 
 
 their boundaries, a dispute in which both 
 parties appealed for a settlement to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States of America, and 
 which was adjusted by him. 
 
 Between the United States of North 
 America and Denmark, in which the latter 
 was, by the chosen arbitrator, the English 
 Ambassador at Athens, Sir Edward Monson, 
 after long delay freed from the obligation to 
 pay compensation to the Americans, because 
 the Danish authorities had fired at an 
 American ship which in 1854 was escaping 
 out of the harbour of St. Thomas, and which 
 was suspected of carrying supplies to Venezuela, 
 at that time in insurrection. 
 
 In conclusion it can be urged, — 
 
 That FRA.NCE and Holland agreed to have 
 the boundary between their possessions in 
 Guiana determined by arbitration.^ 
 
 ^ At the Peace of Utrecht, 17 13, it was decided that the 
 course of the river Maronis was the boundary. But that 
 river divides itself into two branches which embrace a large 
 tract of land, almost a fifth part of French Guiana. Neither 
 France nor Holland had claimed that land until gold beds 
 were discovered there, and it had to be decided which of 
 the two arms of the river was to be considered as tlie 
 Maronis, and which as a tributary. 
 
38 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 That the international committee which met 
 in Washington to arrange the impending 
 fishery question between Great Britain, 
 Canada and the United States, decided to 
 recommend the creation of a permanent tri- 
 bunal of arbitration for adjusting future disputes 
 respecting these relations ; also 
 
 That the council of the Swiss Confederation, 
 at the combined request of Portugal and of 
 the Congo State Government has undertaken 
 to arbitrate the possible disputes which may 
 arise respecting the regulation of boundaries 
 amongst their African territories. 
 
 Besides these and other instances which I 
 am acquainted with, many others have certainly 
 taken place, though attracting less attention. 
 
 The idea of arbitration goes peacefully and 
 quietly forward, and the world therefore takes 
 little notice of it. 
 
 It is quite otherwise with the crash of war, 
 whose external show of greatness and glory, 
 and whose inward hatred and crime, are deso- 
 lating the happiness of the nations and are 
 accompanied by distress and gloom 
 
 The one is a fearful hurricane w^hich rends 
 the mountains and breaks in pieces the rocks. 
 
T?IE VOICE OF GOD. 39 
 
 The other is the still small voice, mightier 
 than the devastating storm, since it speaks to 
 us in the name of everlasting righteousness, 
 because it is the voice of God. 
 
NEUTRALITY. 
 
 Side by side with the idea of arbitration, 
 another pacific idea, already powerful, is press- 
 ing forward, and growing into an International 
 Law, namely, the Law of Neutrality. 
 
 He is neutral, who neither takes part for, nor 
 against, in a dispute. Neutrality is the impar- 
 tial position which is not associated with either 
 party. The State is called neutral which 
 neither takes part in a war itself, nor in time of 
 war sides with any of the warring parties. 
 
 In ancient times neutrality was not under- 
 stood as a national right. Neither the Greek 
 nor the Latin language has any word to 
 express the idea. In the days when Roman 
 policy was seeking to drag all the nations of 
 the earth into its net, the Romans saw in other 
 peoples only tributaries who had been subdued 
 by their armies, subject nations who had sub- 
 mitted to the Roman yoke, allies who were 
 compelled to join in their policy of conquest, or 
 lastly enemies, who sooner or later would have 
 
THE CRUSADES. 4 1 
 
 to bow before their victorious legions. Neutral 
 States there were none. 
 
 The centuries immediately following the dis- 
 solution of the Western Roman Empire were 
 filled with constant strife. This continued long 
 before the refining power which exists in the 
 heart of Christianity began to show itself in the 
 foreign relations of States. 
 
 The foundations of modern Europe were 
 laid in war. 
 
 During the Crusades the whole of our con- 
 tinent was under arms. The struggle against 
 the '' infidel " was not simply a contest between 
 one State and another, it was also a contest 
 between Christian Europe and Mohammedan 
 Asia. To be neutral in such a struggle would, 
 according to the judgment of the time, have 
 been equivalent to denying the faith. Within 
 the European States, feudalism exerted no less 
 a hindrance to the embodiment of the principle 
 of neutrality. It would have been thought the 
 gravest crime to loosen the bond of military 
 service which compelled vassals to support with 
 arms the cause of their feudal lords. It was 
 only with the close of the age of feudalism, 
 when Europe began to separate into three or 
 
42 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 four great monarchies, that neutrahty in poHtics 
 became a means of preserving the balance. 
 
 In later times increasing communication and 
 TRADE have above all contributed to the de- 
 velopment of neutral laws. Without the 
 sanction of these, a naval war between two 
 great nations would have made any maritime 
 trade all but impossible. Down to the close of 
 the last century, however, neutral rights were 
 dependent either on national statutes or on 
 special treati'^s concluded between one State 
 and another. The law only gained certain 
 international importance towards the close of 
 the eighteenth century through the neutral 
 ALLIANCES which from time to time were con- 
 tracted between States. 
 
 In the period between 1780 and 1856 the 
 subject gained an entrance by degrees among 
 all maritime nations except England, who, in- 
 dependent of it, and always relying on her own 
 strength, continuously sought to maintain un- 
 limited domination at sea. 
 
 In 1854-56 begins, so far as neutrality is 
 concerned, a new era of international law. 
 
 From this time the opposition which Eng- 
 land raised to the practical application of neu- 
 
NEUTRALITY DURING WAR. 43 
 
 trality in naval war may be regarded as 
 having broken down. On the 30th of March, 
 1854, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 Drouyn de Lhuys, pubhshed a communication, 
 including, amongst other things, that the 
 neutral Hag during the then begun (Crimean) 
 war, should be regarded as a protection for all 
 neutral and hostile private property, except 
 contraband of war. The same day the English 
 Government gave forth in the London Gazette 
 a similar declaration, and on April 19th of the 
 same year the Russian Government notified 
 in the Official Gazette of St. Petersburg that 
 Russia would, during that war, act upon the 
 same rules as the Allied powers. 
 
 The provisions, which thus the Western 
 powers on one side, and Russia on the other, 
 believed themselves bound to observe towards 
 neutral states, were at the Peace of Paris, 
 1856, solemnly ratified as International Law in 
 force for all time. The principles which the 
 plenipotentiary signatories of the Peace Treaty 
 of Paris agreed upon in a proclamation of April 
 1 6th, 1856, are as follows : — 
 
 I. Privateering is and shall be abolished. 
 2. The neutral flag shall protect property 
 
44 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 belonging to the enemy, with the exception of 
 contraband of war. 3. Neutral goods, except 
 contraband of war, may not be seized under 
 the enemy's flag. 4. Blockades In order to be 
 obligatory must be fully effectual ; that Is, shall 
 be maintained with a strength really sufficient 
 to prevent approach to the enemy's coast. 
 
 The Governments which signed the treaty 
 bound themselves also, in this proclamation, 
 to communicate the resolutions to the States 
 which were not called to take part In the Paris 
 Conference, and to Invite them to agree in 
 these decisions. All the European States 
 except Spain, and a number of powers outside 
 Europe, declared themselves ready to carry 
 out in practice the entire resolutions of the 
 proclamation. 
 
 Many wars since then have shaken Europe ; 
 but under all these misfortunes the warring 
 States have not only conscientiously observed 
 the principles laid down in 1856, but they have 
 gone further. In certain points, in applying them, 
 than they by It were bound to do. Thus the 
 Austrian Government issued an order, during 
 the war with France and Sardinia, with respect 
 to maritime national law, in many points far 
 
NEUTRALITY DURING WAR. 45 
 
 beyond what hostile or neutral powers had any 
 ground for requesting. The Imperial decree 
 not only charged its military and civil officers 
 to follow strictly the injunctions of the pro- 
 clamation, but Sardinian and French vessels, 
 which lay moored in Austrian waters, were 
 also to be permitted to load freight and pro- 
 ceed to foreign seas, on condition that they 
 took on board no contraband of war or pro- 
 hibited goods of any description. Immediately 
 on the outbreak of war, the same principles 
 were adopted by France and Sardinia. These 
 States, however, went a step further than 
 Austria, inasmuch as they unreservedly de- 
 clared that they would not regard coal as a 
 contraband of war. 
 
 During the Dano-German War, in 1864, 
 and the war between Austria and Prussia and 
 Italy, in 1866, the international principles of 
 maritime law received a similarly wide inter- 
 pretation. 
 
 During the North American Civil War im- 
 portant questions came up, which more or less 
 affected the principle of neutrality. The ques- 
 tion, which became one of the greatest im- 
 portance, arose in respect of the injury which 
 
46 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 the commerce and navigation of the Union 
 suffered during the war from various privateers 
 which were built in England on the Southerners' 
 account. 
 
 The Alabama Question took its name from 
 the privateer which went out from Liverpool 
 and occasioned the greatest devastation while 
 the war lasted. Although the executive of the 
 Union at Washington duly directed the atten- 
 tion of the English Government to the fact 
 that allowing the pirate to leave the English 
 port would be equivalent to a breach of the 
 peace, yet the Government took no measures 
 to prevent the vessel leaving. The American 
 Government, who with reason regarded this 
 omission as a violation of the laws of neutrality, 
 claimed from England full compensation for 
 the property which had been destroyed in the 
 course of the civil war by the Southern privateer 
 which came from an English port. I have pre- 
 viously given more particularly the constitution 
 and functions of the Court of Arbitration ap- 
 pointed to settle the threatening dispute which 
 arose on this occasion. The arbitration award 
 had to be adjudicated in accordance with the 
 three following fundamental principles of inter- 
 national law : — 
 
LAWS OF NEUTRALITY. 47 
 
 A neutral Government is bound : — 
 
 1. To guard assiduously against any vessel 
 being armed or equipped in its ports, which 
 there is reason to believe would be employed 
 for warlike purposes against a peaceful power, 
 and with equal assiduity to prevent any vessel 
 designed for privateering, or other hostility, 
 from leaving the domain of the neutral State : 
 
 2. Not to allow any belligerent power to 
 make use of its ports or harbours as the basis 
 of its operations, or for strengthening or repair- 
 ing its military strength, or for enlisting : 
 
 3. To use every care within its ports and 
 harbours and over all persons within its 
 domain, to prevent any violation of the obliga- 
 tions named. 
 
 The contracting parties to this treaty agreed 
 to hold themselves responsible for the future, 
 and to bring them before the notice of other 
 Maritime powers, with the recommendation 
 that they also should enter into them. 
 
 The historical facts here produced show that 
 the mutual interest nations have in the invio- 
 lability of the seas has effectually contributed 
 to the development of an accepted international 
 law. 
 
48 TAX MUNDI. 
 
 When the necessity of making the principles 
 of neutraHty binding at sea was once under- 
 stood, it was not long before the value of adopt- 
 ing them on land became apparent. 
 
 In the documents, for instance, by which Bel- 
 gium, Switzerland and Luxemburg are neutral- 
 ized, it is distinctly stated that the permanent 
 neutrality of these States is in full accord with 
 the true interests of European policy. 
 
 According to the actual modern law of 
 nations, there is a permanent neutrality guaran- 
 teed by international deeds of law and treaties, 
 and one occasionally resting upon free decisions.^ 
 
 As instances of permanent and guaranteed 
 neutrality, we have : The Neutralization of 
 
 ^ This and the following regulations are taken from 
 Bluntschli's *' Das moderne Volkerrecht der civilizirten 
 Staatens," Nordlingen, 1872. Some of the treaty provisions 
 and questions are grounded upon " Recueil des traites, con- 
 ventions," etc., par Ch. de Martens and F de Cussy, Leipzig, 
 1846, and '* Archives diplomatiques : " 
 
 — Since practical abstaining from war is the natural assump- 
 tion of neutrality, a neutral State is bound not to assist any 
 belligerent power in warlike purposes. 
 
 — A neutral State may not supply a belligerent power with 
 weapons or other war material. 
 
 — If private persons furnish belligerent powers with war 
 material as articles of commerce, they assuredly run the risk 
 
LAWS OF NEUTRALITY. 49 
 
 Switzerland. Ever since the unhappy ItaHan 
 war in the beginning of the sixteenth century, the 
 Swiss Confederation has endeavoured to assure 
 to the country the security which neutrahty gives. 
 This neutrahty was recognised and guaran- 
 teed by the great European powers at the 
 Congress of Vienna in 1815 (art. 84 and 92), 
 and later was further solemnly confirmed by a 
 special act of the powers at Paris, Nov. 20th 
 of the same year, in which it was stated : 
 
 of confiscation by the contending parties of such articles, 
 as contraband of war ; but the neutral State is not to be 
 regarded as having violated its neutrality by tolerating trade 
 in contraband of war. 
 
 — Permission freely to purchase food even upon account of 
 a belligerent power is not regarded as a serious concession 
 towards that State, provided that the permission is general, 
 applying alike to both parties. 
 
 — A neutral State may not permit the war-ships of a belli- 
 gerent power to run into its ports or (with any other object 
 than to procure provisions, water, coal, etc.) to traverse its 
 sounds, rivers and canals. 
 
 — Belligerent powers are bound fully to respect the right of 
 peace of the neutral States, and to abstain from any invasion 
 of their territories. 
 
 — Where a violation of neutral territory has taken place 
 from ignorance of the boundary and not from evil intent, 
 the neutral State shall immediately claim redress, compen- 
 sation, and the adoption of measures necessary to prevent a 
 similar mistake in future. 
 
50 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 "The powers declare ... by a permanent 
 act that the permanent neutrahty and invio- 
 lability of Switzerland, as well as its indepen- 
 dence of foreign influence, accords with the true 
 interests of European policy.^ 
 
 The Neutralization of Belgium. In 
 virtue of the Treaty of London, Nov. 15th, 
 1 83 1 (art. vii.), further confirmed by the 
 pQwers April 19th, 1839, a permanent neu- 
 trality was awarded to Belgium. 
 
 This country, which for centuries had served 
 as a battle-ground for foreign powers, especially 
 for France and Germany, was hereby secured 
 against such dangers, and at the same time 
 the field for European warfare was materially 
 narrowed. 
 
 Article vii. of the London protocol runs 
 thus : " Belgium shall, within the boundaries 
 established in art. i. and iv., form an indepen- 
 dent State. The kingdom is bound to observe 
 the same neutrality towards all States.^ 
 
 During the Franco-German war 1 870-1, the 
 
 1 See in respect of this act, '' Recueil des traites, conven- 
 tions," etc., Ch. de Martens and F. de Cussy, Part iii. p. 243 
 Leipzig, 1846. 
 
 2 See Ch. de Martens and F. de Cussy, in the above-named 
 collection, Part iv. p. 575. 
 
PAX MUNDI. 51 
 
 neutralization of Belgium was threatened with 
 violation by France, and further guarantees were 
 given in new protocols arranged by England. 
 
 The Neutralization of the Archduchy 
 OF Luxemburg resulted from the London pro- 
 tocol of May nth, 1867. 
 
 As an evidence of the power and importance 
 in our day of entering into agreements of 
 neutrality, the following may be adduced : — 
 
 During the Franco-German war, 1 870-1, the 
 Prussian Government complained to the guaran- 
 teeing powers of conduct at variance with 
 neutrality on the part of Luxemburg, and 
 threatened no longer to respect the neutrality 
 of the Archduchy. (Despatch of Prince Bis- 
 marck, Dec. 3rd, 1870.) 
 
 In consequence of this, Count Beust, the 
 Austrian chancellor, in an opinion given Dec. 
 22nd of the same year, remarked, that upon the 
 ground of the principle of European guarantee, 
 it belonged to the powers who had signed the 
 document of neutralization, to inquire into and 
 to settle whether a violation had taken place on 
 the part of the neutral State, and not to one of 
 the belligerent powers.^ 
 
 ^ Respecting the correspondence on this question, see the 
 remainder of *' Archives diplomatiques," 1871-72. 
 
52 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Besides the States named, a permanent neu- 
 trality has been secured to the Ionian Islands 
 according to the treaties of London, 1863-64 ; 
 and also to the Samoan Islands, in virtue 
 of the agreement between England, Germany, 
 and the United States of North America, 
 whereby, amongst other things, it was settled 
 that in case of any difference of opinion arising, 
 an appeal should be made to arbitration ; and 
 that a supreme tribunal should be created with 
 a supreme judge, whom the King of Sweden 
 and Norway has been empowered to name. 
 
 One general advantage which neutralization 
 affords is the simplification with respect to 
 foreign policy thereby obtained. 
 
 The attitude of a neutralized State can be 
 reckoned on beforehand by all parties. 
 
 In proportion to its military importance and 
 position, a neutral country constitutes in many 
 ways a security to all the powers. 
 
 It is in close connection with neutralization 
 that in these days an ever-growing need is 
 becoming apparent to localize wars as much 
 as possible ; that is, to confine them to those 
 who begin them. 
 
LOCALIZING WAR. 53 
 
 As a result of the extraordinarily rapid de- 
 velopment of world-wide trade and intercourse, 
 and the consequent community of interests, a 
 war between two States necessarily occasions 
 more or less derangement to the rest. 
 
 In this increasing solidarity lies the surest 
 guarantee that neutrality will be respected. 
 
 We may already be justified in drawing the 
 conclusion that the security of neutral States 
 will continually increase. 
 
 Supported upon these foundations of history 
 and of international law, a discussion was raised 
 on the neutralization of Sweden, in the First 
 Chamber by Major C. A. Adelskold, and by 
 myself in the Second, in the hope thereby not 
 only to oppose the King's bill for the extension 
 of the war department, but also especially to 
 open the way for a profitable solution of the 
 tough, old, threadbare question of Defence.^ 
 
 ^ Motion in the Second Chamber, No. 97. 
 
 Since the European States have settled into their present 
 grouping, the material preponderance of the great powers 
 over the smaller countries has more and more diminished 
 the possibility of these defending their external liberty and 
 independence by military power only. 
 
 There are States whose whole male population cannot 
 
54 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 equal or barely exceed the number, which a great power can 
 command for its fully equipped army. 
 
 In olden time, a small high-spirited people might with 
 success fight against a greater and more powerful neighbour. 
 In consequence of the weak organization, the feeble spirit 
 of cohesion and the slightly developed art of war, it was 
 then possible. 
 
 Now this condition is changed. As a rule we find that 
 the military strength of a State is in direct proportion to its 
 population and material wealth. 
 
 The consequence is that the smaller States have virtually 
 ceased to be belligerent powers. Such examples as Ger- 
 many's proceeding against Denmark in 1864, and England's 
 against Egypt in 1882, or in general, when the stronger 
 State only needs to consider how large a portion of its forces 
 must be employed to accomplish its object, are not to be 
 considered as wars, but as military executions. 
 
 As to our own country (Sweden), it certainly has, together 
 with Norway, an advantage in its situation above other 
 small powers. But it concerns us that we utilize this 
 advantage with wisdom and at the right time. This is not 
 to be done by turning Sweden into a military State, because 
 even if we did so to the greatest possible extent, we should, 
 if left to ourselves, not even so be in a condition to defend 
 ourselves against our powerful neighbours. 
 
 In proportion as a nation exhausts its resources by mili- 
 tary preparations, its ability lessens to cope with an over- 
 powering enemy. 
 
 In our day, not only are great and well-disciplined hosts 
 required for carrying on war, but great material riches are 
 equally indispensable. The relation between a nation of 
 four or five millions, and one of forty or fifty millions, is like 
 that between the dwarfs and the giants. 
 
NEUTRALIZATION OF SWEDEN. 55 
 
 It is easily understood that patriotic feelings may bewilder 
 the judgment, and that our nation, with its brilliant war 
 memories, can only with difficulty perceive this simple truth, 
 and with reluctance accommodate itself to the changed con- 
 dition which modern times have created. 
 
 Let us, however, realize that we are standing at the parting 
 of the ways ; that we have before us the alternative, on the 
 one hand, of a barren and ruinous militarism ; on the other, 
 the seeking of our defence in a neutrality guaranteed by the 
 united powers ; making it possible for us to get our defence 
 adjusted, without any very great difficulty, and settled upon 
 a footing so satisfactory. 
 
 The first-named alternative would, in our naturally poor 
 land, excessively depress our natural vitality, and in a great 
 degree prevent our progress as a cultured people keeping 
 pace with greater and wealthier nations. The second would 
 put us into a position to confine our military burdens with- 
 in reasonable limits, and to expend the powers and re- 
 sources of prosperity thus relieved, in means of promoting 
 business, trade, science, and well-being of all kinds. 
 
 The clear-sighted friend of his country, who sees the popu- 
 lation in ever-swelling numbers leaving their homes for a 
 foreign shore, seeking a new fatherland, will surely not 
 hesitate in his choice. 
 
 It will perhaps be said that such a choice does not now 
 lie before us. There are two opinions about that. But in 
 one thing we may all unite, namely, that a settled neutrality 
 for Sweden is a thing to be aimed at. Here almost every 
 interest of the fatherland converges. 
 
 But if such a neutralization is considered by many not a 
 sufficient peace-protection under all circumstances, yet no 
 one with reason can deny that it does form a security 
 for our country against foreign powers. 
 
56 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Accepting this conclusion as correct, it follows that we 
 should find some practicable means of realizing it ; and if 
 hindrances do meet us, we shall, on nearer inspection, find 
 that they are not great, but with hearty goodwill and perse- 
 verance may be overcome. 
 
 This is my conviction. 
 
 In drawing attention to the subjoined, I would further 
 bring to mind that the seat of war in Europe is limited in 
 the proportion in which the number of neutralized States 
 grows, a condition of things which may little by little in an 
 essential degree impede or prevent the outbreak of war ; 
 that the peculiar situation of Sweden (greatly superior, for 
 example, to Belgium or Switzerland) must naturally facilitate 
 its neutralization ; that, lastly, the neutrality proposed does 
 not stand in the way of arranging our own defence, but the 
 rather, in case Parliament rejects his Majesty's army bill, 
 adapts itself powerfully to contribute to a right solution of 
 the Defence quesiioJi ; and so much the more, as all suspicion 
 that that old vexed question aims perhaps at something 
 more and other than defence of the country would there- 
 by disappear. 
 
 For this reason — and since we cannot expect that other 
 powers should take the first step and offer us what we do 
 not ask for — I respectfully propose : — 
 
 That Parliament shall in waiting express to the king its 
 desire that it might please his Majesty to initiate^ amongst 
 the states with tvhich Sweden has diplomatic relations^ negoti- 
 ations for bringing about a permanent guaranteed^ neutrality 
 of Stveden^ in harmony ivith the principles of modern inter- 
 national law. K. P. Arnoldson. 
 
 Stockholm, February^ 1883. 
 
 ^ The word ** guaranteed " was inserted in the motion contrary to 
 the opinion of the committee. 
 
SWEDEN AND NORWAY. 5 7 
 
 This motion was supported by — 
 S. A. Hedlund, J. JoNASSEX, Arvid Gumcelius, 
 
 Gullaboas, 
 Will. Farup, C. J. Svens^n, J. Jonassen, 
 
 J. Andersson, a. Th.Wallenius, Eric Olsson, 
 
 Tenhuset, 
 J. E. Ericsson, P. M. Larsson, J. A. Ericssont, 
 
 Ahlberga, Loa, 
 
 Pehr Pehrsson, p. G. Petersson, Lars Nilsson, 
 F. F. BoRG, C. G. Otterborg. 
 
 Before this resolution was brought into the 
 
 Riksdag, I had read it to seventy members of 
 
 the Riksdag, who unanimously accepted it, as 
 
 did also, later on, in the main, a majority of the 
 
 [Norwegian] Storting.^ And as soon as the 
 
 purport of the resolution became generally 
 
 known through the press, there came in from 
 
 popular meetings all over Sweden numerous 
 
 ^ Taken from the following communication : 
 At a meeting, March 3ESt, 1883, of the Association of 
 members of the Storting, a document was presented, being 
 a motion in the Second Chamber, No. 97, respecting the 
 NeutraHzation of Sweden ; which document was sent to 
 the president of the meeting by a Swedish M.P. 
 
 In consequence of this the following declaration and 
 resolution was voted unanimously : Recognising that the 
 neutralization of a single country is in the interest of uni- 
 versal peace ; that being secured from foreign attack by 
 stronger nations, gives ability to use its own resources and 
 develop its institutions, including its defence, according to 
 
58 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 congratulatory addresses to Major Adelskold 
 and myself. 
 
 But from its very commencement the propo- 
 sition met with an unconquerable opposition 
 from those in power. 
 
 With great unanimity efforts were made in 
 this quarter to depreciate the value and the 
 historical importance of the principle of neu- 
 trality. All possible means were used with 
 this object, to touch the tenderest fibres of the 
 national feelings. It would be a disgrace to us, 
 it was said, to employ any other than military 
 power in asserting our primeval freedom. We 
 should thereby break off from our glorious 
 history, and draw a black line over its brilliant 
 warlike reminiscences. There were certainly 
 neutral countries to be found, but their neu- 
 trality was not the result of their own desire, 
 
 its special requirements ; that the condition and situation 
 of our country give equal opportunity for working for this 
 object, and facilities for its attainment ; and that the action 
 taken in the Swedish Rigsdag upon the question, seriously 
 calls our attention to it on the ground of the constitutional 
 relation between the kingdoms and their union in war and 
 in peace ; a committee is requested to take into consider- 
 ation, how the question may be subjected to further atten- 
 tion. 
 
 A. QUAM, Secretary of the Association. 
 
OPPONENTS OF NEUTRALIZATION. 59 
 
 but proceeded from the great powers them- 
 selves. Should we then, they say further, be 
 the first people to take such a step ? Would 
 it not be equivalent to begging peace of our 
 neighbour, and declaring ourselves incapable 
 before the whole w^orld ? The sensible thing 
 would be to further develop and strengthen our 
 army. The resolution was called a political 
 demonstration of indigence ; a disgusting nihil- 
 ist plot, and so on. One member of the 
 Riksdag proposed that it should be consigned 
 to a committee charged with arranging for 
 sending beasts abroad. Scoffs came thick as 
 hail; and when it became known that the mover 
 in the Second Chamber v^2.^ its author, the really 
 guilty one, he was branded as a universal 
 traitor, — ^just as the year before, when he raised 
 a peaceable question about extended liberty of 
 conscience. 
 
 In my defence of the resolution in the 
 Riksdag, I sought to anticipate all objections 
 to it which were worthy of notice.^ 
 
 Amongst these I give special attention to the 
 following five : — 
 
 1 Protocol of the Second Chamber, No 33, April 28th, 
 1883. 
 
60 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 1. '' The powers will not enter into the 
 
 neutralization of Sweden. 
 
 2. ''But if, contrary to expectation, they 
 
 did, the safety of the country would 
 gain nothing by it. 
 
 3. '' On the contrary, our independence 
 
 would be diminished by a guaranteed 
 neutrality. 
 
 4. '' Without lessening our military burdens 
 
 for defence. 
 
 5. '' The proposition is untimely." 
 
 With regard to the first objection, viz., that 
 the powers would not enter upon Sweden's 
 neutralization, it appears to me that circum- 
 stances of great weight imply the contrary. 
 
 We may be quite sure that the powers will 
 first and foremost consult their own interests. 
 Scandinavia may be certainly regarded as 
 specially valuable as a base of military opera- 
 tions to any of the great Baltic and Western 
 States. But it would be quite a matter of 
 consideration, whether these powers would not 
 gain more by the reciprocal security of being all 
 alike cut off from this base, than by the doubtful 
 advantage of being possibly able to reckon upon 
 Scandinavia as an ally. 
 
NEUTRALIZATION OF SCANDINAVIA. 6 1 
 
 A neutralized Scandinavia would be a 
 Switzerland among the seas ; a breakwater in 
 the way between England and France on the 
 one side, and Russia and Germany on the 
 other. In case of a war between these great 
 powers it would now be of considerable 
 moment for any of them to get the powers 
 along the coasts of the Sound and the Belts, 
 upon its side. And how difficult it would be 
 for the latter to preserve their neutrality during 
 such a war, must be evident to everybody. 
 
 So the interests are seen to be equally great 
 on all sides. It may therefore be deemed pru- 
 dent to establish, in time, a permanent neutrality 
 of the powers along the coast. Here, according 
 to my view, lies a great problem for the foreign 
 secretaries of the united kingdoms and Den- 
 mark. 
 
 My reason for speaking here of neutralizing 
 the whole of Scandinavia is, that I am con- 
 vinced that the brother-nations take entirely 
 the same view as the Swedish. With respect 
 to the general interests of European peace, the 
 neutralization of Scandinavia would be more 
 important than that of Switzerland and 
 Belgium, because the interests of the great 
 
62 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 powers are greater and more equally balanced 
 around the Scandinavian North than around 
 those two small continental States. 
 
 We have old friends in the Western powers ; 
 we have gained a new friend in united 
 Germany ; and by the neutralization of 
 Scandinavia we shall not only make friendship 
 with Russia, but Denmark will gain that of 
 Germany, perhaps causing the last-named 
 power to fulfil its duty to Denmark with 
 respect to North Sleswick, seeing that it need 
 no longer fear that its small neighbour would 
 ever be forced into an alliance with a powerful 
 enemy of Germany. 
 
 But it is not only the political interests of the 
 powers which would be advanced by the neu- 
 tralization of Scandinavia. 
 
 In the course of the last ten years world- 
 wide traffic has made an unheard-of growth and 
 connecting links between nations have been 
 formed in many regions. As an example of the 
 effect of these we may mention that even thirty 
 years ago the normal freightage for corn was 
 50-60 shillings sterling per ton, from the Black 
 Sea to North Europe ; but the freightage from 
 California and Australia to Europe, now, hardly 
 
TRADE ASPECTS. 63 
 
 exceeds the half. A European war would 
 exercise a paralyzing effect here. Every one 
 who has any conception of the influence of the 
 price of corn on, to speak broadly, the whole 
 civilization of modern times, will easily under- 
 stand this. 
 
 Before the century closes this development 
 will have woven a net of common interest all 
 over our continent, and necessarily called forth 
 such a sensitiveness in the corporate body of 
 Europe, that, for example, an injury in the foot 
 of Italy may be said to cause pain right up to 
 Norway. 
 
 The merchant fleet of Norway, alone, is 
 indeed the third in rank of all the merchant 
 fleets of the world. As is well known, the 
 united kingdoms take an advanced place in 
 the carrying trade by sea. According to what 
 was told me by a distinguished merchant, the 
 transport trade undertaken by Norwegian and 
 Swedish ships between foreign countries is 
 five times greater than that between home 
 and foreign lands. Consequently, as the keen 
 competition between steam and sailing vessels 
 increases, the only country which can dispense 
 with the service of our sailing vessels is 
 
64 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 England, the great power upon which we may 
 reckon always as an ally. Most of the remain- 
 ing countries, on the other hand, require our 
 merchant fleet. 
 
 Since, now, we could not of course defend 
 our merchant service in a war, and other and 
 greater nations may be jeopardized as much 
 as we, it may be assumed that they would 
 be willing, through the neutralization of Scan- 
 dinavia, to secure its fleet against the even- 
 tualities of war. 
 
 If we add such interests as affect trade and 
 credit, civilization and humanity, to the political 
 interests, it appears that we may plead on 
 grounds of strong probability that the great 
 powers would be willing to guarantee our 
 neutrality. 
 
 According to the second objection, the 
 country would gain no security from a guaran- 
 teed neutrality, even if, contrary to expectation, 
 such could be obtained. 
 
 Perfect safety cannot be attained here on 
 earth by any system. This is as true for 
 nations as for individuals ; but I believe that 
 a neutrality thus guaranteed would be a strong 
 protection to our national independence, whilst 
 
INCREASED SECURITY. 65 
 
 in a not inconsiderable degree it would contri- 
 bute to the preservation of peace, and gradually 
 help to lessen the military burdens of all lands ; 
 consequently, and in the first place, of our own. 
 
 Treaties, it is said, are broken as easily as 
 they are made. Even if it be true that this has 
 occurred, it does not necessarily follow that it 
 must continue to occur. New factors may come 
 in making it more difficult to break engage- 
 ments that have been entered into. 
 
 Experience shows that righteous laws have 
 been transgressed, but no one would aver that 
 they are therefore unnecessary. As the moral 
 power of the law makes it possible to diminish 
 the police force, so also treaties of neutrality 
 make it possible to diminish the military 
 forces. 
 
 Besides, our opponents ought to bring for- 
 ward evidence that the rights of States at 
 present neutralized have been violated. That 
 they have been threatened is true, and it would 
 have been a wonder if this had not happened 
 under the lawless condition which has obtained 
 among nations. 
 
 The idea of neutrality has, nevertheless, as I 
 have tried to show by many examples, little by 
 
 F 
 
66 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 little developed into a valid principle of justice ; 
 and the growth continues. The neutralization 
 of Scandinavia would bring it a great step 
 forward, to the blessing both of ourselves and 
 of other nations. 
 
 According to objections 3 and 4, a guaran- 
 teed neutrality w^ould diminish our independ- 
 ence without contributinof to lessen our burdens 
 for defence. 
 
 The truth is, that international law as at 
 present constituted does not permit another 
 power to interfere under any pretext with the 
 internal concerns of a neutral state, and there- 
 fore not with anything which affects its system 
 of defence or its measures for preserving its 
 neutrality. With these the neutral State, and it 
 only, can deal. 
 
 As a proof of this being so, Luxemburg was 
 neutralized in 1867 upon condition that the 
 strong fortress bearing that name should be 
 demolished. But this circumstance, imperative 
 for the general peace of Europe, shows on the 
 other hand that guaranteeing powers do not 
 w^illingly impose upon a State any serious duty 
 of fortifying itself in order to defend its rights. 
 Nevertheless the powers found it needful to 
 
RIGHTS OF DEFENCE. 67 
 
 make a supplementary clause to the protocol 
 by which the congress concluded the neutrality 
 of Luxemburg, whereby it was emphasized, 
 as a matter of course, that the article respecting 
 the destruction of the fortress of Luxemburg 
 did not imply any sort of limitation of the right 
 of the neutral State to maintain, or, if it chose, 
 to improve its own works of defence. Belgium 
 did indeed construct the great fortresses around 
 Antwerp long after the country was neutralized. 
 
 In reference to what one and another has 
 said about the value of the subject, nothing is 
 needed beyond the fact that neutral rights have, 
 even in its present position, been respected in 
 all essentials. That a neutral power must ab- 
 stain from mixing itself up with the policy of 
 other powers cannot imply a greater limitation 
 of its right to self- regulation than that a guar- 
 anteeing power shall abstain from attacking 
 a neutralized State or from making military 
 alliance with it. There is certainly a limitation 
 for both parties, as far as is necessary for 
 adopting an intelligent union between States, 
 — a limitation of physical force and of love 
 of war. 
 
 The neutral State has not to submit to any 
 
C5 PAX MUNDT. 
 
 guardianship beyond what any man must do 
 and does, when he subjects his passions to the 
 control of a moral purpose. 
 
 Seeing that a guaranteeing State has no right 
 to interfere in our internal concerns, not even 
 in anything we think good for our defence, we 
 shall always be free to keep up a military force, 
 large or small. But a neutralized State is 
 obliged to disarm the troops of other belligerent 
 powers that may overstep its frontiers, just as 
 of course, under the lawless condition which 
 war is and which it entails, it has, according to 
 its abiUty, to protect its boundaries with arms. 
 But if this duty cannot exempt Switzerland and 
 Belgium from proportionately large war burdens 
 in time of peace, this would not at all in the 
 same degree affect the neutralization of the 
 Scandinavian peninsula, since there could never 
 be a question of disarming troops which had 
 overstepped its boundaries, but only of pre- 
 venting the war-ships of a belHgerent power 
 from entering Norw^egian or Swedish seas, a 
 thing which, under the protection of a guaran- 
 teed neutrality, could not take place. 
 
 Respecting the fifth objection, which declares 
 that the proposition is untimely, I do not hesi- 
 
ADVANTAGES TO SCANDINAVIA. 69 
 
 tate to express my opinion that just now, duiing 
 the truce which prevails, is the time to bring 
 it forward. The need of a settled peace in- 
 creases everywhere, and it is therefore probable 
 that a proposition to the great powers respect- 
 ing a guaranteed neutrality for the united king- 
 doms would meet with general sympathy in 
 Europe. 
 
 On these and many other grounds I sought 
 to maintain my proposition. 
 
 It was opposed by the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, Baron Hochschild, amongst others, who 
 declared that he could not possibly support 
 it. He informed us that the whole of his col- 
 leagues in the Government took the same view 
 of the subject as himself He desired that the 
 bill as well as the contingent appointment of a 
 committee should be thrown out totally and 
 entirely. 
 
 As the minister in this way has made the 
 matter into a cabinet question, there could 
 not well, under the present conditions, be any 
 question of the adoption of the bill. 
 
 In spite of this, however, the request of the 
 Foreign Minister was not complied with, see- 
 ing the Second Chamber adopted an amend- 
 
70 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 ment after fifty-three members had voted for 
 the acceptance of the original bill. 
 
 By the amendment which was adopted, the 
 Chamber did not accept the grounds of the 
 committee's opinion — which the Foreign Sec- 
 retary approved — but, in the hope that the 
 Government would spontaneously carry out the 
 chief object of the bill, accepted for the pre- 
 sent the report of the committee that no address 
 be sent to the King on the subject. 
 
 By reason of this result in the Second 
 Chamber no action was taken in the First on 
 the matter.^ 
 
 During the debate in the Second Chamber, 
 April 28, the Foreign Secretary remarked that 
 I must have overlooked the fact that the Euro- 
 pean powers had, ever since 1814, looked upon 
 the two kingdoms of the Scandinavian penin- 
 sula as a political unity in questions relating 
 to peace and war ; why otherwise should I 
 propose from the first that the sister kingdom 
 should have the opportunity of expressing it- 
 
 * See on the dealing with the question in Parh'ament, 
 " Riksda<;strycket '*' 1883. Motion in the Second Chamber, 
 No. 97, pp. 1-8 ; First Chamber, protocol No. 33, pj). 3-4, 
 etc., etc. 
 
DEBATE IN SWEDISH CHAMBER. 71 
 
 self on a matter which concerned Norway 
 equally with Sweden. This objection was 
 without foundation. 
 
 During the drawn debate, March 3, I had 
 already taken occasion to point out that it 
 would not be seemly for one moving a resolu- 
 tion in the Swedish Riksdag to act as spokes- 
 man for Norway ; at the same time expressing 
 my confidence that the Storting would meet 
 us in a friendly manner, if the Riksdag ap- 
 proved the bill with respect to Sweden.^ 
 
 ^ Mr. Arnoldson's speech ran thus : — 
 
 " The second speaker on the Right propounded certain 
 difficulties, amongst others, one referring to Sweden's union 
 with Norway. Since Sweden and Norway have the same 
 foreign poHcy, and the initiative in this question comes from 
 Sweden, the Union King ought certainly to be able to act 
 freely in the common interest of the two kingdoms. In any 
 case, it is probable, as Mr. Hedlund remarked, that if the 
 Riksdag takes the first step it will not be long before the 
 Storting comes to meet us. It was chiefly on the ground 
 of courtesy that I did not undertake to speak for Norway 
 too in the Riksdag. We know that the Norse — and it 
 does them honour — are tenacious of their right of deciding 
 for themselves. I do not think it would be seemly for the 
 mover of such a resolution as this to make himself their 
 spokesman in the Swedish Riksdag — not to mention the 
 positive incorrectness of the proceeding. This is why I 
 limited the matter to Sweden in my proposition." 
 
72 PAX MUNDL 
 
 That the neutraHzation ought to include nOi 
 only Norway, but Denmark too, seems to be 
 obvious. 
 
 A highly esteemed jurist, Count L. Kama- 
 ROWSKY, professor of law at the University of 
 Moscow, puts it as a matter of great importance 
 in the interests of the world's peace that in- 
 ternational seas and coasts should be neutral- 
 ized.^ This particularly affects Denmark in 
 connection with the other two Scandinavian 
 States. Such a neutralization, he says, will 
 lead to a disarmament in the Sound and Belts. 
 These great traffic-ways would then be acces- 
 sible for the merchant and war vessels of all 
 nations. They must not be fortified, but the 
 freedom of navigation would be watched over 
 by an international committee. 
 
 At the Conference at Berlin in 1885, where 
 fifteen States were represented, just principles 
 were adopted for the navigation of the Congo 
 and the Niger. Free navigation and commerce 
 on these rivers was secured to the flags of all 
 nations. The same principle was likewise ex- 
 tended to their tributaries and lakes, together 
 
 1 " Revue de droit international et de Legislation coni- 
 par^e,'*' 1888, 2. 
 
BERLIN CONFERENCE. 73 
 
 With canals and railroads which might in the 
 future be constructed to get past the unnavig- 
 able portions of the Congo and Niger. Not 
 even in time of war may the freedom of com- 
 munication and commerce be interrupted. The 
 transport of contraband of war alone is for- 
 bidden. An international commission takes care 
 that all these international agreements are kept 
 in force. This authority, composed of delegates 
 from each of the States which took part in the 
 Berlin Conference, is independent of the local 
 authorities in Congo-land. 
 
 Now, every free people has naturally an in- 
 dependent right to arrange its own affairs as it 
 chooses, upon condition that it grants the same 
 right to every other State. 
 
 In consequence of this principle in inter- 
 national law, neutralization is applied in very 
 varied ways according to the very varying 
 conditions of those who have the benefit of it, 
 and altogether in harmony with their wishes. 
 Thus, for example, neutralization when it con- 
 cerns a territory, consists not only in forbidding 
 any warlike operation in the domain thus 
 rendered inviolate, but involves a similar 
 prohibition with respect to any marching or 
 
74 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 countermarching of armies, or smaller detach- 
 ments, even of single officers or soldiers. 
 
 A canal or a strait may be so neutralized, on 
 the other hand, that all warlike operations are 
 forbidden in it, but nevertheless it is open for 
 passage through, yet upon condition that no 
 belligerent has a right, in passing through, to 
 land upon the shores of the neutralized region. 
 
 This is the kind of neutralization which 
 appears applicable to the Scandinavian seas. 
 
 One question which for a long time came up 
 constantly at the congresses of Peace Societies, 
 was the Neutralization of the Suez Canal, 
 until it became at last solved in practice. After 
 tedious negotiations, this burning question was 
 settled by an agreement between England and 
 France in the treaty of October 24, 1887, which 
 was later entered into by the other powers 
 interested ; and that important channel of com- 
 munication became at all times inviolate.^ 
 
 1 The most important provisions of the treaty are the 
 following :^ 
 
 Article i. The Suez Canal shall always be free and open 
 whether in time of war or peace, for both merchant and war- 
 ships, whatever flag they carry. The treaty-powers there- 
 fore decide that the use of this canal shall not be limited 
 
NEUTRALIZATION OF STATES, ETC. 75 
 
 Upon the proj^ramme of the friends of peace 
 questions have long been mooted respecting 
 the neutrahzation of Elsass-Lothringen, and of 
 the Balkan States, together with that of the 
 Danube, Bosphorus, Sea of Marmora, Darda- 
 nelles, and their European coasts ; whereupon 
 should follow the rendering inviolate of Con- 
 stantinople ; as also of the Baltic, and as 
 
 either in time of peace or war. The canal can never be 
 blockaded. 
 
 Article 4. No fortifications which can be used for military 
 operations against the Suez Canal, may be erected at any 
 point which would command or menace it. No points 
 which command or menace its entrance or course may be 
 occupied in a military sense. 
 
 Article 5 provides that, although the Suez Canal shall be 
 open in war-time, no belligerent action shall take place in 
 its vicinity or in its harbours, or within a distance from its 
 area which shall be determined by the international com- 
 mittee that watches over the canal. 
 
 Article 6 is a continuation of the foregoing and runs 
 thus : In time of war none of the belligerent powers are 
 permitted to land, or to take on board, ammunition or other 
 war material, either in the canal or in its harbours. 
 
 Article 8. The powers are not allowed to keep any war- 
 ship in the waters of the canal. But they may lay up war- 
 ships in the harbours of Port Said and Suez to a number 
 not exceeding two of any nation. 
 
 Article 9. The representatives in Egypt of the powers 
 who signed the treaty shall be charged with seeing to its 
 
76 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 a result of this, the neutrahzation of the Scan- 
 dinavian kingdoms. 
 
 In connection with the neutralization of the 
 Sound has arisen the still newer question of 
 the non-German region north of the North 
 Sea Canal, now in course of construction, be- 
 tween the mouth of the Elbe and the naval 
 port of Kiel. 
 
 By constituting Elsass-Lothringen into an 
 independent neutral State, a division would 
 be made between France and Germany, and 
 
 fulfilment. In all cases where free passage through the 
 canal may be menaced, they shall meet upon the summons 
 of the senior member to investigate the facts. They shall 
 acquaint the Khedive's Government with the danger antici- 
 pated, that it may take the measures needful to secure the 
 safety and unimpeded use of the canal. They shall meet 
 regularly once a year to ascertain that the treaty is properly 
 observed. They shall most especially require the deposi- 
 tion of all works and dispersion of all collections of troops 
 which on any part of the area of the canal might either 
 design or cause a menace to the free passage or to the 
 security thereof. 
 
 Article lo treats of the obligations of the Egyptian 
 Government and runs thus : — 
 
 The Egyptian Government shall, so far as its power by 
 firman goes, take the measures necessary for enforcing the 
 treaty. In case the Egyptian Government has not adequate 
 means it shall apply to the Sublime Porte, which will then 
 
THE BLACK SEA AND THE BALTIC. 77 
 
 these great powers would be separated by a 
 huo^e wall of neutral States which would also 
 narrow in an essential degree the European 
 battle-field. 
 
 The same result is hoped for from a con- 
 federacy of neutral States on the Balkan, with 
 respect to the relations between Russia and 
 Austria, as well as with respect to the whole 
 of Europe. 
 
 The Sound is one of the most important 
 arteries of the world's commerce. About one 
 hundred vessels of all nations pass daily through 
 this strait, but only about ten (on the average, 
 however, certainly larger ships) pass through 
 the Suez Canal, which in the interests of the 
 world's trade has become neutral. 
 
 It can be nothing but a gain to Europe that 
 the entrances both into the Baltic and the Black 
 Sea should be rendered inviolate. 
 
 consult with the other signatories of the London treaty of 
 March 17, and with them make provision in response to 
 that appHcation. 
 
 Article 14 sets forth : Beyond the duties expressed and 
 stipulated for in the paragraphs of this treaty, the sovereign 
 rights of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan are in no way 
 curtailed, nor are the privileges and rights of his Highness 
 the Khedive as defined by the firman. 
 
78 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 In an address upon the importance of the 
 Sound to the North, given to the National 
 Economic Society, Mr. Bajer pointed out that 
 so long as the Sound and its coasts were not 
 rendered inviolate, military devastations will 
 be carried on in and around the strait by bel- 
 ligerent powers ; also that the facts that the 
 Sound is not Danish only, but Swedish also, 
 and that Sweden has a comm.on foreign policy 
 with Norway, make it probable that it may the 
 sooner be understood to be for the European 
 interest that all three northern kingdoms 
 should be simultaneously neutralized, and not 
 one of them only.^ 
 
 In consequence of Mr. Bajer's indefatigable 
 zeal for the united co-operation of the northern 
 kingdoms in the cause of peace, this idea has 
 gained many influential adherents in foreign 
 countries also ; and on his proposition, two 
 international congresses, Geneva, Sept. i6th, 
 1883, and Berne, Aug. 6th, 1884, unanimously 
 accepted the following resolution, which in its 
 general meaning was adopted by the First 
 
 1 Nationaloekonomisk Tidsskrift, xxii. pp. 139-155. See 
 also Politiken, 1890, March 31. Article " Oeresunds Fred," 
 signed, Defensor Patriae. 
 
NEUTRALIZATION OF SCANDINAVIA. 79 
 
 Northern peace Meeting at Gotenberg, Aug. 
 19th, 1885 :— 
 
 Considering that, — 
 
 1. The geographical position of the three northern 
 States, is such, that they might, with a larger military 
 and commercial naval power than they now possess, 
 hold the keys of the Baltic : 
 
 2. Whilst the very weakness of these States probably 
 removes all danger of their using the advantages 
 of this position against Europe, the same weakness 
 may one day expose them, either by force or fraud, 
 to be plundered by their powerful neighbours : 
 
 3. The inviolability of the three northern States, and 
 their independence of every foreign influence, is in 
 the true interest of all Europe, and their neutraliza- 
 tion would tend to the general order. 
 
 4. Their independence, which is indeed a common 
 right of all nations, can only be secured to the 
 northern nations by their neutrahzation. 
 
 5. This neutralization ought to have for its object and 
 legal etfect : 
 
 Firstly, To place beyond all danger of war all those 
 portions of land and sea which belong to Sweden, 
 Denmark and Norway. 
 
 Secondly, To secure at all times, even during war, 
 to all merchant and war-ships, whatever flag they 
 carry, whether that of a belligerent or not, full liberty 
 to run into the Baltic from the North Sea, or vice 
 versa, whether sailing singly or in fleets. 
 On these accounts the meeting declares, — 
 That Denmark, Sweden and Norway ought to be neutral- 
 ized, and that this neutralization ought to include : — 
 
8o PAX MUNDI. 
 
 1. With respect to the mainland and islands of Norway, 
 Sweden and Denmark, that all parts of this territory 
 shall be at all times entirely neutral. 
 
 2. With respect to the Sound and the Little Belt, that 
 in time of war, ships belonging to any belligerent 
 power shall be forbidden to show themselves in 
 these seas ; which, on the other hand, shall be al- 
 ways open for merchant craft, even those belonging 
 to belligerent powers, as well as for war- ships be- 
 longing to neutrals. 
 
 3. With respect to the Great Belt, that this strait shall 
 always be open for merchant and war-ships of every 
 flag, including belligerents, whether singly or in 
 fleets ; but that these ships shall be entirely for- 
 bidden to undertake any inimical action on the 
 coasts of the above-named strait, or in its seas, 
 within a distance exceeding the maximum range of 
 its artillery before sailing in or sailing out, or indeed 
 any attack, seizure, privateering, blockade, embargo, 
 etc., or any other warlike action whatever. 
 
 The meeting expressed its desire to see an international 
 congress arrange and conclude a treaty which should be 
 open for all European nations to enter into and sign, which 
 should establish on the above-named basis, under the 
 guarantee of the signatory powers, the neutrality of the 
 northern States, together with the creation of a really solid 
 tribunal of arbitration, which, as the highest court of appeal, 
 should solve all difficulties that might arise with respect to 
 the said treaty. 
 
 That the neutralization of the Suez Canal, 
 so long looked upon as a pious wish, may in 
 the near future lead to the inviolability of 
 
THE CONGO STATE. 8 1 
 
 Egypt, will doubtless be suggested. When 
 this is accompHshed, the good understanding 
 between France and England will be further 
 strengthened, and a foundation thereby laid 
 for an extended co-operation in the service of 
 the peace of the world, in the young Congo 
 State, with its twenty millions of inhabitants 
 and a territory equal to half Europe ; a realm 
 founded without costing a drop of blood, from 
 its first commencement sanctioned and declared 
 a neutral community by the European powers 
 unanimously, which will some day be looked 
 upon as one of the fairest pages in the history 
 of the human race. 
 
FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS. 
 
 In other ways the European powers have 
 shown that, with a httle wilHngness to do so, 
 they can work together in the interests of peace. 
 
 We have an illustrative instance of this in the 
 Danube Commission, which, since 1856, has 
 watched over the traffic in the Delta of the 
 Danube, neutralized by the Treaty of Paris. 
 
 This commission, which is composed of 
 members from all the great powers and Turkey 
 and Roumania, and was originally appointed 
 only for a short time, has, in consideration of 
 its great value as an international institution, 
 been renewed from year to year, and has had 
 its power gradually extended. The commission 
 possesses its own flag, its customs and pilotage, 
 its police, its little fleet, and so on. It has 
 for thirty years exercised an almost unlimited 
 power over the mouths of the Danube, has 
 made laws, raised a loan, carried out works, 
 and in many other respects given evidence of 
 the possibility of united co-operation amongst 
 
THE EUROPEAN CONCERT. 83 
 
 the powers under many changing and intricate 
 international relations. 
 
 In the so-called European concert is seen 
 a commencement of an extended co-operation 
 in a similar direction. The war between Servia 
 and Bulgaria was confined within certain limits 
 by the united will of the powers, and Greece 
 was obliged to subdue her fierce military 
 ardour. 
 
 Again, so far as concerns such coalitions as 
 it is evident are not formed for the whole of 
 Europe, but are said to aim at securing peace 
 by accumulating forces, it could hardly be ex- 
 pected, from their very nature, that they would 
 fulfil the alleged design in themselves. But, 
 on the other side, it would be short-sighted 
 to overlook their importance as a link in 
 the gradually progressive development of the 
 interests of various nations in the common con- 
 •cerns of Europe. One token in this direction 
 is the proposal which was brought forward in 
 the beginning of 1888 by a number of deputies 
 in the Austrian Parliament, urmnof the Govern- 
 ment, after procuring the consent of the 
 Hungarian Government, to initiate negotia- 
 tions with Germany for the purpose of getting 
 
84 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 a Germano- Austrian Alliance adopted by the 
 Parliaments of both realms, and constitu- 
 tionally incorporated in the fundamental law of 
 both States. This proposal may have hardly 
 any practical result, but it is worth notice as 
 one of the small rays of light which from time 
 to time point the way to a common goal. 
 
 Thither point too, though indeed from afar, 
 those propositions for disarmament which now 
 and then crop up, but which, quite naturally, 
 fade away as quickly as they come, so long as 
 the principle of arbitration does not prevail in 
 Europe. 
 
 *' Europe's only salvation is a general dis- 
 armament," cries the illustrious Frenchman 
 Jules Simon, and yet louder the Italian ex- 
 minister, Bonghi. The latter a distinguished 
 Conservative statesman, utters these powerful 
 words in the International Review (Rome). 
 
 "The ideas of peace, which I have just expressed and. 
 which are also entertained by the masses, sound almost 
 like a jest in the menaces of war which we hear around us. 
 And they are ridiculous if the policy which the Government, 
 follows is considered serious. The great thing is to be able 
 to guess how long the ludicrous shall be regarded as 
 serious, and the serious as ludicrous ; and how long a pro- 
 ceeding so devoid of sound reason as that of the great 
 
DISARMAMENT. 85 
 
 European powers will be counted as sense. I, for my part, 
 am persuaded that such a confusion as to the meaning of 
 the words cannot endure continually, and that the present 
 condition of things, whether people will or not, must 
 soon cease. But we ought not to wait until the change is 
 brought about by violence, nor indeed till it comes by 
 violence from — below. Dynasties must give heed to this, 
 and must hold me responsible for saying it — I, who am a 
 royalist by conviction." 
 
 In the English House of Commons, Mr. 
 A. Illingworth, May 30th, 1889, questioned 
 the First Lord of the Treasury, Mr. W. H. 
 Smith, '' Whether the Government had recently 
 made a proposal to the continental Govern- 
 ments that they should agree upon a consider- 
 able and early reduction of armaments ? and 
 with what result ? And if not, whether Her 
 Majesty's Government would without delay 
 initiate such negotiations, having for their 
 object to lessen the military burdens and the 
 dangers which menace the peace of Europe." 
 
 In his answer the First Lord of the 
 Treasury ^ said : ''If any favourable op- 
 portunity manifested itself, the Government 
 would have pleasure in using its influence in 
 
 ^ As an adherent of the Conservative party, he has always 
 held to a strong armed force, and hardly ever supported 
 peace efforts. 
 
86 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 the direction indicated by the honourable 
 member. But the questioner should bear in, 
 mind, that an interference in a question of this 
 sort often does more harm than good to the 
 object he wishes to attain. I can assure him 
 that the Government is as deeply impressed 
 with this question as himself, and it has often 
 expressed its view in the House, that the pre- 
 sent armed condition of Europe is a great 
 misfortune and a dano^er to the oeace of the 
 world.'' 
 
 In the German Parliament, also, similar 
 utterances may be heard ; in the latest instance 
 from one of the Centre, Reichensperger, who- 
 in the military debate, June 28th, 1890, ex- 
 pressed the wish that they could set in motion 
 a general disarmament. The speaker had 
 certainly spoken in favour of the Government 
 bill for adding 18,000 men to the peace footing 
 of the army. But he wished alongside of that 
 to say, that as the decision of the Emperor in 
 summoning a conference of working men from 
 all parts of Europe had been greeted with ap-^ 
 plause, so would the civilized world, with still 
 greater applause greet the tidings that William. 
 II. had advocated a general disarmament. 
 
ROYAL PREROGATIVE. 87 
 
 Many entertain the belief that the first con- 
 dition of such a disarmament must be to absolve 
 the rulers themselves from the dangerous power 
 they possess in being able at their discretion to 
 declare war, conclude peace, and make alliances 
 one with another for warlike aims. 
 
 In our country many propositions have been 
 brought forward for limiting this power especi- 
 ally with regard to the concluding of treaties 
 without so much as consultinof the whole 
 Swedish Cabinet. 
 
 As is well known, even in the time of 
 Gustavus Adolphus, the royal power did not 
 extend beyond the king having to consult the 
 Riksdag, and to obtain its consent, whether he 
 were engaging in a war or entering into an 
 alliance with foreign powers. The absolute 
 monarchs seized upon greater power, and the 
 law-makers of 1809 simply ratified this danger- 
 ous extension of it. 
 
 Now we are unceasingly told, when the 
 subject of defence is on, about sacrifices. They 
 declare to us that no sacrifice should be es- 
 teemed too great. The State has the right of 
 enlisting soldiers by comxpulsion, fathers, hus- 
 bands and sons, for the defence of the country ; 
 
88 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 and not only when it is really a question of 
 defence, but when it is a matter of preparation 
 for defence, that is drill, even if this extend to 
 years of barrack life in time of peace. 
 
 These are the sacrifices demanded from the 
 people. 
 
 There are those who think, would it not be 
 much better if the people, on their side, de- 
 manded a little security that the country should 
 not be far too thoughtlessly plunged into war 
 — war which can no longer be carried on by 
 paid volunteers, but with members of families 
 conscripted by force, by means of compulsory 
 service ? 
 
 Such security could be effected by changing 
 the formulas of government §§12 and 13, and 
 the constitutional law § 26, partly so that the 
 conclusion of treaties should require the con- 
 firmation of a united meetinof of the Swedo- 
 Norse cabinet councils, and partly also, that 
 certain treaties, namely such as include a 
 greater political intricacy, should be subjected 
 to the confirmation of the Riksdag and the 
 Storting, as has been the case with certain 
 treaties of commerce — bagatelles in comparison 
 with the entanglement of the kingdoms in war. 
 
CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT. 89 
 
 It is Simply an assertion, refuted by experi- 
 ^ence, that the king cannot make use of the law 
 'here treated of. 
 
 During the Crimean war, according to a 
 :treaty, we should have been entangled in the 
 war, had not the Peace of Paris intervened. So 
 also during the last Dano-German war, when 
 interference on our part, as the result of a treaty, 
 w^ould have taken place, had not the death of 
 King Frederic VII. occurred. 
 
 The same thing would have happened during 
 •the last Franco-German war, if the battle of 
 Worth had not thrown out the reckoning, 
 -according to a treaty which entailed our inter- 
 ference. Into all these treaties the king could 
 •enter without giving the whole Cabinet the 
 opportunity of expressing its opinion. 
 
 The danger of such a power begins to be 
 increasingly felt, especially in England. In 
 1886, Henry Richard raised in the House 
 of Commons the question of abolishing the 
 right of the sovereign to declare war without 
 the consent of Parliament. The proposition 
 was certainly rejected, but with the large minor- 
 ity of 109 against 115 votes. That the pro- 
 position could gather round it such a minority 
 
90 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 may certainly be regarded as a remarkable 
 sign of the times. In 1889, W. R. Cremer 
 made a similar motion in the House. He pro- 
 posed that a '' parliamentary committee should 
 be chosen to examine and arrange foreign 
 matters, which were then to be laid before 
 Parliament.'' This proposal fell through ; but 
 progress was made, and Mr. Cremer still awaits, 
 a suitable occasion for renewing it. 
 
 A characteristic expedient is pointed out by 
 the well-known Belgian professor of political 
 economy, de Molinari, in an article published 
 in the Times, 
 
 He shows, in the first place, how solidarity 
 among the civilized States of the world has 
 lately increased in a marvellous degree, for not 
 long ago the foreign trade of a civilized nation 
 and the capital invested in other States was of 
 very small importance. Each country pro- 
 duced nearly all the requisites for its own 
 consumption, and employed its capital in its 
 own undertakings. In 16 13, the whole of 
 England's imports and exports amounted to 
 only five million pounds sterling. A hundred 
 years later, indeed, the united foreign trade 
 of the whole of Europe did not amount to^ 
 
RIGHTS OF NEUTRALS. 9 1 
 
 SO much as the present foreign trade of little 
 Belgium. Still more unimportant were the 
 foreign loans. Holland was the only country 
 whose capitalists lent to foreign Governments, 
 and persons were hardly to be found who ven- 
 tured to put their money into industrial under- 
 takings in foreign lands, or even beyond the 
 provinces in which they dwelt. Consequently 
 at that time a neutral State suffered little or no 
 injury when two States were at war. A quarrel 
 between France and Spain or Germany then 
 did no more harm to English interests than a 
 war between China and Japan would do now. 
 
 At present it is quite otherwise. Trade and 
 capital have in our day become international. 
 While the foreign traffic of the civilized world 
 two hundred years ago did not exceed one hun- 
 dred millions sterling, it runs up now to about 
 ■five thousand millions ; and foreign loans have 
 augmented in the same degree. In every 
 country there is a constantly increasing portion 
 of the population dependent for its subsistence 
 upon relations with other peoples, either for 
 the manufacture or exportation of goods, or 
 for the importation of foreign necessaries. In. 
 France a tenth part of the population is depen- 
 
^2 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 dent in this way upon foreign countries, a third 
 in Belgium, and in England probably not far 
 from a third. 
 
 So long as there is peace, this increasing 
 community of interests is a source of well- 
 being, and advances civilization ; but if a war 
 breaks out, that which was a blessing is turned 
 into a common ill. For, not to mention the 
 burden which preparations for defence impose 
 upon the neutral nations, they suffer from the 
 crisis which war causes in the money market, 
 and from the cessation or curtailing of their 
 trade with the belligerent powers. 
 
 From these facts, de Molinari deduces a 
 principle of justice — Neutral States have 
 THE RIGHT TO FORBID A WAR, as it greatly 
 injures their own lawful interests. 
 
 If two duellists fight out their quarrel in a 
 solitary place, where nobody can be injured by 
 their balls or swords, they may be allowed 
 without any great harm to exercise their right 
 of killing. But if they set to work to shoot 
 one another in a crowded street, no one can 
 blame the police if they interfere, since their 
 -action exposes peacable passers-by to danger. 
 It is the same with war between States. Neu- 
 
RIGHT TO FORBID WAR. 93. 
 
 tral States would have small interest in hinder- 
 ing war, if war did not do them any particular 
 harm; and under those circumstances their right 
 to interfere might be disputed. But when, as 
 is now the case, war cannot be carried on with- 
 out menacing a great and constantly increasing 
 portion of the interests of neutrals, yes, even 
 their existence, their right to come in and 
 maintain order is indisputable. 
 
 The worst is that, after all, the belligerent 
 nation itself never decides its own fate. That 
 is settled by a few politicians and military men, 
 who have quite other interests than those of 
 business. It is often done by a single man ; 
 and it may be said without exaggeration, that 
 the world's peace depends upon the pleasure 
 of three or four men, sovereigns or ministers, 
 who can any day, at their discretion, let slip all 
 the horrors of war. They can thereby bring 
 measureless misery and ills upon the whole 
 civilized world's peaceable industries, not except- 
 ing even those of neutral nations, with whom 
 they have nothing to do. The most absolute 
 despots of the rude old times had no such power. 
 
 Self-interests of purely political nature give 
 the neutral States, especially the smaller ones,. 
 
94 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 the right to do what they can to prevent war 
 between other powers ; because it is an old 
 experience that w^ar among the great powers 
 readily spreads itself to the little ones. 
 
 De Molinari states further that the neutral 
 States may so much the more easily ward off 
 all this evil, as they have not only the right, 
 but also the power, if they would set them- 
 selves to do it. 
 
 Thereupon he unfolds his proposition : — 
 " With England at the head, and with Hol- 
 land, Belgium, Switzerland and Denmark as 
 members, there might be formed a confedera- 
 tion, ' The Neutral League,' for the purpose 
 of attacking any of the other powers who should 
 begin a war, and of helping the attacked. The 
 States named have a united strength of 460,000 
 men, and can place on a war footing 1,200,000. 
 To these may be added the fleets of England, 
 Holland and Denmark, which together form 
 the strongest naval power in the world.'' ^ 
 
 ^ That he does not take in the Scandinavian peninsula, 
 must be because he regards the position of the northern 
 kingdoms as too remote from the continental quarrels to 
 be sensibly disturbed by them; or because he has not a 
 high opinion of the fitness of their military forces for attack, 
 which is here alluded to. 
 
'' THE NEUTRAL LEAGUE." 95 
 
 Suppose that a complication takes place 
 between two great powers on the continent of 
 Europe — German}^ France, Austria, or Russia 
 —there can be no doubt that if the '' League'* 
 united its strength with the threatened power, 
 that power would become thereby so superior 
 to its opponent that victory would be certain. 
 
 For this reason a peaceable interference on 
 the part of the League before the war broke 
 out, would make the most warlike amongst the 
 powers consider. 
 
 But the fact that no State could stir up a 
 war without meeting a crushing superior force 
 would lead to a constant and lasting state of 
 peace, and disarmament. 
 
 De Molinari thinks his plan would be 
 advanced by forming an association in the 
 countries named, which should work for an 
 agreement between them in the above-named 
 direction. 
 
 The proposition will never of itself lead to 
 any practical result. But it is at least useful 
 in having pointed out the growing interest 
 which neutral powers have in maintaining 
 peace unmolested. This interest shows itself 
 already in general politics in the zealous pains 
 
96 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 with which, on the outbreak of war, all powers 
 not implicated unite to ''localize" war, that 
 is, to limit it to as few partisans, and to as 
 small an area, as possible. The peace interests 
 of neutral States become year by year more 
 powerful factors in politics. 
 
 Here we must bear in mind that more States 
 are continually passing over into the condition 
 of unconsciously forming ''a neutral league.'' 
 They are approaching the goal which they 
 have long been striving after by arms and by 
 diplomacy. *' They are," to quote Bismarck, 
 '' satisfied and do not strive for more." Such 
 States are Germany and Italy, which have 
 achieved their unity, and Hungary, which has 
 gained its freedom. 
 
 Nevertheless all great causes of war are not 
 thereby eradicated from Europe. 
 
 In the fo renamed article by the Russian 
 jurist, Kamarowski, light is thrown upon this 
 circumstance with scientific clearness. 
 
 He says respecting Germany, that this coun- 
 try has essentially realized its national unity, 
 and thereby reached a justifiable object ; but 
 at the same time has been guilty of two serious 
 violations of the principles of international right. 
 
ELSASS-LOTHRINGEN. 97 
 
 '' It carried on the war aorainst France with an 
 inflexible and altogether unnecessary severity, 
 and it tore from that State Elsass-Lothringen." 
 
 The attempt is certainly made to justify 
 this by the fact that both these provinces 
 formerly belonged to Germany, and that it was 
 an absolute necessity for Germany to acquire 
 a military guarantee against a fresh attack on 
 the part of France. 
 
 Kamarowski shows both these grounds to 
 be untenable. If nations should continually 
 look back to the past, and strive to renew the 
 old conditions, they never could found a more 
 durable or righteous state of things in the 
 present. 
 
 What ought to be decisive is, that in these 
 unhappy provinces the sympathy of the great 
 part of the population is completely on the side 
 of France. 
 
 The possession of Strasburg and Metz has 
 not only failed to give Germany the anticipated 
 security ; it has, on the other hand, compelled 
 the Germans to live since 1871 in perpetual 
 unrest ; to keep on foot an immense army, and 
 to expend their last resources in building for- 
 tresses. Besides, this possession cripples Ger- 
 
 H 
 
98 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 man activity in both internal and external 
 political questions. The situation of France 
 is equally unenviable ; constantly kept in sus- 
 pense, and with the feeling of having been 
 unjustly treated, and longing for revenge. Is 
 it possible, with this deadly hatred between two 
 of Europe's most civilized states, to think of a 
 lasting peace ? 
 
 And what can the Governments of these 
 nations do with respect to this evil, unless they 
 set themselves to eradicate it ? 
 
 Kamarowski proposes three different solu- 
 tions of the question of Elsass-Lothringen. A 
 European congress might arrange the destiny 
 of these provinces, by dividing them, for ex- 
 ample, so that Elsass should remain united to 
 Germany, and Lothringen to France ; or by 
 forming them into two or more cantons united 
 to Switzerland ; or lastly, by letting them be- 
 come an independent State with a self-chosen 
 mode of government, but with the sine qua non 
 that they shall be neutralized, and placed under 
 the guarantee of combined Europe. 
 
 It would be almost immaterial to Europe 
 w^hich of these three expedients were chosen ; 
 therefore the choice might be left to the inhab- 
 
THE EASTERN QUESTION. 99 
 
 itants of Elsass-Lothrlngen themselves ; and 
 the opportunity might be given them of ex- 
 pressing themselves by a plebiscite, uncon- 
 trolled by any influence from either the French 
 •or German side. 
 
 This naturally affects Danish South Jutland 
 in an equal degree, which Germany wrenched 
 from Denmark by a gross breach of inter- 
 national law. That the writer does not adduce 
 this instance may be simply because he does 
 not regard it as involving any danger of war. 
 
 Kamarowski finds this to be much more 
 pronounced with regard to the Eastern 
 ■Question. 
 
 This is more threatening than that of Elsass- 
 Lothringen. Ever since the close of the last 
 century the Turkish Empire has, on account of 
 its internal condition, been doomed to fall to 
 pieces, and its final dissolution is only a ques- 
 tion of time. It is difficult to say what is to be 
 done wath the remains. 
 
 The only reasonable and rio^hteous settle- 
 ment is to allow the Christian peoples who were 
 in the past subjected by the Turks, and who 
 <:ompose the great majority of the population 
 in European Turkey, to form independent 
 
lOO PAX MUNDI. 
 
 States. Manifold causes have hitherto pre- 
 vented the organization of the poHtical life of 
 these nations, shorn of political maturity in 
 consequence of protracted thraldom, mutual 
 jealousy, and influences of the great powers,, 
 who under all manner of excuses have played 
 their own game at the cost of these people,, 
 pretending to protect them, while they sought 
 to make them into their subjects. Russia 
 has doubtless, even if unintentionally, in the 
 greatest degree helped to set these nations 
 free, and to produce the present position by 
 which Serviaand Roumania have been changed,, 
 from being subject to Turkey, into independent 
 States; and Bulgaria, instead of being a Turkish 
 province, has now a less subject position as 
 regards Turkey. '' It is," says the writer, '' not 
 altogether without reason that the Russians, 
 accuse their Southern Sclav brethren of in- 
 gratitude " ; but he admits that Russia ought 
 partly to blame herself. She has, for instance^ 
 at times shown a decided inclination to force 
 her forms of thought and policy upon them, 
 and to get the whole of their inner national life 
 placed under her authority. This action of Rus- 
 sia is blameworthy, both because it violates the 
 
RUSSIA. lOI 
 
 independence which belongs of right to every 
 State, and because it is fooHshly opposed to Rus- 
 sia's own well-known interests. By such a policy 
 she can only betray her Sclav mission, create 
 more than one new Poland for herself, and artifi- 
 cially shift her political power from north to 
 south, thereby weakening her national strength. 
 
 Kamarowski further describes the selfish 
 schemes of England and Austria in the Balkan 
 peninsula. 
 
 These plans are even more distasteful to 
 the Christian population than Russia's, because 
 it stands in the closest relation to that country 
 both as to race and a common religion. Eng- 
 land and Austria seek to entice this people 
 by the prospect of freer institutions and greater 
 economic well-being ; but they can only drag 
 them into their net at the cost of their national 
 and moral independence. And the jealousy 
 between these powers, Russia on the one hand 
 and Austria and England on the other, each 
 wanting to get the advantage, or to possess 
 itself of the remains of the dying realm, is a 
 standing menace to the peace of Europe. This 
 danger would disappear if people could be satis- 
 fied to let these nations belong to themselves. 
 
I02 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Now that Austria has carried out the injunc- 
 tion laid upon her by the BerHn Congress — for 
 the present to undertake the management and 
 administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina — 
 she ought to withdraw from these provinces, 
 whose population should be allowed to decide 
 their own fate by universal suffrage, whether 
 this would result in the union of Bosnia with 
 Servia, and of Herzegovina with Montenegro, 
 or whether the situation should be arranged in^ 
 some other way. All that Austria has any 
 ground for requiring is, the free navigation of 
 the Danube and the straits (Bosphorus and 
 Dardanelles), and therewith her true interests 
 in this region would be abundantly satisfied. 
 
 The Christian States which, alongside of 
 Turkey, have spread over the Balkan penin- 
 sula, are Greece, Roumania, Servia, Montene- 
 gro and Bulgaria. The last named still stands 
 in subjection to Turkey, but has the same right 
 to full independence as the neighbour States. 
 It is evidently their vocation to divide amongst 
 themselves the remains of Turkey in Europe,, 
 for their population in an overwhelming pro- 
 portion consists of Southern Sclavs and 
 Greeks. But unhappily they seem to have 
 
BALKAN PENINSULA. IO3 
 
 little conception of this their task, because they 
 live in a constant state of jealousy and bicker- 
 ing. These States are all only just in the 
 embryo. They have not yet by a long way 
 attained their natural boundaries. A large 
 number of Greeks and Bulo^arians are still 
 under the direct government of Turkey. It 
 would be labour lost to attempt to guess how 
 many small States will form themselves out of 
 the ruins of Turkey, or what political form they 
 will take. The author remarks that it would 
 be best for them to arrange themselves into 
 one or more confederations with self-govern- 
 ment for each single State composing this alli- 
 ance. 
 
 Europe, in harmony with international 
 justice, should see to it : (i) that the peoples of 
 the Balkan peninsula should not become the 
 prey of any foreign power ; (2) that they should 
 not be allowed to trespass upon each other s 
 domains ; (3) that their development should 
 as far as possible proceed in a peaceful and 
 law-abiding way ; (4) that they should divide 
 the inheritance of Turkey in a thoroughly just 
 manner, so that the political boundaries should 
 be marked out in harmony with the wishes 
 
I04 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 and interests of the inhabitants ; (5) that they 
 themselves do not invade the domains of other 
 States, and that they recognise all the maxims 
 of international justice. 
 
 A European congress, co-operating in such 
 an arrangement of the conditions of the Balkan 
 peninsula, would contribute in no small degree 
 to remove the causes of war in Europe, and 
 would do effective work in the cause of free- 
 dom and civilization. Greece would acquire all 
 the islands of the Archipelago, together with 
 Candia and Cyprus. Macedonia would, ac- 
 cording to the conditions of its nationalities, be 
 divided between Greece and Bulgaria. The 
 natural boundary of the latter would be the 
 Danube on the one side and the Archipelago 
 on the other. Constantinople would remain 
 the capital of a Bulgarian kingdom, or of a 
 Southern Sclav federation ; or again, a free 
 city with a small independent territory.^ The 
 
 1 According to the proposal of an old diplomatist, the 
 Sultan should be given a similar position in Constantinople 
 to that of the Pope, now, in Rome. Thereby the Sultan 
 would become innocuous to Europe, but continue to be the 
 ** Ruler of the Faithful " to Asia. (^' La question d'Orient 
 devant I'Europe democratique." Paris : E. Dentu, lihraire^ 
 1886). 
 
RUSSIA AND ENGLAND. IO5 
 
 fortifications on both sides the Bosphorus and 
 Dardanelles should be destroyed, and both 
 these straits be thrown open to the navigation 
 of all nations. 
 
 After being obliterated from the list of 
 European nations, Turkey would peacefully 
 •continue its existence in Asia. 
 
 But not even so are all the causes of war 
 removed from our continent. Many are to be 
 found in the relations between Russia and 
 England ; especially two, says Kamarowski. 
 
 One is the opposition between the dissimilar 
 forms of government in these countries. Eng- 
 land is the advocate of liberal social institutions 
 all over the continent, but Russia poses as the 
 mainstay of unlimited sovereign power and of 
 conservative principles. Yet doubtless Russia 
 will sooner or later, with a firmness and con- 
 sistency hitherto lacking, strike into the path of 
 political reform, and then this contrast will be 
 assimilated. 
 
 The other consists in the opposing interests 
 of the two powers upon the Eastern Question. 
 But if this question is solved as the author pro- 
 poses, by the whole Balkan peninsula being 
 permitted to form itself into independent States 
 
I06 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 under the guarantee of united Europe, this 
 cause of strife would also be removed. Russia 
 need no longer threaten India. Russia's true 
 well-being can never consist in spreading her- 
 self over the deserts and wastes of Asia, or in 
 the endless compulsory subjection of hostile 
 races under her. She will doubtless in time 
 perceive this. 
 
 Historical facts have already marked out the 
 domain of both realms and the boundaries of 
 their influence. The greater part of Southern 
 Asia is more or less subjected to England. 
 The whole of Northern and Central Asia 
 belongs to Russia. Russia and England have 
 a common mission in Asia — to promote the 
 Christian civilization of the world ; and in this 
 direction each has her special call. 
 
 Also in the relations between Russia and- 
 Germany are found indeed inflammable mate- 
 rials ; but with wise action on both sides they 
 may be got rid of 
 
 Russia has, more than any other power, pro- 
 moted the unity and powerful position of Ger- 
 many. Except during the strife between the 
 Empress Elizabeth and Frederic II., constant 
 friendly relations have obtained between Russia. 
 
THE PRESS. 107 
 
 and Prussia; so, under Frederick II. and 
 Catherine II., and during Prussia's struggle 
 against Napoleon I. ; while the friendship be- 
 tween Alexander II. and William I. made 
 possible the wars of 1866 and 1870-71. The 
 House of Hohenzollern, which has never been 
 any friend of popular freedom, felt drawn to 
 Russia upon the ground of its devotion to con- 
 servative modes of thouorht and its absolutism. 
 
 But since Prussia has realized her goal — that 
 of being the leading power in Germany — the 
 relations with Russia have become more and 
 more strained. 
 
 One of the chief causes has been the dis- 
 putes caused by economic questions, and that 
 of the customs in particular. 
 
 In addition to this is the general misunder- 
 standing fomented by the press. The political 
 press, says Kamarowski, ought to serve the 
 cause of peace to-day more than ever. Un- 
 happily it by no means does. With few excep- 
 tions it helps to fan and feed national hatred, 
 and to stir up enmity between the European 
 States. Most of the principal organs have 
 a narrower horizon than this. Some of these 
 papers and periodicals are worked only as 
 
I08 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 'business undertakings, to make the greatest 
 possible profit to the shareholders ; the best of 
 them defend with gross one-sidedness the in- 
 terests of their own country ; seldom do they 
 ■disclose any insight into great, purely humani- 
 tarian interests. The political press is, there- 
 fore, for the most part a constant source of 
 reciprocal suspicion and hatred, which hinders 
 the States of Europe from entering into the 
 condition of peace they all inwardly so long 
 for. Dip at random into a heap of most of the 
 great papers, and you will find the strangest 
 ideas respecting international justice ; rank self- 
 assertion in judgment, and purely barbarous 
 -sentiments respecting subjugating and destroy- 
 ing so-called hereditary enemies. 
 
 Lastly, there is a cause of tension between 
 Russia and Germany in their opposing atti- 
 tude with regard to the Sclav question ; and if 
 a satisfactory solution is not found for this 
 -question in a peaceable way, a crowd of com- 
 plications will arise, into which Russia will 
 inevitably be drawn. 
 
 We have first the Polish question. In our 
 «day Russia is entering, through the power of 
 -circumstances, more and more into her historic 
 
THE SCLAV QUESTION. IO9- 
 
 vocation of giving freedom and unity to the 
 Sclavs. But this undertaking stands in direct 
 opposition to the pohcy which was expressed in 
 the partition of Poland. 
 
 Russia's future role may be to favour a 
 confederation of all the Sclav peoples. Her 
 true mission cannot be to subdue or trample 
 down any Sclav nationality, but much rather 
 to emancipate them all. Emancipate from 
 what ? From the yoke of Turkey and of 
 Germany. So far as the former is concerned^ 
 a great part of the work has been already 
 carried out. With regard to the Germans, 
 Russia cannot think of the restoration of the 
 disputed and long obliterated boundaries of the 
 Sclav races, which were lost in the struggle 
 with the Germans ; but she may assist the 
 organization of the bodies politic of the Sclav 
 races, and co-operate in revivifying those 
 branches of the nation which are not altoo^ether 
 dead. 
 
 The author desires, therefore, that Poland 
 should be restored by Russia's own act. 
 Yet Poland must not demand her boundaries- 
 as they were before 1772 (that is, the pos- 
 session of Lithuania). Once admitted into a. 
 
I lO PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Sclav confederation, she would cease to be a 
 menace to any one, but would serve as a 
 bulwark between Russia and Germany. 
 
 The solution of the Sclav question might, 
 accordinor to the author's idea, brinof with it 
 the dismemberment of the Austrian Empire. 
 The German part would go to Germany, and 
 Trieste and South Tyrol fall to Italy. 
 Austria's Sclav provinces would be acknow- 
 ledged as independent, and either unite them- 
 selves with the Sclav federation on the Balkan 
 peninsula, or form a separate State. The 
 situation in Bohemia would be the most diffi- 
 <:ult to arrange, since in part it is a German- 
 speaking country; but as a Sclav land, it ought 
 under no circumstances to be entirely given 
 over to the Germans. Hungary also would 
 obtain its independence, but must, on its own 
 part, recognise the freedom of Croatia. The 
 inhabitants of the various portions of the Aus- 
 trian Empire would themselves have to decide 
 their fate, and in the interests of all, a European 
 congress should be summoned, to maintain the 
 general peace, and to prevent one nationality 
 from subjecting or swallowing up another. 
 
 But while Professor Kamarowski here and 
 
INTERNATIONAL LAW. I I I 
 
 elsewhere in his treatise speaks of congresses, 
 he does not mean thereby the meetings of 
 diplomatists to which that name now applies. 
 
 Congresses ought, he says, to be actual 
 international organs, whose object is not to 
 serve the fluctuating and conflicting interests 
 of policy, but the strict principles of justice. 
 They must be permanent institutions, and 
 being so, help on international reforms, such as 
 a gradual disarmament and a codification of 
 international law ; that is, a correct digest of 
 the various regulations and principles of inter- 
 national law, forming a common law for all 
 civilized nations. 
 
 In the last named direction there is in the 
 field already The Association for the Reform 
 AND Codification of International Law, 
 founded at Brussels, Oct. loth, 1873, ^^^ ^^ ^^ 
 important degree consisting of the most eminent 
 jurists of the nations. This association, which 
 meets annually for the discussion of inter- 
 national law in various parts of Europe, deals 
 also with the scholarly inquiry into the con- 
 tinually growing material, springing from the 
 many international congresses, which so often 
 now, with various objects, meet first in one part 
 
I I 2 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 then in another of the civiHzed world. As> 
 examples of some of the most recent of these 
 may be named : The post and telegraph con- 
 ferences ; the conference on maritime law in 
 Washington, representing twenty- one separate 
 States, with the purpose of working out a 
 universal system of signals for preventing 
 collisions ; the African conference at Brussels, 
 with representatives of most of the European 
 powers for considering the best way of civiliz- 
 ing Africa, getting rid of the slave trade, and 
 limiting the exportation of alcohol ; ^ the rail- 
 way meeting at Lugano, for introducing a 
 uniform time table and scale of freight, on all 
 railways of the European continent ; the Madrid 
 conference, for international protection of 
 industrial property, and above all the Labour 
 Congress held at Berlin by William H/s invita- 
 tion. 
 
 1 In the United States Congress, Mr. Blaine has intro- 
 duced a bill for calling an international conference in 
 Washington, in 1891, for making an alHance, whose object 
 is the suppression of slavery and the prohibition of alcohol 
 in uncivilized countries. The conference is further to dis- 
 cuss the creation of a tribunal of Arbitration, for the 
 solution of international questions, and a general 
 disarmament. 
 
PEACE SOCIETIES. I I 3 
 
 Whilst In this way the nations own desire 
 and the needs of the case grow and branch into 
 great common interests, the friends of peace 
 unceasingly set before themselves this distinct 
 goal, *' Right before might." 
 
 To paint the historic background of the 
 activity of the friends of peace would be almost 
 synonymous with bringing forward all that is 
 uniting, important and lasting in the history of 
 the nations. It would be a '* saga " on the 
 welfare of the human race through all time. 
 Such a task I do not undertake. I give only 
 a short indication of what, in our own time, 
 organized peace-work is. 
 
 Its activity was almost a result of the wars of 
 Napoleon, which were terminated by the Peace 
 of Paris, November, 1815. These wars had 
 deeply stirred the minds of many, both in the 
 old and new world, and directed their thoughts 
 to the apathy of the Christian Churches in 
 not proclaiming, with unmistakable emphasis, 
 that war is irreconcilable with the teaching of 
 Christ. 
 
 This view was represented in America by 
 Dr. W. Ellery Channing, and Dr. Noah 
 Worcester, who as early as 1814 stirred up 
 
 I 
 
I 1 4 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 the friends of peace to organize themselves 
 into united work. 
 
 A Peace Society was formed in New York 
 in August, 1815; and in November of the 
 same year the Ohio Peace Society. The Massa- 
 chusetts Peace Association (Boston) started in 
 January, 18 16, and a similar society was begun 
 in Rhode and Maine in 181 7. These, with that 
 of South Carolina, united in 1828, and formed 
 the American Peace Society, an association 
 which is still in active operation. Also in Phila- 
 delphia an association was formed, which was suc- 
 ceeded in 1868 by the Universal Peace Union. 
 
 In 1 8 14 a zealous philanthropist, Mr. William 
 Allen, a member of the Society of Friends, 
 invited a number of persons to his house in 
 London to form a peace association. They 
 did not at once agree upon the best method, 
 and the proposal was deferred for a time. But 
 after the conclusion of peace was signed in 18 16, 
 Mr. Allen, with the assistance of his friend 
 Mr. Joseph Tregelles Price, also a member of 
 the Society of Friends, called his friends to- 
 gether again, and succeeded in bringing into 
 existence the English peace association, under 
 the name of the Peace Society. 
 
PEACE SOCIETY. I I 5 
 
 The source from which the association 
 sprang is to be found in the Society of Friends 
 (Quakers), that sect which has always been a 
 faithful proclaimer of the peace principles of 
 Christianity. But the founders were not all 
 of this society. Some were members of the 
 Church of England and of other religious per- 
 suasions. 
 
 As the foundation of its effort, the associa- 
 tion advanced the great principle that war is 
 contrary to the spirit of Christianity and to the 
 true interests of mankind. It has always been 
 open to persons of all persuasions. One of its 
 first stipulations was, that '' the society shall 
 consist of all ranks of society who will unite 
 in forwarding peace on earth and good-will 
 amongst men.'* The association has always 
 been international. From its commencement 
 it proclaimed its desire to bring other nations 
 as far as possible within the reach of its opera- 
 tions. Some of the first acts of the founders 
 were to translate its most important writings 
 into French, German, Spanish and Italian. 
 
 Immediately after, in 1816, Mr. J. T. Price, 
 the most zealous amongst the founders, under- 
 took a journey to France to gain adhesion and 
 
Il6 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 co-operation amongst Christians and philan- 
 thropists in that country. Many hindrances 
 lay in the way of forming an association in 
 that country which should have peace only for 
 its object. These difficulties were overcome 
 by founding a Society of Christian Morals (Z^ 
 SocidU de morale Ckr^iienne), whose aim was to 
 bring the teaching of Christianity to bear upon 
 the social question. This society continued for 
 more than a quarter of a century and numbered 
 amongst its members many illustrious French- 
 men. Its first president was the Duke of 
 Rochefoucauld- Liancourt ; its vice-president 
 was the Marquis of the same name, the son 
 of the above. Amongst the members were 
 Benjamin Constant, the Duke of Broglie, de 
 Lamartine, Guizot, Carnot, and Duchatel. 
 The promotion of peace was one of the objects 
 of the Society. 
 
 A branch of it was formed in Geneva, under 
 the leadership of Count Sellon, and the Eng- 
 lish parent society stood in close and lively 
 connection with both these associations. It 
 had for many years in its service an active man, 
 Stephen Rigaud, who travelled through France, 
 Belgium, Germany and Holland, held meetings, 
 
FRENCH PEACE SOCIETIES. I I 7 
 
 distributed tracts, and formed committees and 
 associations in furtherance of peace. 
 
 Between the years 1848 and 185 1 a still 
 greater aggressive peace movement was set on 
 foot upon the European continent, by means of 
 congresses held at Brussels, Paris and Frank- 
 fort, and by the attendance of many hundred 
 delegates from all the countries of Europe. 
 
 This effort for peace was entered upon by 
 the Secretary, Mr. Henry Richard. At least 
 twenty times he visited the Continent, speaking 
 for peace and arbitration in many, if not most, 
 of the largest cities — Paris, Berlin, Vienna, 
 Pesth, Dresden, Leipsic, Munich, Frankfort, 
 Brussels, Antwerp, Bremen, Cologne, the 
 Hague, Amsterdam, Genoa, Rome, Florence, 
 Venice, Milan, Turin, etc. 
 
 These efforts bore good fruit. The friends 
 of peace began to stir. Peace societies were 
 formed, devoted attachments were made, and 
 personal intercourse created between the adher- 
 ents of peace principles in various lands. 
 
 This was especially the case in France, 
 where la Ligue Internationale de la Paix 
 was founded by M. Frederic Passy. In 1872 
 the name of the league was changed to the 
 
I 1 8 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Socidtd Franpaise des Amis de la Paix, This 
 name it retained until its amalgamation with 
 the Comitd de Paris de la Fdddration Inter- 
 nationale de r Arbitrage et de la Paix, founded 
 by Mr. Hodgson Pratt in 1883. The new 
 society, formed of the union of the two, bears 
 the name of the SocietS Franpaise de F Arbitrage 
 entre Nations, 
 
 The Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la 
 Libertd was founded at Geneva by M. Charles 
 Lemonnier as far back as 1867. Under the 
 powerful leadership of this aged captain of 
 peace the league has, by its activity in promot- 
 ing the idea of the '' United States of Europe," 
 constantly sought to work in a practical way 
 for its object, — peace and freedom. 
 
 The same year, too, were founded the Ligue 
 du Ddsarmement and the Union de la Paix, at 
 Havre. 
 
 But the most remarkable occurrence in this 
 domain was the spontaneous interchange of 
 addresses and greetings between workmen in 
 France and Germany, which led to the for- 
 mation, in Biebrich on the Rhine, of an As- 
 sociation OF German and French working- 
 men. 
 
DUTCH AND BELGIAN SOCIETIES. II9 
 
 As a result of a visit from Mr. Richard three 
 years later, there was founded at the Hague, 
 Sept. 8th, 1870, " The Dutch Peace Society," 
 by Mr. Van Eck and others. Later in the 
 same year ten similar associations sprang up 
 in the Hague, Amsterdam, Zwolle, Groningen 
 and other places. One of these, the '* Women's 
 Peace Society," in Amsterdam, under the 
 leadership of Miss Bergendahl, deserves to be 
 named, on account of its advanced character. 
 In 1871 this union took the name of the ''Peace 
 Society s National Union for Holland',' and in 
 1878 of the '' Peace League of the Nether- 
 lands." Its present name is the '' Universal 
 Peace Association for the Netherlands'' {Alge- 
 meen Nederlandsch Vredesbond). For seven- 
 teen years Mr. Geo. Belinfante as the in- 
 defatigable secretary of this Union. He died 
 in 1888, and was succeeded by M. C. Bake, of 
 the Hague. 
 
 In 187 1 the Belgian Association was 
 formed at Brussels, and at the same time a 
 local association at Verviers. Later on, April 
 15th, 1889, was founded the Belgian branch of 
 the International Arbitration and Peace Asso- 
 ciation {Fdddration Internationale de I Arbitrage 
 
I20 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 et de la Paix, section Beige), under the leader- 
 ship of M. E. de Laveleye. 
 
 The English parent society has, in the 
 course of three-quarters of a century, employed 
 every means that can serve to advance a public 
 cause. By lectures and public meetings ; by 
 the distribution of literature and a diligent use 
 of the press ; by appeals to the peoples ; peti- 
 tions to the Governments ; resolutions in par- 
 liament ; by adapting themselves to Sunday 
 and other schools, by influencing the religious 
 community, the clergy and teachers ; by com- 
 binations and interviews with peace friends in 
 all lands — by all practicable means it has 
 sought to work tow^ards its goal. 
 
 First and foremost, it has advocated arbitra- 
 tion as a substitute for war, laboured for the final 
 establishment of an International Law, and a 
 Tribunal for the nations, and for a gradual re- 
 duction of standing armies ; at the same time 
 it has never ceased to raise its voice against the 
 wars in which England and other nations have 
 engaged. At a Universal International Peace 
 Congress, held in London under the auspices of 
 the society in 1843, it was resolved to send an 
 address ''to the Governments of the civilized 
 
AMERICAN SOCIETIES. 12 1 
 
 world," whereby they should be earnestly con- 
 jured to consider the principle of arbitration, 
 and to recognise it. This address was sent 
 to forty-five Governments. By a deputation to 
 the powers at the Paris Congress in 1856, this 
 society succeeded, as before said, in getting 
 the principle of arbitration recognised, etc. 
 
 From the commencement, the English and 
 American peace societies have worked side 
 by side with brotherly concord. There are 
 over forty peace societies in America. Besides 
 these already named — viz., the American Peace 
 Society y and the Universal Peace Union — the 
 following are most important : The Christian 
 Arbitration and Peace Society, Philadelphia ; 
 the National Arbitration League, Washington; 
 the American Friends Peace Society, for Indiana 
 and Ohio, founded December i, 1873; and the 
 International Code Committee, New York, of 
 which David Dudley Field is president. 
 
 On the 25th of July, 1870, the English 
 Workmen's Peace Association, now called the 
 International Arbitration League, was 
 founded by members of the ** Reform League,'' a 
 great union of workmen in London. Two years 
 later this Arbitration League, under Mr. W. 
 
122 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 R. Cremer's powerful leadership, had well-ap- 
 pointed local associations all over the country, 
 and nearly a hundred zealous leaders in various 
 towns. Since then Mr. Cremer has become 
 a Member of Parliament, and as such has had 
 the opportunity of helping the peace cause in 
 many ways ; for example, as a zealous partici- 
 pant in the deputation of twelve to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, which has been 
 mentioned more particularly in the beginning 
 of this work. 
 
 In April, 1874, was formed the Women's 
 Auxiliary of the Peace Society. This con- 
 tinued to work in connection with the English 
 parent society until 1882, when a division took 
 place. Part of the members gathered them- 
 selves into an auxiliary, now called the Local 
 Peace Association Auxiliary of the Peace 
 Society, which has thirty-three sub-associations 
 in England only. The other part formed the 
 Women's Peace and Arbitration Associa- 
 tion.^ 
 
 At the same time great progress was made 
 upon the Continent. 
 
 1 Since amalgamated with the Women's Committee of 
 the International Arbitration and Peace Association. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN SOCIETIES. I 23 
 
 In Italy a League of Peace and Brother- 
 hood was founded as early as 1878, by Signer 
 E. T. Moneta. 
 
 A workmen's peace association was formed 
 at Paris in 1879, by M. Desmoulins and others, 
 under the name of the SocidU des travailleurs 
 de la Paix. 
 
 At the close of 1882, The Danish Peace 
 Society, or " Society for the Neutralization of 
 Denmark/' was founded in Copenhagen, with 
 Fredrik Bajer, M. p., as chairman, and twenty- 
 five local associations in Denmark.^ There is 
 also at Copenhagen a " Women's Progress 
 Society," which, with Mrs. Bajer as president, 
 placed the cause of peace prominently upon 
 its programme. 
 
 At a meeting of members of the Riksdag, in 
 the spring of 1883, a Swedish Peace Society 
 was formed, which has for its object to co- 
 operate with the International Arbitration and 
 Peace Association of Great Britain and Ireland, 
 in working for the preservation of peace among 
 nations, and the establishment of an Interna- 
 tional Tribunal of Arbitration, under the mutual 
 protection of the States, to which disputes that 
 ^ For the objects of this Association see Appendix. 
 
124 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 may arise may be referred. The first chairman 
 of the society was S. A. Hedlund, who haslong^ 
 laboured in Sweden for the spread of informa- 
 tion as to the efforts of the friends of peace. 
 
 The same year a Norwegian Peace Society 
 was formed, which, however, like the Swedish 
 sister association, has been apparently only 
 dead-alive of late. 
 
 This is the result, certainly in great degree, 
 of the slender interest taken by the cultivated 
 classes, who in general pose as either indifferent 
 or antagonistic to peace work ; indifferent, be- 
 cause, in ignorance of the subject, they look 
 upon organized peace effort as fanciful and 
 fruitless ; antagonistic, because they see in these 
 efforts a hindrance to getting the national de- 
 fence strengthened by increased military forces. 
 As regards Norway, there are, however, signs 
 that a different view of things has lately begun 
 to make itself felt.^ 
 
 In France the peace societies received 
 strength in 1884, through the foundation by M. 
 GoDiN of the Socidtd de Paix et d' Arbitrage 
 
 ^ "On August 8th, 1891, at a meeting at Seljord, a New- 
 Norwegian Peace Association was formed, and a provisional 
 Committee appointed." Trans. 
 
GERMAN AND ITALIAN SOCIETIES. 1 25 
 
 International du Familisth^e de Guise (Aisne), 
 Godin's activity has embraced not less than 
 forty-two departments in France. Besides 
 these may be named the Socidt^ d' Aide Frater- 
 nelle et d' Etudes Sociales, the Socidtd de Paix 
 par r Education at Paris, the Groupe des Amis 
 de la paix a Clermont-Ferrand, La Fraternitd 
 Universelle Grammond, Canton de St. Galmier 
 (Loire), and the Association des Jeunes Amis 
 de la Paix, Nimes. 
 
 The International Arbitration and Peace 
 Association for Great Britain and Ireland 
 was founded in 1880.^ This association, with 
 which the Scandinavian society should co- 
 operate the most closely, has a worthy chairman 
 in Mr. Hodgson Pratt, a man whose devoted 
 and untiring zeal has made him a distinguished 
 leader of the peace movement, to which he has 
 dedicated the whole business of his life. 
 
 His sphere of action has also included the 
 Continent, and borne good fruit. Amongst 
 others he succeeded in instituting peace 
 societies at Darmstadt, Stuttgart and Frank- 
 fort ; a committee of the association at Buda- 
 pest ; and in Rome, the Associazione per V 
 
 ^ For programme of the Association see Appendix. 
 
126 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Arbitrato e la Pace tra le Nazione, with 
 RuGGiERO BoNGHi as president ; and also in 
 Milan, the Unione Lombarda per la Pace e r 
 Arbitrato Internazionale, 
 
 In the course of the last three years, 1886-90, 
 the idea of peace has made great progress in 
 Italy. The movement has not been confined 
 to any special class of society, or to any par- 
 ticular political or religious party, but has 
 spread alike amongst all. 
 
 In the autumn of 1888 the central committee 
 of the Italian League of Peace and Liberty sent 
 out a leaflet, with a protest against any war 
 with France. The central committee, which 
 numbers amongst its members, senators, 
 deputies, and many of Garibaldi's former 
 companions in arms, declares : '' The league 
 requires all Italians, young and old, women and 
 men, philosophers, tradesmen and working men, 
 to unite all their energies in the great work of 
 peace ; that there may be an end of armaments, 
 which are a positive ruin to all nations.'* 
 
 In the course of 1889 several important 
 peace congresses were held. In Milan, such a 
 congress met for the first time, January 13th, 
 representing 200 associations in France, Italy, 
 
THE PEACE MOVEMENT IN ITALY. 12J 
 
 and Spain ; and for the second time, April 28th, 
 when fifty-four Italian societies were repre- 
 sented. Eight days after the first Milan meet- 
 ing, a similar one took place in Naples, attended 
 by 3,000 persons, which expressed the united 
 views of five hundred associations. 
 
 Lastly, a congress was held in Rome, May 
 10-14, which represented thirty-nine peace 
 associations, the ex-minister Bonghi in the 
 chair. The meeting expressed the desire that 
 governments would find means to diminish the 
 war burdens by international agreements similar 
 to those by which economic and scientific 
 matters are already arranged, as well as ques- 
 tions dealing with general sanitary concerns. 
 A committee, consisting of six senators and 
 deputies, was afterwards chosen for further 
 work in the cause of peace. 
 
 A specially noteworthy feature in these 
 Italian peace congresses is the deep repugnance 
 to the Triple Alliance — which is regarded as a 
 standing menace of war, — and a strong craving 
 for good relations with France. 
 
 The. way to this lies through increased 
 peaceful connection. This was especially 
 manifest in the meeting at Rome, which had 
 
128 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 to prepare for the participation of Italians in 
 the Peace Congress at Paris in the summer of 
 1889. 
 
 The Congresses of 1889 formed part of the 
 great commemoration of the Revolution ; that 
 meeting of international fraternity which, in 
 the words of President Carnot in his opening 
 speech, " shall hasten the time when the re- 
 sources of the nations, and the labour of man- 
 kind, shall be dedicated only to the works of 
 peace/' 
 
 One of these gatherings, the Universal Peace 
 Congress, June 23-27, which was composed of 
 delegates from the peace societies of Europe 
 and America, had, amongst other vocations, 
 to express itself on certain general principles 
 for carrying forward the idea of arbitration. 
 It specially maintained and emphasized that 
 the principle of arbitration ought to form a 
 part of fundamental law in the constitution of 
 every State. -^ Before the meeting closed, it 
 
 ^ This principle is likely to be realized by the bill of the 
 constitution of the Brazilian Republic, sanctioned by th6 
 executive of the new free State, which proclaims that the 
 Government may not begin a war without having first 
 appealed to arbitration. 
 
INTERPARLIAMENTARY CONFERENCE. I 29 
 
 was decided that the next Universal Congress 
 should be held in London in 1890. 
 
 The other assembly, an Interparliamen- 
 tary Conference (June 29-30), composed ex- 
 clusively of legislators from m^any lands, was 
 entitled to express itself more definitely on the 
 adoption of actual measures ; notably, on the 
 best means of bringing about arbitration treaties 
 between certain States and groups of States. 
 
 With this Interparliamentary Conference, 
 this international parliamentary meeting, we 
 come to the beginning of a new and exalted 
 organization, forming almost a powerful prelude 
 to co-operation between England, iVmerica 
 and France, such as I spoke of in the com- 
 mencement of this book. 
 
 After the emissaries of the 270 members 
 of the legislature had in the autumn of 1887 
 fulfilled their mission to America, and had 
 started an active movement there which has 
 since spread over the whole American con- 
 tinent, English and French representatives of 
 the people met in Paris, October 31st, 1888^ 
 and decided on behalf of many hundreds of 
 their absent associates that a meetino; of 
 members of as many parliaments as possible 
 
 K 
 
130 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 should take place during the Universal Exposi- 
 tion in 1889. 
 
 This resolution was carried into effect. On 
 June 20th about one hundred parliamentary 
 representatives assembled in Paris from Bel- 
 gium, Denmark, England, France, Hungary, 
 Italy, Liberia, the United States and Spain. 
 Nearly four hundred members of various 
 parliaments had given their adhesion to the 
 design of the meeting. Jules Simon opened 
 the proceedings. Many important resolutions 
 were passed, with a view to practically carrying 
 into effect the principle of arbitration. After 
 this it was arranged that a similar assembly 
 should meet annually in one or other of the 
 capital cities of the countries in sympathy ; in 
 1890, in London; and lastly, a committee of 
 forty was chosen, composed, according to reso- 
 lution, of six members of every nationality, 
 which should undertake the preparation of the 
 next conference, send out the invitations, collect 
 the necessary contributions, and in the interim 
 do all in their power to remove the misunder- 
 standings which might possibly arise, when it 
 appealed, as it would be needful to do, to 
 public opinion 
 
LONDON confer:ence, 1890. 131 
 
 Pursuant to the invitation of this committee, 
 the second International Assembly of Members 
 ■of Parliament met in Londonjuly 22-23, 1890. 
 
 In consequence of the second Universal 
 Peace Congress, the central gathering of the 
 peace societies, being held only a short time 
 previously (July 14-19), a large number of 
 influential men attended this international 
 meeting of legislators ; but whilst amongst 
 those who took part in the first named con- 
 ference, the Universal Peace Congress, were a 
 fair number of M.P.s of various countries, yet 
 {with few exceptions) all those who took part in 
 the interparliamentary meeting were members 
 of one or other national legislative assembly. 
 
 The second Interparliamentary Conference, 
 in London, 1890, had double the attendance of 
 the first, in Paris, — members from Austria, 
 Belgium, Denmark, England, France, Germany, 
 Holland, Hungary, Italy, Norway, Spain and 
 Sweden ; besides which, more than a thousand 
 representatives of the people, who were pre- 
 vented attending, signified by letter their 
 adhesion. Amongst these were Gladstone, 
 Clemenceau, the Vice-president of the Ger- 
 .man Reichstag, Baumbach, the Italian Prime 
 
132 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Minister Crispi, Andrassy, and three French 
 Ministers. Ninety- four Italian senators and 
 deputies, and thirty-one members of the Spanish 
 Cortes, in their respective addresses, expressed 
 their sympathy with the work of the conference. 
 The ex- Lord Chancellor, Lord Herschell, acted 
 as chairman. 
 
 The most important resolution of the meet- 
 ing was, that all civilized governments were 
 urged to refer all disputes in which they might 
 be involved to arbitration for solution. 
 
 Those present bound themselves to work to- 
 the best of their ability for the object, espe- 
 cially through the press and in the national 
 assembly of their own lands, and thus grad- 
 ually win public opinion over to the cause. 
 
 As a first step towards practically settling 
 international disputes by arbitration, the con- 
 ference urged that in all treaties affecting trade, 
 literature, or other arrangements, a special 
 arbitral clause should be inserted. 
 
 Amongst other resolutions it was voted, that: 
 a parliamentary committee should be created 
 in each country for mutual consultation on in- 
 ternational matters. 
 
 Lastly, a standing interparliamentary com- 
 
INTERPARLIAMENTARY CONFERENCES. I 33 
 
 mittee of thirty members was chosen, to serve 
 as a connecting link in the interval between 
 the conferences. 
 
 The third Interparliamentary Conference will 
 meet in Rome in 1891. 
 
 In the fact that these conferences are com- 
 posed of legislators chosen by the people lies 
 their peculiar significance. They speak with 
 power, because they are supported by millions 
 of electors in various lands. The weight of their 
 utterances naturally increases in the proportion 
 in which the number of members grows. As 
 yet this parliament of the peoples represents 
 only a minority of the national assemblies ; but 
 the day may be coming when it will express the 
 opinion of the majority, and that would be the 
 triumph of right over might. 
 
 In the effort to reach this goal there must 
 be no settling into stagnation. The peace 
 societies especially must work with all their 
 might to get friends of peace into parliament, 
 and subscribe to enable them to take part in 
 the interparliamentary meetings. It would, of 
 course, be still better if the means for their 
 attendance were supplied by a public grant. 
 
134 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Here the Norwegian Storting has set an 
 example which will be to its honour for all 
 time ; for after about sixty members had joined 
 the interparliamentary union, and chosen 
 Messrs. Ullmann, Horst and Lund as repre- 
 sentatives to the conference in London, 1890 ; 
 and after the Arbitration resolution moved 
 had been adopted by the Storting (voted July 
 2nd, 1890, by eighty votes against twenty-nine), 
 a subsidy of 1,200 kroner was granted for the 
 travelling expenses of the three delegates tO' 
 the London conference. 
 
 This is probably the first time in the life of 
 the nations that a State has granted money in 
 support of a direct effort to make a breach in 
 the old system of Cain. 
 
 There is less strain in America : a similar 
 inception seems to be at hand. Long before 
 the great rousing in 1887, the present United 
 States Minister, James G. Blaine, was pos- 
 sessed with the idea of bringing about a peace- 
 treaty between all the independent States of 
 North and South America. He stood at the 
 head of the Foreign Department of the Union 
 when General Garfield was President, 1881,. 
 and already at that time entertained this 
 
PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS. I 35 
 
 grand idea. He desired, in order to realize it, 
 to invite all the American States, by means 
 of government emissaries, to take part in an 
 international congress at Washington. In the 
 interim Garfield died, and when Arthur became 
 President, Blaine ceased to be Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs ; but as soon as, upon Harrison 
 being chosen to the presidency, he became 
 Foreign Minister again, he resumed the inter- 
 rupted work. 
 
 In June, 1888, the President confirmed a 
 resolution adopted by Congress, empowering 
 him to invite all the American States to a 
 conference composed of emissaries from their 
 governments, with the view of establishing a 
 Tribunal of Arbitration for settling differences 
 that may arise between them ; and for estab- 
 lishing by commercial treaties more facile 
 trade combinations, adapted to the needs of 
 the various States, and their productive and 
 economic well-being. 
 
 The invitations were issued, and met with 
 approval by all the independent States through- 
 out America. 
 
 The representatives of these States met at 
 Washington, Oct. ist, 1889, in a deliberative 
 
1^6 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 assembly, which was styled the Pan-American 
 Conference. Mr. Blaine was voted to the 
 chair, and under his leading the members of the 
 congress decided to begin with a circular tour of 
 forty days through the whole of the States of 
 the Union. Its labours were afterwards con- 
 tinued until April i8th, 1890. 
 
 The results of the Conference as regards the 
 common interests of trade and commerce, etc., 
 will only be felt gradually, since many of these 
 matters are of intricate character, and in some 
 instances require entirely fresh international 
 transactions. But as regards the chief thing — 
 viz., the establishment of a permanent tribunal 
 of arbitration — the object was achieved. 
 
 Congress almost unanimously ^ adopted the 
 resolution of the report of the committee re- 
 specting the election of such a supreme judicial 
 authority in case of any menacing international 
 disagreement. 
 
 The members of the Conference were not 
 authorized to conclude binding treaties. Their 
 task was confined to deliberating upon affairs 
 
 1 The scruples entertained by Chili, Argentina and 
 Mexico appear to have been dropped, in the case at least 
 of the two last named. 
 
PAN-AMERICAN CONFERENCE. I 37 
 
 which might have a reciprocal interest in 
 various countries, and then laying before their 
 governments such resolutions as in the opinion 
 of the Conference might best promote the well- 
 being of all the States. 
 
 Nevertheless the majority of the States later 
 bound themselves to the conclusions of the 
 congress. Indeed, a week before the assembly 
 broke up the respective members for Brazil, 
 Bolivia, Columbia, Equador, Guatemala, Hayti, 
 Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador, were em- 
 powered to sign at Washington the arbitration- 
 treaty adopted by the Pan-American Con- 
 ference ; and the other governments have since 
 in the same way sanctioned it.^ 
 
 When this document has been fully confirmed, 
 a quarter of the inhabited world v/ill be ren- 
 dered inviolate, and 120 millions of men set 
 free from the chronic frenzy of war. 
 
 If minor breaches of the peace possibly may 
 Jiot thereby be for ever prevented, yet certainly 
 the irresponsible system of violence will become 
 powerless against the force of civilization which 
 is spreading over the whole Western hemi- 
 sphere. 
 
 ^ For provisions of this Treaty see Appendix. 
 
THE PROSPECTS. 
 
 The events which I have here described will 
 perhaps one day be regarded as the transition 
 into a new era. But specially here, in the 
 Old World, with its many unsettled accounts, 
 we cannot rely upon bright pictures of the 
 future. We are convinced of nothing beyond 
 the range of our own knowledge and experi- 
 ence. 
 
 I have thought so myself, and therefore I 
 have endeavoured to keep to facts which no- 
 one can deny. 
 
 It is a fact that wars continually diminish 
 in proportion as peoples are brought nearer, to 
 one another by trade and commerce. The old 
 warlike condition has ceased. Formerly not a 
 year passed without war in Europe — in the 
 Middle Ages hardly a week. After 1815 an 
 international peace reigned over most of the 
 European States for forty years. In the Scan- 
 dinavian peninsula that peace is continuing still. 
 
 Before that time, at least until 1721, Sweden 
 
 138 
 
CAUSES OF WAR REMOVED. 1 39 
 
 was almost continually involved in war. We 
 reckon two hundred and sixty years of war to 
 the Kalmar Union, and the proneness to invade 
 and defend the countries on the other side the 
 Baltic. 
 
 The old CAUSES of war are being removed. 
 Certainly new ones arise as a result of selfish 
 patriotism, breaking out in new acts of violence. 
 But these outbreaks of barbarism become con- 
 tinually more rare. Unhappily, they are so 
 much the more horrible when they do occur, 
 but yet much more transitory. This is applic- 
 able to all the great wars in the last half of the- 
 present century. No thirty years' war is known 
 now. 
 
 In consequence of the shorter flow of blood 
 the wounds get time to heal, and the divided 
 interests are allowed to grow together again. 
 The levers of civilization are again in motion ; 
 commerce spreads over land and sea by steam, 
 electricity, and other motive powers. The vic- 
 tories of Alexander and Napoleon are cast 
 into the shade by the triumphal procession of 
 the tiny postage stamp around the. world. 
 Trade and industry, art and science, efforts la- 
 the direction of universal morality and enlight- 
 
140 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 enment, all branch out and weave around 
 the nations a boundless web of common inter- 
 ests, which, though at certain intervals violently 
 torn asunder by brute force, grows together 
 again with increased strength and in broader 
 'Compass ; until one day, under the majesty of 
 law, it will form an irresistible civilizing 
 power. 
 
 This is what in reality is taking place. 
 Men do not in general see it ; and this, because 
 they busy themselves so much with warlike 
 notions, and trouble themselves so little about 
 -events of the character that I have dwelt upon 
 in the foregoing pages. 
 
 The friends of peace ought to stimulate one 
 another, especially when there is gloom over the 
 great world, and no one knows whence the ap- 
 proaching calamity may spring. Once it was 
 warded off from our land by a wise measure of 
 one of our kings. I refer to Oscar I., when he 
 saved us from being embroiled in the chances 
 -of war, by drawing up a declaration of neu- 
 trality in 1854, which was approved by the 
 united powers, and earned for him the homage 
 and gratitude of the Swedish Riksdag, in an 
 
WAR AVERTED. I4I 
 
 address which lauded him as one of the wisest 
 and noblest of kings.^ 
 
 But there is little security that the same ex- 
 pedient will always lead to a like successful 
 result, if people wait till war is at the door 
 before setting to work. 
 
 1 Transactions of the Riksdag, 1853-1854, No. 4. 
 
 In the introduction to the address to the Riksdag the 
 king observed, that he had, in providing for the welfare of 
 the nation, found himself obliged to declare Sweden neutral ; 
 consequently he informed the Riksdag of the Declaration of 
 Neutrality, respecting which the king said : — 
 
 "The system which the king intends steadily to adhere to 
 and employ is a strict neutrality, founded upon sincerity, 
 impartiality, and full regard to the rights of all the powers. 
 This neutrality will entail upon the government of his 
 Majesty of Sweden and Norway the following duties, and 
 secure to it the following benefits ; i. To hold himself free 
 from any participation in any contentions which directly or 
 indirectly may be advantageous to one and injurious to- 
 another of the belligerent States. . . . 
 
 "Such are the general principles of the neutral position, 
 which his Majesty of Sweden and Norway designs to take 
 in case war should break out in Europe. His Majesty feels 
 persuaded that it will be accepted as in accordance with 
 international law, and that the exact and impartial observ- 
 ance of these principles wilLmake it possible for his Majesty 
 to continue to sustain those connections with friendly and 
 allied powers which his Majesty, for his people's weal, so- 
 greatly desires to preserve from every infringement.'^ 
 
 To this communication, satisfactory answers, accepting. 
 
142 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 In time of peace, and during the specially 
 
 good relations which obtain between the two 
 
 English-speaking nations, as well as between 
 
 France and America, our fellow-workers on 
 
 the decision announced by his Majesty, arrived from the 
 various Governments in the following words : . . . 
 
 " His Majesty has been pleased to announce to the assem- 
 bled Estates of the Realm the attainment of this result, so 
 satisfactory for the undisturbed continuance of peaceful 
 transactions and the uninterrupted course of trade and 
 navigation ; so much the more as on account of the politi- 
 cal relations of Sweden and Norway with foreign powers, 
 they may be regarded as for the present amply secured. His 
 Majesty gratefully acknowledges that the patriotism and the 
 reliance upon the paternal designs of his Majesty which 
 the Estates of the Realm have manifested on this occasion 
 may be regarded as having in an important degree contri- 
 buted to the attainment of the desired object. His Majesty, 
 in expressing his sincere satisfaction, will continue to devote 
 incessant pains to all the measures which the maintenance 
 of neutrality may require in harmony with the principles 
 laid down and promulgated by his Majesty. With his 
 Majesty's royal favour and constant best wishes to the 
 Estates of the Realm." 
 
 The address of thanks from the Riksdag to the king : — 
 "After the Declaration of Neutrality made by your Majesty 
 on behalf of the united kingdoms, and in concert with the 
 King of Denmark, had been accepted by the European 
 powers and also the United States, it pleased your Majesty 
 to inform the Estates of the Realm of this result, so satis- 
 factory for the undisturbed continuance of our peaceful 
 transactions, and for the uninterrupted course of our trade 
 
GOOD RELATIONS ESTABLISHED. 1 43 
 
 l30th sides the Atlantic are making use of the 
 favourable opportunity for trying to get this 
 good relation established by law. 
 
 It may well be asked why we, who are 
 
 and navigation. Your Majesty has at the same time been 
 pleased also to express your gracious appreciation of the 
 patriotism and reliance upon your paternal designs which 
 the Estates of the Realm have on this occasion manifested. 
 
 "The representatives of the Swedish people hold in grate- 
 ful remembrance these expressions of your Majesty's high 
 satisfaction, and beg respectfully to assure your Majesty of 
 their deep and warm gratitude. The Fatherland is in- 
 debted to your Majesty's incessant and unremitting pains in 
 securing the friendly relations of the united kingdoms to- 
 wards foreign powers during the contests in which a great 
 part of Europe is at present embroiled. The Estates of the 
 Realm offer sincere homage to the resolution and wise fore- 
 thought with which your Majesty, under these troublous 
 conditions, has safeguarded the interests, the independence 
 and power of the united kingdoms. With confidence be- 
 tween the king and the people, with mutual co-operation in 
 working together to promote the true welfare of our beloved 
 Fatherland, they will, with the blessing of the Highest, be 
 henceforth preserved. The peace we enjoy is the dearer 
 because it is the evidence of the fidelity with which the best 
 interests of the country are guarded by your Majesty. 
 Ready to follow her noble king in all vicissitudes, the 
 Swedish nation implores the blessings of Providence upon 
 the vigilant fatherly love whose untiring care for the people's 
 welfare reaps its reward In this answering love. 
 
 *' The Estates of the Realm, remain," etc. 
 
144 P^^ MUNDI. 
 
 friendly with the whole world, should not be 
 able to do the same, not only with respect to 
 Siam, but also first and foremost with our near 
 xieighbours. 
 
 It was this thought which led to the Arbitra- 
 tion resolution in 1890, in the Storting and in 
 the Riksdag. 
 
 At the first meeting of the Left (Liberals) of 
 the Storting, Feb. 4th, the subject was discussed 
 and gained unanimous adhesion. Whereupon 
 followed the resolution in the Storting on the 
 2 1 St, which was adopted by a large majority, 
 March 5th, after the Minister of State (Stang) 
 had delivered a long speech against the resolu- 
 tion in vain. 
 
 After this successful result, a similar resolu- 
 tion for Sweden was brought into the First 
 Chamber by F. T. Borg, and in the Second by 
 J. Andersson. The reports of the committees 
 upon it ran diversely. The committee of the 
 First Chamber opposed, and that of the Second 
 Chamber approved, the resolution. On May 
 1 2th the question was thrown out in both 
 Chambers.-^ 
 
 1 Riksdagen protocol, 1890. First Chamber, No. 37 ; 
 Second Chamber, No. 45. 
 
SWEDISH RIKSDAG. 1 45 
 
 Mr. Borg spoke with dignity for his resolution 
 in a long speech. This was answered by the 
 chairman of the committee, with a reminder of 
 the perverse condition of the world and of 
 the human race. The resolution contained a 
 ''meaningless expression of opinion." It was 
 a real danger for small nations to go to sleep, 
 hoping and believing in a lasting peace. It 
 was now just as in the olden times : those who 
 loved peace and would preserve it '' must pre- 
 pare for war." The speaker had, as chairman 
 of the committee, expressed sympathy with 
 the resolution, but he added, '' one does not 
 get far with paper and words ; and, accord- 
 ing to my opinion, the honourable mover of the 
 resolution will certainly show more love for 
 peace if he, next year, on coming back with 
 this peace business, will set about it with a 
 proposition for some ironclads and artillery 
 regiments or such like things, of more effectual 
 service than the platonic love which he has ex- 
 pressed ; and I venture to predict that both the 
 committee and the Chamber will support him 
 more powerfully than to-day." 
 
 After another distinguished genius had ex- 
 pressed himself in the same well-known fashion, 
 
 L 
 
146 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 wherein proofs were conspicuous by their ab- 
 sence, and the narrow circle of thought was 
 filled with scorn and slighting talk about '' pious 
 notions/' etc., the High Chamber threw out the 
 bill by fifty-six votes against four. 
 
 In the Second Chamber the debate was 
 opened by the Foreign Minister with a speech 
 which clearly enough justifies the '* Memorial 
 DIPLOMATIQUE " where it points to the necessity 
 of the study of the arbitration-system having 
 a high place amongst the requirements made 
 of those who enter the path of diplomacy ; — 
 a thing that they have actually begun seriously 
 to set before themselves in England. 
 
 In full accord with the evidence brought 
 forward above, the judicial professor of the 
 Chamber declared in short that the Chamber 
 would disgrace itself by adopting the resolu- 
 tion before it. 
 
 After the mover of the resolution and some 
 who shared his views had expressed their hope 
 that the Chamber would not fall back from the 
 position it took in 1874 upon this question, a 
 speaker rose who requires to be met, Herr A. 
 Hedin. 
 
 He began with the assertion that if a refusal 
 
SWEDEN AND SPAIN. 1 47 
 
 of the report of the committee would show that 
 the Chamber had now changed its opinion, they 
 had before them sufficient reason for this. He 
 wondered that a resolution of such a nature as 
 this had been brought forward, so soon after 
 the unpleasant experience which the country 
 and people of Sweden lately had in a so-called 
 decision by arbitration. '' The Chamber will 
 please to remember," continued the speaker, 
 '* that the king, with no authority from the 
 Riksdag, agreed with Spain to appeal to arbi- 
 tration upon the difficulties that had arisen on 
 the right understanding of the prolonged com- 
 mercial treaty with Spain. Also the Chamber 
 will please to remember that this arbitration 
 tribunal neither acted upon the plan settled in 
 the agreement, nor did it act in harmony with 
 the instructions of the treaty ; and what was 
 worse, the so-called, or supposed, sentence 
 which this one-man arbitration tribunal passed 
 did not concern the matter, which according to 
 the agreement was to have been settled by 
 arbitration, but quite another, which could not 
 reasonably be subjected to arbitration — though 
 the matter was, so far as we were legally con- 
 cerned, made to appear as though Sweden had 
 
148 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 received an injustice in the principal matter 
 which should have been tried by arbitration, 
 but which was not — a circumstance which, with 
 the Spanish authorities, has greatly weakened 
 the position in law due to Swedish citizens, 
 whose rights have been violated in so unpre- 
 cedented a manner by the mode of procedure 
 in consequence of which arbitration was ap- 
 pealed to." 
 
 All this had truth in it. But does that prove 
 anything against the usefulness of arbitration 
 clauses in treaties of commerce ? 
 
 The agreement referred to between the 
 united kingdoms and Spain, January 8th, 1887, 
 establishes : — 
 
 " A question which affects customs or the carrying out of 
 comniercial treaties, or relates to results of some special 
 violation of the same, shall, when all attempts to come to 
 an amicable agreement and all friendly discussions have 
 proved fruitless, be referred to an arbitration tribunal, whose 
 decision shall be binding on both parties." 
 
 According to this it may be plainly seen, that 
 the well-known Swedo-Spanish Spirit-dispute, 
 to which Mr. Hedin alluded, ought to have 
 been solved in its entirety by arbitration. The 
 Spanish Government, however, maintained that 
 
BRANDY DISPUTE. 1 49 
 
 this affected Spanish internal concerns, since in 
 fact the forced sale of Karlstamms-Volagets 
 brandy stores in Spain took place as a result of 
 a new spirit law, to which the arbitration clause 
 in this case could not be applied. 
 
 This starting-point for the judgment of the 
 whole dispute was accepted by the Swedish 
 Government ; which also agreed to let an arbi- 
 trator settle whether the question of the spirit 
 tax was independent of the treaty or not. Both 
 Governments agreed to choose the Portuguese 
 ex-Foreign Minister, Count de Casal Riberio, 
 as arbitrator, and he expressed himself in favour 
 of the Spanish construction. And with this 
 the whole matter was settled. 
 
 No one can seriously think that the method 
 of procedure on the Swedish side, which led to 
 so distressing a violation of justice as that re- 
 ferred to by Herr Hedin, could prove anything 
 against the principle of arbitration. On the 
 other hand, it appears to betray the character 
 of the statesmanship of our then Foreign 
 Minister; which indeed earned for him a 
 diamond-set snuffbox from the Emperor 
 William II., but otherwise, the blame only of 
 sensible people. 
 
150 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 Herr Hedin, who has a weakness for strong 
 expressions, had the opportunity of using some 
 such in their right place. Unhappily, this can- 
 not be said with truth of the closing words of 
 his speech, where he remarks that the expres- 
 sions of the Foreign Minister are so decisive 
 against the bill that they deal the report of the 
 committee of the Second Chamber a right 
 deadly blow. 
 
 The committee had proposed that the king, 
 with the authority which § 1 1 in the form 
 of government accords him, should seek to 
 bring about such agreements with foreign 
 powers, that future possible differences be- 
 tween the powers named and Sweden should 
 be settled by arbitration. 
 
 The deadly blow must be the remark of the 
 Foreign Minister that questions affecting the 
 existence and independence of nations must be 
 excepted from decisions by arbitration. 
 
 This principle is known to be universally ac- 
 cepted, and in no way stands in antagonism to 
 the report of the committee, which of course 
 left the hands of the king as free as possible to 
 promote the idea of arbitration according to 
 circumstances. 
 
BILL REJECTED. I5I 
 
 However, the report of the committee was 
 thrown out by eighty-eight votes against eighty- 
 three. 
 
 Herr Hedin got his way. He has always 
 been the consistent opposer of the active friends 
 of peace ; and this time he has besides won 
 the gratitude even of our Government organ, 
 Nya Dagligt Allehanda, which calls his speech 
 glittering ; meaning that upon this resolution 
 '' there was no need to waste many words," 
 and continues thus : — 
 
 ** The resolution is worthy of notice, because it shows the 
 return of the Chamber to a sounder perception of this ques- 
 tion. It seems at last to recognise the extravagance of the 
 expectation certain fanatics entertain of bringing about a 
 lasting peace by so apparently simple a means as a tribunal 
 of arbitration. We have indeed, as Herr Hedin reminded 
 us, now had experience ourselves of how unsatisfactory this 
 can be ; and it certainly appears that they must be lacking 
 in common sense who would question the justice of the 
 Foreign Minister's reminder, that arbitration cannot be 
 appealed to when a nation's political freedom or indepen- 
 dence is touched by the issue. '* 
 
 I may here beg leave to calm the ruffled 
 feelings of the honourable Government organ 
 by bringing to remembrance the lesson, other- 
 wise applicable also, which our dismembered 
 
152 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 sister-land on the other side of the Sound ofifers 
 us. 
 
 At the London Conference in 1864, the re- 
 presentative of England, Lord Russell, referred 
 to the decision arrived at by the Paris Congress 
 in 1856, that States which had any serious 
 dispute should appeal to the mediation of a 
 friendly power before taking to arms. In har- 
 mony with this the British plenipotentiary pro- 
 posed that the question, whether the boundary 
 line should be drawn between the lines of 
 Aabenraa-Toender, on the one side, or Danne- 
 werke-Sli on the other, should be decided by 
 arbitration. Prussia and Austria consented to 
 accept the mediation of a neutral power ; but 
 Denmark replied to the proposition with a 
 distinct refusal. In the same way Denmark 
 refused the proposal made first by Prussia, and 
 later by France, that a means of deciding the 
 boundary should be sought in a plebiscite of 
 the people in Sleswick. 
 
 Denmark trusted too much tipon might and 
 too little upon right. Otherwise Sleswick had 
 still been Danish. 
 
 If the axiom be correct, that disputes which 
 affect the existence and independence of na- 
 
INDEPENDENCE OF NATIONS. 1 53 
 
 tions ought not to be submitted for solution to 
 arbitration, it is of so much the greater moment 
 to try to get international complications settled 
 in this way, because they may swell up into 
 questions of the kind first named ; since in any 
 case this means could be adopted as a last re- 
 source in time of need. History knows of no 
 example of the destruction of a free nation by 
 the impartial judgment of arbitration. 
 
 Now it may well appear honourable on the 
 part of the free nations of the Scandinavian 
 peninsula that they should openly show to the 
 whole world that they are prepared (in full 
 harmony with King Oscar II.'s pacific expres- 
 sions in the speech from the throne to the 
 Riksdag and the Storting in 1890), for their 
 own part, in all international circumstances to 
 substitute justice for brute force, — and this with- 
 out compromising and meaningless limitations. 
 In the Swedish arbitration resolution, as well as 
 in the Norse, lies the road certainly to effi- 
 ciently carrying out the neutral policy so strongly 
 emphasized in the speech from the throne. 
 Besides the public gain, which a favourable 
 result in both Chambers would have been, a 
 
154 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 unanimous co-operation in this cause would in 
 a great degree have faciHtated the solving of 
 the important Question of the Union (Union- 
 
 ELLE TvISTEMAAL). 
 
 The last named consideration will indeed 
 claim more attention as the consequences of 
 the divergent decisions of the Storting and the 
 Riksdag develop themselves. That these con- 
 sequences will be scattering, rather than uniting, 
 the friends of peace in both lands must keep 
 in view ; and must look out, in time, for means 
 to soothe them, as long as they continue. 
 
 That which lies nearest my heart has been 
 to help, with cheering words, to strengthen the 
 faith of my fellow- workers. If these words 
 have succeeded also, here and there, in scatter- 
 ing doubts, so much the better. Little-faith is 
 faint-hearted. Without confidence in a cause, 
 there is no action. Ignorance may be en- 
 lightened, superstition wiped out ; intolerance 
 may become tolerant, and hate be changed 
 into love ; ideas may be quickened, intelli- 
 gence widened, and men's hearts may be en- 
 nobled ; but from pessimism which can see 
 nothing but gloomy visions nothing is to be 
 
PESSIMISTS. 155 
 
 expected. This offspring of materialism is one 
 of the most powerful opponents which the cause 
 of international law and justice has to encounter. 
 It is only self-deception to conceal the fact that 
 it still reigns in our Christian community. 
 
 These gloomy-sighted people refer us to 
 history, which on every page tells of crime and 
 blood, sorrow and tears. We answer by point- 
 ing to the development of civilization, and 
 show how all things slowly grow and ripen, 
 whether in human life or in the world of 
 nature. 
 
 Human perfection does not provide for an 
 individual beinof a law-abidino[' member of a 
 human community, and exclude a community 
 from being a law-abiding member of an alliance 
 of States. The abolition of war therefore in 
 no way pre-supposes universal righteousness, 
 but only a certain degree of moral cultivation. 
 
 But that this perfection is not attained to 
 cannot be any rational objection against striving 
 after the perfect. Discontent with imperfection 
 ought much rather to goad us on to work for 
 what is better. 
 
 Now, war is not something imperfect only : 
 it is a summing up of all human depravity — 
 
156 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 a condition which we might expect all en- 
 lightened men and women would turn against 
 with combined energies. That this does not 
 take place is an evidence that the enlighten- 
 ment is not so great among so-called cultivated 
 people. 
 
 The dazzling external show of war conceals 
 from many its inner reality. This applies not 
 only to the horrors of the battle-field and their 
 ghastly accompaniments. Fancy's wildest pic- 
 tures of the infernal abyss are nothing to the 
 descriptions eye-witnesses give of this veritable 
 hell. Tolstoi's pen and Veretschagin's pencil 
 give us an idea of it.^ From this misery spring 
 untold sufferings for thousands upon thousands 
 of innocent victims ; and, besides, it remains to 
 be a flowing source of fresh calamities. 
 
 The Armed Peace is a similar calamity, 
 which threatens European civilization with 
 complete overthrow. We have got so far in 
 the general race in the science of armaments 
 that the yearly outlay in Europe for military 
 purposes, including the interest of national 
 
 ^ When Wellington once, as a victor, went over the field 
 of battle, he burst out with the cry, " There is nothing so 
 disastrous as a victory, except a defeat." 
 
THIRTY MILLIONS OF MEN. 1 57 
 
 debts, is reckoned as about twelve milliards of 
 kroner/ 650 millions sterling, which of course 
 must imply a corresponding limitation of pro- 
 ductive labour. 
 
 In time of peace the European armies are 
 reckoned at four millions of men. In time of 
 war this can grow to nineteen millions ; and in a 
 few years when, as intended, the new conscrip- 
 tion law comes into full effect, to something 
 like thirty millions.^ 
 
 War, the personification of all human de- 
 pravity, desolates the progressive work of 
 culture, and the armed peace which ruins the 
 nations prepares new wars and augments the 
 misery. Ignorance, war, and poverty follow one 
 another in an unvarying circle. 
 
 By the side of this wild race for armaments 
 goes on a terrible struggle for existence, and 
 discontent reigns in all lands. This condition 
 of things, which fills the world with unrest and 
 fear, must in the near future have an end. It 
 
 ^ That is 12,000,000,000; sufficient to furnish the annual 
 pension of a minister of State, 2,000 kroner, for every man 
 and woman, old man and suckling in the whole of Norway. 
 — Ed. of Danish edition. 
 
 2 Five times as many able-bodied men as there are men, 
 women, old men and children in the whole of Norway. — Do. 
 
158 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 will either come in the form of a social revolu- 
 tion, which will embrace the whole of our con- 
 tinent, or it may come by the introduction of 
 an established condition of international law. 
 
 It is the last named outcome that active 
 friends of peace labour for. They strive to 
 enlighten the nations as to the means of re- 
 moving and preventing these calamities ; and 
 they hope that the so-called educated classes 
 will cease to be inactive spectators of these 
 efforts. While they do not feel called upon to 
 oppose the nonsense of folly, they listen respect- 
 fully to objections dictated by a sincere patriot- 
 ism. In that feeling we ought all to be able 
 to join. It depends upon the way in which 
 this is expressed whether we can work to- 
 gether or must go on separate lines. 
 
 Commonly, we commend an action as vir- 
 tuous when it does not oppose our interests, 
 but brand it as blameworthy when it in some 
 way threatens our position. 
 
 Thus we read, with glad appreciation, the 
 deeds of our own warriors ; but our admiration 
 is changed into resentment when the exploits 
 are achieved against ourselves by the heroes of 
 other nations. When one says in Sweden, '* I 
 
ARBITRATION HONOURABLE. I 59 
 
 am not a Russian, indeed " ; they say in Russia, 
 " You behave yourself like a Swede/' It 
 needs an independent third party to give an 
 impartial judgment. Right must be right. 
 
 If our so-called enemy is really in the right, 
 he does not become wrong because he is called 
 our enemy ; and if we conquer and kill him, we 
 only thereby increase a hundredfold our terrible 
 guilt. It is in the long run a loss to both sides. 
 Here, at any rate at least, a compromise is 
 needed, for it is seldom the fault of one when 
 two quarrel. 
 
 But the endeavour to get a permanent arbi- 
 tration tribunal established cannot, in any way, 
 be reasonably opposed to efforts for the welfare 
 of one's own country. The very conscious- 
 ness of the existence of such a tribunal would 
 little by little, as a matter of course, bring about 
 the reign of law. It would indeed be a marvel- 
 lous perversion of ideas which esteemed it 
 dishonourable to feel bound, in case of disputes 
 with other countries, to appeal to law and 
 justice ; inasmuch as this very unwillingness to 
 seek the path of justice must excite a serious 
 suspicion as to the cause you maintain. 
 
 To lay hold on the sword under the influence 
 
l6o PAX MUNDI. 
 
 of passion is like taking a knife when intoxi- 
 cated ; and it is a crying absurdity to expect 
 people, who soberly know^ what they are doing, 
 to go to homicide with a light heart. That is 
 to say, that a good man in severe conflict as to 
 his duty, may possibly be forced to do a bad 
 action to escape participation in a still worse. 
 If he forbears to kill his brother, this last will 
 murder his father. When warriors are led out 
 to battle, the brilliant uniform ought to be laid 
 aside, and the troops clad in sombre mourning, 
 which would better accord with the naked 
 reality. When they have slain many and come 
 back in triumph, decorated with honourable 
 Cain-badges, they are wont in their homes to 
 point with pride to their brothers who lie silent 
 in their blood. They earn a character for 
 having done something great ; they are received 
 with exultation and honourable distinctions, and 
 praised as gods in popular story. But the 
 whole spirit and conception is false if Christ's 
 teaching of love is true ; and we should long 
 since have grown out of this heathenish religion 
 if there had not been incorporated with it so 
 much patriotism, both true and false — the false 
 wrapped in those high sounding words and 
 
BARRIERS REMOVED. l6l 
 
 phrases of self-love and vanity which still 
 exercise so great a power over the easily 
 excited spirit of the nations. 
 
 But if we set our thoughts free, confined as 
 they are by warm devotion to our hereditary 
 soil, and now and then venture to look out 
 over the wide world, we shall see points of 
 contact in the progressive effort of humanity ; 
 and it is our hicrhest honour to be able to 
 take an active part in this. Barriers are 
 crumbling away one after the other. They 
 do not go down with violence ; they vanish as 
 new ideas smooth the way for a higher con- 
 ception of human dignity. Inquiry dissipates 
 prejudice, and continually shows us new phases 
 of the inner cohesion of the life of nations. 
 
 The inhabitants of Europe, says Draper, 
 show a constantly increasing disposition towards 
 the complete levelling of their mutual dissimi- 
 larities. Climatic and meteorological differences 
 are more and more dissolved by artificial means 
 and new inventions ; and thence arises a simi- 
 larity, not only in habits of life, but in physical 
 conformation. Such inventions soften the in- 
 fluences to which men are subjected, and bring 
 them nearer to an average type. With this 
 
 M 
 
l62 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 greater affinity one to the other in bodily form, 
 follows also a greater similarity in feeling, habit 
 and thought. 
 
 Day by day, too, the economic fellowship of 
 Europe increases. Communications by ship, 
 railroad, post and telegraph are developed ; by 
 means of State loans, share and exchange con- 
 nections, interests are knit together. Therefore 
 we see the Bourse, the barometer of economic 
 life, fluctuate when serious rumours of war are 
 afloat ; an evidence that common economic 
 interests and war are at variance one with the 
 other. 
 
 I shall not venture further, but simply 
 indicate in closing that even the differences in 
 language will certainly go on being gradually 
 adjusted. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact, says the above-named 
 investigator, that in nearly all I ndo- Germanic 
 races, family appellatives, father, mother, sister, 
 brother, daughter, are the same. A similar 
 agreement may be observed in the names of 
 a great number of everyday things, such as 
 house, door, way ; but one finds that whilst 
 these observations hold good in respect to the 
 designation of objects of a peaceful character, 
 
THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. 1 63 
 
 many of the words which have a military 
 signification are different in the different lan- 
 guages. 
 
 Here lies, perhaps, the germ of a future 
 progressive growth which will rise higher 
 heavenward than the tower of Babel. 
 
 I believe, for my part, that the English 
 language, both on the ground of its cos- 
 mopolitan character and of its great expansion, 
 is already on the path of transition into a 
 universal common language. According to 
 Mulhall, it has spread since 1801, 310 per cent., 
 whilst German has increased 70, and French 
 36 per cent. A hundred years ago, Gladstone 
 says, the English tongue was spoken by fifteen 
 millions; it is now spoken by 150 millions; 
 ^nd according to the computation of Barham 
 Zincke, in another hundred it will be spoken 
 by at least 1,000 millions. 
 
 The computation is probably correct ; and 
 then not only in America, but in every part of 
 our globe, the remembrance will be treasured 
 of the little flock of Puritans who, ere they 
 landed from their frail Mayflower upon the 
 desolate rocks of a strange coast, drew up in 
 that undeveloped language the great social law 
 
164 PAX MUNDI. 
 
 for their future, which begins with the words, 
 *' In the name of God be it enacted." 
 
 Mankind will hold them in remembrance for 
 their faith in a high ideal, these persecuted, 
 weary, sick, and hungry men. For it was that 
 faith which upheld them under continued trials 
 and sufferings, and brought them a victory 
 guiltless of blood, but fraught with blessing to 
 coming generations. 
 
 Even if many of us do not believe in the 
 way those Christian heroes believed, yet we 
 may in this materialistic age have strong con- 
 fidence in the power of good, and so pronounced, 
 that we shall gain something for our cause. 
 
 In the life of Society, however, as in ex- 
 ternal nature with all its teeming variety, we 
 observe a subserviency to law, which may bq 
 taken as the surest pledge of the final triumph 
 of the cause of peace. 
 
 For my part, I see herein the Divine 
 government of the world. 
 
 And therefore my love for this idea can 
 never be extinguished. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Note on page 123. 
 The Association for the Neutralization of Denmark. 
 The objects of this Association are to work for : 
 
 1. Securing for Denmark a permanent neutrality recognised by 
 Europe, like that of Belgium or Switzerland ; 
 
 2. The concluding of Arbitration treaties between Denmark and 
 other independent States, especially the two Northern Kingdoms ; 
 
 3. The solution by a pacific means of the North Sleswick question 
 in accordance with the principle of popular veto. 
 
 Note on page 125. 
 International Arbitration and Peace Association (40 and 
 41, Outer Temple, London, W.C.). 
 
 OBJECTS. 
 Among the objects of this Association are the following : 
 
 1. To create, educate, and organize public opinion throughout 
 Europe in favour of the substitution of Arbitration for War. 
 
 2. To promote a better understanding and more friendly feeling 
 between the citizens of different nations. 
 
 3. To correct erroneous statements in the public press or in Parlia- 
 ments on International questions. 
 
 MODES OF ACTION. 
 
 1. To establish in the chief cities of Europe Committees or Societies 
 which shall correspond with each other on all matters likely to create 
 disputes, with the view of ascertaining the facts and of suggesting just 
 and practical modes of settlement. 
 
 2. Where Committees cannot at present be formed, to obtain the 
 services of individuals acting in co-operation for the same purpose. 
 
 3. To form a medium of communication between men of different 
 countries by a Journal devoted to these purposes, and to promote Inter- 
 national fraternity and co-operation, mutual appreciation and esteem. 
 
 4. To hold periodical conferences and congresses in all parts of 
 Europe. 
 
 5. To correspond and work with similar Associations and com- 
 mittees in America. 
 
 165 
 
1 66 APPENDIX. 
 
 WHAT THE ASSOCIATION HAS DONE. 
 
 It has held two International Congresses on the European continent. 
 Many visits have been paid to cities in Germany, Italy, France, Switzer- 
 land, Belgium, Austria, and Hungary, for the above purpose. In these 
 countries, including America, the Association has directly or indirectly 
 corresponded with more than six hundred persons, many of whom are 
 Members of Parliament, journalists, literary men, professors, merchants, 
 and manufacturers. 
 
 Corresponding Committees and Societies have been founded by the 
 Association in Germany, Hungary, Italy and France ; and Societies 
 are affiliated in Belgium, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and California. 
 
 WHAT IT DESIRES TO DO. 
 
 To complete the ** International Federation" of Peace-makers pro 
 posed by the Congress held at Berne in 1883. 
 
 To promote the formation of Societies belonging to this Federation 
 in all parts of Europe. 
 
 To form Branches of the Association in various parts of England. 
 
 To publish a foreign edition of the monthly paper, Concord^ in 
 French and German. 
 
 Note on page 137. 
 
 The following are the provisions of the Treaty agreed to at the Pan- 
 American Conference. 
 
 Article I. — The republics of North, Central, and South America 
 hereby adopt arbitration as a principle of American International Law 
 for the settlement of all differences, disputes, or controversies that may 
 arise between them. 
 
 Article II. — Arbitration shall be obligatory in all controversies con- 
 cerning diplomatic and consular privileges, boundaries, territories, 
 indemnities, the right of navigation, and the validity, construction, and 
 enforcement of treaties. 
 
 Article III. — Arbitration shall be equally obligatory in all cases other 
 than those mentioned in the foregoing article, whatever may be their 
 origin, nature, or occasion ; with the single exception mentioned in 
 the next following article. 
 
 Article IV. — The sole questions excepted from the provisions of the 
 preceding article are those which, in the judgment of any one of the 
 nations involved in the controversy, may imperil its independence. In 
 which case, for such nation, arbitration shall be optional ; but it shall 
 be obligatory upon the adversary power. 
 
APPENDIX. 167 
 
 Article V. — All controversies or differences, with the exception 
 stated in Article IV., whether pending or hereafter arising, shall be 
 submitted to arbitration, even though they may have originated in 
 occurrences ante-dating the present treaty. 
 
 Article VI. — No question shall be revived by virtue of this treaty 
 concerning which a definite agreement shall already have been reached. 
 In such cases arbitration shall be resorted to only for the settlement of 
 questions concerning the validity, interpretation, or enforcement of 
 such agreements. 
 
 Article VII. — Any Government may serve in the capacity of arbi- 
 trator which maintains friendly relations with the nation opposed to 
 the one selecting it. The office of arbitrator may also be entrusted to 
 tribunals of justice, to scientific bodies, to public officials, or to private 
 individuals, whether citizens or not of the States selecting them. 
 
 Article VIII. — The court of arbitration may consist of one or more 
 persons. If of one person, he shall be selected jointly by the nations 
 concerned. If of several persons, their selection may be jointly made 
 by the nations concerned. Should no choice be made, each nation 
 claiming a distinct interest in the question at issue shall have the right 
 to appoint one arbitrator on its own behalf. 
 
 Article IX. — When the court shall consist of an even number of 
 arbitrators, the nations concerned shall appoint an umpire, who shall 
 decide all questions upon which the arbitrators may disagree. If the 
 nations interested fail to agree in the selection of an umpire, such 
 umpire shall be selected by the arbitrators already appointed. 
 
 Article X. — The appointment of an umpire, and his acceptance, 
 shall take place before the arbitrators enter upon the hearing of the 
 question in dispute. 
 
 Article XL — The umpire shall not act as a member of the court, but 
 his duties and powers shall be limited to the decision of questions upon 
 which the arbitrators shall be unable to agree. 
 
 Article XII. — Should any arbitrator, or an umpire, be prevented 
 from serving by reason of death, resignation, or other cause, such 
 arbitrator or umpire shall be replaced by a substitute to be selected in 
 the same manner in which the original arbitrator or umpire shall have 
 been chosen. 
 
 Article XIII. — The court shall hold its sessions at such place as the 
 parties in interest may agree upon, and in case of disagreement or 
 failure to name a place the court itself may determine the location. 
 
 Article XIV. —When the court shall consist of several arbitrators, a 
 majority of the whole number may act notwithstanding the absence or 
 withdrawal of the minority. In such case the majority shall continue 
 
1 68 APPENDIX. 
 
 4 
 
 in the performance of their duties, until they shall have reached a final 
 determination of the questions submitted for their consideration. 
 
 Article XV. — The decision of a majority of the whole number of 
 arbitrators shall be final both on the main and incidental issues, unless 
 in the agreement to arbitrate it shall have been expressly provided that 
 unanimity is essential. 
 
 Article XVI. — The general expenses of arbitration proceedings shall 
 be paid in equal proportions by the governments that are parties 
 thereto ; but expenses incurred by either party in the preparation and 
 prosecution of its case shall be defrayed by it individually. 
 
 Anicle XVII. — Whenever disputes arise the nations involved shall 
 apl oint courts of arbitration in accordance with the provisions of the 
 preceding articles. Only by the mutual and free consent of all of such 
 nations may those provisions be disregarded, and courts of arbitration 
 appointed under different arrangements. 
 
 Article XVIII. — This treaty shall remain in force for twenty years 
 from the date of the exchange of ratifications. After the expiration of 
 that period, it shall continue in operation until one of the contracting 
 parties shall have notified all the others of its desire to terminate it. 
 In the event of such notice the treaty shall continue obligatory upon 
 the party giving it for at least one year thereafter, but the withdrawal 
 of one or more nations shall not invalidate the treaty with respect to 
 the other nations concerned. 
 
 Article XIX. — This treaty shall be ratified by all the nations ap- 
 proving it, according to their respective constitutional methods ; and 
 the ratifications shall be exchanged in the city of Washington on or 
 before the first day of May, a.d. 1891. Any other nation may accept 
 this treaty and become a party thereto, by signing a copy thereof and 
 depositing the same with the Government of the United States ; 
 whereupon the said Government shall communicate this fact to the 
 other contracting parties. 
 
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