"PLHLJC OFFfOI IS A PUBMC TRUST/ T H F MPMGN Text ;v DEMOCFiilTJC PHRTY W u NirFDS'iiSTE: PrEsidHTiriEil >-'.. jGtian of IBBB i'ii;, ! F.P l.V DlKl.C lON OF 1 HF. NATIONAL Democratic Committee. PUBLISHED aV B R K N T A N O S : 5 Union JSqviare, NE"W YORK. lOl Sttite Street, 1015 Rennfsylvoriia Aven ue, CHICAGO, ILL. WASHINGTON, D C. ' X'l^ICE, 02^E IDOXj.Xj-A-1^. ^ Digitized-by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/democratictextOOdemorich THE CflMPMGN Text Book DEMOCRATIC PARTY UNITED STilTES-.- PrEsidEntial ElEctinn af IBBB, " The Government can never be restored and refortned except from inside, and by the active^ intelligent agency of the Executive. We must hope that Providence will, in its own good time, raise up a man adapted and qualified for the wise execution of this great work, and that the people will put him in possession of the executive administration, through ruhich alone that noble mission can be accomplishedy and the health and life of our political system be preserved and invigorated. — Samuel J. TiLDKN TO Iroquois Club, Chicago, March iith, 1882. " Cleveland' s administration has been free from official or personal scandal; has beeH honest and clean. There have been no Star Route robberies; no navy jobberies ; no War Department cor- ruptions; no profligate waste by United States Marshals; no Treasury combinations or speculations: no corrupt operations in or through the Land OJfice. No American at home or abroad has had occasion to droop his eyes in shame because of any such things under Mr. Cleveland' s administra- tion. On the contrary, there has been a resolute effort to promote honest government, to increase efficiency, and to lessen expenses.— Q^o. W. Childs, in the Philadelphia Ledger, August, 1888. PREPARED BY DIRECTION OF THE NATIONAL Democratic Committee. 101 State Street, CHICAGO, ILL. PUBLISHED BY BRKNXAKOS: S Union Square, NEW YORK. 1015 Pennsylvania Avenue, WASHINGTON, D. C. COPYRIGHT. 1888. The Sun Book and Job Printing Office, Baltimore,. THE leader's AYATCHWOED. X7 With an unalterable hatred of all such schemes we count the checking of their baleful operations among the good results promised by revenue reform. While we cannot avoid partisan misrepresentation our position upon the question of revenue reform should be so plainly stated as to admit of no misunder- BtaDding. HOW REPUBLICANS HAVE BELIED THEIR PROMISES. We have entered upon no crusade of free trade. The reform we seek to inaugu- rate is predicated upon the utmost care for established industries and enterprises, a jealous regard for the interests of American labor and a sincere desire to relieve the country from the injustice and danger of a condition which threatens evil to all the people of the land. We are dealing with no imaginary danger. Its existence has been repeatedly confessed by all political parties, and pledges of a remedy have been made on all sides. Yet when in the legislative body, where under the Constitution all remedial measures applicable to this subject must originate, the Democratic majority were attempting with extreme moderation to redeem the pledge common to both parties, they were met by determined opposition and obstruction ; and, the minority refus- ing to co-operate in the House of Representatives, or propose another remedy, have remitted the redemption of their party pledge to the doubtful power of the Senate. The people will hardly be deceived by their abandonment of the field of legis- lative action to meet in political convention and flippantly declare in their party platform that our conservative and careful effort to relieve the situation is destruc- tive to the American system of protection. Nor will the people be misled by the appeal to prfjudice contained in the absurd allegation that we serve the interests of Europe, while they will supi ort the interests of America. FREE WHISKEY AND FREE TOBACCO PROMISED BY REPUBLICANS. They propose in their platform to thus support the interests of our country by removing the internal revenue tax from tobacco and from spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes. They declare also that there should be such a revision of our tariflTlaws as shall tend to check the importation of such articles as are pro- duced here. Thus in proposing to increase the duties upon such articles to nearly or quite a prohibitory point, they confess themselves willing to travel backward in the road of civilization and to deprive our people of the markets for their goods, which can only be gained and kept by the semblance, at least, of an interchange of business, while they abandon our consumers to the unrestrained oppression of the domestic trusts and combinations which are in the same platform perfunctorily condemned. They propose further to release entirely from import duties all articles of forei£:Q production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced in this country. The plain people of the land and the poor, who scarcely use articles of any descrip- tion produced exclusively abroad and not already free, will find it diflflcult to discover where their interests are regarded in this proposition. They need in their homes I 992786 XVI THE leader's WATCHWORD. cheaper domestic necessaries ; and this seems to be entirely unprovided for in this proposed scheme to serve tlie country. Small compensation for this neglected need is found in the further purpose here announced and covered by the declaration, that if after the changes already men- tioned there still remains a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the government, the entire internal taxation should be repealed "rather than surrender any part of our protective system." Our people ask relief from the undue and unnecessary burden of tarifi taxation now resting upon them. They are offered instead — free tobacco and free whiskey. They ask for bread and they are given a stone. THE INTERESTS OF LABOR DEMAND REDUCED COST OF LIVING. The implication contained in this party declaration that desperate measures are justified or necessary to save from destruction or surrender what is termed our protective system, should confuse no one. The existence of such a system is entirely consistent with the regulation of the extent to which it should be applied and cor- rection of its abuses. Of course in a country as great as ours, with such a wonderful variety of interests, often leading in entirely different directions, it is diflScult if not impossible to settle upon a perfect tariff plan. But in accomplishing the reform we have entered upon, the necessity of which is so obvious, I believe we should not be con- tent with a reduction of revenue involving the prohibition of importations and the removal of the internal tax upon whiskey. It can bs better and more safely done within the lines of granting actual relief to the people in their means of living, and at the same time giving an impetus to our domestic enterprises and furthering our national welfare. If misrepresentations of our purposes and motives are to gain credence and defeat our present effort in this direction, there seems to be no reason why every endeavor in the future to accomplish revenue reform should not be likewise attacked and with like result. And yet no thoughtful man can fail to see in the continuance of the present burdens of the people, and the abstraction by the govern- ment of the currency of the country, inevitable distress and disaster. All danger will be averted by timely action. The diflQculty of applying the remedy will never be less, and the blame should not be laid at the door of the Democratic party if it is applied too late. With firm faith in the intelligence and patriotism of our countrymen, and rely- ing upon the conviction that misrepresentation will not influence them, prejudice will not cloud their understanding and that menace will not intimidate them, let us urge the people's interest and public duty for the vindication of our attempt to inaugurate a righteous and beneficent reform. GROVER CLEVELAND. CHAPTEE L DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES I. The Platform of 1888 — Adopted by the Democratic National Convention at St. Loui^, June 7. The Democratic party of the United States, iu national convention assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity to Democratic faith and reaffirms the platform adopted by its representatives in the convention of 1884, and endorses the views expressed by President Cleveland in his last annual message to Congress, as the correct interpretation of that platform upon the question of tariff reduction ; and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic representatives in Congress to secure a reduction "^f excessive taxation. Chief among its principles of party faith, are the maintenance of an indisso- luble union of free and indestructible states, now about to enter upon its second century of unexampled progress and renown ; devotion to a plan cf government regulated by a written constitution, strictly specifying every granted power and ex- pressly reserving to the States or people the entire ungranted residue of power; the encouragement of a jealous popular vigilance, directed to all who have been chosen for brief terms to enact and execute the laws and are charged with the duty of preserving peace, insuring equality and establishing justice. The Democratic party welcome an exacting scrutiny of the administration of the executive power, which four years ago was committed to its trust in the election of Grover Cleveland President of the United States; and it challenges the most searching inquiry concerning its fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited the suffrages of the people. During a most critical period of our financial affairs, resulting from overtaxa- tion, the anomalous condition of our currency, and a public debt unrnaturei, it l>as, by the adoption of a wise and conservative course, not only averted disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the people. It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the Republican party touching the public domain, and has reclaimed from corporations and syndics es, alien and domestic, and restored to the people nearly 100,000,000 of acres of valuable land, to be sacredly held as homesteads for our citizens. While carefully guarding the interest of the taxpayers, and conforming strictly to the principles of justice and equity, it has paid out more for pensions and bounties to the soldiers and sailors of the republic than was ever paid before during an equal period 4 DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES, By intelligenr. management and a judicious and economical expenditure of the public money, it has set on foot the reconstruction of the American navy upon a system which forbids the recurrence of scandal and insures successful results. It has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and prudent foreign policy, preserviijg'py^ace vf'itH ^\\ dji^obs. while scrupulously maintaining all the.rights and Interests o?'our owri'goveVrMilent and people at home and abroad. The:e2.t;kr$ion.fTqm our shor-eaol Chinese laborers has been eflFectually secured undei tVd provisions bf^.trjpaV, tjie operation of which has been postponed by the action of a Republican majority in the Senate. Honest reform in the civil service Las been inaugurated and maintained by President Cleveland, and he has brought the public service to the highest standard of efficiency, not only by rule and precept, but by the example of his own untiring and unselfish administration of public afEairs . In every branch and department of the Government under Democratic control the rights and the welfare of all the people have been guarded and defended ; every public interest has been protected, and the equality of all our citizens before the law, without regard to race or color, has been steadfastly maintained. Upon its record thus exhibited and upon the pledge of a continuance to the peo- ple of the benvfils of good government, the National Democracy invokes a renewal, of popular trust by the re election of a Chief Magistrate who is faithful, able and prudent. They invoke an addition to that trust by the transfer also to the Democracy of the entire legislative power. The Republican party, controlling the Senate, and resisting in both houses of Congress a reformation of unjust and unequal tax laws, which have outlasted the necessities of war and are now undermining the abunaance of a long peace^ deny to the people equality before the law and tbe fairness and the justice which are their right. Thus the cry of American labor for a better share in the rewards ot indus- try is stifled with false prettnses; enterprise is fettered and bound down to home markets; capital is discouraged with doubt, and unequal, unjust laws can neither be properly amended nor repealed. The Democratic party will continue, with all the power confided to it, the strug- gle to reform these laws in accordance with the pledges of its last platform, en- dorsed at the ballot-box by the suffrages of the people. Of all the industrious freemenof our land an immense majority, including every tiller of tbe soil, gain no advantage from the tax laws, but the price of nearly every- thing they buy is increased by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax legisla- tion. All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. It is repugnant to the creed of Dt^mocracy that by such taxation the cost of the necessaries of life should be unjustifiably increased to all our people. Judged by Democratic principles, the interests of the people are betrayed when by unnecessary taxation trusts and combinations are permitted and fostered, which, while unduly enriching the lew that combine, rob the body of our citizens, by de- priving them as purchasers.of the benefits of natural competition. Every Demo- cratic rule of governmental action is violated when through unnecessary taxation a vast sum of money, far beyond the needs of an economical administration, is drawn from the people and the channels of trade and accumulated as a demoralizing sur- plus in the national treasury. * DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES. 6 The money now lying idle in the federal treasury resulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more than $125,000,001), and the surplus collected is reaching the sum of more than $60,000,000 aunually. Debauched by this immense temptation, the remedy of the Republican party is to meet and exhaust by extravagant appropriations and expenditures, whether con- stitutional or not, the accumulations of extravagant taxation. Tlie Democratic policy is to enforce frugality in public expense and abolish unnecessary taxation. Our established domestic industries and enterprises sholild not, and need not, be endangered by a reduction and correction of the burdens of taxation. On the con- trary, a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the dif- ference between the wages of American and foreign labor, must promote and en- courage every branch of such industries and enterprises, by giving them assurance of an extended market and steady and continuous operation. In the interest of American labor, which should in no event be neglected, the revision of our tax laws contemplated by the Democratic party, would promote the advantage of such labor, by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life in the lioine of every working man, and at the same time securing to him steady and re- munerative employment. Upon this question of tariff reform, so closely conceroing every phase of our national life, and upoa every que^^tion involved in the problem of good govern- ment, the Democratic party submits its principles and professions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people. Resolved, That this convention hereby indorses and recommends the early pass- age of the bill for the reduction of the revenue now pending in the House of Re- presentatives. Resolved, That a just and liberal policy should be pursued in reference to the Territories; that right of self government is inherent in the people and guaranteed under the Constitution; that the Territories of Washington, Dakota, Montana, and New- Mexico are by virtue of population and development entitled to admission into the Union as States, and we unqualifiedly condemn the course of the Republi- can Party in refusing Statehood and self-government to their people. Resolved, That we express our cordial sympathy with the struggling people of all nations in their effort to secure for themselves the inestimable blessings of self- givernment and civil and religious liberty, and we especially declare our sympathy with the efforts of those noble patriots who, led by Gladstone and Parnell, have conducted their grand and peaceful contest for home rule in Ireland. II. Democratic Platform Adopted at Chicago, July 10, 1884, AND Reaffirmed at St. Louis, Juxe 7, 1888. The Democratic Party of the tfnion, through its representatives in National Convention assembled, recognizes that, as the nation grows older, new issues are born of time and progress, and old issues perish. But the fundamental principles of the Democracy, approved by the united .voice of the people, remain, and will 4 DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES. ever remain, as the best and only security for the continuance of free government The preservation of personal rights ; the equality of all citizens before the law ; the reserved rights of the States, and 'the supremacy of the Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution, will ever form the true basis of our liberties, and can never be surrendered without destroying that balance of rights and powers which enables a continent to be developed in peace, and social order to be main- tained by means of local self government. But it is indispensable for the practical application and enforcement of these fundamental principles that the government should not always be controlled by one political party. Frequent change of administration is as necessary as constant recurrence to popular will. Otherwise abuses grow, and the government, instead of being carried on for the general welfare, becomes an instrumentality for impos- ing heavy burdens on the many who are governed for the benefit of the few who govern. Public servants thus become arbitrary rulers. This is now the condition of the country. Hence a change is demanded. The Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is a reminiscence ; in practice it is an organization for enriching those who control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been brought to light in every department of the government are sufhcient to have called for reform within the Republican party ; yet those in authority, made reckless by the long possession of power, have succumbed to its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket against which the independent portion of the party are in open revolt. Therefore a change is demanded. Such a change was alike necessary in 1876, but the will of the people was then defeated by fraud which can never be for- gotten, nor condoned. Again, in 1880, the change demanded by the people was de- feated by the lavish use of money contributed by unscrupulous contractors and shameless jobbers, who had bargained for unlawful profits, or for high office. The Republican party, during its legal, its stolen, and its bought tenures of power, has steadily decayed in moral character and political capacity. Its platform promises are now a list ot its past failures. It demands the restoration of our navy. It has gquanc'ered hundreds of mil- lions to create a navy that does not exist. It calls upon Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has been depressed. It imposed and has continued those burdens. It professes the policy of reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual settlers. It has given away the people's heritage till now a few railroads and non- resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than that of all our farms between the two seas. It professes a preference for free institutions. It organized and tried to legalize a control of State elections by Federal troops. It professes a desire to elevate labor. It has subjected American workingmen to the competition of convict and imported contract labor. It professes gratitude to all who were disabled or died in the war, leaving widows and orphans. It left t) a Democratic House of Representatives the first effort to e ^ualize both bounties and pensions. It proffers a pledge to correct the irregularities of our tariff. It created and has continued them. Its own Tariff Commission confessed the need of more than twenty per cent, reduction. Its Congress gave a reduction of less than four per cent. DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES. 7 It professes the protection of American manufactures. It has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufactured goods, and a hopeless competition with manu- facturing nations, not one of which taxes raw materials. It professes to protect all American industries. It has impoverished many to sub- sidize a few. It professes the protection of American labor. It has depleted the returns of American agriculture—an industry followed by half our people. It professes the equality of all men before the law. Attempting to 6x the status of colored citizens, the acts of its Congress was overset by the decisions of its courts. It " accepts anew the duty of leadiri^ in the work of progress and reform." Its caught criminals are permitted to escape through contrived delays or actual conni- Tance in the prosecution. Honeycombed with corruption, outbreaking exposures no longer shock its moral sense. Its honest members, its independent journals no longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its counsels or a veto upon bad nominations. Tbat change is necessary.is proved by an existing surplus of more than $100,000,- OOO, which has yearly been collected from a sufferiug people. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. We denounce the Republican pirty for having failed to relieve the people from crustiiug war taxes which have paralyzed business, crippled in- dustry and deprived labor of employment and just reward. The Democracy pledges itself to purify the administration from corruption, to restore economy, to revive respect for law, and to reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with due regard to the preservation of the faith of the nation to its creditors and pensioners. Knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting the occupations of the people should ba cautious and conservative in method, not in advance of public opinion, but responsive to its demands, the Democratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to all interests. But in makmg reduction in taxes, it is not proposed to injure any domestic in- dustries, but raiher to promote their healthy growtli. From lue foundation of this government taxes collected at the custom house have been the chief source of federal revenue. Such they mast continue to be. Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation for successful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every step reirardful of the labor and capital thus involved. The process of reform must be subject in the execution of this plain dictate of justice. All taxation shall be limited to the requirements of economical government. The necessary reduction in taxation can, an I must, be effected without depriving Amer- ican labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor, and without im- posing lower rates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of pro- duction which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing in tlds country. Sufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the Federal Government, economi- cally adaiiiiistered, including pensions, mterest and principal of the public debt, can begot, under our present system of taxation, from custom house taxes on fewer imported articles, bearing heaviest on articles of luxury, and bearing lightest on articles of necessity. 8 DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES. We, therefore, denounce the abuses of the existing tariff, and, subject to^the pre- ceding limitations, we demand that Federal taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes, and shall not exceed the needs of the Government, economically adminis- tered. The system of direct taxation known as " internal revenue " is a war tax, and so long as the law continues the money derived therefrom should be sacredly devoted to the relief of the people from the remaining burdens of the war and be made a fund to defray the expenses of the care and comfort of worthy soldiers disabled in the line of duty in the wars of the republic, and for the payment of such pensions as Con- gress may from time to time grant to such soldiers, a like fund for the sailors having been already provided, and any surplus should ])e paid into the treasury. We favor an American continental policy based upon more intimate commercial and political relations with the fifteen sister republics of North, Central and South, America, but entangling alliances with none. We believe in honest money, the gold and silver coinage of the Constitution, and a circulating medium convertible into such money without loss. Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we^old that it is the duty of the government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all citizens of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion— religious or political. We believe in a free ballot and a fair count, and we recall to the memory of the people the noble struggle of the Democrats in the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Congresses, by which a reluctant Republican opposition was compelled to assent to legislation making everywhere illegal the presence of troops at the polls, as a con- clusive proof that a Democratic administration will preserve liberty with order. The selection of Federal officers for the territoiy should be restricted to citizens previously resident therein. We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizen and interfere with individual liberty ; we favor honest civil service reform, and the compensation of all United States officera by fixed salaries; the separation of church and state, and the diffusion of free education by common schools, so that every child in the land may be taught the rights and duties of citizenship. While we favor all legislation that will tend to the equitable distribution of prop- erty, to the prevention of monopoly, and to the strict enforcement of individual Tights against corporal abuses, we hold that the welfare of society depends upon a Bcrupulous regard for the rights of property as defined by law. We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and most enlightened. It should therefore be fostered and cherished. We favor the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor, and the enactment of laws by which labor organ- izations may be incorporated, and of all such legislation as will tend to enlighten the people as to the true relations of capital and labor. We believe that the public lands ought, as far as possible, to be kept as home- steads for actual settlers ; that all unearned lands heretofore improvidently granted to railroad corporations by the action of the Republican party should be restored to the public domain ; and that no more grants of land shall be made to corporations or be allowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees. We are opposed to all propositions which, upon any pretext, would convert the General Government into a machine for collecting taxes to be distributed among the States or the citizens thereof. DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES. 9 In reaffirming the declaration of the Democratic platform of 1856, that "the lib- eral principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of independence, and sanc- tioned by the Constitution, which make ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith," we nevertheless do not sanction the importation of foreign labor, or the ad- mission of servile races, unfitted by habits, training, religion, or kindred for absorp- tion into the great body of our people, or for the citizenship which our laws confer. American civilization demands that against the immigration or importation of Mon- goliaus to these shores, our gates be closed. The Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this government to protect, with equal fidelity and vigilance, the rights of its citizens, native and naturalized, at home and abroad, and to the end that this protection may be assured, United States papers of naturalization, issued by courts of competent jurisdiction, must be respected by the executive and legislative departments of our own government and by all foreign powers. It is an imperative duty of this government to efficiently protect all the rights of persons and property of every American citizen in foreign lands, and demand and enforce full reparation for any invasion thereof An American citizen is only responsible to his own government for any act done in his own country, or under her flag, and can only be tried therefor on her own soil and according to her laws ; and no power exists in this government to expatriate an American citizen to be tried in any foreign land for any such act. This country has never had a well-defined and executed foreign policy save under Democratic administration ; that policy has ever been, in regard to foreign nations, so long as they do no act detrimental to the interests of the country or hurtful to our citizens, to let them alone ; that as the result of this policy we recall the acquisition of Louisiaua. Florida, California, and of the adjacent Mexican terri- tory by purchase alone, and contrast these grand acquisitions of Democratic states- manshio with the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican administration of nearly a quarter of a century. The Federal government should care for and improve the Mississippi river and other great waterways of the republic, so as to secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tide-water. Under a long period of Democratic rule and policy our merchant marine was fast overtaking, and on the point of outstripping that of Grent Britain. Under twenty years of Republican rule and policy our commerce has been left to British bottoms, and almost has the American flag been swept off the high seas. Instead of the Republican party's British policy we demand for the people of the United States an American policy. Under Democratic rule and policy our merchants and sailors, flying the stars and stripes in every port, successfully searched out a market for the varied products of American industry. Under a quarter of a century of Republican rule and policy, despite our mani- fest advantage over all other nations in high paid labor, favorable climates and teeming soils; despite freedom of trade among all these United States; despite their population by the foremost races of men, and an annual immigration of the young, thrifty and adventurous of all nations; despite our freedom here from the inherited burdens of life and industry in old world monarchies— their costly war lb DEMORATIC DOCTRINES. navies, their vast taxcon'^uming, non- producing standiag armies; despite their twenty years of peace — that Republican rule and policy have managed to surrender to Great Bri'ain, aloQg with our commerce, the control of tlie marlcets of the world. Instead of the Republican party's British policy, we demand, in behalf of the American Democracy, an American policy. Instead of the Republican part3^'s discredited scheme and false pretense of friendship for American labor, expressed by imposing taxes, we demand, in behalf of the Democracy, freedom for American labor by reducing taxes, to the end that these United States may compete with unhindered powers for the primacy among nations in all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty. With this statement of the hopes, principles and purposes of the Democratic party, the great issue of reform and change in administration is submitted to the people Id calm confidence that the popular voice will pronounce in favor of new men, and new and more favorable conditions for the growth of industry, the ex- tension of trade, the employment and due reward of labor and of capital, and the general welfare of the whole country. THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION. 11 CHAPTER II. THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION. Outline of the Proceedings of the Convention Which Nominated Cleveland and Thurman. On February 22, 1888, the National Democratic Committee met in Washing- ton to issue the call for the convention. There was a sharp rivalry between the representatives of New York, St. Louis, Chicago, San Francisco and Cincinnati for the convention, which was settled in favor of St. Louis, and the time for holding the convention fixed for Tuesday, June 5. The State Conventions were held from February until within a fortnight of the assembling of the National Convention at St. Louis. In every one, without a word ol dissent or an opposing vote, the rcnomination of Grover Cleveland was demanded and his administration indorsed. The National Committee met in St, Louis on Monday, June 5th, and chose Stephen M.White, Lieutenant Governor of California, as Temporary Chairman, and Frederick O. Prince, of Massachusetts, as Secretary, and these selections were rati- fied by the vote of the convention. Prayer was offered by Bishop John G. Gran- berry, of Missouri. During the first day's session the various committees were chosen, consisting of one member from each State upon Resolutions, Credentials, Permanent Organiza- tion, the National Committee, the committee to notify the candidates of their nomi- nation, and a chairman and secretary for each delegation. Adjournment was then had until the followiug day, to enable these committees to do their work. The second day's session was opened with prayer by Rev. J. P. Green, of St. Louis. The Committee en Permaneot Organization reported the name of General Patrick A. Collins, Representative in Congress from Massachusetts, as President. Mr. Collins was escorted to the chair by William H Barnum, of Connecticut, Ros- well P. Flower, of New York, and John ODay, of Missouri, and made the follow- ing address : GENTSRAL. COLLINS'S SPEECH. We represent in this convention more than 30,000,000 of the American people ; we bear the commission to act for them, and their injunction to act with all the wisdom that God has given us, to protect and saleguard the institutions of the Republic as the fathers founded them. Iq a time when the world was king-ridden and pauperized by the privileged few, when men scarcely dared to breathe the word " Liberty," even if they understood its meaning, the people scattered along our eastern coast, with a sublime heroism never equaled, broke from all tradition", rejected all known systems, and established to the amazement of the world the political wonder of the ages, the American Republic— the chi'd of revoiutJoa nursed by philosophy. The hand that framed the immortal Declaration of Independence is the hand thai guided the emancipated country to pro^iress 'and glory. It is the hand that guides us still in our onward march as a free and progressive people. The principles 13 THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION. upon which oxir f?overnmetit can securely rest, upon which the peace, prosperity and liberties ot the people depend, are the principles of the founder of our party, the apostle of Democracy, Thomas Jefferson. Our younff men under thirty have heard more in their time of the clash of arms and the echoes of war than of the principles of government. It has been a period of passion, force, impulse, and emotional politics. So that we need not wonder that now and then we hear the question asked and scarcely answered, " Wha s difference is there between the two parties? " Every Democrat knows the difference. The Democratic creed was not penned by Jefferson for a section or a class of the people, but for ail time. These principles con- served and expanded the Republic in all its better days. A STict adherence to them will preserve it to the end, so the Democracy of to-day as in the past believe with Jefferson in (1) equal and exact justice to all men of wdatever state or persuasion, religious or political; (3) peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none : (3) support of the State Governments in all their rights as the most competent administratorsof our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti- Republican tendencies; (4) the preservation of the general Government in its whole constitutional vigor, asthesheet anchor of our peace and safety abroad; (5) a jealous care of the right ot election bv the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped off by Ihe sword of revolution where peaceable means are unprovided ; (6) absolute acquiescence m th« decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal Dvit to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; (7) a well- disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments in war; (8) the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; (9) economy in the public expenses- that labor may be lightly burdened ; (10) the honest payment of our debts and the preserva, tion of our public faith; (11) encouragement of agriculture and of commerce as its handmaid; il3) the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason ; (13) freedom of religion ; (14) freedom of the press ; (15) freedom of the person under the protection of the habeas corpus: (16) trial by juries impartially seleced. Add to these the golden economic rule that no more taxes should be levied upon the people in any way than are necessary to meet the honest expenses of government, and you have a boiy of principles to sin against which has been political death to every party hitherto, to sin against which in the future will be political suicide. WHAT THE PARTY HAS DONE UNDIR THESE. True to these principles the Democratic party fought successfully our foreign wars» protected our citizens in every clime, compelled the respect of all nations for our flag, added imperial domain to our territory, and insured peace, prosperity and happiness to all our people. False to these principles the great Federal, Whig and Know-Nothing parties went down, never to rise, and we are here to-day, representatives of the party that has survived all others, the united, triumphant, invincible Democracy, prepared to strike down forever the last surv ving foe in November. Our standard must be the rallying point now and lathe future for all good citizens who love and cherish republican institutions, who love liberty regulat^i by the Constitu- tion and law, who believe in a Government not for a class or for a few, but a Government of all the people, by all the people, and for all the people. This has been the asylum for all good men from over the earth who flee from want and opprtssion, and mean to become Americans. But we invite and welcome only "friends to this ground and liegemen" to the Republic. Our institutions cannot change to meet hostile wishes, nor be so much as sensi- bly modified save by the peaceful and deliberate action of the mass of our people in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the land. Whatever problems the pres- ent has or the future may present, so far as political action can effect them, will be dealt with by the American people within the law. And in the future, as in the past, the people will find security for their liberty and property, encouragement and protection for their industries, peace and prosperity in following the party of the American masses, which will ever shield them against the aggressions of power and monoply on^the one side, and on the other the surging of chaos. While almost all the rest of the civilized world is darkened by armies, crushed by kings, dr night-mared by conspiracies, we alone enjoy a healthy peace, a rational liberty, a progressive prosperity. We owe it to our political institutions, to dem- THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION. 13^ ociatic teachings, at least as much as to the exuberant soil. The man is not a prood Ameri- can who, knowing what we are, by act or word, cxoeriraent or thought, in any way, will attempt to weaken the foundation of this splendid political structure— the Republic of the United States. We are confronted by a wily, unscrupulous, and desperate foe. There will be no speck on the record that they will not magnify into a blot; no circumstance that they will not torture and misrepresent; no disappointment that they will not exaggerate into a revoltr ao class or creed that they will not seek to inflame; no passion that they will not attempt to rouse; no fraud that they will not willingly perpetrate. They fancy, indeed, that there is no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity; no crime that will not be condoned. But we stand at guard, full armed at every point to meet them. Our appeal is not to passion nor to prejudice, to class or faction, to race or creed, but to the sound common sense, the interest, the intelligence and patriotism of the American people. THE NEW CONDITTOKS OF THK PARTY. "We meet to-day under conditions new to the Democrats of this generation. How often closed about us, when the day of victory seemed almost as far away as the day of general judgment. It could not then be said that we met for spoils or petsonal advantage. We met to keep the fires of Democratic liberty alive till the dawn of a better day. If we were a party of misfortune, it must also be agreed that we were a party of undaunted we stood in conventions in the past when toothers it seemed as if the shadows of death courageand inflexible principles. Twenty-eight years ago the Dtmocratic party, rent la fragments, heated by feuds that only time could allay or punishment destroy, met, as It looks now, merely to settle in angry mood the terms upon which they should become ex- iled from power. By their mad dissensions they elected to go to defeat rather than wait for the sobering influence of time to close the breach. To the younger mtn of that day the act seemed suicide, mitigated by insanity. Their madness transferred to a minority of the American people the political government of all. That party, whatever the honesty and respectability of its members, however patriot ic its motives, was not broad or national at its base. It had almost but one central Idea, and when that Idea was set In the Consti- tution and crystallized into law, it ran a career of riot that appalled all men. The history of that period of political debauchery Is too sad and familiar to Americans to be recited anew. The Republican party, sometimes peacefully and sometimes by force, sometimes fairly and sometimes by fraud, succeeded in holding power 21 years, till at last the Ameri- can people, no longer condoning its faults or forgiving Its sins, hurled it from power and again committed to the historic party of the Constitution and the whole Union the admin- istration of our political aCfaira. We won by the well earned coufldenco of the country la the rectitude of our purpose, by the aid of chivalrous and conscientious men who could no longer brook the corruptions of the Republican party. It was a great, deserved, necessary victory. The day on which Grover Cleveland, the plain, straightforward, typical .A.merican citJ* zen chosen at the election, took the oath of office in the presence of the multitude— a day so lovely and so perfect that all nature seemed exuberantly to sanction and to celebrate the victory— that day marked the close of an old era and the beginning of a new one. It closed the era of usurpation of power by the Federal authority, of illegal force, of general contempt for constitutional limitations and plain law, of glaring scandals, profligate waste and unspeakable corruption, of narrow sectionalism and class sfrifo, of the reign of a party whose good work had long been done. It besran the era of perfect peace and perfect union. The States fused in all, their sovereignty into a Federal Republic with limited but ample powers, of a public service conducted with the absolute integrity and strict economy . of reforms pushed to their extreme limit; of comprehensive, sound, and safe financial policy; giving security and confllence to all enterprise and endeavor, a Democratic admin- istration faithful to its mijjhty trust, loyal to its pledges, true to the Constitution, safe- guarding the interests and liberties of the poople. And now we stand on the edge of another era, perhaps a greater contest, Avith a relation to the electors that we have not held for a generation— that of responsibility for the groat trust of government. We aro no longer authors, but accountants; no longer critics, but the criticised. The responsibility is ours, and if we have not taken all the power necessary to make that responsibility goo(i the fault is ours, not that of the people. 14 THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION. THE ADMINISTRATION HAS JUSTIFIED ITSELF. The Admiaistration of President Cleveland has triumpliantly justified his eleotion. It compels the respect, confldence and approval of the couatry. The prophets of evil and disaster are dumb. What the people see is the Government of the Union restored to its ancient footingr of justice, peace, honesty, and impartial enforcement of law. They see the demands of labor and agriculture met so far as Government can meet them by the legisla- tive enactments for their encouragement and protection. They see the veterans of the civil war granted pensions long due them to the amount of more than twice in number and nearly three times in value of those granted under any previous Administration. They see more than 32.000,000 acres of land recklessly and illegally held by the grantees of the cor- rupt Republican regime restored to the public domain for the benefit of honest settlers. They see the negro, whose fears of Democratic rule were played upon by demagogues four years ago, not only more fully protected than by his pretended friends, but honored as his race was never honored before. They see a financial policy under which reckless specula- tion has practically ceased and capital freed from distrust. They see for the first time an honest observance of the law governing the civil establishment, and the employes of the people rid at last of the political highwaymen with a demand for tribute in one hand and a letter of dis-nissal in the other. They see useles? offices abolished and expenses of admin- istration reduced, while improved methods have lifted the public service to high efficiency. They see tranquility, order, security and equal justice restored in the land; a watchful, steady, safe and patriotic Administration— the solemn promises made by the Democracy faithfully kept. It is " an honest Government by honest men." If this record seems prosaic, if ir lacks the blood- thrilling element, if it is not lit with lurid fires, if it cannot be illustrated by a pyrotecnnic display, if it is merely the plain rec- ord of a constitutional party in a time of paace, engaged in administrative reforms, it is because the people of the country four years ago elected not to trust to sensation and ex- periment, however brilliant and alluring, but preferred to place the helm in a steady hand, with a fearless, trustworthy, patriotic man behind it. Upon that record, and upon our earnest efforts, as yet incomplete, to reduce and equalize the burdens of taxation, we enter the canvass and go to the polls confident that the free and intelligent people of this great country will say, " Well done, good and faithful servants." GREETING TO THE INDEPENDENTS. To the patriotic independent citizans who, four years ago, forsook their old allegiano<) and came to our support, and who since tbat time have nobly sustained the Administra- tion, the Damocraiic party owes a deep debt of gratitude. That they have been reviled and insulted by their former associates is not only a signal compliment to their character and influence, but another evidence of the decadence of the Republican party. Blind wor- ship of the machine— the political juggernaut— is exacted from every man who will take even standing room in that party. The Democratic temple is open to all, and if in council we cannot agree in all things, our motto is: "la essentials, unity; in non-essentials, liberty; iu all thiutrs, charity." To all good men we eay: 'Come in." "Good will ne'er halted at the door stone." As four years ago you voted with us to reform the Administra- tion, to conserve our institutions for the well being of our common country, so join with us again in approval of the work so well acoomplished to complete what re.nains undone. We ask you to remember that it is a "fatal error to weaken tho hands of a political organi- zation by which great reforms have been achieved ani risk them in the hands of their known adversaries." Four years ago you trusted ten 'ativply the Democratic party, and supported with zsal and vigor its candidate for President. You thought him strong in all the sturdy qaaliMes requisite for the great task of reform. Behold your splendid justifica- tion. No President in time of peace had so diffi iult and laborious a duty to perform. His party had been out; of power for twenty-four years. Every member of it hsid been almost venomously excluded from the smallest post where administration could be studied. Every place was filled by men whose interest it was to thwart inquiry and belittle the new Administration ; but the master hand came to the helm, and the true course has been kept from the beginning. We need not wait for time to do justice to the character and services of President Cleveland. Honest, clear-sighted, patient, grounded in respect for law and justice, with a THE 8T. LOUIS CONVENTION. 15 thorough ^asp of principles and situations, with marvelous and conscientious industry^ the very incarnation of firmness— he has nobly fulfilled the promise of his party, nobly met the expectations of his country, and written his name high on the scroll where future Americans will read the names of men who have been supremely useful to the Republic. Fellow Democrats: This is but the initial meeting in a political campaign destined to be memorable. It will be a clashing of nearly even forces. Let no man here or elsewhere belittle or underestimate the strength or resources of the opposition. But jrreat as they are, the old Democratic party, in conscious strength and perfect union, faces the issue fearlessly. When the permanent orgtinization had been effected, the Committee on Reso- lutions not being ready to report, a motion to proceed at once to name candidates for the nomination for President of the United States was carried, and Daniel Dougherty, of New York, presented the name of Grover Cleveland in the following speech : DANIEL DOXTGHERTY'S NOMINATING SPEECH. I greet you, my countrymen, with fraternal regard. In your presence I bow to the majesty of the people! The sight itself is inspiring; the thought sublime! You come from every State and Territory, from every nook and corner of our ocean-bound, conti- nent-covering country. You are about to discharge a more than imperial duty with simplest ceremonials. You, as representatives of the people, are to choose a magistrate with power mightier than a monarcn, yet choclied aud controlled by the supreme law of a written Ckmsutution. Thus impressed I ascend the rostrum to name the next President of the United States. New York pr sents him to the convention and pledges her electoral vote. Delegations from the thirty-eight States and all the Territories are assembled without caucus or con- sultation, ready simultaneously to take up the cry and make the vote unanimous. We are here, not indeed to choose a candidate, but to name the one the people have already chosen. Ho is the man for the people ! his career illustrates the glor*' of our institutions. Eight years ago, unknown save in his own locality, he for the last four has stood in the gaze of the world discharging the most exalted duties that can be confided to a mortal. To-day determines that not of his own choice, but by the mandate of his countrymen, and with the sanction of Heaven, he shall fill the presidency for four years more. He has met and mastered every question as if from youth trained to statesmanship. The protr'ises ot bis letter of acceptance aud inaugural address have been fulfilled. His fidelity in the past Inspireataithin the future. He is not a hope. He is a realization. Scorning subterfuge, disdaining re-election by concealing convictions, mindful of his oath of office to defend the Constitution, he courageously declares to Congress,, dropping minor matters, that thesupreme issue is reform, revision, reduction of national taxation. ThattheTreasury of the United States, glutted with unneeded gold, oppresses industry, emiaarrasses business, endangers ^aancial tranquility, and breeds extravagance, central- ization and corruption. That high taxation, vital for the expenditures of an unparalleled ■war, is robbery in years of prosperous peace. That the millions that pour into the Treasury come from the hard-earned savings of the American people. Tbatin violation of equality of rights the present tariff has created a privileged class, wbo, ehaping legislation for their personal gain, levy by law contributions for the necessaries of life from every man, woman and child in the land. That to lower the tarifP is not free trade. It is to reduce the unjust profits of monopolists and boss manufacturers and allow consumers to retain the rest. The man who asserts that to lower the tariff means free trade insults intelligence. We brand him asaialsifler. It is furtherest from thought to imperil capital or disturb enterprises The aim is to uphold wages and protect the rights of all. This administration has rescued the public domain frorr^ would-be barons and cormo- rant corporations faithless to obligations, and reserved it for free homes for this and com- ing generations. There is no pilfering. There are no jobs under this Administration. Public office is a public trust. Integrity stands guard at every post of our vast empire. While the President has been the medium through which has flowed the undyingr gratitude of the Republic for her soHiers, he has not hesitated to withhold approval from special legislation if strictest inquiry revealed a want of truth and justice. 16 THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION. Above all, sectional strife as never before is at an end, and sixty millions of freemen la the ties oC brotherhood are prosperous and happy. These are the achievements of this Administration. Under the same Illustrious leader we are ready to meet our political opponents in high and honorable debate and stake our triumph on the intelligence, virtus and patriotism of the people. Adhering to the Constitution, its every Jine and letter, ever remembering that powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people, by the authority of the Democracy of New York backed by the Democracy of the entire Union, I give you a name entwined with victory. I nominate Grover Cleveland, of NeAV York. * Delegates from Kentucky, Georgia, South Carollua, Texas, Michigan seconded the nomination, and, as no other name was presented to the convention, Grover Cleveland received the vote of every delegate, and was declared the Democratic nominee for President. COMPLETING ITS WORK. The platform adopted by the convention at its third days' session will be found elsewhere. The remaining work, the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President, was completed at the session of the third day. M. F. Tarpey, of California, presented the name of Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio; Thomas M. Patterson, of Colorado, that cf John C. Black, of Illinois, and Daniel W. Voorhces, of Indiana, that of Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana. The nomination of Mr. Thurman was seconded by the delegat'^s from Connecticut, Missouri, New York, Nevada, New Jersey, Tennessee, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia and Montana, while speeches were made in favor of the nomination of Governor Gray by delegates from Gtorgia and Kentucky. The first ballot showed 6S5 votes for Thurman, 104 for Gray and 32 for Black. Before the result was announced the names of Gray and Black were withdrawn, and Mr. Thurman was unanimously nominated as thfi candidate for Vice-President. In addition to the regular platform, resolutions were adopted expressing sym- pathy with General Sheridan and of respect for the memory of Thomas A. Hend- ricks, Samuel J. Tilden, Winfield S. Hancock and George B. McGIellan. After the usual resolntion of thanks to the officers of the convention had been passed adjourn- ment was had bine die. NOTIFICATION OF CANDIDATES. 17 CHAPTER III. NOTIFICATION OF CANDIDATES. SPEECHES OF PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND THURMAN IN RE- SPONSE TO THE COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL DEMO- CRATIC CONVENTION. On June 26, the committee, upon due notice, met at the Executive Mansion, in Washington, for the purpDse of gi^'ing the President oflEicial notice of his nomma tion lor President by the National Convention at St. Louis on June 6. The formal letter was read by -Mr Jacob, of Kentucky, to which the President responded in the following speech : Mr. Collins and Oentlemen of the Commitlee: I cannot but be pro fou idly impressed when I see about me the messengers of the national Democracy, bearing its suoimons to daty. The political party to which 1 ovve allegiance both honors and commands me. It places in my hand the proud standard and bids me bear it high at the front in a battle which it wages bravely because conscious of right, confidently because its trust is in the people, and soberly because it comprehends the obligations which success imposes. The message which you bring awakens within me the liveliest sense of per- sonal gratitude and satisfaction, and the honor which you tender me is in itself so great that there might well be no room for any other sentiment. And yet I can- not rid myself of grive and serious thoughts when I remember that party sapre- macy is not alone involved in the conflict which presses upon us, but that we struggle to secure and save the cherished institutions, the welfare, and happiness of a nation of freemen. Familiarity with the great office which I hold has but added to my apprehen- sion of its sacred character and the cousecration demanded of him who assuines its immense responsibilities. It is the repository of the people's will and power. Within its viaion should be the protection and welfare of the hunjblest citizen, and with quick ear it should catch from the remotest corner of the land the plea of the people for justice and for right. For the sake of the people he who holds this office of theirs should resist every encroachment upon its legitimate functions, and for the sake of the integrity and u^efalness of the office it should be kept near to the peo- ple and be administered in full sympathy with their waats and needs. This occasion reminds me most viviJly of the scene when, four years ago, I received a message from my party similar to that which you now deliver. With all that has passed since that day I can truly say that the feeling of awe with which I heard the sammoaj then is intensified many fold when it is repeated now. Four years ago I knew that our chief executive office, if not carefully guarded, might drift little by little away from the people, to whom it belonged, and become a per- version of all that it ought to be; but I did not know how much its moorings had already been loosened. 18 NOTIFICATION OP CANDIDATES. I knew four years ago bow well devised were the principles of true Democracy for the successful operation of a government by the people and for the people; but I did not know how absolutely necessary their application then was for the restora- tion to the people of their safety and prosperity. I knew then that abuses and ex- travagances had crept into the management of public affairs ; but I did not know their numerous forms, nor the tenacity of their grasp. I knew then something of the bitterness of partisan obstruction ; but I did not know how bitter, how reckless and how shameless it could be I knew, too, that the American people were patriotic and just; but I did not know how grandly they loved their country, nor how noble and generous they were. I shall not dwell upon the actsandthepolicyof the Administration now draw- ing to its close. Its record is open to every citizen of the land. And yet 1 will not be denied the privilege of asserting at this time that in the exercise of the functions of the high trust confided (o me I have yielded obedience only to the Constitution and the solemn obligation of my oath of office. I have done those things which, in the light of the understanding God has given me, seemed most conducive to the welfare of my countrymen and the promotion of good government. I would not if I could, for myself nor for you, avoid a single consequence of a fair interpreta- tion of my courso. It but remains for me to say to you, and through you to the Democracy of the Nation, that I accept the nomination with which they have honored me, and that I will in due time signify such acceptance in the usual formal manner. MR. THURMAN's acceptance. On the 28th of June the committee presented its letter of notification of his nomination as Vice-President to Mr. Thurman, at Columbus, Ohio, and he made the following response : Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee : I pray you to accept my very sincere Thanks for the kind and courteous manner in which you have communicated to me the official information of my nomination by the St. Louis Convention. You know withoutsaying it that I am profoundly grateful to the Convention and to the Democratic party for the honor conferred upon me, and the more so that it was wholly unsought and undesired by me; not that I undervalued a distmction which any man of our party, however eminent, might highly prize, but simply because I had ceased to be ambitious for public life. But when I am told in so earnest and impressive a manner that I can still render service to the good cause to wiiich I have ever been devoted — a cause to which I am bound by the ties of affection, by the dictates of judgment, by a sense of obligation for favors £0 often conferred upon me, and by a fervent hope that the party may long continue to be able to serve the republic, what can I under such circumstances do but yield my private wishes to the demand of those whose opinions I am bound to respect? Gentlemen, with an unfeigned diffidence in my abifity to fulfil the exoectations that led to my nomination, I yet feel it to be my duty to accept it and do all that it may be in my power to do to merit so marked a distinction. Gentlemen, the country is blest by an able and honest administration of the general Government. We have a President who wisely, bravely, diligently, and patriotically discharges the duties of hia high office. I fully believe that the best NOTIFICATION OF CANDIDATES. 19 interests of the country require his re-election, and the hope that I may be able to contribute somewhat to bring about the result is one of my motives for accepting a place on our ticket, and I also feel it my duty to labor for a reduction of taxes and to put a stop to that accumulation of a surplus in the Treasury that, in my judg- ment, is not only prejudicial to our financial welfare, but is in a high degree dangerous to honest and constitutional government. I suppose, gentlemen, that I need say no more to-day. In due time, and in accordance with established usage, I will transmit to your chairman a written acceptance of my nomination with such observations upon public qnestions as may seem to me to be proper. 30 SKETCH OF GllOVER CLEVELAND. CHAPTER IV. SKETCH OF GROVER CLEVELAND. Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, was born in Caldwell, Essex county, New Jersey, on March 18, 1837. The house in which he was born, a small two-story wooden building, is still standing. It was the parsonage of the Presbyterian Church, of which his lather, Richard Cleveland, at the time was pastor. The family is of New England origin, and for two centuries has contributed to the professions and to business, men who have reflected honor on the name Aaron Cleveland, President Cleveland's great grandfather, was born in Massachusetts, but subsequently moved to Philadelphia, where he became an intimate friend of Benjamin Franklin, at whose house he died. He left a large family of children, who in time married and settled in different parts of New England. A grandson ■was one of the small American force that fought the British at Bunker Hill. He served with gallantry throughout the Revolution, and was honorably discharged at its close as a Lieutenant in the Continental army. Another grandson, William Cleveland, a son of a second Aaron Cleveland, who was distinguished as a writer and a member of the Connecticut legislature, was Grover Cleveland's grand- father. William Cleveland was a silversmith in Norwich, Connecticut. He ac- quired by industry some property and sent his son, Richard Cleveland, the father of Grover Cleveland, to Yale College, where he graduated in 1824. During a year spent in teaching at Baltimore, Maryland, after graduation, he met Miss Anne Neale, daughter of a Baltimore book publisher, of Irish birth. He was earning his own way in the world at the time and was unable to marry ; but in three years he completed a course of preparation for the ministry, secured a church in Windham, Connecticut, and married Anne Neale. Subsequently he moved to Portsmouth, Va., where he preached for nearly two years, when he was summoned to Caldwell, N. J., where was born Grover Cleveland. When he was three years old (1841) the family moved to Fayette ville,Onondago county,NewYork. Here Grover Cleveland lived, until he was fourteen years old, the rugged, healthful life of a country boy. His frank, generous manner made him a favorite among his companions, and their re- spect was won by the good qualities in the germ which his manhood developed. He attended the district school of the village and was for a short time at the academy. His father, however, believed that boys should be taught to labor at an early age, and before he had completed the course of study at the academy he began to work in the village store at $50 for the first year and the promise of |100 for the second year. His work was well done, and the promised increase of pay was granted in the second year. Meanwhile his father and family bad moved to Clinton, the seat of Hamilton college, where his father acted as agent to the Presbyterian Board of Home Mis- sions, preaching in the churc! es of the vicinity. Hither Grover came at his father's request shortly after the begmning of his second year at the FayettevillQ I SKETCH OF GROVER CLEVELAND. 21 store, and resumed his studies at the Clinton Academy. After three years spent in this town, the Rev. Richard Cleveland was called to the village church of Holland Patent, He had preached heie only a month when he was suddenly stricken down and died wittiout an hour's warning. The death of the father left the family in straitened circumstances, as Richard Cleveland had spent all of his salary of $1,000 per year, which was not required for the necessary expenses of living upon the education of his children, of whom there were nine, Grover being the fifth. . During his period of study in the State capital he read law chiefly at night, as in the daytime he was acting as the private secretaiy of Gov. Lucas, and the duties of the position included much work which would now be assigned to a number of clerks. In 1835 he was admitted to the bar, and began practice in Chillicothe as the partner of his uncle, who, becoming engrossed in poli- tics, soon left the care of his law business entirely to the young man. Mr. Thurman applied himself with great industry to his profession, in which he quickly attained distinction. The circuit in which he practist d embraced four counties, and nearly all the long journeys which he made to attend court were performed on horseback. On account of bis devotion to his legal work, he several times declined requests to become a candidate for the Legislature, although he had always taken interest in public affairs, and was an earnest Democrat. In 1839 he made a visit to Washington, where his uncle was then a Senator from Ohio. There he passed six weeks, and was introduced by Senator Allen to many prominent men,, including John C. Calhoun, w^ho received the young lawyer with marked cordiality. He did not revisit Washington until 1842, whe^i he svent there to appear in a case before the United States Supreme Court. Three years afterwards, while he was absent from his Congressional district on professional business, its Democratic Convention nominated him for Congress without his solicitation or knowledge. Mr. Thurman was persuaded to accept the candidacy, and was elected after a per- sonal canvass of the whole district, in which he frequently had public discussiona with his Whig opponent SKETCH OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 25 In the Twenty-ninth Congress he Ferved oh the Judiciary Committee, and delivered some able speeches on important questions. At the end of his term he declined a renomination, and resumed the practice of his profession. In 1851 he was elected, upon the Democratic ticket, a Judge of the Supreme Court of Ohio, and from 1854 till 1856 he was the Chief Justice of that court. Hib services as a jurist largely enhanced his reputation with the bar and with the people of the State generally, but he declined a re election, as the meagre salary of the Judgeship was insufficient for proper support. Returning to the bar he found business pour- ing in upon him from all sides, and by his profefcsional labors he gradually acquired a competeuce. In 1867 he received the unanimous nomination of the Democratic State Con- vention for Governor of Ohio, and after a hotly contested campaign, in which he took an active part, was defeated by Rutherford B. Hayes. He had, however, cut down the Reijublican majority of 43,000 the year before to less than 3,000, and the Legislature elected was Democratic. In 1868 Mr. Thurman was chosen United States Senator from Ohio, succeeding Benjamin F. Wade, and he was re-elected in 1874. During his twelve years in the Senate he served on a number of the most important committees, and was recognized as one of the ablest leaders of the Democratic party. Much public attention was attracted by a number of his speeches in debate, including that on the Georgia Bill in 1809, the Geneva Award Bill, and the Pacific Railway Funding Bill. He served as a member of the Elec- toral Commission of 1876, and was appointed by President Garfield to the Inter- national Monetary Conference. Mr. Thurman received votes for the nomination for President in the last three Democratic national conventions preceding the one just held. In the conventions of 1880 and 1884 his name was formally presented on behalf of Ohio. On account of his unblemished character for personal integrity, he has always had the respect ot his political opponents, and he has long possessed exceptional popularity among large numbers of the Democratic party, particularly in the Western States. His special followers have admiringly termed him *'the old Roman," and the trifling fact that he has always retained the old-fashioned bandana as a part of his per- sonal equipment has caused them to adopt that handkerchief as their badge of allegiance. Since his retirement from the Senate, Mr. Thurman has taken but little active part in political affairs. He has continued to practice law, appearing in court in some important cases, but has intimated that he had no desire to return to public life. In James G. Blaine's "Twenty Years of Congress," that Republican leader speaks of Mr. Thurman as follows: " His rank in the Senate was established from the day he took his seat, and was never lowered during the period of his service. He was an admirably disciplined debater, was fair in his method of statement, logical in his argument, honest m his conclusions. He had no tricks in discussion, no catch phrases to secure attention, but was always direct and manly. His mind was not preoccupied and engrossed with political contests or with affairs of state. He had natural and cultivated tastes outside of those fields. He was a discriminating reader, and enjoyed not only serious books, but inclined also to the lighter indulgence of romance and poetry. He was especially fond of the best French writers. He loved Molidre and 26 SKETCH OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. Racine, and could quote with fare enjoyment the humorous scenes depicted by Balzac. He took pleasure in the drama, and was devoted to music. In Washing- ton he could usually be found in the best seat of the theatre when a good play was to be presented or an opera was to be given. These tastes illustrate the genial side of his nature, and were a fitting complement to the stronger and sterner elements of the man. His retirement Irora the Senate was a serious loss to his party — a loss in- deed to the body. He left behind him the respect of all with whom he had been associated during his twelve years of honorable service." CLEVELAND ON TDE TARIFF* 21 CHAPTER VL Ci^EYELAND ON THE TARIFF. EEVE^'UE BY REDUCING BURDENSOME TAXES. A Policy 'Wliicli He Has Consistently Urged at All Times, Botli While He loas a Candidate, and After He Became F resident, I. MESSAGE TO NEW YORK LEGISLATURE, JANUARY 1, 1884 The State of New York largely represents within her borders the development of every interest which makes a nation great. Proud of her place as leader in the community of States, she fully appreciates her immediate relations to the prosperity of the country ; and justly realizing the responsibility of her position, slie recog- nizes, in her policy and her laws, as of first importance, the freedom of commerce from all unnecessary restrictions. Her citizens have assumed the burden of main- taining, at their own cost and free to commerce, the waterway which they have built and through which the products of the great West are transported to the sea- board. At the suggestion of danger she hastens to save her northern forests, and thus preserve to commerce her canals and vessel-laden rivers. The State has become responsible for a bureau of immigration, which cares for those who seek our shores from other lands, adding to the nation's population and hastening to the develop- ment of its vast dornain ; while at tlie country's gateway a quarantine, established by the State, protects the nation's health. Surely this great Commonwealth, committed fully to the interests of commerce and all that adds to the country's prosperity, may well inquire how her efforts and sacrifices have been answered ; and she, of all the States, may urge that the Interests thus by her protected, should, by the greater Government administered for all, be' os- tered for the benefit of the American people. Fifty years ago a most distinguished foreigner, who visited this country and studied its condition and prospects, wrote : "When I contemplate the ardor with which the Americans prosecute commerce, the ad- vantages which aid them and the success of their undertakings, I cannot help believing that they will one day become the first maritime power of the globe. They are bound to rule the seas as the Romans were to conquer the world. * * * The Americans themselves now transport to their own shores nine-tenths of the European produce which they consume, and th^y a'so bring three- fourths of the exports of the New AVorld to the European con- sumers. The ships of the United States fill the docks of Havre and Liverpool, whilst the numter of English and French vessels whi jh are to be seen at New York is coinparativeiy small." 28 CLEVELAND ON THE TARIFF. We turn to the actual results reached since these words were written with dis- appointment. In 1840 American vessels carried eighty-two and nine tenths per cent, of all our exports and imports; in 1850, seventy two and five tenths ; in 1860, sixty- six and five-tenths; in 1870, thirty-five and six-tenths ; in 1880, seventeen and four tenths; in 1882, fifteen and five-tenths. The citizen of New York, looking beyond his State and all her efibrts in the in- terest of commerce and national growth, will naturally inquire concerning the causes of this decadence of American shipping. While he sternly demands of his own government the exact limitation of taxa- tion by the needs of the State, he will challenge the policy that accumulates mil- lions of useless and unnecessary surplus in the national treasury, which has been not less a tax because it was indirectly and surely added to the cost of the people's life. Let us anticipate a time when care for the people's needs, as they actually arise, and the application of remedies, as wrongs appear, shall lead in the conduct of na- tional aflFairs; and let us undertake the business of legislation with the full deter- mination that these principles shall guide us in the performance of our duties as guardians of the interests of the State. II. SPEECH AT NEWARK, N. J., OCTOBER, 1884. In common with all other citizens they should desire an honest and economical administration of public aff"airs. It is quite plain, too, that the people have a right to demand that no more money should be taken from them, directly or indirectly, for public uses than is necessary for this purpose. Indeed, the right of the government to exact tribute from the citizen is limited ta its actual necessities, and everp cent takenfrom tlie people beyond that required for their protection by the goiyernment is no better than robbery. We surely must condemn, then, a system which takes from the pockets of the people millions of dollars not needed for the support of the government and which tends to the inauguration of corrupt schemes and extravagant expenditures. (Applause.) The Democratic party has declared that all taxation shall be limited by the requirements of an economical government. This is plain and direct, and it dis- tinctly recognizes the value of labor and its right to governmental care when it further declared that the necessary reduction in taxation and limitation thereof to the country's needs should be etfected without depriviog American labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor and without injuring the interests of our laboring population. At this time, when the 8uff"rages of the laboring men are so industriously sought, they should, by careful inquiry, discover the party pledged to the protec- tion of their interests, and which recognizes in their labor something most valuable to the prosperity of the country and primarily entitled to its care and protection. An intelligent examination will lead them to the exercise of their privileges as citi- zens in furtherance of their interests and the welfare of their country. An unthink- ing performance of their duty at the ballot-box will result in their injury and be* trayal. CLEVELAND ON THE TAKIFP. 2& III. INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1885. A due regard for the interests and prosperity of all the people demands that our finances shall be established upon such a sound and sensible basis as shall secure the safety and confidence of business interests and make the wage of labor sure and steady ; and that our system of revenue shall be so adjusted as to reliev© the people of unnecessary taxation, having a due regard to the interests of capital invested and workingmen employed in American industries, and preventing the accumulation of a surplus in the treasury to tempt extravagance and waste. IV. FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. In his first annual message to Congress, December, 18S5, the President made the following recommendations on the reduction of useless taxes : •' The fact that our revenues are in excess of the actual needs of an economical administration of the government justifies a reduction in the amount exacted from the people for its support. Our government is but the means, established by the will of a free people, by which certain principles are applied which they have adopted for their benefit and protection; and it is never better administered, and its true spirit is never better observed than when the people's taxation for its sup- port is scrupulously limited to the actual necessity of expenditure, and distributed according to a just and equitable plan. ** The proposition with which we have to deal is the reduction of the revenue received by the government, and indirectly paid by the people from customs duties. The question of free trade is not involved, nor is there now any occasion for the general discussion of the wisdom or expediency of a trotectivei. SYSTEM. '' Justice and fairness dictate that in any modification of our present laws relating tO' revenue, the industries and interests wliich have been encouraged by such laws, and in. which our citizens have large investments, should not he ruthlessly injured oi' destroyed. We should also deal with the subject in such manner as to protect the interests of American labor, which is Vie capital of our iDorkingynen; its stability and proper reinuneration furnish the most justifiable pretext for a protective policy. " Within these limitations a certain reduction should be made in our customs- revenue. The amount of such i eduction having been determined, the inquiry follows — where can it best be remitted, and what articles can best be released from duty in the interest of our citiz(ns? " I think the reduction should be made in the revenue derived from a tax upon the imported necessarips of life. We thus directly lessen the cost of living in every family of the land, and release to the people in every humble home a larger measure of the rewards of frugal industry." 80 CLEVELAND ON THE TARIFF. V. SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER, 1886. In his second annual message, transmitted to Congress in December, 1886, the President treated the question at greater length, and laid down the principles upon which, in his opinion, the war taxes should be reduced : The income of the Government, by its increased volume and through econo- mies in its collection, is now more than ever in excess of public necessities. The application of the surplus to the payment of such portion of the public debt as is now at our option subject to extmguishment, if continued at the rate which has lately prevailed, would retire that class of indebtedness within less than one year from this date. Thus a continual ion of our present revenue system would soon result in the receipt of an annual income much greater than necessary to meet Gov- ernment expenses, with no indebtedness upon which it could be applied. We should then be confronted with a vast quantity of money, the circulating medium of the people, hoarded in the Treasury when it should be in their hands, or we should be drawn into wasteful public extravagance with all the corrupting national dsmoraliza- Uon which follows in its train. But it is not the simple existence of this surplus, and i»s threatened attendant evils, which furnish the strongest argument against cur present scale of Federal taxation. Its worst phase is the exaction of such a surplus through a perversion of the relations between the people and their Government, and a dangerous de- parture from the rules which limit the right of Federal taxation. The indirect manner in which these exactions are made, has a tendency to con- ceal their true character and their extent. Bat we have arrived at a stage of super- fluous revenue which h;i3 aroused the people to a realization of the fact, that the amount raised professedly for the support of the Government, is paid by them as absolutely, if added to the price of the things which supply their daily wants, as if it was paid at fixed periods into the hand of the tax-gatherer. Those who toil for diily wages are heginniiig to underdand that capital, ihovgh eometimes vaunting its imprtance and clamoring for the protection and favor of tJie Oovernment, is dull and slugg'sh, till, touched by the m-igical lumd of labor, it springs into activity, fur nixJiing an occasion _f or Federal taxation arid gaining the value which enables it to bear its burden. And the laboring man is thovghtfully inquiHng whether in these circumstances, and considering tlie tribute he constantly pays into the public Treasury an he supplies his daily toants, he receives his fair share of advantages. There is also a suspicion abroad, that the surplus of our revenues indicates ab- normal and exceptional business profits, which, under the system which produces such surplus, increase without corresponding benefit to the people at large, the vast accumulations of a few among our citizens whose fortunes, rivaling the wealth of the ■most favored in anti-democratic n itions, are not the natural growth of a steady^ plain and industrious republic. now IT EFFECTS THE FARMER. Oar farmers too, and those engaged directly and indirectly in supplying the products of agriculture, see that day by day, and as ofttn as the daily wants of their households recur, they are forced to pay excessive and needless taxation, while CLEVELAND ON THE TARIFF. 81 their products struggle in foreign markets with the competition of nations, which by- allowing a freer exchange of productions than we permit, enable thtir people to sell for prices which distress the American farmer. * * * A sentiment prevails that the leading-strings useful to a nation in its infancy, may well be, to a great ex- tent, discarded in the present stage of American ingenuity, courage and fearless self- reliance. And for the privilege of indulging this sentiment with true American en- thusiasm, our citizens are quite willing to forego an idle surplus in the public Treasury. And all the people know that the average rate of Federal taxation upon imports is, to-day, in time of peace, but little less, while upon some articles of necessary con- sumption it is actually more, than was imposed by the grievous burden willingly borne, at a time when the Government needed millions to maintain by war the safety and integrity of the Union. It has been the policy of the Government to collect the principal part of its revenues by a tax upon imports ; and no change in this policy is desirable. But the present condition of affairs constrains our people to demand that, by a revision of our revenue laws, the receipts of the Government shall be reduced to the neces- sary expense of its economical administration ; and this demand should be recog- nized and obeyed by the people's representatives in the legislative branch of the Government. " In readjusting the burdens of Federal taxation, a sound public policy requires that such of our citizens as have built up large and important industri^ under present conditions should not be suddenly, and to their injury, depriv&i of advantages to which they have adapted tTieir business; but if tne public good requires ity they should be content with sw-h connderation as shall deal fairly and cautvmsly with their interests, while tlie just demand of tlie people for relief from needless taxation is honestly answend. " A reasonable and timely submission to such a demand should certainly be possible without disastrous shock to any interest ; and a cheerful concession some- times averts abrupt and heedless action, often the outgrowth of impatience and delayed justice. PROTECTING THE INTERESTS OF LABOR "Due regard should also be accorded, in any proposed readjustment, to the INTERESTS OF Ameuican LABOR SO FAR AS THEY ARE INVOLVED, We Congrat- ulate ourselves that there is among us no laboring class, fixed within unyielding bounds and doomed under all conditions to the inexorable fate of daily toil. We recognize in labor a chitf factor in the weal'h of the Republic ; and we treat those wlw ham it in their kseping as citizms entitled to the most careful regard and thoughtful attention. This regard and attention should be awarded them, not only because labor is the capital of our workingmen, justly entitled to its share of Government favor, but for the further and not less important reason that the labor- ing man, surrounded by his family in his humble home, as a consumer is vitally interested in all that cheapens the cost of living and enables him to bring within his domestic circle additional comforts and advantages. This relation of the workingman to the revenue laws of the country, and the man ner in which it palpably influences the question of wages, should not be forgotten in the justifiable prominence given to the proper maintenance of the supply and 32 CLEVELAND ON THE TARIFF, ■protection of well-paid la^or. And these coyisiderations suggest such an arrangement ■of government revenues as shall reduce the expense of living, while it does not curtail tJie opportunity for work iwr reduce the compensation of American labor, and injuriously •affect its condition and tlie dignified place it Jiolds in tlie estimation of our people. But our farmers and agriculturists— those who from the soil produce the things consumed by ail— are perhaps more directly and plainly concerned than any other of our citizens, in a just and careful system of Federal taxation. Those actually engaged in and more remotely connected with tliis kind of work, number nearly one-half of our population. None labor harder or more continuously than they. No enactments limit their hours of toil, and no interposition of the Gov- ernment enhances to any great extent the value of their products. And yet for many of the necessaries and comforts of life which the most scrupulous economy •enables them to brin^ into their homes, and for their implements of husbandry, they are obliged to pay a price largely increased by an unnatural profit which, by the action of the Government, is given to the more favored manufacturer. "I recommend that, keeping in view all these considerations, the increasing and unnecessary surplus of national income annually accumulating, be released to the people, by an amendment to our revenue laws which shall cheapen the price of the necessaries of life and give freer entrance to such imported materials as by Ameri- can labor may be manufactured into marketable commodities. "Nothing can be accomplished, however, in the direction of tliis much-needed reform, unless the subject is approached in a patriotic spirit of devotion to the interests pt3d HJ ia-i vJC-iiVi-Jitivii nuu Hiji-j.ta.iiy' SipprOVe the same. So plain a statement of Democratic faith, and upon the principles which that party appeals to the suffrages of the people, needs no supplement or explanation. It should be remembered that the office of President is essentially executive in its nature. The laws enacted by the legislative branch of the Government the Chief Executive is bound faithfully to enforce. And when the wisdom of the political party which selects one of its members as a nominee for that office has outlined its policy and declared its principles, it seems to me that nothing in the character of the office or the necessities of the case requires more from the candidate accepting such nomination than the suggestion of certain w^ell-known truths so absolutely vital to the safety and welfare of the nation that they cannot be too often recalled or too seriously enforced. We proudly call ours a government by the people. It is not such when a class is tolerated which arrogates to itself the management of public affairs, seeking to control the people instead of representing them. Parties are the necessary outgrowth of our institutions ; but a government is not by the people when one party fastens its control upon the country and perpetuates its power by cajoling and betraying the people instead of serving them. A government is not by the people when a result which should represent the intelligent will of free and thinking men is or can be determined by the shameless corruption of their suffrages. When an election to office shall be the selection by the voters of one of their number to assume for a time a public trust instead of his dedication to the profession of politics ; when the holders of the ballot, quickened by a sense of duty, sliall avenge truth betrayed and pledges broken, and when the suffrage shall be altogether free and uncorrupted, the full realization of a government by the people will be at hand. And of the means to this end not one would, in my judgni'^nt, be more effective than an amendment to the Constitution dis- qualifying the President from re election.' When we consider the patronage of 56 Cleveland's SPEECHES, letters, etc. this great office, the allurements of power, the temptation to retain public place once gained, and, more than all, the avfiikbility a party finds in an incumbent whom a horde of office-holders, with a zeal born of benefits received and fostered by the hope of favors yet to come, stand ready to aid with money and trained political serT'ice, we recognize in the eligibility of the President for re-election a most serious danger to that calm, deliberate, and intelligent political action which must characterize a government by the people. A true American sentiment recognizes the dignity of labor and the fact that honor lies in honest toil. Contented labor is an element of national pros- perity. Ability to work constitutes the capital and the wage of labor the income of a vast number of our population, and this interest should be jealously protected. Our workingmen are not asking unreasonable indulgence, but as intelligent and manly citizens they seek the same consideration which those demand who have other interests at stake. They should receive their full share of the care and attention of those who make and execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the employers and employed shall alike be subserved and tbe prosperity of the country, the common heritage of both, be advanced. As related to this subject, while we should not discourage the immigration of those who come to acknowledge allegiance to our government and add to our citizen popula- tion, yet as a means of protection to our workingmen a different rule should prevail concerning those who, if they come or are brought to our land, do not intend to becom.e Americans, but will injuriously compete with those justly entitled to our field of labor. In a letter accepting the nominal ioii to the office of Governor, nearly two years ago, I made the following statement, to which I have steadily adhered : "The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. They should be protected in their efforts peaceably to assert their rights when en- dangered by aggregated capital, and all statutes on this subject should recognize the care of the State for honest toil, and be framed with a view of improving the condition of the workingman." A proper regard for the welfare of the workingman being inseparably connected with the integrity of our institutions, none of our citizens are more interested than they in guarding against any corrupting influences which seek to pervert the benefi- cent purposes of our government, and none should be more watchful of the artful machinations of those who allure them to self-inflicted injury. In a free country the curtailment of the absolute rights of the individual should only be such as is essential to the peace and good order of the community. The limit between the proper subjects of governmental control and those which can be more fittingly left to the moral sense and self-imposed restraint of the citizen should be carefully kept in view. Thus laws unnecessarily interfering with the habits and customs of any of our people which are not offensive to the moral sentiments of the civilized world, and which are consistent with good citizenship and the public wel- fare, are unwise and vexatious. The commerce of a nation, to a great extent, determines its supremacy. Cheap and easy transoortation should therefore be liberally fostered. Within the limits of the Constitution, the general Government should so improve and protect its natural waterways as will enable the producers of the country to reach a profitable market. The people pay the wages of the public employes, and they are entitled to the fair and honest work which the money thus paid should command. It is the duty CLEVELAND S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. 57 of those intrusted with the management of their affairs to see that such public ser- vice is forthcoming. The selection and retention of subordinates in Government employment should depend upon their ascertained fitness and the value of their work, and they should be neither expected nor allowed to do questionable party service. The interests of the people will be better protected; the estimate of public labor and duty will be immensely improved ; public employment will be open to all who can demonstrate their fitness to enter it; the unseemly scramble for place under Government, with the consequent importunity which embitters official life, will cease, and the public departments will not be filled with those who conceive it to be their first duty to aid the party to which they owe their places, instead of rendering patient and honest return to the people. I believe that the public temper is such that the voters of the land are prepared to support the party which gives the best promise of administering the government in the honest, simple and plain manner which is cons'stent with its character and purposes. They have learned that mystery and concealment in the management of their affairs cover tricks and betrayal. The statesmanship they require consists in honesty and frugality, a prompt response to the needs of the people as they arise, and a vigilant protection of all their varied interests. If I should be called to the Chief Magistracy of the nation by the suffraires of my fellow citizens, I will assume the duties of that high office with a solemn determination to dedicate every effort to the country's good, and with an humble reliance upon the favor and support of the Supreme Being, who, I believe, will always bless honest human endeavor in the conscientious discharge of public duty. GROVER CLEVELAND. LETTERS AND ADDRESSES TO RELIGIOUS BODIES. I. ADDRESS AT THE LAYING OF THE CORNER-STONE OP THE Y. M. C. A. BUILDING IN BUFFALO, SEPTEMBER 7, 1882. ladies and Gevtlfmen :16esiTeto expre95ihe sincere pleasure and gratification I experience in joining with you in the exercises of this afternoon. An event is here marked which I deem a most important one, and one well worthy of the at- tention of all good ci-izens. We this day bring into a prominent place an institu- tion which it seems to me cannot fail to impress itself upon our future with the best results. Perhaps a majority of our citizens have heard of the Young Men's Christian Association; and perchance the name has suggested in an indefinite way certain efforts to do good and to aid generally in the spread of religious teaching. I ven- ture to say, however, that a comparatively small part of oar community have really known the full extent of the work of this Association ; and many have thought of it as an institution well enough in its way — a proper enough outlet for a super- abundance of religious enthusiasm — doing, of course, no harm, and perhaps very little good. Some have aided it by their contributions from a sense of Christian duty, but more have passed by on the other side. 58 CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. We have been too much in the habit of regarding institutions of this kind as en- tirely disconnected from any considerations of municipal growth or prosperity, and have too often considered splendid structures, active trade, increasing commerce, and growing manufactures as the only things worthy of our caie as public spirited citizens. A moment's reflection reminds us that this is wrong. The citizen is a better business man if he is a Christian gentleman, and surely business is not the less prosperous and successful if conducted on Christian principles. This is an extremely practical, and perhaps not a very elevated, view to take of the purposes and benefits of the Young Men's Christian Association. But I assert that if it did no more than to impress some religious priuoples upon the business of our city, it would be worthy of generous support. And when we consider the difiference, as a member of the community, between the young men who, under the influence of such an association, has learned his duty to his fellows and to the State, and that one, w^ho, subject to no moral restraint, yields to temptation and thus becomes vicious and criminal, the importance of an institution in our midbt which leads our youth and young men in the way of morality and good citizenship, must be freely admitted. I have thus only referred to this association as in some manner connected with our substantial prosperity. There is a higher theme connected with this subject which touches the welfare, temporal and spiritual, of the objects of its care. Upon this I will not dwell. I cannot, however, pass on without invoking the fullest measure of honor and consideration due to the self sacrificing and disinterested eflbrts of the men — and women, too — who have labored amid trials and discourage- ments to firmly plant this Association in our midst upon sure foundation. We all hope and expect that our city has entered upon a course of unprecedented prosper- ity and gi'owth. But to my mind not all the signs about us point more surely to real greatness than the event which we here celebrate. Good and pure government lies at the foundation of the wealth and progress of every community. As the chief executive of this proud city, I congratulate all my fellow-citizens that to dsLf we lay the foundation stone of an edifice which shall be a beautiful adornment, and, what is more important, shall inclose within its walls such earnest Christian endeavors as must make easier all our efforts to administer, safely and honestly, a good municipal government. I commend the Young Men's Christian Association to the cheerful and generous support of every citizen, and trust that long after the men who have wrought so well in establishing these foundations shall have surrendered lives well spent, this building shall stand a monument of well directed, pious labor, to shed its benign influence on generations yet to come. II RECEPTION TO CARDINAL GIBBONS. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 36, 1887. John I. Rogers. My Dear Sir — I have received from you, as one of the Committee of the Catho- lic Club of Philadelphia, an invitation to attend a banquet, to be given by the Club, on Tuesday evening, February 8th, in honor of His Eminence Cardinal Gibbons. The thoughtfulness which prompted this invitation is gratefully appreciated; and I CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. 59 regret that my public duties here will prevent its acceptance. I should be glad to join in the contemplated expression of respect to be tendered to the distinguished head of the Catholic Church in the United States, whose personal acquaintance I very much enjoy, and who is so worthily entitled to the esteem of all his fellow- citizens. I thank you for the admirable letter which accompanied my invitation, ia which you announce as one of the doctrines of your Club "that a good and ex- emplary Catholic must ex necessitate rei be a good and exemplary citizen," and that "the teachings of both liuman and Divme law thus merging in the one word, duty, form the only union of Church and State that a civil and religious government can recognize." I know you will permit me, as a Protestant, to supplement this noble senti- ment by the expression of my conviction that the same influence and result follow a sincere and consistent devotion to the teachings of every religious creed which is based upon Divine sanction. A wholesome religit)us faith thus inures to the perpetuity, the safety and the prosperity of our Republic, by exacting the due observance of civd law, the preser- vation of public order and a proper regard for the rights of all ; and thus are its adherents better fitted for good citizenship and confirmed in a sure and steadfast patriotism. It seems to me, too, that the conception of duty to the State which is derived from religious precept involves a sense of personal responsibility, which is of the greatest value in the operation of the government by the people. It will be a fortunate day for our country when every citizen feels that he has an ever present duty to perform to the State which he cannot escape from or neglect without being false to his religious as well as his civil allegiance. Wishing for your Club the utmost success in its efforts to bring about this re- sult, I am yours sincerely, GROVER CLEVELAND m. LAYTXa THE Y. M. C. A. BUILDING CORNER-STONE, KANSAS CITY, MO., OCTORER 13, 1887. In the busy activities of our daily life we are apt to neglect instrumentalities which are quietly bdt effectually doing most important service in molding our na- tional character. Among these, and challenging but little notice compared with their valuable results, are the Young Men's Christian Associations scattered through- out our country. All will admit the supreme importance of that honesty and fixed principle which rests upon Christian motives and purposes, and all will acknowl- edge the sad and increasing temptations which beset our young men and lure them to their distruction. To save these young men, often times deprived of the restraints of home, from degradation and ruin, and to fit them for usefulness and honor, these associations have entered the field of Christian effort and are pushing their noble work. When it is considered that the subject of their efforts are to be the active men for good or evil in the next generation, mere worldly prudence dictates that these associations should be aided and encouraged. Their increase and flourishing condition reflect the highest honor upon the good men who have devoted themselves to this wock, and demonstrate that the American 60 CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. people are not entirely lacking in appreciation of its vaUie. Twenty years asro, but one of these associations owned a building, and that was valued at only $11 ,000. To- day more than one hundred such buildings, valued at more than $5,000,000, beautify the different cities of our land and beckon our young men to lives of usefulness. I\m especially pleased to be able to participate to-day in laying the corner-stone of another of these edifices in this acti-^e and growing city ; and I trust that the en- couragement given the Young Men's Christian Association located here may be commensurate with its assured usefulness, and in keeping with the generosity and intelligence which characterize the people of Kansas City IV. TO THE EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE, DECEMBER, 1887. Mr. President — I am glad to meet so large a delegation from the Evangelical Alliance of the United States. I understand the purpose of this Alliance to be the application of Christian rules of conduct to the problems and exigencies of social and political life. Such a movement cannot fail to produce the most valuable results. All must admit that the reception of the teachings of Christianity rcEults in the purest patri- otism, in the most scrupulous fidelity to public trust, and in the best type of citizen- ship. Those who manage the affairs of government are by this means reminded that the law of God demands that they should be courageously true to the interests of the people, and that the Ruler of the Universe will require of them a strict ac- count of their stewardship. The people, too, are thus taught that their happiness and welfare will be best promoted by a conscientious regard for the interest of a common brotherhood, and that the success of a government by the people depends upon the morality, the justice and the honesty of the people. I am especially pleased to know that your efforts are not cramped and limited by denominational lines, and that your credentials are found in a broad Christian fellowship. Manifestly, if you seek to teach your countrymen toleration you your- selves must be tolerant ; if you would teach them liberality for the opinions of each other you yourselves must be liberal ; and if you would teach them unselfish patri- otism you yourselves must be unselfish and patriotic. There is enough of work in the field you have entered, to enlist the hearty co-operation of all who believe in the value and efficacy of Christian teaching and practice. Your noble mission, if undertaken in a broad and generous spirit, will surely arrest the attention and respectful consideration of your fellow-citizens; and your endeavors, consecrated by benevolence and patriotic love, must exert a powerful influence in the enlightenment and improvement of our people, in illustrating the strength and stability of our institutions, and in advancing the prosperity and great- ness of our beloved land. V. REMARKS BEFORE THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN PRE8BYERIAN ASSEMBLIES AT PHILADELPHIA, MAY 23, 1888. I am very much gratified by the opportunity here affoided me to meet the rep-., resentatives of the Presbyterian Church. V X«^4#-j Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 61 Surely a man never should lose his interest in the Tvelfare of the Church in which he was reared; and yet I will not find fault with any of you who deem it a sad confession made when I acknowledge that I must recall the days now long past to find my closest relation to the grand and noble denomination which you repre- sent. I say this because those of us who inherit fealty to our Church as I did begin early to learn those things which make us Presbyterians all the days of our lives; and thus it is that the rigors of our early teaching, by which we are grounded in our lasting allegiance, are especially vivid, and perhaps the best remembered. The attendance upon church service three times each Sunday and upon Sabbath school during the noon intermission may be irksome enough to a boy of ten or twelve years of age to be well fixed in his memory; but I have never known a man who regretted these things in the years of his maturity. The shorter catechism, though thoroughly studied and learned, was not, perhaps, at the time perfectly understood, and yet in the stern labors and duties of after life those are not apt to be the worst citizens who were early taught " what is the chief end of man." Speaking of these things and in the presence of those here assembled, the most tender thoughts crowd upon my mind — all connected with Presbyterianism and its teacjhings. There are present with me now memories of a kind and affectionate father, consecrated to the cause, and called to his rest and his reward in the midday of his usefulness ; a saored recollection of the prayers and pious love of a sainted mother, and a family circle hallowed and sanctified by the spirit of Presby- terianism. I certainly cannot but express the wish and hope that the Presbyterian Church will always be at the front in every movement which promises the temporal as well as the spiritual advancement of mankind. In the turmoil and the bustle of every- day life few men are foolish enough to ignore the practical value to our people and our country of the church organizations established among us and the advantage of Christian example and teachings. The field is vast and the work sufficient to engage the efiTorts of every sect and denomination ; but I am inclined to believe that the Church which is most tolerant and conservative, without loss of spiritual strength, will soonest find the way to the hearts and affections of the people. "While we may be pardoned for insisting that our denomination is the best, we may, I think, safely concede much that is good to all other Churches that seek to make men better. I am here to greet the delegates of two General Assemblies of the Presbyterian Church. One is called "North" and the other "South." The subject is too deep and intricate for me, but I cannot help wondering why this should be. These words, so far as they denote separation and estrangement, should be obsolete. In the counsels of the nation and in the business of the country they no longer mean reproach and antagonism. Even the soldiers who fought for the North and for the South are restored to fraternity and unity. This fraternity and unity is taught and enjoined by our Cnurch. When shall she herself be united with all the added strength and usefulness that harmony and union ensure ? CLKVfiLAND'a SPEBCHKS, LKTTKBS, ETa THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATIONS AS PRESIDENT. I. ANNUAL PROCLAMATION, 1885. The American people have always abundant cause to be thankful to Almighty God, whose watchful care and guiding hand have been manifested in every stage of their national life— guarding and protecting them in time of peril, and safely lead- ing them in the hour of darkness aud of danger. It is fitting aud proper that a nation thus favored, should on one day in every year, for that purpose especially appointed, publicly acknowledge the goodness of God, and return thanks to Him for all His gracious gifts. Therefore I, Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of America, do hereby desiguate aud set apart Thursday, the twenty-sixth day of November, instant, as a day of public Thanksgiving and prayer ; and do invoke the observance of the same by all the people of the land. On that day let all secular business be suspended ; and let the people assemble in their usual places of worship, and with prayer and songs of praise, devoutly testify their gratitude to the Giver of every good and perfect gift for all that He has done for us in the year that has passed ; for oar preservation as a united nation and for our deliverance from the shock and danger of political convulsion; for the blessings of peace and for our safety and quiet while wars and rumors of wars have agitated and afflicted other nations of the earth ; for our security against the scourge of pestilence, which in other lands has claimed its dead by thousands and filled the streets with mourners ; for plenteous crops which reward the labor of the husband- man and increase our nation's wealth, aud for the contentment throughout our borders w^hich follows in the train of prosperity and abundance. And let there also be on the day thus set apart, a reunion of families, sanctified and chastened by tender memories and associations; and let the social intercourse of friends, with pleasant reminiscence renew the ties of afiection and strengthen the bonds of kindly feeling. And let us by no means forget while we give thanks and enjoy the comforts which have crowned our lives, that truly grateful hearts are inclined to deeds of charity ; and that a kind and thoughtful remembrance of the poor, will double the pleasures of our condition, and render our praise and thanksgiving more acceptable in the sight of the Lord. Done at the City of "Washington, this second day of November, one fL. S.] thousand eight hundred and eighty- five, and of the Independence of the UniieJ States, the one hundred and tenth. GROVER CLEVELAND. By the President. T. F. Bayard, Secretary of State. CLEVELAND'S BPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. 63 II. ANNUAL PROCLAMATION, 1886. It has long been the custom of the people of the United States, on a day in each year especially set apart for that purpose by their Chief Executive, to acknowledge the goodness and mercy of God. and to invoke His continued care and protection. In observance of such custom, I, Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, do hereby designate and set apart Thursday, the 25th day of November instant, to be observed and kept as a day of Thanksgiving and Prayer. On that day let all our people forego their accustomed employments, and as- semble in their usual places of worship, to give thanks to the Ruler of the Universe for onr continued enjoyment of the blessings of a free government, for a renewal of business prosperity throughout our land, for the return which has rewarded the labor of those who till the soil, and for our progress as a people in all that makes a nation great. And while we "ontemplate the infinite power of God in earthquake, flood and storm, let the grateful hearts of those who have been shielded from harm through His meicy, be turned in sympathy and kindness toward those who have suffered through His visitations. Let us also in the midst of our thanksgiving remember the poor and needy with cheerful gifts and alms, so that our service may, by deeds of charity, be made acceptable in the sight of the Lord. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington this first day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighty-six, [Seal] and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and eleventh. By the President. T. F. Bayard, Secretary of State. GROVER CLEVELAND. m. ANNUAL PROCLAMATION, 1887. The goodness and the mercy of God which have followed the American people during all the days of the past year claim their grateful recognition and humble acknowledgment. By His omnipotent power He has protected us from w^ar and pesti- lence, and from every national calamity; by His gracious favor the earth has yielded a generous return to the labor of the husbandman, and every path of honest toil has led to comfort and contentment; by His loving kindness the hearts of our people have been replenished with fraternal sentiment and patriotic endeavor, and by His unerring guidance we have been directed in the way of national prosperity. To the end that we may, with one accord, testify our gratitude for all these blessings, I, Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, do hereby designate and set apart Thursday, the twenty- fourth day of November next, as a day of thanksgiving and prayer, to be observed by all the people ol the land. 64 CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. On that day let all secular work and employment be suspended, and let our people assemble in their accustomed places of worship and with prayer and songs of praise give thanks to our Heavenly Father for all that He has done for us, while we humbly implore the forgiveness of our sins and a continuance of His mercy. Let families and kindred be reunited on <">iat day, and let their hearts, filled with kindly cheer and aflFectionate reminiscence, be lurned in thankfulness to the source of all their pleasures and the Giver of all that makes the day glad and joyous. And in the midst of our worship and our happiness let us remember the poor, the needy and the unfortunate, and by our gifts of charity and ready benevolence let us increase the number of those who with grateful hearts shall join in our thanksgiving. In witness whereof I have set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Done at the city of Washington this twenty-fifth day of October, [Seal.] in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States the one hundred and twelfth. GROVER CLEVELAND. By the President. T. F. Bayard, Secretary of State. TO COMMERCIAL AND AGRICULTURAL ORGANIZATIONS I. At THE OSWEGATCHIE PAIR, OGDENSBURG, N. Y., OCTOBER 5, 1833. Ladies AND Gentlemen : — When I received the invitation of the president of this fair to be with you to-day, I could hardly see my way to accept, because I find that the duties of the office to which I have been called are of such a nature that I can scarcely do all that crowds upon me with quite constant attention. * * Broad fields, well tilled, not only secure comfort and an income to the farmer, but build up the commerce of the State and easily supply the wants of the popula- tion. None of these things result except by labor. This is the magic wand whose touch creates wealth and a great State. So all of us who work are, in our several ways, engaged in building to a higher reach and nobler proportions the fabric of a proud commonwealth. Those who make and execute the laws, join with those who toil from day to day with their hands in their several occupations, all alike engaged in building up and protecting the State. The institution of fairs such as this must, it seems to me, have a wholesome and beneficial eflect. In addition to the competition engendered, which spurs to more eflbrt and better methods, the opportunity is afforded to profit by the experience of others. The State has shown an appreciation of the value of experiment in agri- culture, by establishing and maintaining, at considerable expense, a farm for the express purpose of devising and proving the value of new plans and operations in farming. The results are freely offered to all; and thus the farmer may gain a Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 65 knowledge of methods which will render his labor more profitable without the risk of io^s ill the time which he himself might spend in experiment. I liave no doubt that thesoilof tlie State of New York is tilled well and intelligently. And still I suppose much of our farming might be improved by a closer regard to successful experiment, and by learning the lessons of approved scieuce as applied to agricul- ture. I do not fear, however, that the farmers of New York will stop short of the highest excellence. The people of this State are not given to that. While I, in this manner, urge you to claim from the soil all it has to yield, by the aid of intelligent efforts in its cultivation, I cannot refrain from reminding you that, as citizens, you have something else to do. You have the responsibility of citizenship upon you, and you should see to it that you do your duty to the State, not only by increasing its wealth by the cultivation and improvement of the soil, but by an intelligent selection of those who shall act for you in the enactment and execution of your laws. Weeds and thistles, if allowed in your fields, defeat your toil and efforts. So abuses in the administration of your government lead to the dishonor of your State, choke and thwart the wishes of the people and waste their substance. I have heard it said that a farm or business never does better than when it is managed by its owner. So it is with your government. It accomplishes its purposes and operates well only when it is managed by the people and for the people. It was designed and constructed to be used in just this way. None of you would attempt to turn the soil of a field without putting a strong hand on the plow. A plow was constructed to be thus operated, and it can do its work in no other way. The machinery of the government will not do its work unless the strong, steady hands of the people are put upon it. This is not done when the people say that politics is a disgraceful game, and should be left untouched by those having private concerns and business which engages their attention. This neglect serves to give over the most important interests to those who care but little for their protection, and who are willing to betray their trust for their own advantage. Manifestly, in this matter, the people can only act through agents of their selec- tion. But that selection should be freely and intelligently made by the careful ex- ercise of their suffrages. I have said this duty should not be neglected. A careless or mistaken per- formance may be as fatal as neglect. All cannot personally know the applicants for oflSce ; but by careful inquiry their characters for fair dealing and honesty, and the manner in which they have fulfilled the ordinary duties of life, may be discovered as well as the ability they have sho^vn in the management of their own affairs. Do their neighbors and those who know them well trust them, and are they willing to put in their hands im- portant interests ? Are their personal habits and their personal and private rela- tions good, and pure and clean ? I believe that in the selection of those who shall act for the people in the government no better rule can be adopted than the one suggested by these inquiries. If they are answered satisfactorily, the people will probably conclude that they have found the men they wish to put in public places, even though they lack a knowledge of the arts and wiles which tricksters used to deceive and mislead. 66 CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. Be diligent then in your business, and willing and anxious to improve and expand it. This you owe to yourselves, to your families, and to the public. Be also diligent and careful in the performance of your political duty. This you owe none the less to yourselves and to the State. With every obligation thus discharged, your welfare and prosperity will be secured, and you may congratulate yourselves upon the honorable part you bear in the support and maintenance of a free and beneficent government. n. AT THE AGRICULTURAL FAIR, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, OCTOBER 12, 1886. Fellow Citizb:ns op Virginia : While I Ibank you most sincerely for your kind reception and recognize in its heartiness the hospitality for which the peo- ple of Virginia have always been distinguished, I am fully aware that your dem- onstration of welcome is tendered not to an individual, but to an incumbent of an office which crowns the Government of the United States. The State of Vir- ginia, the mother of Presidents, seven of whose sons have filled that high office, to- day greets a President who for the first time meets Virginians upon Virginia soil. I congratulate myself that my first introduction to the people of Virginia oc- curs at a tmie when they are surrounded by the exhibits of the productiveness and prosperity of their State. Whatever there may be in honor in her history, and however much of pride there may be in her traditions, her true greatness is here exemplified. In our sisterhood of States the leading and most commanding place must be gained and kept by that commonwealth which, by the labor and intelligence of her citizens, can produce the most of those things which meet the necessities and desires of mankind. But the full advantage of that which may be yielded to a State by the toil and ingenuity of her people is not measured alone by the money value of the pro- ducts. The efforts and the struggles of her farmei's and her artisans not only create new values in the field of agriculture and in the arts and manufactures, but they at the same time produce rugged, self reliant and independent men, and cultivate that product which, more than all others, ennobles a State — a patriotic, earnest American citizenship. This will flourish in every part of the American domain. Neither drouth nor rain can injure it, for it takes root in true hearts, enriched by love of country. There are no new varieties in this production. It must be the same wherever seen, and its quality is neither sound nor genuine unless it grows to deck and beautify an entire and united nation, nor unless it supports and sustains the institutions and the Government founded to protect American liberty and happiness. The present Administration of the Government is pledged to return for such hus- bandry not only promises, but actual tenders of fairness and justice, with equal protection and a full participation in national achievements. If in the past we have been estranged and the cultivation of American citizenship has been interrupted, your enthusiastic welcome of today demonstrates that there is an end to such es- trangement, and that the time of suspicion and fear is succeeded by an era of faith and confidence. In such a kindly atmosphere and beneath such cheering skies I greet the people of Virginia as co- laborers in the field where grows the love of our united country. Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 67 God grant that in the years to come Virginia — the old Dominion, the mother of Presidents, she who looked oq the nation at its birth— may not only increase her trophies of growth in agriculture and manufactures, but that she may be among the first of all the States in the cultivation of true American citizenship. III. AT THE commercial EXCHANGE, PHILADELPHIA, SEPTEMBER 16, 1887. I am glad I have an opportunity to meet so large a representation of the busi- ness men of Philadelphia. It is well that we should not entirely forget in the midst ofour centennial jubilee that the aim and purpose of good government tend, after all, to the advancement of the material interests of the people and the increase of their trade and commerce. The thought has sometimes occurred to me that in the hurry and rush of business there might well be infused a little more patriotism than we are wont to see, and a little more recognition of the fact that a wholesome political sentiment is closely related not only to the general good, but to the general success of business. Of course our citizens engaged in business are quick to see the bearing of any policy which the Government may adopt, as it affects their personal success and their accumulation. But I would like to see that broad and patriotic sentiment among them which can see beyond their peculiar personal interests, and which can recognize that the advancement of the entire country is an object for which they may well strive, even sometimes to the diminution of their constantly- increasing profits. Must we always look for the political opinions of our business men precisely where they suppose their immediate pecuniary advantage is found ? I know how vain it is to hope lor the eradication of a selfish motive in all the affairs of life ; but I am reminded that we celebrate to-day the triumph of patriotism over selfishness. Will anyone say that the concessions of the Constitution were not well made, or that we are not to-day in the full enjoyment of the blessings resulting from a due regard for all the conflicting interests represented by the different States which were united a hundred years ago ? I believe the complete benefits promised to the people by our form of govern- ment can only be secured by an exercise of the same spirit of toleration for each other's rights and interests in which it had its birth. This spirit will prevail when the business men of the country cultivate political thought ; when they cease to eschew participation in political action, and when such thought and action are guided by better motives than purely selfish and exclusive benefit. I am of the opinion that there is no place in the country where such a condi- tion can be so properly and successfully maintained as here, among the enlight- ened and enterprising business men of Philadelphia. IV. BEFORE THE MILWAUKEE MERCHANTS ASSOCIATION, OCTOBER 7, 1887. I feel like thanking you for remembering on this occasion the President of the United States ; for I am sure you but intend a respectful recognition of the dignity and importance of the high office I, for the time being, hold in trust for you and for the American people. 5 68 Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. It is a high office because it represents the sovereignty of a free and mighty peo- ple. It is jfull of solemn responsibility and duty, because it embodies in a greater degree than any other office on earth the suffrage and the trust of such a people. As an American citizen, chosen from the mass of his fellow-countrymen to assume for a time this responsibility and this duty, I acknowledge with patriotic satisfaction your tribute to the office which belongs to us all. And because it belongs to all the people the obligation is manifest on their part to maintain a constant and continuous watchfulness and interest concerning its care and operation. Their duty is not entirely done when they have exercised their suffrage and indicated their choice of the incumbent. Nor is their duty performed by settling down to bitter, malignant and senseless abuse of all that is done or attempted to be done by the incumbent selected. The acts of an administration should not be approved as a matter of course, and for no better reason than that it repre- sents a political party ; but more unpatriotic than all others are those who, having neither party discontent nor fair ground of criticism to excuse or justify their con- duct, rail because of personal disappointment ; who misrepresent for sensational pur- poses, and who profess to see swift destruction in the rejection of their plans of gov- ernmental management. After all we need have no fear that the American people will permit this high office of president to suffer. There is a patriotic sentiment abroad which, in the midst of all party feeling and of party disappointment, will assert itself and will insist that the office which stands for the people's will shall, in all its vigor, minister to their prosperity and welfare. V. new york gbaiviber of commerce. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, Nov. 4, 18^7. Messrs. Henry HentZy Charles Watrous and others. Committee : Gentlemen — I have received your invitations to attend the annual banquet of the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York on the evening of the 15th instant. It would certainly give me great pleasure to be present on that occasion and meet those who, to a great extent, have in charge the important business interests represented in your association. I am sure, too, that I should derive profit as well as pleasure from such a meeting. |f Those charged by the people with the management of their government can- not fail to enhance their usefulness by a familiarity with business conditions and intimacy with business men, since good government has no more important mission than the stimulation and protection of the activities of the country. This relation between governments and business suggests the thought that the members of such associations as yours owe to themselves and to all the people of the land a thoughtful discharge of their political obligations, guided by their prac- tical knowledge of affairs to the end that there may be impressed upon the admin- istration of our government a business character and tendency free from the diver- sion of passion, and unmoved by sudden gusts of excitement. But the most wholesome purpose of their political action will not be accom- plished by an insistance upon their exclusive claims and selfish benefits, regardless Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 69 of the welfare of the people at large. Inter-dependence is so fully an element in our national existence that a patriotic and generous heed to the general good sense will best subserve every particular interest. I regret that my official duties and engagements prevent the acceptance of your courteous invitation, and, expressing the hope that the banquet may be a most enjoyable and interesting occasion to those present, I am, very truly, yours, GROVER CLEVELAND. VI. *' though the people support the 'GOVERNMENT, THE GOVERNMENT CAN- NOT SUPPORT THE PEOPLE." To THE House of Representatives : I return without my approval House bill number ten thousand two hundred and three, entitled "An act to enable the Commissioner of Agriculture to make a special distribution of seeds in the drought -stricken counties of Texas, and making an appropriation therefor." It is represented that a long-continued and extensive drought has existed in certain portions of the State of Texas, resulting in a failure of crops and consequent distress and destitution. Though there has been some difference in statements concerning the extent of the people's needs in the localities thus affected, there seems to be no doubt that there has existed a condition calling for relief; and I am willing to believe that, notwithstanding the aid already furnished, a donation of seed-grain to the farmers located in this region, to enable tnem to put in new crops, would serve to avert a continuance or return of an unfortunate blight. And yet I feel obliged to withhold my approval of the plan as proposed by this bill, to indulge a benevolent and charitalle sentiment through the appropriation of public funds for that purpose. lean find no warrant for such an appropriation in the Constitution ; and I do not believe that the power and duty of the General Government ought to be extended to the relief of individual suffering which is in no manner properly related to the public service or benefit. A prevalent tendency to disregard the limited mission of this power and duty should, I think, be steadfastly resisted, to the «nd that the lesson should be constantly enforced that though the people support the Government, the Government should not support the people. The friendliness and charity of our countrymen can always be relied upon to relieve their fellow-citizens in misfortune. This has been repeatedly and quite lately demonstrated. Federal aid in such cases encourages the expectation of paternal care on tlie part of the Government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character, while it prevents the indulgence among our people of that kindly sentiment and conduct which strengtJien tlie bonds of a common brotlierhood. It is within my personal knowledge that individual aid has to some extent already been extended to the sufferers mentioned in this bill. The failure of the proposed appropriation of ten thousand dollars additional to meet their remaining wants will not necessarily result in continued distress if the emergency is fully made known to the people of the country. 70 Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. It is here suggested that the Commissioner of Agriculture is annually directed to expend a large sura of money for the purchase, propagation and distribution of seeds and other things of this description, two-thirds of which are upon therequest of Senators, Representatives and Delegates in Congress, supplied to them for dis- txibution among their constituents. The appropriation of the current year for this purpose is one hundred thousand dollars, and it will probably be no less in the appropriation for the ensuing year. I understand that a large quantity of grain is furnished for such distribution, and it is supposed that this free apportionment among their neighbors is a privilege which may be waived by our Senators and Representatives. If sufficient of them should request the Commissioner of Agriculture to send their shares of the grain thus allowed them to the suffering farmers of Texas, they might be enabled to sow their crops, the constituents for whom in theory this grain is intended could well bear the temporary deprivation, and the donors would expe- rience the satisfaction attending deeds of charity. GROVER CLEVELAND. Executive Mansion, Washington^ February 16, 1887. BEFORE PATRIOTIC MEETINGS AND SOCIETIES. IN PRESENTING THE LECTURER, REV. FATHER SHEEHY, AT ST. STEPHEN'S HALL, BUFFALO, DECEMBER 5, 1881. Ladies and Gentlemen— I desire to acknowledge the honor you have con- ferred upon me by this call to the chair. My greatest regret is that I know '^o little of the conditions that have given birth to the Land League. I know in a general way that it is designed to secure to Ireland those just and natural righte to which Irishmen are entitled. I understand, also, thnt these are to be obtained by peaceful measures and without doing violence to any just law of the land. This should meet with the support and countenance of every man who enjoys the privilege of Ameri- can citizenship and lives under American laws. Our sympathy is drawn out by a bond of common manhood. "We are here to-night to welcome an apostle of this cause, one who can, from personal experience, recount the scenes of that troubled isle ; who can tell us the risks that are taken and the pains that are suffered by those who lead the van in this great movement. I congratulate you upon having Father Sheehy with you to-night, and I will not delay the pleasure of his presentation to you. IL ADDRESS IN ST. JAMES's HALL, BUFFALO, N. Y., WHEN PRESIDING AT A MASS MEETING TO PROTEST AGAINST THE TREATMENT OP AMERICAN CITIZENS IMPRISONED ABROAD, APRIL 9, 1882. Fellow Citizens — This is the formal mode of address on occasions of this kind, but I think we seldom realize fully its meaning or how valuable a thing it is to be a citizen. Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 71 Prom the earliest civilization to be a citizen has been to be a free man, endowed with certain privileges and advantages, and entitled to the full protection of the State. The defense and protection of personal rights of its citizens has always been the paramount and most important duty of a free, enlightened government. And perhaps no government has this sacred trust more in its keeping than this — the best and freest of them all ; for here the people who are to be protected are the source of those powers which they delegate upon the express compact that the citizen shall be protected. For this purpose we chose those who for the time being shall manage the machinery which we have set up for our defense and safety. And this protection adheres to us in all lands and places as an incident of citi- zenship. Let but the weight of a sacrilegious hand be put upon this sacred thing, and a great, strong government springs to its feet to avenge the wrong. Thus it is that the native born American citizen enjoys his birthright. But when, in the west- ward march of empire, this nation was founded and took root, we beckoned to the old world, and invited hither its immigration, and provided a mode by which those who sought a home among us might become our fellow-citizens. They came by thousands and hundreds of thousands ; they came and Hewed the dark old woods away, And gave the virgin fields to day ; they came with strong sinews and brawny arms to aid in the growth and progress of a new country; they came and upon our altars laid their fealty and submission; they came to our temples of justice and under the solemnity of an oath renounced all allegiance to every other State, potentate and sovereignty, and surrendered to us all the ^luty pertaining to such allegiance. We have accepted their fealty and in- vited them to surrender the protection of their native land. And what should be given them in return ? Manifestly, good faith and every dictate of honor demand, that we give them the same liberty and protection here and elsewhere which we vouchsafe to our native-born citizens. And that this liaa been accorded to them is the crowning glory of American institutions. It needed not the statute, which is now the law of the land, declaring that " all naturalized citizens while in foreign lands are entitled to and shall receive from this government the same protection of perious and property which is accorded to native-born citizens," to voice the policy of our nation. In all lands where the semblance of liberty is preserved, the right of a person arrested to a speedy accusation and trial is, or ought to be, a fundamental law, as it is a rule of civilization. At any rate, we hold it to be so, and this is one of the rights which we under- take to guarantee to any native-born or naturalized citizen of ours, whether he be imprisoned by order of the czar of Russia or unier the pretext of a law admin- istered for the benefit of the landed aristocracy of England. We do not claim to make laws for other countries, but we do insist that what- ever those laws may be they shall, in the interests of human freedom and the rights of mankind, so far as they involve the liberty of our citizens, be speedily admin- istered. We have a right to say, and do say, that mere suspicion without exami- nation or trial, is not sufficient to justify the long imprisonment of a citizen of America. Other nations may permit their citizens to be thus imprisoned. Oars will not. And this in effect has been solemnly declared by statute.. 73 CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. We have met here to-night to consider this subject and to inquire into the cause and the reasons and the justice of the imprisonment of certain of our fellow- citizens now held in British prisons without the semblance of a trial or legal exam- ination. Our law declares that the government shall act in such cases. But the people are the creators of the government. The undaunted apostle of the Christian religion imprisoned and persecuted, appealing centuries ago to the Roman law and the rights of Roman citizenship boldly demanded : " Is it lawfal for you to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned?" m. AT THE ANNUAL SAENGERFEST IN BUFFALO, JULY 16, 1883. I have come to join my fellow-townsmen and their visitors in the exercises ■which inaugurate a festival of music and of song, and a season of social enjoyments. It may be safely said, I think, that no one who has called this his home, and "Who has enjoyed a residence in this beautiful city, and has learned the kindness of its people, ever forgets these things, or fails to experience a satisfaction in whatever adds to the prestige of the city, and tbe pride and enjoyment of its inhabitants. And thus it is that I am here to night, at my home, claiming, as an old citizen of Buffalo, my full share of the pleasure which Buffalonians appropriate to them- selves on this occasion. I am gird that our State has within its borders a city containing sufficient German enterprise and enough of the German love of music, to secure to itself the honor and distinction of being selected as the place where this national festival is held. I desire to feel free, to-night, from official responsibilities and restraint, and ns a private citizen, to join in welcoming our guests to my home ; but I will not for- bear, as the executive of the great State of New York, and onbehalf of all its people* to extend to those here assembled from other States a hearty greeting. At this moment the reflection is uppermost in my mind that we owe much to the German element among our people. Their thrift and industry have added immensely to our growth and prosperity. The sad and solemn victims of American overwork may learn of them that labor may be well done, and at the same time recreation and social enjoyment have their place in a busy life. They have also brought to us their music and their song, which have done much to elevate, refine and improve, and to demonstrate that nature's language is as sweet as when the morning stars sang together. I am inclined to think that a music loving people are not apt to be a bad people ; and it may well be hoped that occasions like this will tend to make the love and cultivation of music more universal in our land. We hear, sometimes, of the assimilation of the people of different nationalities, who have made their home upon American soil. As this process goes on, let the German's love of music be carefully included to the end that the best elements of human nature may be improved and cultivated and American life be made more joyous and happy. I must not detain you longer ; better things await you. Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc, 7S To the stranger guest, I pledge a cordial hospitality at the hands of the Ger- mans of Buffalo. I know the warmth of heart and the kindliness of disposition of those having you in charge, and no other guaranty is needed. To my fellow townsmen, who have labored thus far so faithfully in preparation for this occasion, I cannot forbear saying your most difficult and delicate work will not be done until your guests depart, declaring the twenty- third the most successful and enjoyable Saengerfest upon the list, and confessing that the most cordial and hospitable entertainers are the Germans of Buffalo. IV. AT THE DINNER OP THE HIBERNIAN SOCIETY, PHILADELPHIA, SEPTEMBER 17, 1887— CENTENNIAL OF THE CONSTITUTION. I should hardly think my participation in the centennial celebration was satis- facto/y if I had not the opportunity of meeting the representatives of the society which, through its antiquity and associations, bears close relation to the events of the time we commemorate. That j'ou celebrate this occasion is a reminder of the fact, that in the troublous and perilous days of our country, those whose names stood upon your roll of membership nobly fought for the cause of free government and for the homes which they had found upon our soil. No society or corporation, I am sure, has in its charter or its traditions and history, a better or more valuable certificate of its patriotic worth and character than you have, and which is found in the words of Washington, who in 1782 declared of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, of which this association is the suc- cessor, that it '* has always been noted for the firm adherence of its members to the glorious cause in which we are engaged." These are priceless words, and they render most fitting the part which the members of the Hibernian Society are to day assuming. I notice upon a letter which I have received from your Secretary that one object of your society is stated to be "for the relief of emigrants from Ireland," and this leads me to reflect how nearly allied love of country is to a kindly humanity, and how naturally such a benevolent purpose of this society, as the assistance and relief of your stranger and needy emigrants, follows the patriotism in which it had its origin. Long may the Hibernian Society live and prosper, and long may its benevolent and humane work be prosecuted. And when another centennial of the Constitution is celebrated, may those who shall then form its membership be as fully inspired with the patriotism of its history and traditions, and as ready to join in the general felicitation, as the men I see about me here. 74 clkvbland's speeches, letters, etc SPEECHES AT CENTENNIAL CELEBRATIONS. I. EXTRACT FROM THE ORATION OF JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL, AT THE 250TH ANNI- VERSARY OP HARVARD COLLEGE, NOVEMBER 9, 1886. " Brethren of the Alumni : It now becomes my duty to welcome in your name guests who have come, some of them so far, to share our congratulations and hopes to-day. I cannot name them all and give to each his fitting phrase. Thrice welcome to all. There is one name which it would be indecorous not to make an exception of. You aU know that I can mean only the President of our country. His presence is a signal honor to us all ; to us all, I may say, a personal gratification. " We have no politics here, but the sons of Harvard all belong to a party which admires courage, strength of purpose and fidelity to duty, and which respects, wherever he be found, the justum et tenacem propositi virum, who knows how to withstand the civium ardor prava jubentium. He has left the helm of state to be with us here, and so long as it is intrusted to his hands we are sure that, should the storm come, he will say with Seneca's pilot : ' O, Neptune, you may save me if you will, you may sink me if you will, but what- ever happens I shall keep my rudder true.' " PRESIDENT Cleveland's address. Mr. President and Oentlemen : I find myself to-day in a company to which I am much unused, and when I see the alumni of the oldest college in the land surrounding in their right of sonship, the maternal board at which I am but an invited guest, the reflection that for me there exists no alma mater gives rise to a feeling of regret, which is tempered only by the cordiality of your welcome and your reassuring kindness. If the fact is recalled that only twelve of my twenty-one predecessors in office had the advantage of a collegiate or university education, a proof is presented of the democratic sense of our people, rather than an argument against the supreme value of the best and most liberal education in high public positions. There cer- tainly can be no sufficient reason for any space or distance between the walks of a most classical education and the way that leads to a political place. Any disinclina- tion on the part of the most learned and cultured of our citizens to mingle in public affairs, and the consequent abandonment of political activity to those who have but little regard for student and scholar in politics, are not favorable conditions under a government such as ours, and if they have existed to a damaging extent, very recent events appear to indicate that the education and conservatism of the land are to be hereafter more plainly heard in the expression of the popular will. Surely the splendid destiny which awaits a patriotic effort in behalf of our country will be sooner reached if the best of our thinkers and educated men shall deem it a solemn duty of citizenship to actively and practically engage in political affairs, and if the force and power of their thought and learning shall be willingly or unwillingly acknowledged in party management. If I am to speak of the President of the United States I desire to mention as the most pleasant and characteristic feature of our system of government the near- ness of the people to their President and other high officials. A close view Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 75 afforded our citizens of the acts and conduct of those to whom they have intrusted their interests serves as a regulator and check upon temptation and pressure in office, and is a constant reminder that diligence and faithfulness are the measure of public duty, and such a relation between President and people ought to leave but little room in popular judgment and conscience for unjust and false accusations and for malicious slanders invented for the purpose of undermining the people's trust and confidence in the administration of their government. No public officer should desire to check the utmost freedom of criticism as to all official acts, but every right-thinking man must concede that the President of the United States should not be put beyond the protection which American love of fair play and decency accords to every American citizen. This trait of our national character would not encourage, if their extent and tendency were fully appreciated, the silly, mean, and cowardly lies that every day are found in the columns of certain newspapers, which violate every instmct of American manliness and in ghoulish glee desecrates every sacred relation of private life. There is nothing in the highest office that the American people can confer which necessarily makes their President altogether selfish, scheming and untrustworthy. On the contrary, the solemn duties which confront him tend to a sober sense of re- sponsibility ; the trust of the American people and an appreciation of their mission among the nations of the earth should make him a patriotic man, and the tales of distress "^'hich reach him from the humble and lowly and needy and afflicted in every corner of the land cannot fail to quicken within him every kind impulse and tender sensibility. After all, it comes to this : The people of the United States have one and all a sacred mission to perform, and your President, not more surely than any other citizen who loves his country, must assume part of the responsibility of the demon- stration to the world of the success of popular government. No man can hide his talent in a napkin, and escape the condemnation which his slothfulness deserves, or evade the stern sentence which his faithlessness invites. Be assured, my friends, that the privilege of this day, so full of improvement, and the enjoyments of this hour, so full of pleasure and cheerful encouragements, will never be forgotten ; and in parting with you now let me express my earnest hope that Harvard's alumni may always honor the venerable institution which has honored them, and that no man who forgets and neglects his duty to American citizenship will find his alma mater here. II AT CLINTON, NEW YORK, JCA T 13, 1887. I am by no means certain of my standing here among those who celebrate the centennial of Clinton's existence as a village. My recollections of the place reach backward but about thirty-six years, and my residence here covered a very brief period. But th-se recollections are fresh and distinct to-day, and pleasant too, though not entirely free from sombre coloring. It was here in the school, at the foot of College Hill, that I began my prepara- tion for college life and enjoyed the anticipation of a collegiate education. We had two teachers in our school. One became afterwards a judge in Chicago, and 76 CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. the Other passed through the legal profession to the ministry, and within the last two ytars was living farther West. I read a little Latin with two other boys in the class. I think I floundered through four books of the ^neid. The other boys had nice large modern editions of Virgil, with big print and plenty of notes to help one over the hard places. Mine was a little old-fashioned copy which my father used before me, with no notes, and which was only translated by hard knocks. I believe I have forgiven those other boys for their persistent refusal to allow me the use of the notes in their books. At any rate, they do not seem to have been over- taken by any dire retribution, for one of them is now a rich and prosperous lawyer in Buffalo, and the other is a professor in your college and the orator of to-day's celebration. The struggles with ten lines of Virgil which at first made up my daily task, are amusing as remembered now ; but with them lam also forced to remem- ber that instead of being the beginning of the higher education for which I honestly 1. (nged, they occurred near the end of my school advantages. This suggests a dis- appointment which no lapse of time can alleviate and a deprivation I have sadly felt with every passing year. I remember Benoni Butler and his store. I don't know whether he was an habitual poet or not, but I heard him recite one poem of his own manufacture which embodied an account of a travel to or from Clinton in the eariy days. I can recall but two lines of this poem, as follows : "Paris Hill next caine in sight; And there we tarried over night." I remember the next-door neighbors, Doctors Bi-sell and Scollard — and good, kind neighbors they were, too — not your cross, crabbed kind who could not bear to see a boy about. It always seemed to me that they drove very fine horses ; and for that reason I thought they must be extremely rich. I don't know that I should indulge further recollections that must seem very little like centennial history ; but I want to establish as well as I can my right to be here. I might speak of the college faculty, who cast such a pleasing though sober shade of dignity over the place, and who, with other educated and substantial citizens, made up the best of social life. I was a boy then, and slightly felt the atmosphere of this condition ; but, notwithstanding, I believe I absorbed a lasting appreciation of the intelligence and refinement which made this a delightful home. I know that you will bear with me, my friends, if I yield to the impulse which the mention of home creates, and speak of my own home here, and how through' the memories which cluster about it I may claim a tender relationship to your village. Here it was that our family circle entire, parents and children, lived day after day in loving and aflfect oaate converse; and here, for the last time, we met around the family altar and thanked God that our household was unbroken by death or separation. We never met together in any other home after leaving this, and Death followed closely our departure. And thus it is, that as with advancing years I survey the havoc Death has made, and the thoughts of my early home more sacred, the remembrance of this pleasant spot, so related, is revived and chastened. I can only add my thanks for the privilege of being with you to-day, and wish for the village of Clinton in the future a continuation and increase of the blessings of the past. Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 77 III. response to toast, "the president of the united states," at the centen- nial celebration of the settlement op the village op CLINTON, N. Y., JULY 13, 1887. I am inclined to content myself on this occasion, with an acknowledgment on behalf of the people of the United States, of the compliment which you have paid to the oflSce which represents their sovereignty. But such an acknowledgment sug- gests an idea which I cannot refrain from dwelling upon for a moment. That the office of President of the United States does represent the sovereignty of sixty millions of free people, is to my mind a statement full of solemnity ; for this sovereignty I conceive to be the working out or enforcement of the divine right of man to govern himself and a manifestation of God's plan concerning the human race. Though the struggles of political parties to secure the incumbency of this office and the questionable methods sometimes resorted to for its possession may not be in keeping with this idea, and though the deceit practised to mislead the people in their choice, and its too frequent influence on their sufl'rage may surprise us, these things should never lead us astray iu our estimate of this exalted position and ita value and dignity. And though your fellow-citizen, who may be chosen to perform for a time the duties of this highest place should be badly selected, and though the best attainable results may not be reached by his administration, yet the exacting watchfalness of the people, freed from the disturbing turmoil of partisan excitement, ought to prevent mischance to the office which represents their sovereignty, and should reduce to a minimum the danger of harm to the State. I by no means underestimate the importance of the utmost care and circum- spection in the selection of the incumbent. On the contrary, I believe tfiere is no obligation of citizenship that demands more thought and conscientious deliberation than this, But I am speaking of the citizen's duty to the office and its selected incumbent. This duty is only performed when, in the interest of the entire people, the full exercise of the powers of the Chief Magistracy is insisted on, and when, for the people's safety, a due regard for the limitations placed upon the office is exacted. These things should be enforced by the manifestation of a calm and enlightened public opinion. But this should not be simulated by the mad clamor of disappointed interest, which, without regard for the general good, or allowance for the exercise of official judgment, would degrade the office by forcing compliance with selfish demands. If your President should not be of the people and one of your fellow- citizens, he would be utterly unfit for the position, incapable of understanding the people's wants and careless of their desires. That he is one of the people implies that he i» subject to human frailty and error. But he should be permitted to claim but little toleration for mistakes ; the generosity of his fellow-citizens should alone decree how far good intentions should excuse his shortcomings. Watch well, then, this high office, the most precioas possession of American citizenship. Demand for it the most complete devotion on the part of him to whose 78 Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. custody it may be intrusted, and protect it not less vigilantly against unworthy assaults from without. Tiius will you perform a sacred duty to yourselves and to those who may follow you in the enjoyment of the freest institutions which Heaven has ever vouchsafed to man. IV. AT THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION OF THE ADOPTION OP THE CONSTITUTION, PHILADELPHIA, SEPTEMBER 17, 1887. I deem it a very great honor and pleasure to participate in these impressive exercises. Every American citizen should on this centennial day rejoice in his citizen- ship. He will not find the cause of his rejoicing in the antiquity of his country, — for among the nations of the earth his stands with the youngest. He will not find it in the glitter and the pomp that bedeck a monarch and dazzle abject and servile subjects, — for in his country the people themselves are rulers. He will not find it in the story of bloody foreiga conquests, — for his Government has been content to care for its own domain and people. He should rejoice because the work of framing our Constitution was completed one hundred years ago today, and also because when completed it established a free Government. He should rejoice because this Constitution and Government have survived so long, and also because they have survived with so many blessings and have demonstrated so fully the strength and value of popular rule. He should rejoice in the wondrous growth and achievements of the past one hundred years, and also in the glorious promise of the Constitution through centuries to come. We shall fail to be duly thankful for all that was done for us one hundred years ago, unless we realize the difBculties of the work then in hand, and the dangers avoided in the task of forming " a more perfect union " between disjointed and inharmonious States, with interests and opinions radically diverse and stub- bornly maintained. The perplexities of the convention which undertook the labor of preparing our Constitution are apparent in these earnest words of one of the most illustrious of its members : " The small progress we have made after four or five weeks of close attendance and continued reasonings with CHch other, our different sentiments on almost every question — several of the last producing as many noes as yeas— is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running at)out in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of government, and examined the different forms of those republics which, having been formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist. In this situation of this Assembly, groping as it were in the dark to find political truth, and scarce able to distinguisn it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not heretofore once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Light to illuminate our understandings?' And this wise man, proposing to his fellows that the aid and blessing of God should be invoked in their extremity, declared : * Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. 79 " I have lived, sir, a long time, and the longer I live the more convincing proofs I Fee of the truth tbat God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow can not fall to the gnmnd without His notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without His aid ? We have been assured, sir, in the sacred writings that ' except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it' I firmly believe this; and I also believe that without His concurnng aid we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel. We shall be divided by our little partial, local intertstp, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and by- word down to future ages; and, what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing governments by human wisdom and leave it to chance, war, and conquest." In the face of all discouragements, the fathers of the Republic labored on for four long, weary months, in alternate hope and fear, but always with rugged resolve, never faltering in a sturdy endeavor sanctified by a prophetic sense of the value to posterity of their success, and always with unflinching faith in the principles which make the foundation of a government by the people. At last their task was done. It is related that upon the back of the chair occu- pied by Washington as the president of the Convention a sun was painted, and that as the 'delegates were signing the completed Constitution one of them said : " I have ^ften and often, in the course of the session, and in the solicitude of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that behind the President without being able ta tell whether it was rising or setting. But now at length I know that it is a rising and not a setting sun." We stand to-day on the spot where this rising sun emerged from political night and darkness ; and In its own bright medium light we mark its glorious way. Clouds have eometimes obscured its rays, and dreadful storms have made us fear; but God has held it in its course, and through its life-giving warmth has performed His latest miracle in the creation of this wondrous land and people. As we look down the past century to the origin of our Constitution, as we con- template its trials and its triumphs, as we realize how completely the principles upoa which it is based have met every national peril and every national need, how devoutly should we confess, with Frankhn, " God governs in the affairs of men ; " and how solemn should be the reflection that to our hands is committed this ark of the people's covenant, and that ours is the duty to shield it from impious hands. We receive it sealed with the tests of a century. It has been found sufficient in the past ; and in all the future years it will be found suflBcient if the American people are true to their sacred trust. Another centennial day will come, and millions yet unborn will inquire con- cerning our stewardship and the safety of their Constitution. God grant that they may find it unimpaired ; and as we rejoice in the patriotism and devotion of those who lived a hundred years ago, so may others who follow us rejoice in our fidelity and in our jealous love for constitutional liberty. 60 Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. V. eesponse to the toast, "the president op the united states," at the DINNER given BY THE HISTORICAL AND SCIENTIFIC SOCIETIES OP PHILADEL- PHIA, SEPTEMBER, 17, 1887, DURING THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION OP THE ADOPTION OP THE CONSTITUTION. On such a day as this, and in the atmosphere that now surrounds him, I feel that the President of the United States should be thoughtfully modest and humble. The great office he occupies stands to-day in the presence of its maker ; and it is especially fitting for this servant of the people and creature of the Constitution, amid the impressive scenes of this centennial occasion, by a rigid self-examination to be assured concerning his loyalty and obedience to the law of his existence. He will find that the rules prescribed for his guidance require for the perform- ance of his duty, not the intellect or attainments which would raise him far above the feeling and sentiment of the plain people of the land, but rather such a knowl- edge of their condition, and sympathy with their wants and needs as will bring him near to them. And though he may be almost appalled by the weight of his responsibility and the solemnity of his situation, he cannot fail to find comfort and encouragement in the success of the fathers of the Constitution wrought from their simple, patriotic devotion to the rights and interests of the people. Surely he may hope that, if reverently invoked, the spirit which gave the Constitution life will be sufficient for its successful operation and the accomplishment of its beneficial pur- poses. Because they are brought nearest to the events and scenes which marked the l)irth of American institutions, the people of Philadelphia should of aM our citizens be more imbued with sentiments of the broadest patriotism. The first Continental Congress and the Conetitutional Convention met here, and Philadelphia still has in her keeping. Carpenter's Hall, Independence Hall and its bell, and the grave of Franklin. As I look about me and see here represented the societies that express so largely the culture of Philadelphia, its love of art, its devotion to science, its regard for the broadest knowledge, and its studious care for historical research — societies some of which antedate the Constitution— I feel that I am in a notable company. To you is given the duty of preserving and protecting for your city, for all your fellow-countrymen, and for mankind, the traditions and the incidents related to the establishment of the freest and best government ever vouchsafed to man. It is a sacred trust, and as time leads our Government further and further from the date of its birth, may you solemnly remember that a nation exacts of you that these traditions and incidents shall never be tarnished nor neglected, but that, brightly burnished, they may always be held aloft, fastening the gaze of a patriotic people and keeping alive their love and reverence for the Constitution. CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. 81 AT THE UNVEILING OF MONUMENTS AND STATUES. I. UNVEILING OF THE BARTHOLDI STATUE AT NEW YORK, OCTOBER 28, 1886. The people of the United States accept with gratitude from their brethren of the French Republic the grand and completed work of nrt we here inaugurate. This token of the aflFection and consideration of the people of France demon- strates the kinship of republics, and conveys to us the assurance that in our efforts to commend to mankind the excellence of a government resting upon popular will, we still have beyond the American continent, a steadfast ally. We are not here to day to bow before the representation of a fierce and warlike god, filled with wrath and vengeance, but we joyously contemplate instead, our owh deity keeping watch and ward before the open gates of America, and greater than all that have been celebrated in ancient song. Instead of grasping in her hand thunder- bolts of terror and of death, she holds aloft the light which illumines the way to man's enfranchisem.ent. "We will not forget that liberty has here made her home; nor shall her chosen altar be neglected. Willing votaries will constantly keep alive its fires, and these shall gleam upon the shores ot our sister republic in the East. Reflected thence and joined with answering rays, a stream of light shall pierce the darkness of ignor- ance and man's oppression, until liberty enlightens the world. II UNVEILING OF THE GARFIELD STATUE AT WASHINGTON, D. C, MAY 13, 1887. Fellow Citizens : In performance of the duty assigned to me on this occasion, I hereby accept, on behalf of the people of the United States, this completed and beautiful statue. Amid the interchange of fraternal greetings between the survivors of the Army of the Cumberland and their former foes upon the battle-field, and while the Union General and the people's President awaited burial, the common grief of these mag- nanimous soldiers and mourning citizens found expression in the determination to erect this tribute to American greatness ; and thus to day in its symmetry and beauty, it presents a sign of animosities forgotten, an emblem of a brotherhood redeemed, and a token of a nation restored. Monuments and statues multiply throughout the land, fittingly illustrative of the love and affection of our grateful people and commemorating brave and patri- otic sacrifices in war, fame in peaceful pursuits, or honor in public station. But from this day forth, there shall stand at our seat of Government this statue of a distinguished citizen, who in his life and services combined all these things and more, which challenge admiration in American character — loving tenderness in every domestic relation, bravery on the field of battle, fame and distinction in our halls of legislation, and the highest honor and dignity in the Chief Magistracy of the nation. 83 Cleveland's speeches, letters, etc. This stately effigy shall not fail to teach every beholder that the source of American greatness is confined to no condition, nor dependent alone for its growth and development upon favorable surroundings. The genius of our national life beckons to usefulness and honor those in every sphere, and offers the highest prefer- ment to manly ambition and sturdy, honest effort chastened and consecrated by patriotic hopes and aspirations. As long as this statue stands, let it be proudly remembered that to every American citizen the way is open to fame and Btation, until he — " Moving up from high to higher, Becomes on Fortune's crowning slope The pillar of a People's hope, The centre of a World's desire. " Nor can we forget that it also teaches our people a sad and distressing lesson ; and the thoughtful citizen who views its fair proportions cannot fail to recall the tragedy of a death which brought grief and mourning to every household in the land. But while American citizenship stands aghast and affrighted that murder and assasination should lurk in the midst of a free people and strike down the head of their Government, a fearless search and the discovery of the origin and hiding- place of these hateful and unnatural things, should be followed by a solemn resolve to purge forever from our political methods and from the operation of our Govern- ment, the perversions and misconceptions which give birth to passionate and bloody thoughts. If from this hour our admiration for the bravery and nobility of Americfin manhood and our faith in the possibilities and opportunities of American citizenship be renewed, if our appreciation of the blessing of a restored Union and love for our Government be strengthened, and if our watchfulness against the dangers of a mad chase after partisan spoils be quickened, the dedication of this statue to the people of the United States will not be in vain. LETTERS TO SOLDIERS' ORGANIZATIONS. LETTER written TO THE REUNION OF UNION AND EX-CONFEDERATE E0LDIER& at gettysburg, july 2, 1887. Executive Mansion, WasJdngtoji, June 24, 1887. My Dear Sir: I have received your invitation to attend, as a guest of the Philadelphia Brigade, a re-union of ex-Confederate soldiers of Pickett's Division who survived their terrible charge at Gettysburg, and those of the Union Army still liv- ing, by whom it was heroically resisted. The fraternal meeting of these soldiers upon the battle-field where twentv-four years ago, in deadly affray, they fiercely sought each other's lives, where they saw their comrades fall, and where all their thoughts were of vengeance and destiuction, will illustrate the generous impulse of brave men and their honest desire for peace and reconciliation. CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC. 83" The friendly assaults there to be made will be resistless, because inspired by American chivalry ; and its results will be glorious, because conquered hearts will be its trophies of success. Thereafter this battle lield will be cons^^crated by a victory which shall presage the end ol the bitterness of strife, the exposure of the insinceriiy which conceals hatred by professions of kindness, the condemnation of frenzied appeals to passion for unworthy purposes, and the beating down of all that stands in the way of the destiny of our united country. While those who fought and who have so much to forgive lead in the pleasant ways of peace, how wicked appear the traffic in sectional hate and the betrayal oi patriotic sentiment. It surely cannot be wrong to desire the settled quiet which lights for our entire country the path to prosperity and greatness; nor need the lessons of the war be forgotten and its results jeopardized in the wish for that genuine fraternity which ensures national pride and glory. I should be very glad to accept your invitation and be with you at that interest- ing reunion, but other arrangements already made and niy official duties here will prevent my doicg so. Hoping that the occasion will be as successful and useful as its promoters can desire, I am, yours, very truly, GROVER CLEVELAND. Mb. John W. Frazibr, Secretary^ die. n. to mayor francis, op st. louis. Executive Mansion, >' Washington, July 4, 1887. \ Hon. David R. FranciSy Mayor and Chairman. My Dear Sir : When I received the extremely cordial and gratifying invitation from the cit- izens of St. Louis, tendered by a number of her representative men, to visit that city during the national encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic, I had been contemplating for some time the acceptance of an invitation from that organ- ization to the same effect, and had considered the pleasure which it would afford me, if it should be possible, to meet not only members of the Grand Army, but the people of St. Louis and other cities in the West which the occasion would give me an opportunity to visit. The exactions of my public duties I felc to be so uncertain, however, that, when first confronted by the delegation of which you were the head, I expected to do no more at that time than to promise the consideration of the double invitation tendered me, and express the pleasure it would give me to accept the same thereafter, if possible. But the cordiality and sincerity of your presenta. tion, reinforced by the heartiness of the good people who surrounded you, so impressed me that I could not resist the teeling which prompted me to assure you ou the spot that I would be with you and the Grand Army of the Republic at the time designated, if nothing happened in the meantime to absolutely prevent my leaving Washington. 84 CLEVELAND'S SPEECHES, LETTERS, ETC, Immediately upon the public announcement of this conclusion, expressions emanating from certain important members of the Grand Army of the Republic» and increasing in volume and virulence, constrained me to review my acceptance of these invitations. The expressions referred to go to the extent of declaring that I would be an unwelcome guest at the time and place of the national encampment. This state- ment is based, as well as I can judge, upon certain official acts of mine, involving important public interests, done under the restraints and obligations of my oath of office, which do not appear to accord with the wishes of some members of the Grand Army of the Republic. I refuse to believe that this organization, founded upon patriotic ideas, com- posed very largely of men entitled to lasting honor and consideration, and whose cro wning glory it should be that they are American citizens as well as veteran soldiers, deems it a part of its mission to compass any object or purpose by attempt- ing to imtimidate the executive or coerce those charged with making and executing the laws. And yet the expressions to which I have referred indicate such a preva- lence of unfriendly feeling and such a menace to an occasion which should be harmonious, peaceful and cordial, that they cannot be ignored. I beg you to understand that I am not conscious of any act of mine which should make me fear to meet the Grand Army of the Republic, or any other assem- blage of my fellow-citizens. The account of my official stewardship is always ready for presentation to my countrymen. I should not be frank if I failed to confess, while disclaiming all resentment, that I have been hurt by the unworthy and wanton attacks upon me growing out -of this matter, and the reckless manner in which my actions and motives have been misrepresented both publicly and privately, for which, however, the Grand Army of the Republic, as a body, is by no means responsible. The threats of personal violence and harm in case I undertook the trip in question, which scores of misguided, unbalanced men under the stimulation of excited feeling have made, are not even considered. Rather than abandon my visit to the West and disappoint your citizens, I might, if I alone were concerned, submit to the insults to which it is quite openly asserted I would be helplessly subjected if present at the encampment; but I should bear with me there the people's highest office, the dignity of which I must protect ; and I believe that neither the Grand Army of the Republic as an organization, nor anything like a majority of its members, would ever encourage any scandalous attacks upon it. If, however, among the membership of this body there are some, as certainly seems to be the case, determined to denounce me and my official acts at the national encampment I believe they should be permitted to do so unrestrained by my pres- ence as a guest of their organization, or as a g^8 i of the hospitable city in which their meeting is held. mmittee. REPLY OP GROVER CLEVELAND, PRESIDENT-ELECT. Albany, Dec. 35, 1884 Hon. George William Curtis, President, etc. Dear Sir: — Your communication dated December 20th, addressed to me on behalf of the National Civil Service Reform League, has been receieved. That a practical reform in the Civil Service is demanded, is abundantly estab- lished by the fact that a statute, referred to in your communication, to secure such a result, has been passed in Congress with the assent of both political parties ; and by the further fact that a sentiment is generally prevalent among patriotic people calling for the fair and honest enforcement of the law which has been thuB enacted. I regard myself pledged to this, because my conception of true Demo- CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 98 cratic faith and public duty, requires that this and all other statutes, should be in good faith, and without evasion enforced, and because in many utterances made prior to my election as President, approved by the party to which I belong and which I have no disposition to disclaim, I have in effect promised the people that this should be done. I am not unmindful of the fact to which you refer, that many of our citizens fear that the recent party change in the National Executive may demonstrate that the abuses which have grown up in the Civil Service are ineradicable. I know that they are deeply rooted, and that the spoils system has been supposed to be intimately related to success in the maintenance of party organization ; and I am not sure that all those who. profess to be the friends of this reform, will stand firmly among its advocates, when they find it obstructing their way to patronage and place. But fully appreciating the trust committed to my charge, no such consideration shall cause a relaxation on my part of an earnest effort to enforce this law. There is a class of government positions which are not within the letter of the Civil Service statute, but which are so disconnected with the policy of an admin- istration, that the removal therefrom of present incumbents, in my opinion, should not be made during the terms for which they were appointed, solely on partisan grounds, and for the purpose of putting in their places those who are in political accord with the appointing power. But many now holding such positions have forfeited all just claim to retention, because they have used their places for party purposes, in disregard of their duty to the people, and because instead of being decent public servants, they have proved themselves offensive partisans, and unscrupulous manipulators of local party man- agement. The lessons of the past should be unlearned ; and such officials, as well as their successors, should be taught that efficiency, fitness and devotion to public duty are the conditions of thdlr continuance in public place, and that the quiet and unobtru- sive exercise of individual rights, is the reasonable measure of their party service. If I were addressing none but party friends, I should deem it entirely proper to remind them that though the coming administration is to be Democratic, a due regard for the people's interest does not permit faithful party work to be always rewarded by appointment to office ; and to say to them that while Democrats may <3xpect all proper consideration, selections for office not embraced within the Civil Service rules, will be based upon sufficient inquiry as to fitness, instituted by those charged with that duty, rather than upon persistent importunity or self-solicited recommendations, rcing civil-service reform is based. In its present condition the law regulates only a part of the subordinate public positions throughout the country. It applies the test of fitness to applicants for these places by means of a comoeti- tive examination, and gives large discretion to the Commissioners as to the char- acter of the examination and many other matters connected with its execution. Thus the rules and regulations adopted by the Commission have much to do with the practical usefulness of the statute and with the results of its application. The people may well trust the Commission to execute the law with perfect fair- ness and with as little irritation as is possible. Bat, of course, no relaxation of the principle which underlies it, and no weakening of the safeguards which surround it can be expecttd. Experience in its administration will probably suggest amend- ment of the methods of its execution, but I venture to hope that we shall never again be remitted to the system which distributes public positions purely as rewards for partisan service. Doubts may well be entertained whether our Government could survive the strain of a continuance of this system, which upon every change of ad- ministration inspires an immense army of claimants for office to lay siege to the pat- ronage ef G<>vcrnraent, engrossing the time of public officers wiih their importu- nities, spreading abroad the contagion of their disappointment, and filling the air with the tumult of their discontent. The allurements of an immense number of offices and places, exhibited to the voters of the land, and the promise of their bestowal in recognition of partisan activity, debauch the sufl'rage and rob political action of its thoughtful and delibera- tive character. The evil would increase with the multiplication of offices conse- quent upon our extension, and the mania for office-holding, growing from its indul- gence, would pervade our population so generally that patriotic purpose, the support of principle, the desire for the public good, and solicitude for the Nation's welfare, would be nearly banished from the activity of our party contests and cause them to degenerate into ignoble, selfish, and disgraceful struggles for the possession of office and public place. Civil-service reform enforced by law came none too soon to check the progress of demoralization. One of its eflfects, not enough regarded, is the freedom it brings to the political action of those conservative and sober men who, in fear of the confusion and risk attending an arbitrary and sudden change in all the public offices with a change of party rule, cast their ballots against such a chance. Parties seem to be necessary, and will long continue to exist; nor can it be now denied that there are legitimate advantages, not disconnected with ofllce-holding, CIVIL BEKVICE REFORM. 95^ which follow party supremacy. While partisanship continues bitter and pronounced, and supplies so much of motive to sentiment and action, it is not fair to hold public officials, in charge of important trusts, responsible for the best results in the perform- ance of their duties, and yet insist that they shall rely, in confidential and import- ant places, upon the work of those not only opposed to them in political affiliation, bnt so steeped In partisan prejudice and rancor that they have no loyalty to their chiefs and no desire for their success. Civil -service reform does not exact this, nor does it require that those in subordinate positions w:ho fail in yielding their best service, or who are incompetent, should be retained simply because they are in place. The whining of a clerk discharged for indolence or incompetency, who, though he gained his place by the worst possible operation of spoil system, suddenly discovers that he is entitled to protection under the sanction of civil-service reform, repre- sents an idea no less absurd than the clamor of the applicant who claims the vacant position as his compensation for the most questionable party work. The civil-service law does not prevent the discharge of the indolent or incom- petent clerk, but it does prevent supplying his place with the unfit party worker. Thus, in both these phases, is seen benefit to the public service. And the people who desire good government having secured this statute, will not relinquish its benefits without protest Nor are they unmindful of the fact that its full advan- tages can only be gained through the complete good faith of those having its execu- tion in charge. And this they will insist upon. IX. order to the executive departments. Executive Mansion, ) Washington, July 14, 1886. J I deem this a proper time to especially warn all subordinates in the several departments and all office-holders under the general Government, agamst the use of their official positions in attempts to control political movements in their localities. Office-holders are the agents of the people, not their masters. Not only is their time and labor due to the government, but they should scrupulously avoid in their political action as well as in the discharge of their official duty oflfending by a display of obtrusive partisanship, their neighbors who have relations with them as public officials. They should also constantly remember that their party friends from whom, they have received preferment, have not invested them with the power of arbitra- rily managing their political aflairs. They have no right as office-holders to dictate the political action of their party associates, or to throttle freedom of action within party lines, by methods and practices which pervert every useful and justifiable purpose of party organization. The influence of Federal office-holders should not be felt in the manipulation of political primary meetings and nominating conventions. The use by these officials of their positions to compass their selection as delegates to political con- ventions is Indecent and unfair ; and proper regard for the proprieties and require- ments of official place will also prevent their assuming the active conduct of political campaigns. I 9% ^ CIVIL BERVICB REFORM. Individual interest and activity in political affairs are by no means condemned Officeholders are neither disfranchised nor forbidden the exercise of political privi leges ; but their privileges are not enlarged nor is their duty to party increased t( pernicious activity, by office-holding. A just discrimination in this regard between the things a citizen may properlj do and the purposes for which a public office should not be used, is easy in tht light of a correct appreciation of the relation between the people and thos( entrusted with official place, and a consideration of the necessity under our form o Government, of political action free from official coercion. You are requested to communicate the substance of these views to those fo] whose guidance they are intended. GROVER CLEVELAND. FROM SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 6, 1886. The continued operation of the law relating to our civil service has added thi most convincing proofs of its necessity and usefulness. It is a fact worthy o note that every public officer who has a just idea of his duty to the people, testifiei to the value of this reform. Its staunchest friends are found among those wh( understand it best, and its warmest supporters are those who are restrained anc protected by its requirements. The meaning of such restraint and protection is not appreciated by those wh( want places under the Government, regardless of merit and efficiency, nor by thosi who insist that the selection for such places should rest upon a p roper credentia showing active partisan work. They mean to public officers, if not their lives, th< only opportunity afforded them to attend to public business, and they mean to th( good people of the country the better performance of the work of their Govern ment. It is exceedingly strange that the scope and nature of this reform are so litth understood, and that so many things not included within its plan are called by iti name. When cavil yields more fully to examination the system will have largi additions to the number of its friends. Our civil service reform may be imperfect in some of its details ; it may b( misunderstood and opposed ; it may not always be faithfully applied ; its designi may sometimes miscarry through mistake or willful intent; it may sometime! tremble under the assaults of its enemies or languish under the misguided zeal o impracticable friends ; but if the people of this country ever submit to the banish ment of its underlying principle from the operation of their Gove]|Qment, they wil abandon the surest guarantee of safety and success of American institutions. I invoke for this reform the cheerful and ungrudging support of the Congress CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 97 XI. republicak extension op the service after the election op 1884. Executive Mansion, ) Washington, March 21, 1888. f To THE United States Civil Service Commission: Genilemen — I desire to make a suggestion regarding Sub-division C, General Rule 3, of the amended Civil Service Rules promulgated February 2, 1888. It pro- vides for the promotion of an employe, in a department, who is below or outside of the classified service to a place within said classified service in the same depart- ment upon the request of the appointing officer upon the recommendation of the Commission and the approval of the President after a non- competitive examina- tion, in case such person has served eontinuously for two years in the place from which it is proposed to promote him, and "because of his faithfulness and effici- ency in the position occupied by him," and " because of his qualifications lor the place to which the appointing officer desires his promotion." It has occurred to me that this provision must be executed with caution to avoid the application of it to cases not intended and the undue relaxation of the general purposes and restrictions of the civil service law. Non-competitive examinations are the exceptions to the plan of the act, and the rules permitting the same should be strictly construed. The cases arising under the exception above recited should be very few, and when presented they should precisely meet all the requirements specified and should be supported by facts which will develop the basis and reason of the application of the appointing officer and which will commend them to the judgment ol the Commission and the President. The sole purpose of the provision is to benefit the public service, and it should never be permitted to operate as an evasion of the main feature of the law, which is competitive examinations. As these cases will first be presented to the Commission for recommendation, I have to request that you will formulate a plan by which their merits can be tested. This will naturally involve a statement of all the facts deemed necessary for the determination of such applications, including the kind of work which has been done by the i)erson proposed for promotion, and the considerations upon which the allegations of the faithfulness, efficiency and qualifications mentioned in the rule are predicated. What has already been written naturally suggests another very important sub ject to which I will invite your attention. Thedesirability of the rule which I have commented upon would be nearly, if not entirely, removed, and other difficulties which now embarrass the execution of the civil service law would be obviated if there was a better and uniform classifica- tion of the employes in the difl'erent departments. The importance of this is entirely obvious. The present imperfect classifications, hastily made, apparently with but little care for uniformity, and promulgated after the last Presidential elec- tion and prior to the installation of the present Administration, should not have been permitted to continue to this time. I 98 CIVIL BERVICB REFORM. It appears that in the War Department the employes were divided on the 19th. day of November 1884, into eight classes and sub-classes, embracing those earning annual salaries from $900 to $2,000. The Navy Department was classified November, 22, 1884, and its employes were divided into seven classes and sub classes, embracing those who received annual salaries from $720 to $1,800. In the Interior Department the classification was made on the 6th day of De- cember, 1884. It consists of eight classes and sub-classes, and embraces employes receiving annual salaries from $720 to $2,000. On the second day of January, 1885, a classification of the employes in the Treasury Department was made, consisting of six classes and sub-classes, including those earning annual salaries from $900 to $1,800.^ * In the Postoffice Department the employes were classified on February, 6, 1885, into nine classes and sub-classes, embracing persons earning annual salaries from $720 to $2,000. On the 12th of December, 1884, the Bureau of Agriculture was classified in a manner different from all the other departments, and presenting features peculiar to itself. It seems that the only classification in the Department of State and the Depart- ment of Justice is that provided for by Section 163 of the Revised Statutes, which directs that the employes in the several departments shall be divided into four classes. It appears that no more definite classification has been made in these departments. I wish the Commission would revise these classifications and submit to me a plan which will as far as possible make them uniform, and which will especially remedy the present condition which permits persons to enter a grade in the service in the one department without any examination, which in another department can only be entered after passing such examination. This, I think, should be done by extending the limits of the classified service rather than by contracting them. QROVER CLEVELAND. xn. SOME OP THE DIFFICULTIES PRESENTED. To the Congress of the United States : Pursuant to the second section of chapter 27 of the laws of 1833, entitled " An' act to regulate and improve the civil service of the United States," I herewith transmit the fourth report of the United States Civil Service Commission, covering the period between the 16th day of January, 1886, and the 1st day of July, 1887. While this report has especial reference to the operations of the commission during the period above mentioned, it contains, with its acompanying appendices, much valuable information concerning the inception of civil service reform and its growth and progress, which can not fail to be interesting and instructive to all who desire improvement in admirfistrative methods. During the time covered by the report 15,852 persons were examined for ad- mission in the classified civil service of the Government in all its branches, of whom 10,746 passed the examination and 5,106 failed. Of those who passed the= CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 99 examination, 2,977 were applicants for admission to the departmental service at Washington, 2 547 were examined for admission to the customs service, and 5^22 for admission to the postal service. During the same period 547 appointments were made from the eligible lists to the departmental service, 641 to the customs service, and 3,254 to the postal service. Concerning separations from the classified service, the report only informs us of such as have occurred among the employes in the public service who had been appointed from eligible lists under civil-service rules. When these rules took effect they did not apply to the persons then La the service, comprising a full complement of employee who obtained their positions independently of the new law. The com- mission has no record of the separations in this numerous class, and the discrepancy apparent in the report between the number of appointments made in the respec- tive branches of the service from the lists of the commission and the small number of separations mentioned is to a great extent accounted for by vacancies of which no report was made to the commission, occurring among those who held their, places without examination and certification, which vacancies were filled by ap- pointment from the eligible lists. In the departmental service there occurred between the 16th day of January, 1886, and the 80th day of June, 1887, among the employes appointed from the eligible lists under civil service rules, seventeen removals, thirty-six resignations, and five deaths. This does not include fourteen separations in grade of special examiners, four by removal, fire by resignation, and five by death. In the classified customs and postal service the number of separations among those who received absolute appointments under civil service rules are given for the period between the 1st day of January, 1886, and the 30th day of June, 1887, It appears that such separationa in the customs service for the time mentioned em- braced twenty-one removals, five deaths, and eighteen resignations, and in the postal service two hundred and flfty-eix removals, twenty-three deaths, and four hundred and sixty-nine resignationsL More than a year has paaaed since the expiration of the period covered by the re- port of the commission. Within the time which has thus elapsed many important changes have taken place in furtherance of a reform in our civil service. The rules and regulations goyeming the execution of the law upon the subject have been completely remodeled in such manner as to render the enforcement of the statute more effective and greatly Increase Its usefulnese. Among other things, the scope of the examinations prescribed for those who seek to enter &e classified service bas been better defined and made more practical, the number of names to be certified from the eligible lists to the appointing officers from which a selection is made has been reduced from four to three, the maximum limitation of the age of persons seeking entrance to the classified service to forty- five has been changed, and reasonable provision has been made for the transfer of employes from one DepaHment to another in proper cases. A plan has also been devised providing for the OEamination of applicants for promotion in the service, which, when in fall operation, will eliminate all chance of favoritism in the advance- m^t of employes, by making promotion a reward of merit and feithftil discharge of duty. Until within a few weeks there was no uniform classification of employes in the difierent Executive Deparfen^its of the Gtovemment. As a result of this condition. L 100 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. in some of the Departments positions could be obtained vrithout civil-service exam- ination because they were not within the classification of such Department, while in other Departments an examination and certification were necessary to obtain positions ofthe same grade, because such positions were embraced in the classifica- tions applicable to those Departments. The exception of laborers, watchmen, and messengers from examination and classification gave opportunity, in the absence of any rule guarding against it, for the employment, free from civil-service restrictions, of persons under these designa- tions who were immediately detailed to do clerical work. All this has been obviated by the application to all the Departments of an ex- tended and uniform classification embracing grades of employes not heretofore in- cluded, and by the adoption of a rule prohibiting the detail of laborers, watchmen, or messemgers to clerical duty. The path of civil-service reform has not at all times been pleasant nor easy. The scope and purpose of the reform have been much misapprehended ; and this has not only given rise to strong opposition, but has led to its invocation by its friends to compass objects not in the least related to it. Thus partisans of the pa- tronage system have naturally condemned it. Those who do not understand its meaning either mistrust it, or when disappointed because in its present stage it is not appUed to every real or imaginary iU, accisse those charged with its enforce- ment with faithless to civil- service reform. ^: Its importance has frequently been underestimated ; and the support of good men has thus been lost by their lack of interest in its success. Besides all these difficulties, those responsible for the administration of the Government in its exec- utive branches have been and still are often annoyed and irritated by the disloyalty to the service and the insolence of employes who remain in place as the beneficiaries, and the relics and reminders of the vicious system of appointment which civil-ser- vice reform was intended to displace. And yet these are but the incidents of an advance movement, which is radical and far-reaching. The people are, notwithstanding, to be congratulated upon the progress which has been made, and upon the firm, practical, and sensible founda- tion upon which this reform now rests. With a continuation ofthe inteUigent fidelity which has hitherto characterized the work of the commission, with a continuation and increase of the favor and lib- erality which have lately been evinced by the Congress in the proper equipment ofthe commission for its work, with a firm but conservative and reasonable support of the reform by all its friends, and with the disappearance of opposition which must inevitably follow its better understanding, the execution of the civil-service law cannot fail to ultimately answer the hopes in which it has its origin. GROVER CLEVELAND. ExBcrmvE Mansion, July 21, 1888. CONDITION OP THE CIVIL SaRVICB. 101 CHAPTER IX. " THE CONDITION OF THE CIVIL SERVICE. THE DEPTH OF DEGRADATION WHICH THE SERVICE HAD REACHED UNDER REPUBLICAN RULE. In the FoQrth Annual Report of the Civil Service CommisBion, just sent to Congress by the President, the condition which the civil service of the United States had reached after a quarter of a century of Republican domination is strongly and graphically depicted. This Commission is composed of members selected from both parties, and its members have made a careful study of the serious evils which had grown up under the long rule of the RepubUean party. The Commission thus de- scribes the state of affairs which existed before the civil service law took effect ; EMPLOYED WITHOTJT AUTHORITY OF LAW. Before the enactment of the civil service act the condition of the executive civil €ervlce In the departments at Washington and in the customs and postal services was deplorahle. In the Department of the Treasury 8%)0 persons were at one time employed. Less than 1,600 of them under authority of law. Of these 3,400 employes 1,700 were put on imd off the rolls at the pleasure of the secretary, who paid them out of funds that had not toy law been appiopriated for the payment of such employes. At that time, of a force of 958 persons employed in the bureau of engraving- and printing, 539, with annual salaries amounting to $390,000, were, upon an investigation of that bureau, found to be superfluous. For years the force In some branches of that bureau had been twice and even three times as great as the work required. In one division there was a sort of platform, built underneath the iron roof, about seven feet above the floor, to accommodate the superfluous employes. In another division twenty messengers were employed to do the work of one. The committee that made this Investigation reported that " patronage," what is known as the " spoils system," was responsible for this condi- tion, and declared that this system had cost the people millions of dollars in that branch of the service alone. So great was the importunity for place under the old system of appointments that when $1,600 and $1,800 places became vacant the salaries thereof would be allowed to lapse, to accumulate, so that these accumulations might be divided among the applicants for place on whose behalf patronage-mongers were incessant in Importunity. In place of one $1,800 clerk three would be employed at $600 each ; would be employed, according to the peculiarly expressive language of the patronage-purveyors, "on the lapse." "In one <5ase," said a person of reliability and accurate information, testifying before the Senate committee on civil service reform and retrenchment, " thirty-five persons were put on the * lapse fund' of the treasurer's office for eight days at the end of a fiscal year to sop up some money which was in danger of being saved and returned to the treasury." ■ THE CONDITION OF CUSTOM HOUSES AND POSTOFFICES. Unnecessary employes abounded in every department, in every customs office, and in almost every postoffice. Dismissals were made for no other purpose than to supply with places the proteges of importunate solicitors for spoils. One collector at the port of New Iork removed on an average one of his employes every third day to make a vacancy tc I 1C8 , CONDITION OF THE CIVIL SERVICE. be filled by^86me iQembe^ of ttie dame party who had " worked to a purpose," not against the (?ODfti^on pQlitical enemy but for his patron, who had succeeded in being appointed over somi^ other yaop^Xtetfii, Jiis o^\'n, party* Ajiot£ier'colleclorafth«tti>oj;t, the successor of the one above referred to, removed S30 of his 903 subordinates at the average mte of three in every four days. The successor of this collector removed, within eighteen months, 510 of his 893 subordinates, and his successor made removals at the rate of three every five days. In its first report the com- mission said: It was the expectation of such spoils which gave each candidate for collector the party strength which secured his confirmation. Thus, during a period of five years In succession, collectors, all belonging to one party, for the piu-pose of patronage, made removals at a single office of members of their own party more frequently than at the rate of one every day. In 1,565 secular days 1.678 such removals were made. A condition of affairs as deplorable existed in the postal service. On all sides, in every branch of the civil-service, subordinate places were used in the interestf of the leaders of the factions of a party, who by assessments, which were disguised in the form of solicitations for money, suggestions that money ought to be contributed, and other methods of this kind, extorted from public employes funds which were used for political purposes, legitimate and otherwise. Even members of Congress of national repu- tation signed circular letters addressed to subordinate civil servants of the Goverrunent requesting contributions to be paid to them, as members of a political committee; doing this in utter disregard of the spirit of a provision of the Revised Statutes declaring it to be unlawful, an offense punishable by fine and dismissal from office, for any officer In the public service to solicit or receive money from any other officer in such service I The public conscience had peen perverted by the doctrine that to the victors belong the spoils ; and the people were not shocked when they beheld public offices bestowed, as a reward for partisan services, upon persons at once unworthy and incompetent. Senator Hoar, in his speech on the Belknap Impeachment trial, forcefully stated the condition of the public mind at that time when be said : IT8 CONDmON A8 DBBCHIBED BY A EEPUBLICAN LBADHB. " I have heard in highest places the shameless doctrine avowed by men gFown old in office, that the true way by which power should be gained In this republic is to bribe the people with the offices created for their service, and the true end for which It should be used when gained Is the promotion of selflfih ambition and the gratification of personal revenge ." The evidence Is abundant that under the patronage system of appointments • * * appointments were noi. In fact, made by the President, or by the heads of the departments in whom Congress has vested authority to appoint subordinate officers. Nearly all such appointments were really made by members of the legislative branch of the Government, orby otherinflientlal politicians; and were not made upon any tests of fitness, whatever. In proof of this assertion it may be mentioned that before the civil-service act became a law the secretary of one of the most important departments of the Government once stated that there were seventeen clerks under his authority for whom he could find no employment ; that he did need one competent clerk of a higher grade, and that if an appro- priation were made for that one clerk, at the proper amount and according to the gradations of the servjoe, and the appropriation for tlie seventeen were left out, he could, without impairing the efficiency of his department, leave the seventeen clerks off the role; but if the appropriation for the seventeen clerks were continued, the personal, social, and politi- cal pressure was so great that he would be obliged to employ and pay them* though he could find no employment for them. tTnder a system of the evUs of which this is but a specimen, could the head of any depai'tment, or even the President, act independently, and In fairness be held responsible for his administration of the public affairs committed to his charge? Ithad come to pass that the chief labor of the President and of the headsof departments, customs offices, and post- offices was rewarding the personal friends and punishing the personal foes of the leaders of the dominant faction of the dominant party. These, with all their retainers, appeared to the appointing offlcei-s, from the President down, in the first hours of power, and were always thereafter with them, requiring their attention In the consideration of demands for places. i CONDITION OP THE CIVIL SERVICE, 103 WHEN ABUSES REACHBD THEIR FULLEST DEVELOPMENT. In 1882 these abuses reached their culmination in the efforts of Jay Hubbell of Michigan, Representatiye Henderson of Iowa, Senator Hale of Maine, and other prominent Senators and Representatives who were members of the Republican Con- gressional Committee, to extort money from the employes of the government. This was so open and shameless that men of standing in the party in both the Senate and the House joined Senator Pendleton in his effort to devise some method for correct- ing these evils. The result of this was the civil service law, which took effect nomi- nally July 16, 1883, but was not put into force with anything like honesty or uni- formity until after the Presidential election of 1884, when even Mr. Chandler, the Secretary of the Nary, whom nobody ever accused of thinking of a reform of any kind, joined his fellows on November 25, 1884, in extending the rules in his depart- ment, under an antedate letter of November 22, 1884. There was such wUd haste to enforce and extend the civil service rules, in order to cover a larger number of employes, that the Department of Agriculture, not previously included in the clas- sified service, was on December 11, 1884, put under the rules upon a telephonic mes- sage from the outgoing President.* A law had been passed in 1876 prohibiting the levying of assessments upon the employes of the Federal Government. It was proposed to make this law more stringent under the Pendleton bill, which was pending in the Senate during the Congressional campaign of 1882. It was during this period that the Republican Congressional Committee issued its campaign text book for the year, and on page 111 of that publication the efforts of a Democratic Congress to introduce a reform in the service are thus referred to, with *' scare*' heads of the most exciting kind : mf THE ASSBSSMENT LAW A CONFEDERATE BRIGADIER CONSPIRACY. "The Law of 1876, prohibiting Political Assessmen -9— Some facts in the History of its Passage. Law of 1876, passed by the Confederate Brigading— Fart of the machinery to wrest the National Oov*rnm«nt from the hands of the majority." "The law respecting political asssesaments referred to by Mr. Pendleton in the Senate and by George Willljira Curtis in his circular, was passed in 1876. It was passed by the Con- federate Brigadibhs. It was pa*Md as a part of the. machinery by which they p7-oposed to wrest the National Government from the hands of the majority. By it, all they proposed was to defeat or cripple the organization of the Repiiblican party by defecting all voluntaby contri- butions, NOT ASSESSMENTS, in its Support. This is absolutely r^oiorious." In the same document, on page 103, the position of the Republican party and some of its leading men is further enlarged upon, with some reckless use of bold face headings and excited style, as follows : "Geueral Garfield Favored Contributions for Partisan Purposes— His Letter to Chair- man Hubbell during the last Presidential Election asking ' How are the Departments gen- erally doing.' " "General James A. Garfield is often quoted by the so-called Civil-Service Reformers as opposed to or reprobating political contributions for partisan purposes. The question is a characteristic fraud of the bogu3 reformer. To arbitrary or compulsory assessments, Gen, ■Garfield was no doubt opposed, as are Jay A. HijbbeU and D. B. Henderson— as indeed are all. *For the exact dates of the extension of the Civil Service, up and down, in the different departments see the letter of the President to the Civil Service Commission under date of March 21, 1888. By this extension hundreds of clerks in the departments were put into the classified service for no other purpose than to maintain the henchmen of the Republican party in office and to embarrass the incoming Democratic administration. 104 CONDITION OP THE CIVIL SERVICE. Republicans, But the General was too sensible a man, too experienced, practical and jtist to oppog& or reprobate volwitary contributions, or requests from responsible organs of the party for contribu- tions, in support of the cause he so ably sustained. Were there any doubt In the matter the following letter from General Garfield during the late Presidential election, when ke waa himself a candidate, would authoritatively settle it : "Mentor, Ohio, August 23, '80. My Dear EvbbeU : "Yours of the 19th Instant is received. Please say to Brady I hope he will give us all the assistance possible. I think he can help effectively. Flease tell nu how tht departments' are generally doing. As ever yours, J. A. GARFIELD." Hon. Jay a. Htjbbbll. ^ This will show that some of the Senators and Representatives who are now posing as enthusiastic civil reformers, were able, only six years ago, to see nothing in it except a conspiracy on the part of the so-called "Confederate Brigadiers" to keep the noble old Republican party from levying blackmail upon the employes of the Federal Government. There was no intention on their part to correct these abuses, and it was only a strong public opinion in opposition to these practices which, induced any of them to yield anything of their supposed party advantages. HOW IT WAS DONE IN FORMER DATS. In order to further show the disgraceful condition of things under the- Republican management, some blackmail letters sent to employes of the Govern- ment in 1878 and in later campaigns. These are only specimens of the open, shameless prostitution of the public service to partisan robbery which had been; going on for more than twenty-five years. It was the law to pervert this which Mr^ Hubbell and his friends denounced a " confederate conspiracy." Circulars of various dates will show the policy pursued so long as the Republicai* party was in power. In 1878 the Secretary of the Senate acted as the Dick Turpin and called out the " stand and deliver " to all government employes, male and female, as is shown in the following : no objection ik ant orficial quaetbb. headquabtkr8 of thb rupfblicaw Congressional Committke, 1878, 1S19 F Stbebt, Northwest, Washington, D. C, Washington, D. C, May 37, 1878. Sir— This committee, charged with laboring for the success of the Republican cause !» the coming campaign for the election of members of Congress, call with confidence upon you, as a Republican, for such a contribution in money as you may feel willing to make, hoping that it may not be less than $16. The committee deem it proper, in thus appealing to Republicans generally, to inform those who happen to be in Federal employ that there will be no objection in any oificial quarter to such voluntary contribution. The importance of the pending struggle cannot easily be exaggerated. That the Sen- ate is to be Democratic after the 4th of March, 1879, is very nearly a certainty. In view of this, the election of a Democratic House of Representatives would precipitate upon the' country dangerous agitations, which would inevitably add to present distresses. Foremost among their schemes the opposition already announce their intention to attempt the revo- lutionary expulsion of the President from his olfice. «***•* Please make prompt and favorable response to this letter, and remit at once, by draft or postal money order, to "Sidney F. Austin, Esq., treasurer, &c., German-AmericaD National Bank, Washington, D. C." By order of the Committee. GEO. C. GORHAM, Secr^ary. CONDITION OF THE CIVIL 8ERVICB. 105 In about six weeks such clerks and employes as had not responded to the noti- fication contained in the first circular to call at Captain Gorham's oflSce and settle, were reminded that the Republican party expected and insisted that every man should pay his assessment, by the receipt of Circular No. 2, as follows : WALK UP AND SETTLE- HEADQUARTERS OF THE Republican Congress roNAL Committee, Washington, D. C. July 11, 1878. Dear Sib— Since sending you circular under date of May 37, we have ascertained that the rules of your depart ment render diflBcult your absence during: office hours, and that you are unable to call at the bank where contributions are received. We have, therefore, arranged with the treasurer, Mr. Austin, to attend at the German- American National Bank from 4 to 5 o'clock P. M„ to receive contributions from those in your department who have not already responded. If more convenient, the amount can be transmitted by mail to Sidney F. Austin, Treasurer Congressional Republican Committee, as above. Respectfully Yours, GEO. C. GORHAM, Secretary. • There were still delinquents, even after the second circular was sent, and such were once more called upon for their money by the following circular : BLACKMAIL CALLED A DEBT OF HONOR. Mr. , Dear Sir— There appears to be due upon your subscription to our cam- Eaign fund the sum of dollars. We have regarded your subscription as a debt of onor, voluntarily incurred by you, and relying upon its payment, have taken it into the account in the conduct of our work. We earnestly request immediate payment, and Mr. N. B. Pugitt will be in attendance at these headquarters daily from 10 o'clock A. M. till 6 o'clock P. M, to receive and receipt for such moneys. Respectfully, GEO. C. GORHAM, Secretary. These circulars, Mr. Gorham said, were sent to Mr. Hayes, and were substan- tially approved by him. This last circular was without date ; but Mr. Gorham tes- tified that it was issued some time in August, "my dear hubbell's" way op doing it. The following was the first letter sent out by the Republican Congressional Committee in 1882 : [Jay A. Hubbell, chairman; D. B. Henderson, secretary; Executive Committee, Hon. W, B. Allison, Hon. Eugene Hale, Hon. Nelson W. Aldrlch, Hon. Frank Hiscock, Hon. George M. Robeson, Hon. Wm. McKinley, Jr., Hon. George R. Davi^Hon. Horatio G. Fisher, Hon. Horace F. Page, Hon. W, H. Calkins, Hon. Thomas Ryan, Hon- William D. Washburn, Hon. L. C. Houk, Hon. R. T. Van Horn, Hon. Orlando Hubbs.] Headquartbrb of the Republican Congressional Committee, 1883. 520 Thirteenth Street, Northwest, Washington, D. C, May 15, 1882. Sir: This committee is organized for the protection of the interests of the Repub- lican party in each of the Congressional districts of the Union. In order that it may pre- pare, print and circulate suitable documents illustrating the issues which distinguish the Republican party from any other and may meet all proper expenses incident to the cam- paign, the committee feels authorized to apply to all citizens whose principles or interests are involved in the struggle. Under the circumstances in which the country finds itself placed, the committee believes that you will esteem it both a privilege and a pleasure to make to its funds a contribution, which it is hoped may not be less than $ . The committee is authorized to state that such voluntary contributions from persons employed in the service of the United States will not be objected to in any official quarter. The labors of the committee will affect the result of the Presidential election in 1884 as well as the Congressional struggle; and it may therefore reasonably hope to have the sympathy and assistance of all who look with dread upon the possibility of the restor- ation of the Democratic party to the control of the Government. Please make prompt and favorable response to this letter by bank-check or draft or Eostal money order, payable to the order of Jay A. Hubbell, acting treasurer, P. O )ck-box 589, Washington, D. C. By order of the Committee. D. B. HENDERSON, Secretary. 106 CONDITION OF THE CH^IL SERVICE. IMPROVING IN THE HIGHWAYMAN'S ART. The second letter had the true highwayman ring, and was more in harmony with the characteristics of the stalwart leaders. It was as follows : Washington, D. C, August 15, 1882. Sir: Your failure to respond to the circular of May 15, 1883. sent to you by this com- mittee, is noted with surprise. It is hoped that the only reason for such failure is that the matter escaped your attention owing to press of other cares. Great political battles cannot be won in this way. This committee cannot hope to suc- ceed in the pending- struggle if those most directly benefited by success are unwilling or neglect to aid in a substantial manner. We are on theskirmish line of 1884, with a conflict before us, this fall, of great moment to the Republic, and you must know that a repulse now is full of danger to the next Presi- dential campaign. Unless you think that our grand old party ought not to succeed, help it now in its struggle to build up a new South, in which there shall be, as in the North, a free ballot and a fair count, and to maintain such hold in the North as shall insure good government to the country. It is hoped that by return mail you will send a voluntary contribution equal to two per cent. 0/ your annual compensation, as a substantial proof of your earnest desire for the success of the Republican party this fall, transmitting by draft or postal money order, payable to the order of Jay a. Hubbkll, acting treasurer, postoffice lock-box 589, Washington, D. C. HOW IT WAS DONE IN 1884. Even in 1884, long after the leaders of the party had begun to play the dodge of being civil service reformers, the following circular was sent to Federal office- holders : 1421 New York Avenue, Washington, D. C, August 1, 1884. The undersigned have been requested by the Republican National Committee to act as Finance Committee for the District of Columbia in the collection of funds to be used by said National Committee in the present political campaign. We have agreed to act, and have organized by the selection of A. M. Clapp as chairman, W. H. Lowdermilk as secre- tary, and Green B. Raum as treasurer. On and after this date we will be prepared to receive and receipt for such sums as persons may wish to contribute to the campaign fund of the Republican party. The rooms of the Committee, 1421 New York Avenue, will be open daily from 8.30 A, M. to 9 P. M. A. M. CiiAPP, Chairman. Green B. Raum, Treasurer. W. A. Lowdermilk, Secretary. Dr. E. A. Adams. R. T. Greener. THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE'S WAY. The following letter sent to the clerks in the Departments at Washington, the first one accompanying the above letter, is evidence of their attempt to circumvent the law : B. F. Jones, Pennsylvania, Chairman. Samuel Fessknden, Connecticut, Secretary. Headquarters Republican National Committee, I No. 243 Fifth Avenue, New York City, August 8, 1884. \ [dictated letter.] Dear Sir : The pending Presidential campain is of unusual importance to the country. Every Republican is deeply Interested in its result. The National Committee, on behalf of the Republican party, desires to make it justly vigorous and effective, and success certain in November. Funds are required, however, to meet the lawful and proper expenses of the campaign ; and, to provide tne same, the Committee finds itself dependent upon the liberality of Republicans to make such voluntary contributions as their means will permit, and as they feel inclined to give. You are, therefore, respectfully invited to send, as soon as you conveniently may. by draft on New York or postal money order to the order of B. F. Jones, Chairman Republican National Committee, No. 342 Fifth Avenue, New York City, such sum as you may desire to contribute for the objects before mentioned. A receipt for the same will be sent by return mail. ******* ** Respectfully, B. F. JONES, Chairman. FEDERAL OFFICE HOLDERS NOT IN POLITICS. President Cleveland, in July, 1886, issued an Executive order forbidding Fed- eral officials from taking part in politics. He has enforced it from the beginning, as shown by the following correspondence : CONDITION OP THE CIVIL SERVICE. 107 U. S. Pension Agency, Knoxville, Tenn., Augrust 4, 1886. J C. Black, Commissioner of Pensions, etc. : Dear Sib : For the past few months there has been a preliminary cjampaign In Tennes- see lor the nomination for Governor. My name has been mentioned In that connection, but obedient to the wish and requirement of the President, I have never left my olfice a . It presents an instructive comparison of the " good old times," with the methods of the present administration : To the Editor of the New York Times : That civil service reform has made some advance under the present administration Is <3learly proved when one takes the trouble, as I have just done, to compare the present National Convention at St. Louis with the Republican Convention at Chicago in 1884. Four years ago the Chicago gathering was the convention by the party in power. According to the official organ of the Republican Party in this city there were present at the Chicago Convention " considerably over 100 delegates who are [were] Federal officials, and there is [was] a much larger number of officials here [there] who are [were] not delegates." Among the " over 250 Federal officeholders " present were the Collector of the Port of New York, the First Assistant Postmaster-General, the United States District Attorney for the Troy ■district, the Collector of the Port of Buflfalo, the Register of the Treasury, and the Com- missioner of Internal Revenue. The First Assistant Postmaster-General was the avowed leader of the forces seeking a renomlnation of the President. Now compare this with the St. Louis Convention, which is the administration convt^ntion this year, and what do we see ? From the most reliable newspaper accounts there are at the outside only a few Fed- eral officials in attendance, and among them not a single one of the importance of the offi- cials mentioned above. 1 do not know of a single Federal office holder from this city who is there. When has there ''-<^n a National Convention of the party in power as free from the presence of Federal officials as the present gathering at St. Louis ? I believe the friends of civil service reform have reasons for rejoicing over the advance that the reform has made since 1884. THE IMPROVEMENT UNDER DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. In marked contrast with the serious abuses of the public service under the old 'Republican rule, as shown by the extract from the report of the Civil Service Com- mission, already quoted, is the condition in which the same commission find it now. They say in the same report : Under the civil-servic act many of these abuses have been corrected. This Is shown l3y the fact that although there has been, since the enactment of the law, a change of polit- ical parties in the administration of the government, there has not been, either in the departments or at the port of New York, as many dismissals in any given time as occurred before the passage of the aot. And there has not been since the change of parties any dis- missals in any branch of the classified sei-vlce avowedly for partisan reasons. The notable fact may be stated that a collector at the port of New York, appoitned after March 4, 1885, was compelled to resign his office when it became evident that removals excessive in number were being made by him apparently with reference to partisan con- siderations, and the customs business of that port was not being conducted on business 108 CONDITION OP THE CIYIL SERVICE. principles. Attention may also be called to the fact that a postmaster at Baltimore^ appointed after March 4, 1885, resigned his oflace, and was condemned, because he had violated the civil service rules by making appointments to and removals from the classified service of his oflace for partisan reasons. THE OFFICE BROKER'S OCCUPATION GONE. Since the passage of the act no appointments have been or could have been made '* on the lapse." The place-purveyor's occupation ia gone in so far as it relates to those parts of the service that are operated upon by this law. He can no longer demand a place for the party henchman who has no adequate qualifications for the public service, and, as a gen- eral rule, no person can now be appointed until after his qua lifications have been tested* not by theoretic, hair-splitting tests unnecessary to the ascertainment of his fitness for the employment sought, but by examinations practical in their oharacter. The demor- Blizing methods of the patronage system of appointments have been replaced, within the classified service, by the better methods of the law, under which the demands of common justice are complied with, that, in so far as practicable, all citizens duly qualified shall be allowed equal opportunity, on grounds of personal fitness, for securing appointment and employment in the subordinate civil-service. And even outside the classified service the effects of the law are apparent. The wisdom of making dismissals from unclassified subordinate places for partisan reasons is now challenged by the better sentiment of the country. The political assessor no longer does his work in an openmanner. He ia not now a familiar presence in the departments, the custom-houses, and the postoffices. He has become a skulker in his work, and pursues his vocation as if it were dishonorable. Senators and representatives no longer organizr themselves into assessing committees, for the purpose of making requests for money for nolitical purposes, requests to which potency was formerly given by the Implied threat that non-compliance would result in dismissal, and which were therefore, in effect, imper- ative demands for money upon the employes of the government, who were thus oompellfed by fear of loss of employment to " stand and deliver." THE COKTEBT WITH TAB SENATE. 109 CHAPTER X. THE CONTEST WITH THE SENATE. )W THE PRESIDENT RESENTED DICTATION FROM THE SENATE- A PLUCKY AND SUCCESSFUL ASSERTION OF THE RIGHTS OF THE EXECUTIVB. The controversy between the President of the United States and the United States Senate, during the first year of his term, became familiar to the entire coun- try, and its result fully vindicated the wisdom, the ability and the courage of Presi- dent Cleveland. Exercising the power which the Constitution and the laws of the country expressly invest in him, the President of the United States, from the time of his inau- guration on the 4th of March, 1885, to January 5th, 1886, inclusive, suspended from ofBce and sent to the Senate as their successors the names of six hundred and forty- three officials. These included Chief Justices and Associate Justices of Territories, United States District Attorneys and Marshals, Collectors of Internal Revenue, Melters and Refiners, Assayers in the Mint, Collectors of Customs, Appraisers of Merchandise, Surveyors of Customs, Consuls, Surveyors-General, Receivers of Pub- lic Money, Registers of the Land Office, Indian Inspectors, Agents, and 298 Presi- dential Postmasters. The Republican majoi'^ in the Senate, usurping the functions of the Executive^ asserted their privilege to put the Chief Executive of the country on the witness stand, and cross-examine him concerning his discharge of the duties pertaining to the Chief Executive. The Republican Senate undertook, upon this pretext, to throw its majority as an obstruction in the way of the selection by the President, under the laws and the Constitution, of agents of his own choice to succeed those he found in office on his inauguration. The Senate passed the following resolution : Resolved^ That the Attoraey-Gteneral of the United States be, and he hereby Is, directed to transmit to the Senate copies of all documents and papers that have been filed in the Department of Justice since the lat day of January, A. D. 1885, in relation to the manage- ment and conduct of the office of district attorney of the United States of the southern dis- trict of Alabama. The Attorney-General made the following reply : Dbpabtmbnt oi' Justice, January 28, 1886. Tfie Prmdent pro tempore of the Senate of the United States : I acknowledge 1;he receipt of a resolution of the Senate adopted on the 35th instant, in executive session, as follows : '■^Resolved, That the Attorney-General of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed to transmit to the Senate copies of all documents and papers that have been filed in the Department of Justice since the lat day of January, A. D. 1885, in relation to the manage- ment and conduct of the office of district attorney of the United States of the southern district of Alabama." 110 THE CONTEST WITH THE SENATE. In response to the said resolution the President of the United States directs me to say that the papers which were in this Department relating to the fitness of John D. Burnett, recently nominated to said office, baring been sent to the Judiciary CJommittee of the Senate, and the papers and documents which are mentioned in the said resolution, and still remaining in the custody of this Department, haring exclusive reference to the suspension by the President of George M. Duskin, the late Incumbent of the office of district attorney of the United States for the southern district of Alabama, It is not considered that the public interest will be promoted by a compliance with said resolution and the transmission of the papers and documents therein mentioned to the Senate in executive session. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. H. GARLAND, Attorney- General. WHY THE SENATE ABANDOISTBD THE CONTEST. As the result of this correspondence and upon the report of the Attorney- Oeneral to comply with the demanas of the Senate, that body passed the following resolutions reported by the majority members of the committee on judiciary : Besolved, That the foregoing report of the Committee on the Judiciary be agreed to and adopted. Besolved, That the Senate hereby expresses Its condemnation 6f the refusal of the Attorney-General, under whatever influence, to send to the Senate copies of papers called for by its resolution of the 35th of January, and set forth in the report of the commit' ee on Judiciary, as in violation of his official duty and subversive of the fundamental principles of the Government and of a good administration thereof. JResolved, That it is, under these oircamstances, the duty of the Senate to refuse its advice and consent to proposed removals of officers, the documents and papers in reference to the supposed official or personal misconduct of whom are withheld by the Executive or any head of a department when deemed necessary by the Senate and called for in con- sidering the matter. These resolutions were passed by a strict party vote in the Senate. The Republicans were not able to maintain their whole strength on the third resolution, which passed by a majority of one in a Senate with a Republican majority of eight. However, this action on the part of the Senate simply covered a hasty and igno- minious retreat, for from that time on the false issue made by Edaaunds, Hoar and others, was abandoned by the Republicans of the Senate, and the President was completely vindicated in his assertion and maintenance of tlie prerogatives ot his office- Nothing was ever heard of the resolutions after the country had had time and opportunity to understand the merits of the question as set forth in the following message of the President : THE PRESIDENT TO THE SENATE. To the Senate qf the United States : Ever since the beginning of the present session of the Senate, the different heads of the Departments attached to the Executive branch of the Government have been plied with various requests and demands from committees of the Senate, from members of such committees, and at last from the Senate itself, requiring the transmission of reasons for the suspension of certain officials during the recess of that body, or for the papers touch- ing the conduct of such officials, or for all papers and documents relating to such suspen- sions, or for all documents and papers filed in such Departments in relation to the man- agement and conduct of the offices held by such suspended officials. The different terms from time to time adopted in making these requests and demands, the order in which they succeeded each other, and the fact that when made by the Senate THE CONTEST WITH THE SENATE. Ill the resolution for that purpose was passed In executive session, have led to a presumption, the correctness of which will, I suppose, be candidly admitted, that from first to last the information thus sought and the papers thus demanded were desired for use by the Senate and its committees in considering the propriety of the suapensions referred to. Though these suspensions are my executive acts, based upon considerations addressed tome alone, and for which I am wholly responsible, I have had no invitation from the Sen- ate to state the position which I have felt constrained to assume in relation to the same, or to interpret for myself my acts and my motives in the premises. In this condition of affairs, I have forborne addressing the Senate upon the subject, lest I might be accused of thrusting myself unbidden upon the attention of that body. THE IfiSUB 8UC5CINCTIiY STATED. But the report of the committee on the Judiciary of the Senate, lately presented and published, which censures the Attorney-General of the United States for his refusal to transmit certain papers relating to a suspension from office, and which also, if I correctly interpret it, evinces a misapprehension of the position of the Executive upon the question of such suspensions, will, 1 hope, justify this communication. This report is predicated upon a resolution of the Senate directed to the Attorney- General and his reply to the same. This resolution was adopted in executive session devoted entirely to business connected with the consideration of nominations for office. It required the Attorney-General **to transmit to the Senate copies of all documents and papers that have Iseen filed in the Department of Justice since the Isl day of January 1885, in relation to the management and conduct of the office of district attorney of the United States of the southern district of Alabama." The Incumbent of this office on the 1st day of January, 1885, and until the ITth day of July ensuing, was George M. DusMn, who, on the day last mentioned, was suspended by an Executive order, and John D. Burnett designated to perform the duties of said office. At tho time of the passage of the resolution above referred to, the nomination of Burnett for said office was pending before the Senate, and all the papers relating to said nomina- tion were before that body for its inspection and Informatlon. In reply to this resolution, the Attorney-General, after referring to the fkct that the papers relating to the nomination of Burnett had already been sent to the Senate, stated iJiat he was directed by the President to say that "the papers and documents which are mon- iioned in said resolution and still remaining in the custody of this Department, having ex elusive reference to the suspension by the President of George M. Duskin, the late incum- bent of the office of district attorney Jor the southern district of Alabama, It is not coi - sidered that the public Interests will be promoted by a compliance with said resolution and the transmission of the papers and documents therein mentioned to the Senate in execu- tive session." Upon this resolution and the answer thereto the issue Is thus stated by the Committee on the Judiciary at the outset of the report : " The important question, then, Is whether It Is within the esonstitutional competence of either house of Congress to have access to the official papers and documents In the various public offices of the United States created by laws enacted by themselves." WrLL NCMP SUHBBHDBB IiBTTBBS OR DOCUMENTS OF A PRFVATH JJATUB3B. I do not suppose that " the public offleea of the United States " are regulated or con- trolled In their relations to either house of Congress by the fact that they were "created by laws enacted by tJiemselvea^" 1% must be that these instrumentalities were created for thebenefltof the people and to answer the general purposes of government under the Constitution and the laws, and that they are unincumbered by any lien in favor of either branch of Cackgrese growing out of their construction, and unembarrassed by any obliga- tion to the Senate as the price of the^ creation. The complaint of the committee, that access to official papers in the pulsllc offices is denied the Senate, is met by the statement that at no time has it been the disposition or the intention of the President or any department of the executive branch of the Govern- ment to withhold trom the Senate official documents or papers filed in any of tho public offices. Wbile it is by no means conceded that the Senate . has the right in any case to 113 THE CONTEST WITH THE SENATE. rf'view the act of the executive In removing or suspending a public officer upon oflBcial doouments or othervrise, it is considered that documents and papers of that nature should, 'because they are official, be freely transmitted to the Senate upon its demand, trusting the use of the same for proper and legitimate purposes to the good faith of that body. And though no such paper or document has been specifically demanded in any of the numerous requests and demands made upon the departments, yet as often as they were found in the public offices they have been furnished in answer to such applications. The letter of the Attorney-General in response to the resolution of the Senate In the particular case mentioned in the committee's report was written at my suggestion and by my direction. There had been no official papers or documents filed In his department relating to the case within the period speoified in the resolution. The letter was intended, by its description of the papers and documents remaining in the custody of liie depart- ment, to convey the idea that they were not official ; and it was not assumed that the resolution called for information, papers, and documents of the same character as were required by the requests and demands which preceded it. Everything that had been written or done on behalf of the Senate from the begiiming, pointed to all letters and papers of a private and unofficial nature as the objects of search, if they were to be found in the departments, and provided they had been pre- sented to the Executive with a view to their consideration upon the question of suspension from office. ^ THEY ARE IN NO SENSE OPPICIAL. Against the transmission of such papers and documents I have interposed my advice and direction. This has not been done, as is suggested in the committee's report, upon the assumption on my part that the Attorney-General or any other head of a department "'is the servant of the President, and is to give or withhold copies of documents in his office according to the will of the Executive and not otherwise," but because I regard the papers and documents withheld and addressed to me or intended for my use and action, purely unofficial and private, not infrequently confidential, and having reference to the per- formance of a duty exclusively mine. I consider them in no proper sense as upon the files of The department, but as deposited there for my convenience, remaining still completely under my control. I suppose if I desired to take them into mv custody I might do so with entire propriety, and if I saw fit to destroy them no one could complain. Even the committee in its report appears to concede that there may be with the Presi- dent, or in the Departments, papers and documents which, on account of their unofficial ■character, are not subject to the inspection of the Congress. A reference in the report to instances where the House of Representatives ought not to succeed in a call for the Pro- duction of papers is immediately followed by this statement : " The committee feels authorized to state, after a somewhat careful research, that within the foregoing limits there is scarcely In the history of this Government, until now, any instance of a refusal by a head of a Department, or even of the President himself, to communicate official facts and information as distinguished from private and unofficial papers, motions, views, reasons, and opinions, to either house of Ctongress when uncondi- tionally demanded." • To which of the classes thus recognized do the papers and documents belong that are now the objects of the Senate's quest? They consist of letters and representations addressed to the Executive or intended for his inspection; they are voluntarily written and presented by private citizens who are not in the least instigated thereto by any official invitation or at all subject to official control. While some of them are entitled to Executive consideration, many of them are so irrele- vant, or in the light of other facts so worthless, that they have not been given the leaat weight in determining the question to which they are supposed to relate. Are all these, simply because they are preserved, to be considered official documents and subject to the inspection of the Senate? If not, who is to determine which belong to this class? Are the motives and purposes of the Senate, as they are day by day developed, such as would be satisfied with my selection? Am I to submit to theirs at the risk of being charged with making a suspension from office upon evidence which was not even con- .■•. 'lered? Are these papers to be regarded official because they have not only been presented but preserved in the public offices? THE CONTEST WITH THE SENATE. 113 Their nature and character remain the same whether they arc kept in the Executive Hansion or deposited in the Departments. There is no mysterious power of transmutation In departmental cu8tody,nor is there magic in the undefined and sacred solemnity of Depart- ment flies. If the presence of these papers in the public offices is a stumbling block in the way of the performance of Senatorial duty, it can be easily removed. The papers and documents which have been described derive no official character from any constitutional, statutory, or other requirement making them necessary to the perform- ance of the official duty of the Executive. It will not be denied, I suppose, that the President may suspend a public officer in the entire absence of any papers or documents to aid his official judgment and discretion. And I am quite prepared to avow that the cases are not few in which suspensions from office have depended more upon oral representations made to me by citizens of known good repute, and by members of the House of Representatives and Senators of the United States, rhan upon any letters and documents presented for my examination. I have not felt justified in suspecting the veracity, integrity and patriotism of Senators, or ignoring their representations, because they were not in party affiliation with the majority of their associates; and I recall a few suspensions which bear the approval of individual memberd identified politically with the majority in the Senate. While, therefore, I am constrained to deny the right of the Senate to the papers and documents described, so far as the right to the same is based upon the claim that they are in any view of che subject official, I am also led unequivocally to dispute the right of the Senate, by the aid of any documents whatever, or in any way save through the judicial process of trial on impeachment, to review or reverse the acts of the Executive In the suspension, during the recess of the Senate, of Federal officials. WHERE- THE POWEE OF REMOVAL IS VESTED. I believe the power to remove or suspend such officials is vested in the President alone by the Constitution, which in express terms provides that " the Executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America," and that " he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed." The Senate belongs to the legislative t -"ich of the Government. When the Consti- tution by express provision superadded to its legislative duties, the right to advise and consent to appointments to office, and to sit as a court of impeachment, it conferred upon that body all the control and regulation of Executive action supposed to be necessary for the safety of the people ; and this express and special grant of such extraordinary powers, not in any way related to or growing out of general Senatorial duty, and in itself a departure from the general plan of our Government, should be held, under a familiar maxim of construction, to exclude every other right of interference with Executive functions. In the first Congress which assembled after the adoption of the Constitution, compris- ing many who aided in its preparation, a legislative construction was given to that instru- ment in which the independence of the Executive in the matter of removals from office was fully sustained. I think it will be found that in the subsequent discussions of this question there was generally, if not at all times, a propositton pending to in some way curtail this power of the President by legislation, which furnishes evidence that to limit such power it was sup- posed to be necessary to supplement the Constitution by such legislation. The first enactment of this description was passed under a stress of partisanship and political bitterness which culminated in the President's impeachment. This law provided that the Federal officers to which it applied could only be suspended during the recess of the Senate when shown by evidence satisfactory to the President to be guilty of misconduct in office, or crime, or when incapable or disqualified to perform their duties, and that within twenty days after the next meeting of the Senate it should bo the duty of the President " to report to the Senate such suspension, with the evidence and reasons for his action in the case." I 114 THE CONTEST "WITH THE SENATE. THE TEISTTaE OP OFFICE LAW. This Btatate, passed in 1867, when Congress was overwhelmingly and bitterly opposed politically to the President, may be regarded as an indication that even then it was tihought necessary by a Congress determined upon the subjugation of the Eaceoutive to legislative will to furnish itself a law for that purpose, instead of attempting to reach the object intended by an invocation of any pretended constituiional right. The law which thus found Its way to our statute-book was plain in its terms, and its intent needed no avowaL If valid and now In operation it would justify the present course of the Senate and command the obedience of the Executive to its demands. It may, however, be remarked in passing, that, under this law, the President had the privilege of presenting to the body which assumed to review his executive acts his reasons theref or» instead of being excluded from explanation or judged by papers found in the Departments. Two years after the law of 1867 was passed, and within lees than five weeks after the inauguration of a President In political accord with both branches of Congress, the sec- tions of the act regulating suspensions from office during the reoess of the Senate were entirely repealed and In their place were substituted provisions which. Instead of limiting the causes of suspension to misconduct, crime, disability, or disqualification, expressly permitted such suspension by the President " In his discretion," and completely abandoned the requirement obliging him to report to the Senate " the evidence and reasons " for his action- With these modlfloatlona and with all branches of the (Jovemment in politloal harmony, and in the absence of partlBan Incentive to captious obstruction, the law as it was left by the amendment of 1S69 was much lees destructive of Executive discretion. And yet the great General and patriotic dticen who, on the 4th day of March, 18®, assumed the duties of Chief Bxecntive, and for whose freer administration of his high office the most hateful restraints of the law of ISffl were, on the 5th day of April, 1869, removed, mindful of his obligation to defend and protect every prerogative of his great trust, and apprehensive of the Injury threatened the public service In the continued operation of these statutes even in their modified form. In his first message to Congress advised their repeal an! sot forth their unconstitntional character and hurtful tendency in the following language : " It may be well to mention here the embarrassment possible to arls* from leaving on the statute-books the so-called 'teninre of office acts,' and to eameatly recommend theirtotal repeal. It could not have been the intention of the framers of the Constitution, when providing that appointments made by the President should i-eoeive the consent of the Senate, that the latter should hare the power to retain In office persons plaood there by Federal appointment against vhe will of the President Tha law is inconslfltent with a faithful and efficient administration of the Government. What faith can an Bxeoative put in officials forced upon him. and those, too, whom ho has supended for reason? How will such officials be likely to serve an administration which they know does not trust them?^ I am unable to state whether or not this recommendation for a repeal of these laws has been since repeated, If it has not, the reason can probably be found In tiie experience which demonstrated the fact that the necessities of the political sitoatioii but zaarely devel- oped their vldotiB chattiotea. LA.WB WHICH HAVE PAXJiEN INTO DISUSE. And so It happens that after an existence of nearly twenty years of almost innocnous desuetude these laws are brought forth— apparently the repealed as woU as the tmre- pealed— and pat in the way of an Executive who is willing, if pearmitted, to attempt an improvement in the methods of admittlstifttion. The oonstitutionality of these laws is by no means admitted. But why should the pro- visions of the repealed law, which required spedflc cause for suspension and a report to the Senate of "evidence and reasons," be now, in effoot, applied to the present Bxeonttve, instead of the l^rw, afterwards passed and unrepealod, which distinctly pezndts snspenaions , by the President "in his dlsoretlon," and carefully omits the requirement that •^'evidence * and reasons for his action in the case" shall be reported to the Senate? The requests and demands which by the score have for neajrly three months been pre- sented to the different Departments of the Grovernment, whatever may be their form, have but one complexion. They assume the right of the Senate to sit In jndgmBnt upon the exercise of my exclu^ve discretion and executive function, for which I am solely respon- THE CONTEST WITH THE SENATE. 115 sible to the people from whom I have so lately received the sacred trust of office. My oath to support and defend the Constitution, my duty to the people wh® have chosen me to exe- cute the powers of their great office a»d not to relinquish them, and my duty to the Chief Magistracy which I must preserve unimpaired in all its dignity and vigor, compel me ta refuse compliance with these demands. To the end that the service may be improved, the Senate is invited to the fullest scru- tiny of the persons submitted to them for public office. In recognition of the constitutional power of that body to advise and consent to their appointment. I shall continue, as I have- thus far done, to furnish, at the request of the confirming body, all the information I pos- sess touching the fitness of the nominees placed before them for their action, both when they are proposed to fill vacancies and to take the place of suspended officials. Upon a refusal to confirm I shall not assume the right to ask the reasons for the action of the Senate nor question its determination. I cannot think that anything more is required to secure worthy incumbents In public office than a careful and independent discharge of our respective duties within their well-defined limits. Though the propriety of guspensions.might be better assured if the action of the Pres- ident was subject to review by the Senate, yet if the Constitution and the laws have placed this responsibility upon the executive branch of the Government, It should not be divided nor the discretion which it Involves relinquished. ALL PLEDGES MADE HAVE BEEN KEPT. It has been claimed that the present Executive having pledged himself not to remove ~ officials except for cause, the fact of their suspension implies such mlsconducii on the part of a suspended official as injures his character and reputation, and therefore the Senate should review the case for his vindication. I have said that certain officials should not, in my opinion, be removed daring the con- tinuance of the term for which they were appointed solely for the purpose of putting in their place those in political affillatlon-with the appointing power ; and this declaration was jnmediately followed by a description of official partisanship which ought not to entitle those in whom it was exhibited to consideration. It is not apparent how an adherence to iie course thus announced carries with it the conseque^^^es described. If In any degree ;he suggestion is worthy of consideration. It is to be hoped that there may be a defense igalnst unjust suspension In the justice of the Executiva Every pledge which I have made by which I have placed a Umitation upon my exercise )f executive power has been faithfully redeemed. Of course the pretense is not put forth; hat no mistakes have been committed ; but not a suspension has been made except It ippeared to my satisfaction that the public welfare would be inaproved thereby. Many ippllcations for suspension have been denied^ and the adherence to the rule laid down to rovern my action as to such suspensions has caused much Irritation and Impatience on the )art of those who have insisted upon more changes in the offices. The pledges I have made were made to the people, and to them I am responsible for the oanner In which they have been redeemed, I am not responsible to the Senate, and I am m willing to submit my actions and official conduct to them for judgment. There are no grounds for an allegation that the fear of being found false to my prof es- ions influences me in declining to submit to the demands of the S^iate. I have not con. tantly refused to suspend officials, and thus Incurred the displeasure of political friends, nd yet wilfully broken faith with the people for the sake of being false to them. Neither the discontent of party friends nor the allurements constantly offered of oon- rmations of appointees conditioned upon the avowal that suspensions have been made on arty grounds alone, nor the threat proposed in the resolutions now before the Sencte that o confirmations will be made unless the demands of that body be complied T.lth, are suf- cient to discourage or deter me from following in the way which I am convinced leads to etter government for the people. GROVER CLEVELAND. Executive Mansion, Washington^ D. U. 116 B£FUBLI0AIS OFIIilOIiS OH TH£ TARIFF. CHAPTEK XI. REPUBLICAN OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF. WHAT PROMINENT MEN OF THE PAET.Y HAVE HAD TO SAY IN FAVOI OF A LIBERAL SYSTEM OF CUSTOMS TAXATION. 'Gleaned from Speeclies in Congress and Political Cam paignsjfrom LeUers, Intermews and Official Eeports. James G- Blaine on Lumber— June 10, 1868: During the entire war, when we were seeking everything on the earth, and ii the skies, and in the waters under the earth, out of which taxation could be wrung it never entered into the conception of Congress to tax. breadstuflfs — never. Durin the most pressing exigencies of the terrible contest in which we were engaged, neithe breadstuffs nor lij^mber e/t&r became tlie subject of one penny of iaxatiov. * * * No^^ as to the article of lumber, I again remind the House that there has never been tax upon this article The gentleman from Ohio may talk on this question as h pleases; but I say that wherever the Western frontiersman undertakes to make fc Jiimself a home, to till the soil, to carry on the business of life, he needs lumber fc his cabin, he needs lumber for his fence, he needs lumber for his wagon or cart, h needs lumber for his plough, he needs lumber for almost every purjjose in his dail life. William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania on Free Wool — July 28, 1865 : Let the raw material conie in. Let us make blankets that will drive out Englih bJxinkets. Let us make our own "English frieze" and " Peterboro' frosted beaver. Let us be able to rival England and France and other representative nations i making these cloths. Senator Ingalls, February 15, 1878: We can not disguise the truth that we are on the verge of an impending rev( lution; the old issues are dead! The people are arraying themselves upon or side or the oth§r of a portentous contest. On one side is capital, formidably ei trenched in privilege, arrogant from continued triumph, conservative, tenacious t old theories, demanding new concessions, enriched by domestic levy and foreig commerce, and struggling to adjust all values to its own standard. On the other labor, asking for employment, striving to develop domestic industries, battlin with the forces of nature, and subduing the wilderness; labor, starving and suUen i cities, resolutely determined to overthrow a system under which the rich are growin richer and tlie -poor are growing poorer; a system which gives to a Vanderbilt tb possession of wealth beyond the dreams of avarice and condemns the poor to poverty which has no refuge from starvation but the prison or the grave. REPDBLICA.N OPIMONS ON THfi TARIFF. 117 Hugh McCulloch, Secretary of the Treasury. Recommendations in Report, 1884: First. That the existing duties upon raw materials which are to be used in manufacture should be removed. This can be done in the interest of our foreign trade. Second. That the duties upon the articles used or consumed by those who are the least able to bear the burden of taxation should be reduced. This also can be effected without prejudice to our export trade. President Grant, Annual Message, December, 1874: Those articles which enter into our manufactures, and are not produced at home, it seems to me, should be entered free. Those articles of manufacture which we produce a constituent part ofy but do not produce the whole, that part which we do not produce should be entered free also. I will instance fine wools, dyes, etc. These articles must be imported to form a part of the manufacture of the higher grades of woolen goods. Chemicals used as dyes, compounded in medicines, and used in various ways in manufactures, come under this class. The introduction^ free of duty, of such wools as we do not pi'oduce would stimulate the manufacture of goods requiring the use of those we do produce, and tfierefore would be a benefit to home pro- duction. There are many articles entering into '■''home manufactures " which we do not produce ourselves, the tarvf upon which increases the cost of producing the manufactured article. All the corrections in this regard are in the direction of bringing labor and capital in harmony with each otiier, and of supplying one of the cleTnents of prosperity so much needed. Mr. Kellet on Tax Reduction— April 22, 1872 : If we adjourn on the 29th of May we shall have repealed no tax or duty, and the people will ask us in every paper and at every cor-°^ why we have continupd the system of taxation, so largely in excess of the demands of the Government and the reduction of the public debt, at the rate of $50,000,000 per annum outside of what is already provided by law. On neither side of the House can justification be found, nor do I believe apologies which will prove entirely satisfactory to the tax- payers, who a/re loaded at every point and whose profits are absorbed in th^ excessive Treasury of the Oovernment. William McKinley, of Ohio, 1883 : The free list might be enlarged without affecting injuriously a single American interest. Senator "Warner Miller, of New York, 1882 : The sooner we have that (tariff) revision the better it will be for all industries. Senator Hawley, of Connecticut, 1882 : I will vote in any direction to bring about a resolute attempt to give us a revis- ion of the tariff. I say that as representing a protectionist constituency. Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, 1882 : Some excessive duties remain on the statute book ; some dutiable articles should be on the free list, and some of the provisions of the tariff have become obsolete. Senator Sherman, of Ohio, 1882 : We agree that the tariff sbould be revised and the taxes reduced. * * ♦ Under existing law we are collecting from the people of the United States as National taxes the sum of fifty to one hundred millions of dollars more than is re- quisite to meet all the proper current expenditures of the Government and all our obligations to the public creditors. Eugene Hale, of Maine, in the House, 1871 : The duty upon salt is now 18 cents per 100 pounds in bulk and 24 cents in sacks. The best Turk's Island salt can be purchased at the place where it is produced for from 9 to 10 cents per bushel. Any gentleman here can compute for himself the pero«ntage of duty resting upon this article. I believe there is no one questiou I 118 REPUBLICAN OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF. about which the reflection of millions of people day by day is so decided as it is in declaring that there should be no tax upon this article of salt. I have been asked to amend the bill introduced by me so as to cut down the duty 50 per cent. I do not consent to that. / believe tliis a/rtide shovM go upon the free Ust : that the monopoly wMcJi Jias obtained heretofore for the Qrumdaga Salt Works^—as great and complete as anymonopoly eoer graiited by tJie Ikidara in England 8 most de^tic time»~~oughi ta President Grant, Annual Message, December, 1875 : Many duties now collected, and which give but an insignificant return for the cost of collection, might be remitted, and to the direct advantage of consumers at home. I would mention those articles which enter into manufactures of all sorts. AU duty paid upon such articles goes direcdy to the cost of the article wTien man- ufactwred here^ and rmist be paid for by the conmmera. These duties not only come from the consumers at home^ but act as a protection to foreign rruinufa/itwren of the same completed a/rtides irk o'wr own and distant markets. President Arthur, Annual Message, 1882 : A total abolition of excise taxes would almost irfceritably prore a serious, if not an insurmountable obstacle to a thorough revision of the tariflf and to any con- siderable reduction in import duties. The present tariff system is in many respects unjust. It makes unequal distributions, both of its burden and its benefits. * * * / recom/mend am enlargement of the free Ust so as to include uritTdn it the numerous articles wMch field inconsiderable revenue, a simplification of t?ie complex and inconsist- ent scfiedule of duties upon certain manufactures, particularly tliose of cotton, iron and steel, and a substantial reduction of the duties upon those articles, and upon sugar, molasses, silk, wool and woolen goods. Senator Sherman, of Ohio, 1867 : In considering so complicated a subject as a tariff^ notliing cmi be roore decep- tive than the application of such general phmses as a ** protective tariff," " a revenue teu-iff,** '* a free- trade tariff.*' Every la/to imposmg a duty on imported goods is necessarily a restraint on trade. It imposes a burden upon the purchase and sale of imported goods and tends to prevent every importation. The erpression, **a free trade taHff^ inwkxs an absurdity. If you converse with intelligent men engaged in the business of manufacturing th^ will tell you that they are willing to compete with England, France, Gfermany, and all the countries of Europe, at the old rates of duty. If you reduce their products to a specie tMsis, and pvi them on the same footing they were on before the war^ the present rates of duty would be too high. It toould Tiot be necessary fyr soa/rce any bran/ch of indkustry to be protected to the extent of your present tariff Uao. They do not ask protection against the pauper labor of Ev/rope^ but they ask protection against t?ie creation of your own laws. Benjamin Harrison, November 28, 1882: The creation of the Tariff Gommdssion was a confession that the tariff needs re- vision. If the report comes in it should be promptly acted upon. My opinion is that no time should be lost after Congress assembles in bringing forward these measureSy and that no time should be lost during tJie holidays by adjournment. James Q. Blaine, Secretary of State, 1881 : The wages of spinners and weavers in Lancashire and in Massachusetts, accordr in to the foregoing statements, were as follows, per week : Spinners : English, $7.20 to $8.40 (master spinners running as high as $12) ; American, $7.07 to $10.30. Weavers : English, $3.84 to $8.64, subject, at the date on which these rates were given, to a reduction of 10 per cent ; American, $4.82 to $8.T3. The average wages of employes in the Massachusetts mills is as follows, accord- ing to the oflacial returns : Men, $8.30 ; women, $5.62 ; male children, $8.11 ; female children, $3.08. According to Consul Shaw's report, the average wages of the men employed in the Lancashire mills on the 1st of January, 1880, was about $8 per week, subject to a reduction of 10 per cent. ; women, from $3.40 to $4.30, sub- ect to a reduction of 10 per cent. REPUBLICAN OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF. 119 The hours of labor in the Lancashire mills are 56, in the Massachusetts mills 60 per week. The hours of labor in the mills in the other New England States, where the wages are generally less than in Massachusetts, are usually 66 to 69 per week. Undoubtedly the inequalities in the wages of English and American operatives are more than equalized by the greater efficiency of the latter and their longer hours of labor. If this should prove to be a fact in practice, as it seems to be proven from official statistics, it would be a very important element in the estab- lishment of our ability to compete with England for our share of the cotton-goods trade ot ihe world. From these returns it is seen that every American spindle consumes 66 pounds of raw cotton, while each British spindle consumes onJiy 33 pounds, or less than one-half the American consumption per spindle. It thus appears that each American operative works up as much raw material as two British operatives, turns out nearly $1.50 worth of manufactures to the British operative's $1 worth, and even in piece goods, where the superior quality and weight of the American goods are so marked, the American operative turned out 2.75 yards to 2.50 yards by the British operative. Senator Morrill, of Vermont, 1870 : It is a mistake of the friends of a sound tariff to insist upon the extreme rates imposed during the war, if less will raise the necessary revenue. Senator Sherman, March 15, 1872 : I have listened with patience, day by day, to the statements of gentlemen who are interested in our domestic productions. I am a firm believer in the general idea of protecting their industries, but I assure them, as I as. '-e their representa- tives here, that if the present high rates of duty, unexampled in our country, and higher by nearly 50 per cent than they were in 1861, are maintained on metallic and textile fabrics after we have repealed Hie very internal taxes which ga/oe rise to them^ and after we have avbstantiaUy given them their raw materials free of duties^ we shall have a feeling of dissaliisfaction among other interests in the country that will overthrow the whole system, and do i^reater harm than can possibly be done by a moderate reduction of the present rates of duty. National Rkpublican Platform, 1868 : It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized artd reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. National Republican Platform, 1884 : The Republican party pledges itself to correct the Inequalities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus. i^enator Allison, of Iowa, March 24, 1870 : The tariff of 1846, although confessedly and professedly a tariff for revenue, was, 80 far as regards all the great interests of the country, as perfect a tariff ad any that we have ever had. But I may be asked how this reduction shall be made. I think it should be made upon ail leading articles, or nearly all, and for that purpose, when I can get an opportunity in the House, if no gentleman does before me, I shall move that the pending bill be recommitted to the Committee on Ways and Means, with instruc- tions to report a reduction upon existing rates of duty equivalent to 20 per cent, upon the existing rates, or one-fiflh reduction. Even this will not be a full equiva- lent for the removal of all the internal taxes upon manufactures. Justice Miller, of the United States Supreme Court, in Loan Association vs Topeka. 20 Wallace. To lay with one hand the power of the Government on the propwty of the citi- zen, and with the other to bestow it upon favored individuals to aid private enter- prises and build up private fortunes, is none the less a robbery because it is done under the forms oi law and is called taxation. This is not legislation. It is a decree L 130 REPUBLICAN OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF. under legislative forms. Nor is it taxation. A " tax," says Webster's Dictionary, " is a rate or sum of money assessed on the person or property of a citizen by Gov- ernment for tbe use of the nation or State." Taxes are burdens or charges imposed by the Legislature upon persons or property to raise money for public purposes. We have established, we think, beyond cavil that there can be no lawful tax which is not laid for a public purpose. If it be said that a benefit results to the local public of a town by establishing manufactures, the same may be said of any other business or pursuit which employs capital or labor. The merchant, the mechanic, the inn-keeper, the banker, the builder, the steamboat owner, are equally promoters of the public good, and equally deserving the aid of the citizens by forced contributions. No Ime can be drawn in favor of the manufacturer which would not open the cofifers of the public treasury to the importunities of two-thirds of the business men of the city or town. Charles J. Folger, Secretary of the Treasury, Annual Report, 1883 : All agree that a revision of the tariff is necessary. The action of Congress in creating a commission for that purpose renders discussion on that point unneces- sary * * * The Secretary earnestly recommends a careful revision of the tariff, with a view to substantial reductions. Senator Allison, of Iowa, March 34, 1870: The agricultural interest, it will be seen, is much the largest interest in its aggregate product as well as in the number of persons employed. I believe no one will clnim that this large interest is directly protected. It is true that under customs laws there is a small duty upon wheat, barley, oats, and other agricultural products, but it does not afford any protection to the great wheat and grain producing regions of the country. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Wilson], in discussing this ques- tion stated that the cost of wheat in New England is about $1.70 per bushel, while in Illinois, Iowa and Wisconsin the price is about 65 cents per bushel. The Cana- dian wheat is the only wheat that comes in competition with our own. Canada being nearer New England than the wheat-growing States more than makes up the duty in the reduced cost of transportation. What is true of wheat is equally true of other grains. Therefore the farmer has practically no protection at al), and whatever benefit he derives is from what the home market furnishes for home products. Unfortunately for the farmer, the market price of wheat is fixed by the price which the surplus will bring abroad, or the price of wheat in London or Liverpool. At that market, 'where the surplus is sold, and which fixes tJie value of tho whole crop, he comes in competition with the grain produced in the Crimexi, in Hungary, and in tlie region of the Bidtic, from fields cultivated by what is known, in comparison with our own, as pauper labor. But I am told we must so legislate as to furnish a home market for all our agri- cultural products, and this can only be done by high tariff. Any one examining the subject will see that our agricultural products increase more rapidly than our popu- lation, so that if we do not export these products in their natural condition, we must do so by converting them into manufactured articles and export these articles. But this cannot be done under a high tariff, for all nations will buy manufactured prod- ucts where they are the cheapest, and the nation selling the cheapest will control tlie mar- ket. This ruU excludes our highly-taxed manufactures made from highly-taxed materials from the markets of tlie worlds although we have natural advantages posessed by no other nation. Charles J. Folger, Secretary of the Treasury, Annual Report, 1883 : In the recommendations of the President and those of this department, and the action of Congress, and in the expression of public opinion, there has been sub- stantial accord as to how the needed reduction of the revenue should be brought about. It has been generally conceded that the internal revenue taxes, except those upon spirits, fermented liquors, and upon the circulation of banks, might well be abolished. There has been difference whether the tax upon tobacco should be abolished or modified. There were but few advocates of the immediate total aboli- tion of taxes upon spirits or fermented liquors. My last report said that taxes upon spirits and tobacco, being upon things not needful, should be retained rather thaa REPUBLICAN OPINIONS ON THE TATLTFF. 121 tbose upon the common necessaries of life ; which, as a proposition, is not to be controverted. But it was conceded hy all that a sub^ianiial reduction shcndd be made upon nearly all imported articles subjected to duties, Henry Cabot Lodge, Massachusetts, September, 1884 : Grave public questions confront us. Tliere is a large, perilous and growing sur- plus in tJie revenues. It must be removed, TWt by needless and extravagant expenditures ^ not by abolishing the proper taxation of whisky and tobacco, not by a stupid and injurious and horizontal reduction for politics only, but by plain business methods, by freeing entirely those great necessaries of life which enter into the daily con- sumption of every household, and by wise and discriminate reductions, John D. Long, of Massachusetts, September, 1884: There are only two ways to reduce the tariff. One by raising the tariff to a prohibitory height, which nobody advocates; the other, the free-list The free-list is the honest revenue reformer's Twpe. Henry Wilson, late Vice President : Men who have looked with hungry eye upon a Treasury overflowing with sur- plus millions do not wish to see the source from which those coveted millions are derived dried up. Now , as in times past, political ambition is not unwilling to sacrifice the business interests of the country in the hope to win political power. * * * / tliink American labor will be best protected by taxing all the '^necessaries of life lightly; placing the raw materials which enter into our manufactures on ^^e free-list; raising revenue to support the Government upon articles that come in competition with our manufactures and upon the luxuries of life, which are consumed by the more wealthy classes of society. Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, April 80, 1872 : Now, I wish to say to the Senate that I am strongly convinced that we should go further, and reduce the tariff in material respects upon many ottier articles. * * * The country expects a large reduction, the country knows that it can be made, the country has been promised this reduction, and the dominant party here is respon- sible to the country for this reduction, and will be held responsible if it is not made. James A. Garfield, April 1, 1870: We have seen that one extreme school of economists would place the price of all manufactured articles in the hands of foreign producers by rendering it impos- sible for our manufacturers to compete with them : while the other extreme school, by making it impossible for the foreigner to sell his competing wares in our market, would give the people no immediate check upon the prices which our manufactu- rers might fix for their products. I disagree with both these extremes. I hold that a properly adjusted competition between home and foreign products Is the best gauge by which to regulate international trade. Duties should be so tiigh that our manufacturers can fairly compete with the foreign product, but not so high as to enable them to drive out the foreign article, enjoy a monopoly of the ;rade, and regulate the prices as they please. This is my doctrine of protection. Tf Congress pursues this lin^ of policy steadily toe shall year by year approach more nearly to the basis i the great labor interests of the country, speaks of this protection being the pro- action of the labor of this country, I ask him : does not every farmer and mechanic 128 KEPUBLICAN OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF. in this broad land make use of iron in all kinds of labor ? The 4,000,000 men tha have been freed recently are laborers, are producers, not manufacturers. They an not men of skilled labor; they evidently are not the men who are protected. Am tJien there are the men in the Northwest vaho 'produce corn, wheat, oats, pork ant beans, &c.; they are producers and consumers^ a7id are not protected ; and it is thei who pa/y this large amount of money into the pockets of the manufacturers of thl artide. And when a gentleman stands upon this floor and tells me that this high this extraordinarily high tarifl" is for the protection of the laboring men of thi: country who are not skilled laborers, I tell him I do not understand how he cat] possibly substantiate such a theory. The late Emory A. Storrs, of Chicago : Finally, what is a tariff? It is a tax. It is nothing less and nothing but a tax. It is a tax which we do not pay to the Government ; for where protection begins revenue ceases. The consumer is impoverished, the Government is not aided. Judge Thomas M. Coolet, of Michigan, in ''^Constitutional Limitations:"" CJonstitutionally a tax can have no other basis than the raising of revenues foi public purposes, and whatever governmental exaction has not this basis is tyran- nical and unlawful. A tax on imports, therefore, the purpose of which is not to raise revenue, but to discourage and indirectly prohibit some particular import foi the benefit of some home manufacturer, may well be questioned as being merelj colorable, and, therefore, not warranted by constitutional principles. Representative Benj. Butterworth, of Ohio : Every nation that is worthy the name is seeking to enlarge the area of its trade and commerce, to enlarge the opportunity to buy and find new markets in which tc sell. Senator Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont : The tariff was intenaed to be revised, so that there should be some reduction in the cost of living. It was obvious from the first that woolens and wools would have to submit to their fair, equitable, and just share. Levi P. Morton, April 5, 1880 : Mr TowNSHEND, of Illinois, moved to discharge the Ways and Means Com- mittee from further consideration of House Bill, No. 5265, and that the same b€ passed. The bill was as follows : Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the iJnited States of America in Congress assembled. That sections 2503, 2504 and 2-505, of Title 33, of the Revised Statutes ol the United States be revised and amended so that the duty on salt, printing-tjrpe, printing- paper and the chemicals and materials used in the manufacture of printing-paper, be repealed, and that said articles be placed on the free-list. The result was ayes 112, nays 80; not voting 100. Among those recorded as voting aye is Levi P. Morton, of New York. Report of the Tariff Commission, 1882 : The Commission became convinced that a substantial reduction of tariff duties is demanded, not by a mere indiscriminate popular clamor, but by the best conserv- ative opinion of the country, including that which has in former times been most strenuous for the preservation of our national industrial defences. Such a reduction of the existing tariff the Commission regards not only as a due recognition of public sentiment and a measure of justice to consumers, but one conducive to* the general prosperity, and which, though it may be tem- porarily inconvenient, will be ultimately beneficial to the special interests affected by such reduction. * * * Excessive duties, or those above such standard of equalization, are positively injurious to the interest which they are supposed to benefit. * * * And in the mechanical and manufacturing industries, especially those which have been long established, it would seem that the improvements in machinery and processes made within the last twenty years, and the high scale of productiveness which has become a characteristic of their establishments, would REPUBLICAN OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF. 129 permit our manufacturers to compete with their foreign rivals under a substantial reduction of existing duties. * * * The average reduction in rates, including that from the enlargement of the free list and the abolition of the duties on charges and commissions, at which the Commission has aimed is not less on the average than 20 per cent., and it is the opinion of the Commission that the reduction will reach 25 per cent John B. Hay, of Illinois, March 14, 1870: Beeolved, That it iB the sense of this House that our present system of taxation is ex- orbitant and needlessly burdensome, and that a reduction of taxation is demanded, both of tariff and internal taxes, to the lowest amount consistent with raising revenue suflacient to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government, to discharge the interest of the national debt, and to maintain the national credit ; and that a tariff for revenue with duties properly adjusted must necessarily afford all the advantage lo which any interest is entitled. March 14, 1870, S. S. Marshall submitted the following : ^««oto«d. That the present depressed condition of the business and the various indus- trial interests of the country demand of Congress prompt action in relieving the people of all burdens of taxation not absolutely necessary to provide for the wants of the Gov- ernment economlcallv administered ; and that In reforming existinjg tariff laws legislation should be based upon these principles : Eirst, That no duty should be imposed on any article above the lowest rate which will yield the largest amount of revenue ; That the maximum revenue duty should be Imposed on luxuries, etc. On a motion to lay this motion on the table Garfield, Elale, Hawley and Allison voted in the negative. Senator P. B. Plumb, of Kansas, Jan. 17, 1883 : I do liOt ask that any duty shall be incBcased, No one raising anythmg with- in the State of Kansas and no manufacturer in that State asks for an increase of duty on anything. We do ask that a ring — if I may use that expression without offence — a collection and combination of interests located upon the eastern frontier of this country, near to tho seat and source of power, easily accessible to tariff com- missions and easy to get their ears, shall not have their own way about everything of this kind, entirely irrespective of the sections of this country remote from the seat and sources of power. Mr. President, some of us has got to be consulted before this bOl finally passes, and some of us will be consulted after the bill has passed in regard to the reasons for ihs action or non-action taken. I say now to the persons who have the run of this thing, to those who have had control and are better posted, and have been able by arts and by various processes to do those things which were not thoroughly understood— I beg of them to consider that the people are watching this proceeding and that they want no higher taxes, but lower taxes, and that in giving the protec- tion for American industry they want to give a decent chance to a class of people who, by reason of their calling, cannot be protected at all, but who have got to take their chances in the markets of the world for their products, hard products to raise, expensive products to get to market, and in the production of wMch there is the smallest margin of profit. I was talking with a farmer from Massachusetts to-day about this thing. He fiaid he had as good a farm as there was in the old Bay State, and yet he said that he could barely make both ends meet, and he complained to me that one of the reasons why he could not do so was because everything else that surrounded him was 80 much protected that it simply took the difference between profit and loss in his call- ing and left him a very dim chance indeed from year to year. In 1867 John Sherman said: It is, therefore, simply an absurdity to talk now about free trade tariff, and to talk about a protective tariff is unnecessary, because the wit of man could not possi- bly frame a tariff that would produce one hundred and forty million dollars in gold without amply protecting our domestic industry. I 130 BEPUBLICAIf OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF. Senator John Sherman, 1882 : These taxes ought to be left as a part of our permanent system of taxation aa long as any otier taxes, intexaal or external, more oppressive, remain on the statute- books. I do not hesitate to say that there is a general desire among all classes of our people, without regard to party, that the remnants of the internal system shall be swept away, except on whiskey, tobacco, and beer. This tobacco tax, of aD others, is the easiest collected, the most certain, increas- ing constantly from year to year, dependent upon an appetite that will be indulged no matter what may be the tax ; a tax that ha£ been more stable than any other. No amount of tax likely to be put upon tobacco will prevent its being chewed and smoked and snuffed- In all other cotmtries where taxation prevails this is a favor- ite subject of taxation. ♦ ♦ ♦ l say the tax on tobacco does not diminish the price to the farmer who raises it. And I say we are throwing otf a tax, which, by the judgment ot all nations, is the best source of taxation. In 1867 John Sherman said : The luxuries are mostly contained in the items spirits, wines, and tobacco These are undoubtedly the first objects that should be taxed. And in 1870 John Sherman said : And these two taxes on spirits and tobacco, together with the tax on fermented liquors, over $6,000,000, are paid without complaint in every part of the United States. On March 16, 1971, Mr. Rlainb said on the floor of the House to B. F. Butler : " I was in favor of the repeal of the ooal tariff and the gentleman was not.** Maine delegation solid. Jamfs A- Garfield, July 6, 1866: * ♦ ♦ * " But I would like the attention of the gentleman ftw one moment. I recollect to have seen a man attempting to bail out a boat that had no bottom to it ; and for every pail full he poured out of the boat of course another pail full came right into the boat again. Now when pec^le propose to protect the produc- tion of an article by putting the duty upon it so high a£ to crush out its use in other manafcuctures, they are but pouring the water out of the boat to come right in again." Justin 8. Morriul., May -8, 1860 : There are no duties proposed on any article for the simple purpose of protec- tion alone. The highest duties in the bill are proposed for the purpose of revenue The manufacturers might get along with lower duties, but we require the revenue Justin S. Morrill, July 17, 1861 : I ^je'ieve that the duties on most articles are put too high. Ju&TiN S. Morrill, June 2, 1S64 : Reporting a bill — This is intended as a war measure, a temporary me.vsx?re, and we mtist as such give it our support. ♦ * ♦♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ » ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ In making an estimate of the effect of such a War tariff as is now proposed, it is important that we should bear in mind that as we increase the tax on any article we diminish the number of those who will be able to consume it. THE PllESIDE^•TS ON THE TARIFF. 131 CHAPTER XII. THE PRESIDENTS ON THE TARIFF.* EXTEAcrrs FEOM A^^^JAL a:nd special messages, showing tbe OPDsIOXS WHICH HAVE BEEN' HELD ON THIS QUESTION. WASHINGTON'S EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGEj DECEMBER 7, 1796. Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encourasrement of manufactures. The object is of too much consequence not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on the public account are inexpedient ; but where the state of things in a country leaves little hope that certain branches of manufacture will, for a great length of time, obtain, when these are of a nature essential to the fur- nishing and equipping of the.public force in time of war, are not establishments for procuring them on public account, to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service, recommended by strong considerations of national policy as an excep- tion to the general rule ? ******* JOHN ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, NOVEMBER 23, 1797. The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture, fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it cannot be destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation. The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of commercial and seafaring, no less than of the other citizens. » JEFFERSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 8, 1801. Agriculture, manufactures, commerce and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are the most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise. Pro- tection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be reasonably inter- posed. If, in the course of your observations or inquiries, they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their rrtance is a sufficient assurance they wiU occupy your attention. JEFFERSON'S EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, NOVEMBER 8, 1808. The suspension of our foreign commerce, produced by the injustice of the belligerent powers, and the consequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are sub- jects of just concern. The situation into which we have thus been forced has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry and capital to internal manufac- tures and improvements. The extent of this conversion is daily increasing, and :i *Copied by permission from " Tariff in the White House," by Henry Talbott, clerk of j^Ways and Means Committee, and published at Washington by the compiler. 182 THE PRESIDENTS ON THE TARIFF. little doubt remains that the establishments formed and forming will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, tlie freedom of labor from taxation •with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent. MADISON'S SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 5, 1815. Under circumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry, it has made among ua a progress and exhibited an efficiency which justify the belief that with a protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become at an early day not only safe against occa- sional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth and even of external commerce In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage, a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures for articles necessary for the public defence, or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our agriculture, and conse- quently impart and insure to that great fund of national prosperity and independ- ence an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded. Monroe's special message, may 4, 1822. Duties and imposts have always been light, not greater, perhaps, than would have been imposed for the encouragement of our manufactures, had there been no occasion for the revenue arising from them, and taxes and excises have never been laid except in cases of necessity, and repealed as soon as the necessity ceased * * * It is natural in so great a variety of climate that there should be a correspond- ing diflFerence in the produce of the soil ; that one part should raise what the other might want. It is equally natural that the pursuits of industry should vary in like manner; that labor should be cheaper, and manufactures succeed better in one part than in another. That where the climate was most severe and the soil less produc- tive, navigation, the fisheries, and commerce should be most relied on. Hence the motiv-e for an exchange for mutual accommodation and active intercourse between them. Each part would thus find for the surplus of its labor, in whatever article it consisted, an extensive market at home, which would be the most profitable because free from duty. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS's FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 2, 1828. In our country a uniform experience of forty years has shown that whatever the tariff of duties upon articles imported from abroad has been, the amount of importations has always borne an average value nearly approaching to that of the exports, though occasionally differing in the balance, sometimes being more and sometimes less. It is, indeed, a general law of prosperous commerce that the real value of exports should, by a small, and only a small balance, exceed that of imports, that balance being a permanent addition to the wealth of the nation. The extent of the prosperous commerce of the nation must be regulated by the amount of its exports ; and an important addition to the value of these will draw after it a corresponding increase of importations. JACKSON'S MAYSVTLLE ROAD VETO, MAY 27, 1830. Many of the taxes collected from our citizens, through the medium of imposts, have for a considerable period been onerous. In many particulars these taxes have borne severely upon the laboring and less prosperous classes of the community, being imposed on the necessaries of life, and this, too, in cases where the burden was not relieved by the consciousness that it would ultimately contribute to make us independent of foreign nations for articles of prime necessity, by the encourage- ment of their growth and manufacture at home. They have been cheerfully borne, because they were thought to be necessary to the support of Government and the payment of the debts unavoidably incurred in the acquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties. But have we a right to calculate on the same THE PRESIDENTS ON THE TARIFF. 133 cheerful acquiescence, when it is known that the necessity for their continuance would cease were it not for the irregular, improvident, and unequal appropriations of the public funds ? Will not the people demand, as they have a right to do, such a prudent system of expenditure as will pay the debts of the Union, and authorize the reduction of every tax to as low a point as the wise observance of the necessity to protect that portion of our manufactures and labor whose prosperity is essential to our national safety and independence will allow ? As long as the encouragement of domestic manufactures is directed to national ends it shall receive from me a temperate but steady support. There is no neces- sary connection between it and the system of appropriations. On the contrary, it appears to me that the supposition of their dependence upon each other is calcu- lated to excite the prejudices of the public against both. The former is sustained on the ground of its consistency with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, of its origin being traced to the assent of all the parties to the original compact, and of its having the support and approbation of a majority of the people, on which account it is at least entitled to a fair experiment JACKSON'S BANK VETO, JXKiY 10, 1833. Most of the diflSculties our Government now ei^counters, and most of the dangers which impend over our Union, have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate objects of government by our national legislation. Many of our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make ;hem richer by acts of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires, we have, n the resulta of mss Iflgteuttkm, trmytsd aectioa against section, interest against nterest, and man agcunst man in a fearful commotion which threatens to stiake the bundations of our Union. It is time to pause in our career, to review our prin- ciples, and, if possible, revive that devoted patriotism and spirit of compromise vhich distinguished the sages of the revolution and the fathers of our Union. If ve cannot at once, injustice to interests vested under improvident legislation, make )ur Government what it ought to be, we can at least take a stand agaijst all new grants of monopolies and exclusive privileges, against any prostitution of our Gov- rument to the advancement of the few at the expense of the many, and in favor of ompromise and gradual reform in our code of laws and system of political econ- my. Jackson's fourtS annual message, December 4, 1833. If, upon investigation, it shall be found— as it is believed it will be — that the legis- itive protection granted to any particular interest is greater than is indispensably Bquisite for these objects, 1 recommend that it be gradually diminished, and that, as ir as may be consistent with these objects, the whole scheme of duties be reduced ) the revenue standard as soon as a just regard to the faith of the Government and ) the preservation of the large capital invested in establishments of domestic idustry will permit. That manufactures, adequate to the supply of our domestic consumption, would, I the abstract, be beneficial to our country, there is no reason to doubt ; and to feet their establishment there is, perhaps, no American citizen who would not, for while, be willing to pay a higher price for them. But for this purpose, it is pre- imed that a tariflT of high duties, designed for perpetual protection, has entered to the minds of but few of our statesmen. The most they have anticipated is a mporary and generally incidental protection, which they maintain has the eflect • reduce the price, by domestic competition, below that of the foreign article. K JACESON'S sixth annual message, DECEMBER 2, 1834. Every diminution of the public burdens arising from taxation gives to individual terprise increased power, and furnishes to all the members of our happy confed- acy new motives for patriotic aflection and support. But, above all, its most im- irtant effect will be found in its influence upon the character of the Government ■ confining its action to those objects which will be sure to secure to it the attach- jnt and support of our fellow-citizens. I 134 THE PRESIDENTS ON THE, TAlilFF. JACKSON'S EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 6, 1S36. Jn redncicc^ the revenue to the wants of the Government, your particular atten- tion is invited to those articles which constitute the necessaries of life. The duty on salt was laid as a war tax, and was no doubt continued to assist in providing for the payment of the war debt. There is no article the release of which from taxation would be felt so generally and so beneficially. To this may be added all kinds of fuel and provisions. Justice and benevolence unite in favor of releasing the poor of our cities from burdens which are not necessary to the support of our Govern- ment, and tend only to increase the wants of the destitute. JACKSON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS, MARCH 3, 1837. There is perhaps no one of the powers conferred on the Federal Government so- liable to abuse as the taxing power. The most productive and convenient sources of revenue were necessarily given to it, that it might be able to perform the important duties imposed upon it; and the taxes which it lays upon commerce being con- cealed from the real payer in the price of the article, they do not so readily attract the attention of the people as smaller sums demanded from them directly by the tax- gatherer. But the tax imposed on goods enhances by so much the price of the com- modity to the consumer, and as many of these duties are imposed on articles of necessity, which are daily used by the great body of the people, the money raised by these imposts is drawn from their pockets. Congress has no right, under the Constitution, to take money from the people unless it is required to execute some one of the specific powers intrusted to the Government; and if they raise more than is necessary for such purposes it is an abuse of the power of taxation, and unjust and oppressive. It may, indeed, happen that the revenue will sometimes exceed the amount anticipated when the taxes were laid. When,liowever, this is ascertained, it is easy to reduce them; and in such a case it is unquestionably the duty ot the Government to reduce them, for no cir- cumstances can justify it in assuming a power not given to it by the Constitution, nor in taking away the money of the people when it is not needed for the legitimate- wants of the Government. ******* There is but one safe rule, and that is to confine the General Government rigidly within the sphere of its appropriate duties. It has no power to raise a revenue or impose taxes, except for the purposes enumerated in the Constitution, and if its income is found to exceed these wants, it should be forthwith reduced, and the bur- dens of the people eo far lightened. VAN BUREN's SPECIAL MESSAGE, SEPTEMBER 4, 1838. All communities are apt to look to Government for too much. Even in our own country, where its powers and duties are so strictly limited, we are prone to do so, especially at periods of sudden embarrassment and distress. But this ought not to be. The framers of our excellent Constitution, and the people who approved it with calm and sagacious deliberation, acted at the time on a sounder principle. They wisely judged that the less Government interferes with private pursuits the better for the general prosperity. It is not its legitimate object to make men rich, or to repair by direct grants of money or legislation in favor of particular pursuits losses not incurred in the public service. This would be substantially to use the property of some for the benefit of others. But its real duty — that duty the per- formance of which makes a good government the most precious of human blessings- — is to enact and enforce a system of general laws commensurate with, but not exceeding, the objects of its establishment, and to leave every citizen and every inter- est to reap under its benign protection the reward of virtue, industry, and prudence. TYLER'S FIRST TARIFF VETO MESSAGE, JUNE 29, 1842. The manufacturing classes have now an opportunity, which may never occur again, of permanently identifying their interests with those of the whole country,, and making them in the highest sense of the term a national concern. The moment is propitious to the interests of the whole country in the introduction of harmony THE PRESIDENTS ON THE TABIPF. 135 among all its parts and all its several interests. The same rate of imposts, and no more, as will most surely re-establish the public credit will secure to the manufac- turer all the protection he ought to desire, with every prospect of permanence and stability which the hearty acquiescence of the whole country on a reasonable system oan hold out to him. TYLER'S SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 7, 1842. Extravagant duties defeat their end and object, not only by exciting in the public mind an hostility to the manufacturing interests, but by inducing a system of smuggling on an extensive scale and the practice of every manner of fraud upon the revenue, which the utmost vigilance of Government cannot effectually suppress. An opposite course of policy would be attended by results essentially different, of which every int erest of society, and none more than those of the manufacturer, would reap important advantages. Among the most striking of its benefits would be that derived from the general acquiescence of the country in its support and the consequent permanency and stability which would be given to all opera- tions of industry. TYLER'S FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 3, 1844. This important power of taxation, which, when exercised in its most restricted form, is a burden on labor and production, is resorted to, under various pretexts, for purposes having no affinity to the motives which dictated its grant, and the extrav- agance of Government stimulates individual extravagance, until the spirit of a wild and ill- regulated speculation involves one and all in its unfortunate results. In view of such fatal consequences it may be laid down as an axiom founded in moral and political truth — that no greater taxes should be imposed than are necessary for ^n economical administration of the Government, and that whatever exists beyond should be reduced or modified. This doctrine does in no way conflict with the exercise of a sound discrimination in the selection of the articles to be taxed, which ^ due regard to the public weal would at all times suggest to the legislative mind. folk's inaugural ADDRESS, MARCH, 4, 1845. In executing this power by levying a tariff of duties for the support of Grov- •ernment, the raising of revenite should be the object, and protection the incident. To reverse this principle and vaoke protection the object and revenue the incident, would be to inflict manifest injustice upon all other than the protected interests. In levy- ing duties for revenue, it is doubtless proper to make such discriminations within Wid revenue principles as will afford incidental protection to our home interests. IVithin the revenue limit there is a discretion to discriminate; beyond that limit the rightful exercise of the power is not conceded. The incidental protection afforded to our home interests by discriminations within the revenue range, it is believed will be ample. In making discriminations all our home interests should, as far as practicable, be equally protected. folk's FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 2, 1845. In levying a tariff of duties, Congress exercises the taxing power, and for purposes of revenue may select the objects of taxation. They may exempt cer- tain articles altogether and permit their importation free of duty. On others they may impose low duties. In these classes should be embraced such arti- cles of necessity as are in general use, and especially such as are consumed by the laborer and poor as well as by the wealthy citizen. Care should be taken that all the great interests of the country, including manufactures, agriculture, commerce, navigation and the mechanic arts, should, as far as may be practicable, derive equal advantages from the incidental protection which a jast system of revenue duties may afford. Taxation, direct or mdirect, is a burden, and it should be so imposed as to operate as equally as may be on all classes in the proportion of tdeir ability to bear it. To make the taxing power an actual benefit to one class necessarily increases the burden of the others beyond their proportion and would be manifestly unjust. 136 THE PEESIDENTS ON THE TARIFF. folk's third annual MESSAGE, DECEMBER 8, 1846. The act of the 30th of July, 1846, "reducing' the duties on imports," has been in force since vhe 1st of December last, and I am gratified to state that all the beneficial effects which were anticipated from its operation have been fully realized. The pub- lic revenue derived from customs during the year ending on the 1st of December,. 1847, exceeds bv more than eight millions of dollars the amount received in the pre- ceding year under the operation of the act of 1842, which was superseded and repealed by it. Its effects are visible in the great and almost unexampled prosperity which prevails in every branch of business. While the repeal of the prohibitory and restrictive duties of the act of 1842, and the substitution in their place of reasonable revenue rates levied on articles imported according to their actual value, have increased the revenue and augmented our foreign trade, all the great interests of the country have been advanced and promoted. The great and important interests of agriculture, which had been not only too much neglected, but actually taxed under the protective policy for the benefit of other interests, have been relieved of the burdens which that policy imposed on them, and our farmers and planters, under a more just and liberal commercial policy, are finding new and profitable markets- abroad for their augmented products. Our commerce is rapidly increasing, and is extending more widely the circle of international exchanges. Great as has been the increase of our imports during the past year, our exports of domestic products st)ld in foreign markets have been still greater. Our navigating interest is eminently prosperous. The number of vessels built in the United States has been greater than during any preceding period of equal length. Large profits have been derived by those who have constructed, as well as by those who have navigated them. Should the ratio of increase in the number of our merchant vessels be progressive and be as great for the future as dur mg the past year, the time is not distant when our tonnage and commercial marine will be larger than that of any other nation in the world. While the interests of agriculture, of commerce, and of navigation have been enlarged and invigorated, iti& highly ffratifyiug to observe that our manufactures are also in a prosperous condi- tion. None of the ruinous effects upon this interest which were apprehended b}^ some as the result of the operation of the revenue system established by the act of 1846 have been experienced. On the contrary, the number of manufactories, and the amount of capital invested in them, is steadily and rapidly increasing, affording gratifying proofs that American enterprise and skill employed in this branch of domestic industry, with no other advantages than those fairly and incidentally accruing from a just system of revenue duties, are abundantly able to meet success- fully all competition from abroad, and still derive fair and remunerating profits. While capital invested in manufactures is yielding adequate and fair profits under the new system, the wages of labor, whether employed in manufactures, agriculture,, commerce, or navigation, have been augmented. The toiling millions whose daily labor furnishes the supply of food and raiment and all the necessaries and comforts of life are receiving higher wages and more steady and permanent employment than in any other country, or at any previous period of our own history. So successful have been all branches of our industry that a foreign war, which generally diminishes the resources of a nation, has in no- essential degree retarded our onward progress or checked our general prosperity. With such gratifying evidences of prosperity and of the successful operation of the revenue act of 1846, every consideration of public policy recommends that it shall remain unchanged. It is hoped that the system of impost duties which it estab- lished may be regarded as the permanent policy of the country, and that the great interests affected by it may not again be subject to be injuriously disturbed, as they have heretofore been, by frequent and sometimes sudden changes. TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 24, 1849. I recommend a revision of the existing tariff, and its adjustment on a basis which may augment the revenue. I do not doubt the right or duty of Congress to encourage domestic industry, which is the great source of national as well as indi- vidual wealth and prosperity. I look to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress for the tTHE PRESIDENTS ON THE TARIFF. 137 tion of a system which may place home labor at last on a sure and permanent footing, and by due encouragement of manufactures, give a new and increased stimulus to agriculture, and promote the development of our vast resources and the extension of our commerce. Fillmore's first anntjal message, December 2, 1850. A high tariff can never be permanent. It will cause dissatisfaction, and will be changed It excludes competition, and thereby invites the investment of capital in manufactures to such excess that when changed it brings distress, bankruptcy and ruin upon all who have been misled by its faithless protection. What the manufacturer wants is uniformity and permanency, that he may feel a confidemie that he is not to be ruined by sudden changes. PIEROE's third annual message, DECEMBER 31, 1855. The principle that all moneys not required for the current expenses of th« Government should remain for active employment in the hands of the people, and the conspicuous fact that the annual revenue from all sources exceeds by many millions of dollars the amount needed for a prudent and economical administration of public affairs, cannot fail to suggest the propriety of an early revision and reduc- tion of the tariff of duties on imports. It is now so generally conceded that the purpose of revenue alone can justify the imposition of duties on imports, that in readjusting the impost tables and schedules which unquestionably require essential modifications, a departure from the principles of the present tariff is not anticipated. BUCHANAN'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 8, 1857. It is this paper system of extravagant expansion, raising the nominal price of every article far beyond its real value, when compared with the cost of similar articles in countries whose circulation is wisely regulated, which has prevented us from competing in our own markets with foreign manufactures, has produced extravagant importations, and has counteracted the effect of the large incidental protection afforded to our domestic manufactures by the present revenue tariff. But for this, the branches of our manufactures composed of raw materials, the production of our own country — such as cotton, iron, and woolen fabrics — would not only have acquired almost exclusive possession of the home market, but would have created for themselves a foreign market throughout the world. JOHNSON'S third ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER, 3, 1867. The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the necessity of a thorough revision of our revenue system. Our internal- revenue laws and impost system should be so adjusted as to bear most heavily on articles of luxury, leaving the necessaries of life as free from taxation as may be consistent with the real wants of the Government, economically administered. Taxation would not then fall unduly on the man of moderate means, and while none would be entirely exempt from assessment, all, in proportion to their pecuniary abilities, would contribute towards the support of the State. * * * Retrenchment, reform, and economy should be carried into every branch of the public service that the expenditures of the Gov- ernment may be reduced and the people relieved from oppressive taxation. grant's THIRD ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 4, 1871. There are many articles not produced at home, but which enter largely into general consumption through articles which are manufactured at home, such as medicines compounded, &c. , &c., from which very little revenue is derived, but which enter into general use. All such articles I recommend to be placed on the "free list." Should a further reduction prove advisable I would then recommend that it be made upon those articles which can best bear it without disturbing home production or reducing the wages of American labor. 138 THE PRESIDENTS ON THE TARIFF. grant's sixth annual message, DECEMBER 7, 1874. I would suggest to Congress the propriety of readjusting the tariff so as to increase the revenue, and at the same time decrease the number of articles upon which the duties are levied. Those articles which enter into our manufactures, and are not produced at home, it seems to me, should be entered free. 1 hose articles of manufacture which we produce a constituent part of, but do not produce the whole, that part which we do not produce should be entered free also I will instance fine wools, dyes, &c. These articles must be imported to form a part of the manufacture of the higher grades of woolen goods. Chemicals used as dyes compounded in medicines, and used in various ways in manufactures, come under this class. The introduction, free of duty, of such wools as we do not produce would stimulate the manufacture of goods requiring the use of those we do not produce, and, therefore, would be a benefit lo home production. There are many articles entering into "home manufactures" which we do not pro- duce ourselves, the tariff upon which increases the cost of producing the manufac- tured article. All the corrections in this regard are in the direction of bringing labor and capital in harmony with each other, and of supplying one of the elements of prosperity so much needed. GARFIELD'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1881. The interests of agriculture deserve more attention from the Government than they have yet received. The farms of the United States afford homes and employ- ment for more than one-half our people, and furnish much the largest part of all our exports. As the Government lights our coasts for the protection of mariners and for the benefit of commerce, so it should give to the tillers of the soil the best lights of practical science and experience. Our manufactures are rapidly making us indus- trially independent, and are opening to capital and labor new and profitable fields of employment. Their steady and healthy growth should still be maintained. Arthur's first annual message, December 6, 1881. The tariff laws also need revision, but that a due regard may be paid to the conflicting interests of our citizens, important changes should be made with caution. ARTHUR'S VETO OF THE RIVER AND HARBOR BILL, AUGUST 1, 1883. The extravagant expenditure of public money is an evil not to be measured by the value of that money to the people who are taxed for it. They sustain a greater injury in the demoralizing effect produced upon those who are intrusted with official duty through all the ramifications of Government. ARTHUR'S SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEirBER 4, 1883. The present tariff system is in many respects unjust. It makes unequal distri- butions, both of its burdens and its benefits. This fact was practically recognized by a majority of each House of Congress in the passage of the act creating the Tariff Commission. The report of that commission will be placed before you at the begin- ning of this session, and will, I trust, afford you such information as to the condition and prospects of the various commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, mining and other interests of the country, and contain such suggestions for statutory revision as will practically aid your action upon this important subject. * * * * If the tax on domestic spirits is to be retained, it is plain, therefore, that large reductions from the customs revenue are entirely feasible. While recommending this reduction, I am far from advising the abandonment of the policy of so discrimi- nating in the adjustment of details as to afford aid and protection to domestic labor. But the present system should be so revised as to equalize the public burden among all classei and occupations, and bring it into closer harmony with the present needs of industry. THE PRESIDENTS ON THE TARIPP. 139 Without entering into minute detail, which, under present circumstances, is quite unnecessary, I recommend an enlargement of the free list so as to include within it the numerous articles which yield inconsiderable revenue, a simplification of the complex and inconsistent schedule of duties upon certain manufactures, particularly those of cotton, iron and steel, and a substantial reduction of the duties upon those articles, and upon sugar, molasses, silk, wool and woolen goods. Arthur's fourth annual message, December 1, 1884. Our system of tax and tariff legislation is yielding a revenue which is in excess of the present needs of the Government. These are the elements from which it is sought to devise a scheme by which, without unfavorably changing the condition of the workingman, our merchant marine shall be raised from its enfeebled condition and new markets provided for the sale, beyond our borders, of the manifold fruits of our industrial enterprises. The problem is complex, and can be solved by no single measure of innovation or reform. The countries of the American continent and the adjacent islands are, for the United States, the natural marts of supply and demand. It is from them that we should obtain what we do not produce, or do not produce in sufficiency, and it is to them that the surplus productions of our fields, our mills, and our workshops should flow under conditions that will equalize or favor them in comparison with foreign <5ompetition.* * For President Cleveland's opinions on this question, see chapter entitled " Cleveland on the Tariff." 140 I>£MOCBATIC S£CR£TAKIES OF THE TRBASUKY. CHAPTER XIII. DEMOCRATIC SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY. The Principles Laid Down hy Democratic Finance Officers on the Tariff Question, AS SHOWN BY DANIEL MANNING^ CLEVELAND'S FIRST SECRETABY, IN HIS FIRST ANNUAL REPORT, 1885. Like our currency laws, our tariflTlaws are a legacy of war. If its exigencies ex- cuse their origin, their defects are unnecessary after twenty years of peace. They have been retained without sifting or discrimination, although enacted without legislative debate, criticism, or examination. A horizontal reduction of 10 per cent, was made in 1^72, but was repealed in 1875, and rejected in 1884. They require at your custom-houses the employment of a force sufficient to examine, appraise, and levy duties upon more than 4,183 differ- ent articles. Many rates of duty begun in war have been increased since, although the late Tariff Commission declared them " injurious to the interests supposed to be bene- fited," and said that a " reduction would be conducive to the general prosperity." They have been retained, although the long era of falling prices, in the case of specific duties, has operated a large increase in rates. They have been retained at an aver- age ad valorem rate for the last year of over 46 per cent., which is but 2^ per cent, less than the highest rate of the war period, and is nearly 4 per cent, more than the rate before the latest revision. Some rates have been retained after ruining the industries they were meant to advantage. Other rates have been retained after effecting a higher price for a domestic product at home than it was sold abroad for. The general high level of rates has been retained on the theory of countervailing lower wages abroad. wheUy in fact, the higher wages of American labor are at once the secret arid the security of our capacity to distance aU competition from " pauper labor," in any market. All changes have left unchanged, or changed for the worst, by new schemes of classification and otherwise, a complicated, cumbrous, intricate group of laws which are not capable of being administered with impartiality to all our merchants. n. THE SAME FBINCIPLES ENFORCED IN HIS SECOND ANNUAL BEPOBT| MADE IN DECEMBER, 1886. One proud fact attests the substance of our prosperity, and is the guaranty as well as proof of our power to hold against all competition the markets of the United States for everything we choose to dig or fabricate or grow, and to command and control for our surplus products, against all rivals, any foreign market. DEMOCRATIC SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY. 141 We pay to labor the highest wages in the world. Highly-paid labor signifies the most efficient labor — signifies that high wages are the most profitable wages — signifies that the high rate is earned. The highest wages to the laborer thus involve and imply the lowest percentage of labor-cost m the product. But, other things being equal, the lowest percentage of labor-cost in any product is the guaranty that competition is outstripped. The low wages of pauper labor signify least efficiency, which is but another name for highest p<3rcentage of labor-cost in the product. Other things being equal, it is obvious that high wages can never be paid unless it is profitable to pay them,, and it can only be a good business to pay the highest wages, because the efficiency of those who earn them vindicates its superiority by the reduction of labor-cost ia the product. EFFICIENCY OF HIGH-PAID LABOR. High wages to labor and cheaper product are correlative terms. Low wages to labor and a costlier product are correlative terms. The one implies the other wher- ever labor competes with labor upon otherwise equal ground. What pauper stands any chance competing with the intelligent artisan ? The "pauper- labor-of- Europe" cry is a bugaboo, except that, in truth, our war-tariff taxes favor "pauper-labor" at the expense of American labor. Its products are not fenced out by our tariff laws. They come in because we om-selves destroy our own easy power of suc- cessful competition, even in our home market. By tariff taxes on raw materials we fence in our own surplus products, making them cost too much to compete at home, and, of course, too much to compete abroad, with manufactures from untaxed raw materials. In Mexico, Central and South America, we can, of course, make no better headway against European competition than at home. Diplo macy is not an acceptable substitute for trade and its laws. Our highly-paid labor ensures the lowest percentage of labor- cost in the product, but our tariff taxes upon raw materials handicap American manufacturers with the highest per- centage of cost of material in the product. The result is that capital and labor united in our American industrial products, despite our advantage in the most highly-paid and efficient labor, are put into a hopeless competition with the industrial products of other nations, none of which taxes raw materials. The advantage we possess in the most efficient and highly paid labor in the world is nullified by the self-imposed disadvantage of tariff-taxed raw material, with which our labor is inwrought. OtJR SUICIDAL TAXES ON RAW MATERIALS. The total value of our domestic exports for the last fiscal year was almost ex- actly $666,000,000, of which 86 per cent, were the products of our fields, forests, fisheries and mines, and 16 per cent, only were the sum total of manufactured pro- ducts in which American labor was inwrought. * * * * * «- Prolonged war tariff taxes, incompetent and brutal as a scheme of revenue, fatal to the extension of our foreign markets, and disorderly to our domestic trade, have, in the last resort, acted and reacted with most ruinous injury upon our wage earners. As the more numerous part of our population, our wage earners are of course the first, the last, and the most tobe affected by injurious laws. Every gov- ernment by true statesmen will watchfully regard their condition and interests. If these are satisfactory, nothing else can be of very momentous importance ; but our so-called protective statesmanship has disfavored them altogether. Encumbering with clumsy help a few thousand employers, it has trodden down the millions of wage earners. It has for twenty-one years denied them even the peaceable fruits of liberty. UNTAX THE CLOTHING OF SIXTY MILLION PEOPLE. I respectfully recommend to Congress that they confer upon the wage earners of the United States the boon of untaxed clothing, and in order thereto, the immediate passage of an act simply and solely placing raw wool upon the free list. 143 DEMOCRATIC SECRETARIES OP THE TREASUHY. Of course, a repeal of the duty on raw wool Bhould be followeJ by, but need not wait for, a compensating adjustment of the duties on manufactured woolens, 'whilst onr manufacturers are learning the lesson that with the highest paid and most efficient labor in the world, with the most skilled management and the best inventive appliances, they need fear no competition from any rivals in the world, in home or foreign markets, so long as they can buy their wools free, of every kind. But the common daily clothing of the American people need not be taxed ; there- fore, it ought not to be taxed ; to free their clothing of taxes will finally reduce, by half, their expense for one of the three great necessities of life, and thus enlarge honestly and justly the income of every wage earner in the United States. III. THE THEORIES LAID DOWN B7 SECRETARY PAIRCHILD ON TARIFF ABUSES IN ANNUAL REPORT, DECEMBER, 1887. There is left only the revenue from customs taxation to be considered. Here is where the reduction should be made, and while reducing, advantage should be taken of the opportunity to reform the abuses and inequalities of the tarifT laws. Add to the free list a^ many articles as possible. Reduce duties upon every duti- able article to the lowest point possible ; but in ascertaining these possibilities the present situation of labor and business must always be kept in mind. While not admitting that labor elsewhere can injure labor as a whole in this country by giving it clothing and tools at less cost than it can make them here for itself, no more than the sun, the winds, the waters, and, indeed, all of the forces of nature injure the labor of the world because they do for mankind far more of man's work than he does himself, yet it must be admitted that the cheaper labor of other countries might now injure a portion of the labor of this country W the articles made by the former were admitted here upon terms which would enable our people to buy them for the prices at which they are sold in other countries. If this obli- gation, which it is claimed that labor as a whole has assumed toward labor engaged in particular industries in this country, does exist, it sliould be sacredly kept, however unwise and ill-considered we may believe its assumption to have been ; and whether the existence of this obligation is admitted or not, the fact of this present employment of a portion of the laborers of the country should always be in mind when making changes in the tariff, to the end that their interests may not auffer thereby. REGARD FOR INTERESTS ESTABLISHED UNDER THE LAW. Under the encouragement offered by the tariff laws, large sums of money have Taeen invested in manufacturing enterprises, and the capital thus invested must also be remembered, for it is important to the country that it should receive reasonable reward, and its power to pay fair wages to the labor which it employs depends upon its own prosperity. But it must also be borne in mind that it was no part of the alleged compact, nor should it be claimed on any other ground, that the labor engaged in the tariff-protected industries should be rewarded beyond the general labor of the country, due allowance being made for skill and experience, or that the capital invested in them should return vast fortunes to its owners. The country was promised the benefit of whatever competition might naturally arise among the manufacturers when they should be once established, and to this it has a right. The tariff laws are the country's laws ; they do not belong to any section or to any class; their amendment should be approached in a spirit of justice, and with full consideration of all of the obligations which exist between sections of the country toward each other, and of those engaged in one pursuit toward those engaged in other pursuits, but it should also be approached with courage, and with a determination to dispose of this business in the same way that other business is disposed of, and with full regard to the rights and equities, as well as the interests of all concerned H I f DEMOCKATIC SECRETAKIES OF THE TREASURY. 14S IV. ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES "WHICH GUIDED ROBERT J. WALKER IN PREPARING THE TARIFF OF 1846. ' In suggesting improvements in the revenue laws the following principles have been adopted : 1. That no more money should be collected than is necessary for the wants of the Go"vemment economically administered. 3. That no duty be imposed on any article above the lowest rate which will yi^ld the largest amount of revenue. 3. That below such rate discrimination may be made, descending in the scale of duties; or, for imperative reasons, the article may be placed in the list of those free from all duty. 4. That the maximum rate of duty should be imposed on luxuries. 5. That all minimums, and all specific duties, should be abolished and ad valorem duties substituted in their place. Care being taken to guard against fraud- ulent invoices and undervaluation, and to assess the duty upon the actual market value. 6 That the duty should be so imposed as to operate as equally as possible throughout the Union, discriminating neither for nor against any class or sec- tion. In one of his annual messages Mr. Jefferson recommended to Congress "the suppression of the duties on salt." A large portion of this duty is exhausted in heavy expenses of measuring salt, and in large sums paid for fishing bounties and allowances in lieu of the drawback of the duty, both which expenditures would fall with a repeal of the duty; which repeal, therefore, can cause no considerable reduc- tion of the revenue. Salt is a necessary of life, and should be as free from tax as air and water. It is used in large quantities by the farmer and planter; and to the poor this tax operates most oppressively not only in the use of the article itself, but as combined with salted provisions. The salt made abroad by solar evaporation is also most pure and wholesome, and, as conservative of health, should be exempt from taxation. THE POWER TO LEVY TAXES FOR REVENUES. The whole power to collect taxes, whether direct or indirect, is conferred by the same clause of the Constitution. The words are: "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises." A direct tax or excise, not for revenue but for protection, clearly would not be within the legitimate object of taxation, and yet it would be as much so as a duty imposed for a similar purpose. The power is "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises." A duty must be laid only that it may be collected; and if it is so imposed that it can not be col- lected in whole or in part it violates the declared object of the granted power. To lay all duties so high that none of them could be collected would be a prohibitory tariff. To lay a duty on any one article so high that it could not be collected would be a prohibitory tariff upon that article. If a duty of 100 per cent, were imposed upon all or upon a number of articles, so as to diminish the revenue upon all or any of them it would operate as a partial prohibition. A partial and a total prohibition are alike in violation of the true object of the taxing power. They only differ in degree, and not in principle. If the revenue limit may be exceeded by 1 per cent., it may be exceeded b}'- 100. If it may be exceeded upon any one article,- it may be exceeded on all; and there is no escape from this conclusion, but in contending that Congress may lay duties on all articles so high as to collect no revenue and operate as a total prohibition. The Constitu- tion declares that "all bills for raismg revenue shall originate in the House of Rep- resentatives." A tariff bill, it is conceded, can only originate in the House, because it is a bill for raising revenue. That is the only proper object of such a bill. A tariff is a bill to "lay and collect taxes." It is a bill for "raising revenue;" and 144 DEMOCRATIC SECnp:TARIE9 OF THE TREASUrY. whenever it departs from that object, in whole or in part, either by total or partial prohibition, it violates the purpose of the granted power. A FROTBCrnrB tariff WORKa TO THE BENEFIT OF CAPITAL. A protective tariff is a question regarding the enhancement of the profits of •capital. That is its object, aod not to augment the wages of labor, which would reduce those profits. It is a question of percentage, and is to decide whether money invested in our manufactures shall, by Bpeciallegislation, yield a profit of 10. 20 or 30 per cent , or whether it shall remain satisfied with a dividend equal to thiit accruing from the same capital invested in agriculture, commerce or navigation The present tariff is unjust, and unequal as well in its details as in the principles upon which it ia founded. On some articles the duties are entirely prohibitory, aod on others there is a partial prohibition. It discriminates in favor of manufactures, and against agriculture, by imposing many higher duties upon the manufactured fabric than upon the agricultural product out of which i» is made. It discriminates in favor of the manufacturer, and against the merchant, by injuriousrestrictionsupon trade and commerce, and against the ship-building and navigating interest by heavy duties on almost every article ased in building or navigating vessels. It discrimi- nates in favor of manufactures, and against exports, which are as truly the product of American industry as manufactures. It discriminates in favor of the rich and against the poor, by high duties upon nearly all the necessaries of life, and by mini- mum and specific duties, rendering the tax upon the real value much higher oa the •cheaper than upon the finer article. If the marshal were sent by the Federal Government to collect a direct tax from the whole people, to be paid over to manufacturing capitalists to enable them to sustain their business or realize a larger profit, it would be the same in effect as the protective duty, which, when analyzed in its simplest elements and reduced to actual results, is a mere substraction of so much money from the people to increase the resources of the protected classes. Legislation for classes is against the doc- trine of equal rights, repugnant to the spirit of our free institutions, and, it is appre- hended by many, may become but another form for privileged orders under the name of protection, instead of privilege— indical(-d here not by rank or title, bui by profits and dividends extracted from the many, by taxes upon them, for the benefit of the few. THB STATE DEPARTMENT. 145 CHAPTER XIY. THE STATE DEPARTMENT. THE CAREFULNESS AND CONSERVATISM WITH WHICH THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES HAVE BEEN MANAGED. Asserting the Rights of Citizens in Great Britain and Other Countries. The Senate Inserts Offensive Terms in the Extradition Treaty with Great Britain. Exclusion of the Chinese for Twenty Years Defeated hy Republican Obstruction. When the "^Tnited States of America declared their independence, and assumed their place among the sovereign states of the world, their form of government as well as their geographical position, rendered it proper and expedient that they should proceed to work out their destiny free from such entanglements with the monarchies of the old world as would prevent the new Republic from freely shaping its policy to suit the needs and conditions of its independent and unique position. With that marvelous foresight which characterized their proceedings, the founders of our Government, seeing the wisdom and necessity of such a course, did not fail, by their acts and declarations, firmly to fix our policy in the direction of independ- ence and freedom from constraint. "The great rule of conduct for us," said Wash- ington, "in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. * * * Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation." The same idea was tersely expressed by Mr. JeflTerson in his first inaugural address, when he described the true policy of his government as " peace, comnaerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." As a logical result of this policy, a Democratic President, jVIr. Monroe, promul- gated the doctrine which bears his name, that as we would not intervene in the affairs of Europe, the United States should not consent to the further interference af European governments in the affairs of this continent for the purpose of spread- ing their system here and of controlling the destinies of the United States and of its jister Republics in America. This principle was adopted by the Government of the (ted States, not merely as a matter of safety. It was also a recognition of the right 146 THE STATE DEPABTMEI^T. of those Republics to manage their own affairs and to settle their own disputes as independent States, free from the dictation of foreign governments, including that of the United States. CONFEREKCB OP AMERICAN STATES. CJongress has recently passed an act, which the President has approved, directing him to invite representatives of the Governments of America south of the United States to participate in a congress to be held in the city of Washington in the year 1889, to consider questions of common concern. The great obstacle in the way of the success of that conference is the hostile sentiment created in the peoples to which the act refers, by the unwarrantable and reckless course of a Repubhcan Secretary of State, who, by his utter disregard of the doctrines of international law, and of the moral principles which govern the intercourse of nations, sowed the seeds of discord and alienation among those whom nature has made our neighbors, and whom just and honorable dealing should make our friends. To "guano diplomacy," the name popularly given to that unprecedented thmg^ in the history of the world, a foreign policy based upon fraudulent claims, the dis- covery of Mr. Blaine, we are indebted for a condition of things, which would seem incredible if it were not proved by oflScial records. While It must bring the blush of shame to the cheek of every true American, yet it is a fact in our history which we are compelled to face when we consider that the election of a Republican President would probably mean the revival of the policy, and with the history of which the country was made familiar during the Congressional investigation of the matter and by the developments of the last campaign. IL BLAINE'S PRESSURE OF BOGUS CLAIMS. HOW THE STATE DEPARTMENT WAS USED TO ANNOY AND OPPRESS THE 8MALI* REPUBLICS OP SOUTH AMERICA. Among the actors under Mr. Blaine in this reckless and disastrous guano spec- ulation was Mr. Levi Morton, then United States Minister to France and now the Republican candidate for Vice-President. As a part of the scheme of plunder against Peru and Chili, Mr. Blaine had given his support to Garcia Calderon as President of Peru as against other Peruvian aspirants, and had instructed the American Minister to recognize his government. No sooner was Calderon in office than the bogus Shipherd claims which have been above described, were presented to him for acceptance. At the same time, as another part of the scheme, a French company called the ** Credit Industrielle " appeared upon the scene and expressed a willingness to pay the Shipherd claims and take from Calderon as security an assignment of all the guano and nitrate deposits of Peru. This French company had first made a contract with the bank- ing house of Morton, Bliss & Co. , of which the present Republican Vice-Presiden- tial candidate was then President as well as United States Minister to France, under which that house was to have a monopoly of all American shipments of nitrate and 1 THE STATE DEPAKTMENT. 147 guano from Peru on a commission of 5 per cent. Being thus connected wiih ihe scheme, ]\Ir. Moriou iheu proceeded, iinder the instructions of Mr. B aine, to induce the Government of the French Republic to recognize the Calderon Government. This was a direct invitation to a European Government to interfere in the affairs of an American Republic " for the purpose of oppressing it," which Mr. Monroe, in 1823, in the famous doctrine that bears his name, declared that the United States would never permit any E\iropean Government to do. The Calderon Government did not represent a majority of the people of Peru, and Mr. Morton was compelled to report that the French Government refused to be a party to the plot to force it upon Peru for speculative purposes. In a letter bearing date October 20. 1881, Mr. Morton reported to Mr. Blaine the result of an interview with President Gr^vy as follows: "I remarked that the United States and many other oouatrit; , had already recogrnized the Calderon government, to which he replied that France had not yet done so, because it seemed to her that the Calderon government had rather the support of the Chilian goverii- ment than of the people of Peru ; but that as soon as it appeared evident that it was nationa in its character, France would recognize it with pleasure." Mr. Blaine did not even then give up the hope of inducing France to recogniae Calderon, and on the 14th of November, 1881, telegraphed for further information. To this Mr. Morton hopelessly replied : "The inaications of recognition ol the Cal- deron government seem less lavorable." Thus ended the endeavors of Messrs. Blaine and Morton to induce France to enter into their speculation. A PREPOSTEROUS CLAIM FOR $50,000,000. But the adventures of Mr. Blaine, as a promoter of bogus claims, was not con- fined to the west coast ol South America, but extended all the way around to Brazil against the government of which country he presented, "at the request of S. B, Elkins, Esquire," a baseless claim for $50,535,000. The original claimant was a man named James C. Jewett, and the circumstances of his claim are fully set forth in Senate, Ex. Doc. No. 133, 48th Congress, 1st seesion. As appears by that document one B. J. Newburg, hearing of what Jewett was doing, protested to the Department of State that Jewett had been "stealing his thunder." He alleged that he himself was the discoverer of the guano deposits claimed by Jewett, who heard him talking about them and proceeded to make up a claim to them. The case was first brought to the notice of the State Department in December, 1879, Mr. Evarts being Secretary of State, by the diplomatic representative of Brazil in Washington, who transmitted to the Department a protest in which he stated that Jewett had addressed to the Brazilian legation a copy of various aflldavits alleging the discovery in the territory of Brazil of certain guano deposits. He said that Jewett had already sent a vessel to bring away a cargo, and still another was about to sail, although the previous consent of the Brazilian Government to the removal of the guano had not been obtained. About the same time Jewett presented his case to the State Department in the form of a claim against Brazil, but Mr. Evarts declined upon the evidence to do more tban instruct our Minister to Brazil to aid Jewett in any way that might be convenient and proper to obtain a concession. This concession Jewett never received. A temporary permit for the removal of a cargo, issued by the Brazilian Minister of Agriculture nearly four months after Jewett . had 10 148 THE STATB DBPAHTMENT. MBit out the vessels above referred to, and after they had been to the guano deposits and departed, was withdrawn before it was acted on by the claimant. It appeared that there was no law of Brazil given to alleged discoverers of guano , deposits an interest therein, and that no part of the public domain of the country can be alienated without the consent of the Congress. Nevertheless Mr. Blaine, "at the request of S. B. Elkins, Esq.," presented a claim against the Government of Brazil for the alleged value, according to Jewett's own statement, of all the guano deposits on l^e island of Fernando de Noronha, on Rocas Island, and the Abrolhos Islands, embracing Sand Cay, Guavita Cay, Santa Barbara Cay, Redonda Cay, Seriba Cay, and South West Cay. On the alleged value of the guano so claimed, Jewett gener- ously proposed to allow the Government of Brazil $1.10 per ton on the mineral dj^posits removed from their territory, but he included a charge of over $20,000 for the expenses of the vessels he sent out before he had even a temporary permit from the Brazilian Government. In directing Mr. Osborn, United States Minister at Rio, and his own appointee (Mr. Hilliard, who held the position when Mr. Blaine came in and had protested against the whole transaction, having been displaced) to present the claim to the Brazilian Government, Mr. Blaine wrote as follows : "I am not sufficiently informed as to the law of Brazil to know how far its formal requirements as to the mere Qtiestion of right and ii<^« would nullify this action by its Govern- ment (in granting a temporary permit), but I do know that in justice and in equity a responsibility has been incurred which cannot be escaped. * * ♦ If,asMr. Jewettseema to apprehend, advantage is to be taken of the want of formal regularity in his application to give to other parties the benefit of the concession, you can represent strongly to the Brazilian Government the hardship and injustice of such a proceeding." It does not appear that this claim was ever pressed by Mr. Frelinghuysen, as to whom it should, in justice, be said that, immediately upon assuming the oflQce of Secretary of State, he reversed Mr. Blaine's meddlesome interference between Chili and Peru, MR. BAYARD TO MR. JARVIS. When the present administration came into power Jewett appeared again and Wought hi3 case to the attention of Mr. Bayard, whose treatment of the case is ahown by the following despatch sent by him to our Minister to Brazil : Dbpabtmhnt of State, Washington, September 8, 1886. ♦ **' ****•♦**♦• The claim of Mr. Jewett had been previously twice adversely reported to the then Sec- retary of State by the examiner of claims, and these reports approved by the Secretary, who, on March 5, 1881, announced to Mr. Jewett that their further official presentatloa oould not be made by this Government. The views subsequently expressed by Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State, under a subse- quent administration, under dates of August, 8, 1881, and December 17, 1881, in his instruc- tions to Mr. Osborn, youi predecessor, would seem to be a practical reversal of the opinion and action of his predecessor in office, Mr. Evarts, and are not accepted by m« flither as to the conclusions ot law or fact which they contain. I fail to discover in the papers submitted any such formal or unequivocal con jsssion f Mr. Jewett by the Government of Brazil as is plainly requisite under the laws of that •ountry to vest in him, as grantee, the right to excavate and use mineral or other natural deposits of phosphate earths which may have been discovered within its territories, jiij;, •a the contrary, the prompt and decided refusal of Brazil to make any such conoeseiOB t* Mr. Jewett appears with entire clearness and unmistakable force. I THE STATE DEPARTMENT. Ii9 The utmost right that can be urged on behalf of Mr Jewett would be that in ignorance of the laws of Brazil he had suffered himself to be misled into the formation of sanguine but groundless speculations, which induced the outlay of some money by him in fitting out two small vessels for the transportation of mineral deposits in advance of a legal oon- oeasion by the Government of Brazil, which he was notified was essential and requisite, but which he never received. MR. BAYARD TO MR. JEWBTT. With every desire to protect the interest and promote the Just claims of Amerioan citizens in foreign lands, I do not feel justified in lending the countenance or aid of the United States ofiBcials to such demands as are set forth in your statement of claims against the Government of Brazil accompanying your memorial, dated June 13, 1881, to this Department, and which was one of the inclosures of Mr. Blaine's dispatch of December 17, 1881, to Mr. Osborn. This claim is asserted for the egregious sum of f r)0,525,000, and when its alleged basis is examined in the ex parte statements, aflldavits and letters presented by you and on your behalf, the disproportion between any possible loss incurred by you and the amount claimed by you from Brazil is enormous. Such a claim so stated shocks the moral sense, and cannot be held to be within the domain of reason or justice. It would be an act of international unfriendliness for the United States to lend them- ^selves in any way or to any degree in urging, much less enforcing, such a demand upon a country with whom they are or desire to remain on terms of amity. Propositions have been made and are pending in the legislative branch to invite the South American Governments and people to enter into closer ties of commercial and political intercourse with uf, but to connect our Government, even remotely or unoffi- cially, with the favorable presentation or d mand of such a claim as this of yours would be utterly inconsistent with professions of amity or the desire to promote closer commercial relations. I therefore return the protest as inclosed by you, and decline to transmit it to the U nited States minister at Brazil, or to instruct him to present it oflacially or otherwise. Thus it is that the Department of State has been engaged by honorable and just methods in restoring confidence in the good faith of the United States, which such conduct as that above described had done so much to destroy. III. THE EQUALITY OP NATIONS. THE ENCOURAGEMENT WHICH HAS BEEN GIVEN TO FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH THE SMALLER STATES OF THE WORLD. Not only has the State Department under Mr. Bayard sought in this manner to preserve the good faith of the Government, but it has recognized the equal right of every nation, great as well as small, weak as well as strong, to just and respectful treatment. No better evidence of this can be found than in Mr. Bayard's treatment of the Pelletier and Lazaie awards against Hayti. It is unnecessary here to enter into an extended examination of the claim of Lazare. It is enough to say that his claim waa based upon a contract which he made with the Ilaytien Government to assume the management of a bank at Port-au Prince, and which he failed to perform. The daim, being one of contract, was one which this Government was precluded , by the principles of international law, from undertaking to collect by force, to say nothing 150 THE STATE DEPARTMENT. of the fact that, as is now known , Lazare utterly failed to perform his obligations Indeed, after rendering his award, Mr. ex- Justice Strong, the arbitrator, asked that the award be reopened. It should be observed that both the Pelletier and the Lazare claims were referrec to arbitration under a protocol signed by Mr. Frelinghuysen, Secretary of State, and Mr. Preston, Minister of Hayti, on May 24, 1884. This agreement was never sub mitted to the Senate, and hence never became a law of the land, although it purported to confer judicial powers on the arbitrator, including the power to take testimony on oath before him, which he did. This protocol was not signed by the representatives of Hayti voluntarily. On the contrary, Hayti had been assured by Mr. Evarts, Secretary of State, that unless she either paid or arbitrated the claim of Pelletier, the United States would inter- vene by force. These instructions of Mr. Evarts were communicated to the Govern- ment of Hayti by Mr. Langston, United States Minister there at the time, in the following words : "I am instructed then, should your Government desire to make no further Answer to the justice of the claim of Captain Pelletier, to propose to it a prompt and impartial arbitration of the matter, and in default of such arrangement, I am instructed further to state that the Government of the United States will require its satisfaction." This claim was presented to the Department of State in 1863, and Mr. Seward refused to take it up. In 1871 the Department again refused to interfere. In 1874 Pelletier had a bill introduced in the Senate " to authorize the President of the United States to request the Republic of Hayti " to indemnify him. The bill was read twice, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and subsequently reported adversely. Pelletier next brought his claim before the House of Representatives in 1878, presenting a further memorial and documents, which were followed by a resolution of that body declining to offer any recommendation as to his claim. He then appealed again to the Department of State, with the result above stated. HOW THE CASE WAS FINALLY DEALT WITH. When the case came before Judge Strong, he held that he was precluded, by the terms of the protocol under which he sat, from considering the morality of the claim, and consequently made an award of more than $50,000 in favor of the claimant. Against this award Hayti appealed to Mr. Bayard, who examined the case and made a report to the Senate, in which the facts in the case are stated as follows : " In view of the position taken by Hayti, as exhibited in the records of this case, it becomes now incumbeut on the Government of the United States to determine whether it will enforce the payment by Hayti of this award. " Aside from the exhausted condition of her treasury, which would preclude volun- tary payment at present, it is not to be expected that any nation, viewing this case as Hayti does, could make such payment except when forced to do so by the application of a supe- rior force. Hayti is a Republic In which not merely the Government but the great body of the population are of negro descent. Pelletier was a notorious slave-trader, and the money awarded to him in this case was for an imprisonment imposed on him in Hayti for an attempt to abduct Haytian citizens and sell them as slaves. To pay this award to Pelle- tier would be not merely to recognize the position that Hayti had no jurisdiction of an attempt in her own territorial waters to abduct and enslave her own citizens, but that the person making such an attempt Is to receive a large indemnity for the punishment. In itself by no means excessive, inflicted on him for the crime. * * » • THE STATE DEPARTMENT. 151, " But I do not hesitate to say that, in my judgment, the claim of Pelletier is one which this Government should not press on Hayti, either by persuasion or by force, and I come to this conclusion, first, because Hayti had jurisdiction to inflict on him the very punishment of which he complains, such punishment being in no way excessive in view of the heinous- ness of the offense, and, secondly, because his cause i^ of itself so saturated with turpi- tude and infamy that on it no action, judicial or diplomatic, can be based." This opinion of Mr. Bayard has been before the Senate for more than a year and a half, and not a word of dissent has been ventured against it. DEALINGS WITH VENEZUELA. The principle of the equality of nations has again been maintained by the present administration in its treatment of the matter of the awards agamst Venezuela under the treaty between the United States and that country, of 1866. Shortly after the conclusion of the labors of the commission, under that treaty, evidence was presented on the part of Venezuela, to the Government of the United States, tending to show that some of the commissioners had been improperly influenced. For a long time this Government refused to listen to this evidence. But after investigations were made by committees of Congress, the suspicion became so strong that the United States could no longer afford to ignore it. The present administration has lately ■concluded a new treaty with Venezuela, under which the awards of the impeached commission are to be re-examined, and the United States is to escape the reproach of refusing to do justice to a sister Republic of South America. KINDLY RELATIONS WITH MEXICO. The same course of fair dealing has been pursued with the neighboring Repub- lic of Mexico, "^he large awards made by the last claims commission between the United States r n.1 Mexico against the government of the latter country, in the well- kpo '^K cases of Benjamin Weil and the La Ahra Silver Mining Company, have been considered by the present administration in the same spirit of scrupulous regard for the rights of other nations and the honor of the United States as the awards against Venezuela ; and a recommendation has been made to Congress to confer jurisdiction on the judicial tribunals of the United States to investigate the allegations of fraud in respect to the, two claims above mentioned, which together amount to more than $1,000,000. IV. THE PROTECTION OF AMERICAN CITIZENS ABROAD. VIGOROUS AND SUCCESSFUL EFFORTS TO PROTECT AMERICAN CITIZENS IN ENGLAND, MEXICO AND SOUTH AMERICA. While the present administration has thus been just in its dealings with other Qations, it has been vigilant and firm in maintaining the rights and interests of American citizens in foreign lands. One of the questions of foreign affairs, which the present administration was C5alled upon to consider, was that of the rights of the United States upon the Isthmus of Panama under the treaty of 1846, between the United States and New Granada [now Colombia). By the thirty- fifth article of that treaty, the Gk)vernment of 162 THE STATE DEPARTMENT. Colombia is bound to preserve to the Government and people of the United States the "free and open transit " of the Isthmus of Panama, by any means of communication across it. The object and importance of this stipulation require no emphasis ; and the Government of the United States has always claimed the right, in case ot tho failure of the Government of Colombia to perform her guarantees, to protect the transit route and the persons and property of its citizens thereon with its own forces^ In December, 1884, an insurrection broke out in Colombia and soon spread to the Isthmus of Panama, where rioting occured from time to time. The lives and prop- erty of citizens of the United States on the transit route from Colon to Panama were placed in great jeopardy, and considerable property was destroyed by the insurgents. In this alarming state of affairs war vessels were sent to the Isthmus in April, 1885,, and order was restored. PROTECTION OP CITIZENS IN MEXICO AND SOUTH AMERICA. The same readiness in protecting the rights of American citizens was shown in the case of Santos, in Ecuador, and of Cutting, in Mexico. The former, who was arrested and imprisoned in Ecuador in December, 1884, on charges which were believed by this Government to be unfounded, was released through the efforts of the present administration. In the case of Cutting this Government denied the right of Mexico to try and imprison an American citizen, in that country, for words spoken, or acts done, in the United States. In defining the position of this Government in the case, Mr. Bayard said : " If Mr. Cutting can be tried and imprisoned in Mexico for publishing in the United States a criticism on a Mexican business transaction in which he was concerned, there is not an editor or publisher of a newspaper in the United States who could not, were he f nego- tiated an arrangement with the British minister whereby the American fishermen were to continue to enjoy, for the rest of the year 1885, without compensation to the Canadian government, all the privileges for which, under the Treaty oJ 1871, the United States gave Canada free fish and more than half a million dollars a year. On the other hand, the President agreed to renew President Arthur's recommenda- tion to Congress. THE COURSE OF THE SENATE. When Congress met m December, 1885, Mr. Frye and other Republican Sen- ators began to denounce the President and his Secretary of State for renewing that recommendation, and succeeded in preventing its adoption Consequently the fish- ing season of 1886 was entered upon without any understanding between the United States and Canada on the subject of the old controversies as to the rights of American fishermen under the Treaty of 1818, and many cases of dispute ensiled, giving rise to great irritation. As a result Congress, in March, 1887, on the very eve of its dissolution, passed a so-called Retaliatory Act to meet future emergencies. This Act was drawn by Mr. Edmunds and passed by him and his Republican asso- ciates in the Senate, to the exclusion of a much more efficient measure introduced Dy Mr. Belmont in the House of Representatives and passed by that body with a practically unanimous vote. The Act of Mr Edmunds is vague in terms and hope- essly obscure and inaccurate in its definition of the rights which it professes to pro- ect, and of the conditions under which its supporters pretended that it should he !nforced. That it never was intended by them to be enforced ; that they intended, by aaking its language obscure, to render it difficult for the President to construe his duty a respect to its enforcement ; and that they purpose to make the President's action . ground of attack, whether he enforced it or not, are shown by their whole sntoe- >uent conduct. 11 164 THE STATE DEPARTMENT. Although every case of complaint that has arisen since the first of January, 1886, was before the Senate when Mr. Edmunds brought forward his bill and pressed it through, leaving it discretionary with the President, in certain contin- gencies, to issue a proclamation, he has been constantly attacked by Republican orators for not enforcing the Act immediately upon its passage. The simple reply to such language is that if, in the opinion of Republican Senators, the acts already committed when their bill was proposed constituted a ground for retaliation, the measure they presented involved a clear evasion of their duty, did not represent their views, aad could not honestly have been put forward. THE CONCLUSION OF THE PENDING TREATY. la view of the uncertain condition of affairs, Sir Charles Tupper, in the spring of 1887, being thea Canadian Minister of Finance, came to Washington to ascer- tain whether an effort could not be made to settle the questions at issue by negotia- tion. What followed is well known to the country. On the 15th of February last, a treaty was concluded which was duly sub- mitted by the President to the Senate, with a message from which are taken the following extracts : The treaty meets my approval, because I believe that it supplies a satisfactory, practi- cal and flual adjustment, upon a basis honorable and just to both parties, of the difficult and vexed question to which it relates. A review of the history of this question will show that all former attempts to arrive at a common interpretation, satisfactory to both parties, of the flr^t article of the treaty of October 2D, 1818, have been unsuccessful ; and with the lapse of time the difficulty and obscurity have only increase. The negotiations in 1854 and again in 1871 ended in both cases in temporary reciprocal arrangements of the tariffs of Canada and Newfoundland and of the United States, and the payment of a money award by the United States, under which the real questions in difference remained unsettled, in abeyance, and ready to present themselves anew just so goon as the conventional arrangements were abrogated. The situation, therefore, remained unimproved by the results of the treaty of 1871, and a grave condition of affairs, presenting almost identically the same features and causes of complaint by the United States against Canadian action and British default in its correo- tioo, confronted us in May, 1886, and bas continued until the present time. *************** The proposed delimitation of the lines of the exclusive fisheries from the common fisheries will give certainty and security as to the area of their legitimate field ; the head- land theory of imaginary lines is abandoned by Great Britain, and the specification in the treaty of certain named bays especially provided for gives satisfaction to the inhabitants of the shores, without subtracting materially from the value or convenience of the fishery rights of Americans. The uninterrupted navigation of the Strait of Canso is expressly and for the time afflrmed,and the four purposes for which our fishermen under the treaty of 1818 were allowed to enter the bays and harbors of Canada and Newfoundland within the belt of three marine miles are placed under a fair and liberal construction, and their enjoyment secured without such conditions and restrictions as In the past have embarrassed and obstructed them so seriously. The enforcement of penalties for unlawfully fishing or preparing to fish within the Inshore and exclusive waters of Canada and Newfoundland, Is to be accomplished under safeguard against oppressive or arbitrary action, thus protecting the defendant fishermen from punishment in advance of trial, delays, and inconvenience and unnecessary expense. The history of events in the last two years shows that no feature of Canadian adminis- tration was more harrassing and injurious than the compulsion upon our Asking vessels make formal entry, and clearance on every occasion of temporarily seeking shelter in < diiui ports and harbors. THE STATE DEPARTMENT. 165 Such inconvenienoe is provided against in the proposed treaty, and this most frequent and just cause of complaint is removed. The articles permitting our fishermen to obtain provisions and the ordmary supplies of trading vessels on their homeward voyages, and under which they are accorded the further and even more Important privilege on all occasions of purchasing such casual or needful provisions and supplies as are ordinarily granted to trading vessels, are of great import- ance and value. The licenses which are to be granted without charge and on application, in order to enable our fishermen to enjoy these privileges, are reasonable and proper checlis in the hands of the local authorities to Identify the recipients and prevent abuse, and can form no Impediment to those who intend to use ihem fairly. The hospitality secured for our vesseJs in all cases of actual distress, with liberty to unload and sell and tranship their cargoes, is full and liberal. These provisions will secure the substantial enjoyment of the treaty rights for our flsh- ermen,[under the treaty of 1818, for which contention has been steadily made in the corres- pondence of the Department of State, and our minister at London, and by the American negotiators of the present treaty. The right of our fishermen under the treaty of 1818, did not extend to the procurement of distinctive fishery supplies in Canadian ports and harbors ; and one item supposed to be essential, to wit, bait, was plainly denied them by the explicit and definite words of the treaty of 1818, emphasized by the course of the negotiation and express decisions which pre- ceded the conclusion of that treaty. The treaty now submitted contains no provision affecting tariff duties, and, indepen- dently of the position assumed upon the part of the United States, that no alteration in our tariff or other domestic legislation could be made as the price or consideration of obtaining the rights of our citizens secured by treaty, it was considered more expedient to allow any change In the revenue laws of the United States to be made by the ordinary exercise of legislative will, and In promotion of the public interests. Therefore, the addition to the free list of fish, fish -oil, whale and seal-oil, etc., recited in the last article of the treaty, Is wholly left to the action of Congress ; and In connection herewith the Canadian and Newfoundland right to regulate sales of bait and other fishing supplies within their own jurisdiction is recognized, and the right of our fishermen to freely purchase these things Is made contin- gent, by this treaty, upon the action of Congress in the modification of our tariff laws. ******* The treaty now submitted to you has been framed in a spirit of liberal equity and recip- rocal benefits, in the conviction that mutual advantage and convenience are the only permanent foundation of peace and friendship between States, and that with the adoption of the agreement now placed before the Senate, a beneficial and satisfactory Intercourse between the two countries will be established so as to secure perpetual peace and har- mony. In connection with the treaty herewith submitted, I deem it also my duty to transmit to the Senate a written offer or arrangement, in the nature of a modus Vivendi, tendered. after the conclusion of the treaty on the part of the British plenipotentiaries, to secure kindly and peaceful relations during the period that may be required for the consideration of the treaty by the respective governments and for the enactment of the necessary legis- lation to carry its provisions into effect if approved. This paper, freely and on their own motion, signed by the British conferees, not only extends advantages to our fishermen, pending the ratification of the treaty, but appears to have been dictated by a friendly and amicable spirit. MR. BAYARD ON THE TREATY. The general features of the treaty are clearly set forth in a .eiter from Mr. Bayard, which was written in response to an invitation to make a speech in Boston, and which was as follows : Washington, D. C, March 14, 1888. My Dear Sir: I have to thank you for your note of the 9th Inst., with which you sent me an Invitation to visit Boston and " deliver an address on the scope and purpose of the treaty recently submitted to the United States Senate for ratification." I 166 THE STATE DEPARTMENT. The "settlement upon just and equitable terms ef the questions In dispute bet weetk Great Britain and the United States concerning the rights of American fishermen in British. North American waters and parts," is a subject upon which I have bestowed assiduous care ever since I assumed the duties of my present office, and the results of the efforts to pro- mote such a settlement is embodied in the treaty now before the Senate. But the treaty has been preceded by a voluminous correspondence, and the time for complete publica- tion has properly arrived, audits printing: has been ordered by the Senate. The whole matter will thus be laid before the American people, and I trust will be fully and publicly debated by the Senate. I am convinced that the welfare and true interests of our country and a just and wlse^ treatment of the British- American population on our Northern frontier alike counsel the adoption of the treaty. In its initiation , negotiation and conclusion I can truly say for my associates and myself, no views but those of single-minded, patriotic Intent have been allowed place or expression, nor can a trace or suggestion of partisanship be justly alleged. The sole and difficult question to which the treaty relates—'* The fishery rights of one nation in the jurisdictional waters of another "—began with the first dawn of our recog- nized independent existence as a nation, and ever since has conspicuously presented itself at Intervals, exceeding bitter controversy, and never has been satisfactorily or permanently disposed of. Meanwhile, the surrounding circumstances have importantly changed and advanced with rapid and vast growth, but tho treaty of 1818 is unaltered, and remaina unaffected In Its terms by seventy years of such material progress and development in this continent, as we of to-day are the winesses. Unless the treaty of 1818 shall be wholly abrogated and recurrence necessarily had to the dangerous status that John Quincy Adams so ably but unavaillngly discussed with the Earl of Bathurst in 1815— and which had resisted all efforts of the negotiators at Ghent in the year previous— It Is manifest that a joint and equitable construction, in consonance with their existing relations and mutual needs, must be agreed upon between Great Britain and the United States, and this I affirm, is done by the present treaty. There is not a recorded cause of just and reasonable complaint by an American fisherman against Canadian administration since 1868 for which this treaty does not provide a remedy and promise a safeguard In the future. You will receive the published record of the two years, that have elapsed since the abrogation— on June 30, 1885— of the fishery articles of the treaty of 1871, when we were obliged to fall back upon the treaty of 1818, and you can select any case or cases of unjust treatment of our fishermen so reported and test my statement by the terms of the treaty now proposed. MANY OF THE CANADIAN DEMANDS WITHDBAWN. Many Canadian contentions heretofore put forth with more or less Insistence, are Withdrawn. Imaginary lines upon the sea, drawn from one distant headland to another— neither being visible from tho other— can no longer cause doubt and anxiety to the fisher- man, for the demarcation of his fishing limits is made by objects plainly in view, and if he encroaches upon the waters renounced In 1818, he will do so wilfully ; and from no bay Where flsh are found, and purse seines can be profitably used, are our fishermen excluded by the present treaty. Every privilege— shelter, repairs, wood, water— reserved to him under ttie treaty of 1818, and which In the past have been so hampered and restricted by Canadian conditions, can hereafter be freely enjoyed without cost or molestation. Hospitality and comity, as defined by civilized nations, are secured, and facilities for- ooaverdent and needful supplies " on all occasions," and relief against casualty, and la oaoos of distress, are all amply provided for. Conciliation and mutual neighborly conoes- Slcaj have together done their honorable and honest work In this treaty, and paved the way for relations of amity and mutual advantage. All this Is accomplished by no enforced changes in our tariff, nor the payment of a penny as the price of a concession, nor for the enjoyment of a right. Neither the consolenoe, nor self-respect, nor the pocket of any American has been, invaded by any provision of the pending treaty. That the Canadians possess jurisdictional rights no fair man would wish to deny— and among such rights, to decide what may be lawfully bought or sold within their own limits. This home rule orlocal self -govern- ment is theirs as much as we claim It for ourselves. The share of responsibility of myself and my respected and able associates in f ramlngr th^B meaeure for the settlement of a difficult and dangerous public question has, I belleyen THE 8TATE DEPARTMENT. 167 "been fulfilled, but still in view of the far-reachlngr results which may attend a rejection 9t our work, I am anxious to have all the light possible thrown upon the treaty and its opera- tive effects upon the well-being and happiness of our country. To this end I desire to give every information, respond to every inquiry and to remove every doubt. But the duties of the office I hold are manifold and press daily for attention, so that I do not fe6l warranted in leaving my post, even for the pleasure of discussing before such an audience a subject flo Interesting and closely associated with the interests and local historic pride of New England. I shall send as soon as possible a copy of the printed documents and the treaty to each •of the gentlemen who signed the invitation, and I am, with sincere respect. Most truly yours, T. F. BAYARD, ^o the Hon. H. L. Pibbge, Boston, Mass. POSITION OF THE DEMOCRATIC SENATORS. The conduct of the Republican majority of the Senate in regard to this treaty since it came before that body was described by Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, in a speech in the Senate, as follows: Mr. President, before proceeding to discuss the treaty under consideration I maybe tillowed to refer to a matter which has nothing to do with the merits of the treaty, but which it is necessary shall be placed right before the country. It is known by the published proceedings of the secret executive session, relating to the treaty that the Democratic members of the Senate voted against a motion made by the Senator from Massachusetts to consider the treaty in open executive session, and that the Republican side of this Chamber voted for that motion. This fact has been made the basis for the assertion by the Republican press that the Democratic Senators so voted because they believed the treaty indefensible and desired to prevent a public exposure of Its real character. Indeed, it has been intimated upon this floor that our opposition to a public dis- cussion of the treaty proceeded from that cause. These statements may have prejudiced some persons against the treaty who know nothing of its merits, and will justify a brief statement of the facts relating to the consideration of the treaty in open executive session* Soon after this treaty was sent to the Senate the Senator from Virginia (Mr. Riddleber ger) offered a resolution providing for the consideration of the treaty with open doors, which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. That committee at the proper time took the resolution into consideration and reported it back adversely. "When it came up in this body the Senator from Maseachusetts (Mr. Hoar) made aa able speech in opposition to an open discussion of the treaty and depicted in a most solemn manner the danger of discussing treaties with foreign powers in open executive sessiOQ. He was followed by the Senator from Vermont in an equally able and elaborate argument on the same side, deprecating the injury which would be inflicted on the country by dls- aussing in public treaties negotiated with foreign countries. Mr. Hawley, of Connecticuti ibly presented the same view of the matter, and upon a yea-and-nay vote only three Sena- tors voted for open discussion. In less than forty-eight hours thereafter (I believe on the /ery next day) a Republican caucus was held, and it was determined by the caucus that the j-eaty should be considered with open doors. Then the humiliating sight was presented of jvery Republican Senator, with one exception (Mr. Hale, of Maine), coming into the Senate ind voting for an open executive session, reversing their own action upon the Riddleberger •esolution. No more humiliating sight was ever witnessed in the American Senate : Senai- ors who had declared that the interest of the country in its foreign relations would be sao» •iflced by repealing or suspending the rule of the body which had existed from the foun* lation of the Government, requiring the consideration of treaties in secret session, at the oandate of a party caucus for a partisan purpose, deliberately bartering their expressed ionvictions and surrendering thfir opinions upon a matter of public duty in order to obtain V supposed party advantage. Senator George spoke to the same effect in the following forcible words : I believe, sir, it is an open secret that this change in the attitude of the Senators on he other side, resulting in a consequent change in the uniform practice of the Senate, was rought about by the action of a caucus or conference of Republican Senators from which 11 the world was excluded. What arguments were urged, what reasons presented, which I 16B THE STATE DEPARTMENT. worked this extraordinary chang'e are unknown to me, unknown to the world. The Repub- lican Senators became in some unknown way, in secret council, from which the Ameiican people were excluded, convinced— solemnly convinced— by argrumenti^ and on reasoning Which they dared not or would not commit to the American people, thai secrecy In affaire, secrecy In making treaties, was all wrong ; that the universal practice of our fathers on this subject was all wrong. The inconsistency between the methods used and the end attained, the repugnance between the principles of these methods and the principles Involved in this end, are so patent that it requires a large share of charity in judging man- kind to believe that both are sincere. The result— a declaration that secrecy in deliberations in conducting negotiations with a foreign power is all wrong, the exclusion of that power from our counsels is un-Ameri- can, is reached in a secret caucus from which the America n people themselves are excluded ! It Is not to be forgotten, however, that this change in regard to secret sessions of the Senate is not by any means the result of a conviction that such secrecy is in general wrong. The change is limited to this very treaty ; for since the vote to consider this treaty in open session we have been considering all other executive business in secret, including not only treaties, but matters of nominations to public oflBce, which are purely of domestic concern. Thus we take into our confidence, admit to our secret counsels, Great Britain when we consider matters which seriously affect our relations with that empire, and we exclude from our confidence the American people when considering matters affecting them alone. The Bame charge of partisan conduct in regard to the treaty on the part of Republican Senators has been made by almost every Democratic Senator who has spoken on the treaty, and no Republican Senator has Jared to deny it. The "prac- tical politics" of the matter were managed by Senator Chandler, of New Hampshire, of Electoral Fraud fame, in 1876, who reduced Senators Edmunds and Hoar to obe- dience and to the repudiation of their own arguments, which they bave never pub- licly renounced. WHAT THE NEGOTIATORS SAY OF IT. Mr. W. L. Putman, of Maine, one of the United States Commissioners to nego- tiate the treaty, said of it : The treaty next seeks to alleviate the hardships of the legal proceedings which various Statutes of the province and the Dominion have imposed on foreign vessels. * * » As already explained, these had been allowed to thrive so long without any successful effort on the part of the United States to prevent their growth, that they had become too deeply rooted in the general mass of Canadian legislation to permit their being entirely drawn out. It is believed, however, that so far as this article may fail to remove all these diflBculties detail by detail, its limitation of penalties, except for illegal fishing or prepara- atlon therefor, will do very much to prevent injustice under any circumstances ; while as to vessels poaching, it is for the interest of each government that they shall be restrained by severe punishments. To follow out the matter more in detail : A fishing vessel is seized in the Bay of St. Ann's or up in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Under existing statutes, first of all, and before she can claim a trial or take testimony or other steps towards a trial, she is required to furnish security for costs not exceeding $240. The practical experience is that fishing vessels taken into strange ports are rarely provided with funds or credit, and therefore they are compelled to communicate with their owners for assistance, and by reason of the conse- quent delay are unable to take even the preliminary steps before the sharesmen scatter and the witnesses are lost ; because sharesmen, not being ordinarily on wages, cannot be held to a vessel moored to a pier. This provision of the Canadian law is not singular ; in our own admiralty courts no per- son can ordinarily claim a fishing vessel, or whatever vessel she may be, without furnishing like security. Under the treaty this disappears ; and In practice this relief will be found to be of great benefit to our fishermen. Next, the courts into which all the cases of these fishing vessels have been brought are not provincial, but are imperial vice-admiralty courts, established and governed by the uniform rules of the imperial statute, although presi THE STATE DEPARTMENT. 189 over by a local judge designated for that purpose. As a consequence, all the parapher- nalia and fees of imperial courts are met, and the progress of the trial requires the early disbursement of large sums of money common in all of them, but unknown in our own and in the provincial courts. These are necessarily so large that our consular correspondence shows the burden of securing the costs and advancing fees was alone sufQcient in some Instances to oompel owners to abandon the defense of vessels of moderate value. The statutes to wbi^h we have already referred, moreover, stipulated that no vessel should be released on bail with- out the consent of the seizing oflacer ; and, although It must be admitted that in practice this has not yet been found to create diflBculty, it is annulled by the treaty. While it is impossible to anticipate or prevent all causes of legal delays and expenditures, yet there is no reasonable ground for denying that this thirteenth article will essentially moderate these enumerated rigors. The punishment for illegally fishing In the prohibited waters has always been for- feiture of the vessel and the cargo aboard at the time of seizure. It was not possible, nor was it for the interests of either country, to demand that the penalty imposed on actual poachers should not be severe ; but this article provides that only the cargo aboard at the time of the offense can be forfeited, and the provincials cannot lie back until a vessel has taken a full cargo, and then sweep in the earnings of the entire trip for an offense com- mitted perhaps at its inception. Moreover, the article provides the penalty shall not be enforced until reviewed by the Governor-General in council, giving space for the passing away of temporary excitement and for a calm consideration of all mitigating circumstances. Also, from the passage of the statute of 1819, the penalty for illegally "preparing to fish" has been forfeiture. This has at times been construed to extend, not only to preparing to fish illegally, but also to a preparation within the Dominion waters for fishing elsewhere. The J. H. Nickerson, already referred to, was forfeited in A. D. 1870 on this principle, without any specific protest from the United States or any subsequent reclamation. COMMISSIONER ANGELL'S OPINION. The Detroit Tribune of February 24, 1888, contained an interview "with rresi- Angell, of the State University, who was one of the members of the recent Fish- eries Commission, giving his views with reference to the treaty which they nego- tiated and which had iust been sent to the Senate : When the representatives of the different governmen's firs^ met and compared views they differed so widely in their propositions and methods that it seemed almost hopeless to anticipate that they would ever come together. Now, I want 6 37! $4,976,454 65 $59,035,101 78 January ' $8,6^2,553 81 February , 2,70:J 153 31 March ! 14,087,^84 Ot» 10.5)65,387 95 8.838,585 91 9,061,898 34. 9,0t9,10;j 85 1.910.699 02 April. May ... June... July.... August . September ' 10627,013 Vt October I 13,201.619 50!. November . December. 3,005,249 57 9,358,202 33! 1887. $101,470,33075; January... February . March April May June July August.... September October.... November, December $101,470,33075 $9,515,687 08' . 1,436 783 57 ■ 13.80^.467 71 . 13,0-3,098 77 . 8,888,997 65; . 16 852,725 17i . 4,844.894 8;{I . 4,809.475 41 . 14,24T.9b9 80i . 16,833,695 80 GOLD AND SILVER CmCULATION. At the time the present administration assumed the charge of the Treasury Department very grave apprehensions were entertained by eminent financiers that gold and silver could not be maintained as currency upon equal footing, and it was believed in many quarters that they must soon part company and that gold would I 183 THE ADMINISTRATION OP THE TREASURY. become the sole standard of value in the commerce of the country. It was claimed thai such a result must follow from the act requiring the compulsory purchase and coinage of silver by the Government at the rate of at least two millions dollars per month, and it may be fairly urged that such would have been the inevitable conse- quence had it not been for the determination of the Treasury Department to use all lawful expedients to maintain the equality of the two metals as to their purchasing power, and the wise policy inaugurated and pursued by it in this respect. How completely successful it has been the above exhibit will show. There has been an increase in eighteen months of over $110,000 000 in the silver circulation of the country, thereby not only placing in the hands of the people the $36,000,000 of sil- ver corned during that period, but also over $74,000,000 of the accumulated silver in the treasury. THE GOVERNMENT CREDIT. Table showing the average monthly prices of United States 4 per cent, bonds, and the corresponding rates of Interest realized to Investors at different periods, from March, 1885, to June, 1888, Inclusive : Datb. i Average IPlat Price. I 48. March, 1885 April. 1885 May,1885 June, 1885 December, 1885. . December, 1886.. December, 1887.. June, 1888 131.8028 122 0450 123.1625 134.0231 128.9937 126.1615 137.9385 Average Rate Kealized. 4s. 3.731 3.721 2.722 2.679 2.614 2.297 3.376 3.245 IV. AUDITING THE PUBLIC ACCOUNTS. THE CARE AND ECONOMY WTTH WHICH THIS BUSINESS HAS BEEN CONDUCTED BY TirK 0OMPTUOI-LER8 AND AUDITORS OP THE TREASURY. Another important branch of the work of the Treasury Department is the auditing and adjustment of public accounts. The annual expenditures of the Gov- ernment for all purposes exceed three hundred millions of dollars, not a dollar of which expenditure can be legally allowed until an account therefor has been ren- dered to the proper accounting officers of the Treasury Department, and the same has been approved and certified by them to be correct. This work is mainly done b5%the six Auditors, two Comptrollers, Commissioner of Customs and the various divisions of the Secretary's Office. When the present administration undertook this work it was in many bureaus and divisions very largely in arrears. It will be impossible in the brief space allotted to give anything like a detailed or tabulated statement of the results which have been accomplished here during the past three years. A few prominent facts only can be mentioned THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE TREASURY. 183 FIRST comptroller's OFFICE. In the oiHce of the First Comptroller, which reviews in part the accounts examined and certified by the First Auditor, and also the accounts of the Fifth Auditor, there has been an average annual increase during the same period in the number of accounts of 7,700, and an increase in the amount involved, as shown by the footings of the accounts examined, of nearly one billion dollars annually, and the average decrease of cost of work has been about 21 percent, annually. Business of this Bureau during the two periods of 1882, 1883 and 1884, and of 1886, 1887 and 1888 (the year 1885 omitted) contrasted : = ■■■< Character of Business. 1883-3-4. 1886-7-8. Accounts examined Vouchers examined Amount involved Letters written Requisitions examined, etc Warrants examined, etc Letters received, etc Bonds, Contracts and Powers of Attorney examined, etc. Internal Revenue Stamp Books examined and counted Folios copied Number of clerks and employes Cost of clerks and employes Accounts examined Vouchers examined Letters written Requisitions examined, etc Warrants examined, etc I Letters received, etc I Bonds, Contracts and Powers of Attorcey examined..! Internal Revenue Stamp Books examined and countedj Folios copied j 66,513 9,917,980 $7,566,971,153 50 40,345 13,683 171,386 17,743 4,844 82,666 30,673 55 $243,420 00 AVERAGE 82,137 3,305,993 13,448 4,560 57,113 5,9 4 1,414 27,555 10,334 89,699 8,139,416 $10,463,381,163 94 59,503 16,493 194,534 23,310 12,563 101,237 65,465 58 $256,940 00 29,900 2,709,805 19,834 5,497 64,841 7,770 3,154 33,745 21,831 SECOND comptroller's OFFICE. The work of the Second Comptroller's office exhibits exceptionally good results. This office has the final revisioa and adjustment of all claims and accounts, which are first examined in the offices of the Second, Third and Fourth Auditors, and tho supervision of the expenJitures of all the appropriations for tlie Army, the Navy, the Indian Service and the Pension Roll, aggregating over one hundred and fifty million of dollars am ually. The average number of claims and accounts annually adjusted during the past three years is over fifty-one thousand, while the number was but twenty-two thousand annually during the three years prior to 1885, an Increase of 133 per cent., and the number of vouchers examined and compared dur- ing the former period was 7,300,000, and only 3,600,000 during the years 1883, 1883 and 1884, and the official letters written were twenty two thousand, as against fifty-two hundred during the same periods respectively, while at the same time th^ force of clerks actually employed in the office has been reduced one-third. 184 THK ADMINISTRATION OK T1£K TKEASDUy. Business of the years 1883, lS8:j aud 1884, and of the years 1886, 1887 and 1888, coa- irasied. (1885 omitted). Character of Business. Accounts and claims examined. Single vouchers examined Amounts involved Letters written 1883—3—4. Number of clerlvs (Average per year). Salaries (Average per year) .' Accounts and claims examined Single vouchers examined Letters written 76,995 3,590,914 «308,876,086.00 5,252 Average 75 $101,911.48 35,665 1,196,971 1,750 1886—7-8. 153,694 7,394,536 $513,336,990.00 33,080 PER Year / 71 *|;103,434.36 51,331 3,431,513 7,360 *In fiscal year ended June 30, 1888, there were employed 63 clerics, at salaries aggre- gating $93,634.75. FIRST AUDITOR S OFFICE. In the office of the First Auditor, where the accounts accruing in the Treasury Department are first examined, during the three years subsequent to 1885, there has been an average annual increase of 3,000 in the number of accounts examined and certified as compared with the three years immediately preceding, and an average decrease of the cost of the office, on the basis of the amount of work done, of nearly 1 1 per cent, annually. Business of the years 1882, 1883 and 1884, and of the years 1886, 1887 and 1888, con trasted. (1885 omitted.) Character of Business. Auditor's reports on accounts Letters written and recorded.. Auditor's reports on accounts Average increase per year Letters written and recorded Average increase per year Clerks employed, average number Average number of accounts per clerk.. Average increase per year Average cost of the whole oftice, per ac- count reported Decrease of cost 1883—3—4. 54,1.56 15,130 Average 18,053 6,043 49.06 367 $4.63 1886—7—8. 63,057 17,494 per Year. 31,019 3,967 5,831 788 51.59 407 40 $4. 13 $0.49 ^ SECOND auditor's OFFICE. In the Second Auditor's Office are first examined the accounts of the dis bursing officers of the army, and all claims for the ba:;k pay and bounty of soldiers in the war of the rebellion, and all disbursements in the Indian service for supplies and the pay of agents aud other officers. During the past three ye.irs there liaj been an increase in the number of claims and accounts adjusted of over 30 per cent., and an increase of over 40 per cent, in the amount involved over a corresponding period prior to June 30, 1885, and the amount allowed and paid out for the bact THE ADMINISTRATION OF THK TREASURY. 185 p»y and bounty due soldiers during the last tbrce years has been over |2,700,eW, as against only |1, 350,000, allowed in the previous three years, showing Ihat the interests of the soldiers in the Union Army have received special attention and o©n- feideration. Business of the years 1882, 1883 and 1884, and of tl»e years 1886, 1887 an3 THIRD auditor's OFFICK. The Third Auditor has the examination, iu the first instance, of all clairas and accounts arising in ttie Qaarter:Tia.ster's and Commissary Departments of the Army, including horse claims and miscellaneous claims and accounts, and all disburse- ments on account of pensions. The exhibit of work done in this olBce during the past three years, it is believed, is without parallel in the history of the Department. In the Claims Division over forty-one thousand claims have been disposed of dar- ISfi THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE TREASURY. ing that period, while during the three years previously only eleven thousand were adjusted, making an increase of over 350 per cent., and the amount involved was 100 per cent, greater. In the Horse Claims Division over 9,000 claims were dis- posed of during the past three years, and but 2,300 in the three years previously, an increase of over 400 per cent. In State War Claims there has been an increase of nearly 700 per cent, in the amount of claims disposed of during the same periods respectively, and in the Pension Division there has been an average increase in the work of the division of 254 per cent, during the past three years over the work of the three previous years, and an average decrease in the force amounting to 31 per cent. During the past three years the number of clerks employed have been reduced 21 per cent., and great improvement is noted in the attendance of clerks. The absences in the fiscal years 1884-5 aggregated over 6,000 days, while in 1887-8 it was only 3,750 days, and during the same years the absences on account of sick- fell oflf from 1 ,780 to 357 days. Businchfi of the years 1883, 1884 and 1885, and of 1886, 1887 and 1888. CeAttACTKR OF BUSINHSS. Claims disposed of in Claims Division Amount involved Claims disposed of i» Horse Claims Division. Claims Bettlcd for re-imbursement of deceased pensioners , Amount allowed Ittcrease in number of claims disposed of, as above Amouut involved in settlements made of State Wm Claims Vouchers examined in settling Pension Agents' Accounts Increase Number of Pensioners recorded, transferred, in- creased, restored, re-issued, etc Number of clerks employed Reduction of force Avei-flge annual compensation of clerks and em- ployes Saving in salaries Days of absence of clerks Sick days absence Claims disposed "of in Claims Division Claims disposed of In Horse Claims Division Claims settled for re-imburseraent of deceased pensioners Amount of State War Claims Pension Vouchers examined Number of pensioners recorded, etc 1883—4—5. 11,268 19,878,068 76 2,230 4,044 $387,363 61 $1,943,111 45 3,747,593 121,059 159 $237,335 30 6,016 1,780 AVERAGB 3,7.56 743 1,340 $647,370 48 1,249,197 40,353 188e-7— 8. 41,055 $19,530,034 90 9,756 7,005 $333,657 36 40,374 $12,247,381 39 5,041,097 1,393,504 440,443 136 $198,339 96 $38,995 34 3,7.50 357 PER TEAR. 13,685 3,353 2,335 $4,083,333 *6 1,680,365 146,814 FOURTH auditor's OFFICE. In the office of the Fourth Auditor, where all the disbursements in the nayal service are first examined, there has been an average annual increase of 40 per cent, in the number of claims and accounts adjusted, and of over nme millions in the amount involved, while the average annual expenses of the office have been over $2,000 less, and an average decrease in the cost of work, according to the amount done, of 35 per cent, annually. THE ADMIKISTRATTON OF THK TIJEASURY. 187 Business of the years 1882, 1883 and 1884 and of 1886, 1887 and 1888, compared, (1885 omitted.) Character of Business, Accounts^nd claims settled Cash vouchers examined Amount involved Summary statements received and entered, and pay and repay requisitions registered Allotmeuts registered Allotments discontinued Accounts journalized and balanced Letters received Letters written Inquiries answered Cost of work Savini; in cost of work , . . , Accounts and claims settled Cash vouchers examined Summary statements received and entered, pay and repay requisitions registered, allotments regis- tered, allotments discontinued, and accounts journalized and balanced Letters received Letters written Inquiries answered ^ Cost of work 1882—3—4. 1886-7-8. 8,617 11,969 170,911 167,664 $53,513,458.03 $80,589,789.47 11,075 15,117 3,296 3,500 3,376 3,421 2,883 6,377 49,875 64,311 52,664 69,624 10,525 13,740 $207,322.77 $200,319.67 $7,003.10 AVERAGE PER TEAR. 2,872 3,989 56,970 .5.5,888 6,876 9,471 16,625 21,437 14,421 23,208 3,508 4,580 $69,107.-59 $66,773.22 SIXTH auditor's OFFICB. In the office of the Sixth Auditor, where all the accounts of the Post Office Department, and the expenditures of the Postal Service, amounting to over fifty millions of dollars annually, are finally adjusted, a corresponding improvement ia the methods of transacting the public business has been eflected. Much money has been saved to the public treasury by the more rigid scrutiny to which the accounts passing through this office have been subjected. As an illustration it may be stated that the number of cases in which orders have been made by the Postmaster General, upon the report of the Auditor, withholding commissions because of false reports of Postmasters to increase their compensation, is five hundred and seventy- one, charging back an aggregate of $328,815, and it is evident from an examina- tion of the books that the loss to the Government during the period from 1878 to 1P85 was more than one million of dollars from this single channel of fraud. Business of the years 1833, 1884 and 1885, and of the years 1886, 1887 and 1888 contrasted : Character of Business. Postmasters, mail contractors and miscella- neous accounts adjusted Amount involved Number of warrants and drafts countersigned and registered , Number of letters written and mailed Number of money orders and postal notes issued and checked Amount involved 1883-1884-1885. 1,046,745 $140,553,739.91 215,915 489,955 34,510,062 $396,964,833.52 1886-1887-1888. 1,230,530 $159,608,943.59 268,872 800,486 46,683,192 $415,395,130.83 188 THE ADMINISTIIATION OF THE TREASUBY. COMMISSION EU OF CUSTOMS. In the office of the Oommissioner of Customs there has been an increase of 1 1 per cent, in the average number of accounts annually adjusted per capita, and in the Division of Customs, in the Secretary's Office, in which all the appeals in cus- toms cases from the decision of collectors are examined and reported upon, there were examined and decided during the fiscjil year ending June 30. 1886, 25,537 ap- peals, while the total number for the three years immediately precediog only aggregated 26,536, it thus appearing that the work for the entire three 5'^ears was only slightly in excess of that of the single year 1886. Business transacted dui-iug the two periods of 1882, 1883 and 1884, and of 1886, 1887 and 1888 (the year of 188S omitted). Character of Business. 1882—3—4. J— 7- Accounts settled Amounts involved Letters written Letters recorded Cost of maintaining Bureau Average number of clerks Average number of accounts per year per clerk. . . Average number letters written per year per clerk Average number of accounts settled per j-ear Average amounts involved per year Average number of letters written per year Average number of letters recorded per year 18,243 $699,164,302.80 29,834 41,526 1151,802.96 30 200 259 6,081 $233,054, 767.60 9,944 13,843 18,708 $710,965,969.12 35,829 89,103 $145,158.41 27 221 368 6,236 $236,988,656.37 11,943 29,701 Customs Dtvisiox— Secretary's Office. Aggregates of the business transacted in the two periods of 1883, 1S84 and 1885, imd 1886, 1887 aad 1888, contrasted. Character op Business. 1883—4—5. 1886-7— -s Appeals decided 26,526 11,891 15,11. 45 021 Miscellaneous cases decided 14 663 Bonds extended or cancelled; free entries granted (De- partmental) ; statements examined, etc 14,433 Total 53,534 74,017 Increase, 20,583. ANNt;AL AVERAGE, EACH PERIOD. Character of Business. Appeals decided Miscellaneous cases decided Bonds extended or cancelled; free entries granted (De- partmental) ; statements examined, etc _ General average. 1883-4-5. I88e-7-8 8.8-12 3,963 5,039 17^844 15,007. 4,864 4,811 THK ADMFN 1ST RATION- OF THK TRKA8URY. 189 V. ' THE INTERNA!. REVENUE BUREAU. ITS SUCCESS IN ENFORCING THE OLEOMARGARINE LAW — ECONOMY AND EFFICIENCY OF ITS matvta^. THE TEST TO WHICH IT 18 SUBJECTED. universally sold as butter. On the 17th of July, when the Mills bill was under discussion, Mr. Warner, a Republican reprt putative from Missouri, offered an amendment repealing a part of the internal revenue tax on oleomargarine. A viva voce vote was taken, and Mr. Warner remarked that he would not call for a division, as there was " evidently no intention on the part of the Democrats to reduce the surplus." w In April last the Microscopist of the Internal Revenue Office perfected a microscope with which a prima facie case can be quickly made where the question is raised whether the substance tested is butter or oleomargarine. The effect of this is a more easy and stringent enforcement of the law. With the new microscope^ examinations were made during the months of April, May and June in the principal cities and towns of New York and Pennsylvania; in Baltimore, Washington, Hart- ford, New Haven and other cities and towns in different parts of the country. (Se& Ust below. I 190 THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE TREASURY. Twenty-five of these valuable instruments are now in the hands of the Interna Revenue authorities, scattered over the country, and seventy-five more are in course of construction to be used in a similar way. This is a long stride toward the perfec enforcement of this wise act of Congress. COMMISSIONER OP INTERNAL REVENUE. The following exhibit shows the business of the Internal Revenue Bureau during th years 1885, 1880, 1887 and 1888 : Character of Business. 18a5. 1886. 1887. 1888. Internal Revenue Collected Cost of Collection... Percentage of Cost of Collection Number of Revenue Agents, Collectors, Deputies, Clerks, Guagers, Store- keepers, etc $113,421,121 07 4,445,430 27 3.963 3,926 $116,903,869 44 4,311,803 70 3.688 3,117 $118,837,301 06 4,065,148 87 3.431 3,314 $124,326,474 0( 3,983,000 0( 3.300 3,373 ECONOMY AT THE GREAT PORTS. Statement showing the amount collected and expended, and the cost to collect on( dollar, at the six principal ports, for the last four fiscal years, ended June, 1888. Ports. New York Boston San Francisco. Chicago Philadelphia... Baltimore Amount Collected. $136,183,8731 19,730,908; 6,743,800; 4,163,7851 13,491,513, 3,081,766 • 1 -la! Amount 5 5 r,J Expended. 'oo5j $3,900,178' .0331 699,343 .035J 433,808 .063; 154,733 .0371 438,336 .034 300,911 .14 1886. Amount Collected. $133,473,003 31,079,311 5.990.633 4,099,550 14,661,896 3,601,440 Amount Expecded. $3,636,048 640,334 353,101 141,545 403,631 369,875 5t5o ^^ .OIJ .0? .05^ .03^ .021 .IC *Last year of Republican administration. Ports. 1887. Amount Collected. New York $147,058, 323 Boston 33,119,888 San Francisco 6,8.57,445 Chicago Philadelphia. Baltimore 4,622,952 17,946,453 3,083,104 Amount Expended. $2,995,068 703,607 352,099 137,454 433.561 373,849 so o ^ O .02 .03 .051 .029 .034 .088 1888. Amount Collected. $145,300,.544! 21,396,776 9,114,733: 3,899,944; tl6,781,.570! t3, 795, 3131 Amount Expended. o $3,838,567 .01954 709,874 3.54,471 103,799 t394,384 t339,773l .0331 .0388 .0366 .0335 .0857 tFor eleven months. I THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE TREASURY. 191 VI. GENERAL GOOD RESULTS. RESULTS OP THE APPLICATION OF BUSINESS PRINCIPLES TO OTHER IMPORTANT BRANCHES OF TREASURY WORK. The office of the Supervising Architect of the Treasury Department has charge of all matters relating to the erection of public buildings throughout the country ander appropriations by acts of Congress. It has been under the supervision of the present Supervising Architect since July , 1887, and during that period many reforms [lave been introduced into the administration of the office, and a large saving of jxpenses effected. The preparation of specifications has been greittly simplified^ md where, under the former system, 380 drawings and 51 specifications were pre- pared for four buildings, under the present method only 86 drawings and 4 specifi- mtions are required for the same buildings. Greater competition in submitting proposals has also been secured by giving jreater publicity to the advertisements for proposals, especially by securing their rablication, free of cost to the Government, in eighteen building papers published n all parts of the country, and obtaining the co operation of forty-three building ixchanges located in the principal cities. Where but three or four proposals were brmerly received, the number now has run up in one case as high as forty-four. )uring the past year work has been commenced on seventeen buildings, and ten juildings have been completed, and twelve buildings are now so far advanced that hey will be completed before September 1st, while during the three preceding years he average number of buildings commenced annually was ten, and the average .umber completed annually four. These results have all been accomplished with- ut any increase in the working force of the office. BUREAU OP ENGRAVING AND PRINTING. In the Bureau of Engraving and Printing there has been a great increase in the mount of work done and a great saving in the cost of doing it. In the three years iding June 30, 1885, there were produced 91,754,351 sheets of securities, at a cost f $3,047,483.75. In the three years ending June 30, 1888, 97,346,663 sheets of jcurities were turned out, at a cost of $2,542,505.07. The increase in the number 'sheets of securities printed was 5,592,311, and the saving in expense $504,978.68. he average cost of a thousand sheets of securities in 1885 was $34.21 ; in 1888 it as only $24.94. Thirty-eight million thirty eight thousand nine hundred and irty-nine sheets of securities in 1838 cost $948,819.29. The greatest production in ly prior year was in 1883, when 33,330,746 sheets cost $1,104,986.43. In 1885 the 'eragenumber of employes was 1.133, and the average number of sheets turned It for each employe less than 25,000. In 1883 the average number of employes as 895, and the average number of sheets produced by each employe 43,500. These results have been due to economies in the management of the Bureau, npler methods of doing business, the discharge of superfluous employes, the doing ?ay with unnecessary places and the exaction of greater diligence in the discharge I 192 TBE ADMINISTRATION OF THE TREASURY. of duty, and of a higher standard of qualification. At the same time the quality c whe work especially of the engraving, has been improved, better provision has beei madt for the health and comfort of the employes and new and improved machinery has been introduced. A just and orderly system of promotion has been folio wee and the employes have had more constant employment and better wages than eve before, while they have been free from the terror of arbitrary dismissal. Under the present administration not a single person has been discharged fo partisan reasons, or to make room for another. Specific appropriations have beei secured, fixing the amount to be spent for plate printing, for other services and fo: materials, in lieu of the loose and indefiaite appropriations which were formerly th( rule, and the number, grades and salaries of all the employes have been fixed bj law or regulation. By a recent order of the Pi-esideut, all of the employes of th« Bureau have been brought under the civil service rules. These measures have mad ■of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing an orderly, eflacient and reputable basi uess establishment, which may safely challenge oompariaon with any like estnblisb ■ment in the world. REDUCTION OF FORCE AND INCREASE OF WORK. The same general good results may be safely affirmed of every other bureau am -division in the Department, and there is scarcely a desk in the whole Departmen upon which there can be found anj thing but current work, and this condition c the public business has not been reached by slighting work of any kind, but onl; after the most careful and painstaking examination of every voucher or questioi involving the law governing the adjustment and settlement of accounts. Nor ha it been brought about by increasing the number of clerks and other employes ii the Department. On the contrary, the pay-roll of nearly every bureau and divisioi shows a material decrease The number of persons on the rolls of the Depart ment at Washington on the first day of July, 1885, was 3,747, and the number oi the first day of July, 1888, 3.433. Useless offices have been abolished and division have been consolidated, and a largre savinsr in expen-iiture has thus been effected while the etficieucy of the service has at the same time been greatly promoted. i 1— CO t- ©i o; I- . t- •-I I-l CIO ■£ ■* 03 00 o g lopg — c is C 05 05 08 O.id:;^:;^ 33 1 1 S ol-S-^ >'g^5.S a:9i^ o-g P I ^ 03 03 a»^— o t< :3 « ® o~ as as © o ap."5 PL( PL, Pm p^ Ph IX Pi Ph p4 3ij 12$ ffi X) cb cc CC OS GO (£ CQ §isi lis ssi col^Jo^-<; ■^kffooooi-oQi—oc<;«s:9<-«»'« ®»c-«>cootOii-;Sa5o»oeoo050c 00 c w cc rH CO r-i 05 1-^ OS -«il C2 J O'KJCCrHOseOr-IOlSJS -^.ttO < O •«*< o' t-^ lO m' 00 lif Ut c s : 3 ©SH •°tsS a ol a S *^ 00 08 •?3 -^ S 03 oo © 3& 5 o •O^ ' " rt 3 I ^1 "S"? 2® SS nm; .^ 255=22§3-3^^§'3| 60^ T3 O 2 hi eS 5- © C 3 as If I 9 S ® 194 THE ADMINISTKATION OF THE TREASURY. RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES Statement of the receipta and expenditttrea of the United [Compiled from the records YEARS. RECEIPTS. EXPENDITURES. From March 4, 1789, to December 31, 1791 Year ended December 31 — 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1823 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828..: 1829 1830 , 1831 , 1832. 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 $10,210,025 75 8,740,766 77 5,720,624 28 10,041,101 65 9,419,802 79 8,740,329 65 8,758,916 40 8,209,070 07 12,621,4.59 84 12,451,184 14 12,945,4.55 05 15,001,391 31 11,064,097 63 11,83.5,840 02 13,689,508 14 15,608,828 78 16,398,019 26 17,062,544 09 7,773,473 12 12,144,206 53 14,431,838 14 22,639,032 76 40,.524,844 95 34,-559,536 95 50,961,237 60 57,171,421 83 33,833,-592 33 21,-593,936 66 24,605,665 37 20,881,493 68 19,573,703 72 80,232,427 94 20,-540,666 36 34,381,312 79 26,840,858 02 25,260,434 21 23,966,363 96 34,763,629 23 24,837,637 38 24,844,116 51 28,-536,830 82 31,865,-561 16 33,948,436 35 31,791,935 55 35,430,087 10 50,836,796 08 37,883,853 84 39,019.883 60 83,881,342 89 25,032,193 59 30,519,477 65 34,773,744 89 THE ADMINISTRATION OP THE TREASDRT. 19& OF THE GOVERNMENT. Siatei from March 4, 1789,. to June 30, 1885, inclusive. in the Register's Office.] TEARS. expEnditurrs. Six nioaths ended June 30, 1843. Year ended June 30— 1844 184.5... 1846 1847 1848 1849 la-jo ia5i 1852 1853 1854 1855 ia56 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 )u'tstanding warrants June 30, 1876. Tear ended June 30 — 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 $20,782,410 45 31,198,555 73 29,941,853 90 ;29,699,967 74 55,338,168 52 56,992,479 21 59,796,891 98 47,649,388 88 52,762,704 25 49,893,115 60 61,500,102 81 73,802,291 40 65,351,374 68 74,056,899 24 68,969,212 57 70,372,685 96 81,758,557 30 76,841,407 83 83,371, f>40 13 581,688,805 12 889,373,652 51 1,893,451,807 17 1,805,933,2.50 82 1,270,712,078 82 1,130,339,092 63 1,030,749,516 52 609,623,899 00 696,729,973 63 652,095,864 54 679,158,419 73 548,672,269 47 744,252,329 71 675,971,607 10 691,551,673 28 680,278,167 58 664,345,079 70 1,066,634,827 46 543,340,713 98 474,532,826 57 524,470,974 28 954,230,145 95 555,399,255 92 568,839,911 73 452,7.54,577 06 .525,836,180 02 *665,016,650 00 $12,118,105 15 33,642,0J0 85 30,4^0,408 71 27,632,283 fX> 60,520,851 74 60,656,143 19 56,386,422 74 44,604,718 2t) 48,476,104 31 46,712,()08 88 54,577,061 74 76,473,119 ©8 66,164,77* 96 72,726,341 57 71,274,587 37 82,062,186 74 83,678,642 92 77,0.55,075 fi5 a5,387,363 08 565.667.3.58 08 899,81.5,911 25 1,295,.541,214 86 l,90f),433,3:n 37 1,139,344,081 95 i,09(i,351,.5(i6 66 1,069,372,245 36 5a5,13;i,289 12 703,155,391 44 692,238,322 40 682,360,760 17 623,785,032 §5 724.897.1.59 67 682,028,932 16 714,385,633 86 827,679 99 565,299,8fi6 19 590,641,271 70 966,393,692 69 700,233,238 19 425,865,222 64 529,627,739 12 855,491,967 50 504,646,9:54 83 471,987,288 54 447,699,847 86 539,833,501 12 617,685,a59 18 _Total .^. i $23,293,41 3,048 35 122,633,2 30,083 17 *Includes $380,000,000 as the estimated net ordinary receipts and $285,016,650 ^ttuil receipts from Loans. it ^ .^96 TBS KECONSTBUGTION OF TBB KiLTT. CHAPTER XVI. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE NAVY. METHODS ADOPTED TO PUT THE WORK ON A BUSINESS BASLS^-TH HISTORY OP AN EFFORT TO DO HONEST WORK. T7i^ Contrast widch this Policy Presents to that in vogi for Nearly Twenty Years Under Republican Man- agement — Some Serious Abuses which have Been Rooted Out. In his first annual message to Congress, December 8, 1885, President Clevelai thas expressed his opinion of the Navy of the United States as he found it wh( he entered upon his work and his hopes of what it might be made : All must admit the importance of an efifective Navy to a nation like ours, havii sii(rii an exteaded sea-coast to protect. And yet we have not a single vessel of war tbi could keep the seas against a flrst-class vessel of any important power. Such a conditic ouarht not longer to continue. The nation that cannot resist aggression is constant exposed to it. Its foreign policy is of necessity weak, and its negotiations are conduct( with disadvantage, because it is not in condition to enforce the terms dictated by its sea of right and justice. Inspired, as I am, by the hope, shared by all patriotic citizens, that the day is n very far distant when our Navy will be such as befits our standing among the nations ( the earth, and rejoiced at every step that leads in the direction of such a consummation, deem it my duty to especially direct the attention of Congress to the close of the report ( the Secretary of the Navy, in which the humiliating weakness of the present organizatic of his Department is exhibited, and the startling abuses and waste of its present methCM are exposed. The conviction is forced upon us with the certainty of mathematical demoi strations that before we proceed further in the restoration of a Navy we need a thoroug-hl reorganized Navy Department. The fact that within seventeen years more than sevent; five millions of dollars have been spent in the construction, repair, equipment, and arm ment of vessels, and the further fact that. Instead of an effective and creditable fleet, w have only the discontent and apprehension of a nation undefended by war vessels, addc to the disclosures now made, do not permit us to doubt that every attempt to revive oi Navy has thus far, for the most part, been misdirected, and all our efforts in that directio hctve been little better than blind gropings, and expensive, aimless follies Unquestionably if we are content with the maintenance of a Navy Department simp! aaa shabby ornament to the Government, a constant watchfulness may prevent some c the scandal and abuse which have found their way into our present organization, and il incurable waste may he reduced to the minimum. But if we desire to build ships fo pr«6eat usefulness instead of naval reminders of the days that are past, we must hare I THE KBCON8TRUCTION OF THE NATT. IW 'department organized for the work, supplied with all the talent and ingenuity our country affords, prepared to take advantage of the experience of other nations, systematized so that all effort shall unite and lead in one direction, and fully imbued with the conviction that war vessels, though new, are useless unless they combine all that the ingenuity of man has up to this day brought forth relating to iheir construction. I earnestly commend the portion of the Secretary's report devoted to this subject to the attention of Congress, in the hope that his suggestions touching the reorganization of his Department may be adopted as the first step toward the reconstruction of our Navy. The sad condition of tlie Navy at the advent of the present administration, is something which could not be believed unless its truth was known. If the reckless waste ofmoney, the extravagance, the inefficiency, and the open, flagrant corrup- tion which existed in this department of the Government had been told in a novel by a writer of recognized position in the literary world, the world would not have believed it. But it was known for many years that this waste, extravagance, ineffl* •ciency and corruption were going on, and that the Government of the United States was getting a great deal less than nothing for its money. This, too, in spite of the fact that ever since the organization of the Navy Department, the people of the •country have taken great pride in it, and that its achievements in every war and its conduct in every port of the world during long periods of peace, have reflected the highest credit upon our national name. In spite of these conditions, William C. Whitney, the new Secretary of the ^avy, after occupying his office for nine months, during which he carefully famil- iarized himself with every detail of the service entrusted to his care, thus character- ized this branch of the service committed to his charge, in his annual report to the President,.in December, 1885 : WHAT IT COST TO HAVE NO NAVY. At the present moment it must be conceded that we have nothing which deserves to be called a Navy, The highest official authority in our service said in 1876 : " There is no navy in the world that is not in advance of us with regard to ships and guns, and I, in common with the older officers of the service, feel an anxiety on the subject which can only be appreciated by those who have to command fleets and take them into battle." And so recently as 1884 the same distinguished authority stated that it was universallr admitted "that we have no navy either for offense or defense." The country has expended since July 1, 1868— more than three years subsequent to theclose of the late civil war— over seventy five millions of money on the construction, repair, equipment, and ordnance of vessels, which sum, with a very slight exceptlon,has been substantially thrown away; the exception being a few ships now in processof construction. t do not overlook the sloops constructed in 1874, and costing three or four millions of ioUars, and to avoid discussion they may be excepted also. The fact still remains that for about seventy of the seventy-five millions of dollars which have been expended by :he Department for the creation of a navy we have practically nothing to show. It is questionable whether we have a single naval vessel finished and afloat at the iresent time that could be trusted to encounter the ships of any important power— a ilngle vessel that has either the necessary armor for protection, speed for escape, or ^reapons for defense. This is no secret; the fact has been repeatedly commented upon In Congress by the leading members of both parties, confessed by our highest naval author- ties, and deprecated by all. Such is not the kind of navy which this country, with its ixtensive coast line, its enormous territorial area, and Incalculable commercial resources, equires, nor such as it is entitled to have. This country can afford to have, and it cannot Jford to lack, a naval force at least so formidable that Its dealings with foreign powers ?^ill not be influenced at any time, nor even be suspected of being influenced, by a conscious- ness of weakness on the sea. While still strving to build up its merchant marine and 198 THE RECONSTEUOnON OP THE KAVY. to multiply Its relations with foreljrn markets, it cannot be expected much longer t tolerate such expenditures for a navy which could not for a moment defend even its dimlr DUtive commerce ag:ainst any considerable power. THE MODERN NAVAL VESSEL AND ITS EQUIPMENT. A naval vessel at the present moment is a products of science. Taking the world ov< It will be found that each part of her— her armor, her armament, her power, her form, an the distribution of her parts or characteristics— each of these features of the complete vessel is absorbing from year to year the exclusive study of a class of scientific men. An as men of science throughout the world are continu ally stimulated to new discoveries an inventions, no vessel that can be built can be considered a finaltiy in any particular. The problem of keeping pace with the march of improvement in these lines of industr Is one of incalculable diflBculty; and yet unless the Government is prepared to avail itsel promptly of all the improvements that are made in the construction and equipment of 11 idiips its expenditures are largely useless. The policy of enlisting private enterprise in the work tends to the creation and deve] opment of important branches of industry within the country. The resources of ou country, its ingenuity and enterprise in any line of human endeavor, when called out, ar unexcelled by any nation or people on earth. If the $75,000,000 spent since 1868 by our Government had been used to stimulate compe tition among our people in the production of modem ships of war, it is quite fair to assum that the activities and agencies at the disposal of the Government would have been by thi time entirely adequate to its needs. It has been wasted by Government agencies upoi worthless things. The invention of the country has been discouraged. The Hotchkia gun, now commanding the widest attention, the manufacture of which is becoming ai important industry in France, was the product of American invention, which, whei Ignored and rejected by Government agencies here, found elsewhere Its field of deveJ opment. Ericsson, whose name will always be one of the great ones of our time in historj works now at the age of 83 without encouragement or notice at the great problems o naval warfare, and is receiving more attention and greater encouragement from othe Governments than from our own. Examples miuht easily be multiplied. SuflSce it to say our Government has placed itself in no relation to the inventive geniu of the country, and is without the rich fruits which such a course would bring to it. ABUSES IN AWARDING CONTRACTS FOR SUPPLIES. In the awarding of contracts the most flagrant abuses existed, and as thi President pointed out in his message already quoted, the organization was s< cumbersome and so inefficient as to be almost of necessity corrupt. Under the lav purchases of supplies for the use of the Department could only be made after adver Using and by contract entered into with the lowest responsible bidder. The onl] exception to this in either law or regulations was the purchase of emergency suppliei for sums not exceeding $500. But as this law was a dead letter in every bureau o the Department, the most serious abuses naturally grew and flourished. There wai no harmony between the different bureaus, and as a consequence there was th( most useless waste of money in all. The open purchases of the Navy Department for the year ending June 30, 1885 amounted to $841,285.84, while the purchases by contract amounted to only a littl( over a million. A large proportion of the open purchases consisted of articles o; either comparatively small value, or more or less difficult of classification ; bui $138,000 of the amount was spent by the seven bureaus, each acting independently o the other for coal bought, not in one lot, but at 166 several open purchases (this doa not include coal bought by ships on foreign stations); 299 different open purchases o; ttationery were made by eight different bureaus ; $121,815.66 was spent for lumbei THE KEOON8TRUCTION OF THE NAVT. 190 and hardware by six bureaus in 499 separate open purchases. Seven bureaus spent $46,000 for oils and paints in 269 separate purchases; 117 different open purchases of iron and steel were made at an expense of $41,524.48; $68,881 o9 was spent for hemp and cordage in 45 different open purchases. Eight bureaus supply stationery to ships; three bureaus supply ships with lamps and lanterns. To the same ship one bureau supplies electric lights and the light for general illuminating purposes ; another supplies electric search lights, and a third oil and light for the engine and fire rooms. Illustrations of a rather extraordinary character of the resort to this certificate of necessity for immediate purchases as a convenience appear among these records. In the summer of 1883 an order was given for $61,000 worth of canvas to a per- son who was not a dealer in the article and at a time when there was the usual supply of canvas on hand. Under an order made by Secretary Thompson in 1877, it was understood that the limit of any single purchase under a " certificate of necessity " was $500. For purchases involving a larger amount resort must be had to the ordinary contract system. Several months were consumed in the delivery of this $61,000 worth of canvas, and the bills were made out in sums of less than $500 each. The " certifi- cate of necessity " accompanied each one, and in that form the bills passed the Treasury Department. Two or three of these bills, with the Bureau officer's certificate of necessity apon them, would sometimes be dated and presented on the same day. During the same year coal was purchased by different paymasters from the ?ame person on or about the same day, deliverable at the very same place, of like iuality and character, but at prices differing from 50 to 65 cents a ton. HOW REPAIRS WERE MADE TO COST MONEY. Another instance in this same method and its workings made of this vicious ystem were given by Secretary Whitney in his first report, as the result of his avesligation of the workings of the Bureau of Construction and liepair : My experience of the manner in which important decisions are necessarily made by he Secretary, without opportunity for proper deliberation and intelligent advice, leads me D say without hesitation that the follies of the Department are largely attributable to this, 'ake the " Omaha " for an example. She has been rebuilt within the last four years, at aa xpense of $573,000. It was an act of the greatest folly. She is a repaired wooden vessel, ith boilers, machinery, and guns, all of which would at the time have been sold for what ley would have brought by any other nation on earth. In the evf nt of a war she can either fight nor run away from any cruiser built contemporaneously by any other nation, er rebuilding cost the full price of a modern steel ship of her size and all modern charac- jristics. Now, If one should seek to ascertain who is responsible for the decision that the Omaha " should be rebuilt, it would be found that no one so decided, after discussion and I intelligent knowledge of facts. The chief constructor will deny responsibility except tr the survey ; the engineer-In-chief the same ; and the Secretary of the Navy, if he should i able to recall the circumstances, would doubtless remember that he was advised that she jeded general repairs and rebuilding, and gave the orders in ignornance of the probable suit of his decision. • * * After the "Omaha" had been commissioned and is ready for sea, it appeared that the several bureaus working independently upon her, vd between them so completely appropriated her ppaco that they had left her coal-room r not more than four days' steaming at her full capacity. . , I 200 THE KECON8TRUCTION OF THE NAYY. Some of the results of this system are shown in the record of repairs made upoO' useless vessels : The Quinnebaugrvaaeeven years and ten months repairing; the Galena, eight year» and ten months ; the Mohican, twelve years and ten months, at a cost exceeding the original cost of one million of dollars. The Quinnebaug is 010 tons. The Galena is 910 tons. The Mohican, which is 910 tons, cost $907,799 for repairs in twelve years, while the Atlanta, a 3,000 ton ship, built of steel, modern type, cost entire only about $675,000, built under Dem- ocratic rule. When these things are made to appear it is not difficult to understand why 175,000,000 was spent on the Navy in seventeen years; and that there was less than, nothing to show for it. WHAT AN INVENTORY DISCLOSED. During the second year of his administration Secretary Whitney carried out,, as far as possible, under the law, his schemes for the reorganization of the Navy Department in such a way that it could carry on the business entrusted to it in an efficient manner. His plan for securing an inventory of the property under the charge of the various bureaus of the Department was entered upon in a practical way, with the result as shown in his annual report for 1886 : The inventory shows a very large and unnecessary accumulation of stores and supplies by the different bureaus, aggregating over twenty millions of dollars in. appraised value. The Board reports between three and four millions in value to- be obselete and useless at the present time, only entailing expense for keepers and constant care to preserve them in condition. Among these accumulations some very absurd facts appear. At the eight navy-yjirds there have accumulated alto- gether of augers and bits 46,566, of which 25,274 have been lying for several years at closed yards where no work has been or is likely to be done. Twenty- nine- thousand live hundred and forty-two gross of screws are on hana, 10,896 gross- lying at closed yards. There are 146,385 files in stock, 42,142 of them lying at closed yards. There are 11,813 paint brushes in stock, 2,246 of these in the stores at closed yards. All of these tools are serviceable, mostly new. [There are fouud to be over 12,000 tons of cast and wrought iron lying in scrap about the yards, 759,000 pounds of composition and brass, 159,000 pounds of old copper, and 193,000 of old lead.] Of most of these articles some bureaus have recently made considerable pur- chases, and are even doing so at the present time, while to the credit of other bureaus there are very large amounts in stock. Captain Meade, president of the- Inventory Board, says: Id going through one of the yards where the construction department was short of cut nails, the storehouse in charge of steam engineering was found filled from floor to ceiling with barrels on barrels of the needed nails. I asked the officer in charge how long at his present rate of expenditure it would take to use up those- nails that construction and repair so badly needed; and he replied, "Well, sir, I think about fifty years." These stores of tools or machinery are periodically oiled or painted ; in the mean- time require large storage room, a force of watchmen, etc., and are constantly becoming obsolete and useless. The expenditure entailed in a series of years, exceeds in all probability the value of the property. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE NAVT. 20> THE PRESIDENT INSISTING ON AN EFFECTIVE NAVY. In his annual message for 1886 the President again emphasized his interest in the rebuilding ot the Navy, and set forth the real condition of the Navy as follows : The report of the Secretary of the Navy contains a detailed exhibit of the condition of his departnient with such a statement of the action needed to improve tho same as should challenge the earnest attention of the Congress. Tiie present Navy of the United States, aside from the ships in course of oonstruction, ooneistsof : First, fourteen siogle-turreted monitors, none of which are In commission, nor at the present time serviceable. The batteries of these ships are obsolete, and they can only be relied upon as auxiliary ships in harbor defense, and then after such an expenditure upon them as might not be deemed justifiable. Second, five fourth-rate vessels of small tonnage, only one of which was designed as ft war vessel, and all of which are auxiliary, merely. Third, twenty-seven cruising ships, three of which are built of iron, of small tonnage, and twenty-four of wood. Of these wooden vessels it is estimated by the chief constraotor of the Navy that only three will be serviceable beyond a period of six years, at which time it may be said that of the present naval force notlsang worthy the uaiue will remain. MAKING OUR ARMOR AT HOME. All the vessels heretofore authorized are under contract or in course of construction, except the armored ships, the torpedo and dynamite boats, and one cruiser. As U^ the last, of these, the bids were in excess of the limit fixed by Congress. The production io the United States of armor and gun steel is a question which it seems necessary to settle at an early day, if the armored war vessels are to be completed with those materials ot home manufacture. This has been the subject of investigation by two boards and by two special committees of Congress within the last three years. The report of the Gun Foundry Board In 1884, of the Board of Fortifications made in January last, and the reports of the Select Committees of the two Houses made at the last session of Congress, have entirely exhausted the subject, so far as preliminary investigation is involved, and in their recommendations they are substantially agreed In the event that the present invitation of the Department for bids to furnish gueh of khifa material as is now authorized, shall fail to induoe domestic manufacturers to undertake the large expenditures required to prepare for this new manufacture, and no other steps, are taken by Congress at its coming session, the Secretary contemplates with dissatisfaction the neeessity of obtaining abroad the armor and the gun steel for the authorized ships. It v- liahed in this country, and by the accumulation of orders, the inducement became in time sufiicient to secure the desired result. It is also gratifying to report that the representatives of the Hotchklss company have ascertained that with the supei-ior tools in use in this country in the manufacture of arms* the secondary batteries of ships can be made here and sold at prices less than we have paid for their foreign-made arms, and as low as they are produced there for any foreign Gov- ernment. And such are the i)rice8 made to us by the company. CONTRACTS MADE ON A REASONABLE BASIS. In like manner the contracts for armor and gun steel are made at prices within 35 per cent, of the European price for the similar article, not greater than the difference in labor between the two countries, notwithstanding the heavy outlay for plant (estimated at f 3,500,000) necessary to be made to undertake the contract. 'I hese gratifying results have been greatly stimulated by the ship-building interest of the country. My attention was early called to the fact that our ship-builders were shut out from building for any foreign Government by reason of the fact that neither armor nor gun steel nor secondary batteries could be supplied in this country. The construc- tion of war-vessels for other countries has been a large industry for the ship-builders of Great Britain. It is believed that our private ship-yards can produce war ships equal and perhaps superior to those produced elsewhere when these industries shall have been established. i THE BEOONSTBUCTION OF THB NAVY. 20S The ship-builders have, therefore, zealously oo-operated with the Department in stimulat- ing and furthering this object. It is notable that the efforts of the Department to raise the standard of the material for the ships has resulted in a class of material believed to be superior to that ever pro- duced for any similar purpose. * * ♦ • ♦ » JUST WnAT VESSELS ARE UKDER CONSTRUCTION. As the result of this careful and prudent management, the work of reconstruct- ing the United States navy, and of putting it on a footing consistent with the wealth and importance of this country, is going on rapidly, surely, and, most important of all, honestly. This is shown by the following list of vessels, the construction of which has been entered upon by the present administration since December 28, 1886. Here are fourteen vessels built at home in the best ship-yards ; the contracts for which have been fairly awarded in the open markets, with the exception of two immense armored cruisers which the Government has undertaken to construct in the navy -yards at New York and Norfolk : •8S»D qoea m paadg JO J8iiod 8Ai:^oanoo •;u3ni30BxdsT(i §8 t- 53.^] a ^'S in" ;2;:r .__ » %. :^ t. u ^ >,^ t. ^ :-! ^ ^■f a ^a ^ ^^ a s^ J3 4) o O O ? - II V o a o C 1, c^ Q O OC <^ ^f^ ^5 2 S3 i3§ hoc; ^* «-*< C3 H 9> &: % ^ % "^ H H H H g I ^« •i^qSti'Bjp n^api 00 OS 'T r-« CO OS GO •raBag •sj-Binaipaadjgd uaaM.|aq q'jSuai Oi 00 0-. i« rH IC S ^ o ais 2j a* -o s o o c WW a;^ c5 :j° V oj S5 •piBl I89H .2 5 r3 «.2 o o il p sa a £--: '3 o » >. c« S jQ ^ s =^ .5 o a *! - -- I, S), o bfl •2.2 a I ^"^ I ^ll^^^l •H.2 o o « -n OQ THE BBOONSTRUCnON OV THE NAVY. SOT This remarkable contrast between this straight forward business management and the wasteful, inefficient and corrupt policy pursued between 1868 and 1885 does not need to be enforced with " much speaking." It carries its own moral with it. A SPECIMEN OP REPUBLICAN MALADMINISTRATION. As a reminder of some of the old-time methods, the following extracts from Secretary Whitney's report for 1887 on the final disposition of the Tennesse is- instructive : Among the vessels dropped from the Navy Register and sold during the past year i8th& Tennessee. The history of this vessel is quite interesting and most illustrative. She had a short lif e» but, as a consumer of money, a brilliant one. Her hull was built and she was equipped in the New York navy- yard. Her machinery was designed and built under contract by the eminent engineer, Mr. J ohn Ericsson, costing $700,000. Her total original cost was f 1,856,075.18. Upon her trial trip, in January, 1867, she ran about 1,000 miles. She attained a speed of 16 knots and made a run of L5 knots per hoinr for four hours. She encountered a perilous storm, described as a hurricane, which continued over twenty-four hours. The ship^ suffered considerably. The report of her commander says : The engines moved off finely and worked perfectly during all the storm. * • » Her machinery is as perfect as it need to be. It has undergone the severest test and not once found wanting. She is the fastest ship 1 have ever seen. The chief engineer says : If the strength and workmanship of the machinery cannot be depended upon, then no- reliance is to be placed upon the performance of any steam machinery with which I am acquainted. Two years afterward she underwent what was called "repairs," and the sum of 1676,799.61 was spent upon her ; all but $73,000 of this was put on her hull and equipment. It was the full price of a new wooden hull of her size at that time. This was from 1869 to 1871. She then made a cruise of three months and went into the hands of John Koach to enable him to take out the machinery and boilers of John Ericsson and substitute others of superior character. It was among other things expected to give the ship a 14>^ knot speed for twenty-four hours. When she had her trial of this new machinery in 1875 her maxi- mvun speed was lOX knots, and she had had put upon her an expense of $801,713.60 in addi- tion to the value of her machinery and boilers taken in trade by Mr. Roach at $65,000. This machinery had cost $700,000; had not been in actual service six months ; had never been surveyed and condemned by a board of Government officers, nor its value fixed by any Government board, but it was sold to Mr. Roach as old iron. That is to say, between 1869 and 1875 the Tennessee had had three months' service and tiad cosv in repairs and improvements $1,443,513.21. This was largely in excess of a fair price for a new ship of her characteristics. Twelve years afterwards (on April 4, 1887) she is condemned by the Statutory Board as tmseaworthy and not worth repairing, and ordered sold, having had put upon her between 1875 and 1887 the additional sum of $577,716.17. She brought $34,525 at the auction sale. She ttad cost the Government $3,800,000 in round numbers and had done about ten years of active lervice, outside of repair shops and navy- yards. It is often the subject of wonder what has become of the $70,000,000 spent upon war ressels since the close of the war, in view of the fact that there is now no Navy. Tlua bit of history wiU serve as an illustration. ECONOMY IN DETAIL MANAGEMENT. For the first time in many years the ordinary expenditures of the Department liave been kept within the appropriations. S08 THE KECONSTRUCTION OV THE NAVY. A Statement of these expenditures, with the surplus or deficiencies at the end o each year, shows the following results for the past four years : V.PA1, j Ordinary ex- ^^^^- penditures. 8"^- ; DeflCeucy. 1888 »6 560 701 67 1 $131,859 38 1884 6,142,256 52 1885 5,435,292 57 1886 5,020,942 SO 1887 4,870,533 47 „ 1 149,935 75 1 105 943 65 $380,125 19 i 380,310 78; In this statement there are not incloded the pay of the Navy, expenses of the Marin< Corps and Naval Academy, and objects specially appropriated for, which are controller by statute. THE PUBLIC LAKD POLICIL 209 CHAPTER XYII. THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. [E MASKED CONTRAST IN THE POLICY OF THE TWO PARTIES IK DEALING WITH THE PUBLIC DOMAIN. Tow the Cleveland Administration has Restored Nearly One Hundred and Fifty Million Acres to Settlement. The position of the President on the questions relating to the public lands has always been in full accord with that of the Democratic party, and the best thought of the people of the country. In his first annual message he said : The public domain had its origin in cessions of land by the States to the General Government. The first cession was made by the State of New York, and the largest, which in area exceeded all the others, by the State of Virginia. The t erritory, the proprietorship of which became thus vested in the General Government, extended from the western line of Pennsylvania to the Mississippi river. These patriotic donations of the States were Incumbered with no condition, except that they should be held and used " for the common benefit of the United States." By purchase, with the common fund of all the people, addi" lions were made to this domain until it extended to the northerH line of Mexico, the Pacific Ocean and the Polar Sea. The original trust, " for the common benefit of the United States," attached to all. In the execution of that trust the policy of many homes, rather than large estates, was adopted by the Government. That these might be easily obtained, and be the abode of security and contentment, the laws for their acquisition were few, easily understood, and general in their character. But the pressure of local interests, com- bined with a speculative spirit, have in many instances procured the passage of laws which marred the harmony of the general plan, and encumbered the system with a multitude of general and special enactments, which render the land laws complicated, subject the titles to uncertainty, and the purchasers often to oppression and wrong. Laws which were intended for the " common benefit " have been perverted so that large quantities of land are vesting in single ownerships. From the multitude and character of the laws, this ccns©- Jio lands shonld have in view the original policy, which encouraged many purchasers of 210 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. these lands for homes and discouraged the massing of large areas. Exclusive of Alaska^ about three-fifths of the national domain has been sold or subjected to contract or grant.. Of the remaining two-fifths a considerable portion is either mountain or desert. A rapidly increasing population creates a growingdemand for homes, and the accumulation of wealth inspires an eager competition to obtain the public land for speculative purposes. In the- future this collision of interests will be more marked than in the past, and the execution of the Nation's trust in behalf of our settlers will be more difficult. I therefore commend to your attention the recommendations contained in the report of the Secretary of the Inte- rior with reference to the repeal and modification of certain of our land laws. Id his second annual message he still farther enforced Lis views on the public- lands as follows : PRIMARY OBJECT OF THE LAND SYSTEM. The recommendations of the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of the- General Land Office looking to the better protection of public lands and of the public sur- veys, the preservation of national forests, the adjudication of grants toS'atesand corpora- tions and of private lani claims, and the increased efficiency of the public land service, are^ commended to the attention of Congress. To secure the widest distribution of public lands in limited quantities among settlers for residence and cultivation, and thus make the- greatest number of individual homes, was the primary object of the public land legislation in the early days of the republic. This system was a simple one. It commenced with an admirable scheme of public surveys, by which the humblest citizen could identify the- tract upon which he wished to establish his home. The price of lands was placed within the reach of all the enterprising, industrious and honest pioneer citizens of the country. It was soon, however, found that the object of the laws was perverted under the system of cash sales, from a distribution of land among the people to an accumulation of land capital by wealthy and speculative persons. To check this tendency a preference right of pur- chase was given to settlers on the land, a plan which culminated in the general pre-emptioa act of 1841. The foundation of this system was actual residence and cultivation. Twenty years later the homestead law was devised to more surely place actual home* in the possession of actual cultivators of the soil. The land was given without price, the sole conditions being residence, improvement and cultivation. Other laws have followed, each designed to encourage the acquirement and use of land in limited individual quanti- ties. But in later years these laws, through vicious administrative methods and under changed conditions of communication and transportation, have been so evaded and violated that their beneficent purpose is threatened with entire defeat. * " • The rapid appro- priation of our public lands without bona fide settlements or cultivation, and not only without intention of residence, but for the purpose of their aggregation in large holdings* in many cases in the hands of foreigners, invites the serious and immediate attention of the- Congrees. CORRECTION OF ABUSES AND REPEAL OF LAWS SUGGESTED. The energies of the land department have been devoted during the present adminis- tration to remedy defects and correct abuses in the public land service. The results of these efforts are so largely in the nature of reforms in the processes and methods of our land system as to prevent adequate estimate ; but it appears by a compilation from the reports of the Commissioner of the General Land Office that the immediate effect in leading cases which have come to a final termination has been the restoration to the mass of public- lands of two million seven hundred and fifty thousand acres ; that two million three hun- dred and seventy thousand acres are embraced in investigations now pending before the Department or the courts, and that the action of Congress has been asked to effect the restoration of two million seven hundred and ninety thousand acres additional; besides- which four million acres have been -withheld from reservation, and the rights of entry thereon maintained. I recommend the repeal of the pre-emption and timber-culture acts, and that the- homestead laws be bo amended as to better secure compliance with their requirements of residence, improvement and cultivation for the period of five years from date of entry^ Without commutation or provision for speculative relinquishment. I also recommend th& THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 211 repeal of the de=5ert-land laws unless It shall be the pleasure of the Congress to so amend these laws as to render them less liable to abuses. As the chief motive for an evasion of the laws, and the principal cause of their result in land accumulation instead of land dis- tribution, is the facility wltn which transfers are made of the right intended to be secured to settlers, it may be deemed advisable to provide by legislation some guards and checks upon the alienation of homestead rights and land covered thereby until patents issue. REMOVAIi OF FENCES FROM PUBLIC LANDS. Last year da executive proclamation was issued directing the removal of fences which Inclosed the public domain. Many of these have been removed In obedience to such order; but ouch of the public land still remains within the lines of those unlawful fences. The ingeniv,^9 methods resorted to in order to continue these trespasses and the hardihood of the pretenses by which in some cases such inclosures are justified, are fully detailed in the report of the Secretary of the Interior. The removal of the fences still remaining which inclose public lands, will be enforced with all the authority and means with which the executive branch of the Government is or shall be invested by the Congress for that purpose. Upon taking 'charge of the General Land Office on March 26, 1885, this adminis- tration found an appalling condition of affairs confronting it. The public domain is said to be the "heritage of the people" and should be sacredly preserved for the benefit of the people who want homes. A comparison of the administration of this important bureau of the government, under the respective parties, will serve to show which was sincere and which was insincere in its professions of love to the masses of the people. The plain facts which follow have been obtained from official sources. They can be easily verified by any one who doubts their correctness. The public domain of the United States originally consisted of— Cession from the original States 229,987,187 acres. Louisiana purchase (1843) 756,961,280 " Florida (1819) 37,931,280 " Mexican Treaty (1848) ...334,443,520 " Purchase from Texas (1851) 61,892,480 « Gadsden purchase (1853) 29,142,400 " Alaska (1867) 369,529,600 " Total 1,819,889,987 " All this territory was acquired prior to Republican administration, except Alaska, which was purchased under Johnson's administration, virtually Dem- ocratic. RECKLESS RAILROAD GRANTS. The most stupendous waste of public lands has been made by way of grants to railroads and wagon roads. It has long been the policy of the government to make carefully guarded grants to the various States of limited quantities of public lands, to be used by the States in promoting the building of railroads or other important means of transportation within their borders. Bat never, until the Republican party came into power in 1861, was such a thing known as a grant by the United States direct to a railroad corporation. On July 1, 1862, the Act passed granting iirect to the Union Pacific every odd unnumbered section within ten miles on each jide of its 1,038 miles of line, and in 1864 this was extended so as to give that com- 14 212 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. pany every odd section within 20 miles on each side of the road, making a strip iorty miles wide through some of the richest and best lands in the world from the Missouri river to the Pacific, one-half of which was given away to this corporation. This is but a sample of the work begun by a Republican Congress. Prior to their advent into power, no grant had exceeded the alternate sections within six miles on each side of the line located, but in no less than ten instances, additional grants were made after 1861 increasing the amounts granted to ten miles on each side of the road. Following the precedent set by the grant to the Union Pacific, gratuities fol- lowed thick and fast to other corporations, the Northern Pacific receiving 47,000,- 000 acres at one allotment. The following stat^nent will show, at.a glance, the aggregate amounts of public lands granted to corporations by Republican congresses or to the States for the benefit of railroads, within fourteen years after Lincoln's inauguration on March 4th, 1861 : Total grants to railroad companies 163,643,944.83 acres. Grants to States for railroad purposes 19,240,883.80 " Grants to States for wagon roads 2,530,379.84 " Total in 14 years. 185,415,208.47 " From March 4, 1789, to March 4, 1861, being 72 years, grants to States for railroad and wagon roads aggregate 29,824,033.37 " Excess 155,591,155.10 " A Democratic House of Representatives appeared on the scene March 4, 1875, and no railroad grants of any kind have since been made. LAND GRANT FORFEITURES. It was left for the Democratic party to reclaim as much as possible of the lands so recklessly given away to greedy corporations which were never satisfied but always clamorous for more. In the first annual report of the General Land Office, after President Cleveland's inauguration, for the year ending June 30, 1885, the Commissioner of the General Land Office called attention to the condition of the grants to twenty- nine roads mentioned in his report, and to the fact that these roads had failed to comply with the conditions of their grants by failing to complete their lines within the time re- quired. Many bills had already passed the Democratic House, declaring some of these grants forfeited for this reason, but they had almost all failed in the Republi- can Senate. But by persistent effort, the Democrats have succeeded in at last beginning the work of declaring forfeited all grants, the conditions of which have not been com- plied with. Their efforts have been so far successful that there have been declared forfeited by Acts of Congress, during Cleveland's administration, railroad grants which restore to the public domain, in the aggregate, 28,253 347 acres, and in the flame time the General Land Office and the Interior Department, by executive ac- tion, have restored 2,108,417.38 acres within grantel limits, and 21,823.600 acres within indemnity limits, making a total actually restored to the public domain of rail- road lands, ALONE, assed upon by several oflBcers of the Government, who do not agree in their conclusions. Miller claims to be a settler upon the land in question, whose possession dates from 878. He alleges that he has made substantial improvements upon this land, and cultivated he same, and it appears that he filed his claim to the same, under the homestead law, on the 9th day of December, 1884. The railroad company contends that this land is within the territory or area from yhich it was entitled to select such a quantity of public land as might be necessary to upply any deficiency that shall be found to exist in the specified land mentioned in a grant ty the Government to said company in aid of the construction of its road, such deficiency •eing contemplated as likely to arise from the paramount right of private parties and set- lers within the territory embracing said granted lands, and that the land in dispute was bus selected by the company on the 19th day of December, 1883. A large tract, including this land, was withdrawn by an order of the Interior Department rom sale, and from pre-emption and homestead entry in 1873, in anticipation of the con- truction of said railroad and a deficiency in its granted lands. In 1880, upon the filing of 216 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. a map of definite location, the land in controversy— and much more, which has been so with- drawn— was found to lie outside of the limits which included the frranted land; but its with- drawal and reservation from settlement and entry under our laws was continued upon the theory that it was within the limits of indemnity lands which might be selected by the com- pany as provided in the law making the grant. The legal points in the controversy turned upon the validity and effect of the with- drawal and reservation of this land and the continuance thereof. The Attorney-General is of the opinion that such withdrawal and reservation were at all times effectual, and that they operated to prevent Miller from acquiring any interest in or right to the land claimed by him. With this interpretation of the law, and the former order and action of the Interior Department, it will be seen that their effeot has been the withdrawal and reservation since 1872 of thousands, if not milllions, of acres of these lands from the operation of the land laws of the United States, thus placing them beyond the reach of our citizens desiring under such laws to settle and make homes upon the same, and that this has been done for the benefit of a railroad company having no fixed, certain, definite interests in such lands. In this manner the beneficent policy and intention of the Government, in relation to the public domain, have for all these years to that extent been thwarted. There seems to be no evidence presented showing how much,if any,of this vast tract is necessary for the fulfillment of the grant to the railroad company; nor does there appear to be any limitation of the time within which this fact should be made known and the corporation obliged to make its selec- tion. After a lapse of fifteen years this large body of the public domain is still held in re- serve, to the exclusion of settlers, for the convenience of a corporation beneficiary of the Government, and awaiting its selection, though it is entirely certain that much of this reserved land can never be honestly claimed by said corporation. Such a condition of the public land should no longer continue. So far as it is the result of executive rules and methods these should be abandoned; and so far as it is a consequent of improvident laws, these should bo repealed or amended. Our public domain is our national wealth, the earnest of growth and the heritage of our people. In the case under consideration I assume that there is an abundance of land within the area that has been reserved for indemnity, in which no citizen or settler has a legal or equitable interest, for all purposes of such indemnification to this railroad ^company if its grant has not already been satisfied. I understand, too, that selections made by such corporation are not com- plete and effectual until the same have been approved by the Secretary of the Interior, or unless they are made, in the words of the statute, under his direction. You have thus far taken no action in this matter, and it seems to me that you are in a condition to deal with the subject in such a manner as to protect this settler from hardship and loss. I transmit herewith the papers and documents relating to the case, which were sub- mitted to mo at my request. GROVER CLEVELAND THE ACTION OF THE DEPARTMENT. Following the suggestions of this letter, Secretary Lamar on May 23, 1887» called upon the railroads concerned to show cause why the lands covered by indemnity withdrawals, for their benefit, should not be thrown open to entry^ Attempts were made by them to " show cause," but the Secretary held their show- ings insufficient, and on August 13, 1887, in the case of the Atlantic and Pacific road, the Secretary rendered a lengthy opinion, in which he reviewed the Act of July 27, 1866, making the grant to this road, and used the following language : Waiving all question as to whether or not said granting act took from the Secretary all authority to withdraw said Indemnity limits from settlement, it is manifest that the said act gave no special authority or direction to the executive to withdraw said lands; and when such withdrawal was made it was done by virtue of the general authority over such matters possessed by the Secretary of the Interior, and in the exercise of his dis- cretion ; so that were the withdrawal to be revoked, no law would be violated— no contract THE PUBLIC LAND POLICT. 217 broken. The company would be placed exactly in the position which the law ^ave it, and deprived of no rights acquired thereunder. It would yet have its right to select indemnity for lost lands, but in so doing it would have no advantage over the settler, as it now has ia contravention of the policy of the government in denial of the rights unquestionably conferred upon settlers by the land laws of the country, apparently specially protected by the provisions of the granting act under consideration. This Department, charged with the administration of the land laws, acted with the utmost, if not questionable, liberality when it withdrew the land in the indemnity belt— a liberalify which Congress declined to exhibit. This liberality was further shown by the fact that the indemnity lands were withdrawn long before a mile of railroad was built, and continued withdrawn long after the time prescribed by law for Its construction had expired ; and more than liberality is shown in that, during the period of said withdrawals, the company is allowed to present and have approved by the local officers its list of selec- tions without giving public notice of any kind ; whilst the pre-emption or homestead set- tler, though his residence upon and cultivation of his land has been open and notorious for years, is compelled to give thirty days' notice, by advertisement and posting, before he is allowed to show by proof a right to his home, so that any one interested may appear and protest on the day named against said proof, or contest his right. And the Depart- ment is not now to be charged with injustice or illiberality because it dpes not propose to keep in perpetual reservation a territory of such vast extent, as was withdrawn, for the benefit of this road. Criticism upon the alleged shortcomings of the government with respect to this grant come with ill grace from this company. The people, whom the government represents, had some rights under the grant as well as the company. That act was not passed and that contract made for the sole benefit of the company. Mutuality in benefit was expected and intended, and mutual obligations were entered into ; and equity and good conscience would require of both parties a faithful observance of these obligations. The Atlantic and Pacific Company proposed to build a railroad , from Springfield, Missouri, thence to the western boundary of the State ; thence to a point on the Canadian jiver ; thence to the town of Albuquerque, in New Mexico ; thence to the head-waters of the Colorado river ; thence to the Pacific Ocean. The government was asked to make a grant of land to aid in the construction of this proposed road. This was done in a most liberal manner ; but it was provided by the eighth section of the granting act : That each and every grant, right and privilege herein are so made and given to and accepted by said Atlantic and Pacific Railroad Company upon and subject to the followinpr conditions namely: That the said company shall commence the work on said road withiu two years from the approval of this act by the President, and shall complete not less than fifty miles per 'year after the second year, and shall construct, equip, furnish and com- plete the main line of the whole road by the fourth day of July, Anno Domini 1878. Did the company comply with this clear and specific contract? Did it commence the construction of its road in the two years named ? Did it prosecute the work as requi red ? Did it complete its main line at the time mentioned? In fact, Las it yet completed the main line? If at the time this company applied for its grant, it had stated its purpose was to build the proposed road, or so much of it as ic might desire, from time to time, and in such frag- ments, or to and from such points as it pleased its management, and that the government should withdraw from entry and settlement along its whole line all the land in both granted and indemnity limits, and keep such lands in a state of indeunite withdrawal to wait the pleasure or convenience cf the company, is it believed for a moment that Congress would have listened to the application for a grant ? Yet this is exactly what the company now in- sists Congress has done ; with the further assertion that, though the company may violate every specification of its contract, the government is bound in equity not only to carry out the contract on its side, but to guarantee to it a monopoly for an indefinite period of a vast part of the public domain not contemplated by the grant. I do not so understand either the law or the equity of the case. On a full consideration of the whole subject I conclude that the withdrawal for in- demnity purposes, if permissible under the law, was solely by virtue of executive authority, and may be revoked by the same authority ; that such revocation would not be violation of either law or equity, and that said lands having been so long withheld for 218 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. the benefit of the company, the time has arrived when public policy and justice demand the withdrawal should be revoked and some regard had for the rights of those seeking and needing homes ou the public domain. I therefore direct that all lands under withdrawals heretofore made and held for Indemnity purposes under the grant to the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad Company be restored to the public domain and opened to settlement under the general land laws, except such lands as may be covered by approved selections ; provided the restoration shall not affect rights acquired within the primary or granted limits of any other con- gressional grant. As a result of this bold action by President Cleveland and the departmental orders following, 21 ,323,600 acres of land were restored to the public domain and more will follow. This one act alone will furnish homesteads of 160 acres each for 133,272 settlers.* PRIVATE LAND CLAIMS The cessions of the various bodies of lands acquired from Spain, France, Mexico and Russia were made upon treaty stipulations that all owners of any parts of the ceded territories should be protected in their ownership of the lands held by them. These treaty obligations have been scrupulously observed by the United States, but private grants have been a source of much fraud and of sore vexation to the people, especially in New Mexico and Arizona. Many grants which were formerly only claimed to cover a few thousand acres have been purchased by land syndicates which bodily lay claim to millions instead of thousands, and hold the land claimed and get the use of it until their claim is finally disposed of— usually by rejecting the greater part of it. Other such claims are manufacturecf out of whole cloth, some vague expression by some old Mexican of a desire to own a little patch of ground for a home W'hich was never followed by any action by the Mexican Government, being the only foundation. Many millions of acres of land are thus withheld from settlement under these false or fraudulent claims. The Democratic Commissioner of the Land Office took cognizance of these abuses at once, and the result has been the rejection of one claim — the Gerracio Nolan grant in New Mexico, and the restoration to settlement of 570,000 acres, an area nearly as large as the State of Rhode Island. Recom- mendations have been made by the General Land Office to the Department and to Congress, asking for action looking to the recovery of 635,255 acres, improperly patented under private land claims, the resurvey of claims which would restore to the public domain 629,500 acres, and the rejection of claims covering 4,732,480.15 acres. • FRAUDULENT SURVEYS. A rich field for fraudulent work was found in the official surveys. The survey of the public lands is made under contracts entered into by the Surveyors-General of the various States and Territories with deputy surveyors, the persons doing the actual work being paid on their accounts being adjusted in the General Land Office. Prior to the present administration, it was the custom to pay these deputies on their own reports that their work had been correctly and fully done. Great laxity in enforcing these contracts was practiced. Parties who had contracted to survey *Since this Chapter was prepared the Secretary of the Interior has decided the above case. It is treated in full in Chapter XVIII, under the title " Guilford Miller's Farm." I THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 219 entire townships were permitted to survey the easiest parts thereof, were paid for the same, and then the same or other parties were employed to complete the surveys at a much higher rate. Imperfect woik was paid for and the men Avho had failed to perform their contracts were, in many instances, actually paid for retracing the same work they had failed to do properly in the first instance. Many surveys claimed to be complete were paid for when, in fact, very few lines had been run at all, the field notes and plats being made up from imagination. The law expressly provides that the actual work must be done by the deputy, but, in flagrant violation thereof, parties were allowed to contract for the survey of many townships at a time and to sub let the work to others. Most of these abuses grew out of the fact that no examination of surveys was made on behalf of the Govern- ment. Soon after Commissioner Sparks assumed control of the Land Oflice he recommended that provision be made by Congress for the examination of surveys by special agents of the Ofiice before they were paid for, and appropriations have been made therefor since then. The result has been most salutory. Many fraudulent surveys were detected and rejected, and contracts entered into under the present administration are more faithfully executed because the con- tractors know that their work will be carefully inspected in the interest of the Oovernment. Worse than the foregoing, however, were the actual frauds committed on the Goverment in which, in many instances, the Surveyors-General or their deputies were active participants. We do not have room to notice all the instances of this id, and will mention the following as a sample : m THE BENSON FRAUD. The " special deposit system," originated through section 10 of " An act to re- duce the expenses of the survey and sale of the public lands," which was approved May 20, 18G2. Originally enacted to allow and authorize surveys, without cost to Vie United States, where settlers desired surveys in advance of the regular appro- priations for surveys, the act of July 1, 1864, first made the deposits available as appropriations for the surveying service, which last act amended by the act of March 3, 1871, authorizing the acceptance of special deposits in part payment for the depositor's land. Under daie of April 6, 1881, the General Land Office issued a circular in which all previous insti-uctions, regulating special deposits to actual settlers only, were revoked. In said circular the words of the original act, " the settlers," were emitted, and in lieu thereol were submitted " a?iy party who desires a survey, ^^ or * applicants." Under said instructions it was only necessary that a " desire " for surveys should be expressed by applicants, and required deposits were made to ex- :end surveying operations over the public lands, not reserved or mineral. This was followed by the organization, in San Francisco, Cal., of a " syndi- cate," under the special direction and superintendence of John A. Benson, a former iontracting deputy surveyor, with the financial assistance of certain banks. This '.yndicate undertook and succeeded in controlling all special deposit contracts, jrincipally on the Pacific Slope, with extensions into New Mexico, Wyoming, Jtah, &c. The banks supplied the money requisite for special deposits, the respec- ive agents of the syndicate perfected the award of contracts at the oflices of the everal surveyors-general, and the contracting deputies executed " power of attor- ley " to the banks for any and all moneys payable under each contract. I 220 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. In January, 1882, the General Land OflSce, with the approval of the Secretary of the Interior, issued a regular form of "settler's application for survey under section 2401, Revised Statutes of the United States." This form *' developed " the " system" with wonderful facility, and contributed, in a marked degree, to the success of those who had conspired to defraud the Government. Every employe in the service of the *' syndicate " who could write his name legibly was employed to *' fill up " the blank forms, while other employes, who had been duly commissioned and provided with seals as *' Notaries Public " and *' U. S. Commissioners," suppliied the requisite jurats and seals to each completed applica- tion. Blank forms of applications were also scattered broadcast throughout the localities where "skeleton surveys" were contemplated, and any and all possible settlers, herders or temporary occupants on the lands were induced to sign their names to t>'e blank forms. Blank forms of contracts for public surveys throughout the surveying district of California were also signed in blank by wholesale, the chainmen, and oiher field assistants connected with the several surveying parties furnishing the requisite " dummy." In addition to forms of contract, bond, oath, preliminary and final oaths of assistants and contracting deputies which were duly signed in blank forms of " powers of attorney " from the *' dummy " contractor to specified banks, were also signed, sealed and delivered, the latter paper being invaluable for the purpose of securing the payments under the special contract. Bonds to secure contracts having first been signed in blank by the "dummy" as principal, were subsequently filled out in pencil, sums ranging fiom $5,000 to $50 000, convenient and subservient " bondsmen " contributing their signatures to the bond as sureties and to the requisite affidavits as to assets. Sworn testimony before the Grand July of the United States Court for the "Northern District of California, developed the fact that several surveying parties, in the employ of the San Francisco Syndicate, were engaged in the ostensible work of executing surveys and " reconnoitering " the unsurveyed 'lands in that State. These " reconnoisances " were for a two-fold purpose; one being to obtain the principal topography of the lands and to "set corners" here and there, principally along the banks of streams, where settlers might possibly locate; which information could be embodied in the "true field notes," to be subsequently prepared at the " general office " in San Francisco under future contracts. The other purpose was to ascertain the character of the lands, whether or not they were valuable as agricultural or mineral, and whether the same was desirable for ranch or mining purposes, the title thereto to be thereafter acquired in the "land" interest of the syndicate. When "corners" could be set without much labor they were accordingly located, but no attention was paid to ex- isting surveying regulations or the manual of surveying instructions. METHOD OF WORKING FRAUDULENT BURVEVg. In lieu of a surveyor's chain, the lines were " paced ofi"" by the assistants, and slender twigs of wood or similar material used to indicate the "corners." No at- tempts were made to establish " corners " on rough or mountainous lands, or where the lands were covered with the thick growth of "chaparral." No examinations in the field on behalf of the government were made of these sui'veys, so that the eon- spirators were in no danger of immediate discovery. I THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 221 The amouiitdepo8itedml879 was $137,365.67; in 1880, $941,741.42 ; in 1881, $1,749,547.54; in 1882, $2,184,175.44; in 1883, $437,949.72. The sudden decline in 1883 was owing to an amendment adopted by Congress August 7, 1882, to existing laws which restricted to the land districts embracing the township surveyed, the use of the triplicate certificate of deposit in payment for lands. Pending legislation on the matter of special deposits, the records of the General Land Office show that, from July 1 to August 7, 1882, the number and liabilities of special deposit contracts- for public surveys far exceeded those of any prior period of equal length. The records of the General Land Office show that the operations of the syndi- cate were not confined to California, but extended into the States of Nevada, Ore- gon and Colorado, and the Territories of Arizona, Idaho, New Mexico, Montana,. Utah, Washington and Wyoming. In the States and Territories of Nevada, Ore- gon, Idaho and Washington, contiguous to the base of operations at San Francisco,, the traveling cftrps of surveyors and assistants were dispatched to do such work in the field as was deemed absolutely indispensable, as explained by the assistants in their affidavits. In the distant surveying districts of Colorado, Wyoming, New Mexico, etc., the services of resident and •* reliable" parties were secured. Edward F. Stahble, of Wyoming, for example, whose original special deposit contract of $6,000 was floated, continued, and extended to $130,000. In New Mexico the arid region known as " The Staked Plains," where water for man and beast has to be transported from a great distance, was all apparently surveyed and surveys paid for. When the present administration assumed control of public land aflFairs the matter <3f special deposits and public surveys thereunder was promptly investi- gated. With the view of securing positive mden.ce as to the existence of the alleged Syndicate, with headquarters in San Francisco, California, a trusted Special Agent was detailed to that city for the purpose stated. With consummate skill was the inquiry made, and the " scent " being finally secured through the voluntary admis- sion of a trusted ally of the Syndicate, the investigation was rigorously prose- cuted. In March, 1887, the grand jury convened and the matters relating to the Benson conspiracy which had been prepared by the Special Agent was presented for their consideration. The grand jury entered vigorously upon the discharge of their duties, and several witnesses, all of whom are on record as United States Deputy Surveyors, were duly examined. In April, 1887, the grand jury found 33 indict- ments for perjury and 8 for conspiracy against John A. Benson, George H. Perrin and James R. Glover, with their assistants, associates, etc. These suits are now pending in the Federal courts in California. During the past three years the operations of the California Surveying Syndi- cate for controlling the public land surveys have not only been exposed, but com- Dletely broken up. Thousands of dollars, which were originally deposited through- )ut the land States and Territories in connection with the Syndicate system of con- tracts, yet remain in the vaults of the Treasury to the credit of the " Special De- )osit fund," but utterly valueless to the banking parties of the late Syndicate. The " Powning " frauds in Nevada are now awaiting action in the office of the Secretary of the Interior. The result of the action of the administration in so promptly unearthing these rauds has been to give the public honest surveys by which settlers may be pro- ected in their improvements. I 223 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY OTHER RESTORATIONS. Since March 4, 1885, up to May 12, 1888, a period of a little over three years, by the cancellation of illegal, fraudulent and forfeited entries, there had been restored to the public domain 23,869,439.74 acres, while unlawful enclosures (to be hereafter mentioned) were removed from 3,591,179 acres, by the action of the General Land Office, making a total of 27,460,608.74 acres restored by the action of the Land Office in the regular course of business. During the same period invalid State selections were cancelled, including inter- nal improvement, swamp land, school selections, &c., restoring to the public domain 968,747.53 acres. The total actual restorations of land to the public domain since March 4, 1885, reached the enormous aggregate of 80,690,720 59 acres. In addition to this there have been recommended for restoration hf the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of the General Land Office by acts forfeiting unearned railroad grants, rejections of private land claims, &c., 65,020,538.33 acres, or a grand total of 145,711.358.92 acres, actually restored and in process of restora- tion. , THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 22S LANDS RESTORED TO PUBLIC DOMAIN. Statement showing the quantity of land actually restored to the public domain, and of land recommended for recovery by the action of the General Land OflSce^ and Secretary of the Interior, from March 4, 1885, to May 12, 1888 : Lands Actually Restored to the Public Domain. Lands in granted railroad limits restored Forfeitures of railroad grants under acts of Congress. Railroad indemnity lands restored Private land claims — withdrawn lands restored Entries under pre-emption, homestead, timber cul- ture, desert, mineral and timber land laws canceled in regutar course of examination and proceedings in General Land Office for abandonment, illegality and other causes T Invalid State selections (interaal improvements and swamp) Total actually restored to the public domain and opened to entry and settlement Recovery of Lands Recommended. Land WitMn Railroad Grants Recommended for Recovery of land recommended and pending for re view of Secretary Recovery of land recommended and pending on ap peal before the Secretary ; Suits recommended for the recovery of land Railroad forfeitures under bills now before Congress, Private land claims : Recommendations to Congress to reject claims heretofore favorably reported Resurveys"^ ordered reducing areas of claims Suits recommended to vacate patents Lands forfeited in Oregon and recommended for recov- ery under grant for military wagon roads Grand total actually restored to the public domain and recommended for recovery Acreage. Total Averagr RrSTORED. Acres. 2,108,417.33 28,253,347.00 21,323,600.00 576,000.00 27,460,608.74 698,747.53 12,500.00 1,500,000.00 818,687.18 *54.323,996.00 4,732,480.15 629,500.00 635,255.00 Acres. 80,690,720.59 62,652,218.33 2,368,320.00 145,711,258.92 SWAMP LAND INDEMNITY CLAIMS. As it early appeared, after the passage of the swamp land grant act, that the United States was parting with the title to a great deal of land which would be embraced in said act, and that no title could inure to the States for such lands as had been previously appropriated, Congress by various acts up to and including March 5, ♦Under the bill which recently passed the Senate the quantity of land forfeited will equal 5,637,436 acres, but the aggregate quantity forfeited under the bills of the two Houses, if adopted, will equal 64,333,996 acres, as above. I 224 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 1857, provided indemnity for the States in the shape of cash or scrip, upon the filing by the agents of the State of lists of lands claimed to be swamp which had been conveyed by the United States between September 28, 1850, and March 3, 1857. In some cases it appears from the records that the agent makes out from the tract books of the General Land Office, a list of all the lands sold by the United States without regard to whether they were swamp or dry lands, and then procures the affidavits of two witnesses stating that all such lands were swamp and overflowed. Such lists are filed by the agent in the General Land Office, and indemnity is asked for the various tracts contained therein. Upon receipt of these lists the Swamp Xand Division proceeds to make an examination of each tract, eliminating therefrom (in those States where there are no lands upon which to locate indemnity certificates) all lands that were sold and paid for with warrants, as well as those tracts which were erroneously inserted in the agent's list, and which were sold either before September 28, 1850, or after March 3, 1857. After the new commissioner had been in office a short time, and after his atten- tion had been called to indemnity allowances, he, believing that the claims as pre. sented were mostly fraudulent in character, determined to submit all claims for indemnity which were pending, to a re-examinatioii to be made by agents appointed under this administration. From this decision an appeal was taken by State Agent Isaac R. Hitt to the Secretary of the Interior, and in the case of Hardin county, Iowa, Secretary Lamar held that the commissioner of the General Land Office had the right to order a re-examination to be made if the proof on hand was not satis- factory to him. As a result of this action of the commissioner, we may take the State of Illi- nois simply as an illustration. The swamp lands in that State as in some others were granted by the State to the several counties in which they lie. The counties employ agents to list the lands and procure title to them or indemnity for such as are sold— which is the case with about all the land in Illinois. The following state- ment shows the number of acres for which indemnity was claimed by counties under the former administration, beginning with 1883, and the amount reported as 8wamp by the Government agents, and the same facts within the three years of this administration ; Administration. Republican . Democratic. NO. ACRES. CLAIMED. NO ACRES REPORTED SWAMP. PER CENT. ALLOWED. 806,310 845,119 42.6 1,109,200, 96,447| 8.1 This is presented as an illustration of the reckless, almost criminal negligence in protecting the interests of the government in former times and of the great improvements under Democratic control. Thus during the time that the Republican party was in power, from 1861 to 1875, when a Democratic Congress stopped the process, more than 185,000,000 acres of lands were granted directly to railroad corporations, being almost as much land as is to be found in the thirteen original States of the Union. The magnitude of these figures can only be thoroughly appreciated when com- parison is made with the areas of States and Territories, to be found elsewhere, and I THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 225 with the acreage of the principal countries of the world, a few of which are given here, together with their population, by the latest census returns : ABEA AND POPULATION OF LEADING COUNTRIES. Area In Acres. Population. Austria-Hungary 143,889,840 35,^04,435 France 129,616,000 36,905,788 Germany 135.738,246 43.727,360 Great Britain and Ireland 77,587,200 31,638,338 Italy 73,112,280 26,801,154 Japan 100,236,560 33,633,319 Spain 116,966,120 16,333.814 Switzerland 9,749,120 2,759,854 Instead, therefore, of saving this vast area of land for actual settlers upon which millions of people yet unborn might have made happy homes, it was granted in the most reckless way to corporations to fall naturally in larQ:e tracts into the posses- sion of a small number of owners. It remained for branches of Congress, Demo- cratic in their majority, to declare forfeited more than eighty million acres of these grants — enough under the policy of the present administration, to give farms of 160 acres each to 504,317 families, or more than two millions of people. AREAS OP 53TATE8 AND TERRITORIES. The following statement showing the areas of all the States and Territories in square miles and acres has been prepared for the purposes of comparison : Names. Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Dakota Delaware District of Columbia Florida Georgia [daho [llinois [ndiana .ndian Territory.... "owa iansas Kentucky .iouisiana laine Maryland lassachusetts lichigan Ilnnesota lississippi Sq. Miles. Acres. Names. Sq. Miles. Acres. 51,540 112 920 53,045 155,980 103,645 4,845 147,700 1,960 60 54,240 58,9S0 84,290 56,000 85,910 64,090 55,475 81,700 40,000 45,420 29,895 9.860 8,040 57,430 79,205 46,340 32,985,600 72.268,800 33,948.800 99,827,200 66,332,800 3,100 ^00 94,528,000 1,254 400 38,400 34.713,600 37,747,?0f) 54,745,600 35,840,000 23.982.400 41,017.6(30 35,501,000 52,288.000 25.600,000 29,668. POO 19,132.800 5,310,400 5,145.600 36,755,200 50,691,300 29,657,600 Missouri Montana ! Nebraska i Nevada ;New Hampshire.... iNew Jersev jNew Mexico New York [North Carolina Ohio Oregon I Pennsylvania j Rhode Island I South Carolina i Tennessee ' Texas lUtah j Vermont Virginia iWashington Terr'y. ii West Virginia ! Wisconsin j, Wyoming Unorganized 68,735 145,310 76,185 109,740 9,005 7,455 123,460 47,620 48,580 40,760 94,560 44,980 1,085 30.170 41,750 362,290 82,1B0 9,135 40.135 66,880 24,645 54,450 97,575 5,740 43,9P0,400 92,S9S,400 48,758,400 70,233,600 5,763,200 4,771,200 78,374,400 30,476,400 31.091.200 26,086,400 60,518,400 28,6PO,400 694.400 19,808.800 26,720,000 167.865,600 52,582,400 5,876,400 25,680,000 42,903,200 15,773.800 34,848,000 62,448,000 3,673,600 R UNLAWFUL ENCLOSURES. I^n evil of great magnitude which confronted the public land oflQcials on their ing into power was found in the unlawful enclosure with fences of vast bodies f the public domain by great organized syndicates of cattle men who defied the iw and forcibly repelled home-seekers from settling on lands within the enclosures r adjacent thereto. Commissioner Sparks, ably backed by Secretary Lamar, set to 226 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. work, at once, to remedy this evil, if possible. The result of their action is shown by the following extract from the annual report of the land office of the year ending June 30, 1887. " Up to the present time 46,5 inclosures aggregating nearly 7,000,000 acres have been brought to the attention of this office. "Proceedings have been instituted to compel removal in 133 cases, aggregating 3,275 443 acres, and 165 cases aggregating 8,394,766 acres. The special agents report that the lences were removed or were being removed when last examined. " The practice of controlling the public land by fencing has been very largely broken up, and the larger inclosures have either been removed or suits to compel removal are now pending in the courts. " Since June 30, 1887, the work has been going on so that up to date, fully 5,000,000 acres have been restored to settlement by the removal of these inclosures, although the lands covered thereby cannot be, technically, said to have been restored to the public domain, inasmuch as the appropriation being illegal, they cannot be said to have been withdrawn irom entry. Practically, however, would-be settlers were much more effectually ei;cluded from these lands than they would have been by prior settlers. TIMBER DEPREDATIONS. In addition to the unlawful inclosures, the Special Agents of the General Land Office have done good work in preventing depredations (m the timber lands of the government, and, where depredations have actually been committed, in bringing prompt action in the courts to recover damages therefor, as is shown by the follow- ing statement obtained from the General Land Office : STATEMENT SHOWING ACTUAL RESULTS ACCOMPLISHED BY THE SPECIAL SERVICE DIVISION OF THE GENERAL LAND OFFICE FROM MARCH 4, 1885, TO APRIL 30, 1888. Legal proceedings recommended for timber trespass : Civil. Am't Involved. Criminal. M'ch 4, 1885, to June 30, 1885 41 $ 215,147.83 61 July 1, 18S5, to June;J0,l>86 275 5,774,272.84 679 July 1,1886, to June SO, 1887... 323 3,083.236.73 493 July 1, 1887, to Api 11 m, 1888 373 :),011,206.73 579 Total 910 $11,083,864.11 1,812 Amount recovered on account of timber trespass : March 4, 1885, to June 30, 1885, estimated f 30,000.00 July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1886, from official records 101,088.44 July 1, 1886, to Juno 30, 1887, from official records 138,642.09 July 1, 1887, to April 30, 1888, from official records. 49,946.83 July 1, 1887, to April 30, 1888, estimated amount recovered not yet re- ported 90,000.00 Total amount recovered $390,675.36 Civil suits pending June 30, 1887 333-involvlng $6,907,820.55 Criminal suits pending June 30, 1887 436 These figures are talren from the United States Attorneys' reports to the Land Office. A statement of suits pending to a later date (except almost entirely by estimate) can be made, as but few of the United States Attorneys' reports have been received for any portion of this fiscal year. I THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 227 LAND OFFICE POLICY. Mr. Stockslager, now Commissioner of the General Land Office, in a speech in the House March 2, 18S5, reviewed the policy of the two parties on the question of the public lands in an exhaustive speech, from which the following extracts are taken : " Mr. Speaker, it is the second time in the history of our country that this question has loomed up until it is considered one of transcendent importance. As far back as 1849 it was a prominent question in American politics. In that year, on the 24:th day of December, the first homestead bill was introduced in the House by Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, and a similar bill was introduced in the Senate on the 7th day of January, 1850, by Andrew Johnson. The agitation of the subject continued, and such measures were supported by such able and distinguished legislators as Douglas, Pendleton, Holman and Cox. '* When the Republican party met in national convention at Chicago in 1860 and put forth iis platform, conspicuous among its principles therein enunciated was the following : " ' That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House.' " Thus recognizing the bill passed by the Democrats in the House as the correct principle upon the subject of public lands. "It is a part of the political history of the country that the Republican party was successful in that campaign, electing its President and securing control of Congress. It carried out its pledge :o the people by the enactment of a homestead law. This was a beneficent law, and I am frank to confess that if it had been carried out in good faith and the principles contained in it applied for all time to our public domain, it would have been one of the greatest and most far-reaching measures ever enacted by a .legis- lative assembly on earth. *•**♦«••****»* "But the representatives of the people, in violation of their pledges to the people and in betrayal of a high trust, began a reckless and wholesale system of giving away the public lands that before had never been dreamed of. The American people were amazed when they learned that on the 1st day of July, 1863, ju it forty one days after the home- stead law was approved, the same Congress granted to the Union and Central Pacific Railroads a magnificent belt of land forty miles wide, extending from the Missouri River to near the Bay of San Francisco. "Thus the homestead law was violated, disregarded, and set aside, and a most gigantic system of reckless squandering of the lands inaugurated. This was an entire change in ourlandsystem, both in the manner of disposing of the public lands and of the amounts to be given. Before that date not a single acre of the public domain was ever granted to arailroador other corporation. Donations of the public lands had been made from time to time to the States, aggregating in all 31,000,846 acres, for the purpose of being disposed of by the States in aid of education, for military roads, for internal improvements, and for railroads. But the 'grants were all to the States. " The first grant to a State for railroad purposes was to the State of Illinois, in 1850, for the Illinois Central Railroad, and was of the even sections, six sect'ons in width on each side of the road. That State in making the grant to the railroad wisely reserved to herself seven per cent, of the gross earnings of this road, from which she is now deriving nearly a half million dollars annually, and which will for all time to come contribute largely to the payment of the expense of the State Government. The grants which fol- lowed, up to 1862, were restricted to actual settlers on one hundred and sixty acres each at $2.50 per acre. ♦ * * * • * * ♦ « «.» * * « " Let us see what the effect of this ominously wrong system has been upon the airri* culturists of this country, 15 238 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. " The folio wing table exhibits the number of farms of different sizes held in the United States and Territories In 1870 and 1880 respectively : Number of Farms in the United States in the Census Years 1870 and 1880. 1880. 1870. Increase. Decrease. Under three acres Three to ten acres Tpn to twenty acres . . Twenty to fifty acres. Total deci-ease in the number of small farms in ten years. Fifty to one hundred acres One hundred to five hundred acres Five hundred to one thousand acres From one thousand nine hundred acres up. Total number of farms Total increase in the number of large farms in ten years. 4,352 134,b89 2->4,749 781,474 1,032,910 1,695,983 75,972 28,578 4,008,907 6,R75 173,021 294,607 847,614 754,221 565,054 15,875 3,720 2,659,985 2,523 33,133 r^9,858 6f5,140 140,653 278,689 130,929 60.099 24,858 1,348,923 494,566 "We have not only made great land monopolists of corporations, but aliens and foreign corporations are gradually absorbing vast tracts of our best land, until we find that already It is little trouble to set out a list of owners of an aggregate of more than twenty millions of acres in tracts ranging from 5,000 to 5,000,000 each. I append a list of a few of such alien holders. I doubt not that careful examination of the subject would develop a list much more extensive than the one given below : An English syndicate, No. 3, in Texas 3.000,000 The Hollant Company, New Mexico 4,500,000 Sir Edward Reid, and a syndicate, in Florida 2,000,000 English syndicate in Mississippi 1,000,000 Marquis of Tweedale 1,750,000 Phillips, Marshall & Co., London , 1,300,000 German syndicate , 1,100,000 Anglo-American syndicate, Mr. Rogers, president, London 750,000 Bryan H.Evans, of London, in Mississippi 700,000 Duke ol Sutherland 435,000 British Land Company, In Kansas 320,000 William Walley, M. P., Peterboro, England 310000 Missouri Land Company, Edinburgh, Scotland 300,000 Robert Tonnant, of London 230,000 Dundee Land Company, Scotland 247,000 Lord Dundore 120,000 Benjamin Newgas, Liverpool 100,000 Lord Houghton,in Florida 60,000 Lord Dunravin,In Colorado 60,000 English Land Company, In Florida 50,000 English Land Company, In Arkansas 50,000 Albert Peel, M. P., Leicestershire, England 10,000 Sir J. M. Ray, Yorkehire, England ." 5,000 Alexander Grant, of London, In Kansas 35,000 English syndicate (represented by Close Bros.), Wisconsin 110,000 M. EUerhauser, of Halifax, Nova Scotia, in West Virginia 600,000 A Scotch Syndicate, in Florida 50,000 Missouri Land Company, of Edinburgh, Scotland 165,000 Total 20,747,000 " With all the curses which we have heard heaped upon the land system of England and the land monopoly of England and Wales, it is no comparison to our own. The great land- holders of England are mere " pygmies " when compared with our " giants." In a recent I THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 229 work entitled ""baod and Labor in the United States," by William C. Moody, the author, at page 88 of his book, gives the following as the size of English land holding : " ' The following is a list of the whole number of land-owners in England and Wales who are possessed of 50,000 and more acres of land each, and the actual amount of their holding, by which it will be seen that there are but three who own more than 100,000 acres each, and no one has an estate that reaches 200,000 acres : Size of Enolish Land Holdings. Names of owners. Acres. Marquis of Ailesbury 55,051 Duke of Beaufort 51,085 Duke of Bedford 87,507 Earl of Brownlow 57,799 Earl of Carlisle 78,540 Earl of Cawdor 51,538 Duke of Cleveland 106,650 Earl of Derby 58,598 Duke of Devonshire 148,629 Lord Leconfleld 66,101 Lord Londesborough 52,655 Lord Lonsdale 67,950 Duke of Northumberland 191,180 Duke of Portland 55,259 Earl of Powis 70,039 Lady Willoughby 59,912 Sir W. W. Winn 91,032 Earl of Yarborough. 55,370 THE RECORD OP THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. " But, Mr. Speaker, let us look at the record of the Democratic party upon this subject. I have already shown that the first homestead bill ever introduced in this House was intro- duced by Stephen A. Douglass, and the first bill ever introduced in the Senate was by An- drew Johnson, both of whom were at the time leaders in the Democratic party. I have also seen that the Democratic party passed through this House the first homestead bill which was ever passed in it. I have also seen that the Democratic party, during the nearly sixty years of its power in government, never granted an acre of the public lands to a cor- poration. Hence, when that party surrendered power March 4, 1861, it did so with a home- stead bill passed the previous Congress and oar magnificent public domain carefully hus- banded. " The uniform policy of that party has been to acquire and husband the public lands for the benefit of the Government and the people. The people having decided, at the last ■election, that the Republican party was unworthy and elected a large majority of Demo- crats to this body, it became the duty of that party to respond to the voice of the people and restore to the public domain such of the public lands as were not earned and beyond the reach of forfeiture of the Government, to attempt, in some degree at least, to right the great wrong done them by the Republican party in violation of its pledges, and which it re- fused to right in the last Congress. How well that party has adhered to its antecedents and kept faith with the people, a glance at our calendar will show." H THE PERALTA CLAIM. This pretended claim is located in Southern Arizona. It is based upon an alleged grant by Mexico to one Michael Peralta in 1758, although no attempt was ever made to assert any such claim until about five years ago. The claim is now engineered by a powerful combination of capitalists. It covers some 4,000,000 acres of the best lands in Arizona, a tract larger than the entire State of Connecticut and I 230 THE PUBLIC LAND POLICT. Rhode Island and almost as large as Massachusetts or New Jersey. Although no record evidence of any such grant can be found either in Spain or Mexico, certain papers have been deposited in the office of the Surveyor-General of Arizona upon ■which a colorable claim is based. The Department refused to recognize the claim. Another attempt was made to give the claimants standing by ordering a prelimary survey to be made of the lands claimed. The effect of such an order would have been to withdraw the lands involved from entry and to give the claimants the exclusive possession and control of the tract, whereupon they would begin a system of forcing those who have settled upon and improved portions of the land, built towns thereon, opened mines, &c., to " compromise" with the claimants by buying up their supposed rights in the land. The Land Office steadfastly refused to depart from the position taken by his pre- decessor, and on the date above mentioned, by official decision, refused to direct the Surveyor- General to make the survey, thus establishing an important precedent, and, at the same time saving thousands of citizens in Arizona from being harrassed with regard to their homes CALIFORNIA TIMBER LANDS. So, also, in the California Redwood Claims, the Commissioner placea himself on record as the friend of law and the enemy of fraudulent operations. He de- cided March 29, 1888, that forty one entries of valuable redwood timber landa should be canceled because they were fraudulently made in the interest of the Hum- boldt Redwood Company, a corporation organized in Scotland for the purpose of obtaining control of the valuable redwood forests of California. By this one deci- sion these lands, amounting in value to $11,000,000, were rescued from fraudulent disposition. Suits to vacate patents in one hundred and fifty-one (151) such cases have also been recommended and other cancellations will follow. These acts indicate the policy of the General Land Office which will be con- tinued under Democratic administration, and are but carrying oat, in good faith,, the pledges it made to the people to use every means to protect the public domain for bona fide home- seekers. RECAPITULATION OF ACTUAL RESULTS. The Democratic party can go to the country with a most creditable record in public land matters, showing it to be the friend of the people and the enemy of land monopolists and corporations. The following reforms, among many others have been made by it : 1. It has put a stop to the improvident and wrongful granting of the public domain to corporations. 2. It has insisted upon interpreting grants already made to corporations in the interests of the people instead of the corporation. 3. It has enforced, as far as possible, the terms of contracts with corporations by which grants should lapse to the government upon failure by the grantee to comply with their conditions. 4. It has made an actual restoration to the public domain of over eighty millions acres wrongfully abstracted therefrom. 5. It has in process of restoration over sixty-five millions acres more* I THE PUBLIC LAND POLICY. 231 6. It has boldly rescinded the pernicious orders of Republican executive oflSciala withdrawing lands from settlement and entry within the mdemnity limits of rail- road grants. 7. It has torn down the unlawful fences of cattle kings and allowed honest settlers an opportunity to enjoy the privilege which the law gives of going any- where, upon the public domain, they choose. 9. It has insisted upon an honest compliance with the terms of the law on the part of those who made entries of public lands, and has fearlessly protected the *' honest settler," however poor and obscure, from every attack, however powerful or rich the attacking party may be. 10. It has wrested the Redwood Forests of California from the clutches of greedy foreign corporations. 11. It has begun the good work of rejecting false and fraudulent private land claims. 12. It is, to-day, doing more work and better work in the General Land OflSce and the Interior Department, than was ever done, under any former administration with an equivalent force. GUILFORD MILLEK S FARM. CHAPTER XVIII. GUILFORD MILLER'S FARM. HOW THE EIGHTS OF ACTUAL SETTLERS ON PUBLIC LANDS HAVE BEEN PROTECTED BY THIS ADMINISTRATION GuUford Miller and Two TJiousand Other Honorable Settlers Declared to Have a Good Title to Their Lands — A RailroaWs Rapacity ChecJced, In accordance with the request of President Cleveland in his letter to Secre- tary Lamar concerning the lands claimed by the Northern Pacific Railroad Company in the case of Guilford Miller, Secretary Vilas gave the matter very careful consid- eration, and on August 2, 1888, rendered a long and exhaustive decision denying the claims of the railroad compay upon the lands of Miller. By this decision Guil- ford Miller not only gets his own land, but about 2,000 other settlers on land claimed by the Northern Pacific Railroad get theirs, thus assuring them of their homes without let or hindrance as well as without cloud upon their titles. In his letter to the Commissioner of the General Land Office the Secretary reviews the whole case at length and with much ability. He says in stating the case: NEW FACTS IN THE CASE. After the appeal had brought the case from your office to this Department, my imme- diate predecessor, on the 9th of October, 1886, transmitted the papers to the Attorney-Gen- eral for his opinion upon the points involved. On the 14th of March, 1887, the Attorney- General's opinion was received, in response to that request, to the effect that the with- drawal was valid and operated to exclude the land from settlement and entry, and that Miller's entry should, therefore, be canceled. After receiving that opinion no further action was talf en by this Department, and it remains for me to dispose of the appeal. I have given the facts and the points of law involved careful consideration, and it appears that material facts were not shown in the papers transmitted to the Attorney-General, and that a different conclusion might probably have been reached by him had all these facts been before him. I do not suppose that it is obligatory upon me to decide in accordance with that opinion, for this and other reasons which I shall discuss ; and, after very careful examination, my convictions of the right of the case are so strong that I am unable to doit. HOW THE RAILROAD COMPANY CHANGED ITS ROUTES. The Secretary then quotes at sufficient length the difl'erent acts granting lands to the Northern Pacific Railroad Company, including the provisions relating to the filing of plats of proposed line, surveys, exemption and withdrawal from settle- ment, together with the times fixed for the completion of the road, extensions of time and of grant to new branches, &c. GUILFORD miller's FARM. 233 He then reviews fully the action of the company in filing plats or maps of the proposed line of the road from the first action of this kind, on March 6, 1865, only a few months after the passage of the act of incorporation, down through the various eflforts it has made to eularge tlie boundaries of its grants, and to secure indemnity for lands taken by actual settlers, as provided b}'- law. The first maps were not accurate plats of the country over which the road was to pass, but mere rough drafts. One " map was," in the language of the Secretary, A very general indication of a line as a practicable ' railroad line, as surveyed by Governor Stevens, and indicated in the Territories of Dakota and Montana another ilne as 'worthy an examination for a railroad route.' The map bears no mark of approval and the line indicated on it is not marked with sufficient definiteness to indicate through what townships even, much less sections, the line of the road would pass. There is not even sufTicient representation of the topographical features of the country to define the location, except on portions of the line." The Railroad Company continued for more than thirteen years to file amended maps or charts, and to request, at each amendmeat, the withdrawal of lands alleged to be within the land grant limits of the new routes. Bat the Secretary finds that "These do not affect the land claimed by Miller, and only serve to illustrate the conse- quences of the theory of authority in the Land Office, to make such withdrawal." ♦ *****»****» The land claimed by Guilford Miller was entirely without tho limits of the withdrawal made upon the line of general route in 1870; it fell within the forty-mile limits of the line of general route filed in 1872, and it lies without the limits of forty miles from the line of definite location, and between the forty and fifty-mile limits, thus falling within the indemnity belt. NO BILL OF PARTICULARS AS TO LOST LANDS. The Northern Pacific Railroad Company filed In the United States Land Office at Spokane Falls, Washington Territory, on the 15th of December, 1883, a list of lands (marked list No. 3 of selections of public lands made by the N. P. R. R. Co., inuring to it under the grants of July 2, 18f34, and May 31, 1870, within the indemnity limits of the Colfax, Spokane Falls, land district), which it claimed to select from the indemnity limits; in such list a total number of six hundred and fifty tracts, aggregating 59,548.74 acres, is claimed, and the one hundred and forty-ninth number is the quarter section homesteaded by Miller. This selec- tion list was accompanied by no statement showing what lands were lost from the granted limits in lieu of which selections are claimed, and no fact was stated beyond the mere claim of selection to justify it. The register and receiver allowed and approved the filing on the 17th of December, and appear to have dated it upon that day. MILLER'S LAND NOT INCLUDED IN THE RAILROAD'S ORIGINAL DEMAND. On the 26th of October, 1887, the company filed in the Walla Walla land office, Wash- ington Territory, a list called a " specification of losses in place covered by indemnity selec- tions. List No. 3, Spokane Falls land district, now Walla Walla in part, Washington Terri- tory." It begins with a declaration of selection specified as being numbers 1 to 050 inclu- sive, in the following words : " All those certain tracts or rarcels of land embraced in selec- tion list No. 3, compris leg in the aggregate 59,54P.74 acres ; " then follows a specification of lands, lying north of the base line and east of the Willamette principal meridian, within forty miles of the line of the railroad, describing thirty different tracts as having been pat- ented or certified, or otherwise taken up on claims, amounting, in total, to 4,011.04 acres. No further definite specification of losses is made, but there follows a list generally of certain sections indicated by numbers, and unsurveyed, in three townships; and then a Bpeciflcation of all odd-numbered sections in three other townships, in the Yai^ima Indian Reservation, aggregating in all, as stated in the list, 55,680 acres, maKing a total of alleged losses of 59,691.04 acres. But it is obvious that this latter gross speoflcation does not dis- I 234 GUILFORD miller's FARM. close the true description of acreage of any lost land with accuracy, the alleged acreage being computed at the rate of 640 acres to the section, without reference to actual quantity : and the sections being only guessed at in large degree. The 4,011.04 acres, specifically shown to have been excepted from the grant, would be entirely satisfied by the appropria- tion in compensation of the first fifty or sixty numbers of the tracts listed in the original list No. 2. No action has been taken by the General Land Office or the Department in approval, or determination, of this claim of selection. * * * The alleged date of the first set- tlement by Miller is not contradicted by any proofs offered, and for the purposes of this opinion, it may be accepted as true. If there be any question of his right upon the facts, which must be further inquired into when final proofs shall be offered, it can be s ibse- quently determined. Nothinghasyetappearedthat shDuld affect the views 1 take of the case as it stands. ILLEGAL ACTION OF THE LAND OFFICE IN 1873. The Secretary then proceeds to discuss, very fully, the two general questions "Whether upon the facts Miller must be denied the benefit of his settlement or of his homestead entry, because in contravention of law as applicable to the condition of the land when made ; and whether the selection of the company ought, in any case, to be approved to the deprivation of his claim under that entry. The maps filed, the changes of route made from time to time are clearly set forth, the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States cited and the illegal action of the General Land Office in withdrawing, at the demand of the company made in 1872, lands within the forty-mile limit of a new line in the eastern part of Washington Territory, a map of which was filed with the acting Land Com- missioner. The lands were withdrawn by the acting Commissioner of the General Land Office without submitting the question to the Secretary of the Interior, who, as the representative of the President, is, under the law, invested with this authority. Secretary Vilas deems this withdrawal by the acting Com- missioner invalid so far, at least, that it could not deprive a settler of the rights given him by the statutes. The Secretary continues : THE PRIVILEGES CLAIMED BY THE COMPANTT. This peculiar privilege given to this company to lay a line of general route as a'^asis for withdrawal of its granted lands, to be followed at somo later time by fixing a line of defi- nite location for the purpose of construction, is analogous to a franchise given by a special charter to a railroad company to locate and build a railroad between designated points. Of such franchises it has always been held that one location, definitely fixed, exhausts the franchise, and that a chartered company cannot, after one exercise of such a privilege, again re-locate and reconstruct its line. There is nothing in the fixing of the general route to require a different governing prin- ciple from the fixing of the final location. The consequences declared by the statute to attach in the one case as much attach as in the other ; and so soon as the statute has thus become applicable, its force is unchangeable but by the creator of it, and there is an end of the privilege. If this interpretation of the act of Congress be correct, it must follow that the Depart- ment, much less the acting Commissioner of the General Land Office, could not alter it by any action of its own. In every just sense, the so-called withdrawal by the Department is only a notification to the public of the effect of the act of Congress itself. The law was exhaustive ; the Department could only act to give application to its provisions to the land and notice to the world thereof. And so the Supreme Court said in the case of this company already referred to, of the withdrawal made on another portion of the line— " This notification did not add to the force of the act itself, but it gave notice to all " parties seeking to make a pre-emption settlement that lands within certain defined limits " might be appropriated for the roads." GUILFORD miller's FARM. 235 ONLY ONE BELT OF LAND CAN BE WITHDRAWN. This reading of the statute limits the power of the Commissioner as much in one aspect as the other ; he could neither by his order terminate, suspend or alter the vigor of the •expressed will of Congress in respect to what lands were to be withdrawn, or for what period to remain so ; nor could he by his order give any added force to a law which propria vigore accomplished independently of, and prior to his order, all which could be eflFected. To hold otherwise would be to declare that the force of the act of Congress was terminable •or alterable, with respect to the speciflc lands to which it related, at the pleasure of the Commissioner of the General Land Office; a conclusion for which neither this act nor any other statute furnishes the least foundation. He could not restore in the market, right- fully, lands which the act of Congress had withdrawn for a period the duration of which •extended by clear and necessary implication beyond the time when he undertook to restore them : and, if he could not restore these lands to market by his order, contrary to that statute, it is Impossible to uphold the exercise of an assumed authority, in the face of the plan and purposes of this act, to withdraw again another belt of eighty miles in width. The law intended that but one such belt should be withdrawn before definite location should give fixity to the grant. To permit him to withdraw another ia manifestly to recognize an ^ct contrary to the purpose of the Congress. WOULD PUT A BLIGHT ON PROGRESS AND SETTLEMENT. This interpretation of the statute, as affecting the authority of the Land Office, results from the application of well-established canons of construction, and is arrived at without Tespect to the argumerdum ad inconvenienii. If, however, attention be dlrectedto the serious and inequitable consequences which such a theory, as pursued, necessarily involves, it Tiecomes still more impossible to suppose that the Congress could ever have designed such •effects. The projected line of this railroad extended from east of the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, leaving open to the company's choice any route north of the 25th par- allel of latitude. If what was done to the eastern portion of Washington Territory were legally done, it might have been as well inflicted upon any portion of that entire expanse •of the northwestern country. A line of general route is fixed by the company, accepted by the Department, and the •act of Congress declared applicable, so that half of the public lands are withdrawn from the use of settlers throughout a belt of eighty miles wide, and the other half are to be pur- chased only at double minimum price. Such a condition of things remains for years, the Toad, meantime, not being constructed ; a serious blight upon the progress and settlement is necessarily Inflicted; but many, adventurously pushing into the new country and •expecting the coming of a railroad, buy lands at the price fixed upon the basis of such an •e"xpectation. Is all this to be rendered worse than vain at the mere option of the company with the compliance of the Land Office, and another nelt of eighty miles in width to be again marked with these effects ? The Commissioner undertakes, Indeed, to unloose the with- •drawal of the lands within the first and to open them to market ; but they are necessarily left charged with the cloud already placed upon them and with the injustice arisinsr from the disappointment to those who have paid a double price in reliance upon a justifiable expectation. It must be noted also that unless the restriction on the power to change and re-locate the line of general route be applicable to the first location, there is no limitation what- •ever. If the second location and withdrawal were authorized, so was the third, or any number. Instead of this great enterprise proving an inducement to settlement and a promoter of development, under such a course of action it could not but be a mighty agent of wrong to individuals and injury to the public, retarding instead of exhilarating the course of advancing civilization. These consequences were a priori so obvious and the privilege proffered to this company, within Its strictest limitations, so extensive and unusual, that it must be regarded as having been clearly within the legislative purpose to confine the «xercise of such a privilege strictly to its boundaries as expressed by the Act, with no latitude of authority in any officer of the Government to amplify and enlarge them. 236 GUILFORD miller's- FARM The conviction of the correctness of the foreg'oing' propositions is so strong in my mind that I feel entirely content to rest upon them the afBrmance of the conclusion reached by your office upon other grounds, it being apparent from the facts stated that, unless the withdrawal of 1873 was valid to forbid the exercise by a settler of the rights givenby the pre-emption and homestead laws upon any public lands otherwise subject to them, Miller secured, by his settlement in 1878 and his residence thereafter, such a right aa would prevent the selection by the company, if otherwise valid, from attaching to the quarter section taken by him. THE COMMISSION DID NOT REVOKE FORMER WITHDRAWAL. It has been seen from this statement of the facts, that, when the line of definite location was made and appro ved, the Commissioner of the General Land Oflace, while assuming to make no withdrawal of the lands within the indemnity limits, beyond forty and within fifty miles distant from the line of definite location, yet refrained from revoking the withdrawal of so much of the indemnity limits as happened to fall within the withdrawal made in 1873, upon the basis of the second establishment of a general route. I am unwilling to accept the conclusion that there was any force whatever. Indepen- dently of the statute, in the order of the acting commissioner of the 30th of March, 1873 ; or that, properly construed, it was designed to mean any more than a direction to the local officers to comply with the granting act. INDEMNITY LANDS OPEN TO SETTLEMENT UNTIL SELECTED BY THE RAILROAD. The consequence is, that until a valid selection by the grantee is made from the lands within the indemnity limits, they are entirely open to disposition by the United States or to appropriation under the laws of tiie Uaiced States for the disposition of the public lands. There is nothing in the line bounding the indemnity limits to distinguish lands within it from any other public lands ; the only purpose of that being to place a boundary upon the right of selection in the graatee to make gooi losses sustained Withia granted limits. This effect has been most explicitly declared by the Supreme Court in the case of the Kansas Pacific Railroad Company t^s. the Atchison, Topeka an 1 Santa Fo Railroad Company (112 U. S., 4U), and in other cases. In tha case, the Court said of an order of the Commissioner of th© General Land O.'Boe similar to this, so far as applicable to indemnity limits : " The order of withdrawal of lands along the ' probable lines ' of the defendant's road, "made on the 19th of Marejh, 1833. by the Commissioner of the General Land Office, affected "no rights which withou. it would nave been acquired to thj lands, nor in any respect con- *' trolled the subsequent grant." It also said of tbe indemnity limits under discuRSion there : " From what wan thus expected ',f rom the granted li mits) other lands were to be select'^d *' from atJ jacent laa.iS, If any tnea remamed. to wfuck no othe?- valid claims tiad originated. But " what unrtppropriaied lands would thus be found and selected could not be kuown before "actual selection. A right toselec them within certain limits, in case of deficiency within "the ten-mile limit, wa* alone conferred, not a right to any speciflj land or lands capable "of identification by any printi pies of law or rules of measiireraeat. Neither locality nor " quantity i4 given from which such lands culd be ascertained. If, therefore, when such "selection was to be .nade, the lands from which the deficiency was to be supplied had "been appropriated by Congress toother purposes, the right of selection became a barren " right, for until selection was made the title remained in the government subject to its dia- " posal at its pleasure." NO POWER TO MAKE THE WITHDRAWAL. It was in view of this difference and its consequences, that the language of the granting act was employed by Congress, by which it was explicitly provided that the provisions of the pre-emption and homestead laws" shall be, and the same are hereby extended to all other lands on the line of said roa d, when surveyed, excepting those hereby granted to said company." If lands within the indemnity limits are to be regarded as "on the line of said road," this declaration appears to me prohibitory of any withdrawal, for the benefit of this road. It might be that such lands could ba withdrawn for some other public purpose, within executive authority to provide for, such, for example, as to constitute a reservation for Indians. GUILFORD miller's FARM. 287 But this languapre was introduced into the same section which declared the granted lands not to be liable to sale, etc., and immediately following that declaration, and In the same sentence, so as obviously to mark the legislative intent to make clearly distinguish- able the lands beyond the granted limits as being liable to disposition under those laws. Having so explicitly declared, it was not necessary to add a prohibition upon executive offi- cers against withdrawal for the benefit of \he road. It gave to any person entitled under the pre-emption or homestead laws to take any such lands the absolute right to acquire any proper quantity thereof, in accordance therewith ; and this right an executive officer could not deprive the settler of. The act as much makes that his right as it makes it the right of the company to take the others I cannot be satisfied with the idea that this language was so introduced, in immediate qualification of and distinction u pon the words rendering lands in the granted limits " not liable to sale or entry," for the mere purpose of declaring " what was already enacted by general laws." The general laws applied without this declaration, and they applied more extensively than this would apply them, since by the general laws entries of other kinds might, if conditions concurred, be also made. The aim of this language was, as 1 am forced to read it, towards the availability to settlement of all lands not granted. It was a vast grant, and even as so limited, a threatening shadow to fall on the settlement of the North- west. Well might Congress say, " the lands granted you shall have, but you shall tie up no more from the actual settler to the prevention of development." HOW THE LAND OFFICE FORMERLY CONSTRUED THE LAW. Inasmuch, however, as I cannot regard the original order of withdrawal in 1873 as obli- gatory to deny Miller's rights for the other reasons given, it is unnecessary further to press the argument that when his land fell within the indemnity limits of the road it was open to his appropriation under the homestead law, until selected by the Company. In the view I have taken, it may not be necessary now to dispose of the claim of the Company to select this land, other than to say it has been validly entered under the home- stead law by Miller, and any right it may have must be subject to his right to make final proof. Yet I think it proper to draw your attention to the manner in which this claim of selec tion has been made. And, first, I think it should be observed that a mere claim of selec- tion, not based upon such foundation as the law and the regulations of the Department require, cannot give a right. The selection must be one which is both well-founded in the necessity for it and the manner of making it, and, therefore, one within the direction and approval of the Secretary of the Interior. In this case, the original selection list gave no indication of the basis upon which a right of selection of this tract could be claimed. It proceeded upon the assumption that the Company might "select" as many lands as it saw at, and make proof of its losses afterwards. This practice was, indeed, permitted for some time in the General Land Office, and thus it has happened that some railroad corapaniea bave selected, in lieu of lost lands, and procured certification of, lands much in excess in icreage of their losses for which the selections were admissible. It was also specially vUowed in the case of this Company. But it was so allowed only upon condition that the Dasis was subsequently to be supplied, and no selection was valid until approved after such, )asi8 should be determined. It was thus only a question of the order of procedure. B THE ROAD MUST PROVE ITS CLAIM. This practice was of doubtful validity, at least to give a right from date of first seleo- ion, and was changed some time since by departmental regulation. The act is explicit hat, whenever, prior to the definite location of the line, "Ar y of said sections or parts of ections, shall have been granted, sold, reserved, occupied by homestead settlers, or pro- mpted, or otherwise disposed of, other lands shall be selected by said Company in lieu hereof, under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior," etc., etc. Manifestly it was necessary to point out the section, or the part of a section, which had hus been lost to the grant, and the manner of its loss, in order to authorize the taking of nother tract of land in place of it. The Department ought, before approval of a selection, [to determine whether the laud lost to the grant was so previously appropriated as to 538 GUILFORD miller's FARM. -furnish tho basis of a selection, and It ought to be particularly shown for what specific lands lostspecldij seleotioQs were marie. Until these tacts apoeir, the Company has not estab- lished the right to appropriate from the body of lands open to its choice, but is confined to •those specifically granted. Inaccordaace with this rule, my predecessor (Mr. Lamar) on the 4th of August, 1885, :approved a circular from your office to the local officers, in which they were directed aa follows: *' Before admitting railroad indemnity selections in any case, you will require prelimi- "nary lists to bo filed, specifying the particular deficiencies for which indemnity is claimed. ■*<■* m Where indemnity selections have herptofore been made without specifica-ion of ■** losses, you will require the companies to designate the deficiencies for which sach indem- ■** nity is to be applied before further selections are allowed." HOW TITLES MAY BE CLOUDED. It was in obedience to the last clause that this company filed on the 25th of October, 1887, the list of particular deficiencies upon which the claim of selections in list number two, before mentioned, was based. That list excellently illustrates the necessity for the rule mentioned. Since 1883 the claim of this Company to take the 58,000 acres in list nurabei two has remained a cloud upon all the lands embraced within it. Yet when called upon tc specify particular lands lost from the graLted limits, for which such a right of selection can exist, only 4,011 acres are shown, except by claiming indemnity for about 55,000 acres of lands, for the most part not particularly defined, lying within the Yakims Indian Reservation. But that Indian Reservation lies about two hundred miles south- westerly from the land of Miller. * * » No absolute right to granted lands exists and no right of selection for lands lost from the granted lands can possibly arise, until th< line of definite location is made. It is unnecessary to elaborate so clear a proposition. miller's land not in the indemnity limits, as claimed. The entire extent, then, to which a right of selection can now be accorded to this com. >pany, on the basis upon which they have claimed it in this list, is to indemnify the loss o1 about 4,011 acres. If the lands which they have chosen to select in this list number two b« applied in the order in which they have named them for selection, to this deficiency, th< entire right is satisfied by the lands in the first fifty or sixty tracts designated ; while tb( land of Guilford Miller is, as has been stated, the one hundred and forty-ninth trac claimed. There does not appear, therefore, from any showing yet made by tlie company that it has any right, whatever, to claim this land because of anything lost from the grante( limits; nor has it, to this time, made any such claim, other than in this list number two. Meantime, whatever may have been the validity of the order of withdrawal, it wa re voked on the 1.5th of August last. If I were bound to regard Miller's homestead entr] as irregular because in conflict with the subsist! Qg withdrawal at the time it was made yet, inasmuch as that withdrawal has entirely ceased, and no objection remains in an; right of the company, or otherwise, so far as known to the Department, to his taking thi land, and, inasmuch as his settlement and long residence (assuming his claims in respec -thereto will be established by final proofs) entitle him to equitable consideration, it wouh appear to be not an improper exercise of discretion to now direct the allowance of hi, .application for a homestead entry. miller's equitable as well as a legal claim. I do not, however, for the reasons already so elaborately given, find myself under an; 'necessity to sustain his claim upon anv tender principles of merely equitable nature. Hi -stands, in my judgment, upon a solid legal foundation in his clain upon the Government V ihe recognition of his right as a homesteader, and his entry should remain intact. You (decision to this effect is affirmed, and the papers in the case herewith transmitted. THE INDIAN BUKEAU. 23£> CHAPTER XIX. THE INDIAN BUREAU. A CAEEFTJL BUSINESS POLICY ADOPTED IN DEALING WITH THE WAEDS OF THE GOVERNMENT. A Decline in the Number of Indian Outbreaks and a. Marked Improvement in tlie Service, The President has always manifested the closest interest in the treatment, con- iition and welfare of the Indians. In his first annual message he treated the ques- ion ^.t some length, and, as the following extracts will show, with great intelli- gence and earnestness : It is useless to dilate upon the wrongs of the Indians, and as useless to indulge in he heartless belief that because their wrongs are revenged in their own atrocious manner,, herefore they should be exterminated. They are within the care of our Government, and their rights are, or should be,, irotected from invasion by the most solemn obligations. They are properly enough ailed the wards of the Government ; and it should be borne in mind that this guardian- hip involves, on our part, efforts for the improvement of their condition and the en- orcement of their rights. There seems to be general concurrence in the proposition hat the ultimate object of their treatment should be their civilization and citizenship,, 'itted by these to keep pace in the march of progress with the advanced civilization bout them, they will readily assimilate with the mass of our population, assuming the esponsibilities and receiving the protection incident to this condition. The difficulty ppears to be in the selection of the means to be at present employed toward the attain- lent of this result. THE DESIRE OP THE INDLA.NS THEMSEIiVHS. Our Indian population, exclusive of those in Alaska, is reported as numbering 260,000,. early all being located on lands set apart for their use and occupation, aggregating over le hundred and thirty-four millions of acres. These lands are included in the boundaries I one hundred and seventy-one reservations of different dimensions, scattered in twenty- le States end Territories, presenting great variations in climate and in the kind and lality of their soils. Among the Indians upon these several reservations there exist the ost marked differences in natural traits and disposition and in their progress toward civil- ation. While some are lazy, vicious and stupid, others are industrious, peaceful and in- lligent ; while a portion of them are self-supporting and independent, and have so far ad- mced in civilization that tlsey make their own laws, administered through officers of their i^n choice, and educate their children in schools of their own establishment and main- nance, others still retain, In squalor and dependence, almost the savagery of their, itura] state. 240 THE INDIAN BUREAU. In dealing with this question the desires manifested by the Indians should not be ignored. Here, again, we find a g reat diversity. With some the tribal relation is cherished with the utmost tenacity, while its hold upon others is considerably relaxed: the love of home is strong with all, and yet there are those whose attachment to a particular locality is by no means unyielding; the ownership of their lands in severalty is much desired by €ome, while by others, and sometimes among the most civilized, such a distribution would be bitterly opposed. The variation of their wants, growing out of and connected with the character of their several locations, should be regarded. Some are upon reservations most fit for grazing, but without flocks or herds; and some, on arable land, have no agricultural Implements; while some of the reservations are double the size necessary to maintain the number of Indians now upon them; in a few cases perhaps, they should be enlarged. THE EFFECT OF CHRISTIAN TEACHING. The history of all the progress which has been made in the civilization of the Indian, I think will disclose the fact, that the beginning has been religious teaching, followed by or accompanying secular education. While the self-sacrificing and pious men and women who have aided In this good work by their Independent endeavor, have for their reward tbe beneficent results of their labor and the consciousness of Christian duty well per- formed, their valuable services should be fully acknowledged by all who, under the law, are charged with the control and management of our Indian wards. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A REFORMED SYSTEM. I recommend the passage of a law authorizing the appointment of six commissioners, three of whom shall be detailed from the Army, to be charged with the duty of a careful inspection from time to time of all the Indians upon our reservations or subject to the care and control of the Government, with a view of discovering their exact condition and needs, and determining what steps shall be taken on behalf of the Government to Improve their situation in the direction of their self-support and complete civilization ; that they ascertain from such inspection what, if any, of the reservations may be reduced in area, and in such cases what part, not needed for Indian occupatioa, may be purchased by the Government from the Indians, and disposed of for their benefit; what, if any, Indians may, with their consent, be removed to other reservations, with a view of their concentra- tion and the sale on their behalf of their abandoned reservations ; what Indian lands now held in common should be allotted in severalty ; in what manner and to what extent the Indians upon the reservations can be placed under the protection of our laws and sub- jected to their penalties ; and which, if any, Indians should be invested with the right of citizenship. The powers and functions of the commissioners In regard to these subjects should be clearly defined, though they should, in coaj unction with the Secretary of the In- terior, be given all the authority to deal definitely with the questions presented, deemed safe and consistent. They should be also charged with the duty of ascertaining the Indians who might properly be furnished with Implements of agriculture, and of what kind ; in what cases the support of the Government should be withdrawn; where the present plan of distribu- ting Indian supplies should be changed ; where schools may be established, and where dis- continued ; the conduct, methods and fitness of agents in charge of reservations ; the ex- tent to which such reservations are occupied or intruded upon by unauthorized persons; and generally all matters related to the welfare and improvement of the Indian. They should advise with the Secretary of the Interior coacerning these matters of de- tail in management, and he should be given power to deal with them fully, if he is not now invested with such power. This plan contemplates the selection of persons for comniissioners who are interested tnthe Indian question, and who have practical ideas upon the subject of their treatment. In his second annual message lie considered the whole question more fully and inline with his former recommendations, as shown by the following extracts: THE INDIAN EURKAU. 241 THB AGSNCY SYSTEM LONG OUTGROWN. The present system of agencies, while absolutely necessary and well adapted for the management of our Indian affairs and for the ends in view, when it was adopted, is in the present stage of Indian management inadequate, standing alone for the accomplishment of an object which has become pressing in its importance— the more rapid transition from tribal organizations to citizenship, of such portions of the Indians as are capable of civilized life. When the existing system was adopted the Indian race was outside of the limits of organized States and Territories, and beyond the immediate reach and operation of civil- ization ; and all efforts were mainly directed to the maintenance of friendly relations and the preservation of peace and quiet on the frontier. All this is now changed. There is no such thing as the Indian fro ntier. Civilization, with the busy hum of industry and the in- fluences of Christianity, surrounds these people at every point. None of the tribes are outside of the bounds of organized government and society, except that the territorial system has not been extended over that portion of the country known as the Indian Terri- tory. As a race the Indians are no longer hostile, but may be considered as submissive to the control of the Government ; few of them only are troublesonie. Except the frag- ments of several bands all are now gathered upon reservations. SHOULD BE INCORPORATED WITH OUR PEOPLE. Itlsnolonger possible for them to subsist by the chase and the spontaneous produo- tions of the earth. With an abundance of land, if furnished with the means and imple- ments for profitable husbandry, their life of entire dependence upon Government rations from day to day is no longer defensible. Their inclination, long fostered by a defective system of control, is to cling to the habits and customs of their ancestors and struggle with persistence against the change of life which their altered circumstances press upon them. But barbarism and civilization cannot live together. It is impossible that such in- congrivjus conditions should coexist on the same soil. They are a portion of our people, are under the authority of our Government, and have a peculiar claim upon and are entitled to the fostering care and protection of the na- tion. The G overnment cannot relieve itself of this responsibility until they are so far trained and civilized as to be able wholly to manage and care for themselves. The paths in which they should walk must be clearly marked out for them, and they must be led or guided until they are familiar with the way and competent to assume the duties and responsibilities of our citizenship. Progress in this great work will continue only at the present slow pace and at great expense, unless the system and methods of management are improved to meet the changed conditions and urgent demands of the service. A CHANGE OF SYSTEM AGAIN ENFORCED. Hence the necessity for a supplemental agency or system, directed to the end of pro- moting the general and more rapid transition of the tribes from habits and customs of barbarism to the ways of civilization. With an anxious desire to devise some plan of operation by which to secure the wel- fare of the Indians, and to relieve the Treasury as far as possible from the support of an die and dependent population, I recommended in my previous annual message the passage )f a law authorizing the appointment of a commission as an instrumentality auxiliary to hose already established, for the care of the Indians. It was designed that this commis- ion should be composed of six intelligent and capable persons— three to be detailed from he At my— having practical ideas upon the subject of the treatment of Indians, and inter- ssted in their welfare; and that it should be charged under the direction of the Secretary •f the Interior, with the management of such matters of detail as cannot with the present irganization be properly and successfully conducted, and which present different phases, 8 the Indians themselves differ, in their progress, needs, disposition, and capacity for im- Tovement or immediate self-support. By the aid of such a commission much unwise and useless expenditure of money, raste of materials, and unavailing efforts mighi be avoided ; and it is hoped that this or L 243 THE INDIAN BUREAU. some measure which the wisdom of Congress may better demise, to supply the deficiency of the preoent system, may rtoeive your cons fit ration, and the appropriate legislation h& provided. The time is ripe for the work of such an agency. THE GOOD RESULTS SURE TO FOLLOW. There is less opposition to the education and training of the Indian youth, as shown by the increased attendance upon the schools, and there is a yielding tendency for the- individual holding of lands. Development and advancement in these directions are essen- tial, and should have every encouragement. As the rising generation are taught the lan- guage of civilization and trained in habits of industry, they should assume the duties*, privileges, and responsibilities of citizenship. ]No obstacle should hindtr the location and settlement of any Indian willing to take land in severalty ; on the contrary, the inclination to do so should be stimulated at all times when proper and expedient. But there is no authority of law for making allotments- on some of the reservations, and on others the allotments provided for are so small, that the Indians, though ready and desiring to settle down, are not willing to accept such small areas, when their reservatioas contain ample lands to afford them homesteads of sufficient size to meet their present and future needs. These inequalities of existing special laws and treaties, should be corrected and some general legislation on the subject should be provided, so that the more progressive mem- bers of the different tribes may be settled upon homesteads, and by their example lead others to follow, breaking away from tribal customs and substituting therefor the love of home, the interest of the family, and the rule of the State. The Indian character and nature are such that they are not easily led while broodisig over unadjusted wrongs. This is especially so regarding their lands. Matters arising from the construction and operation of railroads across some of the reservations, and claims of title and right of occupancy set up by white persons to some of the best land within other reservations, require legislation for their final adjustment. The settlement of these matters will remove many embarrassments to progress in the work of leading the Indians to the adoption of our institutions and bringing them under the operation, the influence, and the piotection of the universal laws of our country. PKOGRESS MADE BY INDIANS UNDER PRESENT ADMINISTRATION. ' A marked improvpment in the condition and prospects of the Indians since the commencement of the present administration is apparent. It is not necessary to enter into statistical statements to establish this fact, as their substantial progress toward civilization and self-support is easily observed by all who turn their atten- tion in that direction. The number who have abandoned the blanket and teepee for the dress and dwelling of the white man is so great that but a small percentage still hold on to these evidences of barbarism. Farming is now so general among them as to promise soon to be the universal pursuit of every family. The increase in acreage of land under cultivation by In- dians is great. They are clamorous for agricultural implements, stock, seeds, etc.^ and agents are held responsible now that their Indians know how to use what is given to them and to take good care of it, so that it is not now necessary to tit out an Indian farmer with a complete new set of tools, seeds, etc., each spring, as form- erly. Tribes and bands are constantly being added to the list of those who are not- only self-supporting, but in a fair way to establish permanent comfortable homes. This is mainly the result of the present system. Expensive and useless agency farms have been discontinued, and practical farmers located among the Indians at various points on the several reservations to show them how to farm, take good care THE INDIAN BUREAU. 2*3 of stock, etc., are required to report to this office monthly ; a very great improve- ment on the old method, and promises to completely and satisfactorily solve the im- portant " Indian question." The present plan, if faithfully carried out, will soon relieve the Government from the necessity for all gratuitous appropriations for Indians, and those who take a lively interest in their welfare and progress will have much to gratify them. Schools among the Indians and for them at points outside of reservations have been largely increased and the attendance is growing every day, so that it will soon be a rare exception to find an Indian child of school age who does not attend, and the English language will soon be universal with them. All this has been accomplished by the present administration, not only without additional expense to the Government, but a great saving has been the result of its management, which will appear when it is considered that although the entire amount Congress was asked to appropriate for the Indian Department for the next fiscal year was some $120,000 less than for the preceding year, and nearly $1,950,000 less than that estimated for for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886, the amount to be used for school purposes during the year ending June 30, 1889, is nearly $200,000 greater than that for the year 1886, making a total saving from funds formerly re- quired for support, etc., of the Indians of about $2,150,000 per annum. The burden of all reports from inspectors, agents, special agents and agency farmers is the steady and remarkable increase of the interest taken by Indians in their farming operations and other civilized pursuits ; their willingness to send their children to school, and their general thrifty, contented and prosperous conditions, compared with a few years ago. THE INDIANS MORE QUIET THAN EVER. As the result of a wise, precautionary policy inaugurated with the incoming of the present administration, the first year of its control was passed with but a single case of serious disorder among the 260,000 Indians for whose management, care and protection the Indian Bureau is held responsible. The escape from the San Carlos reservation of some forty Chiricahua bucks and a few women and children, under Chief Geronimo, the history of whose murders, depredations and pillaging is well remembered by the public, affords the one case of Indian outlawry for the entire year (1885), and the Indian office, under its present control, cannot be held responsible for that, inasmuch as the police control of the Chiricahuas was then entirely in the hands of the military. Furthermore, the very unwise policy of congregating large bodies of wild Indians on the San Carlos, berded like cattle by the Republican administration, under immediate charge of the military, and fed in comparative idleness, led to serious disturbances in 1882-3, of which the Geronimo outbreak was merely a continuation; so timt, as a matter of fact, the Chiricahua troubles were entailed upon the new administration by the pre- ;eding one. After the surrender of the whole band of Chiricahua Apaches, numbering be- ween 300 and 400 men, women and children, were removed to Florida by the War Department, and there has not been a single case of open hostility on the part ot aiy band or tribe throughout the length and breadth of the country since the Gero- I outbreak, which occurred over tiiree years ago, nor has there been any serious 244 THE INDIAN BUKEAU. disturbance or disorder, if we except the very singular occurrence among the peace- ful Crows, at the Crow Agency, in Montana, in October last, when, as will be re- membered, a handful of young bucks led away by a crazy-headed "medicine man," feigned an hostile demonstration against the Agency, and in a spirit of surprising bravado, defied the Agent's authority and challenged the military to attack them, the outcome of which was the troops did attack, compelling an almost instant sur- render, and putting an end to the disturbance. That the Indians have had very frequent and bitter provocations, there can be no question. KEEPING DOWN INDIAN WARS BY MAKING NO AGGRESSIONS. When President Cleveland was inaugurated, the powerful tribe ofNavajoes were chafing under serious grievances and threatening trouble. A portion of theii reservation had been wrongfully taken from them the year before, without their consent, and they were sufiering for water to supply their countless herds and flocks of sheep, the only available stream of water having been segregated from their res- ervation, and the adjoining land occupied by the whites, cutting the Indians com pletely ofi". Upon the recommendation of the Indian office, these lands were re stored to the Navajoes, and a threatened bloody outbreak thereby prevented. In the same way the greater portion of the Crow, Creek and "Winnebago Res- ervations in Dakota had been wrested from the Sioux, without authority of law or the consent of the Indians. Upon the recommendation of the Indian office, the lands were again restored to the Indians, it being one of President Cleveland's first official acts. Here again was serious trouble averted. The continued interference with the Indians in their fishery rights on the Co lumbia River, in Oregon, the attempted occupation of the Zuni lands, in Nei^ Mexico, and also the Klamath River Reservation, in California, by white settlers came very near provoking violence on the part of the Indians, but timely action bj the Indian Office prevented trouble. So with the Colville and Coeur d'Alem Reservation, which would have been overrun by miners and prospectors, with th( almost certain result of war, but for the prompt action of the Indian office. It has been the policy of the Indian Bureau since March, 1885, to call upon th< military whenever and wherever trouble has been anticipated, and by the timel) and always hearty co-operation of the War Department, peace has been maintained and white trespassers everywhere have been made to understand that they cannot encroach upon the Indians with impunity, and the Indians have learned that, while they may expect protection from the Government, they will not be allowed to interfere with the whites. Moreover, the Indians have been encouraged in the peaceful pursuits of civil ized life aa never before, and they have turned their attention to farming and stock- raising with a zeal hitherto unknown. Perhaps nothing has contributed so much to the universal peace and tran- quility which now prevails among the Indian tribes, as the action of the Indiac Office in requiring Indian Agents everywhere, on pain of removal from office, tc encourage, aid and assist the Indians by every means in their power, to settle down and engage in agricultural pursuits and farm life. THE INDIAN BUREAU. 24$ As early as March, 1886, Indian Agents were instructed as follows : "The one great object this Department has now in view. Is the civilization of the Indian, and to enable him to support himself by agriculture as soon as possible. I there- fore expect, and will require all Indian Agents and agency employes who wish to bo retained in the service, to use every means at their command to instruct, encourage and assist the Indians to this end, and their marked progress in successful agriculture, com- menoingwith the current year, is indispensably necessary to prove the agent and em- ployes of an agency qualified for their positions. Nothing less than a very great improve- ment over former years will be satisfactory. That the area of land cultivated by Indians may be increased this year, to its utmost possible extent, those who have already made a beginning, in a small way, must be encouraged to enlarge their operations, and those who have as yet made no effort toward cultivating even a small piece of land, must be urged to make a commencement, and give all possible advice and assistance, that they may need, to encourage them." The effect of the application of this system was magical. The acreage of cui- tivated lands has been increased enormously, and the beneficial effect upon the Indians has been correspondingly great, so that no serious Indian troubles are to be apprehended so long as this humane and sensible policy is carried out. CARE EXERCISED IN THE CHOICE OF AGENCY CLERKS AND OTHER EMPOTES. Under previov\s administrations little attention was paid by the Indian Office to the qualifications of Agency Clerks, their selection and appointment being left to the various Agents. Under such rule an agency could easily be conducted so that neither Inspectors nor Special Agents could ascertain the true condition of affairs, much less could the office have any accurate or reliable information in relation to the business at any agency in case the Agent and Clerk should combine to perpe- trate a fraud upon the Indian Government. In order to do away with this inducement to dishonesty and source of reproach, the present administration determined to have the Agency Clerks appointed by the Office, care being exercised to appoint only competent, efficient men, thoroughly honest and trustworthy. In order to secure men properly qualified, the Office re- quires not only the strongest recommendations and endorsements as to character and ability, but before an appointment is made a letter is addressed to the appli- :jant, requiring him to make application for the place by a letter in his own compo- jition, in his own handwriting, stating his age, business qualifications and experi- jnce. He is also furnished with a synopsis of the qualifications and duties of an Agency Clerk and directed to state whether he will accept the place subject to the jonditions named therein. AGENCY PHYSICIANS. The selection of physicians at Indian Agencies has, for many years, been re- erved to the Indian Office, but previous to the present administration but little at- ention was paid to this branch ol the service further than simply to make the ap- >ointments. No restrictions were imposed in regard to engaging in private practice >ff the reservations, the consequence being that many physicians neglected their >roper official duties to attend to outside patients, in order to increase their income, ^his, of course, led to many complaints on the part of the Indians and Agency em- loyes who were neglected, and caused so much trouble that it was determined to nprove the existing state of affairs by prohibiting Agency Physiciana from engaging 1 private practice. 346 THE INDIAN BUREAU. The same care is used in selecting physicians as in choosing clerks, and no ap- pointment is made until the applicant is furnished "with a synopsis of qualifications and duties, and required to furnish the information called for therein, and state by a letter of his own composition, in his own handwriting, whether he will accept the position, subject to all the conditions imposed. ADDITIONAL FARMERS. For several years past Congress has appropriated funds for the pay of practical farmers in the Indian service, to be employed by the Secretary of the Interior, in addition to the regular Agency farmers. Under instructions of the Secretary of the Interior, the selection of persons for these places has been made by the Indian Office, the points to which they are sent being determined by the Secretary. Great care is exercised to secure only competent practical farmers for these places, men who not only understand farming in all its branches, including the use and care of machinery and care of stock, but who have been actually engaged in farmmg for at least five years previous to appointment. As in the case of clerk and physician, an applicant is furnished with a memo- randum showing what will be expected and required in event of his appointment and stating the necessary qualifications, and required to signify his willingness to accept the place, subject to all the conditions imposed. SAFEGUARDS AGAINST DECEPTION. When any appointment, other than that of agent, is made to a position at an agency, the appointee is told that he must defray his own expenses in reaching his post of duty, as the appointment does not take efTect until he reports in person to the agent. This fact, in connection with the certainty of dismissal in the event of being found incompetent or unfitted in any way for service, thus necessitating the expenditure of more money for traveling expenses, tends to prevent attempts to deceive the office or obtain appointments by false representations. agents' relatives. Under former administrations agents were not required, as now, to certify on the sheet upon which nominations are submitted, the relationship, if any, which the appointee might sustain to the agent The consequence was that a number of agents surrounded themselves with their relatives, giving them the most lucrative positions at their disposal. This practice has been broken up, and agents now cer- tify after each nomination whether or not the person nominated is related to him or to his bondsmen. In no instance is an agent or superintendent allowed to nominate more than one member of his family or one kinsman in any degree. leaves of absence. Formerly much suffering, and in many cases death, resulted from granting leaves of absenee to agency physicians and allowing them to leave their posts of duty with- out making any provision for the care of such cases as might occur during their absence. Under the present rule no physician in the service is granted leave of I THE INDIAN BUREAU. S^C absence without being required to leave a properly qualified substitute to attend to 4rgent cases. » This ruling has, without doubt, been of immense benefit to the Indians and agency employees, has prevented much suffering and saved many lives. INDIAN SCHOOLS. When the present administration took charge of the Indian office it was the almost universal custom to allow the agents and superintendents of schools to select the entire corps of employees. There were no regulations requiring any informa- tion to be filed as to qualifications, experience, relationship or character of the parties appointed. The names of those removed and appointed were merely reported to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and were recorded on the "Record of Employees" without any question. The new Commissioner, soon after taking charge, formulated a rule by which the agents and superintendents were required to make a statement of the qualifica- tions of every person nominated for a position in a school, and to state the reasons for every dismissal made. In October, 1885, a circular was issued to all persons having charge of Indian schools, instructing them to furnish this information, and in Tanuarj , 1886, another circular was issued requiring a statement in advance of changes proposed in employees, giving in full the reasons and the good expected to )e accomplished, and it was stated that no discharge or nomination would be ipproved unless the previous approval of the Indian Office had been obtained for uch discharge or nomination. Instructions were also issued providing that, in an exigency, changes might be aade, and that a full statement of the facte in such cases must be immediately for- warded to the Indian Office, and the agents were informed that they would be held trictly responsible for the recommendations they might make, and would be held ^sponsible for any injury to the service caused by any one appointed on their jcommendations who proved inefficient. It is now required that applicants for positions in the school service shall file 7idence of their fitness. These testimonials are filed in the Indian Office, and can e referred to at any time. The employees are thus held responsible to the authori- es at Washington for the performance of their duties, and have the assurance that ley will be protected so long as they faithfully perform their duties. The wisdom ' this change in the manner of making appointments is evidenced by the increased terest manifested by all school employees, and the consequent increased efficiency ' the schools. At the present time the schools are filled to their utmost capacity, and the only ason why more children are not in school is because there are no accommodations r them. The average attendance since the advent of the present adraistration has ore than doubled, being in 1884, 6,115, and in 1887, 14,333, while during the current cal year it has increased at least 20 percent I 248 THE INDIAN BUREAU. EXPENDITURES FOR INDIAN SERVICE. BtaUments sTwwing the cost of Indian Service, the efficiency of Indian Schools, Attendance, etc, 1882,1883and 1884 $19,518,613 06 1886, 1887 and 1888 18,872,791 55 Saving in favor of 1886, 1887 and 1888 !g645.82t 51 Out of the above expenditures the following- sums were used for the support of Indian Schools : 1882, 1883 and 1884 : Sl.149.024 88 1886, 1887 and 1888 3,215,4130 39 Excess over 1882, 1883 and 1884 for educational purposes. . $2,06^,405 51 Table showing comparative average attendance at Indian Schools during the years mentioned: TEAR. AVERAGE ATTENDANCE. YEAR. AVERAGE ATTENDANCE. 1882 4.066 4.002 6.115 18«6 9 630 1883 1887 10.520 1884 *1888 13,150 *The figures for 1888 are estimated. All returns are not yet received, but, from those received, it is safe to say that the increase over 1887 has been at least 25 per cent. This is the actual average attendance. The enrollment is nearly 16,000. LAST THREE TEARS OP ARTHUR S ADMINISTRATION. TOTAIi EXPENDITTTRES. SCHOOIi EXPENDITURES. f 6.350. 5P2 86 6,853,3fi6 56 6,314.653 64 $90,000 00 466 506 CO Fiscal year 1883 Fiscal year 1884 592 518 28 $19,518,613 06 $1,149,034 88 FIRST THREE TEARS OF CLEVELAND'S ADMINISTRATION. TOTAL EXPEND ITtrttKS. SCHOOL EXPENDITURES. Fiscal year 1886 $6,286,984 84 6,212.407 16 6,373,39!) 55 $962,340 25 ].150 097 77 V 1.102.5-92 37 ^ Fiscal year 1887 Fiscal year 1888 $18,872,791 55 $3,215,430 39 B 1 1 THE PATENT OFFICE. 249 CHAPTER XX. THE PATENT OFFICE. THE EFFICIENT WOEK WHICH HAS BEEN DONE IN ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT OF THE GOVERNMENT BUREAUS. In this important bureau of the Interior Department the same salutary reforms and changes have characterized the advent of the Democratic party to power. The country was met with what seemed to be a very plausible and vehement objection at first, that a change of administration would work disastrously to the business of the departments and bureaus. It was charged that turning out old and trusted officials and putting in new ones would have the effect of impairing the public service. That this was believed by many sincere and patriotic people cannot be doubted ; but the change came and with it a change in the officials at the head of the Patent Office. Time has contradicted these misgivings and forebodings that a change would impair the public service, and it is certain that in no bureau has such a charge been more plainly and clearly contradicted than in the Patent Office. There has been a steady growth, both of the business of the office and the respect in which it is held by the inventors of the country ; and that this steady growth, this keeping up in its full vigor the business of the office his been accomplished under many disad- vantageous circumstances. HIGH ORDETl OP MERIT IN DECISIONS. The decisions of this office take a high rank. Indeed, so marked has been the judicial ability displayed by Commissioner Hall, that it has drawn from the leading papers of the Republican party many worthy tributes of this efficient and scholarly official. Prominent among recognitions in the Republican party of the efficiency and capacity with which this office is now conducted, is one taken from the New York Tribuiie of October 1, 1887, and expresses the sentiments of all. It says: " In brief he seems to recognize the fact that the Patent Office is not a political office ; that it is supported by the men of a particular class, the inventors— so well supported in short that the yearly dividend of twenty per cent, is realized from the fees paid in while there is an accumulated surplus of three millions of dollars in the Treasury. " Every week's issue of the Official Gazette contains from one to three of the Commis- sioner's decisions on points of office practice, designed to bring uniformity in the same among the different divisions. If the story told by the attorneys is to be believed something of that kind is badly needed." I 250 THE PATENT OFFICE. The Scientific America/n, the ablest industrial journal in the world, then com- ments upon this as follows : " The encomium of the Tribune on Commissioner Hall 13 just, and reminds one of the Patent Office administration under the Commissionerships of Judge Mason and Judge Holt, which was a good while ago, but whom the few of us live to remember with satisfaction." CORPORATE POWER AND THE PATENT LAWS. Corporate power, grown to an alarming size during the past quarter of a century by special class legislation and the many privileges given to it during the Republican regime, has pushed its baleful influences even into the indus- trial arts. For years it has been known that the real inventors of the country, most of them humble but skilled mechanics in the industrial arts, have utterly failed to reap the benefits of their inventive genius. Seldom has it been that the real inventor has reaped the harvest of his patience and his skill. Almost every invention represents years of some ingenious mechanic's life, is immediately seized upon by some monopoly or other, the interest of the inventor bought for a song, and the benefits of the invention, which the spirit of the patent laws intended should go to the public at large, has been held for the advantage of the special few, to be doled out by corporations to the general public at enormous profits to the managers. Benton J. Hall, the incumbent of the Commissioner's office, among other sug- gestions for reform, said in his last annual report that the statute enables rich and influential parties to keep the applications for patents, of which they are the assignees, pending in the office for years before their patent is issued. In the mean- time they are engaged in manufacturing and putting upon the market the article or improvement, but warning the public that the patent is "applied for," the efiect of which is to give them the absolute control of the monopoly of the invention and to deter all other inventors from entering the same field of invention and manufacturing the same article. The Commissioner recommended to Congress that this section should be modified, and that there be vested in the Commiasioner a discretion to declare any application forfeited for want of prosecution whenever he is satisfied that such should be done. In harmony with this suggestion, the Commissioner also recommended that patents should be limited by the exercise on the part of the Government of a cer- tain discretion vested in the Commissioner, The abuse alluded to affects the farmer directly when it is remembered that barb-wire is made the basis of the barb- wire syndicates, whose enormous profits must be paid by the farmer ; it affects the mechanic who is compelled to pay a profit by way of royalty upon the very tools he uses, to some powerful syndicate; it affects the poor seamstress, whose daily bread comes to her from the use of the sew- ing machine ; it aSects the mass of people who are compelled to pay enormous roy- alties upon inventions held and controlled by capital and monopolies. The Commissioner thus formulates his conclusion. "I suggest for the consideration of Congress the propriety of providing that all patents hereafter issuing shall contain a provision that they may be extinguished by the govern- ment at any time upon the payment to the owners of the property, whether the patentee or his assigns, of a reasonable sum of money, such sum to be determined by arbitration or otherwise, as may soem appropriate to Congress. »•♦»*• I THE PATENT OFFICE. 251 "The profits which are enjoyed by the owners of property of this character are rather the result of having control of the mirlcet and being everywhere firmly established in the business of manufacturing the patented article," COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF WORK DONE. The following tabulated statement, comparing the records of the office for the first three years of democratic administration with the corresponding three years of the last Republican administration, will show the work of the office during these periods : Applications. Caveats. Patents and Reissues. Cash Received. Cash Expended. 1881 1882 1883 1885 1886 1887 26,059 31,522 35,577 35,717 35,968 35,613 2,406 2,553 2,741 2,552 2,513 2,622 16,584 19,267 23,383 24,233 22,508 21,477 $ 853,665.89 1,00;»,219.45 1,146,340.00 1,188,098.15 1,154,55 L.40 1,144,509.60 $ 605,173.38 683,867.67 675,234.86 1,024,378.85 992,503.40 994,472.33 In comparing the work of the Patent Office at diflFerent periods, it must be borne in mind that the labor employed in examining in any given year the same number of applications, is necessarily greater than that required in previous years. This is owing to the fact that the field of invention is continually expanding and growing wider, and each year adds to the patented inventions that must be exam- ined in succeeding years. 262 THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. CHAPTER XXI. THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. THE LEGAL BUSINESS CONDUCTED WITH ECONOMY AND THE LAWS STRICTLY ENFORCED IN ALL PARTS OF THE COUNTRY. This Department, to whose hands is entrusted the vast litigation incidental to the business of the Government, has demonstrated in theliighest degree the wisdom of the great political change of 1884. In the face of an enormous increase of law business growing out of new and far-reaching legislation, and of augmented activity in the various executive departments, the work of prosecuting suits has been accom- plished with marked success and without an increase of force. The following acts, passed in the second session of the 49th Congress alone, will give some ir^ea of the new business which has been thrown upon the shoulders of the Attorney- General and his subordinates : The Act of February 4, 1887, creating the Inter-state Commerce Commission. The Act of February 23, 1887, prohibiting the importation of opium. The Act of March 2, 1887, giving the United States courts jurisdiction over crimes against the Indian Police. The Act of March 3, 1887, giving the United States courts concurrent jurisdiction with the Court of Claims, over suits against the Government. The Act of March 3, 1887, establishicg the Railroad Commission. The Act of March 3, 1887, providing for the adjustment of Land Grants to railroads, and for the forfeiture of unearned lands. The Act of March 3, 1887 (Anti-Polygamy Act), In relation to the Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company, and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, and including the annulment of the charters and forfeiture of a large amount of property. ENFOKCING THE LAWS. Many important laws had for years lain dormant. The people had inferred that the mere passage of the laws for needed reform had effected the result intended, whereas, in many instances, it had only silenced public complaint and left the wrong unremedied. The Department of Justice under President Cleveland inaugurated a new era — that reform should be in fact and not in form only ; in deed and not in mere word. A faithful enforcement of the laws found upon the statute books was determined upon, and proper action taken in pursuance thereof. Among the results so secured, the Mormon people have declared, both by word and deed, that polygamy shall be no more. In the landed States and Territories fraudulent entries have become less fre- quent. Timber trespasses have become unprofitable. Bank wrecking has become dangerously odious. THE DEPARTMENT OF tusTICE. 253 [ BP In all parts of the country all the laws of the United States are recognized as of "binding force. ■■ In all the landed States and Territories proceedings are pending for the recov- ^nr of vast bodies of valuable land, unlawfully withheld from the public domain by railroads and other corporations, and by individuals. Whatever success may attend the efforts of the administration for the recovery of these lands, the Department of rtice is entitled to its share. The same is true in suits for timber trespass. In the calendar year of 1887, 594 criminal prosecutions were instituted at the request of the Interior Department, and 336 civil suits for the value of the timber, were brought aggregating in money value two million four hundred and nine thousand one hundred and sixty-two dollar* and twenty five cents (|2,409,163 25.) In addition to these, there are pending civil suits against the Northern Pacific Railroad Company, the Montana Improvement Company, and others, in the terri- tories of Washington, Idaho and Montana, for two million dollars ($2,000,000) value of lumber unlawfully cut and removed from the public domain. Also against the Sierra Lumber Company, in California, for an equal amount, and numerous other suits in the different landed judicial districts, amounting, all told, to seven or eight million dollars: UNITED STATES MARSHALS IN THE SOUTH. One of the most noteworthy features of the present administration is the total absence of scandal on the part of the Marshals in the South. In former adminis- trations each recurring election was the signal for habitual invasion of the rights of the people on the part of tne^se officials, but not an incident of the kind has occuiTed on the part of Mr. Cleveland's appointees. The federal officers throughout the country have set the example of obedience to the laws. COURT EXPENSES, The annexed tables will exemplify the strict attention to economy which rules the present administration of the Department of Justice. Taking the three years of Mr. Garland's incumbency as a basis of compari- son with the last three of Mr. Brewster's administration, it will be seen that the criminal business alone (irrespective of the civil suits of which an accurate report is not now available), has increased from 27,828 cases during 1882, 1883 and 1884, to 39,361 cases for 1885, 1886 and 1887— an increase of nearly fifty per cent; while the increase in the court expenses for the same period from $9,811,425.18, to $10,078,500.20, is an increase of but two and two-thirds per cent. THREB YEARS OP ARTHUR S ADMINISTRATION. Statement of the number of criminal prosecutions terminated in the District and Cir- cuit Courts of the United States during the fiscal years 1882, 1883, and 1884. [internal Post Customs Revenue. Office. Election IjiWS. Civ. R'tf Acts. Natural- ization Acts. Inter- coui'se Laws. Pension Laws. Embez- zlement. Miscella- neous. TotaU 1882. 1883. 1384. 184 235 491 4611 4063 5026 244 446 758 265 287 190 8 9 23 4 2 5 377 5a5 682 114 100 260 29 37 88 1658 1478 5069 7494 779:3 12.542 Total 910 14300 1 1448 1 743 40 11 ! irm 474 104 1 8205 i 27828 254 THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. THREE TEARS OF CliEVELAND'S ADMINISTRATION. Statement of the number of criminal prosecutions terminated in the District and Cir- cuit Courts of the United States during the fiscal years 18a5, 1886, and 1887. Oiistoms Internal Revenue Post Office. Election Laws. vi hts ot. Natural- ization Acts. Inter- course Laws. Pension Laws, Embez- zlement. Miscella- neous. Total. 1885 1886 1887 142 136 237 4,738 6,243 5,064 502 565 540 283 47 96 6 2 459 536 298 187 351 175 41 45 36 5,638 6,656 6,463 11,977 14,479 13,905 Total 505 16,045 1,607 426 16 2 1,383 613 132 Il8,742 39,361 COURT EXPENSES. Statement of the expenses of United States Courts for the fiscal years 1882-'83-'84. Statement of the expenses of United States Courts for the fiscal years 1885-'86-'87. 1882 $3,193,393 67 3,373,465 45 3,346,566 06 1885 1886 $3,399,703 33 3,561,134 39 3,317,673 58 1883 1884 1887 Total $9,811,435 18 Total $10,078,500 30 UNITED STATES JUDGES APPOINTED SINCE MARCH 4, 1885. Justices of Supreme Court : Name. Date of Com. Chief Justice, Melville W. Fuller July 20,1888 Associate Justice, L. Q. C. Lamar January 16, 1888 Circuit Judges: Circuit. Name. Date of Com. Sixth Circuit Howell E. Jackson April 12, 1886. Februai7 28, 1888. Second Circuit Emiie H. Lacombe . District Judges: 'District. Name. » West Michigan Henry F. Severens , May South Carolina C. H. Simonton January North Georgia ^ Wm. T. Newman January South Alabama H. T. Toulmin January South California E. M. Ross January East Missouri A. M. Thayer - February 26,1887 South Illinois Wm. J. Allen January 19, 1888 West Texas Thomas S. Maxey June 25, 1888 West Missouri John F. Philips .June 25, 1888 East Wisconsin James G. Jenkins July 2, 1888 Date of Com. 25. 1886 13. 1887 13, 1887 13, 1887 13, 1887 THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. 255 CHAPTER XXII. THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. THE EXCELLENT EECORD MADE DURING THE PAST THREE YEARS IN PROMOTING THE PROSPERITY OF THE FARMER. The Interests of Agriculture Have Been Looked After With an Intelligence Never Manifested — The History of the Department. I. The present administration of this Department became responsible for its man- agement April 4th, 1885. Norman J. Colman of Missouri, the gentleman selected by President Cleveland for the office of CommissioDer, had been identified for many- years with agricultural progress and thoroughly appreciated the value of science to agricultural operations. At the very outset of his administration there was found an embarrassment in the matter of exhausted appropriations in some of the divisions of the Department, and it became necessary to immediately furlough a large portion of the force. After the beginning of the new fiscal year — July 1st, 1885— the real work of the Depart- ment — so far as the present administration is concerned — began. RELATIONS WITH COLLEGES AND EXPERIMENT STATIONS. The Commissioner had always believed that the problems of agriculture were only to be solved by means of a liberal scientific and industrial education. He knew that the several State Agricultural Colleges, endowed by Congress, were not accomplishing the results which would be possible through a harmonious co- opera- tion with the Department of Agriculture; and which, could their work be co ordi- nated and the results of their experiments unified, edited and published as a whole, would at once become a pojver for good whose measure could not be easily taken. A convention of delegates from the Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations of the country was therefore called by the Commissioner to meet in the Department building early in July. It was a bold undertaking to attempt to con- vene a successful gathering of such a character in the city of Washington in mid- summer ; but the agricultural needs of the country fully warranted the undertaking, r 256 THE DEPARTMENT OP AGRICULTURE. and the colleges of the several States being honored with their first attention on the part of the new administration of the afltiirs of the Department, responded almost unftaimously by accepting the invitation and sending delegates. The out- come of that convention was the fullest endorsement of the Department's aims and efforts. Among the results which attended the convention may be mentioned the following, and their importance to the farmer will be readily recognized : 1. A better understanding among the colleges and experiment stations, and a general mapping out, after conference and discussion, of hues of work for the future. 2. The adoption of plans which when put in operation would prevent unneces- sary duplication of work. 3. The resolution to exchange results of experimeiats, through a central station, in order that experiments might have more than a local value. 4. The success of the legislative committee of the convention in securing the passage of a bill establishing experiment scations in the several States and Territo- ries, with an annual appropriation of $15,000 each for their maintenance. 5. The benefit to the whole country which accrues. Every section, State, county and town, and the individual farmer must sooner or later be benefited directly, as they are already indirectly, by reason of this action. These and other results were anticipated by the present administration when the convention was called, and its satisfaction has just been crowned by legislation at the present Congress, approved by the President July 18th, which places in its hands the organization of a bureau in the Department of Agriculture which. is to act as a clearing-house for the several colleges and stations — thus enabling it to dif- fuse among the farmers of the country a vast amount of information affecting their business. INYESTIGATINQ ADULTERATIONS AND IMITATIONS. The first order given to a subordinate by the new administration was given to the Chemist. He was directed to proceed at once with an investigation into the subject of adulteration of foods and food products. Enough was done in the earli- est stages of the examination to show the pernicious extent of the adulteration of dairy products, and the attention of Congress was called to the matter in the first report of the Department made under the present administration. The agitation of this subject resulted in a bill originating in a Democratic House of Representa- tives which was approved by a Democratic PresidcDt before he had been eighteen months in office, regulating the manufacture and sale of oleomargarine. The enactment of that law was hailed with delight by every dairyman and friend of pure butter, and its beneficial results to dairymen are too well known to require repetition. Bulletins have been published by the Department on the subject of "butter substitutes; impure wines and liquors-; adulteration of spices and condi- ments, etc., and it is the intention of the administration to analyze and publish every article of consumption, whether it be a substitute in whole or in part, which competes with or reflects upon the handiwork of the honest farmer. STAMPING OUT CATTLE DISEASES. The present administration was confronted from the beginning by momentous problems arising from the existence of contagious diseases of cattle. Pleuro- pneu- monia, the most dreaded cattle plague of Europe, had been introduced into the THE DEPARTMENT OP AGRICULTURE. 257 United States and allowed to propagate itself almost without hindrance in various States on the Atlantic seaboard. For years the cattle raisers of the Mississippi Valley and of the Western States and Territories had been alarmed at its steady increase, and had secured the adoption of local laws and regulations which threat- ened to destroy inter-state commerce in cattle, while for the same reason Great Britain had for five years prohibited our cattle from going inland and required them to be slaughtered at the docks where landed. To make the matttr still worse, this dreaded disease had very recently been carried to the great cattle raising States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky and Missouri, and the people were is consternation at its presence This burden upon our domestic and foreign commerce was at the same time a menace to one of the most important sources of our food supply and reacted with serious eflFect upon the agricultural interests. It demanded immediate attention and prompt action. By co-operation with State authorities, the general Government has completely eradicated the contagion from the States west of the Alleghany mountains. In New York it has also eradicated it from Washington and Delaware counties and from the greater part of Westchester and Richmond counties. In New Jersey the plague is now confined to a very small section of the State. In Pennsylvania it is practically eradicated. In Maryland it is confined to a single county. In the Dis- trict of Columbia and Virginia it has been completely eradicated. This greatly feared danger has, therefore, been removed from nearly all parts of the country where it existed, and trade and commerce have been relieved of the necessity of embarrassing restrictions outside of the seven or eight counties to which the disease is now confined. In these counties the regulations are still strictly enforced, every bovine animal is numbered and registered by the officers of the Bureau of Animal Industry, not one can be moved from its owner's premises with- out a written permit, and each herd in which the malady appears is slaughtered as soon as its presence is discovered, and the premises are then disinfected. By the careful and constant enforcement of these regulations this imported plague is rapidly disappearing, and there is every reason to believe that by continuing them for a short time our country will be rescued from this danger and the restrictions removed from our trade in live cattle. It is worthy of remark that few countries have ever succeeded in extir-pating this destructive plague after it was once introduced, and none have made such rapid progress as has been shown here during the last two years. Within this time it has been necessary to inspect 81,446 herds of cattle, and to number, register and keep a history of the 283,270 individual animals which they contained. The success of the work has required the slaughter of 10,600 head of cattle, and the disinfection of 1,743 stables. The total expense of this great work has been less than $700,000. f SIGNAL SERVICE STATIONS FOR FARMERS. Among the recommendations made to Congress the first year of the present administration for the welfare of the farmer and the advancement of his interests, may be mentioned the establishment of the Signal Service Station in connection with each agricultural college, and experiment station for the purpose of investigat- ing meteorological conditions affecting the health and growth of plants; the 258 THE DEPABTMENT OP AGRICULTURE. introduction of medical plants ; the investigation of the agricultural capabilities of Alaska ; the completion of a report on wool, giving a scientific endorsement of American grown wool ; increased attention to matters of forestry, etc. Several of these were met with appropriate legislation and the results have been laid before the country. Congress also provided for increased duties in certain branches of Depart- mental work, and in new fields, which required careful direction in their inaugura- tion. GENERAL EXTENSION OP THE DEPARTMENT WORK. It was not long under the new regime before this infusion of new life began to> be manifest in every division, and the Department itself began to reach that emi- nence which its founders had hoped for. Instead of being the butt of the news- paper paragrapher, the object of ridicule among a portion of the agricultural press^ the useless appendage of the Government in scientific minds, its work began to inspire the confidence of all. Its scientific branches were consulted more and more by those whom the Department was established to benefit, its deductions began to be received with confidence and with credit, and its standard began to rise to a plane commensurate with a Department intended to assist in the protection and promotion of the greatest of all industries. And, as these scientific investiga- tions increased, and were stimulated by increasing inquiry on the part of the country for that class of information, new fields for investigation were entered, and in certain cases new divisions and sections were established in the Department to keep pace with the progress that was being made. Thus a new division was created to take charge of the interests of the dairy, preliminary steps were taken to stimulate the pomological and horticultural interests of the country, a section for experiments in silk- reeling was organized, and other investigations inaugurated of more or less note. The most important experiment during the year, and one that is destined to favorably afiect the future of this country, was that conducted by the Department of manufacturing sugar from sorghum by the diffusion process. Silk-reeling experiments were instituted in the District of Columbia in order to ascertain if the reeling of silk from the cocoons might be made profitable in this country; and investigations of the diseases of fruits and vegetables were prosecuted, a separate section being organized for the purpose. A most important reform was introduced in the Seed Division. Prior to the advent of this administration no test of seed distributed by the Government had ever been made to prove its purity, its freshness, or its freedom from the germs of disease or of noxious weeds or insects. A system was adopted which absolutely prevents the distribution of any seed untrue to name, wanting in vitality or containing any ele- ment which the Government ought not to distribute throughout the country. This has proven a great boon to the farmers, as will be readily acknowledged, and as thousands of letters amply testify. A change in the Annual Report of the Department— a document of which there are now published 400,000 copies, the largest edition by far of any report published by the Government — deserves a notice. For several years the report has been con- fined exclusively to the operations of each division of the Department. The First Annual Report under the new administration contained besides the above other articles of popular interest to all classes of our farmer- citizens. Among them was an article upon "Wheat Culture in India" and another upon "Truck Farming." THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. 859 THE. OLDER DIVISIONS MADE MORE EFFECTIVE. The older divisions were by no means idle while these new departures were being made. Indeed the same pro^^ressive policy and spirit controlled and directed them. Activity was apparent everywhere, better organizatioa was noticeable, bet- ter discipline was maintained, every effort was made to bring the investigations and studies nearer to the farmer, and the farmer's best interests nearer to the Depart- ment, and the firt-t year ended under most favorable and gratifying auspices. ■ In 1886 the result of the special investigation to promote the Pomological industry, heretofore alluded to, was such as to secure Irom Congress authority tO' establish a division in the Department devoted exclusively to this question, aiid thus another important division was added to the Department to foster this great and growing industry. In the same year the attention of Congress was directed, through the Presi- dent, to the subject of irrigation. The Department had completed and distributed an exhausted report upon the subject. The Department also compiled in this year and made ready for publication an important treatise on tobacco; it completed and distributed the report on wool, heretofore alluded to ; it enlarged the section which had been organized to investigate the matter of the diseases of fruits, and it estab- lished a Division of Ornithology and Mammalogy, whose duty it was made to study the habits of birds and mammals in their relation to agriculture. VALUABLE EXPERIMENTS IN SUGAR FROM SORGHUM. But of more importance perhaps than all other subjects combined was the investi- gation made into the manufacture of sugar from sorghum, and sugar cane, by what is called the diffusion process. Most astounding results were obtained. The old process secured betwegn forty and fifty per cent., or at the utmost but sixty per cent, of the juice of the plant. The new process secured practically all. Whitney'& cotton gin was of no more importance to cotton-growers than was the diffusion bat- tery to the sorghum grower. An increase of fifty per cent, meant that sorghum, the growers of which had become discouraged and disheartened over repeated fail- ures to secure profitable results, was to be rescued and placed in the very front rank of sugar-yielding plants, that interest in it was to be revived, that its cultiva- tion was to be profitable to the farmer, that it was to open a new industry to him, that it was to be as sure a crop as any on the farm, that the increase in yield ot sugar from southern cane would be nearly double what it had been, and that a revo- lution in the sugar output of the United States was impending. CLOSER RELATIONS WITH PRACTICAL FARMERS. During the year the Department's agents were sent into all sections of the country to meet and confer with the people, called together to discuss the problems of agriculture. In this way the immediate wants of the farmers were made known to the Administration, and information in the possession of the Department was im- parted and explained by word of mouth as well as through books and correspon- dence; scientific bodies were invited to hold their annual conventions at the Department, in order that the Department's officialo might partake of the benefits derived from the discussions, and in turn impart the information to the farmers 17 I 360 THE DEPAKTMENT OF AGRICULTUKE. through various publications ; advantage was taken of the journeys abroad, of citi- zens identified with the agriculture of this country, to secure such valuable infor- mation as might be obtained in foreign countries of interest to our farming commu- nity ; and in short the Department was constantly on the alert for the leading agricultural thought of the world . During the past year the work of the Department has been vigorously prose- cuted, and the policy of extending the influence and usefulness of the Department continued, as the result and its reports abundantly prove. The last vestige of diffi- culty in the matter of making sugar from sorghum was removed, apparently, and sugar was made from both northern and southi rn-grown cane successfully, practi- cally and commercially by the diffusion process— a process developed, improved and applied wholly by this administration — and so successfully as to eclipse all prior attempts to make sugar profitable in northern sections, or to increase the yield of sugar in southern sections of the country, and to make the year 1887 illustrious in the history of the country. The farmers of the north, east and west are now able to take their place in the sugar markets of the world in the same relation that they have enjoyed in markets dealing with their own products, and the sugar planters of the South have also to be grateful for so important a discovery. STILL FURTHEK REFORMS SUGGESTED. In his last report the Commissioner of Agriculture made many suggestions which were valuable. Principal among these is that on the subject of irrigation. It suggested, among other things, the building of reservoirs among the mountains in the arid regions for the purpose of storing the water now wasted in spring floods. The purpose was two- fold ; first it looked to the redemption of arid tracts, and second to the protection of those sections which are annually devastated by the floods of spring. This suggestion seems to have been considered wise, as the present Senate lias appropriated to the Geological Survey $250,000 for preliminary surveys for por- tions of this work. Thus must the present administration have the credit for sug- gesting an attempt to increase the resources of the cultivators of the Rocky Moun- tain slope, and for this endeavor to develop the arid regions to make them inhabi able for immigrants and practicable for the manufacturer, and to make it possib| to combine the hand-maidens of commerce — agriculture and manufacture— -in t^ heart of the "Great American Desert," while at the same time protecting the hom« the property and the crops from the devastation of floods. A GENERAL RECORD OF ITS WORK. To briefly summarize the operations of the Department, the reforms inau| rated and the improvements made, it can be said that its work has been simphfit systematized and made eff'ective ; its researches and investigations have been aloi fines both practical and popular ; it has divided divisions, and created new sectioj in order that new investigations might not interrupt those already in progress, distract attention therefrom ; it has estabfished new divisions for the promotion] new studies ; it has sent to the country more information upon timely topics tli ever before in the history of the Department ; it has maintained State agencies | several States, and one in Europe for personal investigation of agricultural capal itifes and prospects ; its continued study of the grasses of the country has been THE DEPARTMENT OP AGRICULTURE. 261 the Utmost importance, and has prompted an appropriation by the present Congress ior the especial purpose of establishing experimental grass stations; its investiga- tion of destructive insects and methods for destroying them, as well as of the habits of useful insects to agriculture, has been vigorous and useful to all sections ; its studies of animal diseases have been such as to reflect credit upon this or any scien- tific institution; its investigation into the utility of American grown cocoons promises results of far reaching importance; its investigation into diseases of fruits and vegetables has created wide-spread interest ; its investigation into food adulterations; its triumph in sorghum sugar making; its victory in stamping out a disease among cattle which threatened the ranges of the West, and its continued success in decreas- ing the boundaries in which the disease is confined, fully attest how useful thia Department can be made. It has publicly recognized the work of its 10,000 corres- pondents, and encouraged them to more vigilant efibrts and more correct return of tjrop statistics ; it has revived a system of foreign exchanges with the library, which was abolished by a prior administration ; it has not only vastly improved the quality •of seed sent out, but it has largely increased the quantity ; it has distributed more seed for less money than ever before ; it has abolished positions which existed under former administrations and which were useless, and increased them where useful to the country ; it has ditfused among the people more information upon a greater number of topics than was ever before sent out to the people ; it has established intimate relations with scientific bodies and institutions ; it has answered a larger correspondence than ever before on a greater variety of subjects ; it has so con- ducted its afl*air8 as to receive the plaudits of the press, both agricultural and com- mercial ; its reports have been copiously extracted by the press of foreign countries, and favorably criticised ; its scientific articles have been translated into many lan- guages; it has received the praise of the leading agricultural thinkers of thiscountry, irrespective of politics ; and its work has been complimented not only by agricul- tural organizations, but in public debate, \ipon the floor of the Senate by a Senator Df an opposite political faith; it has adopted methods for a better protection of pub- lic property in its charge, for a better system of accounts, and a more prompt ren- iering of them to proper accounting officers ; the conventions called under its iuspices have been better attended than before, and, measured by the test of the confl- ience expressed by Congress in annual appropriations, and of the people who are iemanding its publications; its administration has been useful, influential, business- ike, economical, successful, and in accordance with the principles of true democ- •acy. Indeed nothing better illustrates the character of the administration than tho act that each year since its inauguration the appropriations granted for its woxK lave increased, as follows : For 1885-86 $598,452. ^OT 1886-87 $668,684. For 1887-88 $1,046,730. For 1888-89 $1,746,000 (including $585,000 for experiment stations). A table hereto appended also shows a flattering increase in the demand of the ountry for the publications of the Department. This table abundantly proves the ctivity of the Department in all branches of its studies, and the work which it haa ccomplished during the present admimstmtion is commended to those whose inter- sts arc identified with the Department, those who are interested in the welfare of 262 THE DEPARTMENT OP AGRICULTURE. this important institution, tlio^e who love their country and who are gratified to see its affairs administered wisely and well. DOCUMENTS AND REPORTS ASKED FOR. Table of Bulletins and Reports issued by the Department of Agriculture during the yeai-s 1884, 1885, 1886 and 1887 : Division, Entomological. Statistical Chemical Botanical Forestry Pomological . . . Miscellaneous. Total. 1884. O W 1885. ^ Hi 12; PQ 3,000 108,000 10,500 3,000 21,000: 145,5001 O w 8,500 151,000 12,500 5,000 20,000 197.000 1886. d ^ m 8,700 165,000 14,500 5,000 13,500 206,7001 1887. 6 ^ 'is 17,300 189,.500 38,000 42,000 6,800- 35,000 16,000' 358,800 II. THE president's MEfSAGE ON OLEOMARGARINE — THE CARE TO BE EXERCISED IN PROTECTING THE INTERESTS OP AGRICULTURE. On August 2, 1886, the President signed the bill imposing an internal revenue tax upon olf omargarine, filing with it a memorandum, from which the following extract is made to show its spirit and his intelligent interest in matters of interest to the agriculturist as well as to the consumer: "There is certainly no industry better entitled to the Incidental advantages which may follow this legislation than our farming- and dairy interests; and to none of our peop.-e- Should they be less begrudged than our farmers and dairymen. The present depression of their occupations, the hard, steady and often unremunerative toil which such occupation* exact, and the burdens of taxation which our agriculturists necessarily bear, entitle them to every legitimate consideration. *'Nor should there be opposition to the incidental effect of this legislation on the of those who profess to be engaged honestly and fairly in the manufacture and sale wholesome and valuable article of food, which by its provisions may be subject to taxatic As long as their business is carried on under cover and by false pretences, such men ha'J bad companions in those whose manufactures, however vile and harmful, take their place without challenge with the better sort, in a common crusade of deceit against the publ ico But if this occupation and its methods are forced into the light and all these manufacti must thus either stand upon their merits or fall, the good and bad must soon part compa? and the fittest only will survive. "Not the least important incident related to this legislation Is the defense afforded the consumer against the fraudulent substitution and sale of an imitation for a genuli article of food of very general household use. Notwithstanding the immense quantity of the article described in this bill which is sold to the people for their consumption as fc :^hein i ti« ha^ jlace 3blio^ tUflfl dfl iUi^ I THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. 26^, notwithstandingr the claim made that its manufacture supplies a cheap substitute for butter, I venture to say that hardly a pound ever entered a poor man's house under its real name and in its true character. "While in its relation to an article of this description there should be no governmental regulation of what the citizen shall eat, it is certainly not a cause of regret if by legisla- tion of this character he is afforded a means by which he may better protect himself against imposition in meeting the needs and wants of his dally life. "Having entered upon this legislation, it is manifestly a duty to render It as effective as possible in the accompiiahment of all the good which should legitimately follow in its *rain." SPECIAL COMMENDATION OP THE DEPARTMENT. In his first annual message, sent to Congress December 8, 1885, the President thus referred to the work of the Department of Agriculture: "The agricultural, interest of the country demands just recognition and liberal encour- agement. It sustains with certainty and unfailing strength, our nation's prosperity by the products of its steady toil, and bears its full share of the burden of taxation without com- plaint. Our agriculturists have but slight personal representation in the councils of the nation, and are generally content with the humbler duties of citizenship and willing to trust to the bounty of nature for a reward of their labor. But the magnitude and value of this industry are appreciated, when the statement is made that of our total annual exports more than three-fourths are the products of agriculture, and of our total population nearly one-half are exclusively eniraged in that occupation. "The Department of Agriculture was created for the purpose of acquiring anddiff us- ing among the people useful Information respecting the subjects it has in charge, and •aiding in the cause of Intelligent and progressive farming, by t'.e collection of statistics, by testing the value and usefulness of new seeds and plants, and distributing such as are found desirable, among agriculturists. This and other powers and duties with which this Department is invested are of the utmost importance, and if wisely exercised must be of great benefit to the country. The aim of our beneficent Government is the improvement of the people in every station, and the amelioration of their condition. Surely our agri- culturists should not be neglected. The iustrumentality established in aid of the farmers of the land should not only be well equipped ^for the accomplishment of its purpose, but those for whose benefit it has been adopted should be encouraged to avail themselves fully of its advantages." AGAIN COMMENDING IT TO ATTENTION. In his annual message for 1886 he referred to the Department and its works in these terms: "The Department of Agriculture, representing the oldest and largest of our national Industries, is subserving well the purposes of its organization. By the introduction of new subjects of farming enterprise, and by opening new sources of agricultural wealth and the •dissemination of early information concerniog production and prices, it has contributed largely to the country's prosperity. Through this agency, advanced thought and investi- gation touching the subjects it has in charge should, among other things, be practically applied to the home production at a low cost of articles of food which are now Imported from abroad. Such an innovation will necessarily of course in the beginning be within the domain of intelligent experiment: and the subject in every stage should receive all possi- ble encouragement from the Government. "The interests of millions of our citizens engaged In agriculture are involved In an •enlargement and Improvement of the results of their labor; and a zealous regard for their -welfare should be a willing tribute to those whose productive returns are a main source ot our progress and power." S64 THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRTCULTUHE. On March 27, 1888, the President sent a message to Congress recommend! additional legislation prohibiting the importation of swine or their products fiot certain countries. The message was as follows : I transmit herewith a report trom Hon, George H. Pendleton, our minister to Germj dated January 30, 1888, from which it appears that trichinosis prevails to a consideral extent in certain parts of Germany, and that a number of persons have'already.died from i effects of eating the meat of deceased hogs which were grown in that country. I also transmit a report from our consul at Marseilles, dated February 4, 1888, rei Benting that for a number of months a highly contagious and fatal disease has prevall€ among the swine of a large section of Prance, which disease is thought to be very similar' to hog cholera by the Commissioner of Agriculture, whose statement is herewith sub- mitted. It is extremely doubtful if the law passed April 29, 1878, entitled "An act to prevent the Introduction of contagious or infectious diseases into the United States," meets cases of this description. In view of the danger to the health and lives of our people and the contagion that may be spread to the live-stock of the country by the importation of swine or hog products from either of the countries named, I recommend the passage of a law prohibiting such irnpo*^ tatlon, with proper regulations as to the continuance of such prohibition, and permittinc Buch further prohibitions in other future cases of a like character as safety and prudence, may require. .>^.:^.,J:^''^"'^^ THE WAU Ul::i'AKTMJJlNT. 266 CHAPTEK XXIII. THE AVAR DEPARTMENT. MANAGED WITH CARE AND CONSERVATISM — PUTTING DOWN FAVOR- ITISM — THE BATTLE FLAG INCIDENT. Under the present administration the Department of War, which deals with the mihtary establishment of the country and directs the movements of the regular army, has been conducted with economy and efficiency. Its administration has been free from that reproach or favoritism which too often scandalized some of its predecessors, and there has been no suspicion even of the fraudulent practices and shameful corruption which so deeply stained this department of the Government some years ago. The conservative spirit which has restrained frequent removals in this depart- ment has been respected ; and comparatively few changes have been made in the force of the office. The labors of the Pension Department, to secure promjn action on cases submitted for adjudication, have had valuable auxiliary in the War Depart- ment ; and in all its divisions administrative work has been dispatched with great promptitude. The catastrophe of Indian wars has been averted by sagaciouB anticipated frontier disturbances; the numbers of the regular array have been maintained; its discipline promoted, and all the routine business of the War Office has been faithfully done. H{| DOING AWAY WITH FAVORITISM. The President deserves much credit for breaking up the discreditable system of favoritism which had existed for many years before the advent of the Cleveland idministration. It was the policy of Secretaries of War in preceding administra- iions to yield to the pressure brought by political and personal friends of. oflacers md thus keep a certain small coterie at the pleasant stations on the At^aiitic or Pacific coasts, or in the Department at Washington. The result was that there were so oie officers of the army who had not seen lervice with their regiments for many years. This vicious system has been bo horoughly broken up that the discipline of the army was never more perfect ifian. low, and its efficiency has, as a consequence, been greatly improved. I 266 THE WAR DEPARTMENT. THE BATTLE FLAGS INCIDENT. General R. C. Drum is the Adjutant-General of the Army appointed by Mr. Hayes. His tenure is irrevocably fixed by law. He has been so strong a Republi- can that, in spite of the supposed non- partisanship of the men in his arm of the service, he sent to General Harrison, whose military adviser he is said to have been during the latter's term of service in the Senate, the following congratulatory dis- patch : Washington, June 26, 1888. General Benjamin Harrison, Indianapolis, Ind. : Accept my sincere congratulations. R. C. DRUM. In April, 1887, this officer sent the following letter to the Secretary of War : War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, April 30, 1887. Sir : I have the honor to state that there are now in this office (stored in one of the attic rooms of the building) a number of Union flags captured in action but recovered on the fall of the Confederacy and forwarded to the War Department for safe keeping, together with a number of Confederate flags which the fortunes of war placed in our hands during the late civil war. While in the past favorable action has been taken on applications properly supported for the return of Union flags to organizations representing the survivors of the military regiment in the service of the government, I beg to submit that it would be a graceful act to anticipate future requests of this nature, and venture to suggest the propriety of retam- ing all the flags. Union and Confederate, to the authorities of the respective States in which the regiments which bore these colors were organized, for such final disposition as they may determine. While in all the civilized nations of the world trophies taken in^the war against foreign enemies have been carefully preserved and exhibited as proud mementoes of the nation's military glories, wise and obvious reasons have always excepted from the rule evidences of past internecine troubles which by appeal to the arbitrament of the sword have disturbed the peaceful march of a people to its destiny. Over twenty years have elapsed since the termination of the late civil war. Many of the prominent leaders, civil and military, of the late Confederate States are now honored representatives of the people in the national councils, or in other eminent positions lend the aid of their talents to the wise administration of the affairs of the whole country, and the people of the several States composing the Union are now united, treading the broader roads to a glorious future Impressed with these views, I have the honor to submit the suggestions made in letter for the careful consideration it will receive at your hands. R. C. DRUM, Adjutant-General.! Hon. WiiiiiiAM C. Endicott, Secretary of War. TO PROHIBIT THE PBESIDENT'S ONLY ACTION. Thereupon, without any action being taken by the President or the Cabinc General Drum wrote letters to the Governors of all the States offering to return Confederate flags stored in the "War Department. The President never signed letter, order or document ot any kind suggesting the return or offering to return, endorsing the return of any flag, except the following order to the Secretary War: THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 267 Executive Mansion, Washington, June 18, 1887. I have to-day considered with more care than when the subject was orally present-ed jne, the action of your Department directing letters to be addressed to the Governors of all the States offering to return, if desired, to the loyal States the Hags captured in me war of the rebellion by the Confederate forces, and afterwards recovered by Government troops, and to the Confederate States the flags captured by the Union forces, all of which have been packed in boxes and stored in the cellar and attic of the War Department. I am of the opinion that the return of these flags in the manner thus contemplated is not authorized by existing law nor justified as an executive act. I request, therefore, that no further steps be taken in the matter, except to examine and inventory these flags and adopt proper measures for their preservation. Any directioa as to final disposition of them should originate with Congress. Yours, truly, GROVER CLEVELAND. The Sbcrbtary of War. The President cannot remove an officer of the Army, but this order shows how promptly he rescinded the action of a subordinate. Not only have no Confederate flags ever been returned by President Cleveland or his administration, but it is a well known fact thnt under the administration of Edwin M. Stanton twenty-one such flags were surrendered. k ses DBMOCKACY AND THE SOLDIER. CHAPTER XXIV. DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. PRESIDENT Cleveland's consistent support of every weli CONSIDERED MEASURE IN THE SOLDIER'S INTEREST. Bvery Pension Agent Appointed hy Him an Ex-Soldier- Unexampled Increase in the Grant of Pensions — Lib- erality and Promptness in the Belief of Worthy Applicants — The Vetoes of Questionahle Private Pension Bills — Acts of Justice to Deserving Pensioners. I. MORE PENSIONS GRANTED. ▲ LARGER NUMBER OF CASES CONSIDERED AND ALLOWED THAN EVER BEFORl In no phase of the exercise of his executive fanctions has the Democrati President exhibited greater patriotism, more unerring discrimination, larger intelli^ gence and more untiring industry than in the consideration and determination of all matters touching the relations of the Federal Government with the Union soldiers of the late war. E^^ery well-considered measure for the equalization and enlargement of bounty rendered to them from their grateful fellow-countrymen has had his approval and support; every movement to honor their memory and perpetuate their glory has had his individual and official aid ; the Pension Department under his administration has been organized especially with a view to the expedi- tion of the business which it conducts, and it has been administered with unpre- cedented liberality and promptitude. DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 269 Especially in the exercise of his veto power has the President been watchftil for the true interest of the deserving soldiers ; and all of hie executive acts have been characterized by what General Grant's closest friend pronounces an effort " to MAKE THE PENSION LIST A ROLL OF HONOR AND EVERY PENSION CERTIFICATE A TOKEN OF VALOR AND PATRIOTISM." Next to the denial of worthy claims nothing works greater injustice to the- soldiers who fairly earned the gratitude and liberal rewards of the Government than the grant of pensions to unworthy applicants, impostors, deserters and shirkers. In no respect has the President gained the confidence and the admira- tion of the soldiers and citizens of the country more effectually than in the detection and exposure of numerous frauds attempted upon Congress and the country, to the discredit and damage of honest pensioners and gallant soldiers. THE PENSION AGENTS— SOLDIERS IN OFFICE. To the hf ad of the Department of Pensions President Cleveland appointed Gen. John C. Black, a gallant Union soldier of Illinois, whose military record was one- of the highest and best in the entire history of the war, and whose signal executive- qualities have given to the work of his department a dispatch and thoroughness never before known in its history. As pointed out in a speech on the floor of th& House, August 3, 1888, by Representative McKinney, of New Hampshire, besides Seneral Black, "President Cleveland has appointed to office: General Rosecrans, General Corse, General f eJ, General Bragg, General BuelL, General McMahon, General Franklin, General Davis, General Bartlett, Colonel McLean and Colonel Denby, and hundreds of others who have leen appointed as postmasters and to fill offices in various departments of the Government^ nd tfiere never was a time in the history of the Government since the war when there were more oldiers employed in the service than now. "Of the seventeen pension agents appointed by President Cleveland, sixteen were soldiers I the Union Army, and the seventeenth, Mrs.M.A.MvMgan, is the widow of a distinguished Federal' ildier who was killed in battle. Mr. S. L. Wilson, the eighteenth pension agent, appointed by ipesident Arthur, who lost both legs at the battle of Gettysburg, has been continued in office- / t?ie present administration. Thus every doUar of the nearly $80,000,000 distributed each 9ar to soldiers by the Government passes through the hands of veterans who defended le Union." '570 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. II. DEPARTMENT WORK. increased eppiciency and unprecedented liberality under democratic •administration op the pension office. For years, prior to the accession of the Democratic party to Netional power, one of the stock arguments of the Republican press and speakers in every campaign was, that should the Democratic party be entrusted with the administration of national affairs, the interests of Union soldiers in the matter of pensions would be seriously jeopardized. The Democratic party has now been in power for more than three years, and what do the official records show has been done in the way of pensions for Union soldiers, their widows, orphans and dependent relatives? Com- pare the new with the old, as shown by the official records of the Pension Bureau. The annual reports of the Commissioner of Pensions for the fiscal years 1883, 1884 and 1885, show that during those years 108,131 original, 79,268 increase and 3.852 miscellaneous certificates were issued. Total claims admitted during the last ^hree years of Republican rule, 191,221. The annual reports of the Commissioner of Pensions for the fiscal years 1886 ^nd 1887 and the records of the Pension Bureau for the fiscal year 1888 (the annual report of the Commissioner for the last year not having yet been made), show that i8 of cerUfinates issued by the Democrats, 168,231. In order that the public may be satisfied of the accuracy of this statement, there is appended the official figures taken from the records of the Pension Department: LAST THREE TEARS OF DUDLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. FISCAL TEAR 1883. "Claims Admitted. Original 38,162 Increase 22,746 Miscellaneous 7% Total 61,704 FISCAL YEAR 1884. Claims Admitted. Original 34,l! Increase 22,51 Miscellaneous 1^331 Total .5",930 FISCAL TEAR 1885. f Claims Admitted Original 35,^ Increase 33,985 JVIiscellaneous 1,83.5 Total 71,587 Grand total, claims admitted for three years 191,331 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 27iL FIRST THREE YEARS OF BLACK'S ADMINISTRATION. FISCAL TEAR 1886. laims Admitted. Original 4005^ Increase -j^j^g 271^ Miscellaneous 2 22^ Total 15e,357 FISCAL TEAR 1887. Claims Admitted. Original 55194 Increase 32, lOr Miscellaneous 2,707 Total 90,oos FISCAL YEAR 1888. Claims Admitted. Original , 60, 175 Increase 35,79.> Miscellaneous 17 hq, Total 113,087 NET INCREASE TO TENSION ROLLS. Grand total, claims admitted for three years 359,155 Excess of certificates issued during first three fiscal years of Commissioner Black's ^^ administration of the Pension Bureau over the number issued during the last ^ft three years of Commissioner Dudley's administration 168,231 ^^ The net increase to the rolls during the fiscal years 1883, 1884 and 1885 wa& 59,428. The net increase to the pension rolls during the fiscal years 1886, 1887 and 1888 was 105,875. Fiscal year 1883 17,961 " 1884 , . . . . 19,098^ " 1885. 22,369 Total 59,438 Fiscal Year, 1886 20,658: 1887 40,224 " 1888 (approximate) 44,993 W, Total 105,87.> Excess of net increase during first three years of Commissiouer Black's adminis- tration over that of the last three years of Commissioner Dudley's administra- tion 46.447 I ^72 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. PDND8 DISBURSED ON ACCOUNT OF PENSIONS. During the fiscal years 1883, 1884 and 1885, $183,399,216.31 were disbursed on account of pensions. During the fiscal years 1886, 1887 and 1888, |217,399,757.30 were disbursed on acccant of pensions. Fiscal Year, 1883 $60,43 1,973 85 " 1884 57,373,536 74 " 1885 65,693,706 73 Total $183,399,216 31 Fiscal Year, 1886 $64,584,370 45 1887 74,815,486 85 ♦' 1888 (approximate) 78,000,000 00 Total $217,399, 757 30 Excess of disbursements during first three years of Commissioner Black's administration over the amount disbursed during last three years of Commissioner Dudley's administration 834,000,540 99 NEW NAMES ADDED TO PENSION ROLLS. The total number of new names (original certificates) added to the rolls during the last three fiscal years of Commissioner Dudley's administration (which include the names of 15,906 new names added to the rolls by General Black from March 17, 1885, to June 30, 1885, the last three and one-half months of the fiscal 3 ear 1885) was 108,121. The total number of new names added to the rolls during the first three fiscal years of General Black's administration as Commissioner of Pensions, from July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1888, was 156,226. If we add to this 156,226, the 15,906 new names put upon the rolls by General Black from Mai eh 17 th, 1885, the day on which he assumed charge of the Pension Bureau, to Juue 30, 1885, it makes a total of 172,132 new names added to the rolls since Commissioner Black assumed charge of the Pension Bureau. Giving the Republican administration the benefit of the 15,906 new names added to the rolls during the last three and a half months of the fiscal year 1885, during which time the Pension Bureau was under Democratic con- trol, we find that the excess of new names added to the rolls by the Democratic administration during its first three years exceeds those added to the rolls during the last three years of B&j. uUidan administration by 48,105. ANNUAL VALUE OF PENSIONS AND THE INCREASE. At the close of the last Republican administration the annual value of all pensions was $38,090,985 At the close of the first fiscal year of the Cleveland administration the annual value was , 44,708,027 i At the close of 1887 the annual value was 53,824,641 ftxcrease In annual vafue oflpenslons between June 30^ 1885, and June 80, 1887. $14, 783, 685 DBMOCRACr AND THB 80LDIBR. 278 General John C. Black, Commissioner of Pensions, said in a recent speech: "The Democracy has held sacred and has far advanced the claims of the pensioner as the common debt of the common people, to be sacredly, honestly andimuniflcently paid. Never since the tender hand of peace first bound up the wounds of rugged war; never since the awful fruit of battle cumbered the red earth ; never since men died and women wept, and <»hildren sorrowed, has greater munificence or more eager willingness been manifest than K» been shown to the pensioners by the triumphant democracy— which, God willing, shall \ t many years pour the nation's reviving streams by the stricken and desolate." THE WORK OP THE EXAMINERS. In the same speech of Representative McKinney, from which quotations have been made, are presented other undeniable figures to show the vastly greater efficiency •f the Pension Department now than under any Republican administration : With no increase of force In the Department, but with a decrease, without superior opportunity for collecting evidence, the administration of General Black has shown almost 100 per cent, of increase of work performed and of certificates issued. The work of the Department has been brought up to date; old claims have been disposed of; and the bureau is now doing current work, and every claim is assured of prompt consideration when the claimant presents the necessary evidence required by law. If we will turn to the work- ings of the special examiner's division we will find the comparison equally favorable to the present administration. The comparison is made between the years 1884 and 1885, under CJommlssioner Dudley, with the years 1888 and 1887, under Commissioner Black. The reason for not comparing with the three full years Is because the report of the Commissioner for 1888 is not yet complete. UNDER REPUBIilCAN ADMINISTRATION. ?or 1884 : Examiners in field 351 Cases Investigated 7,452 Reports made 2,187 Depositions taken ^ 18,4S4 For 1885 : Examiners In field 308 Cases in vest igated 9,831 Reports made 29,234 Depositions taken 189,743 Credibility reports 23,623 Expense account for the two years, $514,269.18. Of this sum $343,551 was charged as iraveling expenses; average cost of investigating, $52.31 per case. UNDER DEMOCRATIC ADMINIt-TRATION. For 1886 : Exam ugainst 293 civilianB— a difference in favor of the soldier of 37 per cent." III. CLEVELAND AND THE SOLDIERS. AS MAYOR OP BUFFALO AND GOVERNOR OF NEW TORK HE NEVER FAILED TO REVERE THEIR MEMORY AND TO CONTRIBUTE TO THEIR COMFORT. The record of President Cleveland shows that his interest in the soldiers who went to battle in defense of the Union, is not alone confined to words. He has never failed in any respect to give such assistance to the veteran soldiers as lay in his power, either as a public official or as a private citizen. When unable to give his sanction to the use of public moneys for the erection of a soldier's monument» as the chief executive of Buffalo, he led the movement for the procurement of the funds necessary for the purpose, by heading the subscription list as a priva|| citizen. ^ When unable to sign an ordinance voting away public moneys for decoratioft day purposes without disregarding his official oath and violating the law, he indi- vidually headed a subscription for the purpose with a liberal sum, and, with a hearty co-operation of citizens approving his action, the desired fund was raised promptly without resort to public moneys. As Governor of New York he promptly signed the bill passed in 1883 (( 247, N. Y Laws of 1883), entitled "An act to amend chap. -203 of the Laws of DEMOCKACT AND THE SOLDIER, 275 entitled 'An act to authorize the burial of the bodies of any honorably discharged soldier, sailor or marine who shall hereafter die without k-aving means sulTicient to defray funeral expenses," " This act took soldiers and sailors who died indigent out of the pauper class and gave them honorable burial at public expense, and a headstone to their graves. He approved the acts of the New York Legislature giving ex-soldiers and sailors preference in public employment ; providmg for the completion of the records of New York volunteers of the war of the rebellion on file in the office of the adju- tant-general of the State of New York, and for the safe-keeping thereof. SPEECH BEFORE THE GRAND ARMY, Iq the following speech is expressed the pride he takes in the achievements of the soldiers of the State of New York, and the regret over the lives of her sons sacrificed in the cause. It was the response of Governor Cleveland to the toast "The State of New York," at the Grand Army of the Republic Banquet, in honor of the unveilmg of the Soldiers' Monument at Buffalo, July 4, 1884 : I am almost inclined to complain because the sentiment to which I am requested to respond is not one which permits me to speak at length of the city -which, for more than twenty-nice years, has been my home. You bid me speak of the State, while everything: that surrounds me and all that has been done U -day, reminds me of other thingd. I cannot fail to rememJber most vividly, to-night, that exactly two years ago f felt that much of the responsibility of a certain celebration rested on my shoulders. I suppose there were others who did more than I to make the occasion a success, but I know that I considered myself an important factor, and that when, after weeks of planning and preparation, the day came and finally passed, I felt as much relieved as if the greatest eflfort of my life had been a complete success. On that day we laid the corner-stone of the monument which has to-day been unveiled in token of its completion. We celebrated too, the semi-centennial of our city's life. 1 was proud then to be its chief executive, and everthing connected with its interests and prosperity was dear to me. To night I am still proud to be a citizen of Buffalo, and my fellow-townsmen cannot, if they will, prevent the affection I feel for my city and its people But my tneme is a broader one, and one that stirs the heart of every citizen of the State The State of New York, in all that is great, is easily the leader of all the States. Its history is filled with glorious deeds and its life is bound up with all that makes the nation ?reat. From the first of the nation's existence our State has been the ccnsiant and gener- )us contributor to its life and growth and vigor. But to the exclusion of every other thought to-night, there is one passage in the his- ory of the State that crowds upon my mind. There came a time when discord reached the family circle of States, threatening the lation's life. Can we forget how wildly New York sprang forward to protect and preserve ?hat she had done so much to create and build up ! Four hundred and fifty thousand men 3ft her borders to stay the tide of destruction. During the bloody affray which followed, nearly fourteen thousand and five hundred f her sons were killed in battle or died of wounds. Their bones lie in every State where he war for the Union was waged. Add to these nearly seventeen thousand and five him- red of her soldiers^ who, within that sad time, died of disease, and then contemplate the ledges of New York's devotion to a united country, and the proofs of her faith in the ipreme destiny of the sisterhood of States. And there returned to her thousands of her sons who fought and came home laden Ith the honors of patriotism, many of whom still survive, and, like the minstrels of old, ill us of heroic deeds and battles won, which saved the nation's life. When our monument, which should commemorate the sufferings and death of their )mrales, was begun, the veterans of New York were here. To-day they come again and ew complete its fair proportions, which in the years to come shall be a token that the itriotic dead are not forgotten. 18 276 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. The State of New York is rich in her soldier dead, and she is rich in her veterans of the war. Those who still survive, and the members of the Grand Army of the Republic, hold intrust for the State blessed memories which connect her with her dead ; and these mem- ories wo know will be kept alive and green. Long may the State have her veterans of the war; and long may she hold them In grateful and chastenod remembrance. And as often as her greatness and her grandeur are told, let these be called the chief jewels in her crown. As Governor of New York lie disapproved the act to prevent persons from ■unlawfully using or wearing the G. A. R. badge, because it was so loosely drawn tbat it made the use of the badge, even without ill intent and in the most innocent manner, a crime, and that a child of a soldier, having a pride in the record of the services of a deceased father in defense of the Union, and of which this badge is a token and the testimony, would have been prevented from manifesting that honorable pride by displaying it upon his person. G jvernor Cleveland said : ' The object sought to be gained by the measure is praiseworthy ; the means by which it was attempted to gain the end defeated the object and made it of doubtful utility." Another bill vetoed was entitled " An act to require the Secretary of State to procure a suitable plate, to print certificates, to be presented to honorably discharged soldiers, sailors and marines who served in the Union army and navy from the State of New York. For this purpose an utterly inadequate amount was appropriated ; and the Governor declined to sign it unless its provisions were made practical. 17. THE PRESIDENT AND THE SOLDIERS. MR. Cleveland's uniform support during his presidential term op LIBERAL pensions FAIRLY AWARDED. As President of the United States he has been as urgent and zealous to promote every effort for the aid and relief of deserving ex-soldiers, as he has been prompt to detect and rebuke schemes to deplete and despoil the public treasury, for undei ing applicants and unworthy purposes. A careful perusal of the President's messages, letters and vetoes, publi^ed where in this volume, will disclose in a most striking manner the liberal and patri- otic spirit with which he has approached and considered all the so-called soldier and pension legislation, and with what untiring patience and generosity he has weighed the merits of the general and private bills presented for his consideration. In his first annual message he said ; While there is no expenditure of the public funds which the people more cheerfully approve than that made in recognition of the services of our soldiers, living and dead, the sentiment underlying the subject should not be vitiated by the introduction of any fraudu- lent practices. Therefore it Is fully as Important that the rolls should be cleansed of all those who by fraud have secured a place thereon, as that meritorious claims should be speedily examined and adjusted. The reforms In the methods of doing the business of this bureau which have lately been inaugurated promise better results in both these dlrectioi 3se^^ ielff f DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 977 In his second annual message he said : The American people, with a patriotic and grateful regard for our ex-soldlers— too broad and too sacred to be monopolized by any special advocates— are not only willing' but anxious that equal and exact justice should be done to all honest claimants for pensions. In their sight the friendless and destitute soldier, dependent on public charity, if other- wise entitled, has precisely the same right to share in the provision made for those who fougbttheircountry'sbattlesasthosebetterable, through friends and influence, to push their claims. Every pension that is granted under our present plan upon any other grounds than actual service and injury or disease incurred in such service, and every instance of the many in which pensions are increased on other grounds than the merits of the claim, work an injustice to the brave and crippled, but p )or and friendless soldier, who is entirely neglected or who must be conteit with the smallest sum allowed under general laws. There are far too many neighborhoods in which are found glaring cases of inequality of treatment in the matter of pensions ; and they are largely due to a yielding in the Pension Bureau to importunity on the part of those, other than the pensioner, who are especially interested, or they arise from special acts passed for the benefit of iniividuals. The men who fought side by -side should stand side by side when they participate in a grateful nation's kind remembrance. Every consideration of fairness and jusMce to our ex-soldiers, and the protection of the patriotic instinct of our citizens from perversion and violation, point to the adop- tion of a pension system broad and comprehensive enough to cover every contingency and which shall make unnecessary an objectionable volume of special legislation. PENSION ACTS APPROVED BY THE PRESIDENT. He approved the act of March 19, 1886, which has increased to $13 per month the pensions of 102,568 widows, minors and dependent relatives of Union soldiers. The total annual increase in money granted to these 103.563 pensioners, by reason ofthis approval, is $4,933,964 He approved the act of August 4, 1886, which has increased the pensions of 10 093 crippled and maimed Union soldiers of the late war from $34 to $S0, from $30 to $36, and $30 and $37 50 to $45 per moith. The average increase in these cases is estimated to be $9 per month, or $108 per year, and the total annual increase in moaey granted to these 10 093 pensioners, by reason of his approval of said act of A.ugust 4, 1886, IS therefore $1,080,936. He approved the act of January 39, 1887, which has placed on the pension rolls 31 704 survivors and widows of tbe war with Mexico, at $8 per month, or $96 per year. The annual amount in money which these 21,704 Mexican pensioners will receive is $3,083,584. He approved the act of June 7, 1888, granting arrears of pensions to widows from the date of their husband's death, in all cases filed, subsequent to June 80, 1880. All those filed prior t > July 1, 1880, were entitled from date of death of hus- Dand under the arrears laws of 1879, provided, of course, they e-5tablish their right X) such pension. The approval of this act of June 7, 1888, will immediately affect K)me 10,000 widows of the late war, whose claims have already been allowed from ihe date of the filing of the same. The average amount of money which these 10,000 vill receive, by reason of his approval ofthis act, will amount, it is estimated, to an iverage of $108 in each case, making a total of $1 080,000, and the allowances of vidow's cases, which have been filed since June 80, 1880, daring the present fiscal rear, will probably increase the amount paid to such pensioners during the present iscal year to over $1,500,000. So it will be seen that since the inauguration of President Cleveland he has ipproved general pension acts which directly and pecuniarily benefit some 1,64344 I 278 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. ex-Union and Mexican war soldiers, their -widows, orphans and dependent rela- tives, and that the money value of this benefit will be over $9,000,000 per annum. Since the inauguration of President Cleveland, he has approved or allowed to become laws by limitation, over 1,351 private acts granting pensions, while but 1,524 private pension acts were approved, or allowed to become laws by limitation, dur- ing the entire twenty-four years that the republican party was in power. There is little doubt that before the present Congress adjourns he will have approved or allowed to become a law by limitation, nearly or quite as many private pension acts as aU of the Republican presidents from Lincoln to Arthur. THE FIGURES. Number of private pension bills approved and allowed to become laws by limitation by President Grant in 8 years 485 Number of private pension bills approved and allowed to become laws by limitation by President Hayes in 4 years 303- Number of private pension bills approved and allowed to become laws by limitation by President Arthur 736. Number of private pension bills approved and allowed to become laws by limitation by President Cleveland to August 14, 1888 1351. Average per year under Grant 60 Average per year under Hayes 75 Average per year under Arthur 184 Average per year under Cleveland , 360 The above figures, taken from the oflQcial records, show beyond cavil or ques- tion that no such liberality to ex-soldiers, their widows, orphans and dependent relatives in the matter of pensions, was ever shown by any administration in the history of the republic, and that no former administration has ever extended the munificence of the government to so many of the beneficiaries of the pension laws as has the administration of President Cleveland. FAVORING FOREIGN PENSIONERS. President Cleveland discovered that under all previous administrations the consular oflficers of the government abroad had charged our pensioners now residing abroad for verifying their papers. He thereupon issued this order directing that such service should be rendered them free of charge : Executive Mansion, Washington, July 5, 1888. The consular fee " for authenticating all the vouchers and other papers necessary for drawing a pension," prescribed by the Consular Regulations of 1888 (Fee No. 18), is hereby abolished as an official fee. GROVER CLEVELAND. HONORING THE VETERANS. To the committee having in charge the dedication of the soldiers' monument, New Haven, Conn., June 17, 1887, he wrote as follows : I sincerely regret that I am now obliged to relinquish the anticipations of joining in these interesting exercises which will serve as a tribute of love and veneration to the patri- otism of the sons of Connecticut illustrated in all the wars of our country. The citizens of a State so rich as yours in honorable traditions, so related to heroic sac- rifice, and so full of the sturdiness which a hardy love of liberty teaches, do well to erect, to the memory of her fallen heroes monuments which shall constantly remind future gen- erations that all they have and all they enjoy was dearly bought, and that their inheritance of peaceful prosperity is charged with an obligation of honor and affection for those from whom it descended, and with a duty of its preservation by the exercise of patriotic citi2 ship. DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 270 V. MR. CLEVELA^ND'S VETOES. REPUBLICAN APPROVAL OF THE DEPENDENT PENSION BILL VETO GIVEN FREELY AND FRANKLY AT THE TIME IT WAS MADE. Second only to this generous support and libaral approval of all worthy meag» ures for the relief and honor of the veteran soldiers' has been the service rendered to them by Mr. Cleveland's denunciation and disapproval of the measures by which the undeserving sought to share their honors and gratuities. In his annual message of 1886 the President said : Every patriotic heart responds to a tender consideration for those who, having served their country long and well, are reduced to destitution and dependence, not as an incident of their serviCQ, but with advancing ago or through sickness or misfortune. We are all tempted by the contemplation of such a condition to supply relief, and are often impatient 9t the limitations of public duty. Yielding to no one in the desire to indulge this feeling of ooneideration, I cannot rid myself of the conviction that if these ex-soldiers are to be relieved, they and their cause are entitled to the benefit of an enactment, under which relief may be claimed as a right, and that such relief should be granted under the sanction of law, aot in evasion of it; nor should such worthy objects of care, all equally entitled, be remitted to the unequal operation of sympathy, or the tender mercies of social and political nfluence with their unjust discriminations. For reasons recognized by nearly all the discriminating citizens and organs of Dublic opinion throughout the country as suflBcient and unanswerable, the Presi- ient, February 11, 1887, vetoed what was known as the Dependent Pension Bill, the irst general bill sanctioned by the Congress since the close of the late civil war, permitting a pension to the soldiers and sailors who served in that war upon the jround of service and present disability alone, and in the entire absence of any inju- ies received by the casualties or incidents of such service. Among the reasons he gave for his veto were these : Hitherto such relief has been granted to surviving soldiers few in number, venerable a age, after a long lapse of time since their military service, and as a parting benefaction endered by a gt atef ul people. 1 cannot believe that the vast peaceful army of Union soldiers, who having content- dly resumed their places in the ordinary avocations of life, cherish as sacred the memory f patriotic service, or who, havmg been disabled by the casualties of war, justly regard the resent pension-roll, on which appear their names, as a roll of honor, desire at this time nd In the present exigen cy, to be confounded with those who, through such a bill as this, re willing to be objects of simple charity and to gain a place upon the pension- roll through lleged dependence. Recent personal observation and experience constrain me to refer to another result 'hich will inevitably follow the passage of this bill. It is sad, but nevertheless true, that Iready in the matter of procuring pensions there exists a widespread disregard of truth id good faith, stimulated by those who, as agents, undertake to establish claims for pen- ons, heedlessly entered upon by the expectant beneficiary, and encouraged or at least not mdemned by those unwilling to obstruct a neighbor's plans. In the execution of this proposed law under any interpretation, a wide field of inquiry ould be opened for the establishment of facts largely within the knowledge of the claim- its alone ; and there can be no doubt that the race after the pensions offered by this bill, ould not only stimulate weakness and pretended incapacity for labor, but put a further •emium on dishonesty and mendacity. I 280 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. REPUBLICAN TESTIMONY IN HIS FAVOR. "While a few unthinking people recklessly assailed this veto and some malignai partisans seized upon as a pretext to attack the president's motives, the great bod of sensible citizens heartily approved it, and some of the leading members of tl opposition proclaimed their entire sympathy with Mr. Cleveland's position. Hon. M. S. Quay, then Senator elect from Pennsylvania and now chairman < tTie Republican National Committee, conducting the Harrison campaign, said : "I haven't a vote in the Senate this session. But he has the right idea, abo\ that bill. At least he speaks the sentiments of every real soldier I have heai express an opinion on the subject. The men who did the actual fightiD and have some pride in their record as soldiers don't wantto h pauperized. There is not a man in my Grand Army Post in favor of it. don't think any considerable number of Grand Army posts can be got to suppo the movement to pass the bill over the President's veto. That veto messag is the hest thing President Cleveland has put his hand to, and if were in the Senate I would vote to sustain him." General Sherman wrote to the G. A. R , St. Louis, June 12, 1887 : "Honest men differ widely on this question of pensions to our old and feeble coi rades. We all want to do wnat is right, but differ as to the means. All we know is that aft twenty-odd years after the civil war the Government of the United States under Repub] can and Democratic rule pays out to our old soldiers of the Union Army about $60,000,0 per year, and a few thousand to the Mexican war veterans, regrardless of locality, and n one cent to the rebels of the South whom we fought in the civil war. "We old soldiers of tl civil war have not yet just cause to make an issue on the question of pensions to our inflr and wounded comrades." "The bill was very imperfect," said ex-Congressman Negley, of Pennsylvania, a leai Ing Republican of that State, "and the President, 1 ihink, showed mature judgment writing the vero be did. It was an improper bill." General H. V. Boyuton, the veteran Republican correspondent at Washingto who was a brave soldier during the war, talks in a similar strain : "To me the bill seems to be a mixture of good and bad, with the bad predomlnatin The claims of dependent parents do not need argument. There is also a large class ( dependent soldiers, many— to the disgrace of the country— ia poor-houses; many mo dependent on relations, who, howevejr willing, are sorely burdened with their charge. nation which has been saved by the aid of such men ought not to hesitate to contribu liberally to their support. But the trouble is that while the bill aids these classes, it al opens a wide door for the undeserving, the shirks, and similar classes, with whom go< soldiers have nothing in common. The pornicious fpaturea of th) bill are such as nc constantly arise from that view of a pensiOT hCA whch pro upts too many politicians ask as the first qu^'st on how a bill caa bo f lumoJ to catch the most votes, either for thei •elves or their pdity. With such attempts at legislation tho honorable soldiers country never had the least sympathy." DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 3bl VI. THE REPUBLICAN PRESS ON THE VETO. WHAT THE P-iRTY NEWSPAPEKS OF HIS OPPONENTS FOUND TO SAY TN PRAISE OF HIS ACTION. Extracts from leading Republican newspapers of the country about the same time show with equal force how favorably this veto was received: Undoubtedly the country is with him— Buffalo Express, Rep. The President did well to veto it.— Wheeling Intelligencer, Bep. President Cleveland's veto of the pauper pension bill will be generally approved.— Philadelphia Bulletin, Bej). In vetoing the pauper pension bill the President has performed a brave and worthy fudt.— Philadelphia Enquirer, Bcp. That was a good place for a veo. Public sentiment will sustain this act of the Execu- tive.— ilfi a nea/jo^i* Journal, Bep. In common fairness and justice to the President we must heartily commend his action. ^Pittsburgh Chronicle- Telegraph, Bep. President Cleveland's reasons for declining to approve the dependent-pension bill are sound and sufficient.— Worcester (Mass J Spy, Bep. There is a very general disposition to give the President credit for his veto of the depen- dent pension bill. -Norrlstown (Fa.) HtralA, Bepublican. Theobjection to the bill was that it opened the door for vast abuses. The way these could come to pass is strongly stated by the President.— Ci/icmnadi Commercial, Rep. President Cleveland is entitled to credit and thanks for the manly and sensible stand he has taken, and we are sure the country will applaud and sustain him in it.— Albany Express, Bep. The veto will be generally approved by public sentiment throughout the country. For the position finally taken he deserves credit, and it will be freely extended to him on every hand.— jProy Times, Bep. This is an entirely new departure in the matter of pensions (except whore many years have intervened), and one which does not receive the approval of the majority of the veterans of the war or of the public generoX^y.— Hartford Courant, Bep. The country is with him in reprobating the present tendency of Congress to pension extravagance. The President's veto, being sanctioned by the country, will probably oper- ate as a check to this form of extravagance, and prove in consequence a great public qgt- Yioe.— Philadelphia Press, Bep. President Cleveland has vetoed the pauper persion bill which a truckling Congress passed. The premises are sound and the con 'lusioos irresistible. Now, what is Congress going to do about it? There will undoubtedly be an effort to pass the bill over the veto, but it does not seem possible that it can succeed.— i^z-om the Rochester Herald., Republican. President Cleveland vetoes the so-called dependent-pension bill. The claim agents would fatten anew on the opportunities so flexible a measure would present. Veterans all over the country have spoken out against this measure. There was perceptible nowhere, except among demagogues and claim agents, a demand for it.— From the Vtica Herald^ Bepublican. 283 DKMOCBACY AND THE SOLDIER. It must be admitted that a bill so broad and generous, even lavish in its provisions as this is, must needs open a wide door to fraud and deception of various degrees of magni- tude. Briefly, the bill is open to an indefinite variety of constructions. It was certain to encourage fraud. It would not reach so many of the deserving as of the undeserving.— From the Newark Daily Advertiser. The nearly unanimous voice of the press of the country, reflecting the prevalent opin- ion, is heeded by the President in his veto of the dependent-pension bill. Congress was not courageous enough to face the claim agents* lobby. Now that it has heard the voice of the nation ii will not presume to exercise again the power it seemed to have, and a whole- some chock will be put upon such sweeping pension legislation.~/S'2/mciw«e Journal^ Republican. The people of the United States owe recognition to the courage of President Cleveland for his action in refusing to sign the dependent-pension bill. All parties desire to honor and treat fairly and liberally those who fought in defense of their country, but this has already been done. When the pension appropriation is equal to two-thirds of the cost of the entire military establishment of Germany, it is certainly time to stop.— ^rom the Poughkeepsie Eagle, Bepublican. President Cleveland yesterday did what all good citizens, and especially all patriotic ex-soldiers and sailors, expected he would do. This bill is the worst and most t xtravagant of a number of excessively extravagant pension bills that have been enacted in a spirit of demagogism, and it is little better than an insult to every man who served in the Federal Army or Navy during the civil war for better reasons than those strictly relating to bounty, wages, and opportunities for plunder.— -^row* the Philadelpltia Telegraph, Bejmblican. The veto by the President of the dependent-pension bill will be generally approved by public sentiment throughout the country. It was, indeed, the wisest act with which he ran be credited during his administration thus far. For the position finally taken he deserves credit, and it will be freely extended to him on every hand. Dissatisfaction will find expres- sion chiefly among the claim agents and attorneys who originated this intended "strike" upon the Treasury, and expected to make large gains by it.— Troy Times, Bepublican. The dependent-pension bill was passed by both Houses of Congress without very care ful scrutiny, and i s full bearings were not clearly understood by the country until it was in a fair way of becoming a law. The result of the general study of the measure that has been going on since then is that public sentiment, so far asitis reflected by the press of the country, is almost wholly against it. The objections to the measure raised by Republican and Democratic papers alike are substantially those set forth at length in the President's voto message. The bill was loosely drawn , and in its present form ought not to have received the approval of Congress.— ^M^'ato Commercial Advertiser, Republican. Whatever clamor is raised against President Cleveland for manfully discharging his duty by vetoing hasty and shambling legislation for the purpose of catching a few thousand soldier votes, will not survive a careful reading of the reasons which Mr. Cleve- land gives as justifying his negative of the dependent- pension bill. The President discusses this whole question of pension granting in a dispassionate manner, as one who holds the scales fairly between the old soldier and the general com- munity who must pay the taxes.— Boston Transcript, Independent Bepublican. The pauper-pension bill was wrong in principle, and would have led to endless abuses in practice. It was not demanded by the soldiers who did the fighting, and who do not ask a penny in charity from the Government, In plain English it was "a levy on the rifle- pits for the benefit of the ambulance brigade," and any veteran knows what that means. It would have increased taxation by about $70,000,000 a year, but this was a secondary consideration not sufiBcient to condemn the bill had it been just. Pension laws need amending, but this would have been a dangerous departure.— Ci/tcinnafi Times-Star, Be- publican, edited by a soldier. President Cleveland's veto of the dependent-pension bill will be heartily approved by the sober sense of the Republic. It will of course be condemned by those whom it disap- points, and unscrupulous demagogues of the baser sart may try to make party capital out DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 283 of it. But thoughtful and intelligent citizens of both parties will rejoice that the President has had the moral courage to put this check upon a movf ment which threatened not only to bankrupt the Treasury, but to demoralize the public mind, to destroy the spirit of manly independence in thousands of now self-supportirg men, ard to setthe stigma of mendicancy and pauperism upon the honored veterans of the war of the rebellion.— i^rom the Thiladel- phia J^orth American, Republican. The President has done himself credit by vetoing the dependent-pension bill, and will earn more of the esteem of self-respecting veterans than the politicians who advocated and voted for it. The country can pardon a good many minor errors in a chief magistrate who has the courage to perform such an act of duty against clamor, misrepresentation, and mistaken sentiment. There will be no use in tryirg to make political capital out of the President's veto of the dependent-pensions bill. The country has had such an experi- ence with the arrears-of -pensions bills in the amount of the expense and the Injurious effects upon the recipients of the bounty that it distrusts these measures and will approve their defeat. The President has done the country a good service, and will get the credit for his courage and patriotism from all right-thinking citizens irrespective of v^T\j,—Fr evidence (B. I.) Journal, Independent Repiiblican. President Cleveland's message returning the dependent- pension bill to Congress is by all odds the ablest state paper the President has written. The document is remarkable. Indeed, for close, clear analysis, strong reasoning, and unimpeachable conclusions. Since the complete exposure the President has made of this looeely drawn and dangerous bill any Democrat who votes to pass it over the veto will very likely incur a judgment of political death at the hands of his party, and Republicans who yield it demagogic support will need much better reasons than they have yet made public to justify themselves before the people. It was a courageous act for Mr. Cleveland to face the demagogues in Congress with the veto of a general outdoor- relief pension bill, but he has done it without hesitation, and justified himself at every point. The bill involves a "tremendous addition" to the burdens of the Government end the imposition on the laboring and tax- paying classes, and added to the present tax for pensions would make a load heavier than the support of any standing army in Europe. In point of demagogy, fraud, waste, injustice, and appalling expense to the people of the United States, this bill transcends anything ever passed in Congress, or by the Parliament of any other country. Let every man, whether he has been for or against the bill, read the veto message carefully before he expresses any opinion on the rightfulness of the Executive negative.— CAicag-o Tribune, Republican. THE PRESIDENT TO THE GRAND ARMY. Grand Army of the Republic Posts in various parts of the country passed •esolutions, endorsing the veto and thanking the President for his manly, coura- geous, patriotic and intelligent stand. May 18, 1887, the President wrote a letter acknowledging the receipt of hand- omely engrossed resolutions of General U. S. Grant Post 13, of Wilmington, Del., pproving his executive action in vetoing the dependent pension bill. He said: "It sometimes happens that official conduct, clearly demanded by an imperative bligation of public duty, is made difficult by counter influences and inclinations 7hich grow out of sympathy, or by a disposition to foilow with ease and comfort le apparent current of popular opinion. *'Those of our citizens not holding office and those entirely free from the solemn bligation of protecting the interests of the people, often fail to realize that their ublic servants are to a large extent detained in official action from the indulgence r their charitable impulse, which in private life is not only harmless but com- lendable. I 284 DEMOCRACY AND THE &OLDIER. "While this disposition should be regarded as one of the stern incidents of a faithful performance of official duty, and while it should be endowed with the resig- nation arising from an unfaltering faith in the ultimate justice of the American people, it is, nevertheless, gratifying to review such expressions as are contained ia the resolutions now btfore me." VII. THE PRIVATE PENSION VETOES. THE president's IMPREGNABLE REASONS FOR DEFEATING SOME UNWORTHY MEASURES REJECTED BY REPUBLICAN COMMISSIONERS. It has been shown that there have been approved or allowed to become laws by President Cleveland, nearly as many private peasion bills in the past three years of his administration as under the entire twenty-four years of his Republican prede- cessors. It is not to be wondered at that in this flood-tide of legislation, passed with reckless haste by Congress, and without proper examination of the merits in either House, a vast number of unworthy and undeserving objects of the Government's bounty should be poured in upon the President. Instead of recklessly and blindly signing them all, with infinite labor and care, and with anxious zeal to discriminate the good from the bad, he has examined these cases, and with due regard for the meritorious that he approved, he has vetoed the undeserving, which constitute about 14 per cent of the whole number submitted to him. In all of these his motives have been so praiseworthy and his reasons so forcible, that not a single one of these Ulh have been passed over his veto. The actual number thus disposed of is shown by the following statement : PENSION BILLS VETOED. 1st Session, 49th Congress 115 2nd •' " *' SO 1st " 50th " to July 26th 54 19», FAILED FOR WANT OF SIGNATURE. 1st Session, 49th Congress 46 2nd " " " 9j Is] As was said by Mr. McKinney in the speech previously quoted : Had he desired to show his oppositioQ to pensioning soldiers how much better he< have done it by vetoinj? the 1,364 and allowingr the 19^ to pass. I do not believe there is a single Representative on this floor that believes the Pi^sl^ has selected these 199 soldiers and soldiers' widows in order that he might show his opp tlon or contempt for the Union soldier ; nor is there a Representative who would dare risl his reputation before the country on such a statement. The President's only thought ha been justice to the worthy soldiers who did honest service for the country and who ar Justly entitled to recognition from the Government. He has freely expressed himself in bi DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. ^^ veto messages as desiring to show every consideration to those who are Dustly entitled to a pension, but he has refused to approve pensions for those who have utterly failed to show any connection between their present disabilities and their army service. In this ho has been just to those who are deserving. There is nut a member here who does not know that if the President had not given moreattention to the bills passed by this House and the Senate than the House and the Senate gave them, great injustice would have been done in many cases. Twice during this. present Congress has he received bills the second time for his signature. He has vetoed seven bills passed by Congress where the pensioner was already receiving a larger pension granted by the Pension Bureau than the bill passed by Coui< ress called for. He has vetoed bills that were passed for the relief of soldiers, because on examination of the evidence on file in the Department he was convinced that the soldier would receive justice through the Department and bo entitled to arrearages which he would lote by the special act. Tke veto of Senate bill 7540 saved to the beneficiary $5,760. The veto of Senate bill 1067 saved to tho beneficiary $1,074. These amounts were paid to them shortly after the veto through the Pension Oflfice. Another of the same kind has been adjudicated by the Department, and the soldier la now receiving $50 per month. Four bills were vetoed on the ground of desertion and dis- honorable discharge ; on the same grounds General Grant vetoed nine special acts, all of this nature that came before him. Seventeen special acts were vetoed because the appli- cants were not in the miLtary service at the time of the ii currence of the disability for which relief was aeked. On the same grounds President Grant vetoed two private acts, all that came before him of this character. Ten were vetord because the claimant is now- receiving pension commensurate with the de>iree of disability found to exist on examination by a competect board of surgeons. President Grant vetoed throe private acts for the same^ cause, all that came before him of this nature. A few days ago the President vetoed a private act because the applicant had deserted the Un-on forces on capture by the Confederates, and served nino months in the Confed- erate army before recapture. This bill was presented by a Republican friend of the soldier, and is the first attempt to pension those who served in the Confederate army. Yet the Republican party calls President Cleveland an enemy of the Union soldiers for his vetoes; but President Grant, though guilty of the sam • acts, and for the same cause, was a patriot and a friend of the soldier. Consistency, thou art indeed a jewel ; but never found in the Republican party. These statements alone are sufficient to prove to every honest citizen of this country that President Cleveland has shown more true love for the honest soldier by his careful consideration of their rights than has Congress by its ill considered and ill-a^ vised legisla- tion for those who could not prove their claim. A Senator said a few days ago, in discussing the President's v( toes, tfcat after the House and Senate had investigated a claim and passed upon it, it was preposterous for the President to set up his judgment against It. Now, that Senator knows, and the members of this House know, that in the average pension claim there Is never any investigation either by the House or by the Senate ; and I do not believe they are thoroughly inve tigated by the Pension Committee. It would be impossible for the committee as a body to investigate every claim. Each case is referred to a sub- committee of one, and I think the committee will not deny that they usually accept the report of the sub committee. In a single sittipg of severdy minutiS: the Senate haspasbed one huhdred ar.dforty-sevm private reunion bills. What consideration did these bills receive by the members of that body when they were passing them at the rateof more than two a minute ? In this Hoxise tv^ ry Friday night we pass from thirty to forty private Ulls^ and ULlees the bill calls for a larger sum than is allowed in such cases by law, there ia seldom any discussion upon them. Each member present is satisfied to let the Ovhers pass if he can get his own bill through. THE president's REASONS — SOME CHARACTERISTIC. In his message returQing to Congress the first pension bill disapproved, that of Andrew J. Hill, vetoed for the reas )n that the peasioner's name was Alfred J. Hill, and that the proposed bill would be inoperative, the President took occasion to sayi y»b DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. The policy of frequently reversing, by special enactment, the decisions of the bureau Invested by law with the examination of pension claims, fully equipped for such examina- tion, and which ou^ht not lo be suspected of any lack of liberality to our veteran soldiers, Is exceedingly questionable. It may well be doubted if a committee of Congress has a bet- ter opportunity than such an agency to judge of the merits of these claims. If, however, there is any lack of power in the Pension Bureau for a full investigation it should be sup- plied ; if the system adopted is inadequate to do full justice to claimants, it should be cor- rected; and if there is a want of sympathy and consideration for the defenders of our Government the bureau should be reorganized. The disposition to concede the most generous treatment to the disabled, aged, and needy among our veterans ought not to be restrained ; and it must be admitted that In some cases .justice and equity cannot be done nor the charitable tendencies of the Government in favor of worthy objects of its care Indulged under fixed rules. These conditions sometimes justify a resort to special legislation ; but I am convinced that the interposition by special •enactment in the granting of pensions should be rare and exceptional. In the nature of things if this is lightly done and upon slight occasion, an invitation is offered for the pre- sentation of claims to Congress, which upon their merits could not survive the test of an examination by the Pension Bureau, and whose only hope of suocess depends upon sympathy, often misdirected, instead of rigiit and justice. The instrumentality organized by law for the determination of pension claims is thus often overruled and discredited, and there is danger that in the end popular prejudice will be created against those who are worthily entitled to the bounty of the Government. In another case he says: We have here presented the case of a soldier who did his duty during his Army service, and who was discharged in 1865 without any record of having suffered with rheumatism and without any claim of disability arising from the same ; he returned to his place as a citizen, and in peaceful pursuits, with chances certainly not impaired by the circumstance that he had served his country, he appears to have held his place in the race of life for fifteen years or more. Then, like many another, he was subjected to loss of sight, one of the saddest ■aflaictions known to human life. Thereupon, and after nineteen years had elapsed since his discharge from the Army, a pension is claimed for him, upon a very shadowy allegation of the incurrence of rheuma- tism while in the service, coupled with the startling proposition that this rheumatism resulted, just previous to his application, in blindness. Upon medical examination it appeared that his blindness was caused by amaurosis, which is generally accepted as an affection of the optic nerve. I am satisfied that a fair examination of the facts in this case justifies the statement that the bill under consideration can rest only upon the grounds that aid should be fur- nished to this ex-soldier because he served in the army, and because he a long time there- after became blind, disabled and dependent. The question is whether we are prepared to adopt this principle and establish this precedent. None of us are entitled to credit for extreme tenderness and consideration towards those who fought their country's battles ; these are sentiments common to all good citizens; they lead to the most benevolent care on the part of the Government and deeds of charity and mercy in private life. The blatant and noisy self-assertion of those who, from motives that may well be suspected, declare themselves above all others friends of the soldier, can not discredit nor belittle the calm, steady, and affectionate regard of a grateful nation. An appropriation has just been passed setting apart S^76,000.000 of the public money for diSTribut ion as pensions, under laws liberally constructed, with a view of meeting every meritorious case ; more than a million of dollars was added to maintain the Pension Bureau, which is charged with the duty of a fair, just and liberal apportionment of this fund. Legislation his been a^ thepresent session of Congress peifected. considerably increas- ing the rate of pension in certain cases. A ppropriatioiis have also been made of large sums for the support of national homes where sick, disabled or needy soldiers are cared for; and within a few days a liberal sum has been appropriated for the enlargement and increased accommodation and convenience of these institutions. All this is no more than should be done. But with all this, and with the hundreds of special acts which have been passed, grant- ing pensions in cases where, for my part, I am willing to confess that sympathy rather than judu-ment has often led to ihe discovery of a relation between injury or death and military service, I am constrained by a sense of public duty to interpose against establishing a prin- ciple and setting a precedent which must result in unregulated, partial, and unjust gifts of public money under the pretext of indemnifying those who suffered in their means of sup- port as an incident of military service. Again he says: In speaking of the promiscuous and ill- advised grants of pensions which have lately been presented to me for approval, I have spoken of their "apparent Congressional sano- tion" in recognition of the fact that a large proportion of these bills have never been sub- mitted to a majority of either 'branch of Congress, but are the results of nominal sessions held for the express purpose of their consideration and attended by a small minority of the members of the respective Houses of the legislative branch of Government. Thus, in considering these bills, I have not felt that I was aided by the deliberate judg- ment of the Congress ; and when I have deemed it my duty to disapprove many of the bills presented, I have hardly regarded my action as a dissent from the conclusions of the people's representatives. DEMOCHACY AND THE SOLDIER. 287 I have not been insensible to the su^estions which should Influence every citizen,, either in private station or official place, to exhibit not only a just but a generous apprecia- tion of the services of our country's defenders. In reviewing the pension legislation pre- sented to me, many bills have been approved upon the theory that every doubt should be resolved in favor of the proposed beneficiary. I have not. however, been able to entirely divest myself of the idea that the public money appropriated for pensions is tbe soldiers' fund, which should be devoted to the indemnification of those who, in the defense of the Union and in the nation's service, have worthily suffered, and who, in the days of their dependence resulting from such suffering, are entitled lo the benefaction of their Gov- ernment. This reflection leads to the bestowal of pensions a kind of sacredness which invites the adoption of such principles and regulations as will exclude perversion as well as insure a liberal and generous application of grateful and benevolent designs. Heedlessness and a disregard of the principle which underlies the granting of pensions is unfair to the wounded, crippled soldier who is honored in the just recognition of his Government. Such a man should never find himself side by side on the pension-roll with those who huve been tempted to attribute the natural ills to which human!: y is heir to service in the army.. Every relaxation of principle in the granting of pensions invites applications without merit and encourages those who for gain urge honest men to become dishonest. Thus is the- demoralizing lesson taught the people, that as against the public Trenaury the most ques- tionable expedients are allowable. In another case he says : I cannot spell out any principle upon which the bounty of the Government Is bestowed through the instrumentality of the flood of private pension bills that roach me. The theory seems to have been adopted that no man who served in the army can be the subject of death or impaired health except they are chargeable to his service. Medical theories are set at naught and the most startling relation is claimed between alleged incidents of military ser- vice and disability or death. Fatal apuplexy is admitted as the result of quite insignificant, wounds, heart disease is attributed to chronic diarrhea, consumption to hernia, and suicide is traced to army service in a wonderfully devious and curious way. Adjudications of the Pension Bureau are overruled in the most peremptory fashion by these special acts of Congress, since nearly all the beneficiaries named in these bills haye unsuccessfully applied to that bureau for relief. This course of special legislation operates very unfairly. Those with certain influence or friends to push their claims procure pensions, and those who have neither friends nor influence must be content with their fate under general laws. It operates unfairly by increasing in numerous instances the pensions of those already on the rolls, while many other more deserving cases from the lack of fortunate advocacy are Obliged to be content with the sum provided by general laws. The apprehension may well be entertained that the freedom with which these private pension bills are passed furnishes an inducement to fraud and imposition, while it certainly teaches the vicious lesson to our people that the Treasury of the national Government invites the approach of private need. None of us should be in the least wanting in regard for the veteran soldier, and I will yield to no man in a desire to see those who defended the Government when it needed defenders liberally treated. Unfriendliness to our veterans is a charge easily and some- times dishonestly made I insist that the true soldier is a good citizen, and that he will be satisfied with generous, fair, and equal consideration for those who are worthily entitled to help. I have considered the pension list of the Republic a roll of honor bearing names inscribed by national gratitude and not by improvident and indiscriminating alms-giving. I have conceived the prevention of the complete discredit which must ensue from the unreasonable, unfair, and reckless granting of pensions by special acts to be the best service I can render our veterans. In the discharge of what has seemed to me my duty as related to legislation and in the Interest of all the veterans of the Union Army, I have attempted to stem the tide of improvi- dent pension enactments, though I confess to a full share of responsibility for some of these laws that should not have been passed. I am far from denying that there are cases of merit which cannot be reached except by special enactment ; but I do not believe there is a member of either House of Congress Who will not admit that this kind of legislation has been carried too far. My aim has been at all times, in dealing with bills of this character, to give the appli- cant for a pension the benefit of any doubt that might arise and which balanced the pro- priety of granting a pension, if there seemed any just foundation for the application; but when it seemed entirely outside of every rule, in its nature or the proof supporting it, 1 have supposed I only did my duty in interposing an objection. It seems to me that it would be well if our general pension laws should be revised with a view of meeting every meritorious case that can arise. Our experience and knowledge of any existing deficiencies ought to make the enactment of a complete pension code possible. ^ .. , , In the absence of such a revision and if pensions are to be granted upon equitable wounds and without regard to general laws, the present methods would be greatly improved by tne establishment of some tribunal to examine the facta in every case and determine apon the merits of the applioation I •288 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. Other extracts are as follows : If such speculations and presumptions as this are to be indulged, we shall find our- selves surrounded and hedged in by the rule that all men entering an a my were nree from disease ©r the iiabiliry to disease before their tnlistment, and every infirmity which is visited upon them thereafter is the cousc quence of army service. Before the passage of the bill herewith returned, the Commissioner of Pensions, in ignorance of the action of Congress, allowed his claim under the general law. As this decision of the Pension Bureau entitles the beneficiary named to draw a pension from the date of filing his application, which, under the provisions of the f>pecial bill in his favor, would only accrue from the time of its passage, I am unwilling that one found worthy to be placed upon the pension-rolls by the Bureau to which he properly applied should be an Actual loser by reason of a special interposition of Congress in his b.half. I am by no means Insensible to that influence which leads the judgment toward the ^allowance of every claim alleged to be founded upon patriotic service in the nation's cause. And yet I neither believe it to be a duty nor a kindness to the woithy citizens for whose benefit our scheme of pensions was provided, to permit the diversion of the nation's bounty to objects not within its scope and purpose. It is.n(»t a pleasant thing to interlere in such a case. But we are dealing with pensions and not with gratuities. I believe her case to be a pitiable one and wish that I could join in her relief. But unfortunately official duty can not always be well done when directtd solely by sympathy and charity. A disabled man and wife and family in need are objects which appeal to the sympathy and charitable feelings of any decent man, but it seems to me that it by no means follows that those intrusted with the people's business and the expenditure of the people's money are justified in so executing the pension laws as that they shall furnish a means of relief in every case of distress or hardship. grant's vetobs. lFr0m Senator Voorhees's Speech, April 38, 1888] But in tT»e very face of these solid and unassailable facts, demonstrating beyond all possible contradiction the magnificent work accomplished for the soldiers by the executive department of the Government under a Democratic administration, torrents of abuse and calumny have been poured upon the head of the Executive himself, charging a personal hostility on his part to those who defended their country in the Union armies. General Grant vetoed that great measure of absolute justice which passed both branches of Con- gress, equalizing the bounties of soldiers, a measure in which over two hundred thousand veterans were interested, and which equalized the meager bounties they received In the early days of the war with the larger bounties paid near its close. Those who would have been benefited by this bill were the most meritorious followers of the flag. They rallied to it at the opening roar of the guns ; they bore the heat and the burden of the day, and they only asked to be made equal in bounty with those who went In at the eleventh hour and In many instances never saw a line of battle. But the veto which deprived the best veterans of the war of many millions of Justly- earned money was delivered by a Republican President, and the leaders of the Republican party became Instantly blind to the rank injustice inflicted on Its victims and quietly sub- mitted without a word. If, however, In passing upon more than a thousand private acts of Congress granting pensions to individuals who had failed to make sufBcient proof in the Pension Oflace, a Democratic President has here and there found one he could not approve it has been sufficient to Invoke storms, blizzards and cyclones of wrath against him froi such as prove their friendship for the soldier by clamorous and scaadalous abuse of tb political opponents. "the president was right." This is what George W. Childs eays of the pension vetoes in the Philadelpl Ledger, July 13 : There have been but few Presidents of the United States who have so consplcuousl, displayed so high a degree of moral couragre In the discharge of the duties of their oflBce as Mr. Cleveland has done, and in nothing else has he exhibited his elevated sense of responsl- I DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 289 tility so much as in his vetoes of sundry private pension bills. This, which should have been universally recognized as meritorious, has been by many of his partisan opponents set down against him as an offense. His motives are impugned, his conduct misrepresented: and he is held up to the contumely of all those who have fought their country's battles as one who is indifferent to their valor, unappreciativeof their services, opposed to concedingr them the reward which is justly theirs. There is notning in the vetoes of the President to prove these grave charges : there is nothing in them to give even the color of credibility to them. So far have the President's political opponents pursued their opposition to hiip iu this respect as to contend that his numerous vetoes of these private pension bills is a flagrant abuse of the constitutional exer- cise of the veto power, and an insult to the legislative dep'irtment of the Government. That is as false a contention as could be made; the Constitution is mandatory to the effect that ''every bill" passed by the House and Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be pre- sented to the President of the United States if he shall approve it, he shall sign it; but if he shall not approve it, he shall return it to the House in which it originated, witn his objections, and then the bill shall become law only by a vote of two thirds of each House. The known facts regarding these private pension bills similarly determine the propriety of the President's vetoes. He does what neitner the Senate nor the House does ; he devotes time, labor, and thought to the coneideration of every separate pension bill presented to him, and according to their merits or defects he approves or disapproves them. In marked contrast with what the President has done in diligently, carefully inquiring into the merits of the bills presented to hirh for his approval, is the unconsidered, reckless conduct of the Senate in passing them, illustrated by the uncontested statement of Stnator Butler, in yesterday's debate, that in a single session ot seventy minutes that body had passed 147 private pension bills. In one of his veto messages last week the President said that the idea of Congress seems to be "that no man who served in the Army can be the subject of death or impaired health, except that tbey are chargeable to his service. Medical theories are set at naught, and the m03t startling relation is claimed between alleged incidf^nts of miiitai-y service and disability or death. Fatal apoplexy is admitted as the result of quite insignificant wounds, heart disease is attributed to chronic diarrhea, and suicide is traced to Army ser- vice in a wonderfully devious and circuitous way. * * * 'X'his course ot special legislation acts very unfairly. Those with certain influence or friends to push their claims procure pensions, and those who have neither friends nor influence must be content with ♦their fate under general laws." All this is the truth, as case after case has established it, and vet the hue and cry of unscrupulous partisanship has so perverted the good conscience and devotion to duty of the President as to make him seem an enemy of the soldiers and his conduct an offense to them. No one who has read the President's veto messages in which ho has stated his objectio;as to those bills which he has disapproved can fail to perceive that he has, in every case, acted In entire good faith with respect to the claims of our soldiers. The pension list, he said, should be made a roll of honor, a record of the great, heroic deeds of brave men, and be not marred by the appearance of the names upon it of those who are unworthy of the distinction and benefits it should confer. That the President was right, thaf Congress was wrong in the matter of the over- whelming proportion of the vetoed bills, is proved by the fact that Congress has recognized except in the very rarest instances, the validity of his objections. It was in its power to set aside his vetoes in any case if it were right and he wrong, but in how many cases has it done so? In so exceedingly small a number as to testify to his general wisdom, courage and integrity in connection with these bills. In this regard it is worth the while of the people to consider that there is somethlngr better than partisan supremacy; that fidelity shown in the administration of the Govern- ment is much better, and that there can be no partisan necessity so strong as to warrant the condemnation, through misrepresentation, of the Executive for doing that which it is his duty to do. In this private pension business the President has been engaged in correct- ing the errors of Congress. He has done it at the risk of having his motives misrepre- sented, his conduct denounced, his patriotism questioned, his popularity impaired ; but, conscious of being right, determined to do right, he has gone resolutely on in the faithful discharge of his duty. That is what he should be encouraged to continue to do, and by no others more than by the brave men who fought the battles of their country, and who should now stand shoulder to shoulder with the Commander-in-Chief of the Army in his efforts to make the pension list a roll of honor and every pension certificate a token of valor and patriotism. 290 DEMOCBACY AND THE SOLDIBB. VIII. THE VETOED BILLS. A DIGEST SHOWING PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S REASONS FOR THE VETO OP THK PRIVATE PENSION BILLS — PRESERVING THE RIGHTS OP ALL PENSIONERS AND MAINTAINING THE HONOR OF THE PENSION-ROLL— NEARLY EVERY VETO SUSTAINED BY THE ACTION OP REPUBLI- CAN COMMISSIONERS OP PENSIONS. ANDREW J. HILL. Vetoed because proposed beneficiary's name is Alfred J. Hill. The bill would be inop~ erative. ABIGAIL SMITH. Vetoed for the reason that the bill would reduce the pension she is receiving under the general law. LOUIS MELCHER. After less than three months' service was discharged August 16, 1861, for "lameness caused by previous repeated ulcerations of the legs, extending deeply among the muscles and impairing their powers and action by cicatrices, all existing before enlistment." Claim, consequently rejected by Pension Bureau. The cicatrices showed beyond doubt the previous existence of this difficulty, and the term of service was too short to have devel- oped and healed repeated ulcerations in a location previously healthy. (Veto upholds sur* geon's certificate made at time of discharge, and upon which the Pension Office based its action.) Commissioner Dudley rejected this claim in 1884. ELIZABETH S. DE KRAFFT. ^ Vetoed to save her arrearages to which she is entitled under tke general law. The only effect of this bill would be to reduce her pension. ELIZABETH LUCK. Husband applied for pension shortly after his discharge, January, 1864, alleging disa- bility from being thrown forward on pommel of his saddle when in service. No record to that effect and no such evidence could be produced. Surgeon's certificate at discharge states disability arose from "organic stricture" existing at time of enlistment. Claim reject(>d. TM'enty years after he died of chronic gastritis. Soldier's death did not result from disability or injury contracted in military service. Claim for pension rejected in 1868 by Commissioner Barrett; August, 1883, by Commissioner Dudley, and January, 1885, by Commissioner Clarke. CARTER W. TILLER. Claim filed In Pension Office, 1877, as dependent father, which was rejected. Claimant enjoyed a fair salary as a policeman ever since his son's death. The latter deserted, and ten months thereafter died. This claim was rejected in July, 1879, by Commissioner Bentley. ELEANOR C. B.VNGHAM. In July, 1885, upon special examination, pensioner admitted her husband suffered from epilepsy from early chilhood, and that he committed suicide during a despondent mood fol- lowing an epileptic fit. Pension withdrawn, it being apparent that his epilepsy was not contracted in service. DAVID W. HAMILTON. In his applica*;ion for pension November, 1879, fourteen years after his final discharge from the Array, and just prior to the expiration of time for filing claims for pensioi arrearages, and after the death of his family physician, he admitted that he suffered froi , hydrocele as early as 1856. His claim was rejected by the Pension Office on the ground thai his alleged disability existed prior to his enlistment. This claim was rejected by Cor '" flioner Dudley in 1883. DEMOCRACY AND THE 80LDIEK. 391 JAMES C. CHAWDLEB. Applied twice for pension. In his first application, 1869, he alleged that in. April, 1862; he was run over by a wagon and injured In his ankle. The records show that he was dis- charged less rhan two mouths afterwards for chronic bronchitis. In his second application he alleged he contracted typhoid fever in May, 1862. resulting in " rheumatism and disease of the back in region of kindneys." Yet in January, 1864, he again enlisted, was pronounced sound, and served until mustered out, September, 1865. JOHN D. HAM. Claimed that while riding from his home to join a regiment his horse fell on his ankle- and injured him : never joined any regiment, but returned home ; the next year was drafted, accepted as physically sound, and served out his term. Seventeen years afterwards applied for a pension for injury to his ankle, which was denied after investigation by the Pension-. Bureau, by Commissioner Dudley, December, 1883. EDWARD AYEBg. The application to the Pension Bureau rejected on the ground that investigation proved^ that the injury complained of was sus'ained when a boy ; that there is no record to show- that he was injured in the Army. He deserted in May, 1863, and was subsequently arrested and returned to his regiment. This claim was rejected by Commissioner Baker in 1873, anund disease of kidneys, but no indication of lung or stomach trouble. Three years later medical referee reported no disease of lungs or trouble since filing claim, and that the kidney difficulty had no relation to Army service. Veto sustains rejection by Pension Commissioner Black. I DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 293 ALFRED DENNY. Entered service June, 1863, as captain and assistant quartermaster. After remaining in that position less than a year he resigned to accept a civil position. Twenty years after- wards he filed a claim in Pension Office, alleging that in August, 1863, he was thrown for- ward on the horn of his saddle, rupturing right side and subsequently of left side. The records disclose no evidence of any accident or disability. Claim rejected in 1884 by Com- missioner Dudley. MARIIiLA PARSONS. No claim filed in Pension Office. Her stepson enlisted in 1861, and subsequently died of consumption. No facts even are shown that the disease resulted from military service. Step-parents are not under the law entitled to pensions. JACKSON STEWARD. This case is pending in Pension Bureau, and no reason why it should not take Its course. ANNA A. PROBERT. Husband, who was a druggist, died in Memphis of yellow fever in 1878. SAMUEL MILLER. la 1880 filed claim in Pension Office, which was rejected. Board of surgeons failed to discover any evidence of disease. Rejected by Commissioner Dudley in 1883. CLARK BOON. Filed claim in 1874, alleging lost his health while prisoner at Tyler, Texas. In October, 1874, filed affidavit that he contracted disease of heart and head in the service. In January, 1878, he abandoned allegations as to disease, and asked for pension on account of gunshot wound in ankle. Pension was granted in 1880 on theory of medical board that it was "pos- sible that applicant was entitled to a small rating for weakness of ankle." Not entitled to iXL increase. This claim was rejected in 1878 by Commissioner Bentiey. HEZEKLAH TILLMAN. Claim for increase still pending In Pension Bureau. CHARLES SHTJLER. Claim is pending in Pension Bureau and undetermined. MARIA HUNTER. Claimant's petition in Pension Bureau is pending undetermined. JOSEPH TUTTLE. Claims as dependent father. "When soldier was nine years of age, claimant abandoned he boy, who lived among strangers until 1861, when he enlisted and was killed in action in lay, 1863. Claimant exhibited such indifference that he was not aware of hib son's decease or two years thereafter. He is not entitled to profit by the death of this patriotic boy. lejecced by Commissioner Black in 1886. ANDREW J. WILSON. Drafted February, 1865 : discharged following September on account of "chronic ephritis and deafness." In 1882 filed claim in Pension Office, alleging that Im June, 1865, he ontracted rheumatism. As claims were rejected he repeatedly set up other complaints, one of which were sustained by the evidence. Now under examination by Pension ureau. MARY 8. WOODSON. Husband was discharged October, 1863, on account of disease of heart. He left home 1 1874 aud has not since been heard of. Rejected in 1884 by Commissioner Dudley. There no other evidence. y. SARAH HARBAUGH, Soldier discharged September, 1864. Received wound in ankle May, 1863. Died of jart disease October, 1881. No connection between cause of death and Army service, ejected by Commissioner Dudley in 1883. BRUNO SCHULTZ. Applied for pension several years ago and rejected. Since then the case has been )ened and is now awaiting additional evidence. Rejected in 1877 by Comoussioner jntley. I 294 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. WILLIAM BISHOP. Was enrolled as a substitute March 25, 1B65. when high bounties were paid. Was admitted to hospital April 3, with measles. Returned to duty May 8, and mustered out with a detachment of unassigned men May, 1865. Fifteen years afterwards (J880) filed claim, alleging measles had affected his ei es and spinal column. Rejected by (Commis- sioner Dudley in 1884. JULIA CONNELLY. Husband was mustered into pervice Oc tober 2fi, 1861. He deser'ed November 14, 1861. Visited his tamiiy December 1, and waa found drowned near his home December 80, 1861. LOUISA C. BEEZELKT. Husband w»s enrolled as a farrier in September, 1861. Discharged July, 1862, on account of "old atce." Thirte^-n years afterwards he died. He never claimed pension. In 1877 his widow iiied claim that he died irom dit-ease contracted in service; which was found to be erroneous. Rejected in 1883 by Commissioner Dudley. CHARLES A. CHASE. Enlisted September, 1864. Mustered out June, 1865. Fifteen years thereafter filed claim, alleging disease of kidneys and liver from exposure, October, 1864, There is no- record of alleged disease and no proof of its contraction in Army. Rejected in 1884 by Commissioner Dudley. GILES C. HAWLEY. Enlisted in August and discharged in November, 1861, "on account of deafness." Seventeen years thereafter (1878) he filed a claim in P* nsion OflSce, alleging that from exposure and excessive duty his hearing was seriously affected, which was rejected. Since pensioned under the general law. MARY ANDERSON. Husband was pensioned on account of chronic diarrhea. In 1882 he was found dead on the railroad track. Pension Office rejected claim because death was not connected with military service. HARRIET WELCH. Husband fell from the cars in 1877 and was killed. The widow's claim was, by the Pension Office, rejected on the ground that death did not result from military service. Rejected in 1884 by Gommissioner Dudley. JAMES BUTLER. On the 11th of September, 1864, while at his home after enlistment, but before his company was organized, he fell into a cellar, fractured his leg, and was discharged In December, 1864, his claim for pension was rejected by the Pension Office, and again in 1871. The claimant was never mustered-into the service of the United States, and his injur- was not received in the performance of duty. JAMES H. DAHpiilNG. Discharged in 1862. Filed claim In Pension Office alleging rheumatism. Rejected on account of not being result of Army service. Medical examination In 1877 and again in 1883 showed that he was not entitled to pension. SALLIE WEST- Disease which produced husband's death had not its origin in his mlMtary service. MARTHA M'lLWAIN. Husband lost a leg in 1862 and was pensioned for disability. In 1883, while under tl influence of liquor, he took morphine, from which be died. The death was not due military service. ALICE E. TRAVERS. Husband was discharged June, 1866. His was a druggist, and was in the habit of takii opiates. He died, 1881, from an overdose of morphine. He never applied for a pensic The claim was properly rejected by the Pension Office in 1886. WILLIAM H. STARR. Case is pending in Pension Bureau, awaiting additional evidence. It should be oc eluded there before special legislation is resorted to. PHILIP ARNER. Discharged from service in July, 1864. In fall of 1865 he was taken ill, since whic time he has been troubled with lung difficulty. Pension Office rejected claim 1883. Al lutely no allegation of any incident of hisserrice related lo his sickness. DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 395 MARY NORMAN. Soldier was mustered ou' June, 1868. Was drowned while tryingr to cross Roanoke River m 1868. In 1881 the claim was rejected because death was not due to miUtary service. Eejected in 1881 by IJommissioner Bentley. MARY A. VAN ETTEN. Soldier was drowned near his residence in New York in 1875. The widow presented her <5lami ten years after husband's death. Rejected in 1885 by Commissioner Black. JAMES D. COTTON. This claim is pending in the Pension Office and undetermined as to the dependence of claimant at date of soldier b death. DAVID T. ELDERKIN. Enlisted August, 1882 ; he was dishonorably dischar city marshal and placed in lock-up, where he died suddenly an hour afterward. Rejected by Commissioner Bentiey in 1818. SUSAN HAWES. In 1883 her son attempted to board a moving freight tra.n, made a misstep, and ear-whe^i passed over his foot. Two physicians called in, deemed amputation necessary, ani admin- istered preparatory anaesthetic, but patient died before amputation, two hours after acci- dent. His death is not attiibutable to his military service. Rejected by Commissioner Black in 1885. 1898 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. VBRAHAM POINTS. Discharg-ea June 28. 1865 ; in 1878 applied for pension on ground of stiffened elbow joints and sore eyes, contracted in service. No such record of these disabilities, but his neighbors end acquaintances of prood repute showed conclusively that these disabilities existed prior to his enlistment. Kejected in February, 1885, by Commisaioner Clarke. MBS. AMELIA 0. RICHARDSON. Hemarried in 1858. In 1863 her son by former husband enlisted and died in sexrice in. 1865, He had not lived with his mother after her remarriage, and there is no competent evidence that he contribuff^d toher support after that event. At the time of his death his step-father was earning $70 per month and owning considerable property, part of which «till remains to him. Not dependent. WILLIAM DICKENS. Vetoed to benefit claimant, as the bill, if passed, would have deprived him of back pen- sion already granted him from 1864 to date. BENJAMIN OBEKIAH. Beneficiary has already been six months on pension-roll for same amount fixed by this bilL MRS. MARGARET DUNLAP. Beneficiary is mother of a soldier who was, in 1864, killed by one of his comrades in a personal row. Rejected in 1873 by Commissioner Baker. The injury was not received in line of duty. WILLIAM LYNCH. Discharged 18,59. Twenty-four years afterwards, April, 1884, claimed pension for rheu- aaaiism contracted in 18o7-'58 in Utah. Claim still pending in Pension Bureau. ALEXJLNDUR FALCONER. Case is provided for by a general law recently approved. JAMES BAYLOR. In this case no advantage would accrue to beneficiary under special act, and justice will be done him under general law. Rejected in 1879 by Commissioner Bentley. MRS. CATHARINE BATTLER. Soldier was wounded in battle August, 1864. and discharged by amputation of left fore- arm March, 1865. Subsequently the same year he was married to beneficiary and pensioned ; pension increased 1866. October 31, 1867, drew his monthly pay of $.50 as United States watchman at New York city, disappeared that day, and on November 1.3, 1867, his body was found in North river. New York city. Was strong and healthy at time of death. Nearly seventeen years afterward, in 1884, his widow on above facts applied for pension, which was denied November, 1884, as soldier's death was not due to his military service. Rejected by CJommissioner Dudley. FRANKLIN SWEET. Already on pension rolls for the same amount named in the bill. ROBERT K. BENNETT. Soon after enlistment, September, 1862. was detailed to cook shop, and five montl thereafter was received into hospital, from which he was discharged from the service thre. weeks later for" varicocele to which he was subject four years before enlistment." Seveo- teen years afterward claimed pension for hernia and piles contracted in service. Claim rejected 1888. Medical examination, madp 18^2. states no evidence or symptoms of disabilit resulting from Army service. Rejected in 1883 by Commissioner Dudley. JESSE CAMPBELL. His claim, rejected 1881, was reopened January 1887, and ho has been pensioned undl the general law. LOREN BURBITT, Pensioned since 1886, and now draws ?73 monthly pension, the highest under genei laws. There are over one thousand other pensioners of this class on the rolls worthy of tl same special legislation, and all should be treated alike. Unfair to make two rates for sai disability. ABRAHAM P. GKIGOS. Enlisted August, 1861, entered hospital January, 1863. Discharged the service therefroD November, 1863. His discharge certificate states *• worthlessness, obesity, and imbecilitj and laziness," " totally unfit for the Invalid Corps, or for any other military duty." Near^ twenty years after his discharge claimed pension for rheumatism. A board of United Stat €xamining surgeons report no pensionable disability existing, and that he Is able to wor| Claim rejected in 1885 by Commissioner Black. J DEMOCBACY AND THE SOLDIER. 299 CUDBEBT STONE. Over sixteen years after discharge claimed pension for piles contracted in service. Claim rejected in October, 1884, by Commissioner Dudley, on ground that disability origi- nated while undergoing court-martial sentence, therefore not in line of duty. The commit tee recommend pension be granted beneficiary " by reason of faithful service to his coun- try," whereas in his thirty-nine months' service with no record of disability, thirty-tlve months were passed in desertion or imprisonment therefor. CHARLOTTE O'NEAL. Husband resigned from service June, 1863. Seven months thereafter he died of disease which, it is admitted, had no relation to Army service. JOHN REED, 8R. Filed application in Pengion Office, 1887, alleging he was dependent upon deceased sol- dier for support; that his wife died in 1872, and filed an affidavit of a man who alleged h<^ was present at her death. This was in 188:J rejected. This claimant, in 1839, abandoned his wife and family, and nev«r thereafter contribut- d to their support. The soldier's mother was granted a pension in 1863, and enjoyed it until 1884, when she died. His claim was false, and was supported by false testimony. JOHN D. FINCHER. Twenty years after discharge from service (1882) he filed claim for pension, which was rejected, because In 1883 and again in 1885 he was examined by a board of surgeons, who report no disability. JACOB SMITH. Vetoed because this bill proposes to reduce the pension of a worthy soldier. RACHEL ANN PIERPONT. Vetoed because its approval would reduce the amount she is now receiving. MARGARET B. JONES. Is now receiving the highest pension allowed by law fi such cases. No reason for an exception in her caae. ANTHONY M'ROBBBTSON. Applied for pension 1874. In November, 1886, the highest rate allowed by general law was granted him, to date from 1863. WILLIAM H. MORISHEB. The bill proposes to allow him pay and allowances for a period for which the records show he has already been paid. ANN WRIGHT. Vetoed because she receives under general laws the same amount here proposed. Rejected in 1882 by Commissioner Dudley. SARAH HAMILTON. Husband of claimant deserted May, 1863. June, 1864, arrested as a deserter ; returned to duty September, 1864. In 1872 he applied for pension, alleging injury to left leg, causing varicose veins, sustained in February, 1863, which was granted . He died in 1883 of apo- plexy, which had no relation to his injury. Rejected in 1883 by Commissioner Dudley. HANNAH R. LANG DON. Husband served six months as an assistant surgeon, when he resigned. In 1880 filed applica'ion for pension, alleging chronic diarrhea and piles. Granted pension January. 1881, and died following September of consumption. Widow's claim was rejected by Pen- sion Bureau because death was uncotineced with disease for which pension had issued or with his military service. Rejected in 1883 by Commissioner Dudley. BETSY MANSFIELD. Filed claim in 1883, alleging dependent parent. Evidence disclosed not dependent. LAURA A. WRIGHT. Nearly twenty years after the war her husband committed suicide. No result from wound. 300 DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. H. BR0KEN8HAW. Received at draft rendezvous 25th March, 3865, mustered out 30th June, 1865. Eighteen years after (1883) he filed application, alleging that March 25, 1865, he hurt his ribs in ascutfie with recruits, which was rejected— not incurred in line of duty. Rejected in 1886 by Com- missioner Black. HANNA C. DEWITT. Vetoed because a precise duplicate of this act was passed by present Congress and signed by the President. MORRIS T. MANTOR. Filed claim in Pension Office in 1882, and denied because no pensionable disability existed. WILLIAM P. WITT. Enlisted in one hundred days' service. No record of disability. Twenty years later filed claim, alleging chronic diarrhea, rheumatism, liver disease and impaired hearing. No evidence to sustain either complaint, excepting deafness, which did not result from Army service. Rejected in 1886 by Commissioner Black. CHLOE QUIGGLB. Husband enlisted in February, 1865, mustered out in September, -1865. In 1882 he died of disease not incident to Army service. Rejected by Commissioner Dudley in 1884. WILLIAM H. BRIMMKR. Was a wagon-master ; discharged May, 1865 ; no record of any disability ; twenty-three years after filed claim for pension, alleging rupture in 1864. Unsupported by sulficient evidence. WILLIAM SACKMAN, 8R. His discharge states his disability "caused by falling oflF his horse near Fredericktown, Mo., while intoxicated." "A discharge would benefit the Government as well as himself," The surgeon who made the certificate in reply to Pension OflBce, says : 'I remember the case distinctly ; T made the examination in person, and read the statement to the man, and he consented to have the papers forwarded as they read. The application for pension is fraudulent." Rejected by Commissioner Dudley in 1883. MARY SULLIVAN. Vetoed because a precise duplicate of this was signed by the President July 1, 1886, Rejected in 1884 by Commissioner Dudley. EMILT G. MILLS. Husband a retired naval officer, was accidentally shot and killed, 1873, by a neighbor who was attempting to shoot an owl. Not a pensionable case. GEORGIA A. 8TRICKLETT. Widow's claim is based upon allpgation that he was wounded with buckshot by bush- whackers while recruiting in 1863. No record of such wounds. Soldier made no claim for pension. The evidence shows that he was killed by a pistol shot in an altercation with another man. Rejected in 1885 by Commissioner Black. THEORORA M. PIATT. Her husband served in the volunteer army as major, and afterwards entered the regu lar Army and was subsequently placed on the retired list, where he remained until April 1885, when he died by suicide. He was practicing law in Kentucky. Not pensionable. NANCY F. JENNINGS. Her husband was discharged June 24, 1863. Never applied for pension. Died, 1877, of apoplexy. Not result of Army service. Rejected in 1886 by Commissioner Black. SALLY A. RANDALL. Her first husband enlisted in the war of 18L2 and was discharged in 1814. Died April IS, 1831. Never applied for pension. Death not result from military service. CYRENIUP O. STRYKER, Filed claim 1879. alleging injury to spine September, 1862. Repeated medical examina- tion failed to reveal any disability, and was reject* d accordingly. Rejected by Commis- sioner Black in 1886. DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. 301 WILLIAM H. HESTER. Claims injury to eyes by sand blowing into them in a storm in 1865. It Is conceded in the report of the committee to which this bill was referred that the claim was largely sup- ported by perjury and forgery, butthat claiinant was believed to be innocent. The evidence in the Pension Office clearly establishes the whole case to be fraudulent and sustained wholly by perjury. ROYAL J. HIAB. Alleged disease not result of army service. Rejected March, 1885, by Commissioner Clarke. ELLEK SHEA. Soldier never claimed pension. No record of any disability. In 1884 lost his life in b snow- slide in Colorado. Not a result of Army service. Rejected January, 1885, by Commis- sioner Clarke. TARNABEN BALL. Soldier died in 1873 from overdose of laudanum. Not entitled to pension. Rejected by Commissioner Black in 1885. ELIZABETH BURR. Husband enlisted for and served one hundred days in 1864. Never applied for pension. Died April, 1867, of dropsy. Thirteen vears afterward his widow claimed pension on ground that the dropsy was contracted in service. Claim rejected by Pension Office as not sus- tained by evidence. CHARLES GLAMANN. Served to July, 1865. No record of Injury or sickness except an attack of remittent fever. Fifteen years later claimed pension, alleging he was accidentally stmckand injured in left arm with a half brick by a comrade, doubtless result of personal altercation. MARY F. HARKINS, Husband pensioned for wound in right foot; died seventeen years after his discharge "from rupture of the hf art." Widow's claim for p( neion, on ground that d< ath was the result of the wound in foot, was properly rejected by the Pension Bureau on ground that the death cause was not the result of the wound. Rejected in 1884 by Commissioner Dudley. ELLEN SEXTON. Her husband, dischai^ed 1864 for disability arising from vicious indulgence, died in 1875 of consumption. The cause of his death is not due to the Government service. DOLLY BLAZER, Husband mustered out June, 1865; never applied for pension, and died thirteen years afterward of yellow fever. Disapproved for r^ ason that his death was not due to his mili- tary service. Rejected in 1886 by Commissioner Bia ck. ELIJAH MARTIN. Vetoed because the proposed beneficiary is dead. VIRTUE SMITH. Husband was pensioned in 1867 for wound. Pension twice increased. Held Govem- nent clerkship sixteen years, and died in 1880, aged 04, of consumption. Up to 1877 was ia 3xcellent physical condition. His death was not related to his military service. LIEUT. JAMES O. W. HARDY. While traveling in recruiting service, 1864, placed his arm outside railroad car window, ivhen it was struck by something outside, and one of the bones broken. Had no right of iction against railroad company. Hisfraeure was not properly adjusted for ten months, luring which time he remained in service. Pension Office rejected his claim. His injury vas evidently the result of his carelessness. MARY MINOR HOXEY. Husband was pensioned, 1871, for wounds, and in 1879 was allowed arrearages from ime of his discharge. He died December, 1881, of consumption, while drawing pension of ?17 per month. In 1884 his widow was allowed pension at same rate (also for two minor ihildren, now attained the age of sixteen years), and still receives it, the same as allowed all widows of her class. The bill proposed an increase of her pension, which would be mjust to other claimants equally meritorious. JOHN A. TURLEY. Interfered in altercation on steamboat, under charge of an officer, and falling struck lis head fatally. The bill proposed to pension his widow therefor. His death, however, vas not the result of his military service. I 302 . DEMOCRACY AND THE SOLDIER. MARY ANN DOUGHERTY. Her widow'3 pension, secured in 1878, throujrh fraudulent testimony and much false pwearing on her part, and stopped upon discovering her husband was alive and himself drawing a pension. The bill in this case now proposes tog-rant her pension for injury she alleged to have received while makinir cartridges In Unittd States arsenal. Records show oo such woman was ever employed ihere. POLLY H. SMITH. Husband, In 1870, after sixteen years' service, was placed on retired list as officer on account of incapacity arising from fistula, developed in 1868. Fifteen years after his retire- ment, while attempting to raise a trunk to his shoulder, he suddenly died of heart disease. It is not seen how cause of his death can be connected with his service or incapacity therefrom. JOEL B. MORTON. Claimed pension for death of his son, Calvin Morton, in Custer massacre, 1876. The casualty records of the massacre, though very complete, contain no mention of such a soldier. Pension Bureau now searching for proof of son s service, which, if obtained, will secure claimant justice under general law. War Department records show Morton was alive and drawing pay two years aft«r his death as claimed by this bill. JULLA. WELCH. Her widow's pension claim having been rejected by Pension Bureau because soldier died from disease which bore no relation to any complaint contracted by him in Army, the veto upholds such rejection as correct. Rejected in 1886 by Commissioner Black. MARY ANN LANG. Husband was pensioned for wound in nose and died February, 1881, of dropsy. Widow'8 <5laim. filed 1884, was rejected on ground that soldier's fatal disease was not the result of hia military service. Reputable medical evidence shows that soldier died of liver trouble from long and excessive drinking of beer and liquor ; drinking harder towards the last of his life, though warned by his family physician. The medical referee of Pension Bureau, to whom appeal was taken for reversal of rejection by Pension Bureau, sustained the rejection. Rejected in 1886 by Commissioner Black. NATHANIEL D. CHASE. His claim in Pension Office besrun June, 1864. renewed 1870, reopened 1880. and now pending, awaits further information and evidence to substantiate it. The Pension Bureau is competent to judge of his pensionability. Rejected in 1864 by Commissioner Barrett, and in 1883 by Commissioner Dudley. HARRIET E. COOPER. Her husband, a major, resigned 1863, on account of business affairs. Was afterward pensioned for rheumatism, and died twenty years afterward from chronic alcoholism, according to his attending physician's testimony, upon which rejection of her claim by Pension Office was based. The veto sustains action of Pension Office, which tiie bill endeavors to set aside. WILLIAM M. CAMPBELL, JR. Enlisted Augusts, 1868, mustered out July 18, 186i, was a deserter for one year and seven months, and arrested and court-martialed. He allies that in February, 1862, he con- tracted mumps from impure virus in vaccination. As he was not in United States 8er%ace at that time, proposed bill "seems neither to have law nor meritorious equity to support It." Rejected in 1880 by Commissioner Bentley. VAN BUREN BROWN. Eighteen years after discharge claimed pension, alleging various disabilities. His case, full of uncertainty and contradiction, was very thoroughly examined by Pension Bureau, rejected, subsequently reopened, re-examined, and again rejected. Three medical exami- nations failed to disclose any pensionable disability. Rejected by Commissioner Black in 1885 and 1887. 8ARAH B. M'CALEB. Her husband was discharged .Tune, 1865. Died 1878 by suicide. No firround for pension shown. Rejected in 1883 by Commissioner Dudley. DAVID A. SERVIS. Alleges comrade put powder in his pipe, which exploded and injured his eyes: no record thereof or of any disability, although served two and a half years thereafter, when regi- ment was mustered out June, 186.5. Never made claim until twenty-two years later. DEMOCKACY AND TUH. SOLDIER. ANNA MERTZ. Her husband, who served as captain, resided June. 1863. December 1, lf84, more than .•wenty years after his discharge, died from an overdose of morphine self-administerd. JOHANNA liOBWINGER. * Husband pensioned for chronic diarrhea, died July, 187^5. A coroner's inquest found f erdict of suicide by cutting his throat with a razor. His death was not caused by his mili- tary service. STEPHEN SCHIEDEL. Served from October, 1861, to October, 1864, without record of injury or disability. Six- teen years after discharge claimed pension, allegrin„ injury to back and shoulder in June, 1862. Medical examinations disclosed injury to hand and arm and some rheumatic trouble, pil incurred since discharge, but do not sustain the injury for which he claimed pension. Death not result of military service. ELISHA GBISWOLD. Was discharged February, 1866. Filed claim 1880, alleging that while in prison in Jan- uary, 1866, he fell from a swing and hurt his head and shoulder. No record of injury. Not result of army service. After this claim was rejected, in March, 1888, he filed another, alleging diarrhea and malarial poisoning. CHARLES GLAMANN. Served from September, 1864, to July, 1865; was injured in left arm by a brick thrown by a comrade in a personal altercation. BRIDGET FOLEY. Husband enlisted in August, 1862, and was discharged when he reached Washington for rheumatism contracted before he enlisted. He never applied for a pension, but died in 1873 of consumption. Cause of death had no relation to army service. TOBIAS BANET. Enlisted February, 1865, and was discharged in January, 1866. Claim for disability from palpitation of the heart. This case has been repeatedly examined by the Pension Bureau since 1878 and always rejected as unworthy. No reason why that Bureau's conclusion should not stand in this case as in others. AMANDA F. DECK. Husband was pensioned for a wound received in shoulder in an Indian fight in 1864. He was killed in 1883 m a personal difficulty not connected with his Army service. THOMAS SHANNON. Soldier in regular Army. While on leave at Eio Gmnde, Texas, in 1873, was injured by an explosion of powder at a 4th of July celebration. Rejected by Commissioner Baker. THERESA HEKBST. Husband was in the Union Army and captured by the C^f ederates at Gettysburgh. He then ioined the rebel army and fought in its ranks for ten TBonths, when he was taken prisoner oy the Union forces. He died of heart disease in 1868. The President says; "I will take no part in putting a name upon our punsion-roll which represents a Union soldier found fighting against the cause he swore he would uphold; it would have been a sad condition of affairs if every captured Union soldier had deemed himself justified in fighting against his Government rather than to undergo the privations of capture." JOHN F. BALLIBB. Claimant is now drawing under general law the full amount fixed by this bill. WOODFORD M. HOUCHIN. Disability is no wise attributable to Army service. The claim has been thoroughly 3xamined and rejected by Commissioners Bentley, Dudley and Black. MARY FITZMORRIS. The claimant is now receiving under general law the precise sum named in this bill. SC4 «ai POST-gFFicE Diii'Ai;iMaiJt. CHAPTER XXY. THE POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. A REMAEKABLE SHOWING OF INCREASED AND MORE EFFICIENT SERVICE AT LOWER COST. The Railway Mail, the Star Route and the Steamboat Branches all Show Increased Efficiency and Extra- ordinary Expansion — Decline in the Niirriber of Depredations and Defaulters Among Postmasters and Other Postal Employes. Thip impulse from soond business methods and honest administration of public affairs inculcated and enforced by the President in every branch of the Govern- mental service, is demonstrated in every part of the great postal establishment. Perfunctory processes, chronic evils, favoritism in contracts, indifference to pecula- tion and fraud have given way to inspection, reform in method, and rigorous enforcement of law. While the service has been extended far beyond precedent in the history of the Department for any similar period of time, and indeed for any period of double the time, the revenues have in like proportion increased, and the proportionate cost has in like manner decreased. Expedition and accuracy have reached a degree of progress never before attained. The standard of competency of all employes is higher than ever before, and the complaints of the service are fewer than ever before. Just complaints receive more efficient attention than ever before, and depredations and frauds are fewer in number than ever known. The truth of all these averments needs no other demonstration than the record herewith submitted. THE POST-OFFICE DEPAKTMENT. 805 INCREASE OF EFFICIENCY AT REDUCED COMPARATIVE COST. A. SHOWING OF CAREFUL, PRUDENT AND STILL PROGRESSIVE MANAGEMENT IN EVERY BRANCH OF THE POSTAL SERVICE. With all the enormous extension of the Railway Mail Service, with an increase Df the number of postoffices of nearly eight thousand, with the money order busi- less reaching the sum of nearly $150,000,000, with the introduction of the parcel post system (initiated by this administration) with foreign countries, with the cost )f foreign mail service doubled, with the free delivery offices more than doubled, vith the additional cost of the new special delivery service, with a practical renewal )f equipment throughout the service, and finally with an added expenditure of over ive millions, besides the proper use of moneys before wasted by improper manage- nent and fraud, the Department shows a deficiency of but little over two millions it the close of the fiscal year 1888, as compared with a deficiency of upwards of even millions for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1885. This has been done, too, under a policy which has been steadily followed, to .fiord, within the limits of the appropriations, the best service that money could )rocure, and to extend that service wherever needed. What proper methods have lone may be seen from the following tables: 306 THB rOST-OFFICE DEPAKTMLNT H 55 -^ . H ~". P4 ^ 00 <5 p^ tH g g OJ Jz; p CO M t-" S r/D I OQ P5 8 p Ci H .-SS oo~S ?q_ Q |-sg£f2 1 W g.2 S'^ s Ot3 O 53 ^ w f3 a CJ l_i S^ S «CZ2 OO g nditure for • euaing , 1888. 1 s O |iS CT a wf d X t>,o ic •-5 W o =3 ©& bC 5^^ .2 E-i ui M « O H t>> i Ph 1 00 s S ,£3 g ^ t- :25 p gf M S b <5 0" i-i 1 ii ;-i 2 '. t- oS OQ 3^io| s° 1 fc] tfj 5- 03 _^ 2 CO o '^'SflgD^I >o P4 S cS'Vh g of P3 u^^ P.OJ ^ ^t^§|s u.Hqq fii-Ji g-g ^ «(» CO '5 ^-00 & W5_ o (c 3 f^' "-"-•-S -^ ^.S-bD O r- U.S i O 03 CO bb CJ05 O O CO . . +j ^ "^ .a ,a T— I o ® rt fc^ ^ ^ +i ^ ^ oT;^ ^^^ loss's .2 " *20§c3gOt,^» r-. ^Sg35 -^j3 a a csco o o co't-" sis OiC r' II 5 r .2 3 c3 e3 B 2 £ 00 2 ° o o p a g !=* o o « e: a a a t o o ^^ o o © QJ o o — O O ai'^'O S 2 ■" 0) -k^^J a AasS aj f^ 03 . a >>>> 3.&.t:2 g^S'S i o S a ^•'°'° fcC fcc^ b >> o e-Ti o CO o M t, t, l|S=§c§ago2^S^^oo oo-ocja^asrtiat-Bn g « * £ CO QO THE P08T-OPFICB DEPARTMENT. 897 K i W 1— t ■2 a 5 •£ CO o .2 0) S'S o 2 73 TJ c a U, hi »c o .2 .2 a a o 3,707.» 10,632,148.00' 3.476,213.00 '■286,363»887.eO i*Or more than 11,000 times the circuit of the globe. tii THE POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. ^ s !-« Hi O O «i S O 8g ado ^ Sg» CO ■>*»nc; CO r-t IC »C «fl S' 1-1 Q 'J' CO 1-H CO 55 (N C< iO O ^ «(^ (51 S3 a fl - .^ 3,* J3 « bet, « a © *^ o -j: a> to,"^ on . . fc, «fH »^ -ts «« 2 S 3 a^as««s S aj<^ 3 3j oj > ^ « ?i iJ CJ « o p,fl o a oQ^ S O Ah 00 ^ 0) O »- C 53 S - eo o3 os (u ^ • =^ a 3 2 2 3^o ^ ^ ig w « 0S^€fr.Hj^ O O i;f CU— . oD so 00 IT S •3 O ® OJ 5 s s o « g O -g 00 ^„ THE POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. 315 s g^ rl CO T« GOV-I *^ rl oToo :SgJSg^'§ T-(CO« (©T-T 2 P^'g § P. ^-S ii i "-S P^ •2 p (* o « *^ OD ^—^ tti s P o « «? x:! « p 2 1) . P^-3 . CO "ii^ iH O) tC '^ 03 -^ »^ aj 9j s 5 aJ 55 — o O S O fl '-*i 5 ^ bCt- go *3 S o »- 13 § C 3 c3 «-< ^ O oJ 1^ 816 THE POBT-OFPICB DEPAKTMEKT. TABLE "C"— MAIL EQUIPMENT DIVISION. Statement showing the savings effected in the cost of Mail Equipments for the three fisc years beginning with July 1st, 1885, and ending June 30th, 1888, by comparison of cost of articles at present contract prices with cost of same at the preceding contract prices : ASTIGLES. At previous contract price. At present contract price. KEDUCTION IN COST. INCREASE IN COST. Leather mail pouches Leather horse bags Mail catcher pouches Through register pouches. . . . Jute canvas sacks Cotton canvas sacks Foreign register sacks Label cases Wooden tags Cord fasteners Mail catchers Brackets 49,500 3,250 15,500 3,400 474,012 39,800 1,000 74,000 1,206,400 420,000 1,400 1,400 ?224,410 00 17,768 50 60,605 00 20,785 00 298,405 63 34,977 50 415 00 1,416 00 1,687 80 34,348 00 5,002 00 310 00 8202,970 00 15,204 00 53,&55 00 17,801 00 218,692 12 30,607 50 430 00 1,398 20 1,584 60 ?21,440 00 2,564 50 7,750 00 2,984 00 79,718 51 4,370 00 $15 00 17 80 8 20 37,488 00' ' 3,140 00 4,548 00 454 00 1 400 00 : 90 00 TotAls. $700,030 43 8583,978 42 «1 19,297 01 I 13,245 00 Net Baving to the Department, $116,052.01. THE POST-OFFICB DEPAKTMENT. 81T TABLE D. — CONDENSED STATEMENT. Statement showing savings effected in annual rate of expenditure for Postal Service^ with total amounts thereof, by orders aud new contracts for transportation and mail equipments, from April 1, 1885, to June 30, 1888: Decrease b}' orders to June 30, 1886 : Star Service Steamboat Service Mail Messenger Service Decrease in Star Service by orders from June 30, 1886, to J une 30, 1888 Railroad Service : tDecrease by dispensing with unnecessary service, [By deductions from land grant roads "Jy discontinuing payments for R. P. O. apart- ment cars IjBy dispensing with unnecessary R. P. 0. car ser vice jy deductions from present compensation of railroads (not heretofore treated as land grant roads) ^ail EquipmenU : I Decrease for ^e three fiscal years beginning July 1 i 1885, and ending June 80, 1888, as shown by I comparison of cost of articles at present con p., tract prices, with cost of same at the preceding I contract prices ItReduction in cost of Mail Bags and Mail Sacks by I orders for repairs of accumulated stocks in I depositories, and by curtailing requisitions for I new supplies thereof r Servuie : Fourth contract section, term 1886 to 1890. , Decrease by new contracts, as compared with cost of same service under contracts super seded Total for contract term ■ lird contract section, term 1887 to 1891. fDecrease by new contracts, as compared with cost of same service under contract* superseded. . Total for contract term ;ond contract section, term 1888 to 1892. [Decrease by new contracts as compared with cost of same service under contracts superseded. Total for contract term Total amount saved. ANNUAL BATE. $300,499 00 107,659 00 18,579 00 238,856 00 TOTAL AMOUNTS. S665,593 00 §12,950 00 12,139 71 80,161 78 29,114 00 68,905 28 ^203,271 20 $238,175 10 86,507 40,824 86 «665,593 OO 303,271 2^ 116,052 01 50,000 00 952,700 40 846,029 28 168,999 44 12,496,945 33 THE POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. TABLE E. Comparative Statement of the Railway Mail Sei*vice, showing the increase in the number of R. P. O. lines, mileage, &c., for the fiscal year ended June 30th, 1888, over the fiscal year ended June 30th, 1885. June 30th, June 30th, 1888. 1885. Number. Per Cent Number of Railway Post Oflice lines in operation Whole number of clerks in the service.. Miles run by railway postal clerks from register to register Number of railway postal cars and de- partments in use and in reserve Number of closed pouch lines upon which no clerks are employed in the distribution of the mail Miles of route covered by closed pouch lines , 5,095 141,799 +2,485 850 17,179 858 4,385 121,829 2,165 718 13,529 135 710 ♦20,470 +320 132 3,650 15.73 16.19 16.87 14.78 18.38 27.00 *Net increase in mileage caused by the establishment of new R. P. O. lines, and •extension of old ones. +Not including the following increases, which have been authorized since the 9th of May last, but which have not gone into operation yet, the necessary cars not having been completed : 6 lines of 40- foot cars for 8 R. P. 0. lines, covering 1,993.10 miles of route. 1 line of 60-foot cars for 1 R. P. O. line, covering 136.00 miles of route. Size of cars increased from 40 feet to 50 feet on one line covering 311.87 miles of route. Two daily lines of cars increased from 50 to 60 feet on one line, covering 982.26 miles of route. THE POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. 31» VI. EXPEDITION OF MAILS. GAINS IN TIME OF TRANSMISSION OF MAILS BETWEEN IMPORTANT BUSINESS- CENTRES OF THE COUNTRY. The following table "G" shows the principal gains in expedition of the mails under the present administration. Minor routes have received corresponding: attention : IMPROVEMENTS IN RAILWAY SERVICE SINCE MARCH AtK, 1885. Tables showing the expedition in the delivery of the mails at various important cities in the West and Southwest secured by the fast mail between New York, St. Louia and Kansas City. Old Schedule. Fast Mail Schedule. Gain. Hrs. Mins. St. Louis lefferson City. 5edalia Independence., iansas City. .. L.eavenworth. . k. Joseph Copeka. Function City. ialina )enver ;:heyenne. ^adville , >S 25 45- 30 80 30 30 30 80- 15 25 the facilities for exchanging mails with Mexico have been greatly improved I the past year by the completion of the Mexican International Railroad Jtween Eagle Pass, Texas (Piedras Negras, Mexico), and Torreon, Mexico. This- Qe was completed about March 1st, and immediately upon official notification of :e same a general order was issued directing the dispatch of all foreign closed ails for Mexico City and also the domestic accumulation destined for the interior ' Mexico, including Mexico City, to be dispatched via Eagle Pass, Texas. By is change an advance of one full day i£ secured to all mails from New York and. e Northern, Middle and Southeastenii States :g Mexico City. MEXICO. ^30 TnE POST-OFPICB DEPARTMENT. TBANS-CONTINENTAL SERVICE— CHICAGO AND PORTLAND, OREGON. Previous to February of the present year the time between Portland, Oregon, and Chicago, Illinois, by the railway postofflce (East-bound) was five days and thre€ hours. Arrangements were finally completed, however, so that a schedule is a1 present in operation by which the time between these points has been reduce(] twenty- four (24) hours. The entire Northwestern section partakes of this improve 05 tC tc !C W 05 eS rt eS « t. o o t> y ill aa o o 88 71 2,496 86 2,068 58 1,152 80 776 23 8,376 76 1,500 00 8,000 00 4,500 00 17,873 42 16,631 89 377 50 Total $118,381 25 $89,560 36 $88,573 81 $9,086 97 7,015 38 3,654 05 1,167 40 1,949 42 1,956 25 2,301 70 1,754 92 713 73 492 58 8,270 06 1,500 00 8,000 00 4,500 00 15,361 98 $173 67 16 69 1,687 89 3,525 09- 931 51 2,705 97 3,074 91 4,5&5 lOr 350 78 1,108 64 5,229 94 16,718 27 469 00 11,099 71 ' 4,845*98 $84,911 71 1 THE GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 327 CHAPTER XXVI. THE GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. THE APPLICATION OF BUSINESS METHODS HAS IMPROVED ITS EFFI- 'f ' ^K CIENCY AND REDUCED ITS COST. ^*The history of the Government Printing Office, under Republican administra- •n, for a long series of years, was a record of inefficiency, mismanagement and fla- raat corruption. The facts in connection with the abuses nourished in the office became so well known that it acquired the title of the "Botany Bay" of the Gov- ernment service. The management of the office was absolutely subservient to the ^'spoils system," so rigidly enforced by the Republican leaders in and out of Con- The politicians literally ran the office, dictating appointments as a direct reward for party service, securing the removal of experienced and competent mechanics because they would not declare their fealty to the Republican party, and enforcing assessments upon the employes in more than one exciting political cam- paign. The contracts for supplying the office with material, etc., were controlled by a ring of Republican favorites, who regularly received the same at prices so far above the market rates of the material, as to attract the attention of all observ- ant printers throughout the country, and this in spite of the fact that the law actu- ally required the awarding of the contracts to the lowest' responsible bidder, upon proper specimens, and that the best manufacturers and dealers in the materials cov- ered by the contracts were constantly among the unsuccessful bidders. Political favorites filled many of the leading positions in .the office, drawing the best salaries, while their work was done by more experienced subordinates. The best foremen in the office were repeatedly discharged during political campaigns, for lack of interest in the Republican canvass, and in some instances reinstated, only when the threatened collapse of the management made their return to the office a necessity. I ^p The material and machinery supplied the office under Republican Public Printers was in many cases the source of grave public scandal. Exorbitant prices were paid for the lowest grade material, and much of the machinery put in the office was practically unfit for use. In spite of large and constantly increasing appropriations CONTBACTS FOR MATERIAL AND MACHINERY. I 328 THE G0VER1*MENT PRINTING OFFICE. by Congress, the public printing was neither promptly nor properly done. Tho amount of delayed -work constantly increased, and the departments of the Govern- ment sufifered the greatest embarrassment in consequence of the long delays in completing urgent work. The office probably reached its lowest estate in 1881-82. Its degradation threatened a grave scandal upon President Arthur's administration, and he made an effort to reform it. The appointment of S. P. Rounds as Public Printer in 1883 rescued the office in a measure from the contempt with which it had been regarded, and with lavish appropriations an effort was made to bring up the delayed work. The office was supplied with much new material, and an earnest effort seems to have been made for a time to improve its record. WHEN THE OFFICE WAS AT ITS BEST ESTATE. The period from 1882 to 1884 may be said to be the brightest in the record of the Republican management of the office. It was the acme of Republican reform. The office did not escape the control of republican politicians, however, and it was again run for all it was worth as an adjunct to the Republican machine in 1883 and 1884. All pronounced democrats in the mechanical divisions were removed, and their places filled by Republicans. Active politicians were appointed to the head of some of the principal divisions of the office, and were absent from the office for weeks at a time engaged in political work. The old ring of political contractors again got the upper-hand, and the remainder of Mr. Rounds' administration was characterized by a flagrant disregard of economy and of the public interests in the award of contw-86. 18ST-S1 7593^ 1,126% 1,950,975 4,92>^,0.50 475,180 513.185 56,752 n9,><.58 6,094,785 6,326.360 450,880 545,021 647,306 817,873 • 3,490 4,524 2,349 3,009 All printing inks have been purchased under this administration at an average cost of 24.85 cents per pound, as against an average cost of 66.14 cents per pound in^ 1886, and the ink under this administration has been much better in quality at saving of from |12,000 to $15,000 per year. Roller composition of a much better quality has been purchased under the present! administration at an average cost of 26 cents per pound, as against 45 cents in 1886, and a saving of upwards of 50 per cent, has been made in oil and material generally purchased for the press-room. Tbe books of the office show that a saving of from 10 to 40 per cent, has been made under this administration in all type and machinery purchased, and that t saving of from 10 to 350 per cent, has been effected in all material purchased in th( open market, and better type, machinery and material have been furnished. ECONOMY WITH WHICH THE WORK HAS BEEN DONE. The expenditures of the Government Printing Office in 1887. the first year or aDemocraiicadmiuistration, were $388,302.57 less than in 18S3, and $162,483.71 less than 1886, the last year of Republican administration, and the amount of worl executed in 1887 was greatly in excess of any previous year. In general, the present management of thf Government Printing Office is in full accordance with the reform idevs of Fre>ident Cleveland's administration. Business methods rule, and partisanship is subservient to honest methods and the, highest possible efficiency. The books of the office will now bear the most tnorough scrutiny, and in many respects the office is a model for the study of enter* prising printers. THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 831 I CHAPTER XXYIL THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. I. HONEST AND EFFICIENT WORK. THE APPLICATION OF BUSINESS METHODS TO THE ERECTION OF POSTOFPIOES AND COURT HOUSES UNDER EXISTING MANAGEMENT. Among the many scandalous methods in vogue in the public service during former years few were more serious or more costly than those connected with the contracts for public buildings. Many incompetent men who permitted vicious business methods to rule had occupied the ofl3ce of Supervising Architect of the Treasury. The government had thereby been subject* d to great loss, and the cities which it would be supposed the public buildings would adorn from an architect point of view, were compelled to put up with structures of the most outlandish and for- bidding appearance. Even these were not honestly built — many of them being con- structed upon a simple basis of collusion, which if the conspiracy laws had been rigidly enforced, would hare sent a good many architects, superintendents, con- tractors and Republican politicians to serve terms in the Albany penitentiary. The iuvestigations of a Democratic House h>.d exposed these methods pretty thoroughly before the advent of the present administration into Executive control, md the most serious abuses had been corrected. Still incompetent and common- place architects had been given charge of this most important work, and as a result ierious loss in money and much in the character of the public buildings of the country 'esulted. THE PROMOTION OP ECONOMY AND EFFICIENCY. Under the new management of the architect's office the purpose has been to so lu-ect the operations as will result in the most economical prosecution of all work mder its control, consistent with substantial and satisfactoiy workmanship, and to Lttain this end it seemed necessary that the technical work performed in this office hould be curtailed ; that a greater publicity should be given to the invitation for pro- posals and thus secure keener competition, and, that wherever practicable, the number f contracts to be awarded should be reduced to as few as possible. In July, 1887, a the case of some buildings twenty to twenty -five contracts existed, thus dupli- ating drawings, specifications, legal and clerical service, which could have been voided had a number of the branches of work been concentrated under fewer I 333 THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. contracts. At different buildings throughout the country, twenty-two draftsmen ■were engaged, being paid on an average of five dollars ($5.00) per day. This expense was discontinued, as soon as it could be done without detriment to the Government interests, and thereafter the work in question was performed in this office, without necessitating any increase in force. This Is roundly placed at one hundred dollars ($100) per day, and notwithstanding this change the number of draftsmen now emplcf^ed is less, by seven, than the number employed in July, 1887. A saving also amounting to over two hundred dollars ($200) per day was effected^ at the close of the building season of 1887, by the retrenchment instituted in the contingent expense at buildings being erected at various points. That the labor and consequent cost for the preparation of drawings and specifications under previous methods was largely in excess of that under the present system, must be apparent when it is known that for four buildings under the first method three hundred and eighty drawings and fifty-one specifications were prepared, while under the present method for four buildings of nearly cor- responding cost only eighty- six drawings and four specifications are required. This comparison has excluded those cases where the drawings were prepared largely in excess of the average here taken, as for instance, for the Baltimore building, where four hundred and four drawings were prepared, and for the Pittsburg building two hundred and seventy- nine.. SHARPER COMPETITION AND QUICKER WORK. To secure keener competition in submitting proposals, a wider publicity was given to invitations for tenders, and instead of publishing advertisements in a local paper and in one or two building periodicals, as formerly, the office has now the use, free of cost, of the advertising columns of eighteen building papers published in all points of the country, and this is supplemented by paid advertisements iu seven other building publications, in the daily papers of some of the large 'Cities, and in the local papers where the work is to be done. In furtherance of this end, also, the Architect's office has secured the co-operation of forty-three building exchanges located in all the principal cities, and as a result where three or four proposals were formerly received the number has increased in one case as high as forty- four. One very important factor in the cost of public buildings has been the long time expended in prosecuting the work, and this, in many cases, has arisen from the variety of contracts entered into, each contractor being in great measure at the mercy of other contractors ; but this has now been reduced to zero by making one contractor responsible for the rapid prosecution of all work and holding liable for any expense incident to the proper superintendence of the work, sul quent to the date stipulated in the contract as the date for completion. BUILDINGS NOW UNDER CONSTRUCTION. During the past year work has been commenced on seventeen buildings buildings have been completed, and there are now twelve buildings in so far advanced a condition as to warrant the statement that they will be completed befoj the date of the next annual report in September. I THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 333 The work of the architects for the past three years is shown by the following statement: 1887. Number of buildings commenced 7 " " " completed 4 1886. " " commenced 13 ^^> '• " completed. 6 ^K 1885. " commenced 10 ^B completed 3 As an evidence of the advanced condition of the work in the Architect's ofiBce, it may be stated, that plans are now being prepared, as a basis for the invitations for proposals for work, before the expiration of the present session of Congress which authorized the erpenditure. n. VETO OP PUBLIC BUILDING BILLS. THE CARE MANIFESTED BY THE PRESIDENT WHEN DEALING WITH NEW COURT ■ HOUSES AND POSTOFFICES IN SMALL PLACES. For a long time the method of making appropriations for the erection of pub- lic buildings has led to many and serious abuses. Representatives from different sections, States or districts would practically club together for the purpose of putting up expensive public buildings in towns and villages where the requirements of the public business were not such as to demand or justify such an expenditure from any conceivable point of view. The appropriation of sums ranging from $50,000 to $100,000 have in some cases been made, and in many more asked, for buildings where the annual rental of offices for the transaction of the public business did not exceed $700 or $900. t; THE LOG-ROLLING OP PUBLIC BUILDING BILLS. By the judicious use of a system of log-rolling, not peculiar to the political institutions of this country, members from every district where the people of some ambitious county-seat town had sighed vainly for a postoffice building would join together in passing the first public building bill, perhaps one of merit, which could secure a favorable report from a committee. Then the promoter of this bill would feel a sense of obligation which could only be discharged by voting for every other bill in the districts of the men who had helped him. In fact, the pas- sage of bills for erecting public buildings has very well illustrated the old ditty of avy Crocket, in which he represents his neighbor as saying to him ; "Tickle me, Davy, tickle me true. And in my turn I'll tickle you too." ^84 THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. HOW IT WAS RECOGNIZED BY THE PRESIDENT. President Cleveland early recognized the bad results of such a policy, and with Tiis usual courage he vetoed a number of the bills passed at the first session of the forty -ninth Congress. He laid down the general principles as a guide in his work that expensive buildiags ought not to be erected in small towns where the Govern- ment had no business except a postoffice ; that appropriations ought not to be made for this purpose where the interest on the money was greatly in excess of the annual rental already paid for good accommodations, and that it was scarcely good policy for the Federal Government to undertake the work of putting up a building to be a decoration to a given town unless the demands of the public business were such as to justify it. He also found that in many cases bills would be passed fixing a limit, to which It was never intended to adhere, and that as the result the year after the first bill has passed a new one would be enacted into law which increased the limit of cost and thus led the Government to make an investment of a sum of money larger out of all proportion than the demands of the public business could reasonably justify. Applying this general principle to the actual conditions as shown in the towns affected by the bills sent him by Congress, he had, before the close of the fiscal year 1887-8, vetoed fourteen bills making appropriations for public buildings in various sections of the country, North and South, East and West. MOKEY NOT TO BE SPENT FOR UNNECESSABY ORNAMENT. In one of the first of these veto messages he said : So far as I am informed the patrons of the postoffice are fairly well accommodated in a building which is rented by the Government at the rate of eight hundred dollars per annum; and though the postmaster naturally certifies that he and his fourteen employes require much more spacious surroundings, I have no doubt he and they can be induced to continue to serve the Government in its present quarters. The public buildings now in process of cctistruction, numbering eighty, involving con- •stant supervision, are all the building projects which the Government ought to have on hand at one time, unless a very palpable necessity exists for an increase in the number. The multiplication of these structures involves not only the appropriations made t'ir their completion, but great expense in their care and preservation thereafter. While a fine Government building is a desirable ornament to any town s>r city, and while the securing of an appropriation therefor is often considered as an illustration of zeal and activity in the interest of a constituency, I am of the opinion that the expenditure of public money for such a purpose should depwxd upon the necessity of such a building for public uses. _ PAYING TOO DEAR FOR THK VTHISTLE. In another he laid down the rule in the case of an appropriation made forj place in Ohio of no considerable importance : It is not claimed that the Government has any public department or business which ; should quarter at Dayton except its post-office and internal-revenue office. The former i represented as employing ten clerks, sixteen regular and two substitute letter carriers, two special-delivery employes, who, I suppose, are boys, only occasionally in actual servi( I do not understand that the present post-office quarters are either insufficient or incoi venient. By a statement prepared by the present postmaster it appears that they are rem by the Government for a period of ten years from the fifteenth day of October, 1883, at annual rent of twenty-nine hundred and fifty dollars, which includes the cost of heat the same. THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 335. With only these two offices to provide for, I am not satisfied that the expenditure of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for their accommodation, as proposed by this bill, is in accordance with sound business principles, or consistjeut with that economy in public affairs which has been promised to the people. LOOKING TEN YEARS INTO THE FUTURE. Concerning another in Massachusetts he says with a grim humor character- istic of the man : Congressional tiction in ite favor appears to be based, as usual in such cases, upon repre- sentations oonoerning the population of the town in which it is proposed to erect the building and the increase in such population, the aumber of railroad trains arriving and departing daily, and various other it ms calculated to demonstrate the importance of the city select d for Federal decoration. Theee statements are supplemented by a report from the postmaster, s-^tting forth that his postal receipts are increasing, giving the number of square feet now occupied by his oihoe, the amovmt of rent paid, and the numberlof his. employes. This bill, unlike others of its class which seek to provide a place for a number of Federal offices, simply authorizes the construction of a building for the accommodation of the postr office alone. The report of the postmaster differs also in this case from those which are usually furnished, inasmuch as it is ther in distinctly stated that the space now furnished for his office is suffici* nt for its pr sent operations. He adds, however, that from present, indications there will be a large increase in the business of the office during the next ten years. It is quite apparent that there ia no necessity for the expenditure of one hundred thousand dollars, the amount limited in this bill, or any other sum, for the construction of proposed building to meet the wants of the Government, ^K!e AN ATTACK UPON THE GOOD FAITH OP THE GOVERNMENT. In another he reveals some of the methods resorted to in the localities to be fected, by saying: It is not claimed that the Federal business at this point requires other •ooommodation except for the postoffioe located there. As usual In such cases, the postmaster reports, in reply to inquiries, that his present quarters are inadequate, and, as usual, it appears that the postal business is Increasing. The rent paid for the rooms or building in which the postoffioe is kept is eleren hundred, dollars per annum. I have been informed since this bill has been in my hands that last spring a building was erected at Lafayette with special reference to its use lor the postoffioe, and that a part of it was leased by the Government for that purpose for the term of five years. Upon the faith of such lease the premises thus rented were fitted up and furnished by the owner of the building in a manner especially adapted to postal uses, and an account of such fitting up and furnishing is before me, showing the expense of the same to have been more than, twenty-five hundred dollars. In view of such new and recent arrangements made by the Government for the trans- action of its postal business at this place, it seems that the proposed expenditure for the tjtion of a building for that purpose is hardly necessary or justifiable. He elaborates the same idea more fully in another case : The usual statement is made in support of this bill setting forth the growth of the r where it Is proposed to locate the building and the amount and variety of the business ch is there transacted. And the postmaster in stereotyped phrase represents the desira- bility of increased accommodation for the transaction of the business under his charge. But lam thoroughly convinced that there is no present necessity for the expenditure of one hundred thousand dollars for any purpose connected with the public business at this place. ANOTHER CASE OP TOO GREAT COST. 836 THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. The annual rent now paid for the postofiBce is thirteen hundred dollars. The interest, at three per cent., upon the amount now asked for this new building ia three thousand dol* lars. As soon as it is undertaken, the pay of a superintendent of its construction will begin, and after its completion the compensation of janitors and other expenses of its maint<^nance will follow. The plan now pursued for the erection of public buildintrsis in my opinion very objec- tionable. They are often built where they are not needed, of dimensions and at a cost entirely disproportionate to any public use to which they can be applied, and, as a conse- quence, they frequently serve more to demonstrate the activity and pertinency of those who represent localities desiring this kind of decoration at public expense, than to meet any necessity of the Government. EXTRAVAGANT DEMANDS FOB PUBLIC BUILDINGS. In another he lets in some light on the great demands made upon the country by the bills pending in Congress, saying : The fact was communicated to me, early in the present session of the Congress, that the aggregate sum of the appropriations contained in bills for the erection and extension of public buildings, which had up to that time been referred to the House Committee on Pub- lic Buildings and Grounds, was about thirty-seven millions of dollars. Of course this fact would have no particular relevancy if all the buildings asked for were necessary for the transaction of public business, as long as we have the money to pay for them. But inasmuch as a large number of the buildings proposed are unnecessary and their erection would be wasteful and extravagant, beside furnishing precedents for further and more extended reckless expenditures of a like character, it seems to me that applica- tions for new and expensive public buildings should be carefully scrutinized. He enforces this same idea again in another message : Not a little legislation has lately been perfected and very likely more will be necessary to increase miscalculated appropriations for, and correct blunders in, the construction of many of the public buildings now in process of erection. "While this does not furnish a good reason for disapproving the erection of other build- ings where actually necessary, it induces close scrutiny, and gives rise to the earnest wish that new projects for public buildings shall for the present be limited to suoh as are required by the most pressing necessities of the Government's business. THE DISTRIBUTIVE IDEA CONSIDERED. The locality idea, the argument that one section must have a postoffice build- ing because it has not had its share, is thus presented in another message: It is further stated in a communication from the promoter of this bill that "there Is not a Federal public building in the State of Ohio east of the line drawn on the accompanying map from Cleveland through Columbus to Cincinnati; and when wealth and population and the needs of the public service are considered, the distribution of public buildings in the State is an unfair one." Here is disclosed a theory of expenditure for public buildings which I can hardly think should be adopted. If an application for the erection of such a building is to be determined by the distance between its proposed location and another public building, or upon the allegation that a certain division of a State is without a Government building, or that the distribution of these buildings in a particular State is unfair, we shall rapidly be led to an entire disregard of the considerations of necessity and public need which it seems to should alone justify the expenditture of public funds for such a purpose. The care and protection which the Government owes to the people do not embi the grant of public buildings to decorate thriving and prosperous cities and villages, not should such buildings be erected upon any principle of fair distributions among localities. The Government is not an almoner of gifts among the people, but an instrumentali^ by which the people's affairs shou^ be ccmiducted upon business principles, regulated the public needs. 11 THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 337 QUESTIONING THE LATEST DIRECTORY STATISTICS. He does not always accept the hopeful estimates of the promoters of such schemes as to the population of a given town, but subjects them to an analysis which is somewhat damaging, as the following will show: The report of the committee of the House of Representatives to whom this bill was referred, states that by the census of 1880 the population of Sioux City was nearly eight thousand, and that by other enumerations since made its population would seem to exceed twenty-three thousand. It is further stated in the report that for the accommodation of this population the city contains three hundred and ninety-three brick and two thousand nine hundred and eighty-four frame buildings. It seems to me that in the consideration of the merits of this bill the necessities of the Government should control the question, and that It should be decided as a business propo- sition depending upon the needs of a Government building at the point proposed in order to do the Government work. This greatly reduces the value of statistics showing population, extent of business, prospective growth, and matters of that kind, which though exceedingly interesting, do not always demonstrate the necessity of the expenditure of a large sum of money for a public building. MB. thurman's public eecord. CHAPTER XXVIII. MR. THURMAN^S PUBLIC RECORD. VIEWS OF THE DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT OX QUESTIONS OF IMPORTANCE. A Progressive Demoerat — Grounded in the Faith — The^ Services of a Ripe Jurist and Fearless Public Servant. I. Allen G. Thurman, the Democratic candidate for Vice-President, is no political! tyro, no untried publicist, no statesman of a day sprung into notoriety by the accident of a passing occasion. For thirty years he has been the acknowledged leader of his party in the third State of the Union ; and during twelve years of service in the Senate he was by common consent accorded a chief place among the few men of acknowledged first rank in that body, by reason of his learning as a lawyer,, his wisdom and patriotism as a statesman, his power as a debater and his- purity as a man. He was first chosen to Congress in 1844, and took his seat when Clay, Calhoun,. Webster, Benton and other Senatorial giants were in the maturity of their powers. The tariff of 1846, the Mexican war and the Oregon question were some of the subjects of disputation during his single Congressional term. He served on Judiciary Committee in the House, of which body Dr. John W. Davis, of Indii was Speaker. He supported the administration and its conduct of the Mexican war. made a speech on the Oregon issue, and stood firm with Stephen A. Dougl Andrew Johnson and Howell Cobb against the abandonment by most of his Der cratic colleagues of the bold position they had before taken for "Fifty -four Foi or Fight" In the division of the Northern Democrats over the •* Wilmot Proviso** he vol with Hannibal Hamlin, Preston King, Simon Cameion, and John Wentworth, of his party, in favor of that momentous amendment to the proposed executij grant. MK. THDRMAN'S public RECORD. 339 In the Douglas-Buchanan party differences he opposed the repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise and advocated non-interference of the Federal Government for slavery in the Territories. He was against the Lecompton Constitution for Kansas, and supported Douglas for President in 1860, though never accepting his doctrine of "squatter sovereignty." He strenuously antagonized the doctrine of secession and loyally supported the Union cause. He believed in the vigorous prosecution of the war, though he never justified the resort to unconstitutional means nor recog- nized the necessity of imperiling the Union to save it. He had but two logical alternatives as to the relation of the seceded States to the general Government : If they were out of the Union the North was at war with them and every loyal man must stand by the flag ; if they were in the Union, they were in a state of insurrec- tion that must be suppressed. VIEWS ON THE TARIFF. From a speech which he made in one of the Ohio campaigns about the time ol his election to the United States Senate, an extract on the tariff issue will show how clearly he foreshadowed the issue of the campaign in which he has come to be one of the standard bearers in 1888. On September 7th, 1868, he said : I desire to call your attention, first, to the subject of the tariff. What is the tariff? It is a duty or tax levied by the Government upon goods imported into the Yniied States. When no higher than was required for the purposes of revenue, it has always been cheerfully acquiesced in by the people. They have generally pre- ferred it to any other mode of taxation, and they have not objected to so arranging a revenue tariff as to afford incidental protection or benefit to our own manufactu-- rers. But when a tariff, like that now in force, is framed, not for revenue purposes, but to give one class of capitalists a monopoly of the market, or at least to enhance the price of everything they make and thus burden the consumers, it becomes seri ously oppressive. It is a tax that benefits no one but the favored capitalist. It does not benefit the Government, for a greater revenue would be produced by a lower tax. When a tariff is exorbitant, importations fall off, the revenue fails, and the Government loses. But the favored monopolist, having the market substantially to himself, adds to the price of his commodities, and the consumers suffer. Whether they buy imported or domestic goods, in the price thev pay for them they pay the tax levied by the Government If the goods be imported, the importer pays the tax and adds it, with a per cent, of interest or profit, to the price when he sells to the retail mer- chant, and the latter adds to that his per cent of interest or profit when he sells to the consumer, who is the man that in the end pays the tax, and the profits or interest theaeon. If the goods be not imported, yet the domestic manufacturer raises the price of his goods to that of the importations, and so the consumer pays the amount of the tax, while the Government gets not one cent of it Now, that is precisely what, is going on every day. There is not an article you wear, the price of which is not enhanced by the enormous tariff duties levied by our Government." n. 0» STATE RIl&H'CS AND FEDERAL POWERS. In a speech In th« S^iate^ January 23, 1872, Mr, Thurman gave very lucid expo- sition of the i^odeaTi Democratic idpa of tfce Constitutional relation of State Rights to Federal powers, when he said : Ml-. President, I once more say that, although I luave never gone to any such length as some State-rights men have gone in d^udng the doctrine of the right of seee^on, and haTB never believed and do not ^liev,e in that doctrine, yet I am, and 23 I 840 MR. thurman's public record. hope I shall die, a State rights man. I am so because I believe that the existence of the States and the existence of local self-government are essential to freedom and to prosperity in this country. If there is no such thing as State rights, how comes it that the two distinguished Senators from Vermont are here, coming from a State with not one-tenth, not one- twelfth, very little more than one-thirteenth, of the population of the State of New York ? How comes it that with three hundred thousand inhabitants only, there are two Senators on this floor from Vermont, while New York, with more than four millions, has but two? How comes that, sir, if there be no such thing as State rights? What right have they to make local law for Ohio? Why should New York, with her four millions of people and only two Senators on this floor, have her local law made here by the votes of twelve Senators from New England, when all New England has not a population equal to hers ? How is it that twelve votes shall be received here from New England to make local law for Missouri ? In that local law New England has no interest whatsoever, while that great State, soon to have a population equal to that of all of New England, and now with a population half as great, has but two Senators on this floor? What is it that gives this unequal rep- resentation in the Senate but the doctrine of State rights ; nay, sir, to go further, but the doctrine of the original sovereignty of the States ? I am not complaining of this. I am willing to stand by this inequality in the Senate of the United States so long as you stand by the constitution as its framers intended it to be. So long as you do not trample State governments out of exist- ence, so long as you let local legislation be the subject of local State law alone, so long as you do not interfere and usurp the powers that properly belong to the States, I greet with arms wide open the Senators from the smallest State of this Union; nay, I will take the Senators from Nevada into my embrace, although their whole State does not contain as many people as the little city in which I live; I will take them and welcome them here so long as you leave to the State governments that power which the framers of the Constitution intended they should have, and which, in my judgment, is essential to the very existence of free institutions at all. But if you will strike down that power, if you will abolish local legislation, if you will annihilate the States, if you will make them mere departments of a centralized Gov- ernment, if you will make them the mere counties of a great State, then I say to Sen- ators the time will come when that inequality in the Senate will not be submitted to longer. I do not want to see that time. I want to see no such question raised. 1 want to see the Constitution administered in the spirit in which it was framed. I want the General Government sufficiently strong to protect us against all foreign aggression. I want it to be sufficiently strong to protect us in the enjoyment ot peace in this country so far as that function is devolved upon it by the Constitution. I want to believe that with all ita blessings, it will endure for all time to come, if anything of earthly institution can so long endure. But I do firmly believe that it is precisely the institution of State governments, it is precisely the allotment of local legislation to a local power, which enables this Republic to spread itself from ocean to ocean, and from the arctic zone down to the torrid. Strike that out of it, strike its local self-government out of the system, and it will go the way that all consoli- dated, centralized governments have gone in all time past ; first a despotism unen- durable, and next a rending'into fragments more numerous far than the States of this union now are. m. OBJECTIONS TO CENTRALIZATIOIT. In a previous campaign speech he had thus forcibly set forth the dangers of the centralizing tendencies which were at this period controlling th^ legislation of the country : I am opposed to the centralization of all powers in the Federal GovernmenV for reasons that can be but briefly and imperfectly stated in the proper limits of ^ speech. MR. THURMAN's public RECORD. 341 First. I am opposed to it because it would be destructive of the existence of the Republic. The Republic could not, in my judgment, long endure under such a system. It would break down under its own weight. There never was a greater mistake than to suppose that a government of despotic powers is alone able to gov- ern a great extent of territory. The very reverse of the proposition is nearer the truth. Vast monarchies have existed, covering great portions of the earth, and «eeming for a time to be indestructible, yet how few of them remain ? And where they yet exist, how miserable, comparatively, is the condition of the people! I am not speaking of compact countries of limited extent, in which centralized power is possible and may long endure. Nor am I speaking of people who have no aspira- tion lor freedom or for a better state of mental, material and social well-being. What I speak of is a territory similar to our own, and a people loving freedom and seeking prosperity. And it is in reference to such a territory with such a people, that I affirm it to be an impossibility that a great centralized government can long rule over it. Either the government will undergo a change^ or the territory will be rent into pieces and separate and independent governments be set up on the frag- ments. This, then, is my first objection to such a centralized government as I have sup- posed. Its inevitable result would be, in my opinion, the disintegration of the Republic at no very distant day. Secondly, But were it possible for such a government to rule this country, what would be its effects ? We have a territory of vast extent, stretching from ocean to ocean, with a great diversity of climate, soils, productions, arts, industries, occupa- tions, capital, and wages. The diversity of peoples is not less remarkable. And then the people of each State have grown up under their own State laws, to which their affections are bound by the force of habit, and because they are the enactments of their own free will. Add to these considerations the difference in social observ- ances and customs, and conceive, if you can, of a country in which local self-gov- ernment is more indispensable to the interest or happiness of the people, or in which it would be more impossible, without a crushing tyranny, to subject the whole com- munity to an uniform, iron rule. IV. THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISB. In the United States Senate in December, 1878, when Mr. Blame mtroduced a resolution inquiring into interferences with the free exercise of the elective franchise Air. Thurman, with most unsparing severity, pointed out that the object of the inquiry was not to vindicate the right of suffrage throughout the Union, but to revive sectionalism, to arouse hatred in one portion of the country against the defenseless people of another. On the broad subject of the elective franchise, Mr. Thurman said : I am not here to-day to justify the violation of the rights of any man, however humble he may be, whatever may be the color of his skin, whatever may be the poverty of his situation. I am here for no such purpose as that. If I know my own heart, I am as much in favor of respecting the rights of every man under the ()on- stitutioQ as the Senator from Maine or any other Senator on this floor ; but I do know that property, intehigence, education will assert their influence everywhere on the face of this globe. Now, Mr. President, let me say one word more on this subject. Who was it that drew the color line between the whites and the negroes in the South ? Let me tell you, sir, that millions of money, of the money of the people of the United States, were expended by your agents, the Freedman's Bureau agents, in getting every col- ored man in the South into loyal leagues and swearing him never to vote for a Dem- ocrat. That is where the color line began to be drawn. That institution which took charge of the negro at the ballot-box, took charge of him in the cotton fleld, took I 342 MR, thurman's public hecord. charge of him everywhere, supervised every contract that he made, allowed no contract to be made unless it had the approval of the agents of the Freedman's Bureau, and spent the money and property called "captured and abandoned prop- erty," that was surrendered to it, and many millions of money directly appropriated out of the Treasury of the United States — it was that Bureau and its agents who first drew the color line. And yet, when the white people of the South, when the men owning the prop- erty and having the intelligence and the education at the South, saw their very social system menaced with destruction, saw their very households threatened with ruin under an inundation of barbarit-m directed by the most unscrupulous of men, and when they naturally came together, when they naturally united, as people menaced with danger ever will unite, then a cry is raised against "the solid South !" Ah, Mr. President, it will not do. This system of legislation toward the South that began more than ten years ago is reaping its fruit; and it is not by additional penal laws that you can better the condition of this country. What does the Senator want more penal laws fOr ? Let him look into the statute-book on this very sub- ject ; let him read the statutes in regard to the enforcement of the rights of citizens to vote, and I defy him to find in the statute-books of any civilized countir on thia globe a body of laws so minute, so searching, and bristling all over with fines and forfeitures as do these laws. But that is not all. In addition to that you have a vast machinery of superin- tendents of election, Federal supervisors, marshals, deputy marshals, paid election- eers out of the Treasury of the United States, under the guise of being men to preserve the freedom of suffrage and peace at elections. You have a whole army of them provided for by your statutes. What more does the Senator want? I think I see, Mr. President, what is wanted. I think this is a note which is sounded to the people of the North that they must retrace their steps; and this very party which required two amendments to the Constitution to be made in the interest, it was said, of the colored population of the South, is now preparing to face about, retrace its steps, and undo what it did only a few years ago. Either directly or by indirection that is to be done. Indeed, I thought, while the Senator from Maine was making- his speech, how much reason this country, and especially the Southern part of the country, had to congratulate itfeelf that the next House of Representatires will not have a majority of gentlemen thinking like the Senator from Maine, for if he i& right in what he said, if his threats are not mere idle wind—and I certainly do not attribute any such thing to hUn — if they are deep-seated and permanent thoughts of those with whom he acts, then I should be prepared to see a House of Representa- tives in which there was a Republican majority exclude Southern members by the score; then I should be prepared to see them decide themselves that the right of sufirage was prohibited down there to the negro, and then to see them In their supreme authority, aa they would construe it, vote out the chosen RepesentatiTes of the South, not by ones, not by twos, but by the score. It is a fortunate thing for this country, it is a fortunate thing for our free institutions, that there is not in the present House of Representatives, and will not be in the next, a majority thinking as the Senator from Maine thinks, and willing to act as 1 fear he is willing to act. One word on the amendment I have offered. My own belief Is that there is a far greater danger that menaces our institutions and menaces the right of suffrage in this country than that to which the Senator from Maine has alluded. Sir, the most dishea-1;ening thing to an American who loves free institutions is to se« that year by year the corrnpt Ujse of money in elections is making iis way until the time may come, and that within the observation of even the oldest man here, when elections in the United States will be as debauched as ever they were in the worst days of the old borough parliamentary elections in the mother land, Mr. Picesident, there te the great danger. The question is whether thia country shall be govecmed with a view to the rights of every man, the poor man as well m the rich man, or whether the longest purse shall oairy the elections and this be a mere plutocracy instead of a democratic republia That is the danger; and that danger, let me tell my friend, exists for more in the North than it does in the South. Sir, if he wante to preserve the pnrity of electiona, if he wants to have this Gknrem- MR. THURMAN'8 public RECORD. 343 lent perpetuated as a system that can be honestly administered from the primary lection to the signature of a bill by the President of the United States, let him set face and exercise his great ability in stopping the flood-gates of corruption that jreaten to deluge the ■whole land and bring republican institutions into utter ruin id disgrace. ON THE CHINESE QUESTION. Before the importation of Chinese servile laborers in great hordes upon the Pacific coast had become a subject of general attention and discussion throughout the country, Mr. Thurman had expressed his views and taken a decided position. As early as September 10, 1870, in a campaign speech at Cincinnati, more thau five years before the Legislature of California memorialized Congress on the subject, Mr, Thurman , addressing his constituents, said : I do not think that a large Chinese immigration to this country is desirable. I do not think it would be a valuable acquisition. On the contrary, I think it would be a eeriously disturbing element In race, civilization, habits, education, and religion the Chinese are widely different from our people — so different as to form a very sinking contrast. The European immigrants are of the same race, religion, and civilization as ourselves, and while they add immensely to the power and wealth of the Republic, th^ do not seriously disturb the substantial homogeneity of our white population. Their migration, therefore, benefits the country and deserves encouragement. Not so with the Chinese. They will never become one people with us. Were they to dwell here for centuries they would probably be as distinct from the ivhite race as are gypsies in Spain from the pure-blooded Spaniard. We are destinea to bave a great commerce with Asia, and the natural result will be the voluntary migration from that continent of h limited number of business men. I see no objection to that. It will not interfere with our mechanics or laborers, will not disturb our social or poliical system, while it will tend, by an increase of our commercial connections, to add to our commerce and wealth. But that is a wholly different thing from the Coolie immigration that is now going on, and which, if not stopped, must alarmingly increase. This immigration is in no proper sense of the word voluntary. It is a kind of Chinese slave trade. Instead of an indepen- dent, self-reliant body of freemen, it introduces a horde of quasi slaves, working at half wages by the command of a taskmaster. And this leads me to notice a statement I have seen, that this country needs cheap labor; in other words, men who will work for low wages; that there is a scarcity of laborers here, and, therefore, Chinese laborers should be imported to supply the deficiency. I do not concur in this view. My opinion is that we, or rather our posterity, are much more likely to suffer from a n dundancy of population than from a dearth ot it. In thirty years from now we will have one hundred milliouaof people, without counting a Chinese immigrant; in sixty years two hundred millions. In one hundred years probably four hundred millions. We are in no danger of a scarcity of laborers. Nor do I think that low wages are a blessing to any country. In the opinion of an eminent thinker. Buckle, low wages and despotism are inseparable. It will be found, I think, that the freer the institutions of a country are, the greater will be the tendency to fair wages for labor. Low wages are mainly owing to an uneqal and unfair distribution of the annual production of wealth. This annual produc- tion, which is nearly all the result of labor, is being constantly divided into four parts, rents to the landlord, interest to the money lender, profits to the lusiness man, and wages to the laborer. Now, if the wages be low it must be because the annual product is small and all classes suffer, or because that product is unfairly distributed. In general, the latter is the cause, and when wages are very low the laborer gets but a bare subsistence, while the other classes, or some of them, accu- I 844 MB. thukman's public becobd. mulatc enormous wealth. And thus society becomes divided into the very rich and the very poor. That this is an unfortunate condition for a country is too- obvious to need remai-k, and that its tendency is hostile to free institutions, as well as to the material comfort of the people, is undoubtedly true. I have therefore no sympathy with the cry for cheap labor and low wages. They may giv.-: rise, it is true, to great public works and magnificent structures, but the benefit is gained at the expense of a su5"ering people. The Pyramids are striking monuments of the pride and ostentation of kings, but they are more striking evidences of a degraded condition of the laboring class. That country is likely to be most free and happy where the annual production of wealth being justly distributed, labor obtains a fair reward. Six years later, when Senator Sargent presented the grievances of the people of his State and section against the evils of Chinese immigration, and after the report of a committee of inquiry on the subject, the bill to restrict the immigration of the Chinese, which passed the House by 155 to 72, found Mr. Thurman one of its fore- most champions in the Senate. Hayes vetoed the bill. Future restrictive legisla- tion had Thurman's support, and this is one of the reasons why he has alwaya been enthusiastically favored by the people of the Pacific States. VL OPPOSITION TO THE SQUANDEBING OF PUBLIC LANDS. Mr. Thurman's natural Democratic instincts led him early to see the dangers which threatened the country and the .people in the vast accumulationa of wealth and power by great corporations. Before he entered the Senate the subsidies anfl land grants given to the monopolies who received their charters from the Federal. Government — and proposed to cross State lines and traverse the Territorial dominions in their construction — had been the fruitful source of political demoraliza- tion and personal corruption. The greedy "Give! givel" of those whose hands and pockets had been already well filled was ringing through the halls of Congress ; corporate power, having obtained valuable franchises upon conditions never fulfilled, defied the Government to enforce the obligations whichit held. As early as 1870, in a speech in Cincinnati, Senator Thurman had shown hi disposition to warn his countrymen against the encroachment of these power Faithful guardian as he was of the rights of the Government and of the interesti of the people, the nice sense of justice which endowed him for the legal professio: withheld him from any destructive crusade upon the vested privileges of the objec of his denunciation. He said : Look at the astounding subsidies to railroad companies — mere private corpora tions. To say nothing of the fifty-eight million acres granted to States for purposes of internal improvement, most of which have gone into the hands of railroi companies, there had been granted by Congress before its last session directly four railroad companies, the Union Pacific and branches, Central Pacific, Northe Pacific, and Atlantic and Pacific, 124,000,000 acres — more land than is contained the Middle States, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi River that is to say, the seven States of New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Besides this, a subsidy of over $60,000,000 in bonds was granted to the two first-named roads — every dollar of which, though i ' name a loan, will, it can hardly be doubted, have to be paid by the United States. I 1 a." ses i * * * * * * Not only this, the wealth, power, and dominion thus conferred upon thee great and favored corporations will make them the overshadowing and ruling MR. THURMAN's public RECORD. 345 power in at least a dozen States. In reality, they and not the State Legislatures, will choose Senators in Congress ; they, and not the unbiased voice of the people, will elect Representatives; they, and not free States, will speak in the choice of Presidents. Think of a road stretching from Lake Superior to the Pacific Ocean, embracing within its branches more than two thousand miles of line, the property of a single corporation, and that corporation owning every alternate section of land, or its pro- ceeds, in a belt of eighty miles wide for nearly the whole length of its line — 40 sec- tions, or 25,600 acres to the mile — 53,000,000 acres in all, or the proceeds of their sale at such prices as the corporation may see fit to exact — with towns and cities owned by the corporation or a favored ring of its stockholders, scattered along the road, and the great stockholders, those owning nearly all its stock and ruling its aflairs, residing in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, and you will have some idea what the Northern Pacific Railroad is to be, and what chance for political promotion any man within the limits of its influence would have, should he dare seek to restrict its monopoly, restrain its exactions, or otherwise oppose its will. Much is being now said about the relative rights of capital and labor; much complaint is uttered at what is said to be the exactions of capital and the depression of labor. The workingmen are everywhere forming unions, holding congresses, and issuing booka, pamphlets, and newspapers, to advocate their claims, and protest against the unequal distribution of wealth, which they assert ia resulting from exist- ing laws, and especially from their tendency to aggregate capital. But what aggre- gation of capital and privilege was ever seen equal to that created by Congress, by the charters it has granted and the donations it has made to the four railroad com- panies I have named ? What other corporations have ever become the owners in fee of a territory equal to seven States of this Union, greater than the area of Ger- many; and in addition to this wealth, been clothed with a corporate existence, and immense corporate privileges of perpetual duration ? I am certainly not so absurd as to be an enemy of railroads. No man acknowledges more fully than I do the immense advantage they are to a country ; no man honors more than I do the men who wisely project, and honestly build and manage them. But there is a vast dif- ference between roads built under State authority, with capital furnished by the stockholders, supervised by the State, controlled and managed by her citizens, and limited in extent, and roads chartered by Congress, built with donations of the public domain, spanning more than half the Continent, and owned and controlled by a few rich men in the great cities of the East. Before I leave this topic, I must call your attention .to an alarming step taken at the last session of Congress in the matter of these land grants. Before then Congress had never granted any but the alternate sections, designed by odd num- bers, and in defense of these grants it was said that the construction of the railroads would double the value of the even-numbered sections retained by the Government, and hence there would be no loss of money, and accordingly the price of the retained sections was raised from $1.25 to $2.50 per acre. This defense never had any weight with me, for it treated the Government as a speculator in lands, seeking to extort the highest price from the settler; whereas I thought, and yet tQink, that it is not as a speculator, but as a beneficent parent that the Govern- ment ought to regard and administer these lands. But that was the defense, and with those who look at nothing but dollars and cents it suflElced. But at the last session the Senate threw even this defense away. For, in face of the most deter- mined opposition, and after full discussion, it deliberately passed a bill granting to the Central branch of the Union Pacific Railroad the even-numbered sections, the odd numbered having been already given to other railroad companies. And so, for a dis- tance of about three hundred miles, lying partly in Kansas, partly in Nebraska and partly in the Territory of Wyoming, every fo-t of land belonging to the Government was granted, so far as the Senate could do it, to railroad corporations. And this leads me to observe that you must not suppose that because all the land -grabbing bills that passed the Senate did not go through the House, therefore they are dead. In view of the approaching Congressional elections, and fearful of the people, the House laid some of them aside ; but they are still upon its calendar, to be acted upon next winter ; and should the Radical party triumph in the fall elections, yon may rest assured that every one of them will pass. 346 MR. thurma.n'8 public record. n. HIS POSITION JUSTIFIED. HOW 'i'HE SUPREME COURT HAS AFPERMED HIS VIEWS IN DECISIONS ON IMPORTANT QUESTIONS OF LAW AND PUBLIC POLICY. From the New York Evening Post, Independent, June 7, 1888. The nominalioa of Allen G. Thurman for Vice-President illustrates anew the weakness of our electoral system, so far as it affects that office. Theoretically, the man who is elected to the second place ought to be qualified in every respect for the first, since experience has shown that there is one chance in six of his being called upon to fill the higher position. Mr. Thurman would not for a moment be con- sidered, under any circumstances, a candidate for President, because everybody would say that a man in his seventy-fifth year is too old for the Presidency. Yet a convention nominates a man who is in his seventy fifth year to an office whose holder is liable at any time durintr his term to become President. It nominates him in accordance with the traditional custom of selecting the candidate for Vice-Presi- dent on the ground of his "availability" as a help to the Presidential nominee during the canvass. That Mr. Thurman is a strong nominee for campaign purposes will be gener- ally admitted. His name will warm the hearts of a good many old Democrwits who have never had much symyathy with the new generation which Mr. Cleveland lep- resents. His very age in itself is a help to his candidacy in one aspect, since it appeals to the pride which all well-regulated party men feel in an "old Rofoan " More- over, it will be extremely embarrassing for the Republicans to make an issue of Mr. Thurman's age. If they say that a man who was born in November, 1813, is too old to be Vice-President, it follows necessarily that a man who was born in March, 1813, is too old to be a member of the Supreme Court, and Judge Bradley should at once resign his seat on the bench and allow Mr. Cleveland to appoint a Democratic successor. Practically, the age Issue will not count for much. The voter who thinks that Mr. Cleveland is a better man for President than the Republican candi- date, will not be deterred from voting for him because he thinks that a younger man ought to have been nominattd for Vice President. Except in the matter of age, Mr. Thurman is the bf st man whom the Democ- racy could present for the Vice-Presidency. His public career has been a long and honorable one, the only spot upon which was made by his yielding, with so many other good men of both parties, to the soft-money craze which swept over the West fifteen years ago. He wa« elected to the lower branch of Congress in 1844, was judge of the Ohio Supreme Court from 1851 to 1854, and its Chief Justice for th " next two years, and United States Senator fiom 1869 to 1881 . The historian whoa judgments every good Republican unhesitatingly accepts has be>*towed upon hini the highest praise. In his "Twenty Years of Congress," Mr. Blaine says of Mi Thurman that "his rank in the Senate was established from the day be took hissea and was never lowered during the period of his service. His retirement from tt Senate was a seriousloss to his party— a loss, indeed, to the body. He left behii him ilie respect ot all with whom he had been associated during his twelve years hononible service." If Mr. Thurman is sent back to the capital, he will return with the unique satj isfaction of finding the sound doctrines of the Constitution, for which he mac' a gallant but' hopeless fight against a Republican majority in. the Senate, establishc for all time by the decisions of a Republican Supreme Court overthrowing the ac which he vainly protested were unconstitutional. Since his retirement in 1881 tt highest judicial tribunal has rendered a series of decisions which fully sustain Ml Thurman's position on the great issue of State rights, and which indeed sometime read almost like extracts from his own speeches. When he entered the Senate 1869, there were but nuje other Democrats in the body, the House was Republic more than two to one, and the school represented by Oliver P. Morton in the Senat and Benjamin F. Butler in the House were carrying through laws based upon th^ theory that the new amendments to the Constitution had worked a revolution " the relations of the States to the Federal Government. MB. THURMAN'S public RECORD. 347 l._.... ^„„.„ Jffambers in Congress, but saw his position ultimately adopted by the Supreme Court. This act was based upon the theory that Congress possessed the right to interfere in the States and punish persons who denied blacks equal rights with whites in hotels, conveyances, etc. The claim was made that Congress had been given this right by the fourteenth amendment. Mr. Thurman earnestly contested this claim. He pointed out that the amendment only gave Congress the right to interfere when a " State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi- leges or immunities of citizens of the United States," whereas it was not pretended that any State had made or enforced any such law. It is interesting to see how closely the reasoning upon this point of the Republican Supreme Court in the deci- sion of 1883. declaring theact unconstitutional, agreed with that of Mr. Thurman in his arguments of 1874 : t MR. THURMAN. THB SUPREME COURT. An Inspection of the law shows that it makes no reference whatever to any sup- posed or apprehended violation of the Four- teenth Amendment on the part of the States. It is not predicated on any such view. It proceeds ex directo to declare that certain acts committed by individuals shall be deemed offences, and shall be prosecuted, and punished by proceedings in the courts of the United States. . . . We are of opin- ion that no countenance of authority for the passage of the law in question can be found either in the Thirteenth or Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution, and no other ground of authority for its passage b«ing suggested, It must necessarily be declared void. It has seldom been allowed a man to enjoy such a triumph as Mr. Thurman must feel in the decisions of a Supreme Court controlled by his political opponents, asserting his views of the Constitution, and annulling act after act which he had fought on the ground that they were unconstitutional. The fact shows most strik- ingly how complete is the settlement of the State-rights issue. No Republican dares dissent from the position laid down by a Republican Supreme Court, while every Democrat applauds the assertion by that tribunal of the doctrines which Mr. Thur- man so ably maintained. 'No State shall make or enforce any law 'hich shall abridge the privileges or immu- nities of citizens of the United States," says the Fourteenth Amendment. Does this bill deal with any such law of a State ? No, sir, it does not profess to do so. It is not aimed at any law of a State. It is aimed against the acts of individuals. There is not one single sentence in the whole bill which is levelled against any law made or enforced by a State. . . . Why, sir, if it is constitutional rea- soning that supports this bill, then I confess that all my studies of the Constitution have been wholly in vain. THB DSMOCBACY A^^D LABOB. CHAPTER XXIX. THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. EECOED OF THE PARTY AND ITS CANDIDATE. — EFFORTS TO LIGHTEN THE TAXES AND RELIEVE THE BURDENS OF THE POOR. Stirring Words in Behalf of those who Toil — Mr. Cleve- land's Course as Governor of New Yorlc in Relation to Labor Legislation — His Sympathy with Measures LooJcing to the Elevation of Labor and the Enhance- ment of its Rewards, I AN HONEST DAY'B WAGES FOR AN HONEST DAY'B WORK. During the hundred years' existence of this Government, and from the time* when the Democratic Party was established to maintain our institutions, that organization has ever been true to its name. It is emphatically the party of the people ; and as the great majority of the American people is composed of those who labor with their hands, the interests of Democracy and of labor have always been identical The professions of the party, as expressed in its platforms, have been realized in the legislation effected whenever and wherever it was in control of the law- making power. In no campaign in the Idstory of American politics was this better illustrated than at present, when the declaration of principles, the record of the candidate and the conduct of the President upon every occasion when the rights of labor were at stake, combine to attest the devotion of the Democracy to the interests of the workingman. Grover Cleveland, himself a man of laborious habit and unshirking industry, is a genuine American — the product of our own soil and institutions. He has never been even a visitor to foreign countries. In his veins flows the blood of English- men, of Irishmen, and of Germans. These are the races which have peopled the United States and made them great. He represents them all. He has a strong man's love for the land where he was born, and in which his parents are buried. His kindred have lived here many generations; they have been soldiers, and farmers^ and mechanics, and preachers of the Gospel His ancestry is the best that can be found, an ancestry of frugal, laborious and patriotic men and women. THE DEMOCRACY AJ?]> LABOR. 3^ IL CLEVELAND'S LABOR RECORD AS GOVERNOR. HB PROMOTED THE mTERESTS OF LABOR DURING HIS SERVICE TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. le highest labor body in the State of New York is the State Trades Assem- It is not organized for political purposes, but has for its sole object the advancement of the condition of the workingmen in all things. It lias for years applied to the great political organizations for as8istan( e and consideration. It has received these only from the Democratic party. Organization in this branch of endeavor has had its effect, as it does everywhere; and so it came about that in 1882, as a result of organization, and for the first time, it presented well defined contentions, with which it appeared before the two great parties of the State— the Democratic and the Republican. The Republican partjr gave no heed whatever to its requests. The Democratic party'listened; and believing in them, embraced them in their platform of that year. Upon this platform Grover Cleveland was placed by the Democracy of the State, and upon it he was elected to be Governor. His faithful adherence to the pledges and promises of that platform is known of all men, and so faithful as to be regarded the beginning of a new era in politics, when candidates would regard the obligations of formulated party utterances. THE LABOR PLANK OF 1882. The plank relating to labor was the twelfth and read as follows : Twelfth. We reaffirm the policy always maintained by the Democratic party that it is of the first importance that labor should be made free, healthful and secure of just remune- ration. That convict labor should not come into competition with the industry of law-abiding 3itizens. That the labor of children should be surrounded with such safeguards as their aealth, their rights of education and their future, as useful members of the community, iemand. That work shops, whether large or small, should be under such sanitary control IS will insure the health and comfort of the employed and will protect all against unwhole- jome labor and surroundings. That labor shall have the same rights as capital to combine for its own protection, and that all legislation which cramps industry, or which enables the powerful to oppress the weak, should be repealed; and, to promote the interests of labor, we •ecommend the collection of statistics and information respecting the improvements, needs md abuses of the various branches of industry. This plank Grover Cleveland accepted in its entirety, not only in the letter but in the spirit, as the subsequent record will show, in the following words, which are aken from his letter of accceptance of the gubernatorial nomination, dated at Buffalo, October 7, 1882: "The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. They should be protected in their efforts to assert their rights Mhen endangered by aggregated capital, ind all statutes on this subject should recognize the case of the State for honest toil, and be ramed with a view of improving the condition of the workingman," Having thus found the Democratic party and its candidate willing to accept ihese contentions as their own, the representative laboriDg men proceeded to put hem into effect by drafting bills to present to the Legislature. Thus in an orderly ind efficient way, in fact the only way in which to put them into effect, these jontentions were formulated into measures. Four bills were introduced in the ilature of 1883, the first year of Oovernor Cleveland's term. 350 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 1. One was the bill providing for the establishment of a Bureau of Labor Sta- tistics. This the labor people regarded as by far the most important of all the measures they had presented. So soon as the bill reached him, the Governor showed his intention of keeping his pledges by signing it. 2. Another v^as the bill prohibiting the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses, which the Governor promptly signed. This law was subsequently declared defective in title, and therefore unconstitutional by the courts ; ^mother bill was introduced in the Legislature of 1884, the defect in the title having been remedied, was passed and the Governor signed it again. 3. Another was the bill prohibiting the manufacture of woolen hats in the State prisons, penitentiaries and reformatories of the State, and this was promptly signed by the Governor. For several years ineffectual efforts had been made to pass this bill. CONVICT LABOR BILL. 4. The fourth of the series of the labor bills for 1883 was the bill to abolish con- vict labor in States prisons. This bill met with very great opposition from the Republicans of the Legislature and was laid aside. The question was submitted to the voters in November, 1883, and decided by a very large majority against the con- tinuance of convict prison labor. WHAT WAS DONE IN 1884. In 1884 the labor people, encouraged by their successes in 1883, again presented themselves before the Legislature with further demands formulated into measures, as follows : The tenement house cigar bill, to which reference was made above. This was made necessary by the decision of the Court of Appeals that the bill was unconsti- tutional, in that its title was defective. The defect having been remedied, the Gov- ernor signed it CONVICT LABOR AGAIN. The bill prohibiting the employment of convicts in State prisons on contract labor. This was popularly known as the "Comstock" bill, and provided no substi- tute for the labor the convicts were employed in. There were several defects in the bill as it reached the Governor, which would have made it inope»ative, but the Governor called in Mr. Thayer, the President of the State Trades' Assembly, and pointing out the defects, among which was that penitentiaries were excepted from the provisions of the bill, suggested a recall of the bill to correct it, which was done, and then it was signed. Had not the Governor been the friend of labor, he could have defeated its object by signing it as it came to him. Subsequently, a bill known as the Howe Commission bill passed the Legislature, providing for the appoiutmeat of five commissioners, to investigate and report by May Ist, some suitable system for the employment of convicts. After an investigation of only a few days, they reported that they could not make a report within the specified time A bill was then passed extending the time until January 1, 1885. This the Governor vetoed, and in forcible terms, declaring that it was the duty of the Legislature to provide at that session some substitute. The Republican Legislature dallied with the question and let it die. CHILD CONTRACT LABOR BILL, One of the bills introduced in the interest of labor this year, was that making it unlawful for the trustees or managers of any house of refuge, reformatory or other correctional institution, to contract, hire or let the service or labor of any child com- mitted to or an inmate of such institutions. It was passed and signed by the Gov- ernor. I THE DEMOCRACY AI7D LABOB. 351 ^■Dne of the bills introduced was that one known as the Mechanics' Lien Law. iBs bill, which was a local act, applying only to Kings and Queens counties, was vetoed by the Governor, and as an examination shows, clearly in the interest of the vvorkingmen. Instead of giving the mechanic the first lien, as was the object of the bill, by an oversight in the drafting of it, it gave to all parties having claim,whether nechanics or not, the first lien, thus reducing the mechanics to a level with all 3laimant8. Moreover, it repealed in distinct terms, a number of mechanics' lien laws, already on the statute books. To make it a law was to give the mechanics a ioubtful advantage while sacrificing many other real and substantial advantages. I MAEING LABORING MEI7 PREFERRED CREDITORS. an evidence of the care Cleveland manifested for laboring men, the prompt g of a bill which creates laboring men preferred creditors for wages in the )ase of the assignment of an employer. This bill, most important to laboring men, attracted little attention even from laboring men, at the time of its enactment, but lie quick eye and mind of the Governor appreciated its value and he made it a law. rhe law is as follows : CHAPTER 338. § 39. In all assignments, made In pursuanoe of this aot, the wa^ree or salaries actually >wlng to the employes of the assignor or assignors at the time of the execution of the issignment, shall be preferred before any other debt; and should the assets of the assignor or issignors not be sufllcient to pay in full all the claims preferred, pursuant to this section, hey shall be applied to the payment of the same pro rata to the amount of each such ;iaiia. I nL THE DEMOCRACY IN 1884. THE POLIOT OP TiHB PARTY OK THIS VITAL QUESTION Afl EXPRESSED IN ITS NATIONAL PLAT1IX5RM AT CHICAGO. The convention of 1884, which nominated Mr. Cleveland for President, in the )latform from which he accepted and upon which he was ejected, spake with no incertain sound. The following extracts from the declarations of that document oay be specially recalled : Knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting the ocoupattons of the people hould be cautions and conservative In method, not in advance of public opinion, bat esponslve to Its demands, the Democratio party Is pledged to revlae the taartff in a spirit of aimess to all interests. But In mafctag reduetlon In taxes, It is not piopcsed to Injure any domestio Indnstriea, )Ut rather to promote their healthy growth, From the focrndatioQ of this Qovaroment axes coUeeted at tho custom-house have been the chief sonroe of Fedejral reveooe. Buoh bey must continue »o be- Moreover, many indnstriea have oome to rely upon leglfllatlcjn or successfnl oontlntiance, so that Miy change of law must be at every Step regardful of he labor and capital thus Involved. The nrocees of reiorm must be sttbjeot In tita eaooaa- lon to this plain dictate of jnatloe. I 353 THE DEMOCKACY AKD LABOR. All taxation shall be limited to the requirements of economical government. The necessary reduction In taxation can and must be effected without depriving American labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor, and -without Imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of production which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing In this country. We believe that labor is best rewarded where It is freest and most enlightened. It should therefore be fostered and cherished- We favor the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor, and the enactment of laws by which labor organizations may be incor- porated, and of all such legislation as will tend to enlighten the people as to the true rela- tions of capital and labor. We believe that the public lands ought, as far as possible, to be kept as homesteads for actual settlers; that all unearned lands heretofore improvidently granted to railroad cor- porations by the action of the Republioan party should be restored to the public domain ; and that no more grants of land shall be made to corporations, or be allowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees. Under a quarter century of Republican rule and policy, despite our manifest advan- tage over all other nations in high-paid labor, favorable climates and teeming soils; despite freedom of trade among all these United States; despite their population by the foremost races of men and an annual immigration of the young, thrifty and adventurous of all nations; despite our freedom here from the inherited burdens of life and industry in old-world monarchies— their costly war navies, their vast tax-coQSuming, non-producing standing armies ; despite twenty years of peace— that Republican rule and policy have managed to surrender to Great Britain, alonig with our commerce, the control of the mar- kets of the world. Instead of the Republican party's British policy, we demand on behalf of the Amerl- -can Democracy an American policy. Instead of the Republican party's discredited scheme and false pretense of friendship for American labor, expressed by imposing taxes, we deaaand in behalf of the Democracy, freedom for American labor by reducing taxes, to the end that these United States may compete with unhindered powers for the primacy among nations in all the arts of peace And fruits of liberty. THE PRESIDENT S INTERPRETATION OP THE LABOR PLANK. In his letter of acceptance under date of August 17, 1884, Mr. Cleveland inter- preted the labor plank in this language : A true American sentiment recognizes the dignity of labor and the fact that honor lies in honest toil . Contented labor is an elementof national prosperity. Ability to work con- stitutes the capital and the wage of labor the iuoome of a vast number of our population, *and this interest should be jealously protected. Our workingmen are not asking unrea- sonable indulgence, but as intelligent and manly citizens they seek the same consideration which those demand who have other Interests at stake. They should receive their full share of the care and attention of those who make and execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the employers and employed shall alike be subserved, and the pros- perit y of the country, the common heritage of both, be advanced. As related to this subject, while we shouM not discourage the immigration of those who come to acknowledge all^-gi- ance to our Government and add to our citizen population, yet as a means of protection to our working men a difTerent rule should prevail concerning those who, if they come or are brought to our land, do not intend to becom« Americans, but will injuriously compete i those justly entitled to our field of labor. A proper regard for the welfare of the workingman being Insep irably connected the integrity of our institutions, none of our citizens are more interested than they in guarding against any corrupting influences which seek to pervert the beneficent purp of our Government, and none should be more watchful of the artful machinations of who allure them to self-inflicted injury. )r are wfflP THE DBMOCRACY AND LABOR. 853 lY. CLEVELAND'S RECOMMENDATIONS AS PRESmENT. PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS FOR THE RELIEF OP LABOR, COMMUNICATED TO CON- GRESS PROM TIME TO TIME. The perusal of the President's messages, letters and other official utterances, published at length in different parts of this volume, will show them to be replete with suggestions similar to those above given in behalf of labor and of securing to it the highest possible reward. The entire policy of the administration in all the different departments and bureaus has been directed to this end. The rebuilding of the American Navy in American shipyards, and with Amer- ican material, upon honest businesss methods ; the correction of corporation abuses, and the enforcement of the Government's obligations against the great Pacific rail- ways; the reclamation of many million acres of the public lands; the real pro- tection to American labor by a tariff reform movement, looking to a reduction in price of the necessaries of life and a cheapening of the raw materials necessary to our manufactures; the restoration ot our maritime greatness and the introduction of Ijusiness methods in all departments of the Federal Government, have all been in the true interest of American labor. ^^ A BUREAU FOR ARBITRATENQ DIFPERENCES RECOMMENDED. ^Karly in 1886 the large number of strikes and lockouts attracted the President's jTOtention. As an expression of his desire to promote harmony between employer «nd workman he sent the following message to Congress on April 22d of that year : To the Senate and House of Representatives: The ConstitutiMi Imposes upon the President the duty of reoommendlngr to the con- sideration of Congress from time to time such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. I am 80 deeply impressed with the importance of immediately and thoughtfully meet- ing the problem which recent events and a present condition have thrust upon us, involving the settlement of disputes arising between our laboring men and their employers, that I am constrained to recommend to Congress legislation upon this serious and pressing subject. Under our form of government the value of labor as an element of national prosperity should be distinctly recognized, and the welfare of the laboring man should be regarded as especially entitled to legislative care. In a country which offers to all its citizens the highest attainment of social and political distinction its workingmen cannot justly or safely be considered as irrevocably consipned to the limits of a class and entitled to no atten- Bp and allowed no protest against neglect. BrThe laboring man bearing in his hand an indispensable contribution to our growth and ■progress, may well insist, with manly courage and as a right, upon the same recognition from those who make our laws, as is accorded to any other citizen having a valuable interest in charge ; and his reasonable demands should be met in such a spirit of appreciation and fairness as to induce a contented and patriotic co-operation In the achievement of a grand national destiny. ^t While the real interests of labor are not promoted by a resort to threats and violent Hhifestations, and while those whr>, under the pretexts of an advocacy of the claims of Boor, wantonly attack the rights of capital, and for selfish purposes or the love of disorder sow seeds of violence and discontent, should neither be encouraged nor conciliated, all legislation on the subject should be calmly and deliberately undertaken, with no purpose Of satisfying unreasonable demands or gaining partisan advantage. I 354 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. The present condition of the relations between labor and capital is far from satisfac- tory. The discontent of the employed is due in a large dejjrree to the grasping and heedless exactions of employers, and the alleged discrimination in favor of capital as an object of govern- mental attention. It must also be conceded that the laboring men are not always careful to avoid causeless and unjustifiable disturbance. BOMB RKIilBF MAY BB HAD BY ULVT. Though the importance of a better accord between these interests is apparent, it must be borne in mind that any effort in that direction by the Federal Government must be greatly limited by constitutional restrictions. There are many grievances which legisla- tion by Congress cannot redress, and many conditions which cannot by such means be reformed. Something may be done under Federal authority to prevent the disturbances which so often arise from disputes between employers and the employed, and which at times seriously threaten the business interests of the country; and in my opinion the proper theory upon which to proceed is that of voluntary arbitration as the means of settling these difficulties. But I suggest that Instead of arbitrators chosen in the heat of conflicting claims, and after each dispute shall arise, for the purpose of determining the same, there be created a Commission of Labor, consisting of three members, who shall be regular officers of the Government, charged among other duties with the oonslderation and settlement, when possible, of all controversies between labor and capital. A Commission thus organized would have the advantage of being a stable body, and its members, as they gained experience, would constantly improve in their ability to deal intelligently and usefully with the questions which might be submitted to them. If arbitrators are chosen for temporary service as each case of dispute arises, experience and familiarity with much that is involved in the question will be lacking, extreme partisan-ship and bias will be the qualifications sought on either side, and frequent complaints of unfair- ness and partiality will be inevitable. The imposition upon a Federal court of duty so foreign to the judicial function as the selection of an arbitrator In such cases, is at least of doubtful propriety. JUST AHD SXNSIBLB BBOOaSTITION OV JJLBOU. The establishment by Federal authority of such a Bureau would be a just and sensible recognition of the value of labor, and of its right be represented in the departments of the Government. So far as its conciliatory offices shall have relation to disturbances which Interfered with transit and commerce between the States, its exirtence would be Justified, under the provisions of the Conatitutlon, which gives to Congress the power ** to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States." And In the frequent disputes between the laboring men and their employers, of less extent and the conse- quences of which are confined within State limits and threaten domeatlo violence, the interposition of such a Commission might be tendered, upon the application of the legis ture or executive of a State, under the eonstitntional provision which requires ^be G«nc Government to **proteot'* each of the States " against domestis vtolenoe." Fowaa lo nrrBSsiaAsa svbikbs ahd liOCK-oiiTta. If such a Commisaion were fairly ocrgBniJTOd, the rlak of a loss of poprUaar support sympathy resulting from a refusal to submit to ao peaceful an instrtun«ntality, wtDuId strain both parties to such disputes to invoke its interference and abide by Its deoislons. There would also be good reason to hope that the v%ry existence of such an agency would Invite application to it for advice and oomisel, freqtiently resulishtur in the advtddanoe contention and misunderstandlnjsc* If the useftilness of such a CommlBStoa it doubted beesose it might lack power enforce Its deoislous, much encouragement is derived troxa the ooneeded good that has been aooompllsJied by the railroad commlseions which have been orgtuiteed in many of the States, which, having little more tban. advisory power, have •xarted a most salu^ influence tn the settlement of disputes between oonflictlng interests. I THE DEMOCKACY AND LABOR. 355 In July, 1884, by a law of Congress, a Bureau of Labor was established and placed In charge of a Commissioner of Labor, who is required to "collect information upon the sub- ject of labor, its relations to capital, the hours of labor and the earnings of laboring men and women, and the means of promoting their material, social, intellectual and mora^ prosperity." The Commission which I suggest could easily be engrafted upon the Bureau thus already organized, by the addition of two more Commissioners and by supplementing the duties now imposed upon it by such other powers and functions as would permit the- Commissioners to act as arbitrators when necessary between labor and capital under such limitations ajid upon such occasions as should be deemed proper and useful. Power should also be distinctly conferred upon this Bureau to investigate the causes of all disputes as they occur, whether submitted for arbitration or not, so that informa- tion may always be at hand to aid legislation on the subject when necessary and desirable. GROVER CLEVELAND. ExBCUTivB Mansion, April 22, 1886. I A PEACEFUL METHOD OF SETTLING DIFFERENCES. In his second annual message to Congress, December, 1886, he recurred to the question as follows : The relations of labor to capital and of laboring men to their employers are of the utmost concern to every patriotic citizen. When these are strained and distorted, unjusti- fiable claims are apt to be insisted upon by both interests, and in the controversy which results, the welfare of all and the prosperity of the country are jeopardized. Any inteiv vention of the General Government, within the limits of its constitutional authority, to avert such a condition, should be willingly accorded. In a special message transmitted to the Congress at its last session I suggested the enlargement of our present Labor Bureau and adding to its present functions the power of arbitration in cases where differences arise between employer and employed. "When these differences reach such a stage as to result in the interruption of commerce between. the States, the application of this remedy by the General Government might be regarded' as entirely within its constitutional powers. And I think we might reasonably hope that such arbitrators, If carefully selected and if entitled to the confidence of the parties to be affected, would be voluntarily called to the settlement of controversies of less extent and I necessarily within the domain of Federal regulation. [ '"'~~ "" BBu iatio BECOGNITION OF THE EQUALITY OF AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP. t after all has been done by the passage of laws either Federal or State to relieve a tion full of solicitude, much more remains to be accomplished by the reinstatement and cultivation of a true American sentiment which recognizes the equality of American citizenship. This, in the light of our traditions and in loyalty to the spirit of our institutions, would teach that a hearty co-operation on the part of all interests is the surest path to national greatness and the happiness of all our people, that capital should, in recognition of the brotherhood of our citizenship and in a spirit of American fairness, generously accord to labor its just compensation and consideration, and that contented labor is capital's best protection and faithful ally. It would teach, too, that the liverse situations of our people are inseparable from our civilization, that e^ery citizen Jhould, in his sphere, be a contributor to the general good, that capital does not necessarily rend to the oppression of labor, and that violent disturbances and disorders alienate from Ir promoters true American sympathy and kindly f eeHng. E 2'^ 356 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. NO LABORING CLASS FIXED \inCHIN UNYIELDING BOUNDS. In another division of the same message he said : Due regard should be also accorded in any proposed readjustment, to the interests of American labor so far as they are involved. We oonurratulate ourselves that there is among us no laboring class, fixed within unyleldlttg bounds and doomed under all conditions to the inexorable fate of daily toil. "We recognlae In labor a chief factor in the wealth of the republic and we treat those who have it in their keeping as citizens entitled to the most careful regard and thoughtful attention. This regard and attention should be awarded them, not only because labor is the capital of our worklngmen, Justly entitled to its share of Government favor, but for the further and not less important reason, that the laboring man surrounded by his family in his humble home, as a consumer is vitally inter- ested in all that cheapens the cost of living and enables him to bring within his domestic circle additional comforts and advantages. This relation of the worklngman to the revenue laws of the country, and the manner in which it palpably influences the question of wages, should not be forgotten, in the justi- fiable prominence given to the proper maintenance of the supply and protection of well- paid labor. And these considerations suggest such an arrangement of Government revenues as shall reduce the expense of living, while it does not curtail the opportunity for work nor reduce the compensation of American labor, and injuriously affect its condi- tion and the dignified place it holds in the estimation of our people. V. LABOR IMPORTED UNDER CONTRACT. THE REPUBLICANS ENACTED LAWS TO BRING IN CHEAPER LABOR WHILE THE SOLDIERS WERE IN THE FIELD. Now that the Republicans are seeking to pose as the special friends of the labor- ing man in the United States, it is proper to subject their pretensions to analysis. If they are so friendly now it is well to try and discover whether they have always been so, or whether it is merely a new-found zeal which is intended to be merely "a good enough Morgan for this election." Among the questions most important to the American laborer is the immi- gration under contract of men from other countries. If this can be done, every employer who is anxious to squeeze his labor down to the lowest notch of wages, every manufacturer who is confronted by a strike on the part of his employes may simply send his agents abroad and import, under contract, as many men and women as he needs without any regard, during the time for which the contract is madaB the ruling rates of wages in this country. S It was legislation by a Republican Senate and House of Representatives whifii allowed this to be done from 1864, when the law was enacted, to 1885, when aftc long and determined opposition on the part of the Republican Senate, a Demc :House finally succeeded in securing the repeal of the obnoxious law. I THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 357 A CONTRACT LABOR LAW WHICH FILLED THE SOLDIERS' PLACES. In 1864, while our mechanics, operatives, miners and laborers were in the field fighting for the perpetuity of the Union, there was introduced into the Senate of the United States a bill which inflicted untold misery upon the laboring population of the United States. Senator Sherman in introducing the bill made use of the following words in explaining it : The special wants for labor In this country at the present time are very great. The war has depleted our workshops and materially lessened our supply of labor in every department of industry and mechanism. In their noble response to the call of their country our workmen in every branch of the useful arts have left vacancies which must be filled or the material interests of the country must suffer. The Immense amount of native labor occupied by the war calls for a large increase of foreign immigration to make up the deficiency at home. The demand for Ubor never was greater than at present, and the fields of usefulness were never so varied and promising. »The second section of this law reads as follows : 3Ea 2, And be It ftertfier enacted. That all contracts that shall be made by emigrants to United States in foreign countries, in conformity to regulations that may be established by the said commissioner, whereby emigrants shall pledge the wages of their labor for a term not exceeding tn'elve months, to repay the expenses of their emigration, shall be held to be valid in law, and may be enforced in the courts of the United States or of the several States and Territories ; and such advances, if so stipulated in the contract, and the con- tract be recorded in the recorder's office in the county where the emigrant shall settle, shall operate as a lien upon any land thereafter acquired by the emigrant, whether under the homestead law when the title is consummated, or on property otherwise acquired until liquidated by the emigrant ; but nothing herein contained shall be deemed to authorize any contract contravening the Constitution of the United States, or creating in any way the relation of slavery or servitude. (U. S. Stats, at Large, vol. L5, 1863-'65.) The extent to which the authors of this measure knew they were going is appa- rent from the last lines of this section — "but nothing herein contained shall be deemed to authorize any contract contravening the Constitationof the United States or creating in any way the relation of slavery or servitude." This will serve to show to many persons, who have often wondered how many men got rich so rapidly during the war, how it was done. While the bone and sinew of the country were in the field fighting their country's battles, the manufac- turers, subsidized by the most exorbitant duties ever levied in this country, were authorized to send their agents to Europe and there seek out men to fill the places of the absent soldiers, who were fighting for the munificent wages of $13 a month and found. • IT REMAINED A LAW UNTIL REPEALED BY DEMOCRATS. This law remained in force until 1885 — more than twenty years — and nearly nineteen years after the war, which was given as the excuse for its enactment, was over ; and every eflbrt to repeal it in the interest of American labor was thwarted by Republicans in the interest of the contractor and manufacturer. From the time of the enactment of this law till its repeal over 6,500,000 immigrants came to our shores. How many of these came voluntarily upon their own resources because of their admiration for our institutions, and how many debased and vicious characters were brought here under this contract system cannnot even be estimated. Laborers were imported under the provisions of this law up to the time of its repeal, and the statutes now in force prohibiting the same are being evaded in every possi- 358 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. ble way by the men who cry loudest "protection to American labor !" The Repub- lican party, supreme in all the Departments of the Government, was cognizant of the fact, but no step was taken to protect American labor from this competition. Not only was the war long past and the necessity for its continuance gone, but all through the panic of 1873 and the prolonged financial disturbance which fol- lowed, this law remained unrepealed. During this time more than half a million of men were discharged from mills and factories. But the contract labor law still went on. Under its provisions the Carnegies, the Ammidons, the DePauws and the Phillipses could go freely into the markets of the world and buy all the labor they could find and pay it such prices as it would take. The soldiers of the union had long since returned, and were as bravely pursuing the arts of peace as they had those of war. Still they were cut off from employment unless they would accept the wages satisfactory to what the over-protected interests saw fit then, as well as now, to call 'the pauper labor of Europe," or the Coolie contract and servile labor of Asia. REFUSAL EVEN TO CONSIDER THE QUESTION. Individual efforts were made from time to time to secure a repeal or modifica- tion of the law. On the 13th of December, 1869, Senator "Wilson, of Massachusetts introduced a bill to regulate the importation of immigrants under contract. This- bill was called up by him on the 22d of April, 1870, and its consideration urged; but Senator Ferry, of Michigan, objected, and the bill was referred to the Com- mittee on Commerce, a majority of whom were Republicans, who reported against its passage. They were unwilling to consider a bill to even regulate the subject four years after the war was over. On the 5th of February, 1870, Senator Wilson introduced another bill (S. 563> to make the importation of immigration under contract unlawful. He made several efforts to secuie consideration of the same without reference to a committee, but objections were made, and on December 12, 1870, it was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor, and was never heard of again. No power was strong enough to carry a bill through the committee ; the ears of Republicans were denf to all appeals. They saw American workmen out of employment, wages going down, strikes and lock-outs daily occurring, but none of these aroused their attention. Further attempts were made from time to time to give the needed relief to labor, but they were ail successfully resisted. Even when the matter had grown so serious that organized labor had begun to make itself felt, the proposition to repeal this law was continually resisted. On the 8th of January, propitious as the anniversary of General Jackson's victory at New Orleans, Martin A. Foran, a Democratic Representative in Congress from the State of Ohio, introduced a stringent bill to prohibit the importation of labor under contract. The bill pas^d the Democratic House on June 19 following, aCd was at on^ sent to the Senate. Here, however, it was subjected to the same old tactics delay ; it did not secure attention and reach passage until February, 1885, after tl people at a general election had passed judgment on the Republican party evicted it from office. THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 859 VI. ENFORCING THE LAW. PERSISTENT AND SUCCESSFUL EFFORTS TO EXCLUDE LABOR IMPORTED UNDER ■CONTRACTS MADE ABROAD. The most vigorous and determined efforts have been made by the President and Department of Justice to enforce this law. Prosecutions have not only been instituted whenever complaint has been made, but District Attorneys have been instructed to give their personal attention to any case which might arise in the dis- ■'Xa over which they have authority. I Soon after the amended law became in force the Attorney-General wrote the owing by way of instruction to J. S. H. Frink, United States District Attorney for the district of New Hampshire : ■ Department ov Justice, Washington, D. C, April 26, 1888. H. Fbink, Esq., U. S. Attorney, Portsmouth, N. H. Sir:— In response to my request I received yours containing afladavlts and other papers relating to a violation of the provisions of the acts of 1885 and 1887 concerning the importa- tion of foreign labor by contract, to be used in the construction of the Upper Coos Rail- road. By the provisions of the second section of the act of 1885, the penalty Is imposed for the violation of the first section of the act. The penalty may be sued for and recovered by the United States, or by any person "who may first bring the action." The duty is imposed on the United States Attorney to prosecute every such suit at the expense of the United States. If any suits are brought by private parties under the act to recover the penalty, examine the facts on which they are founded with care, and if they warrant action, prose- cute them with diligence. If suits are not brought by private parties in such cases as from the facts brought to your knowledge show a wilful violation of the law, thoroughly inves- tigate the facta that can be proven by evidence that can be relied on, and bring suit or suits against the culpable parties or corporation, in the name of the United States, suffi- cient in number and amount to vindicate the sanctity of the law. * " * If Very Respectfully, I A. H. GARLAND, Attorney General. 4 THE PRESIDENT HIMSELF GIVES INSTRUCTIONS. ^ President Cleveland has taken a deep interest in the enforcement of the law. Lpril last there was reported an attempt on the part of employing fishermen on the Massachusetts coast to import under contract a considerable number of men to be employed in the fisheries. Thereupon the President wrote the following letter of Instruction to the District Attorney for the district of Eastern Massachusetts : Executive Mansion, Washington, April 18, 1888. To the Hon. O. A. Galvin, United States District Attorney, Boston, Mass. : Dear Sir— Information has reached the Treasury Department that a large number of foreigners have been brought into Massachusetts under violation of the contract labor law, for the purpose of manning American fishing vessels sent out from the ports of Gloucester, Boston, and Beverly for the purpose of taking fish along the Canadian coast. 3G0 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. It seems to me quite certain that such foreigners, aliens, have been brought in by par- ties in direct violation of the statute covering such cases, and I believe that the importa- tion of such foreigners tends to the displacement of American labor. I am aware that many of these persons have, through the care of the oflacials, been returned to the country from "which they came. I, therefore, enjoin on you the duty of a prompt investigation of these cases, and request that you confer with the Collectors of the ports of Boston and Gloucester, that prompt and effective measures may be taken. The department has ordered that special agents be detailed who will report directly to you, and if you require any further assistance it will be given you upon application. Yours truly, GROVER CLEVELAND. SUGGESTING ADDITIONAL LEGISLATION TO CONQRB6S. The following letter, addressed to Congress by the present Democratic Secre- tary of the Treasury, illustrates the efficient and diligent efforts of the present administration to prevent such importations of pauper labor : Treasury Department, Office of the Secretary, Washington, D. C, July 16th, 1888. To th4 Speaker United States Eome of Eepreeentativee : Sir : The attention of the Congress is respectfully invited to the necessity of further legislation for the better enforcement of the Alien Contract Labor Law. The initial enactment upon this subject was approved February 36, 1885 (33 Stats, at Large 333). It declared that all contracts to perform labor or service, or having reference to the performance of labor or service, with a few unimportant exceptions not necessary to be here noticed, made previous to the immigration to, or importation into this country of the laborer, should be void, and it should be unlawful for any person, firm or corporation to in any manner assist any foreign laborer into this country under a contract or agreement, parol, or special, express or implied, made previous to his entry to perform labor or service of any kind in the United States. The landing of the immigrant was not, in terms, prohibited, nor was there any provision for his return to the country from whence he came, and the only measures incorporated into the law which were designed to secure its enforcement were the imposition of a pen- alty of $1,000 for a violation of the provisions of section 1, to be sued for and recovered in the Federal Courts. «**•••• Presumably this law was not found to be sufficiently effective to prevent the evil» against which it was aimed, and on February 33, 1887, it was amended (34 Stats, page 474) by adding thereto sections 6, 7 and 8, which charged the Secretary of the Treasury with the duty of executing the provisions of the act, and authorized him to enter into contracts with any State Commission, board or officers having charge of the local affairs of immij tion in the ports within the State, and prohibiting the landing of any person found to ha been brought here under contract to labor contrary to the provisions of the act, and ] viding that all persons included in the prohibition of the act should be sent back to tb© nations to which they belonged and from whence they came, and authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to designate any State Board or any Commission, or any person or persons in any State whose duty it should be to cause all such persons to be returned, and who should be entitled to reasonable compensation therefor to be fixed by the Secretary of the Treasury, who was authorized to prescribe regulations for the return of such persons and furnish instructions to the board, commission or persons charged with that work, and the expense of the return must be borne by the owners of the vessels in which they came. 1 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 361 ^^^ vessel refusing to pay such expense should not be permitted to land at or dear from any port of the United States, and the expenses were made a lien upon the vessel, and the necessary expenses incurred in the execution of the act for that fiscal year Inely, ending June 30, 1887) were to be paid out of any money in the Treasury not other- B appropriated. PRECAUTIONS TAKEN BY THE TRKASOTIY DEPARTMENT. On March 24, 1887, the Acting Secretary, in a circular addressed to the Collectors of Customs and Commissioners of Emigration and others, called attention to these acts and instructed the Collectors of Customs to cause all vessels arriving from foreign ports to be examined by officers of the port who might be in the customs service, in order to ascertain whether any alien immigrants forbidden to land within the provisions of the act of 1885 were on such vessels, and to use the utmost vigilance to prevent the landing of such immi- grants, and to secure their return to the countries from whence they came by the vessels on their arrival, and to report the names of all persons or firms instrumental in engaging, or introducing Into the country, contract immigrants prohibited from landing, to the United States Attorney for the judicial district embracing their respective ports, and also the names of the vessels bringing such contract immigrants, and of their masters, in order that prosecutions might be instigated against them as provided for in sections 2 and 3 of the original act, and in case of any refusal to return contract immigrants as required by law. Collectors were instructed to promptly institute the proceedings authorized by section 8 of the act of February 23, 1887. Commissioners of Emigration were also requested to aid Collectors of Customs and those persons designated by Collectors when the service required, BO far as might be possible within the scope of their legitimate duties. APPROPRIATIONS FOR BNFORCING THE liAW EXHAUSTED. In these instructions the Secretary of the Treasury would s«em to have gone to the very verge of the powers conferred upon him by the acts referred to. But at the time this circular was issued the Forty-ninth Congress had expired, the appropriation bills for the fiscal year 1888 had been passed, and by some omission, whether accidental or intentional, I am unable to say, no appropriation had been made to carry into effect the provisions of this law during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1888, and no appropriation has thus far been made or contemplated, that I am aware of, to defray such expenses for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1889. Its enforcement, therefore, during this period by the Treasury Department has neces- sarily been made an incident of the customs service, and with the limited and inadequate appropriations provided by Congress for this service it will readily be seen that the means for a perfect and successful execution of the law are wanting. * * • What is needed is a separate and independent appropriation for the service required of the Secretary of the Treasury under the act of 1887. There is in the Treasury an "Immigrant Fund" derived from the head-money tax provided for in the Immigration Act of 1883(22 Stats. 214), and which is especially appropriated by the terms of that act to defraying the expenses of carrying it Into effect. After paying out of that fund all expenditures properly chargeable to It there was a bal- ance unexpended on June 30, 1888, of nearly $335,000. It is difficult to perceive any good reason why this fund should not also be charged with the expense of enforcing the Alien Contract Labor Law. It relates to the same general subject-matter, namely, the exclusion from this country of undesirable foreigners, and the revenues derived from the tax on for- eign immigration can be properly, and it Is believed, profitably employed in this work. j^^uld also seem to be desirable. As it stands, his jurisdiction in the premises apparently terminates when the landing of the immigrant has been consummated. From information derived from reliable sources, there is reason to believe that it will not Infrequently hap- pen that the evidence going to show that the immigrant has come here under a contract to labor, is inaccessible until it is too late to be of any avail. The provisions of this law are ENLARGED POWERS FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. I 36» THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. now well known abroad, and the immigrant who is actually coming under a previous cor tract to labor, has the strongest of motives to conceal the fact and avoid his detention o^ ship-board and his return to his native country. When it is considered that many of these immigrant ships entering at the port of Ne\ York bring from a thousand to fifteen hundred passengers at a trip, and sometimes entei( at the rate of four or five a day, and the question of their right to land must necessarily determined, in the first instance, in a very brief period of time, the possibility of evadir the most rigid examination that can be instituted under such circumstances, is not remote But the subsequent conduct of the immigrant and his employer may furnish strong proof o{ the contract previous to Immigration. It should likewise be borne in mind that the entt of these immigrants can easily be effected by way of Canada, and they may be brougl across the border at points many miles distant from the place where a customs officer maj be located, and the first information which the Department or any of its oificers may ha\ of their presence here would be received long after the importation has been made, at when the time for preventive action under existing laws had passed. THE LAW PART OF OUR SETTLED POLICY. Regarding the law, therefore, as a part of the settled policy of our Government, i would seem to be wise to provide that in all cases where, within a reasonable time after th^ landing or entry of the immigrant, the Department become satisfied that his landing oij entry was prohibited, summary proceedings might be instituted for re- taking the immigrar and returning him at the expense of the owner of the importing vessel, or of the pei contracting for his service, in case he enters from the adjoining provinces. It would also prove a great stimulus to persons who may be interested in the detectioi and prevention of violations of the law, If it was provided that they should have a share ol the penalties recovered, or that the Secretary of the Treasury should be authorized to pa| out of the moneys realized upon any such recovery such portion, not exceeding 50 per cent as he may deem a just and reasonable compensation for any information furnished which he led to the recovery. This course is pursued with respect to violations of the revenue but the act of 1885, while it authorizes any person to bring an action in the Federal courts for the recovery of the penalties imposed, makes no provision for his compensation or fc the payment to him of any portion of the recovery, in case the prosecution is successful. ASKS THAT THE LAW BE STRENGTHENED. In View of the foregoing facts I would respectfully submit the following recommend tions: First. That the sum of $50,000 be appropriated out of the " Immigrant Fund " for th« purpose of enabling the Secretary of the Treasury to carry into effect the provisions of ti Alien Contract Labor Law of 1885, as amended by the act of 1887, and for the purpose defraying the expenses which he is authorized to incur by the provisions of the latter act during the present fiscal year, and that this appropriation be made in the General Deflci-f ency Bill now pending, or in some other proper appropriation bill. If Congress approves ol this recommendation a draft of a provision for that purpose to be inserted in such bill herewith submitted. Second. An amendment to the act of 1887, authorizing the Secretary of the Treasui in case he shall be satisfied that an immigrant has been allowed to land contrary to the pi hibition of that law, to cause such immigrant within a reasonable time, say one year, to taken into custody and returned to the country from whence he came at the expense of thi owner of the importing vessel, or if he entered from an adjoining country at the expei of the person previously contracting for the services. Third. An amendment to the act of 1885, authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury t^ pay an informer who furnishes original information that the law has been violated, such i share of the penalties recovered as he may deem reasonable and just, not exceeding 50 cent., where it appears that the recovery was had in consequence of the information thi furnished. Bespectfully yours, C. S. FAIRCHILD, Secretary. I THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. No complaint has been made in any quarter that the present Administration lias not done everything in its power to execute the law vrilhout fear or favor, and the official letters already presented sufficiently attest the purpose of the authorities to do what in them lies to protect labor from the unfair competition, to which it was for more than twenty years subjected under Republican rule. I "A REPUBLICAN SENATOR WHO IMPORTED CONTRACT LABORERS IN GREAT NUMBERS. There is now pending in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Western District of Texas an action ia which the United States is plaintiff and Gustave Wilke, John V. Farwell, Cliarles B. FariceU, Abner Taylor and Amos Babcock are •defendants. The pleadings in the case show that the defendants had a contract for the erec- tion of the State-House at Austin, Texas; that they were known as the Capital Syndicate; that the stonecutters employed to cut the stone struck and refused to work because convicts were employed at the quarries in getting out the stone, and the defendants then sent to Aberdeen, Scotland, in April, 1886, and brought over eighty-seven foreign stonecutters under contract to work upon said building, who were employed and paid by them, and after the completion of the work th*^y, or the most of them, returned to Scotland. Suit is brought to recover $1,000 penalty for each alien contract laborer. vn. EIGHT-HOUR LEGISLATION. REPUBLICAN OPPOSITION TO THE ENACTMENT OP THE LAW AND THE PERSIST- ^^ ENT FAILURE TO ENFORCE IT. ^" The first eight-hour bill was introduced by A. J. Rogers, a Democratic member from New Jersey, February 19, 1866. The bill was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, where it was pigeon-holed during that Congress. "William E. Niblack, a Democratic member from Indiana, next introduced a joint resolution declaring eight-hours a legal day's work under the Government, This resolution was also referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and was strangled by that Committee. The House of Representatives was strongly Repub- lican during the Thirty-ninth Congress, and James F. Wilson, now United States Senator from Iowa, being Chairman of the Judiciary Committee. In the Senate Mr. Brown (Republican), of Missouri, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. On March 2, 1867, it was reported to the Senate by Mr. Grunes (Republican), of Iowa, who moved that the committee be discharged from its further consideration, which motion was agreed to. That action killed the bill. The Senate was then Republican by a large majoiity. I 364 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. ITS COURSE IN THE SDCCEEDING CONGRESS. On March 14, 1867, George W. Julian, of Indiana, now Democratic Sur- veyor-General of New Mexico, introduced the same bill offered by Mr, Rogers in the previous Congress. Mr. Holman, Democrat, of Indiana, moved tliat the bill be at once put upftn its passage. But this was objected to by Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, and the bill was then referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. FORTIETH CONGRESS— FIRST SESSION. On March 28, 1867, General Banks, of Massachusetts, introduced an eight-hour bill, and the rules were suspended and the bill passed. The bill was seat to the Senate on the same day, and after a warm debate on its i-eference to a committee, it was referred to the Finance Committee, of which John Sherman, of Ohio, was chairman. That committee loved it so much that they could not part with it, so it was never reported back to the Senate. FORTIETH CONGRESS — SECOND SESSION. On January 6, 1868, another eight- hour bill was introduced by General Banks, which was passed by the House without a yea and nay vote. This bill was received by the Senate on January 7, 1868, the day after it passed the House, and on motion of Mr. Conness, of California, it was ordered to lie on the table. He said he made that motion because a similar bill had been referred to a committee which neglected to report it back to the Senate. He gave notice that he would call it up at an early day . Nothing more was said about it for nearly five months, when, on June 3, 1868, Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, the late Vice-President, moved to take it up for consid- , eration. He made an earnest speech in favor of his motion, saying in the course of it: The bill is meritorious, and petitions have come to the Senat" from all over the United Statt'S, and up to this time no attention has been paid to thetn by the Senate. At an early period of this session, among the first acts passed by the house of Representatives was this act. but it has laid upon the table and has not even been referred to a committee. Now. in response and in respect to the sentim- nt of the country so generally expressed on this subject I have felt it my duty to call up the measure for passage. The bill is brief and r - be considered without reference to a committee. The Senate refused to take the bill up. On June 24, 1868, on motion of Mr. Conness, the bill was taken up, when Senator Sh( man offered the following amendment : " And unless otherwise provided by law, the rate of wages paid by the United Stat shall be the current rate for the same labor, for the same time, at the place of employment Mr. Sherman said : "All I desire is, if the United States Government chooses to take the lead In makii eight hours a day's work, that it shall not be compelled to pay for that eight hours' woi more than any private individual would pay." Mr. Hendricks (Democrat) from Indiana, said : "I have supported this bill, because a very large number of worklngmen of tl country have petitioned Congress for it. Its influence on the private employments of tl country may be beneficial to the laboring masses. My opinion is that eight hours of lab' faithfully applied, are quite svjfkient, and that the health of the laborer and the general interetl society will be promoted by this reform. I do not think the amendment proposed by the Sel ator from Ohio (Mr. Sherman) is necessarily connected with this proposition. There mf be reasons why the wages of those employed by the Government should not be regula't by the wages paid by private employers in the particular locality. Take the city of WasI ington for example. Private employment here is very limited; enterprise is very limitej^ and if you would say that the laborer for the Government should have no more than oB who works for a private citizen, perhaps you would fix an unfortunate standard. I shi vote against the amendment of the bill." I THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 366 The amendment of Senator Sherman was rejected and the bill was passed by a vote of 26 to 11. . After the passage of the bill Senator Sherman said the title of the bill ought to be changed so as to read : "A bill to pay Government employes 25 per cent, more wages than employes in private establishments receive." ^ FAILURE TO EKPORCE THE LAW IN NAVY YARDS. After the passage of this law it early became apparent that officers of the Gov- ernment were hostile to the spirit and intent of the law and determined to construe its provisions to suit themselves, and compel or induce workmen, through fear of discharge to labor ten hours per day or submit to a reduction of wages if only eight hours' labor was given. To meet this violation of the law, the House of Representatives, on the 8th day of April, 1869, passed a joint resolution which provided "that the joint resolu- tion reducing and regulating the hours of labor of Government laborers, workmen and mechanics, approved June 25, 1868, shall not be construed as to authorize a corresponding reduction of wages." April 20, 1869, fifteen days after the passage of this resolution, Senator Wilson addressed a letter to the then Secretary of War, wherein he said : "I am clearly of the opinion that the construction put by officers of the Government >n the act constituting: eight hours a day's work for all laborers.workmen and mechanics employed by the United States is a palpable violation of the spirit and letter of the acts upon the act constitutingeight hours a day's work for all laborers, workmen and mechanics galpable ^ . e men who petitioned for its passage. "The recent act of the House of Representatives is the complete demonstration that the action of the Government officials is in direct violation of the will of the representatives of the people. * * « Congress was not asked to reduce the pay in propor- tion to the reduction of the hours, but to fix the number of hours that should make a day's work. ' * ♦ By that law eight hours is constituti morals by his contract. Who dares deny this? Then why this bill? * * « ♦ * * « Mr. Hopkins. I desire to ask the gentleman what the Chicago platform of his own part] •contains as to the eight-hour law. Mr. Browne, of Indiana. I do not remember what It contains on that subject ; nor do '. know what the next Chicago platform will have in it. • • • ♦ Mr. Hiscock (Republican) of New York, said: The bill assumes these claimants have no valid claim against the Government, and pro poses to give them this gratuity. It assumes they have already been paid in full ; but ii addition, it will by favor, give them for eight hours' work the price of ten. Why not thei have this fairly and. openly stated upon the face of the bill itself ? If in the future that i exactly what is intended to be accomplished, why not let the bill so express it ? Why no let it clearly say to all those in the Government employ, the Government will pay ihem fo eight hours' service the value or price of ten ? Then you will have something definite an( positive for your labor. Then you can afford to make these demagogical speeches. Yoi <5an alf ord to say that you propose to elevate labor in the Government employ by paying it twenty-five per cent, or upward more than it is worth and more than labor elsewhei receives. You will have paid for the privilege. Messrs. Hopkins, O'Neill, Glasscock, Foran, and others favored the bill, but failed to pass. Among those voting against the bill were the following Republican members Bayne of Pennsylvania, Burrows of Michigan, Connor of Illinois, Hiscock of Ne^ York, McKinly of Ohio, MORTON of New York, and Reed of Maine. Things remained in this condition until the advent of a Democratic administra tion, when Secretary Whitney issued an order, so different in language and con struction to its predecessors that the law has since been as faithfully executed as any other on the statute books. THE DEMOCRACY AKD LABOR. 367 VIII. SOME LABOR TENDENCIES. "WHAT LABORING MEN THINK OF THE SITUATION— PLAIN SPOKEN OPINIONS ON THE TARIFF AND ON HARRISON. •Under this classification will be given such miscellaneous information on the . r question as it has been found impossible to classify elsewhere. It will include the opinions of the representatives of labor in Congress, a showing of the effect (?f imported labor in some of the mining and manufacturing centres, and the methods adopted by some of the leading protectionists to promote their own interests while grinding the workingman down to the lowest limit or importing cheap laborers to- tak e his place. It is all of such a nature as to carry its own conclusions with it. ^|| REPRESENTATIVE WORKINGMEN FAVOR TARIFF REFORM. Organized labor has two representatives on the floor of the House of Representatives^ at "Washington, and the steady support which these men gave the bill to reduce tariff taxes, known as the Mills bill, convinced many Republican Congressmen that the attempt to geti up a "workingmen's scare," as they call it among themselves, will be a failure. These two labor representatives are Congressman Henry Smith, of the Fourth "Wiscon- sin district, and Congressman Samuel J. Hopkins, of the Sixth Virginia district. Mr. Smith; Js about fifty years of age, and is a carpenter and millwright by trade. He has a common school education and plenty of common sense, industry and acquaintance with men and facts, worth more than a college education. He is the Statemaster workman of the Knights of Labor of Wisconsin, and as a representative workingman he has several times been chosen to responsible public offices, having been a member of the Milwaukee Common Council, and of the Wisconsin Legislature. He was elected to Congress as the candidate of the Labor party, polling 13,355 votes against 9,645 ior the Republican nominee and 8,233 for the Democratic nominee. At the previous election the district had elected a Republican, by a vote of 16,783 to 15,967 for the Democrat. Congressman Smith sits on the Republican* side of the House of Representatives. Congressman Hopkins was a carpenter and is a dealer in merchant saddlery. He is^ forty-five years old, and for several years has been one of the most influential members of the Knights of Labor in Virginia. He is and always has been a Democrat, but was elected to Congress as the candidate of the Knights of Labor by a vote of 9,470 to 9,020 over the regular Democratic nominee. At the previous election the district gave 3,600 straight Democratic majority. Congressman Hopkins is influential, not only among the labor organizations of his own State, but is known to labor organizations throughout the country. ■ REDUCE THE TAXES ON LABORING MEN. • "^Congressman Smith, when asked his views on tariff legislation and the Mills bill, said : y opinions on this matter are the result of careful, conscientious, and I hope, intelligent study of what are the needs of the country and especially of laboring men, who make up the country's strength. The tariff is a tax and no amount of talking in Congress or in the newspapers or anywhere else can make it seem to be anything else. The people of this country cannot be made happy or prosperous by taxing them, and until the last few years anyone who maintained that this could be done would be laughed at. As the tariff is a tax it should be levied on luxuries, and thus the tax put on those who can best afford to pay the taxes. That is the true way to reform the present tariff. The Mills bill, as it is called, is a moderate effort to reduce taxes on the necessaries of life and I shall vote, if I have a chance, to go even further and shall support all measures to lighten the load of taxes on the shoul- ders of labor, which is both the producing and the consuming element of our population. I shall vote for free coal and free sugar as I have already voted for free lumber. Tariff taxa- tion, to my way of thinking, is not a blessing,and men who work for wages and have thougth about it, as I have, always reach this same conclusion. THE TWIN MONOPOLIES. Tariff taxation is not the only obstacle the producing element, by which, of course, I mean labor, has to contend against in this country. I may say, in passing, that the matter of transportation and the absorption of our public lands by aggregated capital, foreign or domestic, is of as great importance to labor as the tariff, and pernaps of greater importance. Excessive railroad freights and discriminatibns in charges weigh down upon American labor as heavily as tariff taxation. I will go so far as to say that if the railroads of the country were put in the same condition as our rivers and national waterways, if they were not con- trolled by corporations, bound to make traffic pay every cent it can stagger under, Ameri-. 868 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. can labor would need no tarifif at all. It could not only defy the whole world at home, but compete with the whole world. This is an extreme position, but a moment's reflection will show you that excessive railroad charges are an obstacle in the way of American produc- tion which do much to hamper its development. The profit ro be made in railroads is one reason for the decadence of our merchant marine, when men make more money out of transportation companies on stable American soil than they can from ships on the uncer- tain ocean, of course, they will put their money in railroads. This problem is an important one to labor, tiioug'h often overlooked. PUBLIC LANDS MUST BE RESBEVED. The abeorption of public lands in the West by railroad companies and by foreign cor- porations is a matter of great consequence to all who have at heart interests of labor, not only for this generation but for the future. Those lands must be reserved for actual set- tlers • Thi« subject and the matter of the currency are important ; but to return to the tariff. WAGES AND THE TARIFF. I bell€YB all the necessaries of life should be made as cheap as possible to the consumer by reduced taxation. It is not true that a reduction of the tariff will reduce the wages of either skilled or unskilled labor. The cry that wages will be reduced is started by combi- nations of capital for their own selfish purposes, and this is so evident that I am surprised men should not clearly see the fact. I have no Blackstonian sheepskin as a certificate to my seat in Congress. I am here because laboring men in my district thought I would fairly represent them and would care for their interests. I have worked in the shop, and when eloquent lawyers tell me that in supporting a reduction of tariff taxes upon the people I am voting to reduce wages. I say I know better. I know tiat there are millions of men in this country under the present system who do not get six months' steady employment out of a year. I know that trusts and combinations, formed to restrict production and compel high prices, shut down their shops and throw men out of employment, and that the tariff as it exists is the cause. I have never had any doubt on this subject, and the investigation of trusts by the committee on manufactures, of which I am a member, has fortified my conviction. Page after page of the testimony we have obtained shows that the tariff is an incentive to the formation of these trusts and combi- nations of capital, and has been so used for years. The combination of tariff "protection," as they call it, and railroad monopoly leads to trusts. The tariff and railroad monopoly may be "wholesome" for trusts, but bv them labor gets "shelved" every time. My experience in Congress oonflrms my original belief in thismatter every day. THE TARIFF BREAKS DOWN SMALL, SHOPS. There is another matter, not often spoken of In debate on this subject, but well worth the study of our people. The tariff not only creates trusts, but it also tends to create big shops and factories and to crowd out of existence smaller shops. This tendency Is rapidly doing away with good mechanics, especially in the industries which they call "protected." In the small shop the employe becomes familiar with different branches of the work and he is daily acquiring that knowledge which will enable him in time by industry and economy to set up in business for himself if he wishes. He becomes not only educated in his trade, but an educated man and a better and more independent citizen. Wherever he may move to, he can find employment because he knows his whole business. He is self-reliant, intel- ligent, prudent, the right kind of citizen for this country. But if the same man goes into a big factory, the foreman puts him at one machine, doing only one kind of work, and he can bend over that roachme until he Is gray, never making any progress, and should he lose that place or move away, he Is trained for no work and can do none until he finds a vacant at the same machine in some other establishment. He is the slave of his machine. Yo^ win realize how this tariff we have now is creating big establishments at the expense ( smaller ones when you look at the figures and find that against about 270,000 manufacturli establishments in 1870 we now have less than 260,000, although the number of employes ' Increased by a millloa. AMERICAN AND FOREIGN LABOR. I take up the gauntlet thrown down by Congressman W. D. Kelley, and I declare a Cmnese wall about this country is unnatural. That nation grows richest, happiest at most prosperous which has intercourse with its neighbors. In the Bible you will find it sal^ that Israel was most prosperous under King Solomon and then "it traded with all tb nations." My experience with workingmen is that we have no such hatred against our fe^ low laborers in other countries as is now sought to be created and stirred up. We commis erate the condition of workingmen in other lands and atrribute it to class legislation for tl benefit of the rich and against the poor. We see the same tendency in this country, n( only in the high tariff, but in railroad monopoly and other matters I have spoken of, at we should be the first and most active in preventing such legislation hereafter and remo^ Ing it where it exists. The success of the trusts in defeating a reduction of taxes no^ would probably lead them to make still further demands for legislation for their benef against the country's good. THE POOR PAY THE TAXES. After all the weight of taxation falls on the man at the plow-handle and in the shoij The first duty of legislation is to make their burdens as light as possible. If the farm* fares well, all the country prospers and more especially does hibor in the cities. If tl farmer is robbed, labor lags and is stagnant in all the walks of life." THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 369 C0NGKES8MAX SAMUEL J. HOPKINS* VIEWS. Congressman Hopkins said on the subject of the tariflf reform bill : " My support of tariflf reduction and of the bill before CJongress is based on the firm conviction that the tariff is a tax upon laboring men, who are the real wealth-producers of the country. Under the present tariff the wealth-producers, the men whose hard labor takes material and works it up into manufactured products, get little or no advantage, and so far as labor is concern ed the word "protection" is falsely used. Here and there the tariff as it stands may, perhaps, develop some industries, but it does not increase wages by one dollar, and any one who honestly investigates the subject, as my duty as a member of Con- gross has led me to do, mutt reach that conclusion. WAGE9 AND TKUSTS. The charge that the Mills bill will reduce wages ts purely political buncombe on the Republican side, and is inspired by the great organizations of capital which we call trusts. I am more moderate In my belief than many, and I do not charge that the present tariff, which we wish to reform in the interest of labor, was framed for the express purpose of creating and protecting trusts. Those who fraired it may have had other and good motives. But I have no hesitation in saying that the present tariff now and for several years past has encouraged and protected these trusts. The trusts and combinations of capital have been quick to seize the many opportunities the tariff has afforded them, and th,'y raise the false cry about lower wages to drstjir attention, and especially the attention of laboring men, away from themselves and their reaching out after greater gains and greater power. We all realize that it Is not the employment, wages or welfare of American workingmen which inspires trusts. The greater and more numerous they become, the less will be the oppor- tunities for labor. What they aim at Is the absolute control of American labor and of its ■output, and instances are abundant whi re they have reduced wages in order to compel their men to strike merely because they wished to limit production for the timew ^_^ DESPOTISM OF COMBINED CAPITAli. ^H The tariff as It stands Is the one great Incentive In our legislation to the establishment ^■f a moneyed despotism In this country and that is to De feared and fought against by labor more than any one thing. Such a moneyed despotism, which we already see growing up under the " protection " of the present tariff, with its power firmly fastened on produc- tion and distribution (through railroads) and with consumption theservantof its commands is not merely worse than the military, aristocratic or land despotisms of the old world, to escape which many workingmen have sought refuge in this country ; it is as bad as, or worse than, chattel slavery. Now I believe It is inevitable that if the Democratic party shall be stopped by these aggregations of capital in its effort to reduce taxation and to cur- tall the gi'owing power of these trusts, these combinations will be emboldened to come to Congress and demand still greater privileges and will secure a still stronger grip upon the production of the country. When they tell me that there are trusts, like the Standard Oil trust, outside the " protection " of the tariff, I acknowledge it and say that they are illegit- imate results of the system. The tariff has tended to bring into the control of trusts, pools and combinations all production within its scope. Following the example thus furnished capital in industries outside the tariff combines in the same manner. In view of all these facts, brought before me almost daily, the cry that the tariff pays me my wages or pays the :es of any on© else I know to be worse than nonsense. W^ OTHER QUESTIONS OF GOVERNMENT. As the tariff restricts production by putting Its control in the hands of combinations of capital, so the railroads exert too strong a control over distribution. The railroad problem is of equal importance with the reduction of the tariff to laboring men and of equal importance, also, is the preservation of the public lands for actual settlers against the encroachments of land grant railroads and of foreign capital. These matters all demand the earnest study of laboring men, and I regret that I cannot speak now more fully upon them. I was elected on the issue of the reduction of the tariff over the Democratic nomi- nee in a Democratic district, but the other issues to which I have barely alluded I regard of as equal importance in meeting my Congressional duties." t A PENNSYLVANIA MINER'S OPINION. The following letter, written by W. B. Estell, of Freeland, Pa., to a friend in w York, is an interesting contribution to this branch of this discussion: In reply to your question as to how I intend to vote, let me confess that I shall lessen by one the 80,000 majority which James G. Blaine received in 1884. I was always a dyed in the wool protectionist, I suppose, because my father before me was one, and because I never heard anything since my youth but the glorious benefits to be derived by the work- ingman from protective tariff". Since I became one of these gloriously protected workingmen myself my eyes have been opened considerably ; and I, by a series of practical experiences, have demonstrated to my entire satisfaction that something more than tariffs are necessary to high wages. In fact, I have lost all faith in the efficacy of protective tariffs to, in the 370 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. slightest extent, regulate the wages of workingmen. There has been a protective tariff ort- coal ever since lean remember, to protect the " coal barons" from the disastrous results which competition with coal, mined by the " pauper labor of Europe," would bring. This has been a fine thing for the coal barons. It has enabled them to form the notorious coal pool and make every poor devil in the United States pay seventy-five cents a ton more for his coal than there is any necessity for. It has made every coal operator a millionaire, but has not helped the miner one iota, but on the other hand has injured him, because while the tariff protected the operator from the "pauper-mined coal," it did not protect the American miner from the "'■pauper" who mined it. To be effectual, the coal tariff should be carried to its logical conclusion. If the operator is protected against the coal of foreign countries, the miner should be protected against the foreign miner, who comes over here to compete with him for work. I have worked in and about the mines 34 years and I know that work for which I received 618 per week and steady work 14 years ago I can only get $9 60 for now and only work about two-thirds of the time, and in some collieries no more than $7.40 per week. Yet the tariff on coal has not been reduced, but the competition between employers for workman has, and there. lies the whole secret, Hopkins. It may seem strange to you that I, an old hard-shell Republican, should write in this way, but I can't help it. I am only doing what a candid examination of the whole question, and a desire to act according to my convic- tions, compel me to do. I am convinced that no duty or tariff can ever benefit the Ameri- can coal miner while European miners are coming to our shores by the thousands and are compelled to comp^-te with our men for work. "Why, right down herein Hazleton the other week an Italian advertised for work for 300 of his countrymen, offering them for 00 cents per day. Of what avail can all the tariffs in the world be when men are thus forced to work for a bare subsistence. I believe to be effective a tariff must be extended so as to prohibit immigration, and 1 believe any law that makes this grand country other than an asylum for the oppressed of all nations, violates the fundamental principles of our govern- ment. We have room enough for all if we would only compel these dogs in th^*manger, who are holding natural opportunities idle, to put them to a productive use. I am not the only one in the Anthracite coal fields of Pennsylvania who will leave the Republican tariff platform, to stand with Grover Cleveland upon the Democratic one of revenue reform. There are thousands of them who have already determined too o this, and there are thousands of others who are wavering and can be brought over if the Demo- crats will have courage enough to attack protection in its stronghold. Even the Republi- can politicians are impregnated with free trade. The Honorable D. M. Evans, who was a Republican member of the last State Legislature, isa iree trader, and, much as the machine would like to, it dare not oppose his renomination, because the majority of the voters are miners, and Evans himself being a miner, is the only one who can be elected. The time has passed when any old fossil can be foistered on the miners and elected by an appeal to their predilection for a protection tariff. I am not giving you hearsay, but what I know to be facts. I am special organizer for theK. of L., and my conversations with representa- tive men in every place I have been, is my authority. I know that on every street corner you can hear men discussing revenue reform and its bearing upon wages, and the con- viction rapidly forcing itself upon them that the protective tariff fallacy has only been held up before their eyes in order to obscure their vision and keep them from seeing the true cause of their industrial slavery. I am for Cleveland because he is going in the right direction. I know that just as soon as men learn that tariffs will not raise wages they will begin to ask what will; that when they begin to ask that, they will learn that competition among men for work regulates wages; that this competition is caused by the denying to men (through the monopolization ot natural opportunities) of free access to the land upon which all must labor, and that this can only be remedied by raising all reve- nue from a tax upon land values. W. B. ESTELL. HOW LABOB IS IMPORTED FREB. [From the Philadelphia Record.'] Right in the teeth of the Congressional investigation now in progress. The Record has found almost a score of Italian "banfeers" who want to send from 500 to 1,000 Italian laborers into Pennsylvania at from Jl to *1.15 per day, and they will be glad to pay a commission to the contractor who will take the men at these rates. The "Banca italiana" is the disguise of the padrone, and it flourishes like a green bay tree, both in this city and New York, and the Italian "banker"— always sleek, prosperous looking, and wearing a profusion of gold watch chain and other jewelry— is the most interesting subject connected with the contract labor problem which the Congressional Committee can attack. To a reporter who appeared in the character of a contractor wanting 600 men, cheap, a number of these padrones unbosomed themselves. The story of one of these bankers is the story of all, the variations in their propositions being immaterial, and Guiseppe Gallo is a fair type. Guiseppe is the owner of a "Banca Italiana," at No. U Marion street. New York, and is now awaiting a telegram to call him to this city in order to close a oerry street. Those places were generally ornamented with a " banco " in the front auji 1 saloon in the rear. These contractors or labor bosses, according to the Vice Consul, eceived the wages of the immigrants they were employing, and deducted what they saw It for passage, board, etc., and then gave the immigrants the balance. Sometimes the tosses or contractors "skipped" after receiving the immigrant's wages, and left them in be lurch altogether. If PENNSYLVANIA OVERRUN WITH THE CONTRACT LABOR. &ang8 of these contract laborers swarm all over Pennsylvania, Whenever there Is railroad being constructed, or digging work of great magnitude being done, there the talian contractor has sent out his gang, and the shanty, the beds of straw, and the blood- ucking sutler leech flourish, while the helpless immigrant works ten hours a day to fill ae coffers of the "Banca Italiana" in Mulberry street. As a result of this system also the oal-mining regions are filled with cheap European labor, just emancipated from the grip f the padrone, and ready, with its past experience with the shanty and the sutler, to 'ork at rates upon which the American miner and workmen will starve. In a recent rip through the anthracite coal region a Record reporter attempted upon many occasions 3 be directed on the road, but could not make himself understood by the miners whom he let because they could not speak a word of English. These men are crowded In the laces of the old miners whenever the work becomes so easy that men of little or no xperienoe can undertake it. ^Rpwc CROWDING OUT GOOD MINERS. ^o weeks ago four experienced miners threw up their positions at one of the lines near Hazleton. The story of their experience illustrates the methods by which the 3al barons as well as the railroad contractors— all of whom get red in the face on tbe lan's account when tariff reduction is suggested to them— utilijse the cheap and 24 373 THE DEMOCRACY AND I.ABOU. tractable foreign labor at the mines, which has drifted there after having been sucked by the padrone and the sutler on a railroad or other dir>digging contract. These 1 miners had werked at a breast in the mines until a solid vein was reached which did require any experience to work. They thus had an opportunity, after having vioi through the slate, to make a handsome month's wages. They were not given a cha Four Hungarians were put in their places to work out the easy coal, and the old mii were given another breastf ul of stone and difficult to manage. They refused to be 1 treated and left the mine. The Hungarians are still there. THB PROTEOTIVB TARIFF LEAGUE— HOW ITS PRESIDENT TAKES ADVANTAGE OF THE L TO IMPORT CHEAP LABOR. From the New York Herald, July 29. Nothing can illustrate better the evils of importing foreign labor to be employe certain stated localities than the condition of a large part of the factory help at Pate; and Passaic, And the worst instances of depreciated pay are to be found in the establishc of Mr. Edward H. Ammidown, the gentleman who poses as the champion of Amer manufactures and incidentally as the friend of labor. Some five years ago owners of woolen mills in Passaic began to send for men in Eu: to take the places of those in their employ who refused to submit to starvation ws Hungarians were found to be most available, and after a few months Castle Gai swarmed with them. The direct importation of Hungarians for the purpose of being employed at Pas was begun by Mr. Bash and Mr. Waterhouse, proprietors of woolen mills. Mr. Ammid soon after benefited by what they had done to the extent of placine-in hisown estab ment a number of the men whom they had brought overthrof.gh their agents from the country. The process of importation continued year by year and the unwelcome lej spread until now Mr. Ammidown has in hisown factory about two hundred imported I garians and the other establishments a good many more. But not all have came directly from Hungary, A considerable percentage— and further peculiarly illustrates the tendency of that tyranny which the tarilT barons see perpetuate— a considerable percentage, who were expected to do the rud( stand most ( nary work, were brought to Passaic from the coal regions of Pennsylvania. Note this stage of evolution in the process of oppressing labor. It is notorious that the Pennsylvania coal miners have been crushed down to the iowest grade of human misery, and that it is Impossible to further reduce their pay witl making them worse in condition than the most despised beasts of burden. This result brought about by Republican protection. FIVE DOLLARS A WEEK PER FAMILY. The Hungarians from the coal fields exacted only the merest pittance fdr the sup of life, and they got it. The wages of the class to which they belong at Ammidown's are l)as d to-day on this inexorable standard. Evry American citizen should shudder \ he reads of this. The average rate of wages is $5 a week ! Think of that for grown up men, a great proportion of whom are -carried and 1 ehildfen 1 And this is one of the beneficent fruits of the zeal of American protectionists foi welfare of labor. Many of the American mill workers who had the alternative of submission or Sit tion have been forced down to the level of these imported slaves. A reporter yesterday drew these facts from the lips of an intelligent employe of Ammidown, who, while perfectly just and loyal to the latter, was fearlebS enough to openly that the truth might prevail and that the voters of the country might know hoT monstrous theory of taxing the many for the benefit of the few works in reference t( helpless poor man who has no opportunity to exercise the grasping right of the migt This man is not a Knight of Labor, and, apart from his employer's public advocacy o system of oppression called protection, he speaks of the latter with a good deal of res A PREMIUM ON POOR STUFF. Said he : "The employers can no longer pull the wool over the eyes of their men. kHow that protection enables the master to rob us instead of being the means of our protection. We know that to the development of the woolen industry in country free wool is absolutely necessary. The Republican tariflf has simply been a miam on the manufacture of the coarsest and the worst grades of woolen cloths. ' are these boasted cheap suits which are made of ciomestic woolens? Why, they are g of a grade which importers would never think of bringing to this country. The priot is paid for them here would on the other side buy clothing of at least three times thei; value. I know what I am talking about. The market is glutted with domestic goc abominable quality, and those foreign goods that are at all of a desirable quality are p beyond our reach bv the rich man's tariff. "You want to know how these Hungarians live on an average of $5 a week? I'l you. The wives of the married men board their countrymen. As a rule they hire a little apartment of two or at most three rooms. Yes, they are just as cramped as that ©ut her** in a suburban town, where space is supposed to be cheap, or, if it is not, oug be. About the lowest rent that can be had 18 $<> a month, and that is what they THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. ^ pay. A dozen persons may live in one of these plaoes. The boarders buy their own food and the woman of the house coo ics It. For this service and the privilege of sleeping there they pay her a dollar each per week. That is how the families are supported. (Glod only knows how they manage, even then, to keep soul and body together I Added to thia nearly all of these Hungarians drink enormously of beer. Yet, on the other hand, some of them, by living in the most abject filth and misery, contrive to save a little, for when they get into trouble with the police and are called upon to pay a fine they generallv or put upon the streets."— JiJttrnaA October 12, 1874. " "When you are around near policemen and other suspicious characters to-day it would be well to keep your eyes open, or you might get ihem closed."— ^owrwo^, Oct 13, 1874. " In connection with the disreputable Irish police force, the Irish Catholics of ti southwestern portion of the city will undoubtedly attempt, this year by bullying, brawl and intimidation, to repeat the tactics so successfully used in the fifth and twelfth precinc ' last ye&r."— Journal, April 17, 1875. Now, laboring men, and particularly Irish laboring men, you know what Mr. HarrlE and his organ thought of you in 18T4-75. To-day they are posing as the champions of th^ workinffiiipr and are particularly solicitous for the welfare of the Irishman. Why th change? Dostreetgangs work faster now? They say that tobacco is a necessity for tl workingman and must be made cheaper. Does smoking a pipe Interfere less with wor| now than it did in 1874? Has the Catholic Church amended its doctrines? Has tt Irish countenance changed its features? We know of no sueh change. Is It 'possibl that these people are only anxious to get your votes? THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 375 X. LABOR DENUNCIATIONS OF HARRISON. m INDIANA FEDERATION OF LABOR, WHICH KNOWS HIM, EXPOSES HIS METHODS. [. On the 7th of August, 1888, the State Federation of Trades of Indiana held its mal convention at Indianapolis. An attempt was made by the Republicans to capture the convention, as is shown by the following circular-letter sent out by the f publican State Central Committee of Indiana : Rkpublican Statb Cbntrai. Committeb of Indiana, Soom 4, Denison House. Indianapolis, Aug. 4, 1888, Dear -Sir— We have relfable information that the State Federation of Trades meets here •next Tuesday, and that the Democrats have determined to capture it and get a resolution through against Harrison. "We are told that any member of a labor organization having credentials, so as to prove his membership thereof, will be entitled to admission. "We urgently request you to send here as many laboring men, opposed to this scheme, as may be possible. There will be reduced railroad ra'es on that day. I hope that you will act with great discretion and promptness. Yours truly, J. N. Huston, Chairman. This letter aroused much anger on the part of the representatives of organized labor, and there was general agreement in the desire to frustrate any attempt on the part of a political party to thus interfere with the freedom of action of a secret organization. There were 147 delegates in the convention whose credentials were pronounced genuine. The convention was a harmonious and hard-working bodyi and so successfully and harmoniously did it act that it concluded its deliberations in ■a single day. HARRISON AND MORTON DENOUNCED AS ENEMIES OF LABOR. Before adjournment it passed the following resolutions. Whereas believing that the policies of government should be general in their bene* flits and not fixed for the advantage of the few ; and, further, that under laws now exist* ing this principle has not been followed ; and believing that the laboring masses are now Interested in the success of such principles and policies as will give them a more equal <5hance with the employing class than of the success of any political party. 2. That we condemn the policy of legislation beginning in 1861, which has been to enable the bankers and bondholders of the nation to secure for government pledges •obtained with greatly depreciated paper money (generally about 50 cents on the dollar), though bearing interest in gold on a full 100 cents, a redemption of those pledges in coin at •a fabulous premium, while every other obligation to soldier, sailor or Citizen was legally payable in the paper money of the United States. 3. That we are opposed to all laws which have steadily and almost wholly transferred the enormous burdens of oppressive taxation from the money kings of the country to the great army of consumers, until to-day the latter class is practically the sole pack- horses of this boasted republic of freedom and popular rights, while yet producing all its wealth and enjoying all its comforts. 876 THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. Resolved^ That we cannot support the candidates of the Republican party for Presi- dent and Vice-President, because both of them are wanting in sympathy for the laboring dajBses. This was shown by General Harrison In the memorable strike of 1877, when he vol- unteered to command a company of soldiers to shoot laboring men down, after having refused to attempt a settlement by peaceable means. For four days' service as captain of said company, he received and receipted for twenty silver dollars, which was as much blood money as the "thirty pieces of silver" for which Judas Iscariot betrayed the Savior of man- kind. Ithasbeen shown by Morton, in his career as a Wall-street money shark, and as ft sharerln the unholy gains of many greedy corporations, that have cruelly oppressed their employes. In trying to get possession of the shingle on which was inscribed "Shoes made and repaired by Levi P. Morton," offering a large sum for it that he might destroy the evi- dence of his former humble occupation, Morton has shown himself ashamed of the condi- tion to which he was born, thus sacrificing all claim to the respect and support of the hon- est laborers of the land who have no blushes for their employment. Resolved^ That in voting on fourteen different occasions against measures that were proposed in the Senate of the United States for the restriction of Chinese cheap labor, and in his often-repeated private avowals of a willingness that the naturalization laws should be extended so as to give Chinamen the right to become citizens, Harrison has given the strongest possible proofs of his utter disregard of the interests and welfare of American workingmen. Resolved, That for reasons here specified and for the further fact that these Republican candidates, in their habits, thoughts, sympathies and associations are of the class that would inaugurate an aristocracy on the ruins of free government. Resolved, That organized labor in other States is cordially invited to co-operate with UB In the enforcement of the sentiments and objects herein expressed. DENOITNCING MR. HABBISOM'S PST NEWSPAPEB. Whbbeab on the right of July 8, 1886, John C. New & Son, proprietors of the Indianap- olis Journal, summarily, and without provocation, discharged the entire force of union printers in their employ who refused to obey their arrogant mandate in severing their con- nection with the Indianapolis Typographical Union No. 1, turned said employes upon the Streets and imported from distant localities a large number of "rat" printers whom they bave since kept at work in the Journal office. Whereas said John C New & Son, since the perpetration of this cowardly outrage and Insult, have continued to conduct the said Journal in open hostility, not only to union printers, but to organized labor of all kinds by refusing to accede to any method of arbi- tration looking to an amicable settlement of differences; by maliciously misrepresenting the objects of organized labor; by wantonly distorting the honorable methods by which workingmen aim to attain a furtherance of their desires; by dishonestly obtaining and publishing the laws, secret work and private legislation of the Knights of Labor and other organizations, wherever opportunity enables them to do so; by attacking the private char- acter and distorting the purpose of representative workingmen whose leadership is recog- nized, and whose character we reverence, and are pledged to protect; by maintaining in the reportorial, news and editorial columns of the "rat" Journal a position of unreasonable hostility to fair pay, shorter hours of labor, and Improved economic condition of the labor- ing classes; therefore be it Resolved, That the Indiana Federation of Trades and Labor Unions in convention assembled regard the conduct of John C. ^ ew & Son in their employing rat printers in the Indianapolis Journal oflBce, and their persistent warfare upon organized labor, as both an Injustice and an insult to the workingmen of Indiana. Resolved, That we pledge the efforts of this organization and all whom it can control or influence, to antagonize, by every honorable means, the said John C. New & Son and the said Journal; and that we appeal to the patriotic workingmen of this State to aid us in this worthy effort so long as the said New & Son shall refuse to conduct a strictly union office* and shall persist In maintaining a position of hostility to organized labor. I THE DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 877 ' Besolved, That to consummate this purpose a copy of these resolutions be placed before crery organization subordinate to this federation, that the hostility of the said New 6l Son to organized labor may be fully known ; and that to carry out this endeavor a salHoient number of copies of these resolutions be printed by this federation, to be properly dis- tributed throughout the jurisdiction of this federation. The labor committee of the House, composed in its democratic majority of well wn friends of the interests of workingmen, has to be certain in promoting the demands made by intelligent organizations. February 17, Mr. O'Neill, of Missouri, offered the following amendment to appropriation bill, adopted by vote 182 ; negative, 53, was concurred in by the Senate and is now a law : " The Public Printer is hereby directed to rigidly enforce the provisions of the eiglit-hour law in the department under his charge." Among the bil s of this kind passed by the present Congress, whV^h had their origin in the Democratic House, are the laws establishing a Department of Labor, introduced by Mr. O'Neill, of Missouri, Chairman of the Labor Committee ; and the law to limit the hours that letter carriers in cities shall be employed per day. known as the letter carrier's eight hour law, introduced in the House by Mr. McAdoo, a Democratic representative from New Jersey. ^fc Among those passed by the Democratic House and now pending in the Senate, The bill to prevent the proiuction of convict labor from being furniehed to or for the use of any Department of the Government, and to prevent the product of convict labor from being used upon public buildings or other public works ; the bill to prevent the employment of alien labor upon public buildings or other public works and in the various Departments of the Government, and so forth ; the bill to pro'ect mechanics, laborers and servants in their wages; and the bill to create boards of arbitration or commission for settling controversies and differences between railroad corporations and other common carriers engaged in interstate and Territorial transportation of property or passengers and their employes; the bill to protect free l.bor and the industries m which it is employed from the iuiuiious effects of convict labor by confining the sale of the goods, wares and merchandise manufactured by convict labor to the Siate in which they are produced. 878 CLEVELA^^D AND COKl'OKATIONS. CHAPTER XXX. CLEVELAND AND CORPORATIONS. INSISTING UPON FAIR TREATMENT FOR BUSINESS CORPORATIO! YET HOLDING THEM TO A STRICT ACCOUNTABILITY. The public duties and rights of private corporations wpre the subject of repeated consideration by Mr Cleveland when Governor of New York, and his views were stated in tenus so explicit and just as to merit and receive the approval of fair- mindfd men who informed themselves as to the particular grounds of his action. In accepting the nomination for Governor, in October, 1882, he thus defined his position, from which he has never wavered : "Corporations are created by the law for certain defined purposes, and are restricted In their operations by specific limitations. Acting within their legitimate sphere they should be protected; but when by combinaiion or by the exercise of unwarranted power they oppress the people, the same authority which created should restrain them and protect the riRhts of the citizen. The law lately passed for the purpose of adjusting' the relations between the people and corporations, should be executed in good faith, with an honest design to effectuate its objects and with a due regard for the interests involved." Almost the first act performed by him as Governor was in fulfillment of the law here referred to, the Raihoad Commission Act, which authorized the appoint- ment of three Railroad Commissioners, one from each of the tvvo great political parties, and one upon the nomination of the Anti-Monopoly bodies. Despite great pressure to the contrary, and without waiting for a proposed amendment of the law, the Governor promptly nominated three commissioners, in literal compliance with the old law, accepting without hesitation the Anti-Monopoly candidate, Mr. O'Donnell. The fact that the work of the Railroad Commission has been so well done as not only to justify its creation to those even who were originally doubtful of its value, but also to be satisfactory to the Anti Monopoly sentiment which led to its formation, is due to the conscientious care with which Governor Cleveland, ignoring every consideration but the purpose of the law, selected the members who were to serve upon it. CHECKING THE AGGRESSIONS OF CORPORATIONS. Upon April 2, 1883, the Governor,jealously regarding the interests of the public, ae opposed to those of corporations, vetoed a bill tending to increase the power of telegraph companies to use the public streets, from which message the foUowmg extracts are made : "A fatal objection to this bill is found in the provision allowing the corporations therein named to enter upon private property, and erect and maintain their structures tnereoa without the consent of the owner. It seems to rae that this i.s tHking private property, or an easement therein, with very little pretext that it is for a public use. "If a private corporation can, under aut hority of law, construct its appliances and struc- tures upon the lands of tiie citizen without his consent, not only for the purpose of fur- nishing light, but in an experimental attempt to transmit heat and power, the rights of the peopio may well be regarded as in danger from an undue license to corporate aggran- diBement. PUBLICITY OP CORPORATION OPERATIONS REQUIRED. CLEYELAND AND CORPORATIONS, 879 Upon June 14, 1884, despite great opposition from the parties interested, he «iffned a bill requiring such companies to put their lines under ground on or before November 1, 1885. ^o, upon May 29, 1883, he vetoed a general street railroad bill, upon the ground that its design was "more to further private and corporate schemes than to furnish the citizens of the State street railroad facilities, under the spirit and letter of the Constitution, and within the limits therein fixed for the benefit of the people" Upon April 6. 1883, in further exhibition of his disposition to keep corporations within the limit of the laws creating them, he vetoed a bill to extend the time for the payment of the capital stock of a corporation, saying: "Our laws In relation to the formation of corporations aro extremely liberal, and those who avail themselves of their provisions should be held to a striot compliance with their requirements. ♦ * * This company and its stockholders have assumed for their own benefit certain relations to the State, to the public and to their creditors, and these relations should not be disturbed. If corporations are to be relieved from their defaults for the asking-, their liability to the people with whom they deal will soon become dangerouslr I certain and indefinite." In his message to the Legislature at the beginning of his second year, the Gov- lor, in vigorous language, called attention to the duty of railroad corporations, and of all others as well, to truly inform the public as to their operations. In the present season of distrust and distress, consequent upon a supposed failure to dis- charge this duty, these words of the Governor are appropriate. After commending the requirement by the Railroad Commissioners of quarterly reports from the rait road companies, he says : "It would, in my opinion, be a most valuable protection to the people if other large cor- porations were obliged to report to some department their transactions and financial con- dition. "The State creates these corporations upon the theory that some proper thing of benefit «an be better done by them than by prlvnte enterprise, and that the aggregation of the funds of many individuals may be thus profitably employed. They are launched upon the public with the seal of the State, in some sense, upon them. They are permitted to repre- sent the advantages they possess and the wealth sure to follow from admission to member- ship. In oue hand is held a charter from the State, and in the other is proffered their stock. "It Is a fact, singular though well established, that people will pay their money for stock in a corporation engaged in enterprises in which they would refuse to invest if in pri- vate hands. "It Is a grave question whether the formation of these artificial bodies ought not to be cbecJted or better regulated and in some way supervised. "At any rate they should always be kept well in hand, and the funds of its citizens should be protected by the State which has Invited their investment. While the stockholders are the owners of the corporate property, notoriously they are oftentimes comrletely in the power of the directors and managers, who acquire a majority of the stock and by this means perpetuate their control, using the corporate property and franchises for their benefit and profit.regardlessof the interests and rightsof the minority of stockholders. Immense salaries are paid to officers; transactions are consummated by which thedirectors make money, while the rank and file among the stockh >lders lose it; the honest investor waits for dividends and the directors grow rich. It is suppected. too, that large sums are spent under various disguises in efforts to influcHce legislation. "It is not consistent to claim that the citizen must protect himself, by refusing to pur- chase stock. The law constantly recognizes the fact that people should be defended from false representations and from their own folly and cupidity. It punishes obtaining goods by false pretenses, gambling and lotteries. "It Is a hollow mockery to direct the owner of a small amoun*- of stock in one of these Institutions to the cour s. Under existing statutes, the law's delay, perplexity and uncer- tainty leads but to despair. "The State should either refuse to allow these corporations to exist under Its authority and patronage, or acknowledging their paternity and its responsibility, should provide a simple, easy way for its reople, whose rroney is invested, and the public generally, to dis- cover how the funds of these institutions are spent, and how their affairs are conducted. It should at the same time provide away by which the squandering or misuse of corpo- rate funds would be made good to the parties injured thereby. "This might well be accomplished by requiring corporations to frequently file reports made out with the utmost detail, and which would not allow lobby expenses to be hidden under the pretext of legal services and counsel fees, accompanied by vouchers and sworn TO by the officers making them, showing particularly the debts, liabilities, expenditures and property of the corporation. Let this report be delivered to ome .ppropriate department or officer, who shall audit and examine the samr ; provide that i raise oath to such account shall be perjury, and make the directors liable to refund to the injured stockholders any expenditure which shall be determined Improper by the auditing authority. CLEVELAND AND CORPORATIONS. "Such requirements mig-ht not bo favorable to stock speculation, but they would pi tect the Innocent investors; they might make the management of corporations mo _ troublesome, but this ought not to be considered when the protection of the people is the matter In hand. It would prevent corporate efforts to Influence legislation; the honestly conducted and strong corporations would have nothing to lear; the badly managed and weak ought to be exposed." Thus, it will appear from the Governor's own words, with which his actions have been in full accord, that he has insisted that corporations shall observe the lim- itations of the laws creating them ; that their privileges shall be exercised in subordi- nation to the rights of the public ; that their affairs shall be open to public scrutiny; and that to their members and the public alike they shall be honest end fair. MAINTAINING THE PUBLIC FAITH. In this same spirit of exact and equal justice, which has demanded of corpora-^ tions compliance with the provisions of law binding upon them, the Governor ht observed the express rights given to them by law. His principle has been "Thi public faith must be scrupulously kept." Upon this principle he undertook to ac| m the matter of the veto of what has come lo be known as the "Five Cent Fs Bill." The elevated Railroads of New York city, under their charters, charged an unij form rate of fare of five cents during certain of the morning and evening hours which the great body of workingmen went to and from their homes, and ten cent, for the rest of the day. In 1883 the Legislature passed a bill to make the rate oj fare five cents throughout the day This bill the Governor vetoed, upon th^ ground that it involved a breach of faith on the part of the State. The general rai' road law, passed in 1850, and for nearly a quarter of a century declaring the policj of the State, had promised that the Legislature would not reduce the rates of anj railroad until its reduced rates should produce a profit of ten per centum on the capi tal actually expended. The Governor declared that until the profits of these roac" should have been ascertain* d to exceed this limit, the policy of the State forbade their reduction. A subsequent examination by the Railroad Commission, consis ing of one Democrat, one Republican and one Anti- Monopolist, showed that th^ f arnings of the roads were not such as to ju>tify the proposed reduction of fare, tb^ justifying the action of tbe G,overnor. Another reason for his veto was found in the express provisions of special act applicable to these roads. It was therein provided that the company should unde bonds pledge itself to pay a certain percentage into the city treasury which shouk "constitute an agreement in the nature of a contract between the city and construct ing company, entitling the company to the legalized rates of fare, which shall notl changed without the mutual consent of the parties." The railroad company having made these payments to the city, the Qoverno^ considered that under those terms of this act there had been constituted "an agree ment in the nature of a contract" between the city and the company, which the Stat^ could not in good faith abrogate. It also appeared that still another contract in writing, to the same effect," had beei made between the rapid transit commissioners and the railroad companies, befor^ the roads were built and lo induce their construction, thus constituting a thii promise on the part of the public whith thi? bill proposed to break. The Governoij did not believe that tlie people of New York nor its Legislature, when brought t< a knowledge of these facts, would desire this great State to be even suspected o^ trifling with its obligations, and so in a message so explicit as to necessarily reacl great length, he transmitted to the Assembly the reasons why he was unable approve the bill. The effect justified his estimate of the honor of the State and its legislators. (A majority voted to sustain his veto, while two thirds would hav^ been necessary to overrule it.) From every side came expressions of commendati( for the scrupulous attention that had been given to the maintenance of the publ faith. Among many expressions in opposition to the bill was a most emphatic cor munication from the Mayor of the city of Mew York, earnestly asking for the vet oi the bill, concerning which, as a measure particularly relating to the City of Nei York, the Mayor of that city seemed to be particularly qualified to speak. 4 or«H theS I CLEVELAND AND CORPORATIONS. 381 The bill having been vetoed, letters of commendation and hearty approval were received from all parts of the State, from men of every shade of political opinion and in every walk of life. • THE RAILROAD COMMISSION'S CONCLUSIONS, Subsequently to the veto of the bill an examination of the cost and earnings of the elevated railroads was undertaken by the Railroad Commissioners, of whom none reported a limitation of a five cent fare for the whole day, though one recom- mended a "judicious extension of the commission hours," by adding three hours, in which a five cent fare should be charged, and submitted a bill to that effect, which was introduced in the Republican Legislature of 188 i, but was defeated by a Repub- lican Senate, and never reached the Governor for action. The report of the majority of the commission contained the conclusion that a reduction to a five cent fare throughout the day would, at the number of passengers carried in 1882, "reduce the gross income so as to prevent the roads from even pay- ing interest on their bonded debt in full. The laboring classes of New York are carried between the hours of 5:30 and 8:30 A. M,, and 4:30 and 7:30 P. M., at five cents, upon trains which run at intervals of forty five seconds. The reduction would not so much benefit them, therefore, as it would the class who are better able to pay ten cents than the laborers are to pay five." Thus did the result show that the Governor was justified in his refusal to weaken respect for the promises of the State, and that in this as in his whole course of action concerning corporations, the Governor has been controlled by no partiality for favoritism, but only by a just regard for the rights of the State and the public and the observance of public faith The suggestion that his action on the Five Cent Fare Bill was taken out of deference to the capitalists controlling those roads is quite absurd, in view of the fact that all of those most prominently named in connection with them opposed him and supported the Republican candidate for the presidency. Neither corporations nor corporators had from him any favor nor injustice. The equal administration of the laws were his aim and practice witli reference both W them -and to the public THE RE6TBICTI0N OP CHINESE IMMIGRATIOK. CHAPTER XXXI. THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. THE POSITION OF THE TWO PARTIES ON THIS QUESTION OP VITAL INTEREST. Mr, Thurman and Senator Hoar as Consistent Representa^ tives of their Respective Parties on this Issue — The Legislation Proposed, the Bayard Treaty, and What Chinese Competition Means to American Labor, I. THE DIFFERENT POINTS OF VIEW PROM WHICH THE QUESTION WAS CONSIDERED. On September 10, 1870, Allan G. Thurman, who had then just concluded his first year of service in the United States Senate from the State of Ohio, made a speech at Cincinnati, in opening the Ohio Democratic campaign of that year. In it he indulged in the following reference to the Chinese question, then new in politics. MR. THURMAN's OPINIONS IN 1870. " I do not think that a large Chinese immigration to this country is desirable. I do not think it would be a valuable acquisition. On the contrary, I think it would be a seriously •disturbing element. In race, civilization, habits, education, and religion the Chinese are widely ditferent frora our people—so different as to form a very striking contrast. The Euro- pean immigrants are of the same race, religion, and civilization as ourselves, and while they add immensely to the power and wealth of the Republic, they do not seriously disturb the substantial homogeneity of our white population. Their migration, therefore, benefits the country and deserves encouragement. Not so with the Chinese. They will never becoc one people with us. Were they to dwell here for centuries they would probably be as tinct from the white race as are gypsies In Spain from the pure-blooded Spaniard. This immigration is in no proper sense of the word voluntary. It is a kind of Chinese slave" trade. Instead of an Independent, self-reliant body of freemen, it introduces a horde of quasi-slaves, working at half wages by the command of a taskmaster. h "And this leads me to notice a statement I have seen, that this country needs cheap lalM^f In other words, men who will work for low wages ; that there is a scarcity of laborers he^V and therefore, Chinese laborers should be imported to supply the deficiency. I do not con- cur in this view. My opinion is that we, or rather our posterity, are much more likely to suffer from a redundancy of population than from a dearth of it. In thirty years from n<\ oma i I THE RESTRICTION OP CHINESE IMMIGRATION. Will have one hundred millions of people, without counting a Chinese Immigrant, in ilxty years two hundred millions, in one hundred years probably four hundred millions. We are in no danger of a scarcity of laborers. "Nor do I think that low wages are a blessing to any country. In the opinion of ao eminent thinker, Buckle, low wages and despotism are inseparable. It will be found, I think, that the freer the institutions of a country are, the gi-eater will be the tendency 'to fair wages for labor. Low wages are mainly owing to an unequal and unfair distribution Of the annual production of wealth. This annual production, which is nearly all the result of labor, is being constantly divided into four parts— rents to the landlord, interest to the money lender, profits to the business man, and wages to the laborer. Now, if the wages be low it must be because the annual product is small and all classes suffer, or because that product is unfairly distributed. In general, the latter is the cause, and when wages are very low the laborer gets but a bare subsistence, while the other classes, or some of them, accumulate enormous wealth. And thus society becomes divided into the very rich and the very poor. That this is an unfortunate condition for a country is too obvious, to need remark, and that its tendency is hostile to free institutions, as well as to the mate- rial comfort of the people, is undoubtedly true. I have, therefore, no sympathy with the cry for cheap labor and low wages. They may give rise, it is true, to great public work* and magnificent structures, but the benefit is gained at the expense of a suffering people. The Pyramids are striking monuments of the pride and ostentation of kings, but they are more striking evidences of a degraded condition of the laboring class. Tlmt qountry ia likely to be most free and happy where the annual production of wealth beitig Justly dis- tributed labor obtains a fair reward." ^^ MR. HOAR STATES THE REPUBLICAN POSITION. ^^ On April 25, 1882, during the discussion of the twenty year Chinese Restric- tion Bill in the Senate of the United States, Mr. Hoar, of Massachusette, laid down the following principle : I will not deny to the Ctalnaman any more than I will to the negro, or tb'Q Irishman, or Caucasian, the right to bring his labor, bring his own property to our shores, and the right to fix such a price upon it as according to his own judgment and his own interest may seem to him best. I denounce this legislation not only as a violation of the ancieKit policy of the American Republic, not only as a violation of the rights of human nature Itself, but espe- cially as a departure from the doctrine to which the great party to which I belong Is com- mitted in its latest declaration of principles. Even as late m July 3, 1884, after a new treaty had been made with the Chinese and additional legislation was proposed for the purpose of carrying it into execution. Mr. Hoar said in the Senate : "This is a bill to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to the citizens of other countries. Itrests, in my judgment, upon sheer barbarism. * • » I only wish to re-aflirm my disapprobation of this legislation and the principle upon which it depends, and to state that in my judgment, the American people will repeii»t in sack-cloth and ashes one day the policy they are Inaugurating. During the debate on the same bill in the House, the late Godlove S. Orth, then a Republican Representative from the State of Indiana, and second in rank on the- Foreign Affairs Committee, maintained the same doctrine in this language : He takes no interest in our Government I Do you mean by this that he does not Imme- diately on his arrival, repair to the "sand lots" of San Francisco and harangue the boister- ous multitude upon thtir special duty on election days? This objection comes with a poor grace when it is known that we refuse to give him an interest in our Government or permit him to assume the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. We deny to him the rightg which we cheerfully accord to every other immigrant, and, as if to emphasize this denial the fifteenth section of this bill provides that hereafter no State court or court of the United States shall admit Chinese to citizenship, and all laws in conflict with this act are hereby repealed. 384 THE BESTRICTION OP CHIMESE IMMIGRATION. II. RESTRICTING IMPORTATION OF CHINESE. HISTOUT OP THE ATTITUDES OP PARTIES ON THE QUESTION SHOWN BY DISCUS* SION AND VOTES. These different declarations, coming from representative men in the Demo- cratic and Republican parties respectively, are indicative of the prevailing opinioni on the question of Chinese immigration held by the majority of public men in the, two parties — one representing that care for the interest of the American laboring' man, which has been the distinguishing feature, not only of Mr. Thurman himself,' but of his party as well, and the others representing the sentiments, impulses and' opinions of the majority of their party. CHINESE COOLTES TOOK THE PLACE OP SOLDIERS. The immigration of Chinese to this country began during the civil war. The number wTio had come before the enactment of the Contract Labor Law, in 18tf4, was small, but taking advantage of this act, and the absence of those of the laboi ing population with the Union armies in th^ field, the protected manufacturers oi the country were swift to exercise the new-given right thus given them to import Coolie labor from China. Large numbers of these found employment upon Central Pacific Railroad, and many ofthe large fortunes made by men on the Pacific coast, who have since betaken themselves either to New York or to Europe, to live in luxury, are the result of this employment of servile labor, and the displacement of more than the equivalent number of Ameiican working men. Among these D. Ogden Mills, owner of the New York Tribune, who has recently becom< extremely solicitous about American labor. Af er the return ofthe soldiers from service in the army, it soon became mani< festthat the Chinese would become a plague to the Pacific coast. It was not, how- ever, until the year 1872 that any well defined action was taken by the Legislatur of that State looking to a restriction of immigration. EPPORTS TO RESTRICT IMMIGRATION KILLED BY REPUBLICANS. Beginning in 1869, individual members of the Senate and the House had pre sented resolutions or bills, having for their object the restriction of such immigra tion. Among these may be enumerated the following : On the 6th of December, 1869, Senator Williams, of Oregon, introduced a bilj to regulate the immigration of Chinese and prohibit their importation under con tract. On the 24:th of February, 1870, Senator Chandler, of Michigan, a Republican from the Committee on Commerce, to which the bill had been referred, asked to be discharged from its further consideration, and moved that it be indefinitely post poned, which was done. On the 10th of January, 1870, Mr. Johnson, of California, introduced a joinl resolution to regulate and restrict Chinese immigration, which was referred to th6 Committee on the Judiciary. The committee, the majority of whom were Republl cans, refused to report it back to the House. THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. 385 On the 6th of June, 1870, Senator Stewart, of Nevada, introduced in the Senate a bill to prohibit contracts for servile labor, but even this measure could not meet with favcr at the hands of a Republican Senate, and it was defeated, June 7, 1870, Mr. Sargent, of California, introduced a bill to prohibit contracts for servile labor, which was referred to the Committee on Judiciary, but the influences were strong enough to prevent this measure from ever being reported back to that body. July 9, 1870, Mr. Cake, of Pennsylvania, introduced a resolution against the importation of Chinese coolies under contract and directing Uie Committee on Edu- cation and Labor to investigate the subject. The resolution was referred to that committee, but was never heard of afterwards, July 7, 1870, Mr, Muugen, of Ohio, introduced a joint resolution in regard to the protection of our laboring classes against Chinese immigration, which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Atfairs, but there it remained. This was not the way to protect labor in the opinion of the Republican party, and the resolution was pigeon-holed. On the 18th of December, 1871, Mr, Coughlan, of California, a Democrat, intro- duced a bill to prohibit contracts for servile labor, which was referred to the Committee on Judiciary. The reference of this bill was subsequently changed to the Qommittee on Education and Labor, which reported a substitute, which was recommitted to the same committee, and that was the last of it. On the 30th of April, 1872, Senator Casserly, of California, a Democrat, having previously received a memorial on the suigect from the Legislature of his State» introduced a bill to prohibit contract^ for servile labor and to amend and enforce existing laws against the coolie trade. This bill, like all others of its kind, was ^^ferred to a hostile Republican committee, and was never heard of again, ^B As will be seen, each and every one of these resolutions was referred to a hostile committee, where it slept the long sleep, ^^ MR. THURMAN STATES THE CASE. ^» The agitation, however, continued intermittently until the year 1879, when the Senators and Representatives from California, representing the aroused sentiment of the Pacific Coast, presented memorials without number and bills, looking to the restriction of immigration. The case of the Pacific Coast and the constitutional right of the United States to thus far abrogate the treaty then existing with China, known as the Burlingame Treaty, were presented by Senator Thurman on February 13, 1879, daring the discussion : Mr. President, I have a very few words to say on this bill, and scarcely anything at all upon the general question involved in it. I shall assume the arguments already made at this session and at previous sessions have convinced the Senate that a limit ought to be placed upon the emigration of Chinese to the United States, If, Indeed , that migration ought not to be stopped altogether. What I shall say, therefore, will relate mainly to the mode by which a stop or limit is to be put to that migration. It has been said that it can only be done by the negotiation of a new treaty, I do not know that that proposition has been dis tinctly advocated upon this floor, but if it does lurk in the mind of any Senator, I beg him to listen to the very few observations that I have to make upon it. To me it seems perfectly clear that the proposition cannot for a moment be sustained, and that it would be ruinous this country or to any other lo hold that a treaty can only be put an end to by the nego- 386 THE RESTRICTION OP CHINESE IMMIGRATION. tiation of another, for that would put you completely at the mercy of the party with whom you had negotiated a treaty. Take, for instance, this very case. If we can only put an end to this treaty by negotiating a new treaty with China, then it is in the power of China, by refusing to negotiate a new treaty, or such a one as we desire, to hold us to this treaty, however detrimemal to our interests it may be. Mr. Hamlin. Will the Senator allow me to ask him if he knows of any one who holds that doctrine ? Mr. Thurman. I said I did not know. Treaties are like partnerships. There is no such thing as an indissoluble partnership. There is no such thing as an indissoluble treaty. Either party may declare it abrogated. I say, therefore, Mr. President, that the true way is, there having been no modiflcatiott of this treaty by the treaty-making power, and, so far as we know, no attempt having been made to modify it, there having been nothing of that kind done, many, many years have elapsed since the treaty was made and the evils growing every year greater and greater, and the danger to which we are exposed by this migration becoming every year more and mor& Imminent, it is now the duty of Congress without delay to take this matter in hand. Are we prepared, sir, to invite the American laborer to this competition— to yoke him- ■with this fellow to plow the fields, delve in the mine, or work in the shops of capital seeking the cheapest labor? Sir, we want no such laborers, either foreign or native. We want no. class that can or will accept the bare necessaries of life only as the price of its labor. We want no class to whose vision is forever closed all prospect of advancement, comfort, inde- pendence, and progress. If there be such now anywhere in this broad land, it would be our first and highest duty, so far as we had constitutional power, to lift the dark veil of despair which shuts out the prospect of elevation and advancement. It is our duty to dignify and ennoble labor, not to debase and degrade it. « * * «« r$ m « It is, sir, in my judgment, our duty to pass this bill. To reject it is to invite to our shore* millions of an inferior and degraded race to drag down to their own level the A.merica» laborer. PARTY RECORDS ON THE QUESTION. House bill No. 2423, to restrict Chinese immigration by limiting the number of immigrftnls to be transported by vessels to the United States to fifteen on each trip, passed the House on January 14, 1879, by the following vote: Yeas— Democrats,. 104; Republicans, 51. Total, 155. Nays— Republicans, 56; Democrats, 16. Total, 72. A majorit.Y of the Republican members thus voted against the bill, while more than six out of seven of the Democi*atic members voted in its favor. In the Senate the vote was as follows : Yeas — Democrats, 22 ; Republicans, 19 ; Independent, 1.. . Total, 42. Nays— Republicans, 20 ; Democrats, 8. Total, 28. The bill thus passed, the first presented to Congress on this subject, was vet by Mr. Hayes, upon the ground that Congress had no power to enact a law whicl contravened the treaty with China. Upon the question whether the bill should] pass over the veto, the result in the House was : Yeas— Democrats, 88 ; Republicansvj 22. Total, 110. Nays— Republicans, 81; Democrats, :: 5. Total, 96. The first' effort to overcome this evil hid failed, with a large majority of the Republicai members of both the House and Senate voting against it at every stage, while anj equally large majority of Democrats had voted in its favor. ATTITUDE OP PARTIES AFTER A NEW TREATY HAD BEEN CONCLUDED On September 17, 1880, a new treaty -with China was ratified, whereby thi^l Government acquired the power of restricting immigration without giving reason.; for oflfense to China. A bill was, therefore, introduced early in 1881 in the first sea THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. 387 ^Boi n of the Senate, of which General Harrison was a member, providing for the elusion of Chinese fur the term of twenty years. In this discussion Senator Mor- , of Alabama, met the objections to the constitutionality of the measure in the llowing language : Has the power been denied, or will any Senator here rise in his place and deny it, that le Congress of the United States by the enactment of a statute his the right to repeal any ty that has been adopted and ratified by the treaty-making power ? Will any Senator undertake to say that the treaty-making power of this country is not r all subordinate to the legislative power? If he does he will deny the whole legisla- e history of our country, and he will set aside and hold for naught the opinions of the preme Court of the United States. It is the right and province of the legislative power his country to repeal treaties where they are found to contravene the best Interests or eral welfare of the people. A vote was reached on this measure in the House on March 23, 1883, which od as follows: Yeas— Democrats, 98 ; Greenbackers 8; Republicans, 61. Totals. 7. Nays — Republicans, 63 ; Democrats, 4. Total, 66. lathe Senate on April 1882, the vote stood : Yeas— Democrats, 31; Republicans, 6. Total, 37. Nays — - imocratB, none; Republicans, 28 ; Independents, 1. Total, 29. This bill was vetoed by President Arthur upon the ground of the unconetitu*- nality of the measure and for the further reason, as he said : No one can say that the country has not profited by their work. They were largely - itrumental in constructing the railways which connected the Atlantic with the Pacific., e States of the Pacific slope are full of evidences of their industry. When the bill was returned to the Senate the vote on its passage, notwith- standing the objeotions of the President, was : Yeas — Democrats, 31 ; Republicans, . 6. Total, 37. Nays— Republicans, 28 ; Independents, 1. Total, 29. A new bill was then introduced into the Senate, reducmg the term of restriction, m twenty to ten years. This bill passed the House by the following vote: Yeas- Democrats, 103 ; Republicans, 91 ; Greenbackers, 7. Total, 201. Nays — Repab*- us, 34 ; Democrats, 3. Total, 37. The bill passed the Senate by the following vote: Yeas — Democrats, 31;. publicans, 9. Total, 40. Nays — RepubUcans, 24 ; Democrats, none; Independ- ts, 1. Total, 25. This bill was signed by President Arthur and became a law.* No attempt has been made to follow the discussion in the Senate and House in its ramifications upon either the main bill or upon the amendments, but the fol- ding recapitulation of the votes on the passage of bills to restrict Chinese imrai- tion and upon the vetoes of Presidents from 1879 to 1882, will give a correct idea the party position on this question during this time : •The record of General Harrison on this question, including his assistance in gettla^ Inese naturalized in Indianapolis M his votes lathe Senate, is fully treated in the ipter succeeding this under the *itl Harrison and the Chinese." 25 388 THK RK8TEICTI0N OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. FINAL, V0TB8 IN SENATE AND HOUSB ON BILLS TO RESTRICT CHINESK IMMIGRATION. Date. Democrats. Yeas. Navs. Republicans. Yeaf^. Nay^ Sejiate February 15, 1879 22 30 31 31 8 1 19 8 6 20 March 9 1883 22 April .% 1882* 38 April 38 1882 24 Total 114 104 88 98 103 9 16 15 4 1 "' 94 House of Itepresentatives. January 28, 1879 1 i ! l\ 56 Marcb 1, 1879t ,. 81 March 23 1882 63 April 17, 1883 34 893 ^l07 38 47 ' 1 235 333 Total votes in Senate and House "W 327 position op the democratic candidates. The Democratic position on this question so far as the candidate for Vice-Pres- ident on the ticket for this contest la concerned has already been set forth not only in the quotations made from his speeches at different times, both in the Senate and out, but in his vote at every turn in favor of the restriction of this dangerous and threatening immigration. President Cleveland was not in public life during any of this period, but in his letter of August 17, 1884, accepting the Democratic nomination for the Presidency, he said: Belated to this subject, while we should not discourage the immigration of those who come to acknowledge allegiance to our government and add to our citizen population, yet as a means of protection to our worltingmen a different rule should prevail concerning those who, if they come or are brought to our land, do not intend to become Americans, but will kijuriously compete with those justly entitled to our field of labor. * j. In his inaugural, delivered on March 4, 1885, he emphasized this declarationj| saying: 9 The laws should be rigidly enforced which prohibit the immigration of a servile class to oompete with American labor, with no intention of acquiring citizenship, and bringing wit them and retaining habits and customs repugnant to our civilization. In his first annual message sent to Congress December 8, 1885, he again i the right of Government to restrict such immigration in the following language ; The admitted right of a government to prevent the Influx of elements hostile to ' internal peace and security may not be questioned, ev n where there Is no treaty stipulation on the subject. That the exclusion of Chinese labor is demanded in other countries where *Vote to pass Senate bill No. 71 over President Arthur's veto. tVote to pa»8 House hill No 3433 over President Hayes' veto. iSStO with I tonP m. A NEW TREATY NEGOTIATED. ER PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S CONVENTION WITH CHINA CHINESE ARE TO BK; EXCLUDED FOR TWENTY YEARS. THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. 3$(| like conditions prevail is strongly evidenced in the Dominion of Canada, where Chinefa Immigration is now regulated by laws more exclusive than our own. If existing laws ara inadequate to compass the end in view, I shall be prepared to give earnest consideration to any further remedial measures, within the treaty limits, which the wisdom of Congresf may devise. In his second annual message sent to Congress, December 6, 1886, he still furt ther adverted to the question in connection with the new Chinese Treaty then pending in the State Department, and said : I am not without assurance that the government of China, whose friendly disposition towards us I am most happy to recognize, will meet us half way in devising a oompreheDi give remedy, by which an effective limitation of Chinese emigration, joined to proteotiOQ at those Chinese subjects who remain in this country, may be secured. ^B On March 16, 1888, the President transmitted to the Senate a new Treaty justi ^Included with China, under which the immigration of Chinese to this country was absolutely prohibited for a term of twenty years. In his brief message accompa- nying the letter of the Secretary of State, he said : In view of the public interest which has for a long time been manifested in relation t ILLEGALLY. For some months, indeed ever since the enactment of the Chinese Restriction Law, complaints have continually come from the Pacific coast that the laws were not thoroughly executed. No fault has been found with the customs authorities to Whom this task is given primarily. But it has been charged that the Republican Federal Judges, at San Francisco — Sabin and Sawyer — have permitted a large number of Chinese immigrants to land under the operation of the habeas corpus. The method of procedure has been simple, yet effective, so far as the inu*oduc- tion of these aliens was concerned. Under the Uw, each Chinaman leaving the port of San Francisco, or any other on the Pacific coast, was entitled to a certificate giving a thorough description of him, by means of which he could re enter the tJnited States. It was soon discovered that thousands of Chinamen who had never been in this country, were seeking to enter by means of forged certificates. They had acquired some knowledge of the topography oi San Francisco, evidently by careful coaching on the part of the companies importing them. HOW THE THING IS DONE IN SPITE OP THE LAW. When the customs authorities would refuse to admit these people, the master of &. vessel would become tired, after a few days of delay, of feeding and caring for this large number of Chinamen. He would, therefore, make application to the Judges of the United States courts for a writ of habeas corpus, which would permit him to land these forbidden immigrants. By this means large numbers of them, Amounting, it is asserted in California, to something like 25,000 since the passage of the Restriction Law, have been landed at the port of San Francisco. This has induced such serious complaints upon the part of citizens of California, that on July 25, 1888, an immense mass meeting was held to protest against thia policy. This was held under the auspices of the Cigarmakers Union, all the labor organizations of the city joining in it. THE VIGOROUS PROTEST OF THE REPRESENTATIVES OP LABOR. Herman Gutstadt spoke as follows : As thinflrs sre at present we are impotent. Talk as we please, tbe Judg-ea go on rakli _ In 13 a case. Think of it, $3 for three minutes ! Why should a few pesky shysters b« allowed to go on practicing' this nefarious business? Sabin. Sawyer and Houghton run the entire machinery of the law to suit themselves. Thouerh we be impotent, we can let tber know our eyes are upon them, and if they do not modify their career of- the past they ha better look to the future. And we can have President Cleveland and Congress find oul Whether they are doing things right or wrong. We can have the finger of scorn pointed them. Mor-*, we can hire an attorney who is not afraid of Judsre Sawyer and Judge Sabii andpreventtheflowof fraudulent coolies into this country. More at least than is beins done now. In my trade of cigarmaker there Is not one of the 4.000 Chinese iu it out o< employment, while a large per cent, of white cigarmakers are. There is no trade more important than this, and none which has received less suppoi from the people. If the people were to assist ti e cigarmakers in their struggle there i no question that a thousand white ones would be employed instead of the few hundred whi are eking out a living. The action of Sawyer and Sabin is helping to crush the cigarmaker THE BBSTRICTION OF OHINESB IMMIGKATION. METHODS SUGGESTED FOR PREVENTING THIS IMPORTATION. was followed by James H. Barry, who made the following remarks : L^ dishonest. If a Judge lets a Chinaman loose hi San Francisco for five or six months, although his right to land is yet in doubt, and then asks him whether there are cars on Kearny street, or whether there is a Chinatown in San Francisco, or whether it snowa in Oakland, can you think that he is competent when he accepts his statements and lands him ? There must be an ulterior object to all this, and I have the ritrht to think there is. White men are sacrificed daily and hourly to the Mongolian god. What are we going to do about it ? This is not only a question of principle ; it is a question of something more substantial. There is to be a committee appointed to-night, I understand, to collect funds, the expendi- ture of which is to be regularly published. This committee will consist of well-^ nown olti- Ks, and will endeavor, if it cannot stop, to check the work of these Federal Judges, lam tired making antiChinfse speeches and tired listening to them. The time for ech-making has passed. The hour for action has come. Let me not be misunderstood, nan upholder of the law, as you are. We have the right to demand that our public Bervants intrusted with the administration of the lawshall faithfully fulfill that trusts It Is our right to insist on it, and, by the great Jehovah, we shall insist on the right. For years the Federal Judges have been landing Chinese on no other pretext except that It Is their right. They take them from the ships, bring them into court and release them so that they may go into Chinatown and hunt up perjured evidence. Then thev^ are discharged as prior residents. I do not know whether the law permits them to do this, but If it does the law shonid be chaoRed. No matter how good the Bayard treaty may be, the Federal Judges, looking through their spectacles, will nullify it. I believe they would render a total Exclusion Act useless. If the Federal Judges don't know it we do, that two-thirds of the Chinese witnesses who go into the Federal Courts perjure themselves. Shall the Federal Judge be permitted to admit these coolies in defiance of law, or if they are not doing it in such defiance shall Congress not repeal the law ? Let us elect Congressmpn who 111 either better this law or haye these Judges impeached if they are doing wrong. If Con- 9SS fails to act then "we will meet again in Philippi." 0] A STRONG MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS. As a result of this meeting the following memorial to Congress was nnanimoosly lopted. MKMORIAL. the Senate and the House of Sepresentatives : The people of San Francisco, in mass mooting assembled for the purpose of devising- gome means to save our State from the incomicg of Chinese coolies, whose immigration is expressly prohibited by the laws passed by you, do represent as follows : Werecognize that Congress has responded to the wishes^of the people of the United States by adopting such legislation as we all deemed neceseary t^^, and adequate for, that end. That such legislation would have been suflicient to accomplish thst end for which it was intended had it been accomplished in good faith, according to the spirit in which it was devised, there can be no doubt. Although that law has been upon the statute books since 18P2 and was amended four years ago with the intent to strengthen its provisions inonler to il eet the technical objec- tions raised by the judiciary on the Federal bench of this Coast, the fact remains that a larger number of Chinese are entering the port of S-in Francisco to-day than have entered at any other time in our history. There are practically no greater restrictions upon the entry of Mongolians than upon that of Europeans, the only difference being that a head tax is imposed upon Mongolians for the benefit of the courts instead of the treasury. Thus have the efforts of Congress to protect American labor from ruinous and degrad- ing competition with aB^srvile race been defeated. The situation is so alarming as to endan- ger the peace of this State, because the j ad urea whose duty it is to uphold the law have brought the administration of the law into cuntempt. If not to the law, where can the people look lor protection ? If the efforts of Con- gress heretofore to protect the people shall continue to be thwarted, the people must and will protect themselves. By your Act of 1883, as amended, it was provided that certain certificates would be the sole evidence of the right of any Chinaman to land. The administration of this law was placed in the hands of the Collector of Customs. In the attempt to carry out the provisions of this law the customs oflBoials have been thwarted at every step by the mandates of the Federal Courts. By the abuse of the right of habeas corpus the administration of the Act has been taken from the hands of the Collector of Customs and usurped by the courts. The examination of Chinese on board ships by the customs authorities provided for in your Act —which was the greatest safeguard against the fraudulent landing of coolies— has been vetoed by the Federal Court?, although it was approved by the President. So determined have been the judges to defeat the plain and only purpose of the law that they have gone the length of threatening with imprisonment the customs officials who have sought to p er- form the sworn duty imposed upon them by the Congress and President of the United States. I S94 THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. Since you ordained in 1884 that no Chinaman should enter this country without pos- gessing a certain certiflcate showing his right to land, 9,000 have been landed by habeas corpus. This violation of law has been accomplished throagh the agency of the Federal judges who have set up a standard of their own abov ) and in daflance of the law. Clothed with that discretion which is inseparable from a proper exorcise of the judicial office, they have, in every instance, used it in behalf of the Chinese and against the spirit of the law. Every doubt has been resolved aa-ainst the intorests of the people. Had they been paid attorneys of the Chinese while sitting on ihe beach, they could not have worked more per- sistently and eagerly at throwing down the guards which you set up against this immigra- tion. Each cooliv landed by habeas corpus represents legal fees amounting to $30. The OJrouit Court, which is the conduit through which this Asiatic filth flows, has for its fee- receiving clerk a near relative of the Judge. So great has been the inpour of this profit- able, though forbidden Immigration, that the regular machinery of the court has proved iaadequat© to the demand. A subsidiary court not contemplated by statute has bsen created for the admission of Chinese, and no lee now goes to waste. This subsidy court receives a fee of $3 for each Chinaman landed, and does its work at the rate of one Chinaman every ten minu.es dur- ing business hours. At the present time there are in San Francisco's Chinatown no less than 4,000 certificateless coolies landed upon habeas corpus, turned loose on bail and await- ing examination. Many of them have been on shore as long as six months. The only proof •f prior residence required by the Circuit Court and its annex from these men is an ability to answer certain questions tending to show a slight familiarity with the geographical fea- tures of San Francisco, and the entry of their names in the books of the Chinese Six Com- panies or in the accounts of a Chinese merchant. Every one of this army of coolies can secure his final discharge at the expense of a false oath and the payment of the required fees. Meantime, this bwarra of Asiatics who are supposed by law not to be in thf» country, are actively competing with American labor in all branches of Industry and aiding in the reduction of the scale of wages to the Chinese level. The amount represented on the bonds for which Chinese residents are surety is already In excess of the assessed valuation of all the property owned in San Francisco by the Chinese population. That the interpretation placed upon the law by Judges Sawyer and Sabin and Commis- sioner Houghton Is not a necessary, but an arbitrary interpretation, is shown by the brief sitting of Judge Ross of the Southern District of California. This jurist was recently Invited to sit upon the Circuit bench In this city. His rulings were such as to exclude the Chinese, and such as t o spread dismay and panic among the whole colony of fee-receiving •fflcials, coolie brokers, attorneys, straw-bondsmen, and all other parasites who are living and fattening upon the decaying r< mains of the Restriction Act. Judge Ross' sitting was brief. He has not been invited to sit on the Circuit bench again. He has been dropped from Judge Sawyer's visiting list. We, the people of San Francisco, appeal to Congress to end this monstrous conspiracy, to save the Pacific Coast and the country from the consequtneesof an abuse of judicial power unparalleled sin e the time (f Jetfrits. The House of Representatives has created a committee to investigate the subject of contract labor. We invite that committee to visit this city. We promise to place before it facts which will demonstrate the truth of every allegation made in this memorial. When this proof has been made and submitted to Congress we demand remedial action. What that action should be is self-evident. No law which you have placed upon the statute books has been able to withstand the hostile and destructive assaults of the Federal Judges of this Coast. You have given us a new treaty and contemplate the passage of a still more stringent Exclusion Act. We are grateful tor these honest efforts to save us from Chin* se association and competition, but in the light of experience what confidence can be felt that any law or any treaty will be carried into effect while its administration rests in the hands of Judges who have annulled every existing statute. While they remain upon the bench Chinese exclusion is impossible. We demand the impeachment and removal of Lorenzo Sawyer, Judge of the United States Circuit Court of the Ninth Circuit, and of George M. Sabin, District Judge for the District of Nevada. EFFORTS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. While no complaint has been made against the efficiency of the Department o^ Justice as represented by the District Attorney at San Francisco, the Solicitor-Gei eral, Geo. A. Jenks, when his attention was called to the matter, addressed the fol lowing letter to the District Attorney: Department op Justice, Washington, A ugust 9, 1888, John T. Carkv, Esq., U. 8. Attorney^ San Francisco, California. /Sir— There is much complaint concerning the negligent enforcement of the Chines. Restriction Act in California. As representing the Government in the enforcement of th« law In your district, you are instructed to use the utmost energy, intelligence and care t see that it is strictly enforced, so far as lies in your power. Leave nothing undone ths win prevent a violation of the law. Very respectfully, G. A. Jenks, Acting Atiomey-OenercU, THE BESTRICTION OP CHINESE IMMIGBATION. 395 ^B It will be of interest to a large number of people to know what Chinese labor means, not only in China itself, but in California as well. In volume 3 of the "Con- sular Reports on Labor in America, Asia, «&c ," published by the Department of State in January, 1885, transmitted to Congress by Frederick T. Prelinghuysen, then Secretary of State, the following is given as the rate of wages in Amoy, one of )rincipal departments of China : GENERAL TRADES. ss PAID PER MONTH of ten hours per day in the province of amot, china. V. WHAT LABOR GETS IN CHINA. WAGES PAID IN DIFFERENT PROVINCES OP CHINA FOR SKILLED AND UNSKILLED LABOR, REPORTED BY REPUBLICAN CONSULS. Occupations Lowest. Highest. Occupations. Lowest. Highest. iilding Tradi* Bricklayers Masons Plasterers ., Roofers Plumbers . . , Carpenters. , OtTm- Trade*. Bakers Blacksmiths . . . . Strikers Book-binders.. . . Brickmakers. ... Brewers Butchero Brass-founders . . Cabinet -makerfl Confectioiicr6..f Coopers ,. Cutlers Distillers «7 00 $9 00 9 00 18 00 7 00 9 00 7 00 9 00 5 00 6 00 • 8 00 10 00 8 00 9 00 4 00 6 00 3 00 3 00 4 00 6 00 6 00 8 00 7 00 8 00 8 00 10 00 6 00 8 00 6 00 8 00 3 00 1 50 1 70 4 00 8 00 7 00 8 00 Other Trades— ConVd. Dyers Engravers Gardeners Hatters Jewelers Laborers, Porters,&c Nail-makers (hand).. Potters Printers Sail-makers Tanners Tailors Tinsmiths Weavers (out side of mills) of cloth. . , of silk «16 00 8 00 5 00 5 00 14 00 5 00 4 00 4 00 .5 00 8 00 9 00 6 00 9 00 7 00 22 00 $20 00 10 00 7 00 6 00 16 00 6 00 6 00 5 00 6 00 10 00 10 00 9 00 10 00 8 00 24 00 Household wages in Towns omd Cities. Wages paid per mon. to household servant*. ( Taums and Cities) in Amoy. Household servants (in native employ- ment) $100 $3 00 WAGES AND LIVIN'J IN OTHER PROVINCES. flRhanics differs little in the various trades, thirteen or fourteen cents per day being a fair average, with food furnished by employers." Consul Seymour reported that the average rate of wages at Canton, in Southern China, for bakers, bookbinders, brickmakers, winemakers, butchers, confectioners, cigarmakers, distillers of essences, boatmen, dyers, gardeners, hatters, shoemakers, nailmakers. potters, printers, leather ware makers, saddle and harness makers, tailors, tinsmiths and porters ranged from $450 to $5.50 per month. Among those I 0»6 THE BKSTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. known as skilled trades, such as bricklayers, masons, plasterers, roofers, pluml carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers, coopers, engravers, jewelers, clockmakers ship carpenters, the rate ranged from $4 50 to S8 per month. These wages, it must be remembered, represent those of the larger cities China, and are, no doubt, as in all other countries of the world, larger than in smaller towns and in the rural localities. The average cost of living for these different cities and provinces is given i about $3.00 per month. " The clothing of male laborers," the report continues, " is very simple inexpensive. Two garments, generally, are only worn, trousers and a sort of loose blouse, both of ordinary cotton cloth, either white or blue. In cold weather these are padded with cotton batting. The better classes vary the upper garment by elongation, when the blouse becomes a robe, which is often covered by a third gar- ment, a sleeveless tunic of cloth. Materials are varied as means allow, and silks and satins supplant the cotton cloth. The cost, of course, depends on material, but the essential cotton garments of laborers cost about $3.00, and two suits last at least a year." As to political rights, the common people have none and seem not to care for them. They seem to live in abject fear of rulers, but appear not to discuss the pos- sibility of change. One would judge they never thought, and were contented with their abject condition. No em'gration has ever occurred from this region. Educa- tion, even in the Chinese sense, is very limited, but most men can read a few char- acters and write them as well, and can keep accounts. Thid is the kind of laborers of whom China can furnish perhaps one hundred millions without in any way affecting its own industries or its own resources. This is the kind of labor which Mr. Harrison and his Republican friends have sought to bring into this country without restriction, to take the food from the mouths of our own worklngmen, and then to raise the cry of high wages and protection. It cer- tainly lies very little in their mouths to make such a cry after their own actions in the matter have been thoroughly exposed. THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATIOlf. 397 VI. CHINESE COMPETITION IN THIS COUNTRY. it IT MEANS IN SAN FRANCISCO— WAGES AND COST OP LIVING AND THE DEGRA- DATION OP THE INHABITANTS. IS showing the rate at which the Chinese live in San Francisco, it has beea rtained from the most reliable sources that the average is about as follows : Rent per month $3 OO Food .5 00 Clothing — Average per month 1 oo Total $;8 00 ►tal per annum $% 00 'It has also been ascertained that only one-fourth of the clothing, which is cer- tainly not extravagant in amount, was made of goods produced in this country ; wMle of the food consumed 75 per cent, was imported from China. ^bof the earnings of these laborers fully 75 per cent, is sent each year to China. ^TThe rate of wages for which these people are willing to work in San Francisco is shown in the following table : RATES OF WAGES PAID TO CHINESE. (Class of Labor. Maximum. Minimum. Average. $25 00 per month. . . 30 00 per month... 12 00 per month... 30 00 per mouth... 25 00 per month. . , 35 00 per month... Domestic servants. . . Cooks Laundrymeu Cultivators of soil... Farm laborers Brickmakers Slippermakers j 5 00 per week Bagmakers ; 6 CO per week Miners ?. 00 per day In canneries I 1 25 per day Boot and shoemakers ' 1 75 per day Cigarmakers $4 to §12 per lOOO. . . Cigar strippers Paid by the piece . . . Fishermen Nearly all on their I own account '$18 00 per 10 00 per 6 00 per 25 00 per 20 00 per 25 00 per 4 00 per 4 .50 per 1 50 per 75 per 75 per month, month, month . month, month, month, week . . week . . day day.... day.... $31 50 20 00 10 00 27 .50 23 50 30 00 4 .50 5 25 1 75 1 00 1 25 per month, per month, per month, per month, per month, per month, per week: per week, per day. per day. per day. ^gt ALMOST ABSOLUTE LACK OP CHINESE HOMES. As showing the domestic condition of these people, it may not be amiss to say that out of 96 733 Chinese residents of the Pacific Coast States and Territories in 1880, only 4,513 were women, a disproportion absolutely unknown in any com- munity which ever existed since the creation of Eve, and one which shows that these people when migrating here have no idea of becoming part and parcel of our American citizenship, so that the "little brown man," of whom Senator Hoar spoke 80 lovingly a few years ago in the Senate, has come to this country for the purposes of revenue only, and has no idea of remaining longer than it is necessary to acquire the small sum which will enable him to set up as a rich man and capitalist at home. I J»8 THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. THE TERRIBLE CONDITION OP THE CHINESE QUARTER. In July 1885, there was published in the city of San Francisco a report made by the special committee of the Board of Supervisors of that county, upon the condi- tion of the Chinese Quarter. The section of the city known as the Chinese Quarter is included in twelve blocks. In these twelve blocks were found bunks to the number of 15,180, each bunk being occupied on an average by two persons. The further results of this system are set forth in the following ; All great cities have their slums and localities where filth, disease, crime, and misery abound ; but in the very best aspect which " Chinatown " can be made to present, it must stand apart, conspicuous and beyond them all in the extreme degree of all these horrible attributes, the rankest outgrowth of human degradation that can be found upon this continent. Here it may be truly said that human beings exist under conditions (as regards their mode of life and the air they breathe) scarcely one degree above those under which the rats of our water-front and other vermin live, breathe, and have their being- And this order of things seems inseparable from the very nature of the race, and probably must be ac.cepted and borne with— must be endured, if it cannot be cured— restricted and 1 cooked after, so far as possible, with unceasing vigilance, so that, whatever of benefit, " of degree" even, that may be derived from such modification of the evil of their presence among us, may, at least, be attained, not daring to hope that there can be any radical remedy for the great, overshadowing evil which Chinese immigration has inflicted upon this people. Your committee have found, both from their own and individual observations and from the reports of their surveyors, that it is almost the universal custom among the Chinese to herd together as compactly as possible, both as regards living and sleeping rooms and sleeping accommodations. It is almost an invariable rule that every "bunk" in Chinatown (beds being almost unknown in that locality) is occupied by two persons Not only is this true, but in very many instances these bunks are again occupied by "relays" in the daytime, so that there is no hour, night or day, when there are not thousands of Chinamen sleeping under the effects of opium, or otherwise, in the bunks which we have found there. Besides these bunks, rolls of bedding, for use in sleeping on floors and various other sleeping accommodations, are found. All these bunks, rolls, etc., have been carefully noted and enumerated In their reports furnished to us by the surveyors; and from them we reach the following results of an estimated enumeration of the population of "Chinatown." HOW THESE HUMAN HERDS LIVE. They describe the methods of living in Chinatown with its filth and its vile smells as follows : Descend into the basement of almost any building in Chinatown at night; pick your way by the aid of the policeman's candle along the dark and narrow passageway, black and grimy with a quarter of a century's accumulation of filth; step with care lest you fall 'into a cesspool of sewage abominations with which these subterranean depths abound. Now follow your guide through a door, which he forces, into a sleeping room. The air Is thick with smoke and fetid with an Indescribable odor of reeking vapors. Theatmo8j;_ phere is tangible. Tangible— if we may be licensed to use the word in this Instanc four out of the five human senses. Tangible to the sight, tangible to the touch, tangil to the taste, and, oh, how tangible to the smell. You may even hear it as the opiui; smoker sucks it through his pipe- bowl into his tainted lungs, and you breathe it youi as if it were of the substance and tenacity of tar. It is a sense of a horror you have never before experienced.revoltingto the last deg sickening and stupefying. Through this semi-opaque atmosphere you discover perhe eight or ten— never less than two or three— bunks, the greater part or all of which are occ pied by two persons, some in a state of stupefaction from opium, some rapidly smokii HOW "PROTECTION" IS PREVENTED BY THESE PEOPLE. ^K THE RESTRICTION OF CfltNESE IMMIGRATION. 3w themselves into that condition, and all in dirt and filth. Before the door was opened for your entrance every aperture was closed, and here, had they not been thus rudely dis- turbed, they would have slept in the dense and poisonous atmosphere until morning, proof against the baneful effects of the carbonic acid gas generated by this human defiance of chemical laws, and proof against all the zymotic poisons that would be fatal to a people of any other race in an hour of such surroundings and such conditions. tThey also advert at some length and with considerable bitterness to the men I would cry for the protection of American labor, and yet would permit the influx of this element to come into competition with our own, as follows : The essentially American policy of a tariff for protection to home Industry is not alone on trial as against the opposing doctrine of free trade. Protection against the "pauper labor of Europe" as a system of public policy may be advocated, upheld and practiced as we will, but it is clear that the doctrine is absolutely nullified, and the laws that are enacted to support it are successfully and effectually evaded by the importation, not of the products of pauper labor, but of pauper labor itself, of afar lower grade than that of Europe, viz: the Asiatic. The political party which claims to be the party of protection to home industry by means of a high tariff necessarily stultifies itself if it fails to set itself against the greater of these dangers, the importation of Asiatic pauper labor, as well as against the free im- portation of the products of European pauper labor. Fc r it is clear that Asiatic labor here upon our own soil, which can exist here at a less cost for living than can even the pauper labor of Europe exist upon European soil, not only posseseses a dominant advantage over home labor, but also over the "pauper labor of Europe" itself, about which we declaim so earnestly. If this "Asiatic pauper labor," toler ated upon our own soil, can produce here any article of manufacture cheaper than the same article can be produced in Europe, the advantage is not alone the difference in the cheapness of the product, but [in the tariff which i s imposed on the article thus manufac- tured in Europe and imported here. Therefore the Asiatic laborer residing here literally oommunda the situation. The result of such a competition is indisputable. Either the American laborer must come down to a level with the imported "little brown man" in habits of life and desires, or he must become a helpless pauper himself* This is not the gospel of the "Sand Lot ;" it is the gospel of political truth, upon which all parties should agree who have the welfare of society at heart, and to whom humanity itself ought not to plead in vain. Cool and dispassionate consideration of this great overshadowing question is now the necessityof the hour, uninfluenced by tbe senseless jargon of "The Chinese must go," or any shibboleth cf the demagogue. Planted here in this young but already great metropolis Is a Mongolian population, forming about one-eighth of the entire community, and probably one-fourth of the laboring classes, equal to the task of competition in any line of skilJed or unskilled manufacture. Their habits and mode of life render the cost of support less- than one-fifth of that of the ordinary American laborer, who exercises what is commonly recc»gnized as the strictest rules of economy and thrift. This first coming of the wave of Chinese labor is to-day in more than successful competition with the home workman here In the production of every article of clothing, cigars, and other like necessities and luxuries of life, to the extent that, practically, [the occupation of the skilled home laborer is gone. Indeed, even atjthis early stage of the contact. HOW THE INFLUX OP THIS SERVILE CLASS CONTINUES. It is within the province and scope of this report to supply this " missing link " through the facts which have been collated in this investigation, and about which there can surely be no dispute, if human evidence is of value at all in the search for trutn, hidden where it may be : 400 THE RESTRICTION OP CHINESE IMMIGRATION. Tour committee, then, apart from theorizing', invite the attention of the Board and of the American people to their exhibits of facts relating to this subject of Chinese labor here in San Francisco alone, and the inevitable result which must sooner or later be reached all over the land as the Chinese tide advances and sweeps competition to the winds. It need not be Laid that the discussion of this phase of the question is useless now because of the treaty and the legislation which is supposed to prohibit Chinese immigra- tion ; for the fact is but too apparent to every resident of San Francisco that Chinese immi- Srration is still flowing in in appalling numbers, and the treaty and the prohibitory legislation scarcely modifies the strength of the tide, much less prohibits. Therefore it is more than In order at this time to analyze and discuss the dfifect of Chinese pauper labor upon the welfare of the American laborer and the American people. HOW THE CHINESE ARE DRIVING OUT WOMEN AS WELL AS MEN. In setting forth the kind of work done by these men— how it has taken the bread from the mouths of men, women and children in San Francisco— they say : There are employed in Chinatown to-day not less than 3,328 Chinese workmen engaged in the manufacture of clothing of various descriptions, boots and shoes, leather, cigars, etc., all of which are produced for consumption here in competition with the American workmen engaged in the same line of manufacture. Most of this labor is carried on through the use of the best modern machinery, in the operation of which the Chinese work- man becomes an adept in a short space of time. Machinery for the manufacture of boots and shoes in the largo establishments operated by Chinese labor supplies a large share of the demand for the whole Pacific coast. The Hop Kee Company, on Dupont street, an estab- lishment employing at some seasons of the year three hundred men, finds a market for its goods as far east as Salt Lake City at present, and will at no distant day invade the country east of the Mississippi, giving manufacturers there an opportunity to become pratically aoquainted with the effects of " Chinese cheap labor" and the results which follow in its train. In the manufacture of clothing, ladies' undeiwear, shirts, etc., 1,345 sewing machines are kept actively at work, all operated by male laborers with a skill that is equal to the best efforts of the American woman, as well as the American man, in this direction, and all run with such quick-handed, untiring energy, that it suggests one of the most curious physio- logical problems of the day to understand how a people, nurtured and fed as they are, can possess the vitality and physical force necessary to the results which they achieve in this direction. Most of this labor is carried on by " piece work " and to fill orders for large " down-town commercial houses " engaged in the sale of the class of goods thus produced. The heavy, strong-stitched jean overalls which find so large a market on the coast are made by the Chinese workmen at the rate of about 55 cents per dozen pairs. The work thus produced— at a price which would reduce the American worker, male and female, to a lower level than the " woman " in " The Song of the Shirt "—the Chinaman thrives upon and is prosperous and happy. But it is a prosperity and happiness that is based upon a mode of life that a home- less cur upon the streets might not envy, upon which the American laborer could not exist until a succession of generations had so brutalized and blunted his race proclivities that be had degenerated into a condition worse than barbarism and become a curse to civilization, instead of what he is to-day, the vital strength of a nation. 1 THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIORATTON. 401 Vll. HOW TO PROTECT LABOR IN EARNEST. )uring the discussion of the Chinese Restriction Act in the Senate in 1882. iter Jones, of Nevada, told his Republican colleagues an amount of truth not often heard by them from one of their own party. In speaking of protection, he said : I have noticed, Mr. President, that most of those who are in favor of the largest liberty being extended to the Chinese immigrant to this country are also in favor of a tariff— a tariff which has been urged as necessary to protect the American laborer from the degra. dation of competition with the pauper labor of Europe, as it is usually termed. In reality if we may judge of their motives by the action of the men who are now advocating a tariff] it was not the American laborer they wished to protect against the pauper labor of Europe, bHt it was the American capitalist, the lordly manufacturer, that they wished to protect against the free competition of the capitalist of Europe. Our capitalist manufacturer wanted a larger interest on his money than the capitalist of Europe was willing to accept, and he was given the benefit of a tariff. Let us see how that tariff worlds. It works in this wise, that everything that the capi- talist manufacturer has to sell he sells In a protected market; he sells in a market In which foreign capitalists cannot compete with him. How is it with what he has to buy ? For the principal article he has to buy, to wit, the labor of men, he demands free trade in the broadest sense, not only free trade in bringing in laborers of our own race wbo can soon accommodate themselves to our conditions of life, but the bringing in a class cf laborers who have been Inured to poverty by thousands of years of training. The capitalist asks the broadest free trade for that, his own market in any event being protected. Now, how is this with the laborer ? Everything he wants to buy he has to buy from his capitalist master in a protected market: everything he has to sell, to wit, his labor (and, unlike the capitalist, he can not hold it away from sale ; unlike the capitalist, he can not wait for better times, or travel here and there where he pleases to sell It, but he must sell it every day), he must sell in the openest market in the world. This is the theory in favor of the laborer that the gentleman (Mr. Dawes, of Massa< chusetts) propounds to us. We reject it, and by this bill propose to bar out this degrading this shocking competition with our people. And yet he tells us we are striking a blow at labor, that we are proposing to inflict injury on the laborers of our country. Ah I sir, when tke artisans and laborers of this country shall be made to understand that they are subjected to free trade in labor they will demand as one of the conditions of their existence that they shall have an open market in which to buy that which they want if iti3 an open market in which they must sell their labor, the only thing they have to sell. They will never consent to a tariff on bales and boxes and hampers of goods coupled with free trade in human brain and muscle. The Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Dawes) told us that he wanted the American people to know that this bill was a blow struck at labor. Yes, sir, it is a blow struck at degraded, underpaid, underclothed, underfed labor, and it is a blow In favor of that fair remuneration which the forces of our civilization up to this hour have decreed that the laborer should get. Wk WHAT HARRISON'S PERSONAL ORGAN THOUGHT. ^" The Indianapolis Journal was in March, 1882, when the Miller anti- Chinese bill was pending in Congress, the personal organ of Benjamin Harrison, as it is to-day. Its editorial columns were filled with praises of the Chinese, and with denunciations of those who were trying to keep them out of the country. On March 2, 1882, in a leading editorial, the Journal said : 402 THE RESTRICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. They who shout "The Chinese must go" are as mistaken as the dweller on the Tazoo, who stands upon its banks and curses the Father ofWaters. Repulsed from our shores, the Chi- nese will pour into Peru, into the South Sea Islands, into Spain, into Cuba, into Mexico, to him the lower levels. But finally he will overspread districts whose inhabitants have mis* calculated the extent and might of the flood. His virtues are sobriety, modesty, PATIENCE AND ECONOMY, AND HE IS A TEACHER TO THE LABOR OF ALL LANDS. WHATEVER HIS FAULT, HIS LESSON MUST BE LEARNED BY THE STRIKERS AND GRUMBLERS EVERY- WHERE, for none has so successfully met and triumphed over the harder conditions of life. He is a marvel, an astonishment, and a surprise, but a warning and an admonition as well. REPUBLICAN OfiNlOK IN CALIFORNIA IN 1882. The position assumed by the Republican newspapers of the Coast, and particu- larly of San Francisco, on the Chinese question, was outspoken in denunciation of those Republican members of Congress and particularly Senators Harrison, Edmunds, Ingalls, Sherman, Hoar and Dawes, who so bitterly opposed the anti-Chinese legisla- tion of the Forty- seventh session. The opinions of the Republican papers of this city at that time on the attitude of the Republican leaders, is best shown by extracts from them. THE DEMOCRATIC REPRESENTATIVES DEFENDED. ISan Francisco Call, April 10, 1882] Notwithstanding that most of .the Republican Senators, except those who represent the States of the Pacific, opposed the passage of the anti-Chinese bill, which President Arthur vetoed, there is a studied effort to deceive our people by saying that Democratic Congressmen are trying to defeat the passage of another anti-Chinese bill. We have reason to believe there is not a word of truth in it, for did not nearly all of the Democratic Senators and Repre- sentatives in Congress do their utmost to pass the bill which the President, instigated by hit stalwart friends, vetoed f A REPUBLICAN PRESIDENT REPUDIATES HIS PLATFORM. [San Francisco Call April, 5, 1882.] The recent exercise of the veto power by President Arthur in reference to the Chinese bill is perhaps the most arbitrary act an American President has ever performed. * * • The message is worse for the President and for his party than if he had based it on an exces- sive term of prohibition. It is aflat contradiction of the piatform on which he was elected, and raises the question whether the anti-Chinese plank in the Republican platform was not a deliberate deceit practiced on the people of this Coast. HARRISON CANNOT CONTINUE IN PUBLIC LIFE. [San Francisco Bulletin, April 3, 1882.] The opposition to the Chinese exhibited by these facts has been extending instead of decreasing. It is, in short, the development of a great labor question, vfhxcii no public man can face and continue in or enter public life. It has already been formulated as protection to American labor, which is just as necessary as protection to American manufactures. HARBISON'S HOSTILITY TO THE PACIFIC COAST. ^H [SanFrancisco Bulletin, March 30, 1882.] ^H This State is to be saved by wise limits to Chinese immigration, or it is to be hopelessly cursed by an immigration which is irredeemable and outside of all future improvement. The journals and the politicians who prefer the latter alternative are not the friends of tliig country, and no argument of their assumed philanthropy can make them such. The forces and the influences which are at work to-day in favor of unrestricted Chmese immigra- tion are hostile to the Pacific Coast and to the best interests of the whole country. Be whs it not with us is against us. Hostility to the proposed measure is hostility to the prospei ©f the Pacific States. HARRISON PROVED HIMSELF AN ENEMY TO LABOR. [San Francisco Chronicle, April 12, 1882.] We call the attention of the honest and sincere Senators and Representatives f l California, Oregon and Nevada to this situation, and in the name of the laboring classes of the coast ask them to use their utmost endeavors for the passage of the ten-year exclusion bill. Half a loaf is better than no bread. » ♦ * What the American laborers " the Pacific Coast want is immediate relief, and whoever opposes that, in whatever it tkei' enemy. I HARRISON NAILED FAST ON THE RECORD. [San Francisco Bullet'm, Aprils, 1882.] THE RESTRICTION OP CHINESE IMMIGRATION. 408 THE DEMOCRACY THE FRIEND OF LABOR. [Sati Froncuco Call, February 9, 1882.1 We fear that it is not quite so certain that a bill restricting ChineBe immisrration will be passed during the present session ( f Couvress, as somt: of our conteaiporarits stem to aniicipate. Certain it is that Republicans alone cannot pass it, for th( y have not a majority in boih houses of Congress, and it is also known that some Republicans will oppoi^t; any and all bills. No bill can possibly pass Congress unless it be approved by a u.ajori'y of the Democratic members of the iStimteand House of Representatives. Of this our citizens may be assured ; but as t/u Democratic party is provei bially the friend of labor, there cannot be any doubt that they wi-1 generally favor the passage of fcucli a till Uo will relievo this. K)f Its prtseui troubles. ..,„„.„.-.,...™^...„._„„.„.,„..,„. (fifteen twenty- two Dv,mocrals, nine Republicans, and David Davis, President pro •em., voting for it. * * * All the Democratic Senators from the West and those from the South voted for the bill. Ingalls, of Kansas, was iuclined to assist us, but the missionary sniveling was probably too much for bun, and he voted against the bill. Of the fifteen votes In the negative eleven were furnished by New England -all its Senators but oue. This Indicates that the area of Chiuamunia is conQued principally to that section, with a queer extension in the direction of Georgia. This area is also thai which is devoted lo ihe manu- facture of cottons for the Chinese trade. The other four negatives were ; Hakkison, OF Indiana ; [ngalls, OF Kansas; ILapuah, of New York; Sherman, of Ohio. The bill which went through the Senate was passed by the House by the enormous vote of two hundred and one to thirty-seven, six more than two thirds of the whole body. Of the two hundred and one, one hundred and seven were Democrats and ninety-four Eepublicans. * * * We will have the law on our side to s op the yellow tide, and tne people of California will see that the law is executed. No tectmicaliues, evasions or loop- holes will be tolerated on this Coast. tariff PROTBCnONISTS BNEMIES OF LABOR. ^ft {San Framisco C/irmicle, April 28, 1882.] ^*^A close analysis of the proceedings of the Senate on the two Chinese bills demonstrates that the opposition came fioin the railway corpoi ations, the bu,nkiug monopolists. Che tariff' pTotictimmts and the manufacturing interests of New England, Pennsylvania, Ohio and other States. All monopuli-. s are the natural tuemies of independence in the labanng cla^s the natvi al friends of chatp and servile labor. It ii gool and wise policy for us of the Paciflo States, who are demanding the exclusion of the myriads of Cbiaese threatenin^i uj with invusion, to treat this Eastern comijiuatioa as enemies, and to o^^/^iAe back ai them'wheuever it is possible to deliver a blow without iigury to ourselves. »THE REPUBLICANS FAVORED CHINESE IMMIGRATION [San Francisco Bulletin, March 10, 1882.1 The bill suspending Chinese immigration passed the Senat a yesterday. * ♦ ♦ The great body of the negatives were tiepublicaas. It iS proper tostate that twoof them— Edmunds and Ingalls— would have voted fur the bill if the term of suspension ha 1 been reduced to ten years. The only real Dernocraiic vote in the negative— for Davis, of IllmoiSt Is an unknov\rn political quantity— was Brown, of Georgia, ♦ * « It is quite apparent from the above vote that if the Republicans in the Houseoannot be rallied to the support of the measure moie generally than in the higher chamber, there is some dan ger of the failure of the bill. Only a fifth of the Republican Senators voted againsv .t. If these proportions are maintained in the House, the shave by which the bill is likeiy to paat Will be a very light one., unless, indeed, broader views are more generally accepted ttiere • HARRISON WAS ONE OF THEM. [San Francisco Call, March 10. 1883.1 The anti-Chinese bill has passed the Senate by a ma.1orlty of nearly two to one oi the Senators voting— 29 to 15. It is a matter for congratulation that but fifteen Senators were willing to place themselves on record in opposition to the right of a yovemment to legiUate Immigration. The position taken by the opponents of the bill would have required us to git quietly down and let foreign hordes crowd into our country without regard to their atness to share with us the responsibilities of government. 404 THE BESTllICTION OF CHINESE IMMIGRATION. DBMOCRATIC ACTIVITV ASSURED SUCCESS. [-Sara Francisco Chronicle, March 5, 1883.] The Senate will pass the bill by an overwhelming: majority. It is so far openly antagonized by but one Senator, and meets with but a half-hearted opocsition from only a few others. The activity of leading Democrats in the Senate indicates tbat it may receive the united support of that party, and we think it will get the votes of nearly all the Republican Senators. • • * It reminds both of the great national political parties that they solemnly pledged themselves to the principles of this bill, aad demands that they shall each abide by that pledge or accept the consequences of a false and fraudulent promise. ARTHUR FAILED TO SIGN IT -JUST THE SAHB. {San Francisco Bulletin, March 2.5, 1883.] The approval of the Chinese bill by President Arthur will have the effect of restoring the political equilibrium on that subject, somewhat disturbed by the Democratic prepon- derance in its favor. In that case the Republicans will have furnished the bill, the man- agement of the same in both Houses, and tae votes, though awaW i/i number, necessary to carry it. The biJJ coald no' have gone through either House if the Republicans had stood in the way. It, in addition, the endorsement of a Republican administration is given, it wUL bedifflcult to make any special party capital out of the measure. * * ♦ Two vetoes on this subject from Republican Presidents would me up the Republican party for a generation or more on the. Pacific coa-^t. The immediate and most deplorable effect would be TO increase largely the Mongolian deluge that is pouring in upon us. So great and alarming is that deluge that it is important that the billshcildbe signed as soon as the necessary forms can be gone through. I HABBI30K AND THE CHINESB. 409 &ct from Letter of John J. Ingalls :] Vice-President's Chamber, Washington, June 16, 1888. Sherman, Allison, Harrison, etc., Have Records that Would be Awk- * * * ON THE Chinese Question." NO USE TO MAKE THE FIGHT. t. DE YOUNG, MEMBER NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE FROM CALIFORNIA, GIVES IT UP WHEN HARRISON'S NAME IS MENTIONED. (AtlarUa Constitution, Chicago Dispatch, June 33 :) had a talk with M. H. De Young-, the well-known California editor, on Saturday, Just before he had been called into conference, representing Blaine's interest, with a few leaders representing the other candidates. Harrison had made a heavy gain that morning, receiving 317 votes against 93 on the third ballot Friday evening, and his friends hoped to have the conference agree upon him. De Young said : " It is absurd to talk of agreeing on Harrison ,- he cannot carry the Pacific Coast, nor can he carry several other States, which would be Republican, on account of his record on the Chinese qtui» tion. The labor vote will be against him, and California will never support a man who voted againit the Chinese bUl and every phase of the Chinese treaty. Further than this, he voted to naturalize Chinamen and give them the right of suffrage, and Allison did the same thing. If either of then ) it nominated we might as well give vp the fight in California," ' 406 HARBISON AND THE CHINESE. CHAPTEE XXXII. HARRISON AND THE CHINESE. I FOR THE CHINESE WHEN AT HOME. HOW HARRISON TROFITED BY THE NATURALIZATION OF CHINAMEN IN INDIANi DURING THE DORSET CAMPAIGN IN 1880. In October, 1880, while the contest preliminary to the presidential electioa of that year was being waged in Indiana, the Republicans concluded that it would be a stroke of business to naturalize a lot of Chinese in the city of Indianapolis and vote them for their candidates for State offices. Accordingly, five such Chinese applied for naturalization papers to Daniel M. Ransdell, the clerk of the courts in Marion county, in which Indianapolis is situated. The question thus raised was new, from the legal point of view, as no Chinaman had previously been naturalized, and Ransdell was in some doubt as to the tenability of his position. His regular legal adviser was "William A Ketcham, of the Indianap- olis bar, who also expressed some doubt on the question. Ransdell, who had been a soldier in Harriton's Indiana regiment during the late war, had been accustomed to rely upon his friend for advice on those more knotty points of the law with which his regular counsel did not feel thoroughly familiar. Among them was this question of issuing certificates of naturalization to the Chinese who had applied for them. The doubt was resolved by Harrison in favor of giving papers to the applicants, which was done. It was generally asserted that a written opinion affirming that the clerk of the courts had this power, was given by John B. Elam, then Republican district attorney, and now the law partner of General Harrison. WHERE THEY WERE VOTED. Three of the Chinamen were located in the eleventh ward of the city and two in the seventeenth ward — each ward at that time constituting a voting precinct. On the day of the State election, October 5, 1880, one of the newly made citizens (?) pre- sented himself at the polling place in the eleventh ward, and his vote was challenged by Joseph W. Nichol, a Democratic lawyer in good standing before the courts of Marion county, upon the ground that no court or court officer had a right, under the constitution or the laws, to issue certificates of naturalization to Chinese. In spite of this challenge the vote of the Chinaman was sworn in and received by the election officers, a majority of whom were Republicans. It was known that the Chinaman had presented a Republican ticket, as he had been brought to the polls and vouched for by a Republican lawyer, George Carter by name. I HARRISON AND THE CHINESE. 407 In the seventeenth ward one of the Chinamen presented himself at the voting place under the patronage of one of the leading Republican workers of the precinct, who offered the Mongolian's ballot to the election oflBcers. His right to vote was challenged by Austin H. Brown, who for many years had been the representative of Indiana on the Democratic National Committee. As in the eleventh precinct, the vote was sworn in and accepted by the election ofBcers, a majority of whom were Republicans, as in the other case, and the vote went to swell the Republican major- ity which the State gave as the result of the free use, by Mr. Dorsey, of the commod* ity since known as "soap." ONLY SENATOR SENT BY CHINESE VOTES. Thus it was that Benjamin Harrison advised and consented to the naturaliza- tion of Chinese who voted the Republican ticket, and it was a legislature chosen at the election in question which sent him to the United States Senate where, both by votes and dodging of votes, he did all he could to admit Chinese without restriction. He is the only Senator of the United States, for any State, who during the entire history of this country ever represented a Chinese constituency, and that, too, acoE' stituency which he himself had by his own advice made into voters. II. FOR THE CHINESE IN THE SENATE. HOW HARRISON VOTED FOURTEEN TIMES IN FAVOR OF IMPORTING CHINESE II' INTO THIS COUNTRY WITHOUT LET OR HINDRANCE. I. On March 8. 1882, Senator Hoar introduced the following amendment to the Chinese exclusion bill then under consideration : "Provided, That this bill shall not apply to any skilled laborer who shall eetabUsh that he comes to this country without any contract by which his labor is the property of any person other than himself." On this 17 Republican Senators voted "aye," including Benjamin Harrison, tdiana. n. On the same day Mr. Hoar picked his flint and tried again with the following amendment : '■'Provided further, That any laborer who shall receive a certificate from the U. S. Con- sul at the port where he shall embark that he is an artisan coming to this country at his own expense and of his own free will, and has established such fact to the satisfaction of such Consul, shall not be affected by this bill." On this amendment 19 Republicans voUd aye, among whom was found Ben- [IN Harrison, of Indiana. 408 HABRISON AND THE CHINESB. DODGED TWICE IN ONE DAY. On March 9, 1882, upon an amendment offered by Senator Farley, of Califor to prohibit the naturalization of Chinese, Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, recorded as dodging, although on April 25th following he voted against this amend-i ment. The same policy was pursued on the same day on a proposition submitted Senator Grover, of Oregon, to make theterm"Chineee Laborers" include all Chine whether skilled or unskilled. III. On the same day, March 9, 1882, Senator Ingalls, of Kansas, offered an amenoS ment changing the term of exclusion from twenty to ten years. Mr. Harrison was absent, but paired with Mr. Maxey, of Texas (Democrat), who, before the vote was taken, rose in his place in the Senate and said : Mr. MAXEY— On this particular amendment I am paired with the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Harrison), who is necessarily absent. I would vote "nay" if he were here» and the Senator from Indiana would vote "aye." This is of course equivalent to a vote in favor of this amendment. Twenty Senators, all Republicans, voted for the amendment, and twenty one, all Democrats except four, voted against it. IV. Again, on the same day, March 9, 1882, when the vote was taken on the fina) passage of the twenty years exclusion act, Senator Harrison was still absent. When his name was called, Senator Maxey, of Texas, again rose and said : Mr. MAXEY— I was paired with the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Harrison) on the ten years' amendment. In the note which he wrote me he said if that amendment should be voted down he would vote against the bill. I am inclined to think that under that state- ment he would regard it as a pair upon the bill, because the amendment was voted down, and therefore I shall decline to vote. I should vote for the bill, and he, from the statement made to me, would vote against it. Thus did Benjamin Harrison, even during a temporary absence from the Sen* ate, still insist upon carrying out his scheme to promote the unrestricted importa- tion of servile labor. This was his way of "protecting" American labor even when it would have been possible for him to have dodged. The bill was passed by a vote of thirty-five ayes, all but eight of which were cast by Democratic Senators, to fifteen nays, only one of which, that of Senator Brown, of Georgia, was cast by a man who had been chosen as a Democrat. V. On April 5, 1882, when Senator Farley proposed to take up President Arthur's veto of the Chinese Restriction Bill, twenty-five Republican Senators voted against it, among them appearing the name of Benjamin Harbison, of Indiana. VI. At the same session Senator Sherman moved that the bill be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, there to be smothered. Only eighteen Repub- lican Senators voted for this, but amoDg them appears the name of Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. HARRISON AND THE CIITNESK. 409 VII. On the same day, again, the motion to refer the President's veto message, "with )mpanjing papers, to the Committee on Foreign Relations, in order to kill it, 18 voted for by nineteen Republican Senators. As usual, the name of Ben.jamin [arrison is found with them. VIII. On the same day, on the question of passing the bill, notwithstanding the objec- >ns of the President, twenty one Republican Senators voted "nay." Among them, bnsistent to the last in favor of the free and unrestricted importation of the Chinese rdes, stands the name of Benjamin Harkison, op Indiana. IX. On April 25, 1882, a new bill to prohibit Chinese immigration for ten years, introduced in the Senate, and on the motion to strike out section 14, which pro- led that "Hereafter no State court or court of the United States shall admit Chinese to citiaen- jp, and all laws in conflict with this act are hereby repealed," vote was 26 ayes, 32 nays and 18 absent. Benjamin Harrison voted aye, and thus declared himself in favor of the policy ie had promoted in his own city in 1880, when five Chinamen were naturalized upon his recommendation and advice, in order that they might vote for the Repub- m candidates for State offices and thus save some of Doi-sey's "soap.'' X. In the new restriction bill, as in the old one, the following amendment was pro- sed : Sec. 15. That the words Chinese laborers, wherever used in this act, shall be oon- led to mean both skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining." Twenty- nine Republican Senators voted, on April 25, 1882, in favor of striking jt this amendment, which was adopted by a majority of one. As usual, Benjamin Harrison was found among the advocates of the unre- ricted importation of cheap labor by the creation of a condition whereby it might brought in. XI. When this provision was reported to the Senate from the Committee of the 'hole on April 28, Mr. Harrison again voted with nineteen of his Republican )lleague8 in favor of this loophole for the introduction of cheap labor. XII. On April 28, Senator Edmunds moved the following amendment : " The words Chinese laborers, wherever used in this act, shall be construed to mean jreong usually engaged in manual labor." Seventeen Republican Senators voted in favor of this construction of the bill, lOBg whom appears the name of Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. 410 HARRISON AND THE CHINESE. XIII. On the same day Senator Edmunds moved to strike out the section prohlbitin| absolutely the naturalization of Chinese and to insert the following in lieu thereof) " Nothing in this act shall be construed to change the existing naturalization laws as to admit Chinese persons to citizenship." On this proposition sixteen Republican Senators voted "aye," and Benjamii Harrison's name is found among the rest. XIV. The bill came up for final passage on the same day, April 28, 1882, when, afte having- voted thirteen times in favor of unrestricted immigration of Chinese an< dodging twice, Benjamin Harrison agaiu cast his vote against the enactment ot i law which had for its purpose the protection of American labor from unnatura competition with the unnumbered hordes of Asiatics. SENATOR HARRISON DODGES AGAIN. On July 3, 1884, the bill introduced in the House by Mr. Page, of Californi entitled "An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to the Chinea approved May 6, 1882," passed. Under the interpretation of the Exclusion Act by the Republican FederalJudge of California, it had been found th«t Chinese were coming in almost without restric tion. These judges held that Chinese on the island of Hong Kong, after its cessi( to Great Britain, did not come within the provisions of the Exclusion Act of 1883* The new bill consequently sought to so amend the act that the spirit as well a the letter of the law would be obeyed by the courts of the Pacific Coast, so thi Chinese, wherever born, would be excluded. This had been the interpretatior given to the law by Judge Stephen J. Field, who was then the only Democrat on tl bench of the Supreme Court of the United States. But the action of the Republican Judges, Sawyer and Sabin, had been such as 1 let everybody in. The bill was passed in the House by a large majority, and in th< Senate only twelve Republicans could be found to vote against it. Senator Harrison returned to his old tactics and dodged the vote, even with his scru^^les against violating a treaty— which had served him so well in the long discussion two years before. Whatever eke may be said of it, nobody will ever question the consistency of Benjamin Harrison's record on the Chinese question. From first to last he voted in the Senate against every proposition to exclude Chinese imported labor — labor imported under contract in the interest of "manufacturers" who, another Senator has recently said, "are most benefited by our tariff laws." He voted in favor of every scheme by which they should be permitted to come here, and declared, in an address before a literary society, that *'the Government had no more right to exclude the Chinese than it had to forbid the coming of Irish and Germans." From the day when, in 1880, he advised and profited by the naturalization and votes of Chinamen in his own city of Indianapolis, down to his last utterance, his last vote or his latest "dodge" of a vote in the Senate, he has shown himself the same consistent advocate of the free and unrestricted importation of Chinese labor, and the consequent degradation of American labor, in whose behalf he is now show- ing such a lively interest MR. HARRISON'S UGLY WORD " SUBSIDY " 411 CHAPTER XXXIII. MR. HARRISON'S UGLY WORD '^SUBSIDY." IGNORANCE EXPOSED — THE PLAN OF THIS COUNTRY FOR EXPEDITING OCEAN MAILS COMMENDS ITSELF TO OTHERS. In all the addresses which have been made to me, there has been ?ome reference to the ?reat question of protection of our American industries. I see it upon the banners which you carry. Our party stands unequivocally, without evasion or qualification, for the doc- trine that the American market shall be preserved for our American producers. We are not attracted by the 8Ugget. We do not desire to dominate thes' neighboring Government^ ; we do not desire to deal ;v^ith them in any spirit of aggre-sion. We desire those friendly, political, mental and com- nercisl relations which >hall promote their inte^rests equally with ours. We should no ongei forego those commercial relations and advantages which our geographical relations mggest and make so desirable.— i^row Benjamin Harrison's Speech to a Delegation, July 30. m, \y the system of foreiga mail service adopted under ibis administration, the AStest ships are selected from week to week without regard to nationality. "When iimerican ships can be found complying with these conditions they are preferred ind are paid four times the rate paid t > foreign ships. The following expresses the opinion of American citizens of this system, and raddressed to the Postmaster-General of the United States : UAa i WHAT AMERICAN MERCHANTS SAY OF THE PRESENT POLICY. Weregret that the postal administrations of some European countries appear not to aanlf st an equal Interest in the prompt and sp 'cdy transmission of mails to this country. Jnder the ystem of mail dispatch s to the Unitpd States followed by these European coun- rie-, the mails, being often forwarded by steamers of a comparatively low rate of >peed, requ' ntly arrive at New York after the arrival of faster steamers b longing to other lines, fhU;h, although leaving European ports later and arriving in New York before their com- etitors, are exclud d by some countries from the privilege of carrying mails. This policy, esides causing delay in the mail deliveries, results in many instances in loss and annoyance ath' importer, whose good> frequently arrive before the mails containing the invoices ecessary to enter such goods, thus involving him in disputes and difficulties with the TJnl- 3d States customs authorities. We therefore take the liberty of requesting you to use your good offices with the postal dministrations of such countries, so far as may be consistent with international comity, for lie general adoption of the sam > policy so successfully inaugurat d by your Department of i-patching all foreign mails within the territory of the Postal Union by the first and fastest teamers, without regard to the flag under which they sail. We are, dear sir, with high regard, your obedient servants. I 412 MR. HARRISON'S UGLY WORD ** SUBSIDY." This memorial to the Government of the United States was signed by all the leadiDg merchants, bankers and business men of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, St. Louis, San Francisco, New Orleans and Charleston. WHAT THE GOVERNMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN THINKS OF IT. The department complied with the request, and Great Britain replied through her Prime Minister as follows : "I have the honor to inform you that Her Majes'y'8 Postmaster- General has had under his consideration the representation of the United States Postmaster- General, copy of which was enclosed in your note of the 7th ultimo, respecting the postal communication from Europe to the United States. "In reply to your above-mentioned note I beg to assure you that the influentially signed expression of opinion enclosed therein will not be lost sight of when an opportunity occurs for reconsidering the arrangements now in force for the conveyance of the mails from this coun'ry to New York, butasyou are doubtless aware, the efforts which Her Majesty's Postmastf r-General has from time to time made to adopt the American transatlantic sys- tem have not received so much support in this country as would at present warrant a dis- turbance of existing arrangements." THE LIBERAL SYSTEM OP PAYMENT UNDER THE SYSTEM. The rates of compensation for sea-conveyance of mails to foreign countries paid by Great Britain, Germany and the United States, to National and Foreign Steam- ship Companies, is shown in the following table : To National Steamers. To Foreign Steamers. COUNTRIES. Letters per pound. Prints, etc. per pound. Letters per pound. Prints, etc. per pound. 72 cents. fl.60 6 cents. 4.3 " 8 44 cents. 44 " 44 " 4X cents. United States ... i)i " The Postal Contract of Great Britain with the Cunard Steamship Company is separate and distinct from the contract of the Company with the Admiralty. The Postal Contract is for a term of three years and provides for the conveyance of the mails as cargo at ?o much a pound, as shown in the above table. The admiralty contract is for a period of five years with a subvention at so much per registered ton per annum. THE BEST RESULTS SECURED BY THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. The wonderful advancement being made in naval architecture, so far as speed of the vessels is concerned, makes it questionable to tie the PostofRce Department in long contracts to certain lines of vessels which may be considered fast to-day but very slow to morrow ; and the policy of dispatching the mails by the fastest steamers tendered has met with so much favor with all classes of people that if at this late day they were deprived of the privilege of dispatching their letters by the quickest possible route it would undoubtedly create much dissatisfaction. As to the system of dispatch of the mails by the fastest steamers, and obtaining the data for such dispatch, the Department requires the various exchange offices dispatching mails from the United States to foreign countries by sea to make report of the hour and minute that the mails are received by the steamer, and requires the steamer to report the day, hour and minute that the mails are delivered at the port of destination. MR. HARRISON'S UGLY WORD " SUBSIDY." 413 INCREASED COMPENSATION PAID TO AMERICAN VESSELS. The increased cost to the Government by reason of the payment to the American Bteamship companies the total sea and inland postage on the United States mails conveyed to foreign countries as compared with the cost of the service when only the sea postage was paid, is demonstrated by the following statement : 1. The Postmaster General's report for 1884 shows that the Itkus Pacific service cost in the year 1884 (when the companies received only the sea postage on the mails conveyed) the sum of $19,125.78. As shown by the P< stmaster-General's report for 1887, the trans-Pacific service cost $38,4(55.49 The American steamers plying in this service received both the sea and inland postage, and part of the steam« rs being of foreign build and register received the sea postage only on one fourth that paid to American ships. The miscellaneous service paid in 1884 was $37,132.69, while for 1887 this same service cost the Government $51,416 44. Both of these periods include foreign as well as Amierican built steamers. In the period for 1884 is included Cuban and Mexican service, which cost about $18,000, fully one-half of the total cost of the Central and South American service. EXPEDITING THE SERVICE TO CUBA. The Cuban service was transferred in 1885 from the Foreign Mails Division to the railway mail service, and since that date the mail for Mexico have been for- warded almost exclusively overland by rail. If this service had been transferred prior to that time the cost of the service would have been, instead of $37,000, less than $18,000, and in making the comparison, therefore, between the payment of both the sea and inland postage, and the payment of the sea postage only, you should compare the sum of $18,000 with that of $.51,416.44. So far as the Central and South American service is concerned, under this admin- istration nearly three times the total amount expended in 1884 has been used each year in dispatching the mails to those countries by American steamships. H» GREAT BRITAIN ASKS TO USE OUR CENTRAL AMERICAN MAILS. And as to the condition of the merchant marine plying in trade with those countries, the total list of sailings annually, for the last six years, of the steamers from New York, New Orleans and San Francisco, has steadily increased from 1883 to 1888, In 18S3, five hundred and sixty sailings were made from these ports to vari- ous destinations ; in 18^8, eight hundred and sixty one vessels sailed, an increase of thirty sailings over 1887 and ao increase of three hundred and one sailings over 1883, an average of one sailing for each business day in the year. This service is used by foreign countries as a most expeditious route for the dispatch of their mails for these countries. Great Britain, while it has vessels plying direct in this service to those ports, has rec ntly addressed this Department a communication n questing to take advantage of the' more expeditious route via New York to the Central American States. It will be seen that to tie onr mails up to subsidized lines for a term of years would be to destroy the system which now serves the commercial interests of our citizens so admirably, while discriminating always in favor of American ships where possible. The subsidy put upon the appropriation bill by the late Senate amendment, and which was overwhelmingly defeated in the House by a vote of Republicans and Democrats together, and which is so strongly sustained by General Harrison, would have been mostly paid to the Pacific Mail Lines, which are the Gould, Sage and Huntington property, and the Brazil Line, of which Mr. Henry K. Thurber is President, and Mr. C. P. Huntington (who bought the Roach interest), the largest owner. The following is the Postmaster- General's communication to Congress con« demning that scheme in the interest of the public service : 414 MR. HARRISON'S UGLY WORD " SUBSIDY." POSTMASTER-OENERAL DICKINSON ON SUBSIDY SCHEMES. The remaining provision of the bill is as follows : " To provide more eflBcient mail service between the United States and Central and' South America and the "West Indies, $800,000. To promote the purposes of this appropria- tion the Postmaster-General is hereby authorized and directed to contract with American built and registered steam-ships for the transportation of the United States mails to suchj ports in said countries as in his judgment will best subserve said postal service. Said con- tracts shall be for a period of not less than five nor more than ten years, at a compensation not exceeding, for each outward trip, $1 per nautical mile of the distance in the most direct and feasible sailing course to secure the ends above set forth. " The Postmaster-General shall cause schedules to be furnished by the contractors, stating dates of departure of steam-ships from the United States six months in advance, and in case of unreasonable failure of any steam-ships to depart with mails on the date or dates therein stated the Postmaster-General may withhold from the contractor or contract- ors, as penalty, one-half the contract price for said trip or trips, and in the event of continued failure to depart on dates stated in the schedule the Postmaster-General may annul the contract or contracts, or the same may be terminated by Congress." It will hardly be claimed for this legislation that it is either demanded or required, or that it can be utilized for the benefit of the postal service merely. The resources and powers of the Department have proved entirely adequate to afford to the citizens of the United States a foreign mail service equal to, and in most cases superior to, that of any nation in the world. Nine-tenths of our foreign letter mail crosses the Atlantic, and the settled policy of the Department has been to employ the swif tes- vessels from week to week for carrying the mails. The Department, at the request of prominent merchants, importers, and bankers of the United States having commercial relations with foreign countries, has endeavored to induce foreign postal administrations to adopt a similar policy to promote expedition and security In correspondence. Under the present system, on routes other than to European ports, mails have been carried in American steam-ships at four times the rates paid for transatlantic service, although no foreign vessel has ever refused or hesitated to accept the sea postage, or one- fourth the rate paid to American bottoms. Under the present conditions the Central and South American letter mail increases at the rate of about 10 percent, in weight a year, and the number of sailings to West Indian and Central and South American ports from the three ports of New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco increased in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1887, from 713 to 831. In addition to the compensation paid in money, all common carriers by water are greatly benefited by carrying the mail Provision for their benefit in Brazillian ports are as follows : Mail steamers are allowed to immediately discharge their cargoes, preference being given them before any other vessel and before they have been entered at the custom-house, both on week days and on Sundays or holidays. They may sail at any hour, day or night, after they have received the mail, and cannot be detained under any pretext whatever beyond the hour fixed for sailing. Similar benefits are provided for mall steamers atother West Indian and Central and South American ports. While the Department in every case has given the preference to American ships at four times the cost of carriage on competing foreign ships as permitted by law, yet in very many cases because of very much greater expedition or because of the absence of proi>er facil- ities in American steamers, or because of very great delays, the other ships offering have been given the business at the lower rate on the principle that the first duty of the Deptrt- ment to our citizens under the law was to give them the best, most expeditious, and certain mail facilities within Its resources. HAMPERING THE DEPARTMENT AND THE MAIL SERVICE. If there shall be superadded to the functions of postal administration that of admin- stering a subsidy or a bounty for the promotion of American shipping interests, I can readily see why, in practice, these two offices must so conflict that, so far from being of advantage to and promoter of efficient mail service, such a subsidy, with such a pur- pose, in the hands of the Postmaster-General must antagonize and overbear the primary object of his oflice, which is to give to the correspondence of our citizens the best expe- dition and certain transmission. If the bounty or bonus system is to be revived, it should be done without involving this Department in the complications certain to arise from administering it, and without hampering its fundamental rule of action, which is that the mails must go at all events. While we granted aid to Pacific railroads, with conditions imposed that the mails should be carried for a credit on the debt, yet the Department was left free to employ better or more expeditious routes in its discretion. The proposed legislation will be in effect a mandate to the Postmaster-General to contract with American built as well as American-registered steamships for the transportation of the mails to the ports of Central and South America and the West Indies for a period of not less than five years, and with a compensation for each outward trip of $1 per mile. There is no condition for adver- tisement, and, indeed, unlike even the British subsidy acts, competition is not contemplated or permitted, as the contracts are to be limited to American ships, and as to these will be practically limited to those now in existence, between whom there is comparatively no competition because of the number which can be employed in the service. I MR. Harrison's ugly word "subsidy.' 415 A SCHEME FOR THE BENEFIT OF A SMALL NUMBER OF PERSONS. the present conditions the proposed law might as well have uamed the few per- SOnB to whom this money is to be paid. Even the laws under which American ships might be compelled to carry the mails have been repealed, and it goes without saying that the proposed legislation intends the Department to pay the maximum rate provided, i. « , $1 per nautical mile for five years to these few persons, without troubling them with any negotiations as to terms, and, indeed, as you will observe, without even the lodgment of discretion in the Department to designate from what ports of the United States the mails shall sail. It may be said in passing that presumably the "terminal points" from which sailings will be made, if self-intertst, as is usually the case, governs, will be those from which the greatest number of nautical miles may be computed, rather than from those at which the convenience and needs of the service would be suited, li may be noted also that the schedules of sailings are to be furnished by the contractors, and not by the Post- master-General; altogether from an analysis of the proposed legislation it would seem to exclude the exercise of any power of any representative of this Government to provide for this mail service in the interest of the people, except af'er contract, which must be on the carrier's own terms, and after the carriers have fixed the schedule according to their ideas of what the mail service should be, to compel them to conform to their own expressed views and decision as to the public convenience and the public interests. I beg you to believe that in this criticism of the bill I am not commenting unfavorably at this place upon a policy of granting bounties to American ships I do think, however^ that the carrying out of that policy should not be involved in the postal administration. Such gifts should be voted and given directly, if the Government shall determine to pursue a policy of engaging in this branch of private business. With very great respect, however, to the framers of the bill, T do seriously object to that provision of the proposed legislation which places the mail service at the mercy of any firm, individual or corporation. While, indeed, the subsidized lines might be compelled to carry the mails if tendered, yet the Department should be independent, and should at all timts be enabled to send the mails by the most expeditious routes and make use of the best facilities aflorded for that purpose from among all carriers offering. The Department should be free to take advantage of all sailings, of increased facilities coming from increased business, of changes for the better wrought by time, extension of commerce and competition, and should not be tied up for a decade to single lines of communication, unstimulated to improvement and all progress by the existence of a settled, inordinate and certain income. THE BEST SERVICE ALWAYS COMMENDED. The malls of this country were carried to Central and South America and the West Indies for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1887, by foreign steamers at a co?t of $7,936.27 at the single rate, and by steamers of American register at a cost of $39,381.57. The number of miles sailed by the foreign ships employed was 666,448; the miles sailed by the ships of Amer- ican register employed were 546,758. It will be seen, on the plan of payment proposed, which is fixed without regard to the amount of mail carried, that the service, which cost us in the fiscal year 1887 $47,317.84, would have cost us, if paid for as proposed, $1,213,206. It is esti- mated that the weight of mails will be for the next fiscal year increased 20 per cent, over these figures, and from what I have before shown it will be seen that the number of sailings will be increased in about the same ratio. The total cost of the sailings under this bill, pre- dicted upon the business of 1^87, can be but an approximate standard by which to estimate the cost under a provision of $1 for every nautical mile for each outward trip. But without regard to the cost, it is perfectly evident that "American-built ships" alone, with which the Department can now contract under this bill, and with which it must con- tract for a term of years, can not perform the service absolutely essential. Heretofore, as 1 have said, whenever it has been possible and consistent with the best interests of the public, which this Department serves, American ships have bem employed to carry the mails at four times the rate paid to foreign ships; yet with this policy steadily maintained, to give proper service at all it has been necessary to employ other carriers. One of the most serious disadvantages from connecting the proposed subsidy with this Department will be that, even in cases where service is not furnished to certain ports by American ships at all, carriers that might be had will hardly suffer the enormous discrimination in compen- sation for the carriage of the mails. The conditions would certainly predispose human nature to refuse ro perform the service at all. Again, it will not recommend itself to our people If, with this enormous compensation avowedly for the carriage of the mails, frequency of transmission shall be largely curtailed, even to ports touched by American ships, as must be the case where we pay one carrier about two hundred and fifty times as much as we offer for the same service to another. In my opinion, the bill would not be advantageous to the service, but the disadvantages would be positive in so far as this Department is concerned: while if it shall become a law, the Department will of course faithfully administer the fund in accordance with the spirit of the act. I feel confident that such administration will result only in a very great pecuniary benefit to a dozen individuals, at the expense and embarrassment of good service, and of inconvenience, injustice, and material injury to the great body of the people, whose money will be used in the purchase of those results. THE POST-OFFICE NOT THE PURVEYOR OF SUBSIDIES. Considering this as a subsidy pure and simple, unconnected with the postal service, it becomes a question of general policy with which this Department has nothing to do. The 416 MR. HARRISON'S UGLY WORD '* SUBSIDY." subjec haa been ably and exhaustively discussed ia Conerress, notably in the Thirty-flftl Forty-flfth, Forty-sixth and Forty-ninth. You. sir, and other distingruished members the Post-Ofla^e Committee, as at present constituted, have on the floor of the House pre- sented the learning which the history of the subject, political economy, or the experience of legislation can teach. It has been frequently demonstrated by the experience of this and other countries, that to enable one line by Government aid to carry more cheaply and thus to destroy competition, does not promote commerce. The most successful ocean steamship lines of the Continent— those of Hamburg and Bremen— receive no pay from the Govern- ment other than the moderate postage rat^s. The British precedent is not in point and would not be even if Great Britain did not offer her mail service to the carriers of the world. "Her aims are political and not commercial. She must have constant communication with the colonies, and she has spentlarge sums for this object. She must have an elficient and capable transport service ror the protection of those colonies." The views of that Govern- ment are stated in Mr. Scudemore's report as follows: "The question (mail subsidy service) can not be dealt with on commercial principles. ♦ * * For the sake of keeping up such communication with the East as the nation requires, they must set commercial principles at defiance, and cost what it may the nation must either pay them what they lose thereby or forego the communication." WHY ENGLAND MAY AFPORD TO PAY A BOUNTY. Of course England may subsidize lines of ships to open up new markets for her sur- plus, because she freely exchanges commodities with such markets, and her policy is after establishing the commerce to steadily decreasethe subsidy. If the policy of giving bounties to promote commercial relations with other countries be ever adopted again after the fail- ures in our history, it would seem that its adoption should be deferred until closer commer- cial relations with those countries can be maintained, and are not antagonized by an oppos- ing system of laws. Commerce in the very essence of its meaning is exchange. It is not to sell and never to buy. The individual or nation does not exist that will buy all one has to sell for cash with no reciprocal return in profitable exchange. Cargoes out and cargoes back are needed for the creation of a merchant marine. The cargo out will not be bought unless we t)uy in exchange, and it will be bought if we are willing to trade. Until these conditions cocae,subsidie8 may maintain a line so long as the subsidy lasts and then the line will go down for want of legitimate trade. If, however, the subsidy policy Is to be pursued, I venture to suggest the Mexican method. When a ship arrives with a cargo the tariff tax is divided with the ship owner, the latter taking 50 per cent, of the duty on the goods he brings in payment on account of his subsidy. The trading-ship is thus enabled to remit to the consignor, if he will employ his ship, a portion of the government duties, and thus the ship owner is indeed enabled to promote trade with foreign countries directly. An improve- ment upon the Mexican method in the interest of the promotion of trade and of the build- ing of snips to conduct it, would be to enable the owners and the builders to receive at the port of consignment in that country still a greater proportion of the duties imposed by the government upon the cargo. In this way the Mexican ship would be enabled to get her cargo, charge a fair profit for carriage, and sell to the Mexican consumer at a price.at which he could convenientlv buy, take out a cargo for exchange, and repeat the process, to the cultivation of much closer commercial relations with foreign countries, and to the maintenance of Mexican shipping. Of course, the Mexican method is somewhat cumbersome, and the same end might be reached without indirection and without the payment of a subsidy by the removal or reduction of the Mexican tariff on imports. OUR BtrSINBSS RELATIONS WITH SOUTH AND CENTRAL AMERICA. While on the subject of closer commercial relations with South and Central America, for the promotion of which the bill under consideration is doubtless Intended, I call your attention to some interesting figures. Our total trade with Brazil for the year ended June 30, 1887, was as follows : Total imports $53,955,591 Our total exports to Brazil were 8,137,794 Of the Imports we imposed no tariff upon 47,076.473 We did impose a tariflC upon = 5,876,701 Our total trade with Central America for the same period was as follows ; Total imports $7,706,978 Total exports 3,008,714 Of the imports we imposed no tariff upon 7,195,705 We did impose a tariff upon.... 441,916 Our total trade with Venezuela was as follows : Totalimports $8,444,967 Total exports 5,504,215 Of the imports we imposed no tariff upon 8,248,450 We did impose a tariff upon 12,786 MR. HARRISON'S UGLY WORD * SUBSIDY. 417 lOur total trade with ihe United States of Colombia was aa follows : imports »4.771,303 exports 7,1-58,235 le imports we imposed no tariff upon 3,934,559 [did impose a tariff upon 16,594 Our I otal trade with the Argentine Republic was as follows : imports $4,104,102 exports 6,364,545 le imports we imposed no tariff upon 3,347,936 llmposed a tariff upon 752,256 Our total trade with Chill was as follows: Total imports $2,863,233 Total exports 2,06'M38 Of the imports we imposed no tariff upon = 2,634,396 "We did impose a tariff upon 228,897 These illustrate the universal rule by which the limitations upon commercial relations and the carrying trade with all the countries of Central and South America may be measured. A comparison of the amount brought into the country free of tariff with what we send in exchange is instructive. It should br> noted that of the Brazilian imports tree of duty, the large proportion value is the item of coffee, after deducting which the lesson on exchange of trade as bearing on closer relations with all these countries is the same, and the universal one. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient sexnrant, DON M. DICKINSON, Postmaster-General. Hon. James H. Blount, Chairman of the Committee on (he Pos (office and Post-Boads, Home qf Bepresentativea. 418 • THE PKEK WHISKK\ TOLICY. CHAPTER XXXIV. THE FREE WHISKEY POLICYc A CAREFUL ANALYSIS OF THE MORAL EFFECT OF INTERNAL TAXES UPON TI CONSUMPTION OF INTOXICATING SPIRITS. [From the New York Evening Post.} *'The tax on whiskey by the Federal Government, with its suppression of illicit distillation and consequent enhancement of price, has been a powerful agea| in the temperance reform, by putting it beyond the reach of so manj," said"M] Blaine in the "Paris Message." In this statement the "uncrowned king" 8umme( up one of the most striking features of our national development during the lasl quarter of a century. The subject Is so important that it deserves examination,! and fortunately the Bureau of Statistics a year and a half ago made an investiga-^ tion which furnishes all the facts desired. For nearly fifty years before the war the manufacture of distilled spirits in the^ United States had been free from all specific taxation or supt rvision by the Federalj Government, and being produced mainly from Indian corn, whiskey was sold at very low price. The average market price in this city was only twenty-four centj per proof gallon, and common whiskey was sold in the saloons for three cents a" drink. The consumption was naturally enormous, and the resulting demoraliza- tion of the people terrible. All through the farming districts the whiskey jug, which could be filled at the village store at the rate of only a quarter of a dollar for a gallon, was doing its work, and delirium tremens was a common scourge. The establishment of the internal revenue system early in the war, with its. heavy tax on whiskey, and the consequent great increase in the price of liquor, im- mediately showed its effect. In 1840 the consumption of distilled spirits had been 48,060,884 gallons; in 1860, under the free-whiskey regime, it had grown to 89,968,- 651 gallons. The first tax imposed was 20 cents per gallon in 1862, which was in- creased to $1 50 in 1864 and $2 in 1865, and finally settled at 90 cents in 1875. The check plated upon the consumption of liquor by the tax was at once visible, the total falling from 89,963,651 gallons in 1860 to but 79,895,708 in 1870. The more vigorous enforcement of the law against illicit distillation after 1870 still further re- duced the amount of liquor drunk, and in 1886 the consumption was only 72,261,614 gallons. This reduction in total consumption for the whole country by no means repre- sents the actual diminution relatively to the population. In 1840, under fi ee wliis- key, the total had been 43,060,884 gallons for a population of 17,069,453, which wati an average of 2.52 gallons per capita. In 1860, still under free w^hiskey. the total had been 89,908,651 gallons for a population of 31,443,321, or an average of 2.86 gallons per capita. In 1886 the consumption was only 72,261,614 gallons, although the population had nearly doubled since 1860, and was then estimated at 59,000,000, so that the average per capita was only 1.24 gallon. "The amount of whiskey con- Kimed in the United States per capita to day is not more than 40 per cent, of that consumed thirty years ago," said Mr. Blaine in the "Paris Message," and the figurcB above cited show that he was right. THE PKEE WHISKBT POLICY. 419 The tax on whiskey was originally levied " purely as a matter of finance," to Mr. Ernest H Crosby's happy phrase, but it was soon appreciated that there a mora side "to the question. 80 long ago as 1868 Senator Edmunds re- buked a colleague who had suggested that it was " a question of expediency, which has nothing to do with morals," and insisted that, even then, it was " too late to ad- vance the doctrine that when we are dealing with subjects of taxation, we have not a right to consider questions of morals as connected with the operation of such taxation." At that time Mr. Edmunds declared that *' the true principle upon which taxation ought to be imposed is to put the highest possible rate on articles of luxury, and what can be more so than this ? " And the Republican party heartily endorsed this position. The oligarchy of slave-holders before the war demanded of the Democratic party that it should break its pledges and repeal the compromise which it had de- clared to be a final settlement of the question at issue. The oligarchy of the pro- tected interests is equally remorseless in its demands upon the Republican party to- day. The Republicans have always maintained that the question of morals mu84 be kept in mind when taxation was under consideration, and have held that the fact that the tax on whiskey operated as a " powerful agent in the temperance reform " was a sufficient argument against the repeal of this levy on a luxury, " the produc- tion of which." in Mr. Edmunds's words, " it would be a great advantage to this country if it could be discouraged instead of encouraged." Now the protected interests insist that the tax on whiskey must go, rather than the taxes on the necessaries of life, and the Republican party in national convention yields to the de- mand. Whether a majority of the yotera are ready to deluge tte country with cheap whiskey remains to be seen. 11- now THE NEW POLICY OP THE REPUBLICANS WOULD BRING THE PRICE OP' WHISKEY DOWN TO TWO GLASSES FOR FIVE CENTS. [From the New York Times,'] The Republican platform declares for "the entire repeal of internal taxes^ rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system." That this means the removal of all national tax on whisky rather than the reduction of any of the existing duties on imports is made plain by the context of this declaration. The- position taken is this : The party "wwuld deal with the surplus by reducing internal taxes, by entering upon a policy of extravagant expenditures, by increasing duties so as to check imports, and finally by sweeping away all internal taxes rather tnau reduce duties on raw materials and the necessaries of life. The reduction of in- ternal taxes would not suflBce to get rid of the surplus. The sentiment of the country is so opposed to a policy of extravagant expenditures that Congress will never venture upon it. The tendency of opinion has been so long and so strong in favor of a revision and a reduction of the tariff that there is no chance that a pro- position to increase duties would be countenanced. Hence, as the surplus con- tinued and the other devices for reducing it failed, the Republicans would be brought face to face with their last resort, and if they fulfilled their promise they would be compelled to try the abolition of the wliisky tax. What would be the effect of such a policy if carried out? The only power the National Government now has for aiding in the restriction of the liquor traffic and thereby promoting the cause of temperance is the power to lay a tax on alcoholic beverages. This tax was oriirinally imposed in time of war on the principle of taxing luxuries or those things the consumption of which should be restrained rather than encouraged, and solely for the purpose of raising revenue, but it has proved the most potent agency for restricting the sale and consumption of whisky that has been m existence. Fully two-thirds of the present price of the commonest brands of whisky is due to the Government tax, and the suppression of illicit dis- tillation and of a wide diffusion of pioduction is wholly due to the Government 27 4^0 THE FREE WHISKEY POLICY. supervision made necessary for the collection of the tax. Of course the removal the tax would greatly cheapen the price of whisky, and as Mr. Blaine said in h " Paris message " would " increase its consumption enormously." That it woulj have that effect no man of sense and veracity can for a moment deny. Mr. Blain is not a specially trustworthy authority in matters of statistics, but his statemer that the amount of whisky consumed in this country to day is •' not more than per cent, per capita of that consumed thirty years ago " is borne out by other ev| dence. His further statement that the Government tax and supervision has bee •* a powerful agent in temperance reform " is beyond question. Suppose this tax removed and this powerful temperance reform agent abolishe how would it affect efforts at restriction or prohibition by State legislation? In anj State, or in any county imder a local option sjstem, in which the people had sue ceeded in establishing a prohibition policy, the difficulty of enforcing it would increased many fold. Cheap whisky would make its way much more easily thj dear whisky, and it would be impossible to prevent clandestine sales. Where tl license system prevails the present fees are acknowled to be very inadequate fd purposes of restriction, but with the tax removed they would be much less effective than the tax alone would be if there were no license laws at all. High licen8e_ itself would be practically useless, for the highest annual fees proposed, or likely be prescribed, bear no proportion to the added cost which the Government tax nol imposes upon a year's sales. State taxation, if heavy enough, might be made operate with some effect upon sales in open bar rooms, but there would be no co op( atioa in legislation between neighboring States, and cheap whisky would make it way everywhere with pernicious effect. The worst blow to the cause of temperance would come from the unregulat€ a,nd uncontrollable sale of liquor outside of drinking places. With whisky at twenty or twenty-five cents a gallon from the distillery, it would be within the reach of all, and by the bottle, the jug, the keg, and the barrel it would invade every the home." Revenue, then, is not government's chief concern, whether coming from internal taxation or from a tariff on importations, and any source of revenue which iiscounts "the virtue and sobriety of the people," and begets impurity in the home, 5hould be the first object assailed by every party professing to seek good govern- ment ; while the revenue derived from such a source should be the first to be for- 3worn— -not alternately, for the sake of a protective tariff, but positively for the sake 3f protection dearer and more vital than the tariff can ever yield. Had I not left ;he Republican party four years ago, I should be compelled to leave it now, when, ifter reading the words I have quoted from a resolution supplemental to but not ncluded in its platform, and finding in these words my own idea of Government's 'chief concern" set forth, I search the long platform through in vain to find condem- aation of the saloon, or hint of purpose to assail it, or any sign of moral conscious- aess that the saloon is a curse, and its income too unholy for the nation to share. I 433 THE FREE WHISKEY POLICY. If the "chief concern" has noplace in a party's platform and a party has no policy as to that "chief concern," that party does not deserve the support of men who ove good government and would see it maintained. The Prohibition party's "chief concern" is for the purity of the home and the virtue and sobriety of the people. That party is not labor's truest friend which would bar the importation of pau- pers from abroad or close the tariff door of competition to pauperize foreign indus- try, and then by a liquor system perpetuate the manufacture of paupers and crimi- nals in our own midst with whom honest labor must compete, whom largely honest labor must support. V. THE POET OF THE NEW CRUSADE WHO HAS BEEN FOUND IN THE PERSON OP ROBERT G. INGERSOLL. [From the New York Evening Post, JvXy 6.] In all ages the crusades have appealed to the poets of the world. The delivery of the Holy Land from the dominion of the infidel was a theme of itself well calcu- lated to fire the imagination, and the struggte abounded in incidents which readily lent them «) elves to verse. Take out of the middle ages that series of wars, and you take out of poetical literature the occasion for many a masterpiece. Modem crusades also have had their bards. In that most recant one, which has but just passed into history — the crusade for the emancipation of the slave — John G. Whittier with his poet's pen did a work the importance of which it would not be easy to exaggerate. The moral wrong of slavery, the moral right of every man to freedora-rthese cardinal principles gained a power and significance that no prose orator could confer when set forth by the Quaker poet. Nothing served so well to bring the real meaning of human bondage home to the hearts of men as those verses of Whittier, trembling as they often almost seemed to be with the indignation which possessed his soul, like these lines, for example : W hat hoi— Our countrymen in chains I The whip on wo vr an s shrinking flesh Our Boil yet reddening- with the stains Caught from her scourging, warm and fresh I What! mothers from their children riven I What ! God's own image bought and sold I Americans to market driven. And bartered aa the brute for gold I The original "mission" of the Republican party, to free the slave, is accom- plished, and the bard of that era, alas ! grows old. Now that the party has a new mission, it must find a new poet in the prime of life. A successor to Whittier must be sought when the party enters upon the crusade for the emancipation of whiskey from that worse than Russian despotism under which it now labors. Happily the search need not be long. The poet of the new crusade is, indeed, already found. It was essential that he should be deeply imbued with religious conviction and pro- foundly animated by moral purpose. Who so perfectly meets these demands in a successor to John G. Whittier as Robert G. Ingersoll ? The true poet has something of the prophet's foresight, and discerns the future while it still remains hidden in obscurity to the common herd. Here, too. Col. Inger- soll shows his fitness for the succession. A year ago it might almost be said that nobody in this broad land foresaw that theapproaching Presidential contest was to involve a great issue of emancipation, and that the moral sense of the nation needed to be aroused to the enormity of the servitude imposed upon whiskey by the inter- nal-revenue tax. But even then Col, Ingersoll foresaw the coming issue and sounded the alarm. A little over a year ago he sent a friend a jug of whiskey, and accom- panied it with this impassioned tribute, in tlie outward form of prose, it is true, but so instinct with the very soul of poetry that it really must be ranked as a poem : I send you some of the most wonderful whiskey that ever drove the skeleton from a feast or painted landscapes in the brain of man. It is the mingled souls of wheat and corn. In it you will find the sunshine and shadow that chase each other over the billowy fields, the breath of June, the carol of the lark, the dews of the night, the wealth of summer, and THE FREE WHISKET POLICY. 423 autumn's rich content— all golden with imprisoned light. Drink it, and you will hear the voice of men and maidens singing the •' Harvest Home," mingled with the laughter of chil- dren. Drink it, and you will feel within your blood the star lit dawns, the dreamy, tawny, dusks of many perfect days. For forty years this liquid joy has been within the happy staves of oak, longing to touch the lips of man. It is true that the poet is here speaking of a rare brand of whiskey ,but it is also true, in the words of the traditional Kentuckian, that "all whiskey is good ; some whiskey is better than other, but all whiskey is good." Forty year whiskey may perhaps fire the imagination a little more vividly than whiskey ordinaire of a reiient crop, but whiskey ordinaire is also '• the mingled souls of wheat and corn," and will make a man feel within his blood " the star-lit dawns, the dreamy, tawny dusks of many perfect days." Every barrel of whiskey that is made is full of " liquid joy." Here we see the great service of the poet to the crusade. When the prosy writer on that good Republican organ the Chicago Inter-Ocean tells us that the "Whiskey Trust" is a " powerful aiid baneful combine," and that it exercises "a despotic power not surpassed in Russia," the reader's pulse is not stirred ; but when the poetical lugersoll touches the theme and pictures the "liquid joy" which the iniquitous tax on whiskey denies a large share of mankind, " by putting it beyond the reach of so many," to quote Mr. Blaine's words — then, indeed, is the moral sense quickened and the voter aroused to action. To doubt that the Republican party, pledged as it is to the emancipation of whiskey, can carry the country is to doubt the enlightened conscience of the nation. To quote once more from Col. IngersoU's predecessor as the bard of the Republican party : Our fathers to their graves have gone ; heir strife is past, their triumph won. It sterner trials wait the race hich rises in their honored place— A moral warfare with the crime And folly of an evil time. So let it be. In God's own might We gird us for the coming fight. And, strong in Him whose cause is GUTS, In conflict with unholy powers, We grasp the weapons He has given— The light, and Truth, and Love of Heaven. VI. EVEN MR. BLAINE OPPOSED TO HIS PARTY PLATFORM. REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. [•he Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employ- ment to our laborer, and release from import duties those articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxs^ {t?iMt is, free whiskey] rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system at the joint behest of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers. MR. BLAINE'S "PARIS MES- SAGE." I would not advise the repeal of the whiskey tax. Other considerations than those of financial administration are to be taken into acxx>unt with regard to whiskey. There is a moral side to it. To cheapen the pi-ite of whiskey is to increase its consumption enorTnously. There would he no sen.se^ in urgmg the reform wrought by high license in many States if the national^ Oovemment neutralizes the good erfect by making whiskey within reach of every one at twenty cents a gallon. Whiskey would be everywhere distilled if the surveil- lance of the Government were with- drawn by the remission of the tax, and illicit sales could not then be prevented even by a policy as rigorous and search- ing as that with which Russia pursues the Nihilists. It wmld destroy high licenM at once in all the States. 424 THE FRBE WHISKET POLICY. VII. THE PRICE OP WHISKEY AND FLOUR. [From the Providence Jotimal^ (Sep.)] The Republican party, as represented at Chicago, proposes to reduce the surph by making whiskey free. It proposes to do all it can to bring the bar-room price of a drink of whiskey down to two cents, and place a barrel of whiskey side by side with the flour barrel in the drunkard's house. It even proposes to ask th country to support it mainly because it will do this rather than give our peopl cheaper clothing and cheaper food. The party has indeed suffered a great chan^ since its earlier days, when it could proudly and truthfully call itself the party moral ideas, the party of the fireside and the home. VIII. HOW C0L. IKGERSOLL WOULD DO IT. Colonel R G. Ingersoll has apparently given up his crusade against religic«i and the Bible for the campaign in order to promote the success of Harrison ant free whiskey. At the meeting held in New York city to ratify the nomination Harrison and Morton the colonel thus announced the position of himself and hia^ party : "Mere liquor does not make drunkenness. The moral question of the whole thing is to have the burden of government rest as lightly as poesible. Temperance walks hand in-hand with liberty. I do not think that if the Mississippi River ran pure whiskey and the banks were loaf sugar, and the flats grew mint, and the bushes were teaspoons and tumblers, there would be one more drunken man than now. I am perfectly willing to have those who wear foreign velvets and drink Chateau Yquem pay the taxes, but I don't want to have the fellow who drinks the domestic article taxed one cent." IX. THE INTERNAL REVENUE TAX AND ITS EFFECT ON SALOONS The attempt of the Republican party to masquerade in the livery of the Woman'f Christian Temperance Union is meeting with ridicule from the very women whc fashioned the garments. The sham was so apparent that no statesmanship wt necessary to detect it. When, therefore, Miss Frances E. Willard, President of the Union, found that the Republican party, which has steadily advocated high license in local politics, had endorsed her demand for the repeal of the national liquor tax her sentiment, instead of being that of self-congratulation, was that of scorn. Ii her address before the National Prohibition ratification meeting last Friday, sh< expressed this sentiment with all the emotional earnestness of which she is the mis-^ tress. She summed up the situation in the following words : "The party stands arrayed against itself in its State and national policy. The house is divided against itself and cannot stand." It is the obviousness of the last sentence which gives to it its significance. For^ the past few years the restrictive taxation of the liquor traffic has been the one moral idea which the Republican party has everywhere endorsed. Yet the bighesi possible high license cannot compare in importance with the internal-revenue sya tern. The Crosby bill as it passed the Republican Legislature proposed a tax ol $300 upon each saloon where distilled liquors were sold ; the internal-revenue sys tem imposes a tax which averages $500 for every saloon, restaurant, drug-store, anc grocery where liquors of any description are sold. The number of saloons anc restaurants in the nation is but 90,000. The national liquor tax is $90,000,00OJ Were a high license fee of $1,000 everywhere imposed and enforced, the concentra- tion of the traffic would be such that the burden would not be equal to that whiclji I THE FKEE WHISKEY POLICY. 425 the internal-revenue system now imposes. Mr. F. N. Barrett, of the American Grocer, whose estimates regarding the consumption of hquor were published by the Internal Revenue Department, calculates thnt half of the liquor consumed is bought not by the glass, but by the gallon. The eflfect of the internal revenue tax upon the price of this portion is easily estimated. The cheaper grades of whiskey can be manufacture'! for twenty cents a gallon. The tax raises this price 450 per cent. Had the Crosby bill been made a la w the further increase would have been confessedly slight. Yet the party which advocated that, in the interests of morality, this further increase must be made, is now willing to make real the Irishman's dream of "whiskey a shilling a gallon, and no hanging for stealing," in order to preserve to the protected classes the extortions of the war tariff undiminished. The argument which will be heard time and again during the coming campaign that the Prohibitionists also are in favor of repealing the internal revenue tax, i& worthy of consideration. There is no doubt but that the Prohibitionists are the sincere friends of temperance. Why then do they seem to endorse the position of the Republicans? This question is easily answered. In the first place, they do not endorse it. At the ratification meeting mentioned above Chairman Dickey violently denounced this plank in the Republican platform, and Miss Willard sharply distingmished between the Republican idea of free trade in alcoholic liquor and the Prohibition idea of no trade at all. This distinction is a thoroughly tenable one, and will be endorsed by every Prohibitionist in the country who has not crazed his own intellect by vio- lent rant about "blood money" and "compacts with hell." In the next place, the chief argument of the Prohibitionists against high license does not apply to the national liquor tax. They have found in their municipal and State campaigns that the revenues derived from the saloons stand in the way of their agitatioK. Even the more sober-minded among them have thus come to regard high hcense as the liquor traffic's chief bulwark. It was very natural then that some of them should have supposed that the national liquor taxes would have a similar eflect. The Republican platform demonstrates their mistake. The national reve- nues derived fr3m the traflBc, instead of being its national bulwark, are its national menace. If anything shall ever bring the Republican party to endorse national pro- hibition, it will be mainly the desire to get rid of this revenue. Prohibitionists will not support the Republican declaration in favor of untaxed whiskey until the Republicans shall support their declaration in favor of no whiskey. The mass ol them at the South will follow the lead of Senator Colquitt and support the Democ- racy. At the North they will vote in increased numbers for their own party ticket. North and South, they will be alike repelled by the Republican declaration in favor of free whiskey. The platform adopted at Chicago offends the common conscience of the nation quite as much as its common sense. To the average man the demand that the war taxes in all industries shall be maintained rather than diminish the bounties to the favored few is protection reduced to absurdity. In an equal degree the demand that the war tariff on necessities shall be maintained, even though its maintenance involves a whiskey deluge, is protection wedded to iniquity. 'YOU PAYS YOTJR MONEY AND TAKES YOUR CHOICE. NATIONAL LIQUOR DEALERS. Resolved, That we are unalterably op NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY. We reaffirm our unswerving devotion posed to prohibition, general or local, Ito the personal rights and liberties of clti- as an invasion of the rights of the citizen jzens. Resolved, That we are in favor of bothj The first concern of all good govem- public and private morality and goodlment is the virtue and sobriety of the peo- order and popular education. [pie and the purity of the home. The Re- Resolved, That we most earnestly favor publican party cordially sympathizes with temperance and most strongly condemn all wise and well-directed efforts for the intemperance. i promotion of temperance and morality. THE FREE WHISKEY POLICY. XI. HOW THE EMANCIPATION OF WHISKEY IS TO BE BROUGHT ABOUT BY THE EFFORT OF THE REPUBLICAI-f PARTY. [From the New York Evening Post, July 5.] The Republican party was formed to resist the aggressions of slavery, and wai led to free the slaves as a war measure. In the language of the average republicai stump -speaker nowadays, "its mission was to emancipate the slave." Or, as Genera Harrison put it in his speech accepting the nomination yesterday: "The republicai party has wallied in the light of the Declaration of Independence. It has lifted th( shaft of patriotism upon the foundation laid at Bunker Hill. It has made the mop perfect Union secure by making all men free." For some time past the question has been discussed whether the "mission" the Republican party wasended. The slave had been emancipated, and the parti had done all which is possible, under the Constitution as interpreted by the Reputi lican Supreme Court, to assure him the enjoyment of his new rights as a citizen. Il its early history the great object of the organization had been the restriction o slavery, and later its work came to be a crusade for freedom. This old crusade ha< ended in triumph, and of late the party has seemed to be groping about for somi new crusade against evil which would arcuse the moral sense of the nation. The Republican platform meets this "long felt want" in its demand lor the emai cipation of whiskey. The platform, it will be remembered, calls for "the entii repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protectivjl system," which, being interpreted, means the freeing of whiskey from the servitud in which it is now held. The odious nature of this slavery and the crying necessit; for emancipation only need to be set forth to be appreciated by every candid mine To produce a gallon of whiskey costs only about fifteen cents, and if whiskey wer free from tax, it could be sold at a quarter of a dollar a gallon. But the tax o ninety cents a gallon puts the price up to $1.15 a gallon and ten and fifteen cents a drink, where under the emancipation policy it would be only two or three cents. But this is by no means all of theinjustice involved in the present servitude of whiskey. The tax enables the producers to raise the price to the poor consumer even above the higher level required at best by the interposition of the Government. The Chicago Inter-Ocean^ one of the most prominent Republican newspapers in the West, thus exposes the iniquitous performances of 'Hhe Whiskey Trust," which, it says, was created and is fostered by the internal-revenue system : "The Whiskey Trust is to-day the most powerful and baneful combine in the country, the Standard Oil Company alone excepted. It dictates terms to every distiller, and fixes the amount of product turned out, and the price of it, with a despotic power not sur- passed in Russia." Since human slavery was abolished in the United States there has been no such despotism as that under which whiskey now labors. The mere statement of the case must carry conviction to every candid mind. All over this great land are poor men who want whiskey and who want it cheap. But the Government steps in and claps a tax of nearly a dollar upon every gallon distilled. This carries up the price from two cents a glass to ten. The "Whiskey Trust" may exercise its power to carry the price even higher. For many years the poor drunkard has been sending up his lamentations over this worse than Russian despotism; but, like the cries of the poor slave a generation ago, they have long fallen upon dull ears. At last they have been heard, and the Republican party has declared for the emancipation of whiskey. It is the happy fortune of ''the party of moral ideas" that its new "mission" com- mends it alike to the drinkers and the temperance men. On the one hand, no more attractive bid for the vote of the "slums" could be made than the promise of whiskey for two cents a glase; while, on the other hand, the temperance men are bound to fight for the emancipation of whiskey because, in the words of Col. Ingersoll at the Republican ratification meeting in this city last week, "Mere liquor does not make drunkenness. The moral question of the whole thing is to have the burden of gov- ernment rest as lightly as possible. Temperance walks hand in band with liquor." THE FREE WHISKEY POLICY. 427 XTI. THE BLIGHT OF FREE WHISKEY. tfie speech of Alfred H. Colquitt, of Georgia, in t?ie Senate of the United States, March 12, 1888,] Since the conclugive showin,? by the President of the necessity for getting rid le immense and growing surplus, it has been discovered that the internal reve- taxes are intolerable burdens. It has also been discovered by some unknown sies of political clairvoyance that Mr. Jefferson is exceedingly angry at their tence, and that all the other fathers of the Republic turn uneasily and unhappily leir graves. But what is there in all this? Nothing but a subtle and inexcusable purpose to retard, if not altogether to prevent, a reduction of the tariff taxes on the neces- saries of life. This is the purpose and the end, with few exceptions, of all the wild assertion and cunning pretense with which the taxes on whiskey and tobacco are arraigned before the bar of public opinion. Aroused by the dangers to which a reduction of the surplus may expose monopolies and trusts, the partisans of high-tariff spoliation have suddenly waked up to the fact that the internal revenue taxes are war taxes in a sense which does not apply to contemporaneous tariff t«ixes on the necessaries of life. At the bare mention of taxes on whiskey and tobacco the cry of "war taxes" is raised, and night and day are made hideous with visions and howls of war, of bloodshed, of barbarism, of vandalism. But when you speak to them of other war taxe--— of taxes on salt, on sugar, on rice, on coal, on iron, on clothing, on wool, on blankets, on farm tools — they are as gentle as sucking doves. No respectable statesman of the country, of any party whatsoever, denies the advisability of excise taxes for meeting the emergencies which spring out of war. Does any such emergency now exist? The expenditures for the tiscal year on account of war pensions and interest on the war debt are estimated at $120,000,0©0. This would seem to «onstitute a full-grown emergency. The expenditures on account of peas'ons and interest on the war debt are obligations growing out of the war, and it would be manifestly inappropriate to meet them by tariff taxes on the necessaries of life, which we are taught to believe arc peace taxes, pure and «imple. The internal tax upon spirits in 1865 was $2 per gallon. It has been reduced to 90 cents. When the war taxes upon the necessaries of life have been reduced a proportionate n mount it will be time enough to commence the further reduction or rl of the whiskey tax. MR. Jefferson's opinion on the question. Mr. Jefferson, it has been said, was opposed from principle to an excise tax on whiskey. "Whatever at one time or another may have been his views on that sub- ject, at the ripe age of eighty years, in a letter to General Samuel Smith, he declared himself in favor of an increase in the whiskey tax. Said he : "I fihall be f?lad, too. If an additional tax of ono-fourth of a dollar a gallon on whiskey «hall enable us to meet all our engagements with punctuality. Viewing that tax as an article in a system of excise, I was once glad to see it fall with the rest of the system, which I considered as prematurely and unnecessarily intr^ duced. It was evident that our existing taxes were then equal to our existing debts. It was clearly foreseen also that the ■surplus from excise would only become ailment for useless officers, and would be swallowed in idleness by those whom It would withdraw from useful industry. Considering it only as a fiscal measure, this was right. But the prostration of body and mind which the cheapness of this liquor is spreading through the mass of our citizens now calls the attention of the legislator on a very different principle. ''One of his important duties is as a guardian of those who. from causes susceptible of precise definition, cannot take care of themselves. Such are infants, maniacs, gamblers, drunkards. The last, as much as the maniac, requires restrictive measures to save him ■from the fatal infatuation under which he is destroying his health, his morals, his family, and his usefulness to society. One powerful obstacle to his ruinous self-indulgence would be a price beyond his competence. As a sanitary measure, therefore, it becomes one of duty in the public guardians." These are Mr. Jefferson's views. He did not think they were undemocratic. He w juld not advocate a policy that would abolish, the tax on whiskey, dot tke country all over with distilleries, reduce the price to a mere trifle, and fill the land with drunkenness, crime and vagabondage. I 428 THE FREE WHISKEY POLICY. WHAT FREE WHISKEY WILL DO FOR THE SOUTH. In the light of the wise and sober utterances of the sage of Monticello, I declai that no greater wrong could be perpetrated on my section than to abolish th^ whisky tax. It would flood our States with cheap whiskey, demoralize and brutal ize our laboring class, and render worse than nugatory the labors of a quarter of century in the interest of their advancement. It would be an outrage qn all oi people, but against the negro race it would rise to the proportions of a hideous an^ appalling crime, A distiller}^ upon every spring branch, a peck of corn bartered for a quart whiske5^ a jug of the devil's swill in every cabin will convert every neighborho( into a pandemonium, and expose to danger the purity of every Christian houj hold. Families would fly into the towns and cities and abandon the country to tl orgies of sensual drunken debauched wretches. It is a universally recognized principle in all civilized governments that luxi rie8 and articles promotive of vice are especially fitting subjects of taxation. Thi principle is of wise and just application in all governments, but peculiarly so iij those which depend for their glory, their greatness and their perpetuity on tl virtue and intelligence of their people- It is impossible to deny honestly and logically the justness of the principle, the fairness and propriety of its application to the taxes in question. Burdens" upon vice are incentives to virtue. It is right to make vice and vicious tendencies- pay dear for the privilege of existence. I am not for giving to whiskey, so far as the permit of government can give it, the unrestrained freedom of the country. Untaxed whiskey will be cheap whiskey. Cheap whiskey will necessarily result in increased consumption. Increased consumption will be followed by increase in lawlessness and crime and degradation. All parties profess to admit that the government must cease to collect an immense surplus to be hoarded in the Treasury in defiance of the property rights of the people and at the risk of financial wreck and ruin ; but there are men in both parties who seek to accomplish that end in sach a way as to give the people no deliverance from the dominion of monopoly, no relief from the cumulative tyranny of trusts. They will remove the surplus willingly, even cheerfully, by drying up the fountains of the excise system ; but they will not consent to remove a feather's weight of the burdens of taxation on the comforts and the necessaries of life. WHAT THE REPUBLICANS SAY TO WORKINGMEN. They are willing to relieve the distresses of the suffering, mouopoly-riilden miners of Pennsylvania by furnishing them abundance of cheap whiskey, but deny them cheap food and clothing. To the demand for cheap comI, lumber, nails and blajikets for the shivering men and women who dwell in the land of the blizzard,, they graciously offer the comfort and protection that may be found in untaxed whiskey. To the Western farmer, who finds all the proceeds of hi» toil eaten up by outrageous taxes on all he buys, with no compensating benefits by reason of pro- tection in anything which he sells, they offer a deluge of cheap whiskey. To the entreaty of the Southern farmer for cheap iron, cheap farm tools, cheap bagging and ties, cheap salt, in mockery of the hardships under which he struggles, comes the ready offer, in bland benevolence, of untaxed whiskey for whites, untaxed whiskey for blacks. To the struggling needle- women, who demand cheap thread, cheap needles, cheap buttons, cheap scissors, cheap thimbles ; to the toiling workingman, who asks a cheapening of the few articles that are necessary to the comfort of his humble home ; to the freedmen, who ask cheap food, cheap clothing, cheap books, cheap agencies in their progress and elevation ; to the manufacturer, who demands cheap raw. materials as the sole condition to his successful competition with the whole world; to the shipping interests, which plead for free ships as a means of restoring the commerce of the country to its pristine glory and greatness — to each of all these worthy representatives of outraged and failing interests comes the cruel, tbe impious, the shameless offer of free whiskey. It is the sum of all good. It is the cure of every ill. It is the inspiration of despairing hope. "Let him drink and forget his poverty, and remember his misery no more." I THB FBEE WHISKEY POLICY. 429 XIII. TION OF THE WHISKEY TAX — WHY THIS SHOULD NOT BE DONE SO LONG AS OTHER HEAVY TAXES REMAIN. ^^ The argument against the repeal of this tax, on the ground that it was imposed during the war, cannot be better stated than has been done by Mr. Fairchild, the Secretary of the Treasury, in his report to the present Congress, wherein he says: The chief cause for the prejudice against this tax seems to be that as there was no such tax before the war for the Union, it is looked upon as a remainder of the measures adopted to raise money to carry on the war, and which ought not to be continued in time of peace, and as interfering in some way with the natural rights of mankind to grow grain and tobacco and manufacture therefrom spirits, cigars, snuff, and the various forms of merchantable tobacco. Of course, taxation of whiskey and tobacco trespass no more upon the natural rights of man than does the taxation of his clothing, of his bedding, of every implement which he uses in the cultivation of his grain and tobacco, and in the distillation or manufacture of the same. The burden of the one tax is direct, known, fixed; the whole of it goes into the Government's treasury; the burden of the other is indirect and unknown, and only a portion of it comes into the treasury. It reaches the farmer or distiller increased by the profit upon itself, which every merchant must take as the clothing or tools pass through his hands on their journey to them from the foreign or domestic manufacturer. Taxation there must be. The choice is between kinds of taxation; each man can decide for himself, if he will examine the subject free from prejudice, which is the least burdensome for him, for his family, and for his neighbors, and which is in the end better for his whole country. That internal taxation of spirits axid tobacco began during the war is not a reason why it should be done away with now, if it be in Itself wise. So the fact that the rates of customs taxation were raised during the same war far higher than ever before in our history, and have been continued until now, ought not to determine the manner of their tr^-atment; this should rather depend upon what is just and expedient at the present time Neither passion, pre- judice, nor sentimentality should have place in the consideration of questions of taxation. As to the expense of collecting the internal revenue, I suggest that an amalga- mation of the customs and internal revenue systems is entirely feasible, and that thereby a large number of offices might be abohshed, and that the expense of the whole system might be made not to exceed that of an efficient enforcement of the customs' laws. I earnestly commend this suggestion to the careful consideration of the Congress. Is it the part ot statesmanship to give up a machinery for its collection when, unless we are more favored than the other nations of the world, there will come a day when it will all be needf d? If the law for the collection of this tax is unnecessarily oppressive, amend the law, To do away with the whole revenue from internal taxes at present would so diminish the revenues that it would be necessary either to lay duties on articles of importation now free, such as tea and coffee, or to suspend the sinking fund requiremtnte, and also materially diminish other expenses of government. But it is not weh either to abolish or reduce internal revenue taxation; it is a tax upon whiskey, beer and tobacco, things which are in very small measure neces- sary to the health or happiness of mankind; if they are necessary to any unfortu- nate man they are far less neceseary even to him t|An are a thousand other articles which the Government taxes. This tax is the leasH^urdensome, the least unjust of all the taxes which Government lays or can lay upon the people; it should not be abolished, nor should it be reduced if, with due regard to the existing conditions of labor and capital, sufficient reduction can be made in the taxation of necessary arti- cles which are in the daily use of all the people. I 430 THE RELIGIOUS BEVOLT. CHAPTER XXXV. THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT. UNIVERSAL CONDEMNATION OF THE FEEE-WHISKEY PLANK IN TI REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. Journals of All Denominations Exjpress the Utmost Abho'^ rence of the Whole Scheme. The response to the declaration of the Republican platform in favor of repealin| the tax on whiskey rather than to surrender any of the taxes on the necessaries of life, was almost instantaneous on the part of the religious newspapers of every denomination, and of the leading clergymen everywhere, as is shown by the follow- ing extracts from editorials and letters : I. HOW THE CHALLENGE WAS MET BY THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. From the Christian Union, The Republican party has taken up the cliallenge of the Democratic party, and a clear and definite issue is presented to the American voter by the contrasted plat- forms. Let us state this issue in our own words. There is a surplus in the Treas- ury of $125,000,000, and an annual increase threatened of $60,000,000. If this accu- mulation goes on, the country will be soon involved in hopeless bankruptcy, because in that case the money wliich commerce needs will be locked up in the Treasunr vaults. To protect the nation from this serious menace, two policies are proposed. The Democratic party proposes to confine appropriations of public money to such sums as are necessary for an economical administration of the Government ; to retain the tax on alcohol; to modify the tax on tobacco; and to reduce the tax on imports by admitting raw materials free of duty, and by reducing taxes oq all arti- cles of necessity. If this involves some manufacturers in commercial distress, the party will regard the individual injury as counterbalanced by the general good. The Republican party proposes to abolish the tax on tobacco ; to abolish also the tax on alcohol used in the arts #d manufactures ; if necessary, to do away with the national tax on alcohol altogether; to retain the present tax on imports substan- tially unchanged ; to retain it, not because it is necessary for revenue, but because it will foster aud promote American manufactures and keep up wages; and it pro- poses to accompany this policy of taxation with one of liberal appropriations, not only for immediate governmental necessities, but for the construction of a navy and of coast fortifications, for river and harbor improvements, for national aid to public education, and for pensions. With this explanation we put the policies of the two THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT. 43J parties in parallel columns, to make apprehension of the difference between the two easier and clearer : Rep. Dem. Tax on tobacco Abolish. Modif3\ Tax on alcohol Reduce or abolish. Retain. Tax on rawmaterials Retain. Abolish. Tax on necessaries Retain. Reduce. Tax on luxuries Retain. Retain. Objectoftax Protection. Revenue. Expenditures Liberal. Economical. It would be an absurd and a dishonorable affectation if we were to pretend to look upon the issue thus framed Avith inditterence. We believe that it has vital rela- tions to the future of our country. We believe that tbe coming election will be likely to settle the trend of national life for some years to come. Nor have we any wish to conceal our personal predilections and prejudices. They are in favor of economical expenditures and a lowered tariff. II. ^K REVOLTS AT THE DOSE IN THE PLATFORM. ^IP From the Chicago Standard. We are heartily glad to see an article in the Chicago Tribune calling attentiott to what it termed *' a blunder in the platform," and which in the view of a good many people is very much worse than simply " a blunder." It quotes from one of the resolutions adopted as a platform by the Republican Convention, still in session as we write, as follows : " If there should still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants ot the Government, we fawr the entire repeal of internal taxes (whiskey and tobacco> rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system at the joint behest of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers." This it very properly interprets as meaning " free whiskey," and also as a way of escape from any expedient for reducing the Treasury surplus which must involve modification of the present tariff. It then says : '• Four years ago the Republican party pledged itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff and reduce the surplus. Now it is made to demand the placing of whiskey and tobacco on the free list in order to prevent any reduction of the sur- plus by correcting the inequalities of the tariff or by reducing the sugar tax. The Republican tariff platform of 1884 in substance declared : "'The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve the people of the burden, of warn cessary taxation by a wise reduction of the suijplus. The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus.' " Is putting whiskey on the free list an honest redemption of this pledge ?" The Tribune advises that the Convention correct this *' blunder " by an amende ment to the platform, " striking out the plank in favor of free whiskey and declar- ing instead that the tax on liquor and tobacco shall be retained to meet the increasing expenditures for pensions and for the defrayment of service pensions." It declares its opinion that if this very serious mistake is not corrected, *' it will cost the Re publican party tens and possibly hundreds of thousands of votes." Judging by what we hear from temperance men who have always voted with the Republican party, and from what we know of the general sentiment of Christian people, heartily tired of whiskey rule, the Tribune's alternate estimate of the loss likely to follow the retention of such a feature in the platform, is much more nearly the right one. 432 THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT. III. A BLUNDER THAT WAS A CRIME. From the Chicago Advance. No doubt the indignation will be deep and widespread in view of the cowardly and wicked refusal of the Committee on the Platform in the RepubUcan Conven- tion to voice the sentiment of all good citizens respecting the protection which the Government ought to afford the home against the saloon. It was a grievous blun- der. It was a kind of blunder which amounts to a crime. It was just the kind of blunder which the merely cunning politician without conscience or moral sense is prone to make. We do not care to predict what the result will be. Of this we may be very sure, that whatever the platform may have said or refused to say, or how- ever hard the manipulating politicians may have tried to wink it out of sight, before the campaign is over they will find that the question which they attempted to taboo is a question which i^^presents a tremendously insistent and aggressive force in the politics of tO'day, and still more so in that of the future. IV. WHAT THE PLATFORMS REALLY MEAN. Sev. George B. Scott in the New York " Witness" If a man votes the Republican ticket next fall he declares himself in favor of free whiskey, whether that is his intention or not. That's what the platform calls for. If he votes the Democratic ticket he thereby says, "I'm for a tax on liquor." If he casts his ballot for the Prohibitionists he announces the fact that he favors the annihilation of the liquor curse. If this is not true there is no meaning in platforms, and they should never be written and submitted to the people. V. AN OMISSION THAT IS A CRIME. From the Christian Nation. Even anti-saloon Republicans must now realize the hopelessness of securing temperance reform through their party. Mr. Griffin and hia followers have labored persistently and faithfully, only to be put off again and again by their party lead- ers. If " hope deferred maketh the heart sick," they must be sick indeed now. With what heart or face can they take another step in the agitation of their reform when their only reward from the great old party is utter obliviousness in its plat- form to the greatest— the only really great — moral and material issues now stirring the hearts of Americans! How can anti-saloonists remain a day longer in a party that dares to presumptuously ignore the principle that is so dear to their hearts"? How can Christians remain in, and give their adherence to a party that dares to be silent on the curse of the liquor traffic, when the country is being desolated by its ravages, when the cry for help is heard on every hand, and the voice of God is thundering in his word, " No drunkard shall inherit the kingdom of heaven? " In the presence of these charges the RepubUcan party is without excilse. Within its own ranks the question has been strongly agitated, and Christian voters have been persuaded to remain true to the party by pledges of temperance legisla- tion. At its Chicago convention, fraternal delegates were present, either in person or by letter, from Christian organizations, pleading for a plank in their platform condemnatory of the liquor traffic, and pledging itself to temperance legislation. In the face of all of their pledges, these influences and appeals, in the face of multi- I THB RELIGIOUS REVOLT. 433 tudes of suflFering women and children, and a vast unnumbered army of men pushing on in desperation to drunkards' graves, in the face of mothers' and orphans' tears and prayers, this party deliberately decides against the principle of prohibi- tion, against the best and highest interests of this country, against the convictions of the Christian men and women within its ranks, and turns to the saloon and the slums for its votes and its friends. So let it be. But in the light of all these things, the omission in its platform of any reference to the question of prohibition is of such gravity that it becomes a crime. We have not been among those who have in season and out of season attacked the Republican party ; we have contented ourselves with an advocacy of the princi- ple of prohibition and the necessity for a third party. But we do not hesitate to declare at this time that as a party it is guilty of suppressing the truth and pander- ing to the most dangerous element in our country, and its crime deserves con- demnation, and itself igDominious death. VI. "it would give u3 free whiskey." Letter o/Bev, Br. Theodore L. Cuyler to the Evangelist, June 28, 1888. I claim the privilege, as an old-fashioned Lincolnite Republican, to enter my ear- protest against its reactionary "plank" on the most controverted question of the hour. In 1884 the Republican Convention wisely declared in favor of the revision of the tariff and the reduction of the enormous and darbgerous surplus. B ut this year's Convention has strangely declared in favor of the practical maintenance of the present exorbitant and oppressive war tariff, and in order to provide against the accumulation of a surplus, it suggests a repeal of the taxes on whiskey and tobacco ! Instead of taking off the burdens from many necessaries of life, it would give us free pipes and free whiskey ! Six months ago Mr. Blaine, in his so-called " message from Paris," very saga- ciously said : " I would not advise the repeal of the whiskey tax. There is a moral side to it. To cheapen the price of whiskey is to increase its consumption enor- mously. There would be no sense in urging the reform wrought by high license in many States, if the national Government neutralizes the good effect by making whis- key within reach of every one at twenty cents a gallon. It would destroy high license at once in all the States." Very true, Mr. B)aine ; and it would bring in a carnival of Beelzebub and Bacchus all over the land. I am not the only dissentient against the extreme high tariff heresies of the late Convention. Many of the most powerful Republican journals are protesting against them, and such staunch and thoughtful Republicans as ex-Mayor Seth Low, and the Rev. Dr. Storrs, and many others of our Brooklyn citizens are in open revolt against them. Dr. Storrs said to me on yesterday that, as he could not turn Demo- crat, he should imitate Sambo in the story, and " take to the woods." If all of us Republicans who are opposed to free trade and free whiskey, and yet are strenu- ously in favor of reducing the present outrageously oppressive tariff, should follow the example of Dr. Storrs, the " woods " will be pretty full by next November. The immense surplus in the National Treasury is fraught with increasing evils and dangers. There is a growing discontent among the intelligent working classes with high taxes on the necessaries of life. The many are now burdened for the ben- efit of the few. It is in the power of the Republicans in the present Congress to correct immediately many of the unjust features of this odious " war tariff," if they will set resolutely and boldly about it. They will thus " spike the guns" of the free trader^. They will neutralize the unhappy effect of that pronunciamento in favor of fr6e whiskey as an alternative. They will prevent a political cyclone that i gather volume as the season rolls on. 434 THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT. This is a question that deeply concerns both the financial stability and the public morality of the nation. For party politics in the narrow sense I care but little ; for principles that alone can make parties effective for the public weal, I care a great deal. Thirty years ago I used my tongue and pen zealously for the Republican party in its early conflicts with the monster of chattel slavery. Its name and fame are dear to me ; and I trust that it may not become itself enslaved to the reaction- ary rule of those who would build up monopolies at the expense of the great mass of the people. As this is a question of absorbing interest, and touches great moral issues, I do not hesitate to discuss it in these columns. VII. WILL MAKE THEIR PROTEST EPFECTIVB. From the NorihwesUm Christum Advocate. It is safe to say that the present year will witness a struggle which will remind men of the old slavery battles in ante- war time^. While the great tariff issue will divide the two old parties, two or three apparently minor questions, which are really^ not minor, will figure to an exter:t which most men will not realize until the cam- paign is over. We regret that the liquor issue is ignored. It would seem as if the- Republican party has lost nearly as many votes as it well can lose because of the action of the party in some of the States. At the same time it is true that thousands who are now compelled to vote with the third party would remain in the Republican party, if it would but declare war on the saloon as an element in politics. It oaght to be a reproach that the whiskey interest has more power in our large cities than have all the churches and schools^ combined. We have little doubt that thousands who are now indifferent to the thought would revolt if they would but stop to realize the disgraceful, not to say the dangerous, fact. As the debate progresses, more and more men will come to realize that significjmt state of the facts. Thousands of good men have been wait- ing to see whether the Republican party would or would not revolt against the power that is the enemy of all the homes in the land. The event will finally convince them that the ultimate test has been made, and that they must now make their protest in some effective way. We will inevitably be accused of partisanship in this suggestion, but we make it as an observer, and as a citizen who regrets that the party has so non- acted that it is in opposition to the express position of our church on an issue which has its unavoidable relations to- the peace of every home in America. vm. RESENTING THE SNEER "SUNDAY-SCHOOL POLITICIAN." From tM NationaZ Baptist. Mr. Seth Low is an eminent Christian citizen of Brooklyn. He has twice beeu elected Mayor on an independent, non-partiean ticket. He is deeply interested in all that relates to the elevation and welfare of men, and especially of the working alasses. His address before the Christian Conference at Washington Ust December upon "The Relation of the Church to the Capital and Labor Question," was most wise, just and humane; in fact, was one of the most admirable papers of that mem- orable occasion. Mr. Lew looks upon politics and political parties as a means to an end rather than as an end in itself. He does not believe in sacrificing the end lo the means. Recently Mr. Low has felt it his duty to express his dissent from eome of the positions of the political party with which he has been identified Through all his life. Thereupon the New York Tribune uses this language: ''Mr. Low's aspirations ought not hereafter to lead bira outside of a Sunday- schoo^ He is designed by nature as a fii-st-rate Sunday-school politician." THE KELIGIOUS REVOLT. 435 BF The sneer haa not even the merit of originality; but be that as it may, it may ■well awaken surprise that in the last quarter of this nineteenth Christian century the epithet should be used as a term of reproach. So far as we are aware, what is meant by Sunday-school politics is carrying into politics the lessons which are taught in the Sunday-school; that is, the lessons of the Bible and of Christianity, the Ten Commandments, and the Sermon on the Mount, and the Gospels. Sunday-school politics involves the having of convictions, the believing that there is a right and that there is a wrong; that right is to be pursued, however unpopular, and that wrong is to be shunned, however gainful. We can well understand that those to whom politics is a trade worth just so much as there is money in it, to whom honor and justice and liberty and humanity are but a party cry, empty of mean- ing — we can well imagine that these men may find Sunday school politics very much in their way. They may be disposed to say with Lord Melbourne on a some- what similar occasion, "This morality will ruin everything." Of course, if men have convictions, and follow their convictions, it will not always be easy to keep them in the traces. But to men whose convictions go back thirty years or so, and who remember when the Sunday-school and the Christian pulpit were the centre of the pulsations of the national life, who remember when men went from the Sunday- school to the army and to the battle-field and to the prison-hell and to death, the sneer at Sunday-school politics may seem somewhat ill-timed. 28 436 NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. CHAPTER XXXVI. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. THE IMPORTA>T WORK TO BE DONE BY YOUNG MEN WHO BELIEVE IN LOW TAXES, ECONOMY IN PUBLIC EXPENDITURES, AND IN THE TEACHINGS OF JEFFERSON, JACKSON AND tILDEN. I. After the triumphant return of the Democratic party to power in the Federal Government in 1885, the young men of the country naturally turned their attention to the devising of methods to extend a knowledge of the principles of the party and of its founders and of the honored men who have illustrated and embodied these principles through nearly a century of the existence of the Government of the United States. Indeed the necessity for this earnest work of education had been recognized as early as 1882 by Chauncey F. Black, of York, Pennsylvania, who organized what is known as the Jefferson Democratic Association in his own town as well as in many neighboring places throughout the State of Pennsylvania. In May last these societies, and all others in Pennsylvania having a kindred object, held a State con- vention at Harrisburg and organized the Democratic Society of Pennsylvania. The Young Men's Democratic Club, of the city of New York, had also been moving in the same direction for some time, and in April last a conference was held at the rooms of that club in New York. A temporary organization was then effected and a committee appointed with f)ower to call a national convention of clubs. The committee fixed upon July 4, 1888, as the time and Baltimore, Md., as the place for holding the convention. More than five hundred clubs accepted the invitation by sending upwards of 2,400 delegates. The convention met at noon on July 4^ and adjourned sine die on the afternoon of the following day. The greatest enthusiasm and harmony characterized the pro- ceedings, which were marked throughout with earnestness and patriotism. The work done by the several committees was painstaking and careful, and unanimov reports were submitted and accepted. A constitution was adopted and a permanent organization formed under name of "The National Association of Democratic Clubs." Chauncey F. Black, Pennsylvania, was elected President of the association ; Edward B. Whitney, Esc New York, Secretary; and George H. Lambert, Esq., New Jersey, Treasurer. Vice-President from each State and Territory was elected, and four members frot each State and Territory were chosen for a General Committee. Since the convention and the organization of the association at Baltimore mai new clubs and societies have been organized and State associations formed. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. 437 II. THE CONSTITUTION ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION AT BALTIMORE. ^HTe, the Democratic Clubs of the United States, in convention assembled, asso- liro ourselves together under the following constitution : 1 The name of the Association shall be The National Association op KCRATic Clubs. The objects of this Association are as follows : foster the formation of permanent Democratic Clubs and Societies through- )ut the United States, and insare their active co-operation in disseminating Jeffer- .onian principles of government ; To preserve the Constitution of the United States, the autonomy of the States, ocal self-government and freedom of elections ; To resist revolutionary changes and the centralization of power; To oppose the imposition of taxes beyond the necessities of government economi- ;ally administered; To promote economy in all branches of the public service ; To oppose unnecessary commercial restrictions lor the benefit of* the few at the jxpense of the many ; To oppose class legislation, which despoils labor and builds up monopoly; To maintain inviolate the fundamental principle of Democracy — "Equality )efore the law ; " and To co-operate with the regular organization of the Democratic party in support )f Democratic men and Democratic measures. 3. All political clubs and societies which concur in the objects of this Associa- ion are eligible to membership. 4. The officers of this Association shall consist of a President, a Vice-President rom each State and Territory and the District of Columbia, a Secretary and a Treasurer, who shall have the usual power of such officers, subject to the regula- ations of the General Committee. 5. The affairs of this Association when not in convention assembled shall be nanaged by a General Committee consisting of four members from each State and Territory and the District of Columbia, together with the officers of this Association, ill of whom shall be ex-offlcio members of the General Committee, which shall have he power to designate an Executive Committee. 6. The officers of this Association shall be elected at each regular convention. The members of the General Committee shall be elected at each regular convention )y the several States. Such officers and members of the General Committee shall lold office until their successors are elected or named. 7. The General Committee may fill any vacancies in their own body and in any )f the offices of this Association, and are also authorized to admit clubs and societies o membership, but a convention shall have power to overrule any action of this committee. 8. The Executive Committee shall raise funds by voluntary subscriptions to jarry out purposes and objects of this Association. 9. The regular convention of this Association shall be held once in every four 'ears, subsequent to the National Democratic Convention, the time and place to be ixed by the General Committee. Notice of at least two months shall be given by he Secretary to every member of this Association. 10. The General Committee may by a two thirds vote call a special convention )f this Association, of which two months' notice shall be given. 11. In convention the members of tbis Association shall be entitled to represen- ationas follows: Each club or society shall be entitled to one delegate and one .dditional delegate for every hundred members in good standing. But no club or ociety shall be entitled to more than five delegates. I 438 NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF DEMOCBATIC CLUBS. 1 12.. When the clubs or societies of any State or Territory or the District of Columbia, not less than ten in number, shall have formed a State or Territorial or District Association, such Association shall be entitled to eleven delegates at lar2:e. 13. At a convention of this Association the vote on any question shall be taken by States, Territories and the District of Columbia, and each State and Territory and the District of Columbia shall be entitled to cast the same number of votes as in the National Convention of the Democratic party. in. THE WORK BEFORE THE ASSOCIATION TO BE ACCOMPLISHED DURING THE PRESENT AND FUTURE CAMPAIGNS. The Democratic party, in a position to make the coming fight on lines of it& own choosing, has boldly taken Tariff Reform as the issue of the campaign, forcing the opposition into their present attitude of favoring free whiskey and tobacco rather than any reduction of import duties upon the necessaries of life and raw materials used in our manufactures. But in advocating this most-needed reform, and in pledging ourselves to the support of measures which will relieve the people of pernicious and unnecessary tariff burdens, we have encountered the opposition of ignorance and prejudice and aroused the active antagonism of those receiving direct benefits from the present system of unequal and unjust taxation. To remove this ignorance and overcome this prejudice, much educational work must be done. Proper documents and reading matter must be brought to every doubtful voter, and every Democrat should be prepared to demonstrate the truth of the principles we have adopted, as well as to urge the necessity of the measure!* to which we are pledged. The National Association of Democratic Clubs will do this work to the full extent of its means. From the General Committee of the Assoeiation, an Executive Committee has been appointed, and headquarters opened in New York, in the building of the Dem- ocratic National Committee, No. 10 West 29th Street. For the routine work of the Associatioa an office has been taken at No. 52 William Street, where communica- tions may be addressed to the Secretary or the Cnairman of the Executive Commit- tee, and all inquiries received will be promptlyanswered. Campaign literature will be here kept in stock, ready to be shipped in bulk to members of the Association sending orders. Every club or society belonging to the Association is expected to be in active and continual correspondence, and to report. IV. THE PURPOSES OF THE ASSOCIATION. The objects of the Association can not be more explicitly stated than in the fol- lowing extracts from the a.ldress by its president ex- Lieut-Governor Chauncey F. Black, of Pennsylvania. " We are entering upon a new era in American politics. The administration of Presi- dent Cleveland has met the expectations of the country; it has redeemed all its pledges ; purified every branch of the government ; reformed the grosser abuses of patronage ; ele- vated the civil service, and replaced extravagance, corruption and partisan excess in every department with economy, integrity and legal accountability. These reforms are the necessary sequence of Democratic doctrines. They follow the application of Democratic fundamental principles— that is to say, a strict construction of the constitution upon the rule embodied in the 10th Amendment, taxation only for the support of government economically administered, and expenditures only for objects specifically enumerated— as naturally and inevitably as right living follows the adoption of Christian truth into the heart of the individual man. They have, in every instance, been the immediate results— the flower and the fruit— of Democratic rule. When Jefferon and his associates were chosen in 1800 they found a task of reformation before them almost precisely liKe that which con- fronted Grover Cleveland and his associates in 1884, and what Thomas Jefferson did Grover Cleveland has done. k NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF DEMOCRATIC CLURS. 439 T.Jefferson was re-elected, and Jefferson Democrats continued to be elected for half «entury— the golden age of the Republic— through which the country flourished in peace f ad unexampled prosperity. In lik^- manner will Grover Cleveland be re elected in Novem- I er, and in likt^ manner will a long line of Democratic successors, following his glorious Kara pie, planting their firm steps in the prints of his, bring to this people peace and honor, jform in public morf Is, freedom in trade and business, and every blessing which flows irectly from the restriction of the g -neral government to its proper and lirnired sphere, etnoman doubt. The President will be re-elected— and the only question is one of lajorities in the conrrolling States. " Ler us hail, then, with welcome and applause, the formation of State and Federal isociations of Democratic societies to maintain the essential principles of our political 'Stem ; but let us not neglect toe institution and the regular maintenance of these soele- es in all the political subdivisions of county, ward and township, so that the constituencies 'those central representative bodies shall be the Democratic people, in trutn and in fact ich an organization, permanent and enduring as the party itself, would insure the ascen- jncy of the successors of Jefferson for an indetinite period. WHAT SUCH SOCIKTIE8 MAY DO. 5t me Illustrate: We are confronted, to-day, by the tariff question, and President efveland, like Mr. Jefferson, recognizing the paramount importance and vital character the issue as involving nothing less than the power of Government to lay the masses ider tribute for the support of special interests and favored classes, has summoned the iople to vote upon it, nakt^d and alone, and thus to deternune, once for all, whether the uducers of this country are to be free or slave. Does any man suppose, that, if the Democracy of the United States had at any time ice 1880 been organized into Jefferson associations or Democratic societies, acknowledg- g the name and authority of Jefferson, there could have been the smallest division of )inion among us on this grave question ? It would have been impossible. Errors and isconceptions would have been winnowed away in the keen blast of popular discussion in e voluntary Democratic a-semblies. False doctrine would have been detected by the fallible touchstone of the Jeffersonian test, and the fallacies of the Bourbon protectionist, eking to enclave labor to build up monopoly, would have been uniformly met by us as ey were by our fathers. It would not have required the trumpet of our great leader— the arless and invincible man of the people— who stands to-day where Jeffer-on and Jackson ood, to summon us to this critical contest for American Liberty, we would have been ere long before he called, and the battle would have been won before it was joined. "Mr. Jefferson said in the beginning, that this question of the alleged power of Congress subsidize some at the expense of the whole, wa> a question between a limited and an ilimited government; between strong government and constitutional government; tween freedom and slavery ; between the right of a man to enjoy his own earnings, and e duty to pay it over to support the luxury of another. Mr. Jefferson believed that no m could be a protectionist, for the sake of protection, and be a Democrat. President eveland agrees with Mr Jefferson and I believe I am safe in the statement that every lightened Democrat in the United .-states agree-, with President Cleveland. Had we been operly educated by means of Democratic societies, there never would have been any •sent. Let us now repair the deficiency ; multiply the Democratic .societies ; circulate the jmocratic scriptures ; array the party of the people upon settled principles ; and defend e constitution against the assaults of the Federalist in the future as in the pa-t. Presi- nt Cleveland will be re-elected, of course. Let us prepare now for the election ot his ceessor ; for just as cectain as the time comes the Bourbon Federalist will be here in 1892 ider a new name, and with a new ruse, to oppose the immortal Democracy, whose history and must ever be, consistent with the Union." V. A SUCCINCT STATEMENT OF WHAT DEMOCRATIC FAITH IS FOUNDED ON. The temporary chairman of the Baltimore Convention, William E. Russell, ayor of Cambridge, Massachusetts, still further expressed the purpose of the Asso- ition and then enunciated the principles which should guide the young men of e party, in his speech on taking the chair, from which the following extracts are ken: "Thank God, we enter the fight with a living faith, founded upon principles that are 3t, enduring, as old as the nation itself, yet ever young, viiforous and progressive, because are is ever work for them to do Our party was not founded tor a single mission, which complished. left it drifting with no fixed star of principle to guide it. It was born and s lived to uphold great truths of Government that need always to be enforced. The influ- ce of the past speaks to us in the voice of the present. Jefferson and Jackson still lead , not because i hey are a glorious reminiscence, but because the philosophy of the one, the urage of the other, the Democracy of both are potential factors in determining Democracy •day. V 440 NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. "Their faith and ours rest upon an abiding trust in the people, a belief that power can safely be put in their hands, and the b oader the foundation the safer the structure of our Government. We believe in the freedom and equality of all men in the affairs of State and before the altar of their God ; in the freedom of the individual from unnecessary restric- tions and unnecessary burdens ; that taxation witn its enormous power and burdens is not to be used to take from one to give to another, nor to enrich the few at the expense of the many; that of itself it is not a blessing which excuses and demands a wild extravagance, but a necessary evil, to be lessened by prudence and economy: that it should be levi'jd justlv, equally, according to men's means, and not their necessities; upon luxuries, that endanger the home and the Republic, and not upon those comforts that make the humblest fireside more cheerful, and in its happiness and strength reflects a nation's prosperity. THE DOCTRINKS OF THE DEMOCRATIC CREED. "We believe that a Government which controls the lives, liberties and property of a f)eople, in its administration should be honest, economical and efficient, and in its form of ocal self-government kept near to the power that makes and obeys it. To safeguard the rights and liberty of the individual, the Democratic party demands home rule. Democracy stands beside the humblest citizen to protect him from oppressive government ; it is the bulwark of the silent people, to resist having tht> power and purpose of government warped by the clamorous demands of selfish interests. Its greatest good, its highest glory, is that it is, and is to be, the people's party. To it government is a power to protect and encourage men to make the most of themselves, and not something for men to make the most out of. "And, lastly, we believe in the success, the erlory and the grand destiny of this great Republic, it leaped into life from the hands of Democrats. More than three-quarters of a century it has been nurtured and strengthened by Democratic rule. Under Democratic administrations, in its mighty swt ep. It has streched from ocean to ocean, and is to-day not a North and South, and East and West, btit a glorious union of thirty-eight sovereign States, re-unit«d in love and loyalty, the grear nation of six y million loyal subjects. And now, under the last and best of Democratic administrations, the courage, fidelity, patriot- ism and Democracy of Grover Cleveland are holding it true to the principles of its found- ers." The Association has entered upon its work under the most favorable auspices. It has secured the support and encouragement of the leaders of the party in every State where it has perfected its organization. It is working in perfect harmony with the recognized party organizations, National, State and local. So that its oppor- tunities for doing good work are quite equal to the enthusiasm with which it tias entered upon it. It is not a mere marching organization, but will devote itself to an intelligent effort to educate young men and all men in the political way they should go THB GETTYSBURG RBUNION. 441 CHAPTER XXXVII. THE GETTYSBURG REUNION. Speeches of General Sickles, of New York; Governor Beaver of tPemisylvania ; Governor Gordon and General Longstreet, of Georgia, at the Gettysburg Reunion July 1, 2 and Z, 1888. At the reunion of Union and Confederate soldiers at Gettysburg July 1, 2 and 3, 1888, the following speeches were made by leading participants in the battle on both sides : L gbn:eral longstreet's speech. *' Mr. Chainnan, Soldiers, Gentlemen and Friends : I was not in time to wit- ness any part of the engagement of the first day of Gettysburg, but am pleased to be here in time to witness the ceremony commemorating the days of honor of the Army of the Potomac and to express that sympathy that should go out from all ^ earts to those who know how to appreciate the conduct of soldiers who offer their lives on the altar of their country ; and who may better attest to the bravery of the defenders of Gettysburg than those who breasted the measure of battle against them, and who could more forcibly realize that it was their heroism that grasped the culminating moment, resolved to resist the advancing aspirations of State sov- ereignty with the firmnesss that was justified by the strong ground upon which fortune cast their lines, amidst these formidable surroundings, these rock-bound slopes and heights, reinforced by bails of lead and iron, and ribs of steel, and Amf : ican valor. •'The gage of the battle was pitched, and here the great army of the South, the pride and glory of that section, found itself overmatched, arrested in its march of triumph and forced to stand and recoil, but not for want of gallantry, fortitude, or faith. The battle of the second day by McLane's and Hood's divisions and part of Anderson's was as spirited as some of the dashing efibrts of the First Napo- leon, but before the end it was found to be work to upheave the mountain. That of the third day by Pickett's division and Trimble's marching 1,200 yards under the fire of a hundred cannon and 10,000 of musketry has no parallel nor is likely to have in the annals of war. This battle scene recurs to my mind with vivid force. The gallant Pickett at the head of ray own old division, and Trimble, of even bear- ing, like soldierri on parade holding their men to their desperate work ; the set features of the veteran Brigadiers Armstead, Garrett, and Lemper, vigilant of their compact files; the elastic steps of the troops whose half-concealed smiles expressed pleasure in their opportunity, marked a period that should fill the measure of a soldier's pride, and well did they meet their promise of their parting salutations with that confidence that commands success where it is possible. " Their hammered ranks moved steadily on till marching up face to face they fell, their noble heads at the feet of the foe who, standing like their own brave hills, received with welcome the shock of this well-adjusted battle. Such ia the sacrifice sometimes demanded by the panoply of armies arrayed for battle. But times have changed. Twenty-five years have softened the usages of war. Those frowning heights have given over their savage tones, and our meetings for the exchange of blows and broken bones are left for more congenial days, for friendly greetings and for covenants of tranquil repose. " The ladies are here to grace the serene occasion and quicken the sentiment that draws us nearer together. God bless them and help that they may dispel the 443 THE GETTTSBUBG REUNION. delusions that come between the people and make the land as blithe as a bride atj the coming of the bridegroom." II. GENERAL SICKLES OP NEW YORK. General Daniel E, Sickles, of New York, made the following speech: "This assembly marks an epoch. You are survivors of two great armies.] You and your comrades fought here the decisive battle of a long and terrible civilj war. Twenty-five years have passed and now the combatants of 1863 come together again on your old field of battle, to unite in pledges of love and devotion] to one Constitution, one Union, and one flag. To-day there are no victors, no vau-j qnished As Americans we may all claim a common share in the glories of this! battlefield. Memorable for so many brilliant feats of arms, no stain rests on thel colors of any battalion, battery or troop that contended here for victory. Gallant Buford, who began the battle, and brave Pickett, who closed the struggle, fitly! represent the intrepid hosts that for three days' rivaled each other in titles to mar-] tial renown. Among the hundreds of memorial structures on this field, there is not one bearing an inscription that wounds the susceptibilities of an honorable andj| gallant foe. "This meeting is a historical event. We dedicate here on this battlefield to-dayj an altar sarred to peace and tranquility and union. We sow the seeds of frieiid- ship between communities and States and populations once hostile and now recon- ciled. We all share in the rich harvest reaped by the whole country, North an(" South, East and West, from the new America born on this battlefield, where the^ Republic consecrated her institutions to liberty and justice. "It is sometimes said that it is not wise to perpetuate the memories of civil] war, and such was the Roman maxim. But our civil war was not a mere con- spiracy against a ruler; it was not the plot of a soldier to oust a rival from power j it was not a pronunciamento. The conflict of 1861-5 was a war of institutions and ] systems and policies. It was a revolution, ranking in importance with the French! revolution of the eighteenth century and with the English revolution of the sevei-^ teenth, universal in its beneficent influence upon the destinies of this country, and^ ineflaceable in the footprints it made in the path of our national progress. The memories of such a war are as indestructible as our civilization. The names of! Lincoln and Lee and Grant and Jackson can never be eflaced from our annals. The valor and fortitude and achievements of both armies, never surpassed in any age, demand a record in American history. And now that time and thought, com- mon sense and common interests have softened all the animosities of war, we may ; bury them forever, while we cherish and perpetuate as Americans the immortal heritage of honor belonging to a republic that became imperishable when it became free. "The war of 1861-5 was our heroic age. It demonstrated the vitality of repub- lican institutions. It illustrated the martial spirit and resources and genius of the American soldier and sailor. It was a war in which sentiments and ideas domi- nated interests. The lavish sacrifices of blood and treasure, the unyieldiug tenacity of the combatants, the constancy and firmness of the people on both sides, men and women, old and young, rich and poor, signalized the great conflict as the heroic age of the Republic. We now see that the obstinacy of the war on both sides com- pelled a settlement of all the elements of disunion between the North and the South. An earlier peace might have been a mere truce, to be followed by recurring hostili- ties. We fought until the furnace of war melted all our discords and molded us in one homogeneous nation. Let us all be devoutly thankful that God has spared us to witness and to share the blessings bestowed by Providence upon our couutry'as the compensation for countless sacrifices niude to establish on just and firm founda- tions a government of the people, by the people and for the people. " For myself, I rejoice that I am here to day to meet so many comrades and BO many foes, and to unite with all of you in pledges of friendship and fraternity. And now I ask you, one and all, the survivors of the blue and the gray, to affirm with one voice onr unanimous resolve to maintain our Union, preserve our insti- tutions ani defend our flag." I THE GETTYSBURG REUNION. 443 III. GOVERNOR GORDON OF GEORGIA. Gen. Sickles introduced Gen. Gordon, who spoke on behalf of the ex-Confed- erates. As his swinging sentences were uttered there was frequent applause Gen. Gordon said : Mr. President and Fellow -Soldiers : I greet you to-night with far less trepida- tion, and infinitely more pleasure than in the early days of July, 1863, when I last met you at Gettysburg. I came then, as now, to meet the soldiers of the Union Army. It would be useless to attempt utterance of the thoughts which now thrill my spirit. The temptation is to draw the contrast between the scenes which then were witnessed and those which greet us here to-night ; to speak of the men with whom I then marched, and of those whom we met ; of those who have sur- vived to meet again twenty- five years later, and of those who here fought and fell ; of the contrast made by this mass of manly cordiality and good fellowship with the long lines of dusty uniforms which then stood in battle array beneath bristling bay- onets and spread ensigns, moving in awful silence and with sullen tread to grapple each other in deadly conflict. iVould speak of all these, and of the motives which impelled each, of the swaying tides of the three days' battles, of the final Federal victory, and of its preponderating influence in turning the scales of war, but the nature of the pleasing duty assigned me forbids this. There is, however, one suggestion which dominates my tbouajht at this hour, to present which I ask brief indulgence. Of all the martial virtues the one which is perhaps more characteristic of the truly brave is the virtue of magnanimity. " My West earldom would I give to bid clan Alpines chieftain live " was the noble sen- timent attributed to Scotland's magnanimous monarch as he stood gazing into the face of his slam antagonist. That sentiment, immortalized by Scott in his musical and martial verse, will associate for all time the name of Scotland's King with those of the great spirits of the past. How grand the exhibitions of the same gen- 3rous«impulses that characterize the victors upon this memorable field. My fellow-countrymen of the North, if I may be permitted to speak for those whom I represent, let me assure you that in the profoundest depths of their nature they reciprocate that generosity with all the manliness and sincerity of which brave men are capable. In token of that sincerity they join in consecrating for annual patriotic pilgrimage these historic heights, which drank such copious draughts of i\.merican blood poured so freely in discharge of duty as each conceived it, a Mecca ibr the North which so grandly defended it, a Mecca for the South which so bravtiy ind persistently stormed it. We jom you in setting apart this land as an enduring nonument of peace, brotherhood and perpetual union. I repeat the thought with idditional emphasis, with singleness of heart and of purpose, in the name of acom- non country and of universal human liberty, and by the blood of our fallen broth- ers, we unite in the solemn consecration of these battle hallowed hills as a holy, iternal pledge of fidelity to the hfe, freedom and unity of this che'^ished Republic. I am honored to-night in being selected to introduce one of the distinguished epresentatives of that spirit of magnanimity of which I have spoken. I pi esent to 'ou a soldier without fear, reproach, or malice ; a soldier whose blood was spilled -nd whose body was maimed, though then but a boy, while he bravely and gladly 'beyed his country's commands. I introduce to you a statesman whose services are listinguished and whose record is stainless. I introduce to you a patriot whose xtended hand and generous heart are ever open to all of his countrymen. Soldier, tatesman, patriot, I present them all in the person of General-Governor James A. jeayer of Pennsylvania. m ■ i^' ^m GOVERNOR BEAVER OP PENNSYLVANIA. The introduction of Governor Beaver and the glowing tribute that was paid him as Dldier, statesman and patriot was the signal for another outburst of applause and aree hearty cheers. In his address of welcome Governor Beaver said : Men who Wore The Gray : I have been commissioned by my comrades of le Society of the Army of the Potomac — men who wore the blue — to address you 1 their behalf a few words of simple and sincere welcome. I might content mj'self ith expressing the cordial feeling which prompted the invitation in obedience to I 444 THE GETTYSBURG REUNION. which you are here as our guests to-day. Those who commissioned me to speak for them, as well as you, will, however, expect something more. It is, perhaps, due to them, to you, and to the country at large, which views with interest the unique spectacle which we present, that something more should be said in order that it may be seen and understood of all men that we can talk frankly and fully of what has passed while we enjoy the present and resolutely and unitedly face the future. A generation ago we lived together as citizens of one country, subject to the provi- sions of a compact which had been made three-quarters of a century before by our forefathers. In accordance with what you considered its fair and just interpretation, and the agreement being itself, as you supposed, inadequate to protect you in certain rights ofproperty,youdetermined toannul itso far as you were concerned; to with- draw yourselves from the binding force of its provisions, and to erect a separate and independent government, based for the most part upon the same principles, but providing for the rights of property and your views o! interpretation. There was more or less of intense feeling involved ; and yet I think I speak the words of truth and soberness when I say that, so far as we were concerned, there was nothing of personal animosity or bitterness or hate involved in the contest. My own case is that which will, doubtless, illustrate many, many similar ones. My mother lived in Pennsylvania. She had three boys who wore the blue. Her only sister, and the only other child of her father, lived in Virginia. Her three boys wore the gray. They served in the Army of Northern Virginia ; we served for the most part in the Army of the Potomac. Our deadly shots were aimed at each other in many battles of the war in which these two armies confronted each other. Did that fact, think you, obliterate the love which those sisters bore to each other, or that which animated their sons? Nay, verily. On our side the war was one of principles, of abstract ideas largely. On your side we admit, with your views of what was to be expected in the future, your property rights and private interests were directly involved; ai:d hence the more intense feeling and ardor which you displayed. It is sufficient for our present purpose that the sword to whose dread arbitrament you had submitted, decided against you, and that your representative and ours so agreed at Aopomattox. The questions in- volved are no longer at issue; that issue was settled and settled forever. The judgment of the court of last resort was pronounced. Your representative- honorable man that he was— accepted it for you. You as honorable men have stood by and are bound to stand bj'- the decision. We as honorable men are bound to see to it that that decision is respected, and that you shall not be oaded upon to admit more, or to promise more than is involved in the decision. Upon this platform we meet here to-day. Upon this platform we stand as citi- zens of a common country. In standing upon it we claim no superiority over you; you admit no inferiority to us. If such a feeling struggled for a place in our hearts the issues of this field should determine that question. You are our equals in cour- age, our equals in perseverance, our equals in intelligence, our equals in all that constitutes and dignifies and adorns the American character. You are Americans and so are we. The men and the women who remained in the rear, who took no immediate and active part in the contest on your side and on ours, have more to say about the decision and what is involved in the decision, and are more determined and outspoken in their demands than are we. They are doubtless trembling lest something should be said or done here to day which may unsetile the decision of the sword and annul its stem decrees. But, my countrymen, our care need not be as to the past Its record is made up, its decrees are recorded, its judgment is final. You and I have something to do with the future. Our faces are to be rt solutely turned to the front. I see a prand future for my country. Do I say my country? Your country, our country. North and South. Oh, my countrymen of the gray and of the blue, and you, young men who wore neither gray nor blue, these are the questions about w^hich we should be concerned; and because the consideration of these questions is pressing and immi- nent, we who wore the blue have invited you men who wore the gray to join us here on this historic field. We welcome you because we need you. We welcome you because you need us. We welcome you because we together must enter in and possess this future and transmit this heritage to the on coming generations. Are ready? Are you ready? If so, let the dead past bury its dead. ▲ "fellow" like MORTON. 445 CHAPTER XXXVIII. A "FELLOW" LIKE MORTON. THE KIND OF FELLOW SHNATOR INGALLS WANTED AND GOT. THE KIND OF MAN SENATOR INGALLS WANTED AND WHICH I REPUBLICAN PAPERS INSIST HE GOT. " The least e(m8pictu>us and therefore the least complicated man will be the best ; some- body like Hayes in 1876. Among all the men named there is not one ' leader,' no one whose personal or historical relation to the people would make a difference of 1,000 votes In the canvass, Sherman, Allison, Harrison, each have records that would be awkward on the .tariff, the currency, the Chinese question, etc. ♦ • • My impression is that Alger or Gresham come nearer filling the bill than any of the others, with some fellow like Phelps of New Jer- sey, who could reach the conservative forces of the East and get oontribution^ from the manufactti- rers and Wall street. ♦••••• «**** JOHN J. INGALLS. No man was erer nominated on a Presidential ticket who was so conspicuously a nonentity as Levi P. Morton, of New York, the Republican candidate fr Vice- President. He was only in Congress for a single term, and then only by yirtue of his money ; but many a man has made a record in this time which served to show his constituents that there was something in him to excite admiration and to demon- strate a capacity for doing something if he should get a chance to do it. But in the case of Levi P. Morton there is less than nothing. He wa's never conspicuous either at home or abroad for anything but his money — and even this is most conspicuous by being invested in London in partnership with a knight of the realm, or in bonds of the Canadian Pacific Railroad, from the directory of which Mr. Morton has just retired for the purposes of this campaign only. His money is there, and nobody has given so much as a hint that he has any idea of giving up his investments in Canadian railroads, however much they may injure the commerce of the country of which he hopes to become the Vice President. During his service in Congress Mr. Morton did at least one thing for which he deserves gome credit, in spite of the fac't that he and his friends are belittleing it and almost denying it now. On April 5, 1880, Mr. Townshend, of Illinois, moved to discharge the Ways and Means Committee from further consideration of House Bill No. 5265, and that the same be passed. The bill was as follows : Se it Enacted by the ScnaU. and House of Representatives of the United States of America in, Congress Assembled, That sections 2.503, 2.504 and 2505, of Title 33, of the Revised Statutes of the United States, be revised and amended so that the duty on salt, printing- type, print- ing-paper and the chemicals and materials used in the manufacture of printing-paper, be repealed, anci that said articles be placed on the free list. The result was ayes 112, nays 80 ; not voting 100. Among those recorded as voting aye is Levi P Morton, of New York. i 446 A "fellow" likb morton. Now that his party has not only concluded that it does not want the duty on the necessaries of life removed so long as any man is subjected to a tax on the whiskey he drinks or the cigars he smokes, Mr. Morton finds this little record— this wee little bit of a record — somewhat awkward. HOW MR. MORTON HAS COME FORWARD. Mr. Morton has been a candidate for offices at various times ; in fact the memory of man runneth not to the time when Mr. Morton has not been wanting something. He has always a simple way of trying to get things. He merely goes out into the market and tries to buy them as he does his vegetables or his domestic animals. He has, in his time, wanted to be in Congress, and he got there by the most plentiful use of his money made in England and the Canadian Pacific Railroad. Then after he had been in Congress a year or two he thought he wanted a bigger place. So during the canvass of 1880, he went down among the conservative forces of the East and got contributions from the manufacturers and Wall street. It was the money raised by Mr. Morton's herculean efiforts that enabled Dorsey to sow two dollar bills so liberally in Indiana, in the guise of what President Arthur called **soap." Mr. Morton did not do this from pure love of his country. He wanted to be Secretary of the Treasury But when the election was over Mr. Blaine and other Republican leaders who had the ear of the late President Garfield did not think that Mr. Morton should fix his price so high, and they refused to pay it. It lias always been understood that Mr. Morton thought the position of Secre- tary of the Navy, which was offered him, was not quite up to his demand, perhaps because he did not see any chance for forming big enough syndicates in it to satisfy his modest financial ideas. So Mr. Morton took the mission to France, where he bad a chance to spend some of his English and Canadian money. WHAT HIS FRIENDS SAID OP HIM. After the defeat of Blaine Mr. Morton knew he had to come home, and imme- diately his imagination was fired with the hope of being elected a United States Senator. So his friends and his pocket-book went to Albany and his candidacy was duly announced. It will be better to let the leading Republican papers of tae State of New York tell the rest of the story. They related it with a frankness and an elo- quence which are most refreshing to read, even now. The Evening Journal, of Albany, has long been the leading paper of the Repub- lican party outside of those in the city of New York. It had heard of Mr. Morton before he went up there in the winter of 1885 to become a candidate for Senator. Having so heard, it drew and printed these little silhouettes of him in its issue of January 8, 1885. I. WHAT THB B. B. BEHIND HIM WERB. The B. B.'s behind the Morton boom are brag and "boodle." Brag is the weapon of cowards. It Is the balloon of vanity. It never won a fight or made a reputation. "Boodle" is one of the most expressive and suggestive words in the nomenclature of politics. '•Boodle" may be used to bribe or to betray. It has no other uses. It is always an instrumen- tality of the meanest men in politics and is always used for the most ignoble purposes. The Republican party has no use for brag. As for boodle, the stain that it leaves on any man who touches it marks him for life and makes this single word his epitaph wnen he iies in the potter's field, reserved exclusively for "boodle" politicians. ♦ • * The mem- bers who prefer Mr. Evarts to Mr. Morton are not susceptible to disreputable influences. Bluster will not intimidate them, braijging will not mislead them, "boodle" will not entice them. II. CA-IiLING FOB A SQUARE FIGHT AGAINST BRAG AND BLTTSTER. A self-organized political machine by methods not above reproach is seeking to make a man of mark out of a man of money. All this is in the face of an almost unanimous pro i est from the people. Let it be a square, manly fight with no division of the sentitnent now prevailing among the people and Mr. Morton's candidacy will end as it began, in brag and bluster, and without its surplus of that peculiar commodity contemptuously described as boodle. A "fellow" like MORTON. 447 III. HONEST MEN AGAINST A MILLIONAIRE'S MONEY. We do not believe that all the brag and boodle that can be injected into the Morton impaign will change a single vote in the list we have given. It is a pleasure to believe "It honest men can stand out against all the pressure of a millionaire's money, if that 3ssure shall be applied. Why is the Morton campaign, a secret fight, afraid of the light cifly r xv« D, v» x. IV. A DEMAND THAT HIS FREE TRADE RECORD SHOULD END HERE. All Republicans are agreed that after fighting so nobly the battle of protection in Ipvember, the State of New York should send no free trader to the Senate of the United ates. Mr. Morton cabled not long ago that he was fully committed to protection. We joice that the then leading candidate for the Senatorship ap oeared t o be fully in line with ^spublican sentiment. But we turn to the record and find Mr. Morton on the wroQg side pen he was in the Forty- sixth Congress. On the 5th of April, 1880, Mr. Richard W. Townshend, of Illinois, moved to suspend the les and pass House bill No. 5265, which provided for repealing the rfw^y on salt, certain chemicals and printing paper. The motion to suspend the rules was adopted by a vote o 112 to 80. Levi F. Morton followed the lead of that able Democrat and ardent free trader, Wm R. Morrison, and voted aye. Mr. Morton's record as a free trader offsets his cablegram as a protectionist. The Repub- lican party wants no man in the Senate at this critical period who has the taint of free trade about him. This revelation should be the end of the Morton canvass. V. SENDING RICH MEN TO THE SENATE A SERIOUS EVIL. i ^V On the 15th of January, six days later, the Journal set its artist to work again. ^■t was just the day before the caucus nominations were made, and this was the cheer- ^Kil, smiling picture its artist drew : ^B^ The presence of rich men in the Senate, chosen on account of their wealth, is becom- ^Bmg an evil that will in time lead to some strong revolution in public opinion. The example of New York State should and does, we believe, exert a great influence on other States. VI. SOUNDING A PJffiAN OP TRIUMPH. On the following dav Mr. Morton bad been defeated, and the JoumdL trod on is prostrate body with this brief but exultant paragraph : 'The Morton campaign ends gloriously. It is an utter rout." OTHER TINTS ADDED TO THE PICTURE. WHAT LEADING REPUBLICAN PAPERS POUND TO SAY ABOUT MORTON AND HIS METHODS. To ehow that this was not a mere whim without support in the party it may be rell to turn to the utterances of other Republican papers in the State and find out ^hat they thought. The Albany Express has long been recognized as one of the most conservative and at tbe same time reliable newspapers of its parly in the State of New York. But on January 7, 1885, it made the following declaration : Mr. Morton conceived that his money-bags would make him a good candidate, and has declined to withdraw from the race. Under such circumstances the men who will vote for him will be marked. Something more than personal favoritism will enter into this contest. It is for these reasons that the Ezpresshas withdrawn from advocating Mr. Mor- ton's candidacy. It would rather win with a candidate like Chauncey M. Depew, or Frank H iscock, or Judge Russell than with a man who goes back upon his old friends and depends on his money-bags to elect him. I 448 A "fellow" LIEIE MORTON. II. THE KIND OF ARGUMENTS USED BY MORTON'S MANAGERS. The Buffalo Express, publishe^ 15 12,!^ 17>^ 15 35 30 20 25 25 25 J 25 25 J 25 2:5 24 24 '£i 23 ;^) 25 :^o 20 24 15 30 30 45 40 45 40 10 12X' 15 20 20 22 >^ 45 '^ 1- * S » a p. 10 10 10 15 15 20 20 20 20 24 40 25@40 45 25@60 The figures marked with a * are the average rates collected oa the next year's Imports. All the others are at the rates embodied in the law. UPS AND DOWNS OF THE WOOL TARIFF. The history of the wool tariff needs to be elaborated a little. Down to 1834 wool was free and cotton was taxed. Then wool was divided into two classes, according to value, and if valued at less than ten cents a pound the tax was 15 per cent., otherwise 20, and afterwards 30. In 1828 the tax on high grade wool was enormously increased. For eight years it remained at 4 cents a pound and 40 per cent., and then the compromise tariff began to reduce it a little. The maximum figures given from 1828 to 1843 are the highest that could possib'y be collected under the complex law, and doubtless far higher than the average actually collected, though that was probably 50 per cent. In 1833 low grade wool was again made free, and has never since been heavily taxed. Wool is now (since 1867) divided into three classes, '* clothing," " combing " and " carpet," and they paid last year 55 per cent., 43 per cent, and 25 per cent, respectively. THE PRESENT RATE WOULD ONCE HAVE BEEN- THOUGHT ROBBERY. The first tariff was the lightest. It was gradually raised until the war of 1812 broke out, and then it was doubled at a stroke. The genuine high protective system was adopted in 1816, under the influence of Calhoun, who bitterly regretted it. Webster was a free trader when the tariff was raised in 1824, but faced about and helped to raise it again in 1828 This was called the Tariff of Abominations, because the free traders tried to kill it by loading it down with abominations, but to their I 460 THE HISTORY OP TARIFF CHANGES. great surprise it passed with all its sins upon it. It almost led to war, and did lea to the CJompromise Tariff of 1833, which proposed a gradual horizontal reductioi In 1842 the Whigs raised the tariff; in 1846 the Democrats reduced it; in 1857 th new Republican party had got control of the lower house and with Democrat! help reduced the tariff again, to the lowest point reached since 1816. Four yeai later the Republicans adopted the Morrill, or War Tariff, and gradually raised i until 1867 ; its extremest features being adopted after the war was over. In 187 they passed a horizontal reduction of 10 per cent., which they repealed two yeai later. In 1882 they appointed a Tariff Commission, and it recommended a reductio which would have left the average rate about 30 per cent, on dutiable goods. O: the 3d of March, 1883, they passed a law which reduced some duties and raise others, among them, as will be seen by the table, those on glass and earthenware, bu leaving the general average about the same. All subsequent reduction bills hav failed to pass the lower house until Saturday, July 21, 1888, when the Mills bi placing wool, lumber and some other articles on the free list, and calculated to reduc the average rate on dutiable imports to 43.49 per cent., was passed by a vote of 16 to 149. BNGLISfl PEAR OF THE MILLS BILL. 461 CHAPTER XLI. ENGLISH FEAR OF THE MILLS BILL. HE STATESMEN, ECONOMISTS AND MANUFACTURERS OF ENGLAND ANXIOUS AND WATCHFUL ABOUT IT. Since the introduction, discussion and passage of the Mills bill through the ouse the English newspapers, political as well as the special representatives of the ides and different branches of manufactures, appear to be waking up to a realiza- in of the fact that with more liberal customs laws, whereby manufacturing shall be iieved of some of the burdens put upon it in the matter of raw materials. The iglish suprf macy in the markets of the world is likely to be disputed with more ccess than has ever yet been done. England has heretofore had only to compete th countries in which the trammels of taxes have been diligently maintained, e has, as the result of this, been able to maintain herself and her manufacturing premacy in all the newer countries of South America and in her own colonies in ferent parts of the world. For several years past English economists and statesmen have been saying to 3 manufacturers that, so long as the United States maintained a tax on raw iterials, which was practically prohibition, they could maintain themselves and )ir business. They have given warning, as they thought, in the most timely manner, \t if these restrictions were ever removed, the manufacturers of the United States, th their enterprise and the efficiency of their labor, would at once leap to the nt as the most dangerous competitors to this recognized commercial position ever reloped. ^&< I. long the earliest to give w^arning of this was the veteran statesman Glad- ne, the admiration of the liberty-loving people of all lands. In an address to a nmercial body in Leeds, England, in 1881, he thus expressed his opinion on this jstion of first importance to the manufacturing elements of England: Well, now, there is also an idea that America is pursuing a course of profound wisdom •egard to its protective system, and we are told that under the blessed shelter of a system ;hat hind the tender infancy of trades is cherished, which afterwards, having obtained 3r, will go forth into neutral markets and poseess the world. Gentlemen, is that true? lerica has been too long in various degrees a protective country. Have the manufacturers of America gone forth and possessed the world ? How do they ipete with you in thoee quarters of the world which are, speaking generally, outside influences of protection ? Gentlemen, te the whole of Asia, to the whole of Africa* to the whole of Australasia— which in the main are outside this question, and may ly be described in the rough as presenting to us neutral markets, where we meet erica without fear or favor one way or the other— the whole of the exports of the ted States of manufactured goods of those countries amount to £4,751,000, while the i to those same quarters from the United Kingdom were iiT8,140,000. 462 ENGLISH FEAR OF THE MILLS BILL. Qentlemeii, the fact is this: America is a young country, with enormous vigor « enormous internal resources. She has committed— I say it, I hope, not with disrespect say it with strong and cordial sympathy, but with much regret— she is committing errors which we set her an example. But from the enormous resources of her home market, j development of which internally is not touched by protection, she is able to commit th( errors with less fatal consequences upon her people than we experienced when we co mitted them ; and the enormous development of American resources within casts aim- entirely in the shade the puny character of the export of her manufactures to the neut markets of the world. I will say this, that as long as America adheres to the protective system, your comra cial primacy Is secure. Nothing in the world can wrest it from you while America cont ues to fetter her own strong hands and arm^, and with these f ttered arms is content compete with you, who are free, in neutral markets. And as long as America follows 1 doctrine of protection, or as long as America follows the doctrines now known as those fair trade, you are perf "ctly saf o, and you need not allow, any of you, even your light slumbers to be disturbed by the fear that America will take from you your commerc primacy. II. *As the views of the leading statesman of the British Empire have thus be given, it will be interesting to find out what the manulacturers and economists tbi of it. In 1882 William Kathbome, a member of the English Parliament, in an ess on "Protection and Communism," in which he represented English feeling on c tariff, spoke as follows : In would be a great mis ake to suppose that at the present time Englishmen w< very anxious for their own sakes to see America adopt free trade. There is, on the c( trary, a great and growing feeling in this country that it is in the interest of England tl the United States should still adhere to protection. As long as they do so it is thou{ England is safe from her only dangerous competitor in the markets of the world. At the annual meeting of the Cobden Club ia 1882, Mr. Joseph Chamberla who is now so well known in this country, gave his opinion on the question. }, Chamberlain is interested personally in the maintenance of the tariff on wo screws, in the manufacture of which he is engaged. This interest has led him accept large subsidies from American competitors, with thu understanding that would not throw his goods into this market. At the meeting in question this Er lish manufacturer said : For myself, speaking only as an Englishman, I look forward with anxiety, t unmingled with alarm, to the time when our merchants and manufacturers will have face fho free and unrestricted competition of the great republic of the west, and when i enterprise of its citizens and the unparalleled resources of its soil will no longer shackled and handicapped by the artificial restrictions which have hitherto impeded t full development of its external commerce. Lord Brassey, one of the most extensive of English manufacturers, in ] "Lectures on the Labor Question," said: But it must also be remembered that, assuming the cost of labor in the United Stat to be 25 percent, in excess of the cost in this country, the addition to the value of t product does not exceed 5 or 6 per cent., and if the d.ities imposed in the United Sta on all law materials should be repealed, and if. as we may reasonably anticipate, t cost of living should be materially lessened, tne cost of production under those mc favorable circumstances would be so much reduced that the present advantages of t British manufacturer would ceast , and there would no longer be asuflacient margin to co^ the cost of exportation from this country to America. In 1879 James Thornly, a representative of the Textile Manufacturer of Ma Chester, England, came to this countrv to study the cotton industry, as it came in competition with the products of that collection of busy cotton mills. In tl industry the free raw materials, giving our manufacturers some conspicuous adva ♦For several of the quotations in this section of the present chapter the compl! takes pleasure in expressing his obligations to Mr. Fred. Perry Powers, from whose br but suggestive article on " British Interest in American Protection," in Bedford's Magaz forJAugust, several of the quotations have been culled. i ENGLISH PEAR OF THE MILLS BILL. iges, exportation of cotton goods had rapidly increased. Mr. Thornly found lat the cost of labor here per yard of product was less than in Manchester, and lat the freight on the raw material was, of course, much less. But in spite of lese advantages he reported to his people that the mill-owners of Manchester need ot indulge in any serious fears of competition from this country. He said In con- luding his observation: While, however, the American nation heaps duties upon the import of foreign •achinery, thus increasing the price of mill construction, and in other ways by her tariff r^ngements artificially raising the cost of production, American manufactures will )ntinue too high in price to compete with England in ail but exceptional cases. Prof( ssor Cairnes, the leading as well as the ablest of later political economists r England, confirms these views in his "Political Economy," in which he asserts: Accordingly, in the United States, as we have seen, coal, iron, lumber, and leather are 1 loaded wiih heavy import duties. But what is the conspquence? Just this, that Ameri- m manufacturers are thus deprived of the advantage they would naturally possess of jiaining their raw material cheap. They are placed at a disadvantage in relatiomto anufaciurers in Europe precisely where under free trade their position would be rongest. Sir Charles Dilke is everywhere recognized as one of the ablest men in England, id one of the most strongly devoted to the cause of free trade. In an interview 3ld with him by a correspondent of a New York paper in London, on August tth, on the effect which the passage of the Mills Bill would have on English man- factures and commerce, Sir Charles said : The uninformed public here have the impression, largely created by your protectionists I America, that the opening of American markets would be of advantage to England. In ich an event the manufacturers and capitalists here, who know better, would proceed to aload their interests and enterprises at a profitable advance on the uninformed public. A w tariff policy in America might in this way create a good deal of apparent activity in on here for a year or so, but after that there would spring up a fierce competition for the arkets of the world, in which I am unable to see how England can expect to hold her wn. One of the chief elements of our present commercial and shipping predominance 18 always seemed to me to be that our great natural rival of the New World prefers to led on her own fat, like the hibernating bear, and leaves us free outside to range the obe. This mfikes plain the falsity of the charge so persistently made that the maau- cturers of England are so much interested in the reduction of our tariff that they •6 raising money to promote it. On the other hand, all their selfish interests lie in le direction of the maintenance undisturbed of the existing conditions in this mntry, under which England has not had any serious competition in the markets : the world, III. Not only has this been the position of English statesmen, manufacturers and ionomists, but the question has been fully discussed from this point of view during 16 present year, whde the President's message and the Mills Bill have been lead- g topics. In order to demonstrate this the following extracts are given from recent issues f newspapers in all parts of England : AGAINST THE INTEREST OP ENGLAND. From the Birmingham Daily Post, July 38. English traders will learn with a good deal of amusement that in the Presidential elec- 3n campaign in America the great cry which the Republicans are using against Mr. Cleve- nd is that he is deliberately betraying the interests of American trade for the benefit of Qglish manufacturers. It is scarcely necessary to say that from an English point of view e Mills Taritf Bill by no means bears that aspect. On the whole, its operation will probably ) distinctively to our disadvantage. Only in a few trivial instances the bill reduces the tariff . articles imported from England. The main object of the measure is, by light< nlng and in me instances removing the duties on raw material, to lessen the cost of the production of merioan manufactures, and, of course, every step in that dinction will make the United State* mare dangerous competitor of Ungland in ail neutral markets. It is perfectly clear, therefore, that if the policy of Mr. Cleveland, as embodied in the ills Tariff Bill and as set forth In the now historic declaration to Congress, has been received Ith marked satisfaction in England, that satiefactlon has not been In any way due to a 464 ENGLISH FEAR OF THE MILLS BILL. I sense that the operation of the bill wa^* likely to confer any material advantage on the Eni lish trader. That would have been absurd. The cause of th •■ satisfaction was the rebu which it administered to the fatuous cry for protection in England. The Mills Bill was not a free trade bill— to so describe it would be a palpable abuse ( terms— but it meant, at any rate, an abandonment of high protection, and an admission thi f»rotective duties increased the cost of production, and so crippled the nation in its comp ition with other manufacturing countries in the markets of the world. When Mr. Clev land's manifesto was make public the fair trade agitation in England, just then at a coi siderable height, went out like a snuffed candle. That was the reason, and the only reaso for the delight with which that manifesto was received in England. If purely selfish coi siderations had been allowed to sway English opinion, we do not doubt that the feelit amongst clear-sighted English traders would have been rather for the rejection than tl acceptance of the Mills Tariff Bill. The city of Sheffield, England, is, as is well known, the great centre for tl manufacture of cutlery. Here, if any where, there might be found joy over tl prospect of gaining access to the American market. But this joy does "not seem ' exist, if the leading newspaper of that city may be said, in any way to reflect tl opinions of its manufacturers and people. doesn't have a FREE TRADER'S METHOD. In its issue of July 18, the Sheffield Daily Telegraph, a protective paper, said : President Cleveland is claimed as a Free Trader. With "mora! impenitency of asse tion" we will repeat the views of this Free-Trader, as expressed by himself in the me^sai to Congress last year— views since endorsed and amplified : "It has been our policy," 1 said, "to collect the principal revenue by a tax on imports. No change in ttiis policy desirable." That is pretty definite for a Free -Trader. He continues:— 'But the prese condition of affairs constrains the people to demana a revision of the Revenue Laws, that the receipts may be reduced to what is necessary to cover the expenses of economic administration ; and this demand should be recognized and obeyed by Congress. In roa justing the burdens of taxation we should deal cautiously wish industries dependent! present conditions, and regard also the interests of American labor. I recommend, kee ingin view all these considerations, that the revenue laws be amended so as to cheapen t! neces aries of life and give fheeh ENTftANCE to uaw materials." Did we not know W( the methods of Free-Traders we should hope that they would allow these views of "N, Cleveland's to restrain them from "branding" him as a Free-Trader of their type. But thj with our knowledge, would be, as a great Liberal said of the total repeal of the corn l&v "madness." WHAT AN ENGLISH FAIR TRADER THINKS. In the'same issue of the Telegraph, a correspondent, who is evidently to beclfi sified as an English fair trader, sent that paper a copy of President Cleveland's Tai many Hall Fourth of July letter, and under the head of "representation uumaskec he added : In consequence of the mis-representation indulged in with respect to President Cle\ land's fiscal policy, I venture to enclose the full text of the letter to which allusion h been made. Now, I have been in America, and I assert without fear of contradiction that you a literally correct in your remark that it is possible to search the States through witho coming across a modern Cobdenite. The species is undoubtedly confined exclusively the British Islands, and is, I am convinced, becoming scarcer and scarcer even there. There are people in the States who are known as Free Traders, but the term does v mean what it does in England. They are persons who favor Import duties on manuff tures being reduced, say to 30 par cent, ao valorem, while a few are daring enough to nai 20 per cent. They also believe in the policy of free raw materials. President Cleveland insisting on the need of this latter condition, as far as is safe for American interests. T evils to which he alludes in his letter refer to the unnecessary dearntss of raw materials, will be seen by his allusion to the limitation of the area of their markets. Protectionists, on the other nand, are persons who Insist on all-round heavy tar: which circumstances do not require, and which is productive of many abuses without coi pensating advantages. Americans are either Fair Traders or protectionists; of Fi Traders there are none. President Cleveland is a Fair Trader, labeled for political pi poses a Free Trader. Of this he complains, and justly, for the very name stinks In the nosti of the people, especially of English immigrants. With reference to the letter of tl enlightened statesman (in England, with his views, he would be dubbed a raving Prot< tionist), let me point out— (1) that President Cleveland does not describe import duties "extortion." It is the " useltss and dangerous surplus in the National Treasury" whi( he says, " tells no other tale but that of extortion." (2) That so far from accepting the ti of Free Trader, President Cleveland repudiates it, rebukes those who have so " brande< him, and declares that he has always been " the friend of American labor." I ENGLISH FEAR OF TBE MILLS BILL. 465 THE WIND DOES NOT BLOW IN A FREE TRADE DIRECTION. I leave your readers fco judge of the honesty which selects a few words here and there from a communication for purposes of its own, and those purposes quite at variance with the intentions and objects of the communfcation. Even well-wishers fear to trust this Iof hocesty." IThe Telegraph appeared to be so positive of its position that on the 24th of r, after the vote in the House on the Mills bill, it again enforced it as follows: The adoption of the Mills Tariff Bill by the House of Representatives has afforded an opportunity of learnini? what is understood by the term "Free Trade" in the United States. Republicans have persistently described the Mills bill as a "free trade " measure. The average rate of duty fixed by the bill is forty-two dollars forty-nine cents per hundr^ dollars. Under the bill lumber, wood, hemp, tin plates, and other material would enter American ports duty free. But the average decrease of duty on goods exported from England would be only four dollars sixty-one cents per hundred dollars. Therefore, there \B not much spilt milk to cry over, from the protectionist point of vi-^w. The bill carries out the principle which we have always understood to do duty for free trade in the Statt s, namely, that certain raw materials should enter the country duty free, but that manufactured imports should be stiffly taxed for revenue purpo-es. Moreover, even this modified reform is not likely i o become law at present. The bill is almost certain to be rejected by the Senate. The value of the vote in the House of Representatives Is to Show that the wind blows in the direction of fl -cal roform, certainly not of free trade. *NO OTHER COUNTRY ADOPTING ENGLAND'S POLICY. On the following day, July 25, the editor of the Telegraph VQimnzd. with dogged English tersistence to the question, and even used the Mills Bill to enforce his owa ideas in favor of a tariff, by saying : Should the Mills Tariff Bill become law in the United Spates, the effect will not be favorable to the exporting manufacturers of this country. Rightly, Mr. Mills scouts the idea that it is a Free Trade Bill, as Free Trade is understood by the degenerate successors of Mr. Cobden. It grants no special privileges for foreigners. It aims at creating only greater advantages for Americans. Nor is it on the lines of Mr. Ctobden's Free Trade. It does not concede the principle of free exchange between nations. It will enable American manufacturers to obtain cheaper raw materials, thus assisting them to become greater exporting competitors with ourselves, but it retains for them their home market. Neither the people of the States nor of Europe are likely to copy our example, and the lapse of our Cobdenites into the prophetic mood respecting coming Free Trade in America is accountable only from the circumstance that, facts being against them, they are seeking to recall waverers and stimulate the drooping spirits of d spondent followers by a repetition of promises which were to have taken effect nearly fifty years ago, but which are still wait- ing fulfillment in the dimmest of distant futures. OF GREAT DISADVANTAGE TO ENGLISH BUSINESS. Turning attention to Birmingham, the very centre of manufacturing industries in England, the Gazette of that city, representing the radical free trade policy, which in England is given the name of "Birmingham School," says in its issue of August 1: It is a ridiculous mistake for them to suppose that English manufacturers are enthusi- astic about the revision of the tariff proposed in the Mills Bill, or that they are pleased with any reduction of duty which has for its object the freer admission of those things which America requires to strengthen her manufacturing resources. Sober-minded Americans may take it from us that manufacturers in this country see in every reduction of the American tariff, centering as it always does upon crude or semi-crude material needful to American producers, a fresh blow to their chances of recovering lost business in the S*^ates, and (more important still) a grave menace to their trade in the neu ral markets. Except in special lines in which American manufacturers have a special aptitude, American competition in th6 neutral markets of the world has not been, and is not^ formidable, and it never will be formidable until one of two things occurs— until the Republic adopts free imports or Great Britain reverts to protection. If free trade were adopted in the United States there would be three fat years for English manufacturers and then the wilderness. Rational Americans surely cannot suppose that we should be so short-sighted as to rejoice over such a prospect. We should not only lose the American market to a larger extent than we have lost it already, but we should in a few years be elbowed out of the Colonies, out of South America, South Africa, China, and in some degree probably out of India also. We cannot afford to pit our resources against those of Connecticut and Pennsylvania on equal terms, and much as we regret the gradual exclusion of our products from the States by the action of the tariff, we know well enough, that if there had deen no tariff the same result would have taken place by the action of a competition in which American manufacturers were not hampered by high prices for material. The Democratic Tariff Bill is not a free trade measure ; it is a Bill which adjusts a Protectionist policy on scientific principles, and if Englishmen had to choose they tooukl much prefer the unscientific tariff which it is intended to supersede. 466 ENGLISH FEAR OF THE MILLS BILL. VERY LITTLE INTEREST TAKEN IN THE MOVEMENT. The Manchester Quardian^ the ablest of all the provincial papers of Englan( in its issue of July 23, in the course of a long editorial on the passage of the Mil Bill in the House, said : The Republicans are seeking to cast odium upon their opponents by dubbing thei "Free-traders," a name which until recent years was almost as distasteful to the averag American as is that of Protectionest to the average Englishman. But, in truth, free tra(] as we understand the term, never has been and is not likely soon to be a Democratic do trine. There is an obvious purpt^se in this Republican taunt. The design is t catch the liish vote by representing Mr. Clevtjland as the friend and ally of fre( trade England. Enormous quantities of tracts and leaflets a»e being distribute amongst the people, setting forth this supposed alliance of the Presiien*^, and quotic abundantly the articles of English newspapers in which any kind of admiration of M Cleveland or of his official conduct is expressed. We are represented as being overjoye at the prospect of being able, with the aid of Mr. Cleveland and his party, very soon 1 "flood the American markets with the products of our "pauper labor." This is an ol device, and although it has lost much of its ancient force, it may to a certain extent ser\ the end in view. Everyone on this side ihe ocean is aware, however, that the prospect ( tariff reform is viewed htre wiih satisfaction on one ground only. The mass of our peop; believe in free trade, as Americar s believe in Republicanism, and just as the latter tali pleasure in anything pointing to the growth of their idea of the best form of national goi ernment, so wr are undoubtedly rejoic d at the prospect of any stop which may tend t enlarge international commercial Intercourse. Moreover, the Hepuolican 1 adets cannot be ignorant of the fact that most Englishme take not the sligbte; t interest in the tariff reform movement in America, whils^t many fai seeing nersons amongst us regard the adoption of anything like free trade in the Unite States as likely to make the latter much keener competitors with us in neutral markets tha they are now. Such men do not look upon President Cleveland's policy with satisfactioi Having regard to their own interf sts alone, they would much rather see the present system ( high Protection maintained. Others again, think that the present policy of the Democrats likely to retard rather than to hasten on the progress of tariff reform. These argue that : left alone, the existing tariff will in the course of a few years bring on a cricis, under prei sure of which Protectionism will be entirely swept away at a blow. Such considerations i these go to show that, save only as a means of promoting international commerce andintei national friendliness, ihere is no strong desire in this country for the success of the Dem( cratic policy. WHAT THE GLADSTONE ORGAN THINKS OF IT. Turning from this expression of opinion in the manufacturing districts of En^ land to the London papers, the same generj,l fear of injury finds expression. Th Daily News is the organ of Mr. Gladstone and the Liberal party, and is the only on of the great morning new^^papers of London which has supported the Irish deman for Home Rule. On July 24, in a local discussing the Mills Bill, the News said : It has been the habit of the Republicans to deride every attempt of the Democrats i Reform of the Taritf as a Free Trade measure. It is their way of giving a dog a bad nam( They have employed most specious pleading to convince the workingmen that the Pres dent of the Uni ed States, as well as the majority in Congress led by Mr. Mills, hav attempted reform in the interest of British traders, and that the Bill under consideration, passed, would swamp the industries of the Staves. The JS'eio York Tribur,e, the organ of th Protectionists j ar exctllence, only recently said in one of its leading columns, "As a Britis candidate, as a representative of British manufacturing interests, Mr. Cleveland is admii able," &c., «&c. The true issue was very plainly stated by Mr. Cleveland in his famous mci sage to Congress last December. Mr. Cleveland urges a reduction of the surplus by remo> ingthedu lies upon raw wool and other raw materials necessary in manufacturing, and reduction of the duties upon manufacturt s and necessaries of life, based upon th* se altere conditions. The President has, however, empbaticaiiy protested against the attempt t brand those who seek to correct the evils of the existing system of rabid Protectionism "8 Free Traders and enemies of our workingmen and industrial enterprises." "Whether Engl ill traders and manufacturers have reason to congratulate themsclvei or to expect an increase of trade with the States from the ultimate enactment of the Mil: Bill, is a question of grave doubt. An examination of the bill seems to show that, if an: thing, while reducing taxation, it is more Protectionist than the law which it is intended t supersede. The present American tariff is a war tariff, and it was based on the necessit of taxing all and every commodity tha' could possibly be taxed. Many of is provision are due to the fact that Inland duties had to be compensated by equivalent import dutie These inland duties have long been removed, while all equivalent import duties hav remained. Thus, in point of fact, the tariff, beside being practically higher now than at 11 highest before, is absolutelyinoreaeedin its protective features by thla removal of equivt lent inland duties. ENGLISH FEAR OF THE MILLS BILL. 467 SOME TRADE PAPER OPINIONS. ^B Carrying the examination still further into the trade papers, the following ^Kressions may lie noted : ^B [London Warehouseman and Drapers' Trade Journal.] ^* A tariff bill which leaves an average duty of forty-two and one-half per cent, upon all Imported articles is very far from being a "free trade measure." Nor is it at all certain that if a free-trade policy were adopted by the United States it would be any special advan- ^getous. They would certainly become much more formidable as competitors in the ^■rld's markets. ^HT [Engineering Trades' Report, London.] In the United States free-trade principles which, till recently, have only met with a lukewarm support from a minority of the people, are likely soon to receive more atten- tion, the issue being- forced in the coming Presidential election. The inconveniences and losses which must always attend a radical alteration of fiscal policy will, however, hinder any sudden change, and the manufacturers of the country need not anticipate for some years to come (he serious competition which will arise in foreign markets directly tlieir American rare free to sell abroad. [From the London Shipping World for August.] It answers the purpose of American journals opposed to 4he Administration and re-election of President Cleveland to pretend that Mr. Mills's bill is framed in the interest of British manuf acturf s and commerce ! The N&w Ym± Tribune, describing the scene in the House of Representatives during the closing period of Mr. Mills's speech, tells us that " the gallery reserved for the members and attaches of the Diplomatic Corps contained the repre- sentatives of the British Embassy, and other foreign legations from countries which stand ready to pounce upon the richest market in the world, if the Free Traders succeed in their scheme." It is scarcely worth noticing observations of this class, which are, indeed, appeals to the prejudices of that section of the American people who have not thought out the great economic problem of their country. The political representatives of this country at the Republican court are aware, or should be aware, that the best thinkers, and the most astute manufacturers of England, know full well that, so long as the present tariff is maintained by the United States, that enterprising country will be so hampered and handicapped in the race for ascendency in the International market that it can never compete against this country with any reasonable hope of success. Europe receives from America, in considerable quantities, manufactured articles such as agricultural implements, boots and shoes, etc.; and it does not seem to be a very abstruse proposition— that if the duty upon the articles used in the manufacture of these exports were taken off they could be produced at less cost, could be exported in larger quantites, and would yield a better return of remuneration to those engaged in their man- ufacture. So long as the price of articles exported is enhanced by a high tariff upon the mate- rials used in their production, so long, also, will it be impossible for the United States successfully to compete with us in the markets of the world. Knowing this, we are in no hurry to see Free Trade become the national policy of the United States ; for whomsoever might be benefited by that policy, serious loss would, undoubtedly, eventually be ours. Even in Germany, where protection has been made more rigid during the past ten years, the Monthly for Textile Industry, a trade paper of Leipsic, expresses the same fear as the newspapers of England are shown to feel. In a recent number it said : It is well known that G ermany participates largely in the export of woolen goods to the United States, and it is now asked how far the abolition of the American duty on wool will affect German woolen industries. The question may be answered by saying that the effect is not likely to be a favorable one, because it is thought that the American woolen industry, upon the removal of the import duty, will improve and progress in such measure as to curtail our woolen goods export trade to that country. These are only specimens of the opinions held by the people of foreign coun- tries on the question of tariS" revision now under discussion here. But they show as plainly as anything can that the proposed removal of hard restrictions is looked upon with anything but satisfaction by the commercial rivals of this country. Sensible people can see plainly from these that the charges made by Republican newspapers are as false as they are idle. These few extracts are a complete refuta- tion of the charge that any man in any party in this country has considered anything but the good of their own people. .SO I 468 " FAT " IN THE TARIFF. CHAPTER XLII. "FAT" IN THE TARIFF. AN EXPERT REPUBLICAN OPINION ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF TARIFF BENEFITS. What a Senator Has to Say on the Question — An Unusually Pithy Letter Included in an Official BepuUican Document Soliciting Contributions. James P. Foster of New York is President of the Republican League of the United States, organized in December last as an auxiliary to the general and local committees of the party. He had not been long in place until he concluded that he wanted some money to promote the cause, so he issued a circular which included within it a letter written to him by Senator Edmunds of Vermont, which not being intended for publication, told an amount of truth truly unusual. The following is the full text of the circular— the most successful political boomerang ever thrown in American politics : [Dictated.] I. [CONFIDENTIAL.] Office of Albert Daggett, 51 New Street, {Room 13 ) New York, May 25, 1888. My Dear Sir: I have been requested to submit the enclosed communication to you, and I do so with the greatest pleasure. With my knowledge of practical politics, I unhesitatingly say that this is the most important undertaking in the campaign of 1888. and I confidently rely upon your prompt endorsement and as- sistance. Will you kindly subscribe and return the enclosed subscription list to me at as early a day as practicable, as the work is outgrowing the resources of the League,"which now contains oyer 5,000 clubs, with a membership of half-a-million voters ? Very truly yours, [Enclosure.] Albert Daggett. fat" in the tariff. 469 [Confidential.] HEADQUARTERS XDictated.] of the REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. ^K My Dear Sir : The Repablican League of the United States desires to bring you face to face with the startling fact that the coming Presidential election is not to be fought on the old party lines which have heretofore divided Democrats and ^■publicans, but upon the direct issue of free trade vs. protection. ^"The League stands for protection and is fighting in your interest. It is no Fourth of July organization for dress parade, but is an every -day working force of practical political workers, who have in four months enrolled an army of over 400,000 men to fight against British free-trade ideas, British gold, and Democratic Hessians, who are fighting under her banners. It is useless to argue the case ; Democracy stands for free trade and against your interests, and you know it, no matter whether you have heretofore been a Democrat or a Republican. High- sounding platforms of words cannot gainsay this fact, nor fool you unless you wish to be fooled. The coming campaign will be fought for protection under disadvantages never before encountered. Ninety-nine per cent, of the Federal officials are Democrats, and will contribute financially to the hoped for success of the free-traders. Never before has the Democratic free-trade or " tariff-reform " party been in so fortunate a position. The Republican League is not composed of theorists who are for ever promising to do something and never keeping their promises. It has already done more than any other political organization ever attempted before the Presidential candidates had been placed in the field. As our patriotic volunteers sprang to the country's •defense when secession threatened its destruction, so at the cill of the League vast armies have been enrolled to fight the thousand times more dangerous foe to the country's continued prosperity — free trade. We will win this fight if you will do your share and help us to finish what we have begun ; we want money, and want it at once. We are overwhelmed with calls for tariflf documents and for speakers and organizers. We propose to organize and fight against free trade in every doubtful Congressional and Legislative district in the United States. To-day there is but one majority in the Senate of the United States when the lines are drawn between Democrats and Republicans, and unless much is done, the n3xt Congress will see a free-trade House, Senate, and Presi- dent, and then good-by to your prosperity. It may not be of your personal knowledge, but it is a fact, nevertheless, that the manufacturers of the United States who are most benefited by our tariff laws have been the leant willing to contribute to the success of the parly which gave them protection, and which is about to engage in a life and -death struggle with free trade. A Republican United States Senator, from a State which never had a Demo- cratic representative in either house of Congress or a Democratic State officer, in speaking of the well-known disposition of the manufacturing interest to lock up its money, fold its hands, and look on while somebody else fights for its success, says : " The campaign which we are about to enter will concern, more than anybody else, the manufacturers of this country. They have heretofore been very laggard in 470 "fat" in the tariff. their contributions to the Republican cause. In fact, if I could punish iliem without punishing the cause of protection itself , I would consign them to the hottest place 1 could think of on account of their cravenal parsimony. If this class of people do not care to contribute to the success of the RepuMicin party, they are welcome to try their chance» under a Democratic administration : lean stand it as long as they can^ And, again : "I was solicited to contribute to a protective-tariff league, and I replied that if the manufacturers of the United States in their associated capacity were an eleemosynary institution, that I would vote to give then a pension, but that I did not propose myself to contribute money to advance the interests of men who were getting practically the sole benefit, or at least the most directly important benefits of tlie tariff*' laws. I am in favor of protection, not precisely the kind we are having, but I might be willing to keep even that rather than not have any, but I am sure I can get along without any of it fully as well as the manufacturers can, and if they think the Republican party is. going to maintain a high protective corps for their benefit, and the men who do the^ work in that party are going to keep up the expenses of a campaign out of their own pockets, leaving them to reap tlie fruits of the tariff policy witJiout any deduction for political expenses, they are very greatly mistaken. I understand that in a general way the manufacturers of New England have been more liberal in their contribu- tions than those of Pennsylvania. •'In fact, I have it froai the bsst possible source that the manufacturers of Penn- sylvania, who are more highly protected than anybody else, and who make large fortunes every year when times are prosperous, practically give nothing towards the mainte- nance of the ascendeacy of the Republican party. Of course, I shall not violate what I consider to be proper principle of action ; but if I had my way about it, I would put tlie manufacturers of Pennsylvania under the fire and fry all tJie fat out of them. If the Mills Tariflf Bill comes to the Senate, there will be some votes cast there which will open the eyes of some of these people who have, while gathering their millions, treated the Republican party as their humblest servant." These are strong words, and bitter, but they are true, and it now remains with you and your associates to determine whether they are to be reiterated after this cam- paign is over, and protection has, through your apathy, been struck its death blow^ If you give us the means to win the victory, we will do it. Are vou willing ? Yours very truly, JAMES P. FOSTER, President. II. WHY HE CAN NOT HELP. A REPUBLICAN MANUFACTURER WHO DOESN'T PROPOSE TO HAVE ANY FAT FRIED OUT OF HIM IF HE KNOWS IT. A Republican manufacturer in North Adams, Mass., who has received a copy of the interesting circular sent out by James P. Foster, President of the Republican League of the United States, has written a letter explaining why he can not send Mr. Foster any " fat." He says that the company with which he is associated is engaged in the manufacture of cotton goods, and is therefore " one of the protected industries of New England," and adds : "fat" in the tariff. 471 *'As a manufacturer I see clearly that a reasonable tariff is necessary to the life dustrial New England, but being a manufacturer (even a Republican one) does prevent my also seeing that our present tariff needs reforming, and moreover, t is more to the point, that reform is bound to come whether we want it or not. •' If during the past four months the Republican leaders in and out of Congress brought to the question a sincere desire to do that which should be best for the ntry, there could now be no burning tariff issues. And what is this going on in gress while I write ? The Republican members fighting, as if for the very life the republic, to maintain the tax on lumber — to protect the men who are killing immature and insufficient forests and tax the people to pay for it ! "Is there a man of sense in New England who believes that the country as a ^^ le will endorse that sort of protection ' when the time comes for them to pass ^l^n it? I repeat that tariff reform is bound to come, and if we will not help to fairly settle the question it will be settled without our help. How, then, shall we successfully meet the storm and save that which is good? ^^ " Can it be done merely with a yell against ' free trade ' and bearing a protec- Hpi idol in one hand and free whiskey in the other, or by simply talking of the protection of the American laborer, while we leave the floodgates of Europe open to pour in 'American laborers ' upon us, or by blindly following the leadership that is leading us straight into the ditch, through opposing anything and everything not originating with the Republican party ? Hardly. If we want any part in this matter we must ourselves become sincere and reasonable tariff reformers." III. THE ADVICE GIVEN BY A SENATOR. the now celebrated letter which senator ingalls wrote to his . kansas friend. Vice President's Chamber, Washington, June 16. Yours of the 13th at hand. It does not make much difference who is nominatea 'my judgment. The candidates will cut but a small figure in the fight. We can -elect anybody, or we shall fiiil. The least conspicuous, and therefore the least com- plicated, man will be the best— somebody like Hayes in 1876. Among all the men named there is not one " leader," no one whose personal or historical relations to the people would make a difference of 1,000 votes in the can- Tass. Sherman, Allison, Harrison, etc., have records that would be awkward on the tariff, the currency, the Chinese question, etc. Depew's connection with railroads and corporations would be a heavy load, especially in the agricultural States. We might as well nominate Gould or Vanderbilt at once. My impression is that Alger or Gresham come nearer filling the bill than any of the others, with some fellow like Phelps of New Jersey, who could reach the conservative forces of the East and get contributions from the manufacturers and Wall street. But you can judge much better than I what is best after consulting with the delegates. I have the use of the wires during the convention, by the courtesy of the com- pany, and you can therefore telegraph me fully at all times if anything of interest transpires. Truly yours, JOHN J. INGALLS. the same letter as read and punctuated on the floor of the house. The Clerk read as follows : Chicago, June 23, 1888. The following letter from Senator John J. Ingalls was received by a member of the Kansas delegation in the convention : 473 "fat" IX THE TARIFF. "Vice Presidents Chamber, Washington, June 16, 1888. "Yours of the 13th at hand. It does not make much difference who is nomW nated, in my judgment. The candidates will cut bat a small figure in the fight. We can elect anybody or we shall fail. [Laughter on the Democratic side.] "The least conspicuous, and therefore the least complicated man will be the- best— [Laughter on the Democratic side.] somebody like Hayes — [Renewed laughter, long continued.] in 1876. Among all the men named there is not one leader — no one whose personal or historical relations to the people would make a difference of 1,000 votes in the canvass. Sherman, Allison, Harrison, etc, , have records that would be awkward on the tariff— [Applause on the Democratic side.] the currency, the Chinese question— [Renewed applause on the Democratic side.] etc. "Depew's connection with railroads and corporations would be a heavy load, especially in the agricultural States. We might as well nominate Gould or Vanderbilt at once. My impression is that Alger or Gresham comes nearer filling the bill than any of the others, with some fellow like Phelps, of New Jersey — [Laughter on the Democratic side, ] who could reach the conservative forces of the East and get contributions — [Renewed laughter.] from the manufacturers and Wall street. But you can judge much better than I what is best after consulting with the delegates, "I have the use of the wires during the convention by the courtesy of the com- pany, and you can therefore telegraph me fully at all times if anything of interest transpires. Truly yours, JOHNJ. INGALLS." [Shouts of laughter and applause on the Democratic side, long continued.] IV. IS NOT AFRAID OF TARIFF REVISION. AN OLD REPUBLICAN MANUFACTURER WHO IS NOT SCARED BY THE FREE TRADE CRY SO FREELY INDULGED IN. The Republicans of Massachusetts are not having the best success in soliciting* funds from manufacturers. The Chairman of the Finance Committee of the Hol- yoke Republican Club recently solicited a contribution from Mr. Arthur T. Lymair, who is the Treasurer of the Hadley Thread Company, of Holyoke, as well as of the Lowell Manufacturing Company, of Lowell. In reply Mr. Lyman wrote the following letter: i ^H) " FAT " IN THE TARIFF. 473 ^v Boston, July 13. BJatrTwan of the Finance Committee of the Holyohe Republican Club : Dear Sir :— I have yours of the 12th, asking for a contribution for the Repub- lican Club. I am of course deeply interested in the tariff as regards the Hadley Company, and also in its bearing on many other cotton and woolen manufactures in which I am interested, but in my opinion the Republican members of Congress from New England and the Home Market Club and the Woolen Manufacturers' Associa- tion have practically done more harm to the cause of protection and to the pro- tected (so-called) industries of Massachusetts than the Democratic members of the Ways and Means Committee, I have had occasion to see some of the Democratic members of the Ways and Means Committee, and to hear of the plans and views of others, and I am convinced that but for the action of the Republican members of Congress from New England and of the greater part of the Republican manufac- turers of New England, we could have had in the Mills bill satisfactory schedules for woolens and cottons. As it is, at the request of some manufacturers (Republicans) made through the Democratic members from Massachusetts, the Democrats of the Ways and Means Committee altered and advanced rates on some important items, while we were met, I am informed, by Republican members of the House, saying : *'Leave the fichedule as it is ; it is better for the election." The Republicans now refuse to aid in putting new materials on the free list, and certainly in New England free raw material has been considered as an element in pi'otection almost as essential as the duty on manufactured articles. From my business experience in both importing and manufacturing, I am fully aware of the necessity of protection for the mainte- nance here of certain manufactures, and I very much regret that the Republican party, with which I have acted from its beginning, has, for political success, taken a position which I consider hostile in its practical effects to the protected industries of Massachusetts. The Democratic members of the Ways and Means Committee take broad, and on the whole, reasonable, views of the tariff question, and while of course they look at the interest of the United States as a whole, they do not ignore the fact that manf great industries have grown up in this country under the high duties made neces- sary by the war of the rebellion, and that it is only fair and proper that considera- tion should be paid to their existence and condition. Neither do they ignore the fact that the working people in the protected industries are very largely members of the Democratic party. Besides the consideration that my manufacturing interests have been put at needless risk by the partisan action of the Republicans, I must also take into consid- eration the mterests of the whole country, in which we are all involved, and I cannot feel it to be right to vole for any one who can honestly stand on the Republican platform. Most of the Republicans with whom I have spoken about it have told me that they have not read it. I can readily believe that it would be disagreeable read- ing to Republicans, who in the past have in all honesty desired to have raw mate- rials and food products on the free list. But the exigencies of practical politics have forced the party into a false position as regards the tariff, and into many unwise and dangerous relations in regard to the domestic and foreign afiairs of the country. There is practically no party in this country in favor of free trade in any rea- sonable sense of the term, and it is as unfair to call the Mills Bill a free -trade bill as it is to say that the Republicans are in favor of free drinking of whiskey, because the manufacturers of protected articles have several years insisted that all internal taxes should be taken off in order that it should be impossible to alter the duties on imports. While the Mills Bill is not a bill that wholly commends itself to me, it is correct and for the interest of Massachusetts, in many particulars, notably in the matter of free wool. Every manufacturing country in the world of any consequence except the United States, has wool on the free list. The position which the Repub- lican party has taken, makes it well for the country, as it seems to me, that it should not have the control of the Government for the next four years. ARTHUR T. LYMAN. 474 BEASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. CHAPTER XLIII. EEASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. MEN OF EVERY PEOFESSION AND EMPLOYMENT WHO DO NOT BELIEVE IN BURDENSOME TAXES. I. OPINIONS OF OPERATIVES. TEXTILE-WORKERS WHO SAY THAT THE PRESENT LAWS FAIL TO GIVE THE W^ORKER niS SHARE OF THE PROTECTION CLAIMED FOR HIM. The following petition from workers in the textile industries of Philadelphia was presented to the House on June 29, by Mr. Breckenridge of Kentucky : To the Honorable iJie House of Representatives, Washington, D. C: "When the forty thousand textile workers of Philadelphia, in April, 1886, made the appeal to you, through tlie Committee on Ways and Means, for relief from the outrageous inequalities, discriminations and oppressions of the present tariff laws, it was'hoped by them that their demands, reasonable as they were, would be heeded, and that partisan, sectional, or class considerations would not be alldwcd to stand in the way of the doing ot a simple act of justice and the righting of the most glar- ing wrongs. It was the first time that the workingmen spoke on the subject, unin- fluenced by any outside pressure or coercion, but the answer has been the failure to perfect a measure of relief. Hence, it becomes necessary to renew the appeal, and in doing so we beg leave to submit the reasons and causes that inspire us to this act. The condition of the textile industries, especially the woolen trade, has been growing worse, the working time in the mills is being shortened, and the wages are being pared down just in proportion as the strain upon the physical exertions of the toiler increases, and we are forced to compete with labor in other parts of our own country that is paid no more than is the much-talked-of " pauper labor" of Europe, and as all this has taken place under a system that is declared to be for the " protec- tion of American labor," are we not justified in making inquiries, with the aid of our experience, as to whether it is so or not? If there is any virtue in the theory that in order to protect American labor against ruinous foreign competition it ia necessary to place a tax upon goods that are brought in from countries where labor is cheaper, it follows that these taxes should in all cases correspond with the amount and cost of labor required upon such goods in their successive stages of manufacture, but this obviously plain and honest rule has never been observed in any tariff law which its framers claimed to be for the protection of labor. That the reverse has been the case naturally excites the suspicion that the design was to crush rather than help labor. In the woolen in- dustry, as in many others, the tax on the raw materials neutralizes the tax on the finished fabrics, and taking quality into account, the tax always graduates down- I SEASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. 475 -ward against quality instead of upwards with it, and in every case exceeds by three to four times the entire labor cost in the product. To call such laws " protective to labor" is a fraud and deception, and labor has a right to protest against the perpe- trators of these wrongs being allowed to any longer influence legislation on this subject. According to Bowes & Co., an accepted authority, 100 pounds of greasy wool will make 21.45 pounds of finished cloth, and on this basis it will require 530 pounds of greasy w^ool to make 100 yards of cloth with backing, weighing 18 ounces to the yard. Suppose this cloth is made of four different kinds of wool, the cost to the English manufacturer would be — 150 pounds of fourth quality, at 13 cents $18.00 130 pounds of third quality, at 24 cents 31 20 125 pounds of second quality, at 2G cents 32 50 125 pounds of first quality, at 33 cents 41.25 Total cost of wool 123.95 "With precisely the same grades of wool the cost to the American manufac- ;urer would be— 150 pounds of fourth quality, at 23.94 cents $35 91 [30 pounds of third quality, at 37.54 cents 48.80 125 pounds of second quality, at 39.64 cents 49.55 .25 pounds of first quality, at 49.61 cents 62.01 Total cost of wool 196.27 Sxcess of cost to the American manufacturer 73.32 The total cost for labor in making this cloth is not over 27 cents per yard, or >27 for the whole, showing that the tariff- enhanced cost of the material is nearly hree times the entire expense for labor. The importations of woolen and worsted yarns for the years 1886-87 were ',039,448 pounds, valued at $4,030,738, on which duties were paid amounting to 52,777,582. The amount of wool required to make this yarn is 28,157,792 pounds. ?he duty on the wool would be $2,815,779, and adding the charges for carrying he duty we have a total tax burden on the wool of $3,097,356, or $319,776 in ex- ess of the duty on the yarn. The total cost for labor in making this yarn is not ver $700,000, showing that the tax on the wool is nearly four and a half times he total labor cost in the yarn. This, on the theory advanced by the modern i-otection school, can be called by no other name than protection to foreign man- facturers and labor. The percent, of duty on the yarn is 69.11, and on the cloth 70.40, a difference f but 1.29 per cent.; but as there is a loss by waste and shrinkage in weaving, yeing, and finishing of 3 to 5 per cent., we find that this difference between the arn duty and tbat on the cloth is more than neutralized, and thus the "protective" uty is again in favor of- the foreign cloth manufacturers, who could not have done etter for themselves if they had been permitted to make our tariff laws for us. Under the present law the percentage of duty on the finer and more costly ibrics is always lower than on the coarser and cheaper grades, thus depriving us f the chance to work upon the better class of goods, upon which our work would e lightest and our earnings laigest. The importation of woolen and worsted cloths for the year ended June 30, ?87, was, of the value not exceeding 80 cents per pound, 1,117,564 pounds, valued : $713,315, on which duties were paid amountmg to $640,808. Per cent, of duty, ).84. Value above 80 cents per pound, 7,689,699 pounds, valued at $9,309,054, on hich duties were paid to the amount of $6,415,016. Per cent, of duty, 68.91. HOW DISCRIMINATIONS INJURE THE MANUFACTURER. This shows how we are crippled, both in our earning powers and in the exer- se of our skill by the infamous discriminations of the tariff, which at the eame tne make the burdens upon the rich comparatively lighter than upon the poor. I 476 REASONS IN FAVOR OP TAX REVISION. It is no stretch of truth to say that these discriminations against the manufact ing industries have very materially discouraged the use of vs^ool and promoted substitution of adulterants, most manufacturers having for some lime given m attention to the manipulation of substitutes, so as to give them the appearance £ touch of wool, than to the matter of improvements in the making of pure wooL in order to compete in quality with their foreign rivals. This has given rise to i impression that we are less skilled than the European workmen, yet it is self € dent that it requires as much if not more skill to work up the adulterants so as give them a marketable appearance as to manipulate the genuine materials. A great deal of stuff is put upon the markets now sm cassimeres, etc., that d not contain over ten per cent, of wool. Manufacturers who attempt to mi nothing but pure woolens are compelled to close their mills. To make staffs tl shall compete in the markets with foreign makes in texture and variety, it is aim invariably necessary to use some wools of foreign growth for mixing with the ( mestic ; but as the tariff enhances the cost of these wools by from 25 to 150 ] cent , there is no possibility of the American manufacturer using them in comp( tion,and hence we are forced to give over to the foreign manufticturers the mon( oly of all the markets and allow them to supply our own people with goods ii which not a pound of American wool enters. Thus the woolen manufactu imported in 1887 amounted to 49,000,000 pounds, which, at 4 pounds of raw W( to the pound of finished product, represented 196,000,000 pounds of wool, whi with the 115,000,000 pounds of raw wool, makes a total importation of 311.000,( pounds, or consi/lerably more than the entire wool-clip of the United States. If this had come in free in the raw state, it would have absorbed for mixture a lai quantity of domestic wool, instead of every pound that did come in anyhow c placing a pound of American wool, and at the same time depriving American lal of employment and our poor people of the comfort of woolen clothing. From a statement recently made public by a leading carpet manufacturer, ■ gleam the fact that ingrain carpets which formerly were made largely of wool i now made of an average of one-fifth wool and four-fifths adulterants, and in t whole of the carpet industry probably not a million pounds of domestic wool is n( used. There is no carpet wool raised in this country, and yet a tax of over 20 p cent., which far exceeds all the wages paid in the manufacture of carpets, is s imposed upon the wool which is necessarily brought in from the outside. If tj wool were admitted free, a greater quantity would be used, and probably notli than 10.000,000 pounds of domestic wool would be absorbed for mixture. For these reasons we fail to see how the wool- growers are benefited by t tariff on wool, as it inevitably restricts the market for their wool, both by forci the use of substitutes and by promoting the importation of wool in the manufs tured state, all of which must redound to the injury of both the wool-grower a the wool- worker. HOW TRUSTS ABE ENCOURAGED. If protection protects, or if the present tariff arrangement is really benefic to the manufacturing industries, why do the manufacturers fiftd it necessary form "combines," "arrangements," or "understandings" in order to protect the selves against what they term a demoralized market ? Why should they adopt t suicidal policy of reducing the wages of labor, which can not but curtail the i sorption of their wares and thus injure their business? Why do workingmen fi: it necessary to organize for self-protection against the very men who are loudest their demands for more tariff upon the plea that labor "must be protected ?" M who are really protected need not go to the trouble and expenses of protect! themselves. As "charity begins at home," would it not be more consistent for t protected and protectionist employers to show by the bettering of wages of th employes and by treating them as men — freemen if you please— that their cry 1 more taxes is not raised solely for their own benefit, and that they are ready make true the oft repeated declaration that protection to the manufacturer will i able him to pay high wages ? Now, as he has just the protection he wants, and is still cutting down wages, it not evident that he is either wrong in his protection theory or is playing "hea \ REASONS IN FAVOK OF TAX REVISION. 477 [ win and tails you lose" with his workingmen ? Surely no sane man can see in the "trusts" and "arrangements" of the capitalists and the frantic efforts of labor to hold its own against the encroachments of combined capitalists aught else but the positive and practical proof that protection of labor by a tarilf, or by any other tax upon its products, is worse than a failure, because it neutralizes the natural ad- vantages of our country and disarranges the natural course of trade, and thus must result in the destruction of labor. When the manufacturer closes his mill, or lays off any of his hands, he will invariably give as an excuse the bad state of trade, an honest acknowledgment that it is trade that keeps the mill going, and bence is a good thing to keep labor steadily employed and give it a chance for bet- ter wages. Now, it is always the part of wisdom to protect ourselves against a bad thing, but it has fallen to the lot of the protectionists to discover the utility of pro- tecting ourselves against a good thing, and in order to accomplish this to tax our- selves to spite and impoverish some one else. That the protectionist manufacturers do not altogether believe in this theory is evidenced by the fact that they have here an association which has for its object, among others, the securement of a higher tariff for the protection of American labor, and by unity of action, to be better prepared to resist the demands of labor for more wages. But if they really do believe that people can become rich by tax- ng themselves why do they not try the experiment by taxing themselves to pay us nore wages, or why do they resist all our efforts in that direction ? It would surely )e as cheap, or cheaper, to tax themselves to pay us a little more than it is to tax them- lelves to pay to the raw- ma' eriai men mucli more than our entire wages amount to. s not this evidence that they are in favor of those taxes of which the largest hare flows back into their pockets and falls with crushing weight upon us ? Hence ve have just cause to demand such a change of the laws as will secure a more quitable distribution of the benefits amongst all the people. But there is danger in this theory of protection in this, that it involves the elegation or transference of the taxing power to individuals and corporations, aus placing the greatest and widest of all governmental powers and responsibili- esinto the hands of irresponsible men, whose greed will thus be stimulated to such degree that soon classes will be created which wall be specially interested, and ill be powerful enough to override the will of the people and make ours a gov- rnment of, by, and for the classes. As we as a nation are already tending to- ards customs and conditions indigenous to European monarchical institutions, are e not justified in sounding the alarm now? And as these tendencies are due- ilely to the drift of legislation towards restrictions upon the natural powers and ivileges of the people, is it not time to turn about and see if by going in the di- ction of more freedom we wid not the more quickly realize the anticipations of e founders of the Republic of making this the most free, and therefore the most •osperous, country on earth, thus setting an example to the world that will all other nations to imitate us. use a THE BURDENS OF TAXATION. Can it be said that the burdens of taxation are not excessive when they are- ual to two dollars for every one dollar of wealth accumulated by the whole ople ; when they absorb nearly, if not quite, one half of the earnings of labor^ ling ten to twenty times heavier upon those who labor for a living than upon )se whose income is from capital, and when they are accumulating in the national easury by a hundred million dollars or more, taken from the channels of trade i locked up to be a source of temptation for every political trimmer, jobber and )sidy shark in the country? When w^e reflect that this sum, if left among the )ple to fulfill its legitima! e functions in trade, would naturally foster the distribu- iion and absorption of the products of labor to more than ten times the amount the surplus, we csn leadily appreciate the full measure of the damage done to or by the accumulation and locking up of a surplus. Ignoring the influence of material conditions upon the wages of labor, they '^told us that the laying on of these taxes was necessary to keep up the high ■ftrd of American wages. If this were correct it would follow that the propor. I 478 REASONS IN FAYOR OF TAX REVISION. tion of wages to materials should have increised during the period of protect! But what are the facts ? lu 1850 the proportion of value of materials to the wages of labor in the ma] factures was 70 to material, 30 to labor ; in 1860, 74f to material, 2o^ to labor ; 1870, 76i- to material, 23f to labor; in 1880, 78 to material, 22 to labor; and no\ is about 80 to material, 20 to labor. Accepting the theory of the modern protection school these figures wo ■furnish the indubitable proof that the tariff has had the effect of raising the cos the materials and depressing the wages of labor; and when we take in connect with this the wonderfal advance in the efficiency of labor during the same peri this table stands as a most terrible indictment against those whose bungling lej lation has wrought the mischief. The relative productivity and earnings of the woolen and worsted weavers "the United States and England will show, too, whether the high standard of wa has been kept up here; and to make the comparison perfectly fair, we will presu *hat both weave the same class of goods, 80 picks to the inch: Speed of loom, United States, average, 85 picks per minute. Speed of loom, England, maximum, 60 picks per minute. Hours of labor, United States, 60 per week. Hoars of labor, England, 54 per week. Product per weaver per week of continuous work, United States, 106 yai Product per weaver per week of continuous work, England, 68 yards. The average loss of time caused by breakages, etc., being about one-fifth met product per week, would be in the — United States, 85 yards. England, 54 yards. The highest average rate of wages paid in this country for this class of w is 2 mills per pick per yard, or 16 cents per yard for 80 pick work, and if the sa Tate was paid in England it would follow that the American weaver can can possible wage of $13.60 cents per week to the English weaver's possible $8.64. course the actual earnings are less in both cases, but the relative difference will vary either on a rise or fail. The earnings, however, vary so much throughout ( 'Own country as to bring the time earnings of our weavers in some cases even \o^ than the time earnings of some of the European weavers, as will be seen from following table, compiled from the first annual report of the National Commissio ■of Labor, and the same rule holds good for every other class of workmen in woolen industry. Daily wages of woolen weavers in the United States : Delaware $1 71 Illinois 1 52 Indiana 1 08 Massachusetts 1 28 Pennsylvania 1 85 New Jersey $1 New York 1 North Carolina Vermont 1 Connecticut 1 According to the United States consular reports the earnings of woolen wea\ in England vary from $3.50 to $11 per week If we keep in view the relative p ductivity of the labor of this country and England, we cannot avoid the conclua that the $4 50 per week in North Carolina is below the lowest of England, and d it not prove ttat the American manufacturer gets his work done cheaper than English manufacturer, and that therefore the wages of labor do not and can not i consideration in his cry for more protection? It also proves that we are brou into deadly competition with labor in our own country that may be as justly cal ^' pauper labor" as that of Europe. It further proves that the tariff has not e' preserved to us our just share of the natural opportunities of the country; tha £as only been instrumental in building up colossal fortunes for the few, and tha coutinuauce of it will end in our degradation to a conditiou of serfdom. REASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. 47ft THE AVERAGE VTAGES EARNED IN MILLS. There are a number of mills in and around Philadelphia where $5 a week ifr onsidered very good wages now for a weaver, and there are any number of mills II England where these would be considered starvation wages, and whenever the mployers here offer a reduction of wages they set up the plea that some of their leighbors are paying less, and hence a reduction is necessary in order to enable hern to compete. They seem no longer to fear foreign competition, but it is lome competition that is now the great " scare crow," and we have to suffer rom it all. Is it not self-evident that a uniform rate of wages should have esulted from the "protective" tariff if it had the virtues claimed for it by it&. dvocates ? WHAT THE TARIFF BENEFICIARIES HAVE DONE. Heretofore labor has had no direct or independent voice in the arrangement if tariff laws, these matters having been entirely left to the bosses and monopo- ists, who were naturally prompted by selfish and conflicting motives, which is best videnced by the fact that they have found it profitable to spend vast sums of loney, and much time, in maintaining expensive lobbies at Washington and costly rganizations all over the country, some of which have as one of their objects and urposes the keeping of the workingmen from getting any share of the " protection '* y an advance of w^ages. They have subsidized newspapers and maintained literary bureaus in order to ifluence public opinion and defame the few men who dare to voice our cause.. hese sums are largely made up of money that should consistently have gone to- ards the betterment of our wages, and we are thus placed in a condition which jprives us of the ways and means to be heard before Congress upon an equal oting with those who for the protection of labor spend the parings of our wages. ven now, finding that the desire to hear from the workingmen is growing, they e organizing some of their employees into clubs and associations under the direc- )n of the bosses, the expenses being met by outsiders, in order to prepare them r an expression of sentiment and the making of demands that are to be paraded fore the world as those of the free and untrammeled workingmen. The use which requires such work to bolster it up can not be less than an unholy e. The very means condemn the end. Protection means the enslavement of )or, and nothing proves this more emphatically than the fact that there are work- ymen, whether, forgetful of the natural dignity of labor, they do it voluntarily, whether, driven by the force of circumstances brought up by protection, 3y are compelled to submit to the command to rivet the chains still more htly about themselves. But why should we find it necessary to make costly efforts in our behalf in s matter? Are we not represented by those to whom we gave our votes, and to lom we have aright to look for efforts in our behalf and for justice? It we were spend money or keep up a lobby would it not be an acknowledgment that we ognize the power of money to be superior to the will of the people? Shall we asked to subscribe to the infamous and un-American idea that a well-filled purse es one man greater rights, powers and privileges than poverty connected with does to the other? To do this would be to confess our loss oi faith in a repre- tative free government and our belief that the old-time spirit of fair play and .ality has entirely departed from the councils of the nation. The fact is, there is no government on the face of the globe, however despotic,. t is so unmindful of the interests of labor as to tax the raw materials of industry, ch tax must inevitably come out of labor in that it neutralizes its opportunities Jepriving it of the means to compete with the labor of other countries, notwith- I iding its superior productivity, thus forcing down its wages and speeding its I ' avement. But it does more. It builds up colossal fortunes for the few at the ' ense of our toil and its natural rewards, and is already bearing its legitimate [■ : in the aping of European aristocracy on the one hand, and on the other com- J log the mass to make piteous appeals for leave to toil; ay, forcing them even to some men the permission to obey the command of the Creator "to eat bread ^t80 REASONS IN FAVOR OP TAX REVISION. in the sweat of their brow." Shall we stand by with folded arms and abated brea whilst we see this "land of the free and home of the brave" transformed to a "lai ©f the master and home of the slave" by a process which even the most despol government dares not attempt? Hence "we demand the repeal of all taxes upon the raw materials of industi •so that we may be no longer handicapped by costs other than those of productio and that we may be relieved from those depressions of wages which arise fro enhanced cost of the necessaries of life, which is due to taxation independent of t ■cost of production. In fixing the duties upon manufactured articles care should be taken to measu the duties by the diflerence there may be in wages between this country and Europ not forgetting to take into account the relative productivity of labor compared wi its earnings, and ia all cases the duties should be so graded as to correspond wi the amount and quality of labor bestowed upon the article in the various stages manufacture. That this has never been done in any tariff law called protect! has been shown above, and it clearly demonstrates the falsity of the claim of th( iramers that they considered the interests of labor at all in this work. Under the present law the duty on cloth weighing 16 ounces to the yard ai valued at 80 cents per yard is 63 cents, while the duty and charges on the amount wool required to make this cloth will be 53 cents, leaving for protection but 10 cer per yard. Under the most radical tariff-reform measure ever offered in Congress t] •case would be thus: Per yai Duty on the cloth, 85 per cent $0. Duty and charges on the wool Nothir Clear protection There is not a woolen or worsted worker in the country who is so blind asn to see that, even on the theory of protection, the tariff reformer who is willing give him 28 cents against the foreign cloth is a better friend than the protection: who gives him but 10 cents. Under the present law the duty on a piece of clo worth 45 cents per yard is 140 percent., whilst the duty on a piece worth $3.50 p yard is ju3t 50 per cent. How unselfishly careful the protectionists are to make tl workingman rich by taxing his cloth 90 per cent, more than the rich man's, and the same time depriving him of the pleasure and profit of making the finer gradi of cloth THE WAGE ACCOUNT IN THE WOOLEN INDUSTRY. We learn from the census of 1880 that the total wage account of the wool( industry was 17.70 per cent, of the value of the product, and we have reason believe that the percentage is even smaller now and gradually sinking. Now, su pose with Tfool free the duty was fixed at 18 per cent, of the value of the import article, varying, of course, with those features which indicate the degree of lab expended, would it not fully and absolutely protect labor, even though the forei^ workmen would work for nothing and find themselves? When, therefore, a du of more than twice that amount is proposed it can surely not be objected to 1 the woolen-worker on the ground of offering too little protection, because it w give him 33 cents per yard on the same cloth on which the present law gives hi but 10 cents. An excess of duties over differences in the wages of labor can have no oth effect than to nullify the efforts of labor, organized or unorganized, to better its co •dition by placing it absolutely at the mercy of the employer, who, by having 1 market secured to him by law, can, under the tariff duties, free from the fear competition, exact from the consumers, who are in large part the workingm^ themselves, much more than the wages of labor amount to, while labor, exposed ( every side to open competition, is thus forced to pay tribute to the employers, ai through them to the controllers of the raw materials, both by suffering a reductl of its time wages and by increased cost of the necessaries of life. This is the shi ing of the taxing power which gives the employers privileges that are incompatil REASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. 481 nth our form of Government, and must thus end in the destruction of our liber- ies. It encourages, and sometimes forces, the formation of " trusts," " arrange- aents," and " understandings," drawn together under the fostering influence of protection " in order to be the better able to bleed the people and build up gigantic ^rtunes for the beneficiaries of the law. It has been fashionable to "take all the traffic will bear," and now it is " take 11 the law will allow," and laws framed under the dictation of the favored moaopo- sts themselves are always sure to give them a wide enough margin to take the last pound of flesh." Thus, while the wage account in the product is but 17.70 er cent, the bosses are protected by a tax of 70.40 percent., an advantage of 52.70 ler cent, which is the field within which they have free play by "trusts" and ^understandings" to exact special profits and make us pay back to them with ouble compound interest all that may be given us as an advance of wages. We do not fear the antagonism of the agricultural interests, because there is lOthing in our demands that will not at the same time promote the interests of the irmer. The natural market for American wool is America ; and as the cheapening f the products will necessarily promote their consumption and curtail importations, i^hilst it will at the same time encourage the use of wool instead of adulterants, re can not see why a change of the law which would vouchsafe to us steadier em- loyment could fail to be a benefit to the wool grower. The removal of tho dulies would also open the foreign markets to greater .merican competition, which would so measurably drive up prices there as to eutralize the advantage the foreign manufacturer has from cheap wool. We have )0 good an opinion of the intelligence and acumen of the farmers to believe tor a loment, as the protectionists profess to do, that they would antagonize their own iterests by asking for the removal of duties from those things which consume their col if such duties were necessary to maintain the woolen industry of the country. A return to the tariff of 1867 would in no wise be a remedy for the evils we iffer from, as the same incongruities, inequalities, and discriminations against bor characterized every feature of that law, and in some respects it was even orse. A TETITION FOR FREE WOOL. • Hence we request that wool and all other raw materials be placed on the free- t, and that in arranging the schedule of duties on the finished or partly manufac- red articles labor should be duly considered. Yarns, for instance, are the raw iterials of the cloth-maker, and if both yarn and cloth are placed under the same ty it will be a discrimination against the cloth, because in the manufacture of the >th the yarn will lose by waste and shrinkage in weaving, dyeing and finishing, 1 hence the duty per pound on the yarn will somewhat exceed the duty per pound the cloth, and there would, therefore, be an inducement to import the cloth in iference to the yarn, as it is now preferable to import the yarn instead of the wool, i the yarn spinner would have all the protection and the cloth weavers, dyers and ishers none at all as against the yarn importations. While it is as yet difficult to obtain positive data as to the differences in the wages ween this country and Europe whereon to base a scientific schedule, it is yet safe bllow the line here indicated, and if the duties are fixed to equal the entire labor i t in the product, no interest will have any cause to complain if we wish to \ 16 nearer to justice. I With free raw materials we will soon demonstrate our superiority in the indus- l field, and do our share in making this country what nature appears to have des- d it to be — the workshop of the world and the ruler of the seas. Hence patriotism jeins with national pride in appealing to the lawmakers of the ! ■ on to give to labor those measures of fair play and justice to which it is entitled ' le foundation-rock of our national greatnf ss and prosperity. the name and on behalf of the textile workers of Philadelphia, Pa. F. A. HERWIG. [LADELPHiA, March 26, 1888 . 483 REASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. We, the unaersigned, committee of the Workingmen's Tariff Reform Asso tion, No. 1, of Philadelphia, principally composed of textile workers, upon due i deliberate consideration of the foregoing memorial, do hereby fully and freely dorse the same, and request that its recommendation be granted as a simple ac justice, not only to us, bat to the whole people, and we "v^ill ever pray. Joseph Smith, 2414 North Third street ; William L. Wild, 1334 Hope strc John Moore, 2188 Huntingdon street; E. H. Murphy, 1715 North Fourth stn Wm. Stewart, 2633 Braddock street; Wm. Hudson, 1610 North Front street; ( nehus Carr, 106 Jefferson street; Jos. Hagerty, 1504 North Fourth street; Pati Glavey. 2912 Kipp street ; Daniel Donovan, 1912 Hazzard street ; Edward J. O'Br 2414 North Third street ; Frederick H. Mackerell, 2306 Geiss street ; John Si 2015 Palethorpe street ; Joseph Stott, 2026 North Front street ; Thomas Dronsfi 1443 Hanover street; John Brogan, 2008 Howard street; James Donogue, 2 Hope street; John McCloskey, 1841 North Seventh street; Thomas S. McCaffi 2404 Holmans street ; BeDJam L. Yarnall, 912 Sterner street ; James McCauley, 2 North Fourth street ; John Harle, 2671 Braddock street ; James Delaney, 1513 H' ard street; Harry T. Delaney, 1513 Howard street ; Joseph G. Downing, 1752 H ard street ; G. Greul, 616 Callowhill street; James Magonigle, 1740 Waterloo stn John H. Cannon, 1742 Waterloo street; Edward Coyle, 4241 Green street; M Gorman, 1730 Howard street; John A. Pasley, 1617 Hope street; Thomas Grant, 2 Reese street; James Turner, 103 West Montgomery avenue; George McGeo\^ 2002 Abigail street. 11. A MANUFACTURER'S OPINION. MR. BEACH, IN A CAREFUL ARGUMENT, SHOWS HOW WOOL DUTIES HAVE RETARDED MANUFACTURES. The following article on the relation of the woolen manufacturers to the du on raw wool was read in the House on July 3, by Mr. Breckinridge, of K tucky : You will notice this list does not bear out the assertion of the wool-grovt that a high duty on wool has by any means resulted in better prices. Upon whole, so far as it has had any effect, it appears to be quite the contrary. But tL are so many other elements which regulate market prices that it is difficult to m: a very strong argument for either side out of the statistics, unless we take into c sideration other matters affecting the business at the several periods. The rema of Mr. Harris, reported by Old Carder, were made under 'very different conditl from those now ruling. Australian imports into Europe have increased 50 perc( since 1878, an increase of 400,000 bales, about 160,000,000 pounds, in that short ti from Australasia alone ; also a very large increase from Cape of Good Hope { River Plate, mostly of fine merino wools. In fact, the quantity available is -sis seven times as much as it was in 1860, 806,000,000 pounds in 1886 against 112,01 000 in 1860. This enormous production has to be consumed. Of course, the number consumers must be very greatly enlarged. In order to reach the ability of t increased number, prices must be reduced. You can see this in every article merchandise. Prices abroad are reduced as much as they are here, even more many articles, without regard to our tariff. In wool-growing countries the bi ness has been constantly getting better systematized, and they are enabled produce cheaper and cheaper. In this country, if wool-growing is to be mad business by itself, the same general principles must be adopted, but the probabi' is that in the older States our farmers will look more and more to the product I REASONS IN FAVOR OP TAX REVISION. 488 f{ food lamb and mutton, with less and less regard for the wool. This will put ,he business upon the footing adapted to our circumstances. Old Carder wants to inow why silks are so cheap here. It is because the free raw material has allowed )ur manufiicturers to go into the business upon somewhtre near an equal footing ?rith foreign countries. HOW INVENTION HAS CHEAPENED MANUFACTURE. Steel rails are cheap because, in the first place, of the discovery of the Besse- Qer process and still later improvements; and then, the patents on these being now ree to the world, there is more competition. Probably steel rails can be made for 38S than one-quarter the cost of a few years ago. It is the same with soda ash ince the discovery of the ammonia process. This decreases the cost wonderfully, nd Oi course all other makers, by whatever process they manufacture, must meet his competition. The price may or may not be lower if manufactured this side of be water. It should be, on account of the saving in freight, if for no other reason. Jut where there is competition to sell at the point of consumption, from whatever uarter it may come, prices are usually reduced to a point of only moderate rofits. To illustrate this, take the article of tin plates, where the competition is wholly that of the foreign manufacturers between themselves. Still it has caused a constant reduction in price, nearly 25 per cent, since 882; so that although the duty that year was 1.1 cents per pound, it was only 9 per cent , whereas the nominally reduced rate to 1 cent in 1887 was actu- Uy 33 80 per cent. Consumption of the United States increased from 489,746,895 ounds to 570,643,389 pounds in the five years. The duty was a tax on our idustries of over $5,700,000 in each of the last two years, of which the can- ing business alone paid over $1,000,000 in 1887. We are making great progress 1 this country, as we certainly ought, for we have more advantages and dmulus than any other on the globe. We claim, too, that we are the smartest nd most industrious people in the world. But we should not load our indus- ries down with unnecessary burdens. There are other countries progressing Iso, and when we handicap ourselves we must expect them to take advantage f our folly. Our efforts are mainly directed to the saving of labor and to inventions which ill enable us to make it more productive, so that we can produce the largest aantity with the smallest number of operatives. In foreign countries the aim is ) get their materials at the lowest possible cost, then to saving them and by im- roved processes getting the best quality of product, to get the most money from le materials used. They have a surplus of labor. If they should leave half the 3ople unemployed by the use of machinery, they must still support them all ; and would cost as much to do this if half were idle as to have all at work, each eam- g his portion of the money that can be allotted to the labor cost of the productions, he price of labor is a matter of locality, and, like eveiy thing else, based upon the ipply and demand. Legislation cannot govern this. In different localities in this >untry, under the same tariff laws, and in different towns in the same States there often one-half difference paid for doing the same work. All of us who have had much experience know this, but we have heard so much )Out what is called protection making the price of wages that we frequently accept e statements without much examination as to what is really protection and as to hat are the actual effects of measures so named. It is easy enough to figure that :cept for the duty of 30 cents per bushel on wheat, the East Indian working at 3 nts per day would supply our markets ; and to say this duty protects the farmer, hen the fact remains that we can and do overcome this difference in the nominal ice of labor , and meet the wheat markets of the whole world successfully. So on arse undyed cottons and on many other goods the tariff does not give our mills a iction of 1 per cent, better price. We can export these in competition with other untries, and could do so to even better advantage without the tariff. It is impossi- (it it can help us to better wages for making articles of export. READY TO COMPETE WITH THE WORLD. 484 REASONS IX FAVCm OP TAX RRVISION. When we come to woolea goods, the state of th« case changes. We have only a half supply of wool in this country, and we must procure it from elsewhere or we have to import the goods ready made. For a large portion of the deficit we can get a supply of cheap material from the cottoa fields and the crop of old clothes, rags, etc., but this would confine our manufacture to the lower grades of goods. To make the better grades that our people demand, we must have foreign wools. It would take more than a hundred million pounds above what we now import, if we would control our home market for fine woolens, in additiim to every pound t*'at we raise ia this country. We have, ho wever, cut ourselves off from getting this supply by a prohibitory tiriff on nine tenths of that which is available to our foreign comi^etitorfe. What is the consequence ? They supply our own markets, and of course have full control of tlie other markets of the world. We protect the European manufacturer from our competition in the markets where they get their supply of raw material. This does not help our factory lab ir ; it hurts by transferring t le work to other countries. We could only meet this com petition by reducing the price of labor or taking off the tax on m itt-rials, so that, we should be upon somewhere near the same footing with our competitors, the same as we are in the silk business, or else a much higher duty on fine fabrics. Which ia the best course? The effort to 07<-rcome this difforence by a h'gh tiriff on fabrics has proved a failure so far as the medium and finer grades are affected. It wo aid need to be ai least 100 per cent, to give us a fxir show with the prepent duties on materials. Probably the consumers of fabrics would object to this. In our opinion it would be useless to ask for increased duties. It appears verv much as if the only cure for the present trouble, if the present rates remain, must come through stil! lower prices for fine wools, nearly down to the import cost, free of duty. If not, what ? III. "IT HAS SET US TO THINKING." THE CONCLniON TO WHICH ONE OF THE BE^T TECHNICAL .JOURNALS IN THE COUNTRY HAS BEEN FORCED. In Fiber aiid Fabric of April 14, page 5Ij, Old Carder asks some questions, and thinks there should be more study of the tarifl". The inclosed, on the other side ol the quefetion from the one on wuich most manufacturers appear disposed to d». their thiuking, may at least serve to throw light, and we hope bring out the tiuth Tnese figures are not theories, but actual facts, to whicli a theory, to be good foi anything, must be fitted. The proposed tarift" would reduce revenue by taking ofl the duty on wool. That is clear. There is no doubt it would reduce revenue no-^ obtained ly duties on woolen goods, because there would be made here a largt quantity of such as are now imported. That is theory in part ; but it is based so strongly on the actual workings of th^ business til at it cannot help being pretty nearly correct. ■ The proposed bill no ^1 before Congress we consider more really protective to the manufacturing interest; than any tariff we have ever had. Certainly New England should be the last sec tion of the country to oppose it. Friends of the present tariff claim that compoun( duties on woolen goods, and the specific rates in particular, are the only safeguard; upon which we can rely to prevent importations from undervaluation. This clain has been made so persistently that manufacturers have pretty generally accepted i as being correct, with little or no examination as to its merits. TKls compound principle has been held to be something sacred. Its friend vvould not allow there were two sides to the question. Dissenters have been con signed tc purgatory, or to still lower depths, to have their place wiih " free-traders. I REASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. 485 Those who hare complained that the finer and most expensive all-wool fabrics were not fairly treated in the deal, having from only half to no protection, when, if there was to be any discriminaMon, they really needed and were entitled to double, have not been listened to, or have been told that to ask for their fair share would en- danger the whole system. It has been in vain that they have pointed out that after a time the trouble must reach beyond their own particular specialties, and that the next grades must take their turn in depression. They were sneered at for supposing that there was any danger to be appre- hended from a worsted cloth valued at not exceeding 80 cents per pound, or even that fine worsted yarns could be imported at so low cost as to seriously interfere with the home manufacture. Their numbers were insignificant, and they were not listened to when they showed that the legitimate efiect of the schedule was to dis- courage the manufacture and improvement of fine fabrics, and to drive all the mills into the increased use of cotton, shoddy, and other substitutes for making poods sold as woolens. Neither were they given any more attention when they pointed out the fact that so far from being a preventive of fraud on the part of importers, the specific duty, more than all else, made it an object to undervalue, as it gave them from six to eight times as much profit on the operation as it would if the duties were only ad valorem. For example, take a piece of worsted cloth, for which the true value is 85 cents. Under the present duty if invoiced honestly the duty would be 69 cents per pound, if undervalued only 5 cents and invoiced at 80 cents the duty will be only 52 cents, a saving to the importer of 17 cents per pound, or 20 per cent, on the bus • iness, a handsome profit in itself Under the proposed bill, which is stated by the opposition to open the door to fradulent importations, the saving to the importer for the same undervaluation would be only 2 cents per pound ; not enough to pay him for running the risk. The actual working of this tariff" for the past six years is shown by the inclosed figures of imports of worsted yarns and cloths. If there has been any such under- valuation going on, as has been asserted by some of our manufacturers, who have been trying to explain what is the matter with the woolen business, a study of these figures will show the reason and the temptation. Is it not time for a reform? IMPORTS OF WORSTED YARNS. iports of worsted cloths entered for consumption for fiscal yeo.rs ending June 30. i Above 60| cts. andiExeeeding not ex-l 80 cts. ceeding' per \h. 80 cts. 1 1882 Pounds. ! Pounds 114,928 1 433,195 374,523 ; 438,75.5 777 327 1 1 234 677 1883 1884 . . . 1885 1,407,0.51 1 1,274,736 2,795,244 [ 1,483,811 3,785,987 | 1,343,256 1886 1887 1 lo'SS « 4 4 B " O ^ « St- _^ , >, *^ „, B p. : s c p^ , « aj tH I eS OS > ^.2 t» O o o « *^ 03 •" -K OS'S OS :S *^ I 5T!rJ O 03 C"" l~n: > eS S^ oa « l"o «§5 ^. ^ o«9 "ill" 4> § =* S3 "^ CJ o > « 5 "S la T-t 2 4S 5§g ^ ft- ^ >•§?«» : t. S ^' i " Egg ^11- 'i -lei 1.2 |§l| i§S, •00 '-PS I 'Or l^o2 t, C 0) 3 His %='5 &!£ C O - a; x 1;; o op »t, •■qj '00 f3 t- 03 .^*" "-^^ o o o|5lsmi gfllg 03 cofl •CqU tf« s ■ifeS g=i «ea a "2 00 : g « : gsi 00 »^ ^|Tf|g§«-"s^^sa? c _ S 05 1. 2 a-3 > g «*••« ^,aSo^: 5^" a2S'-'=o <«>H p.4^ :« P.03 Ur= t.iS^ osc^woSp-v S 2? i I 0-3 ►hOS Pa.. «oc OP-S ioSoo* SP.CI oS ' S3 >0 *> o+> 0X3 . . .'' i-ic*eo a oQ 00 Eo a tfl QQ 00 r REASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. 487 IV. HUGH MCCULLOCH'S OPINION. [E LAST REPUBLICAN SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY GIVES STRONG SUPPORT TO THE DEMOCRATIC POSITION. [A Letter to a Tariff Reform Meeting in Philadelphia.'] Washington, January 25, 1888. Dear Sir : Accept my thanks for your kind invitation to be present at the lassmeeting which is to be held in Philadelphia on the 27th instant, "to enforce and indorse the recommendations of President Arthur and President Cleveland on revenue reform." I shall not be able to avail myself of the invitation, but I have pleasure in saying that I heartily approve of the object for the promotion of which the meeting is called, and that I am very glad that the call is addressed not to Republicans or Democrats, but to citizens irrespective of their political party relations. The tariff question is an economical question, and it would be an immense gain to the people if it were lifted out of politics and considered as such a question ought to be with regard to its bearings upon great national interests. The present tariff was created when the Government was engaged in a war of unparalleled magnitude for the mamtenance of ita rightful authority. It has accomplished the object for whic^ it was created, and now needs careful revision to accommodate it to the present conditions of the country. The surplus which it produces and locks up in the treasury, to the detriment of business, is only one of the many serious objections to it. It is greatly prejudicial to our great farming interests by gradually but effect- ively diminishing the foreign demand for our agricultural productions at remunerative prices. It stands in the way of the restoration of our shipping interests by duties upon many articles which are needed in ship building. It is anti-republican in its character and its intluences, it fosters monopolies and it "en- riches the few at the expense of the many." It violates the constitution of the United States, inasmuch as upon many articles duties are imposed for protection, not for revenue. What is now imperatively required for the promotion of the best interests of the country, and the whole country, are such changes in the tariff as will make it a tariff for revenue, with incidental protection — a tariff by which the highest duties consistent with revenue will be imposed upon the articles that come into competi- tion with our own manufactures; such a tariff as was advocated half a century ago by the supporters of what was known as the "American system;" such a tariff as Henry Clay, whose disciple I was, would advocate if he were living. Large rev- enues must always be derived from duties upon imports, and these duties, if judi- ciously imposed, would never fail to give to home manufacturers all the protection which they might need to enable them to compete with foreigners in our own mar- kets, and at the same time to open the way for a free trade with other nations, especially with the South American States. Hoping and believing that this mass meeting will be productive of good results by strengthening the public sentiment which is everywhere being awakened to the importance of revenue reform, and favorably influence the action of Congress at the present session, I am, very truly yours, HUGH Mcculloch. I 488 REASONS IN PAVOK OF TAX REVISION. V. HOW THE AVERAGE IS COMPUTED. LIGHT ON THE QUESTION— HOW WAR RATES HAVE BEEN PRESERVED— WHAT" LEADING PROTECTIONISTS USED TO THINK ENOUGH. lF?'om the New yo7k Journal of Commerce.'] It is evident that the tariff question, as now presented in Congress, is widely misunderstood by many persons throughout the country, as well as grossly mis- represented for partisan purpoees. We have a large number of letters, some of them from very intelligent correspondents, asking us " what nations have prospered under a free trade policy," and whether "Great Britain and Sweden, that once favored free trade, have not gone back to the policy of protection," and other like questions, the only pertinency of which is in the assumption that some one in this country has proposed, virtually, to abandon the present system of raising revenue from customs. No man who has a sound head will, in our day, propose anything for this coun- try but a revenue derived chiefly from the customs service. The only real question, now at issue in Congress is whether the excessive rates established under the pr« s- sure of a heavy debt created by the war and now producing an excess of revenue of over one hundred millions per annum, shall be modified so as to bring the taxation down to the current needs of the Treasury. If the proposed modification of the tariff menaced any of the great manufacturing interests of the country we would sound the alarm as quickly as any one. But the pretense that it does this is a falsehood made out of whole cloth, and those who started the cry know that their assertion is altogether untrue. Many who are echoing that cry are not so well informed, and are really dis urbed lest there is some plan afoot to interfere with these prosperous industries. We stated some days ago that the pj-esent tariff averaged for the year 1887 just 47.10 per cent, on all dutiable imports, and that the proposed Mills tariff, on the same reckoning, would bring this average down to about 4(H- per cent. As the duties only average 18| per cent, when the war broke out, and the average from 1830 to 1863, a period of 82 years, was on y 81.42, or about 31i per cent., it is easy to see that the Mills bill, with its 40i per cent., is still a very high rate of tax- ation, with no suggestion of free trade in it, an ample protection for every manu- facti rer in the country. The highest range of the old protective tariff, so dear to the disciples of the Carey school, was 35 per cent., and we heard Mr. Carey say in one of his most earnest pleas in behalf of protection, that 85 per cent, for an infant industry and 25 per cen?;. after a few years of progress was all that any manufac- turer ought to desire. What shall be thought of a mm who asserts that a 40| per cent, tariff is an attempt to establish free trade, simply because it follows an exces- sive war tariff averaging 47.10 per cent. ? In regard to this "average" we find that the word is very mucn misunderstood.. A very intelligent gentleman has written us a letter upon it, from which we make the following extract : " I have frequently noticed in the press the statement that the so-called war tariff' imposes an average duty of 47-J per centum. Will you be kind enough to explain the meaning of this, how the ' av' rage ' is asceriaiued, and whether the conversion of specific duties into their ad valorem equivalents enters into the statement? Are the articles in the free list taken into the account? Finally, do you know anything that lies like an average? " There has been much said to which the word in italics may fitly apply, but the statement of the ' average ' of the duty is free from that charge. Our correspondent evidently supposes that some one has taken a copy of the tariff and thtrefrom mode an average of the charges to be collected. But the percentage has been obtained by a much simpler process. Suppose a merchant sells a great variety of goods during a day, some at 10 per cent, profit and some at 100 per cent, gain, and at night he finds he has sold by strict account goods that I REASONS IN FA TOR OP TAX REVISION. 4S9 cost him just $1,000 and has received for them $1,500, which he has in the drawer. He does not get at his average profit by adding the 10, 20 and 100 percentages to- gether, but by a shorter calculation. If goods costir.g $1,000 bring $1,;")00, he has made an average profit of 50 per cent., and there is no " lying" about it. *This is precisely the way the average rate of duty is ascertained. No free kJs are included, but only the goods that pay a duty and pass into consumption. Iipon a dutiable value, as summed up in the entries at the Custom House, ounting to $600,000,000 cash duties, reaching in all the sum of $300,000,^^00, had been collected, the average would be 50 per cent ; but if only $28i,600,000 had been received the r verage is precisely 47. 1 per cent. The entries of dutiable goods are all added together. The total of dutiable goods entered directly fi>r consump- tion, and the total withdrawn from warehouse for the market, make together the total value on which the duties are levied. By adding these together and finding at the end of the year how much money they have all paid in tlie way ot duty, we know to a cent what the average duty has been. There is no guessing and there is no ** lying" about it, unless some one starts up and says that 40i per cent, collected in this way is free trade ! The net free imports into the United States for the f seal year 1887 were $228,- 515,977, upon which, of course, no duty was levied. The net dutiable imports which passed into consumption, and upon which the duties were levied, were $454,b24,436, upon which an average duty of 47.10 per cent, brought $314,222,309 in customs, which wns received into the public treasury in actual cash. This is the way the '* average" is ascertained, and as the governnient received the money, and mu st account for it, the amount cannot be overstated. VI. DESERTS THE CAUSE OF HIGH TAXES. IIEPUBLICAN MEMBER OF CONGRESS WHO WILL NOT SUPPORT I'REE WHISKEY AND HIGH NECESSARIES OF LIVING. P^iRE Island Beach, August 13, 1888. The iToN. Donald McLean, Presideut Twenty third t Assembly District Enrolled Republicans: *Mt Dear Sir — I herewith resign my membership in the Republican Associa- of this district. This resignation, under the rules, carries with it, without further action on my part, that of my place in the District Comniittee and on the delegation to the County Committee and the Chairmanship of the Committee on Resolutions and Membership of the Executive Committee of the County organiza- tion. My reason for tliis resignation is that I am not willing to advocate or support the new doctrines upon which the party raw agers have decided to make this cam- paign. I am in favor, as were Garflt Id. Arthur and Folger, of a reasonable revision of the present tariff in the direction of decreasing the cost of the necessaries of life and of supplying American workmen with cheaper raw materials for manurac- ture. I believe that such a revision will increase wages and production in this country and will lighten somewhat the heavy load of poverty and hardship which so many people in our city carry hopelessly from year to year. I am also absolutely opposed to any reduction of the taxou whiskey. In a few moths after the repeal of the internal revenue tax there would be more distdlerics than there are schoolhouses in Harlem, and on every business block in our district a bucket shop would, with profit, sell whiskey, bought at wholesale for 25 cents a gallon, for 3 cents a glass. 490 REASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. The Republican Party leaders have determined to raake a campaign in whic the expression of views, such as those above indicated, shall be described as "fre( trade attacks upon American industry," and those who hold them shall be credite with a burning desire to aid the British workingmen, whom they have never seei as against their own friends and countrymen. Mr. Blaine's keynote for the can paign, applied to our district, is that we are from now till November to accuse tl Democratic and revenue reform business men in Harlem, who in private lite are i partnership with us in all commercial, charitable, social and religious affairs, ( being engaged in a conspiracy, inspired by England, to ruin their own country an degrade their fellow-citizens. I have no desire to take part in such a campaign. I fane that England has in this district about as many adherents as China has, and ihi the voters who will vote this fall in Harlem and Yorkville for a revision of ti tariff are as sincere friends of American industry as any of us are. And I ver much prefer, if necessary, to be in a minority for the rest of my life rather than t make a successful campaign on what seems to me to be ridiculous and unfounde misrepresentation of the efforts and motives of my neighbors. I am, with sincei regard and respect, your friend, ASHBEL P. FITCH. vn. JOHN BOYLE O'REILLY ON THE TARIFF. THE "boston pilot" SPEAKS OUT PLAINLY ON THE ATTEMPT TO MTSREPRESEN THE REDUCTI0N-0F-TAXK8 ISSUE. [From the Boston Pilot, July 14, 1888.] The average American working man and woman are to-day receiving fa: wages when compared with the earnings of their fellows in Europe. But oi expenses are almost as much higher than theirs as their wages are lower than our If we could keep the present scale of American wages, with the present rate ( European prices, the condition of American labor would be the best the world hs known. Protection, as it has operated for over twenty years, has mainly protected th profits of manufacturer.^. For the benefit of 2 per cent, of our people we hav mad«^ 98 per cent, pay a tax of $ 00,000,000 a year. " But you must protect American industries," says the Republican politician. Nonsense. Industries will protect themselves. All we want to protect i wages. This protection involves the other ; but the other does not involve this. In the national treasury to-day there is the vast sum of $135,000,000, the pr( deeds of unnecessary taxation ; and this huge amount is growing at the rate c $100,000,000 a year. We have tried protection and all other Republican methods for twenty-fiv years. Have they succeeded in making the people satisfied and prosperous ? Tak the answer fr^m the farmers, who are not helped by the high tariff to a better pric for their produce, while they are compelled to pay double for their necessaries Take it from the mechanics, the miners, the raillworkers, on strike or locked-ou half their time. Take it from the hundreds of thousands of women and girls in th cities, living on wages that are a constant threat of starvation, death or disgrace. This is no political campaign speech, but the plain truth as we see it. And w would speak it as directly if its protest struck the Democratic party instead of th Republican. President Cleveland's proposal is to reduce the tariff by which most of thi enormous sum of $100,000,000 per annum is ra'sed admitting free all those ra\ materials and other things t'at will enable us to inc;ease our wealth, both by us and n)anufacture, taxing still everything that might reduce wages by competitioi with European or Asiatic production. The Democratic proposal is not free trade, as the manufacturers and corpora tions say ; it is freer trade. I REASONS IN FAVOR OF TAX REVISION. 491 VIII. A NEW INDEPENDENT. The Republican principle is a continuance of the present protection of manu- facturers' profits. .The Democratic principle is a protection of the people's wages, with an im- ^ie reduction in their living expenses. ^ ''e should like to see the tax taken off tobacco ; but we should prefer to see it cen off food and clothing. The I^lot speaks for the good of the industrious people, farmers and city workers; and in supporting the Democratic party we earnestly believe tkat we are helping to bring about a happy and prosperous era, with comfort and independence I generous living lor the whole American people. ETH LOW, REPUBLICAN EX-MAYOR OF BROOKLYN, CANNOT STAND THE PLATFORM. Ex-Mayor Seth Low announced in an interview, held on June 26, the day fol- lowing Harrison's nomination, that he would not vote for a party whose principles were established upon a platform like unto the Republican. I discover myself to be unhappily in the dilemma which T feared at the time when I made my Lincoln dinner speech, in line with my party friends on State and local issues, but, I am sorrj' to say, completely out of line with them upon the tariff question. If that were but a side issue, it would be easy to overlook the dif- ference, but as it is the battle-ground between the great parties, it is impossible for me to remain blind to it. Last September, in a speech I delivered in Saratoga, and in February at the'Llncoln dinner, I outlined my views upon the subj'^ct of the tariff. No one who cares to refer to them can fail to perceive that my conviction of what is wise policy for the nation is not consistent with a support of the Repub- lican platform. I believe, as Garfield did, in a protection which leads to frpe trade. The declaration of the Chicago pktform is, however, utterly opposed to this ten- dency and is a determined onslaught upon free trade. As I understand it, the chief line of change in the present tariff, as promised bv the Republican party, is to increase duties where any articles made at home are imported. This seems to me to be entirely new ground for the party whose principles I have so long acted and so consistently voted, but whether this be bo or not, the policy ouilined in the platform is a policy in which I firmly do not believe, and in behalf of which I can make no fight. Of course I cannoi, nor do I desire, to claim the privileges of p^ny fellowship when I am unable to support the creed of the party. Therefore, I i)rop()se to send my resignation to the ward association to which I belong and so regain my individual relation to political affairs. I have given this matter the most painstaking consideration ever since the platform came to my notice, and I can say with positiveness that I have been able to find no other way in which to be true to mv duty as a citizen, without falling far short of my party obligations to the Republicans on national issues, were I to continue in the fellowship. My own belief in regara to the tariff reform is substantially set forth in my address at Saratoga before the Republican State Convention September 14, 1887. The passage referred to is as follows: "Whatever views men may hold in regard to protection, whether they look at it as a means to an end or in itself a good thine:, the present situation, whereby vast sums of money in excess of our needs go into the national Treasury, forbids theories and demands action. The Demo ratic party during two sessions of Con- gress has shown itself incompetent to act as to this surplus in any direction. The Republican party which, finding the country at the outbreak of the war with an empty Treasury, has left it thus full to overflowing, no doubt will find in our present dilemma some practical way of reducing the revenues of the nation to the measure of its necessities, and this consistently with a wise protection, where pro- tection may be needed." I 48Z BEASOI^S IN FAVOR OP TAX REVISION. IX. THE WOOL MANUFACTURERS MAKE AN ARGUMENT IN FAVOR OF FKEE R.^ MATERIAL FOR THEIR OWN INTEREST. In 1885 the National Assoclaiion of Wool Manufacturers made a Biateme to Daniel Manning, then Secretary of the Treasury, in which the argument 1 untaxed raw material was thus stated : Tlie American manufacturer is engaged in a perpetual struggle with the man facturers of Europe for the possession of the markets of this country. In this str the European manufacturer pos-.es?e3the advantnge, which would be overwheliiiii if not couuteracted hj special legislation, of having the raw material of liis manufi ture free from duty — r,o duties on wool exis ing in Great Britain, France, Belgiu: the Netherlands and very slight duties, if any, in other manufacturing nations, O European couipelitors are exempt from the dire< t enhancement, by a duty, of t cost of M^ool,thu8 requiring less capital to supply their mills, and no cost ot'inten on the duty required in carrying their t-tocks of wool and goods. They are fr from the apprehension of changes in the value of wool, such as have taken place this country m consequence of no less than seventeen changes in the tariff on wo< within the memory of living manufacturers. They ai e exempt from the duties ( wool substitutes, so us( fully employed to mix with wool in the manufacture of t cheaper and hf avier cloths— duties which with us are absolutely prohibit( ry. Th are able, from the lower cost of their raw n at< rial, to rilieve themsf Ives f om ov< product on by consigning their surplus stocks at comparatively slight sacrifice foreign markets, to which their cheapness has already inti oduced lh( m. They a not compelled, as we are, to discriminate in their choice of w ool to avoid the etf( of the duty, and are able to select their wools in any condition, whether unwashe washed or scoured, with reference only to their desirable qualities. Through fn dom of importation they have near markets— as at London, Havre, Antwerp a Berlin — offering vast assortments and a steady supply of all kinds of wool— adva tages, specially favorable to the small manufacturer. This exemption from i restrictioES in the selection 'of raw materinl, t(^g lelicitute each other triat this n understands politics to mean business, not chicanery; pliiu speaking, not palter with us in a double sense; that he has had the courage to tell the truth to country without regard to personal or party c >nse ( cuss the more general and at present m inly academic questions of free trade or p tection. He has shown us that there was such a thing as being protected too mi and that we had protected our shipping interests so effectually that tiiey had cea to need protection by ceasing to exist. In thus limiting the field of his warning i his counsels, he has done wisely, and we shall do wisely in following his exam] His facts and his figures will work all the more efiectualiy. But we must be pati with them and expect them to work slowly. Enormous interests are involved, i must be treated tenderly. It was sixty years before the leaven of Adam Sa I REASONS IN FAVOR OP TAX REVISION. 497 ipregnated the whole sluggish lump of British opinion, and we are a batch of the me dough. lean remember the time when bounties were paid for the raising of wheat in assachusetts. Bounti' s have fallen into discredit now. They have taken an alias id play their three-card trick as subsidies or as protection to labor, but the com- on sense of our people will find them out at last. If we are not to expect any her immediate result from the message than that best result of all human speech, at it awaken thought, we can at least already thank it for one signal and unques- mable benefit. Ii is dividing, and will continue more and more to divide, our irties by the lines of natural cleavage, and will close the artificial and often mis- lievous lines which followed the boundaries of section or the tracings of bygone •ejudice. We have here a question which equally concerns every man, woman id child, black or white, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Gulf of Mexico the Bay of Fundy . We havts here a topic which renders nugatory all those prob- ms of ancient history which we debated and settled more than twenty years ago r manly wager of battle, and that so definitely that we welcome here to-night with ecial pleasure some of the brave men with whom we argued then, and whom we sisted all the more on keeping as countrymen that they had taught us how to ilue thein. ^K' XIII. CTBAC T FROM A SPEECH BY THE LATE EMORY A. STORRS, AT AN AGRICULTURAL ^K FAIR IN SPRINGFIELD, ILL., SEPTEMBER, 1870. ^X surplus so gigantic demonstrates better than any argument could possibly ', that taxation is unnecessarily high. Still there stands, in a time of profound ace, an enormous tariff, the effect of which is felt in every department of business, d the maintenance of which enhances the cost of living to every man in the land, hy should that tariff be continued ? The fact of the surplus demonstrates that it not necessary for the support of the Government, and so those who are interested maintaining it are compelled to place their demands upon what they call the irotection of American industry." I will inquire precisely what is meant by protecting American industry ? ;ainst what or against whom is American industry to be protected ? Who attacks o? oposes 10 attack American industry ? How is the attack made ? Is American iustry so feeble that it cannot, without assistance from the Government, protect elf? These are all vital questions. If no one is attacking American industry, it eds no protection. The forms of American industry are wonderfully diversified. le great body of the farmers of the country constitute a large element of what may called American industry, aad I know of no attack upon ihem so serious in its aracter as that made by the tariff ; and if the farmers need protection against any- ing it is against protection. There are thousands of printers in the country ; who attacks or proposes to ack them ? No one, except it be the tariff, which enhances the cest of material th which their industry is carried on, of the clothes which they wear, of the coal lich they burn, of the lumber with which their homes are built, of the salt which 3y consume, and of the books which they read. There are thousands of shibbuild- } in the country ; who attacks them and their interests, and from what enemy do 3y need to be protected? The deserted ship-yards of the East answer this ques- n— they need to be protected against protection, and that is all the protection By need The thousands and hundreds of thousands of carpenters and joiners, ot and shoemakers, blacksmiths, and the daily toilers with their hands, upon the id or upon the sea, are threatened with an attack against which, for their own otection, the intervention of the Government is necessary. I apprehend that should the Government levy a direct tax upon all the property the country, to be paid over directly to iron manufacturers, so that they might be I 498 REASONS IN FAVOli OF TAX REVISION. enabled to hold their own against the competition of the foreign manufacturers, bu a few would be found who would justify such an exercise of the power of tixatioi "When reduced to its exact practical operations, the protection of American industrj so called, is simply the forcible taking from the consumer of a portion of his earr Ings and handing it over to the manufacturer. The proposition to the consumer i simply this : We, the Government, will take from you 10 or 15 or 20 per cent, c your earnings and give it to the manufacturer, and he will spend it so much mor judiciously than you would ; that ultimately and in the process of time it will in som curious and circuitous manner which we have not the time to explain now, redoun more greatly to your advantage than it would had you spent it yourself and fc yourself. THE TAXES OF THE RICH. CHAPTER XLIY. THE TAXES OF THE RICH. 10 W THESE HAVE BEEN RELEASED FROM TIME TO TIME SINCE 1866 — NOW THE REPUBLICANS FAVOR THE FREEING OF WHISKEY. [From a Speech by W. C. P. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, July 8.] ^^ le Republican party claim the credit of large and repeated reductions of itSnal taxation. That the exact facts may be a matter of record, I ask leave t© ive printed the letter from Mr. Miller, Commissioner of Internal Revenue, to peaker Carlisle. During the years in which these reductions "were being made no burden has been moved from our tariff taxation, and the increased rates of duties imposed because ' these internal taxes have not been removed, though the internal tax has been pealed. And as this history given in this letter is carefully studied it will be perceived at as a rule these reductions removed burdens from capital and wealth, and ren- jred more improbable and diflEicult a revision of the tariff and a reduction of tariff xation, and more firmly riveted the present system of excessive protective duties )on the tax-payers and consumers. » Treasury Department, Office of Internal Revenue, Washington, May 3, 1888. Sir : I have the honor to submit herewith, in compiianne with your request, a state- 9nt of the amount of internal taxes abolished under the several acts of leg-lslatlon from ily 13, 1866, when the first act was passed "to reduce internal taxation," to March 3, 1883, e date of the last act to reduce such taxation, as shown— First. By ascertaining the differences, when practicable, between the receipts from tho veral sources affected by the legislation for the years in which the acts were passed, the rates of tax in force immediately prior to the passage of the acts, and the receipts at the new rates imposed by these acts would have yielded for the same years had ey been in force. Second. When, from want of necessary data, the foregoing method is imprac- able, by giving the differences in the receipts for the years immediately preceding and lowing the years in which the acts were passed effecting the reduction or repeal of said ces, except in cases where an act had not gone into full operation the first year after its 3sage, when the receipts for the next succeeding year are taken instead of those for the ar before it, and— Third. In cases where the tax is wholly abolished by giving the largest amount of reve- e collected from that source in any year as the measure of reduction. Taxation under the present internal revenue system culminated in 18C6, the receipts • that year amounting to f 310,906,984.17. Under the laws then in force taxes were levied raw products, upon all manufactures ; upon nearly all professions, trades and occupa- 500 THE TAXES OF THE EICH. tions, upon the entire receipts of transportation, express, insurance and telegraph co panics, of advertisements, bridsres and toll roads, and of lotteries, theatres and other pla( of amusement, upon auction sales and brokers sales of merchandise, stocks, bonds, forei exchange, promissory notes, gold and silver bullion and coin (and later upon sales of mat facturers, dealers, liquor dealers, etc.;, upon the income of individuals, upon bank profl dividends and additions to surplus funds, upon canal, railroad and turnpike compani dividends, interest on bonds and additions to surplus funds, upon insurance compani dividends and additions to surplus funds, and upon the salaries of United States oflBa and employes, upon articles of luxury kept for use, such as billiard tables, carriages, piai fortes and other parlor musical instruments, gold watches, yachts, gold and silver plate, up nearly every kind of legal instrument, upon promissory notes, bank checKS, fricti matches and proprietary medicines, upon legacies and successions, upon passports, up slaughtered cattle, sheep and swine, and upon the capital, circulation and deposits banks, private, State and narional. In a word, every available source of revenue was h under contribution to pay the interest on the public debt and to meet the other necessa expenses of the Government. This system was probably more far-reaching and compi tensive than any system of taxation ever before devised. The work of reducing internal taxation began August 1, 1868, and went on more or 1( rapidly until 1883. when, according to the following statement, taxes to the amount $320,717,187 per annum had been abolished, and the system relieved of its most burdensoi provisions. TAXES REPEALED FROM JULY 18, 1886, tO JtJLY 14, 1870. First. Manufactures and products : The largest and most important class of articl taxed during the fiscal year 1866 was that of manufactures and productions. Exclusive the tax on distilled spirits, fermented liquors, chewing and smoking tobacco, snuff, a: cigars it yielded that year S137,230,6U9. The articles included in it were almost innumerab One hundred and twenty-five were enumerated in the "schedule of articles subject to taj One other heading— "manufactures not enumerated"— included the rest. Under this els taxes were duplicated and reduplicated. Among the articles that yielded the large amount of revenue may be mentioned the raw products— coal, cotton, crude petroleui and sugar; and the manufactures— boots and shoes, cloths and other fabrics made of cc ton, same made of wool, ready-made clothing, illuminating gas, manufactures of iron, ( •distilled from crude petroleum, and coal. Taxesin this class were reduced by acts of July 13, 1866, and March 2, 1867. and we finally abolished by acts of February 3, 1868, March 31, 1868, and July 20, 1868, with t] exception of the tax on gas. This was not repealed until August 1. 1873. As a substitu lor the tax on manufactures a tax of one-fifth of 1 per cent, was imposed on the sales manufactures in excess of .f 5,000 per annum. Largest receipts in 1866 : amount, $137,230,61 Second, Gross receipts: Taxes varying from 1^ to 5 per cent, were imposed on tl gross receipts of canal, railroad, steamboat, express and insurance companies, of adv« tisements, bridges, ferries, stage coaches, etc Taxes reduced by acts of July 13, 18i March 2, 1867, and finally repealed by act of July 14, 1870. Largest receipts in fiscal ye 1866 ; amount, f 11,262,430.' Third. Sales: Sales of brokers on merchandise, produce, stocks, bonds, foreij exchange, gold and silver bullion and coin, auction sales, sales of dealers and liquor deale over 150,000 per annum were taxed at rates varying from one- twentieth to one-fourth o1 per cent, up to 1870. Repealed by act of July 14, 1870. Largt st receipts in fiscal year IS^ amount, f8,837.3P5. Fourth. Special taxes not relating to spirits, beer, and tobacco : An annual tax var ing from ^5 to $500 was imposed on nearly all professions and occupations. Few redu tions were made in these taxes b f ore their repeal. Abolished May 1, 1871, by act of Ju 14, 1870. Largest receipts in fiscal year 1866 » amount, $14,144,418. Fifth. Income: The tax on incomes from individuals was reduced by acts of Man 2, 18ft7, and July 14, 1870. It expired by limitation Decemb r 31, 1871. The tax of 5 per cent, on dividends and additions to surplus of banks, insurance, ra road, and other corporations was reduced by act of July 14, 1870, to 2K per cent, and expir by limitation at the same time as the tax on incomes from individuals. Largest receip in fiscal year 1866 : From individuals, $60,547,883 ; from corporations, $13,434,277 ; tot $72,982,159. Sixth. Legacies and successions : No reduction in this class before its repeal by act July 14, 1870. Largest receipts in fiscal year 1870 ; amount, $3,081,825. Seventh. Articles of luxury kept for use : Reduction by act of July 13, 1866; tax repealed by act of July 14, 1870. Largest receipts in fiscal year 1867 ; amount $3,116,674. Eighth. Slaughtered animals : No reduction under this class ; repealed by act of Ju 13, 1866. Largest receipts in fiscal year 1866; amount, $1,291,571. Ninth. Passports: The tax on passports was repealed by act of July 14, 1870. Large receipts in fiscal year 1866 ; amount, $31,149. Tenth. Stamp taxes : The stamp tax imposed on promissory notes for a less sum thi $100, and on receipts for any sum of money or for the payment of any debt, and the stan tax imposed on canned and preserved fish were repealed October 1, 1870, by act of Ju 14, 1870. Total receipts from stamp taxes for the fiscal year 1870 $16,544,043, And for the fiscal year 1872 16,177.321. Apparent reduction 366,733 THE TAXES OF THE RICH. 501 Secapifiilation of taxes repealed under the foregoing named acts. Taxes repealed on— Amount. nufactures and products ross receipts Special taxes not relating to spirits, tobacco and beer. Income Legacies and successions Articles of luxury kept for use fghtered animals ports , $127,230,609.00 11, 202, 4^30.00 8,837,;J95.00 14,144,418.00 73,983,159.00 3,091,825.00 2,116,674.00 1,291,571.00 31,149.00 Total abolished Add stamp taxes reduced And for increase on gas from 1866 to 1872 d for increase on raw cotton from 1866 to 1867. S^Xn, 1240,988,230 00 366,723.00 989,076.00 5,;359,424,00 Total repealed and reduced. $347,708,453.00 The receipts from the tax on gas in 1866 were $1,822,643, and in 1872, the year of largest receipts from this source, $2,831,719, showing an increase in the tax during this time of $989,076. So, also, the receipts from raw cotton in 1866 were $18,409,65.'), and in 1867, the year when the largest receipts were returned from this source, $23,769,079, showing an increase of $5,a59,424 over the receipts of the previous year. The sums then of $989,076 and of $5,359,424 have been added to the total of taxes repealed in accordance with the principle enunciated in paragraph 3, page 3. f REMOVAL or TAXES ON INCOMES AND OTHER LUXURIES. The following is a brief synopsis of the leading provisions in the above-named acts that effected this reduction : First. An act of July 13, 1866 : The largest reductions under this act were made on man- ufactures and products, by the repeal of the provisions in section 5, act of March 3, 1865, which imposed a tax of 20 per cent, on all articles, with few exceptions, enumerated In sec- tion 94, act of June 30, 1864, in addition to the rates imposed in that section, and by repeal- ing the tax altogether on certain articles in this class. The rate of tax on gross receipts of telegraph companies was reduced from 5 to 3 per cent., and on auction sales from one- fourth to one-tenth of 1 per cent., and on brokers' sales of merchandise from one-eighth to one-twentieth of 1 per cent. The tax of one-twentieth of 1 per cent, on brokers' sales of stocks, bonds, foreign exchange, promissory notes, or other securities, and of one-tenth of 1 per cent, on sales of gold and silver bullion and coin was reduced to one-hundredth of 1 per cent., when such sales were made by a broker, bank, or banker who had paid a special tax as such. The tax was repealed on the gross receipts of railroad and other companies for transportation of freight, on slaughtered animals, on carriages valued at $300 and less, on piano-fortes and other parlor musical instruments, and on yachts, pleasure and racing boats kept for use. Second. Act of March 2,1867: The list of articles added to the free list by act of July 13, 1866, was considerably increased by this act. The tax was repealed on the gross receipts of advertisements and toll roads, and was reduced on the gross receipts of bridges and fer- ries from 3 to 2}i per cent. A few additional taxes were imposed on sales. The income tax of individuals was reduced by raising the exemption from $(100 to $1,000, and by imposing a uniform rate of 5 per cent, on all taxable incomes over that amount, in lieu of the rates 5 per cent, on incomes over $600 and not over $5,000, and 10 per cent, on incomes over $5,000, an excess of $5,000 imposed by act of March 3, 1865. Third. Act of February 3, 1868: By this act the tax on cotton grown in the United States after the year 1867 was repealed. Fourth. Act of March 31, 1868 : All taxes on manufactures and productions, except dis- tilled spirits, fermented liquors, cigars, cigarettes, snuff, chewing and smoking tobacco, not before repealed, were abolished from the passage of this act, except the tax on gas, and mineral oils distilled from coal and crude petroleum. In lieu of these taxes repealed, how- ever, a tax of one-fifth of 1 per cent, was imposed on manufacturers' sales in excess of $5,000 per annum. Fifth. Act of July 2, 186?: The remainder of the tax on mineral oil distilled from crude petroleum, coal, etc., which was reduced one-half by the act of March 31, 1868, was repealed by this act. Sixth. Act of July 14, 1870 : By the provision? of this act tax was repealed on special taxes not relating to spirits, fermented liquors, and tobacco, on gross receipts, sales, legacies, and successions, articles of luxury kept for use, not before abolished, and on passports. The tax on income from individuals was reduced by raising the exemption from $1,000 to $2,000, and by imposing a tax of 2K per cent, on all taxable incomes over $3,000, in place of 5 per cent, on all taxable incomes over $1,000, under act of March 2, 1867. This act also reduced the tax from 5 to 3>^ per cent, on the dividends and additions to surplus funds of I 503 THE TAXES OF THE RICH. banks, canal, insurance, railroad, and turnpike companies, and on the interest on bonds of canal, railroad, and turnpike companies, and provided that the Income taJC should be levied and collected annually for the years 1870 and 1871, and no longer. It also reduced the stamp tax. (See paragraph 10, page 13.) The amount of reduction in the several classes named under each of the foregoing acts cannot be exactly determined for lack of necessary data in the returns. The largest receipts for any one year have, therefore, been taken as the measure of reduction. RKMOVAIi OF TAXES ON DRINKING AND SMOKING. Act of July 20, 1868, as amended by Act of April 10, 1869: Among the more Important provisions of this act were those reducing the rates of tax on distilled spirits from $3 to 50 cents per gallon, modifying the special taxes of distillers, and imposing a capacity lax on their distilleries and a tax of $4 per barrel on the annual production of spirits in excess of 100 barrels by each distiller. • ^ Under these changes in the law the quantities of distilled spirits returned for taxa- tion increased from 7,224,809 gallons in 1868 to 62,093,417 gallons in 1869, and 78,490.198 gallons in 1870, and the receipts from $18,655,631 in 1868 to $45,071,231 in 1869, and $55,606,094 in 1870. The most Important changes made in the rates of tax on tobacco and snuff were the reduction of the tax on snuff and the finer grades of chewing and smoking tobacco, con- stituting about two-thirds of the quantity of tobacco taxed, from 40 to 32 cents per pound,^ and the imposition of a tax of one-flfth of 1 per cent, on sales of cigars over $5,000 per annum, of manufactured tobacco over $1,000 per annum, of leaf tobacco over $10,000 per annum, and on the excess over $5,000 of the penal sum of bonds of manufacturers of tobacco. Under the operation of these and other modifications in the law the quantities of manufactured tobacco and snuff returned for taxation increased from 46,764,150 pounds in 1868 to 64,305,036 pounds in 1869, and 90.288.082 pounds in 1870, and the receipts from all sources relating to tobacco from 118,730,095 in 1868 to 123,430,708 in 1869, and $31,350,708 in 1870. This act provided that the tax on distilled spirits, snuff, chewing and smoking tobacco should be paid by stamps. The tax on distilled spirits was accordingly first paid by stamps November 1, 1868, and on manufactured tobacco and snuff November 33, 1868. Act of June 6, 1872: Under spirits this act repealed the special tax of distillers, the capacity or per diem tax on their distilleries, and the tax of |4 per barrel on every barrel produced by any distiller over 100 barrels a year, but increased the rate of tax per gallon from 50 to 70 cents. These changes were not probably made to affect the revenue from spirits, but to make the tax less burdensome to distillers. The changes made by this act in the rates of tax on tobacco were the substitution of a uniform rate of 20 cents per pound on all chewing and smoking tobacco for the two rates, 16 and 32 cents, imposed by act of July 20, 1868, the repeal of the tax on sales of cigars over $5,000 per annum, of manufactured tobacco over $1,000 per annum, of leaf tobacco over $10,000 per annum, and on excess of $5,000 of the penal sum of bonds of manufacr rers of tobacco, and the imposition of a special tax on retail dealers in leaf tobacco, and on peddlers of tobacco. Estimated reduction under tobacco: The quantity of chewing and smoking tobacco returned for taxation during the fiscal year 1872 was 93,655,905 pounds. The actual receipts from this tobacco at 16 and 33 cents per pound imposed by act of July 20, 1868, were: At 32 cents $18,177,476 77 At 16 cents 5,896,206 33 Total $24,073,683 10 Estimated receipts on 93,655,905 pounds at 20 cents 18,731,181 00 Showing a reduction of $5,342,502 10 Add for receipts from sales of cigars, manufactured tobacco, etc., in 1872 363,137 00 Total $5,705,639 10 "Deduct receipts of retail dealers in leaf tobacco and peddlers of tobacco in 1873 58,698 00 Actual reduction in receipts from tobacco $5,646,941 10 This act also repealed all stamp taxes imposed under Schedule B (documentary stamps), act of June 30, 1864, except the 2 cent stamp on bank checks, drafts or orders. Date of repeal October 1, 1872. The receipts for the first entire fiscal year after the date of repeal were those for 1874. Receipts from stamp taxes in 1872 $16,177 321 Receipts from stamp taxes in 1874 6,136 845 Showing a reduction of 810.040,476 This act raised the exemption on all sums deposited in savings banks; etc , in the name of one person from $500 to $2,000, and exempted certain borrowed capital. The annual reduction in the receipts from bank capital and deposits in consequence of these changes In the law was, as appears from a comp arison of the receipts from them in 1873 and 1873» «873,111. I Tnl I On I THE TAXES OP THE RICII. 503 Amount of tax returned on bank capital and deposits: In fiscal year 1873 ^ $4,619,364 ^- fiscal year 187.^ v 3,746,253 Reduction „ ." ^87:^.111 The tax on illuminating' gas was repealed by this act. Amount of reduction : f' On the stamp tax $10,040,476 On bank capital and deposits 873,111 , On tobacco 5,643^941 Total, exclusive of gas $16,560,1 FURTHER ErrORTS TO TREE WHISKEY FROM TAX. Act of March 1, 1879 : This act imposed a uniform rate of 16 cents per pound on all snuff, •chewing and smoking tobacco in lieu of 32 cents per pound imposed on snuff by act of July 20, 1868, and 24 cents per pound on chewing and smoking tobacco imposed by act of March 3, 1875. This act took effect May 1, 1879. hence the greater part of the receipts lor the last two months of the fiscal year 1879 was collected at the new rates of tax. The total quantity of manufactured tobacco and snuff returned for taxation during the fiscal year ended J une 30, 1879, was 120,398,458 pounds, as follows : Pounds. Pounds. Snuff at 32 cents ^ 2,215,111 Snuff at 16 cents 1 ,208,124 3,423,335 Manufactured tobacco at 16 cents 42,127,203 Manufactured tobacco at 20 cents 57 Manufactured tobacco at 24 cents 74,847,963 116,975,223 Total 120,398,458 ■ Estimates of tax on snuff and manufactured tobacco : At new rates, 120,398,458 pounds at 16 cents $19,263,753 At old rates, snuff 3,423,235 pounds at 32 cents $1,095,4:35 At old rates, manufactured tobacco 116,975,223 pounds at 24 cents 28,074,054 29,069,489 Reduction 9,906,736 t Act of May 28, 1880 : This act abolished warehousp, rectifiers,' wholesale liquor dealers', special bonded warehouse and imported spirit stamps, and the provision for the payment of 5 per cent, interest under joint resolution of March 28, 1878, on the tax upon spirits that had remained in warehouse more than one year, and provided certain allowances for leak- ,age in packages of spirits when they were withdrawn from warehouse. The receipts from the sale of the above-named stamps in 1880 were : Interest amounted to $330,689 Leakage, taking the average 158,994 " llowed for 1881, 1882 and 1883 1,300,144 i Total .• $1,789,827 Act of March 3, 1883 : This act reduced the tax on tobacco and repealed the stamp-tax on checks, friction-matchep, patent medicines, etc., and the tax on the capital and deposits of all banks and bankers, private, State, and national. Under tobacco, the tax on cigars was reduced from $6 to $3 per thousand, on cigarettes from $1.75 to 50 cents per thousand, and on snuff, chewing, and smoking tobacco from 16 to Scents perfpound, andthe speeial taxes of manufacturers of and dealers in tobacco were reduced on an average nearly 50 per cent. ESTIMATE OF THE REDUCTION ON TOBACCO. As this act, so far as it relates to tobacco, took effect May 1, 1883, most of the collections ■on tobacco during the last two months of the fiscal year 1883 were made under this act. The quantities of cigars, cigarettes, snuff, chewing and smoking tobacco returned for taxation during the fiscal year I8b3 were as follows : €igars and cheroots -. number 2,227,888,962 Cigarettes number 640,021,653 Snuff and manufactured tobacco pounds 170,361,5ii8 504 THE TAXES OP THE RICH. The number of special tax-payers were as follows: Manufacturers of cigars, 16,734; manufacturers of tobacco, 1.060 ; dealers in leaf tobacco, 3,383 ; dealers in leaf-tobacco, not over 25,000 pounds, 1,208; retail dealers in leaf-tobacco, 3 : dealers in manufactured tobacco, 449,613 ; peddlers of tobacco, first class, 7 ; second class, 538 ; third class, 647 ; fourth claes, 331. ESTIMATE OF RECEIPTS UNDER RATES OF TAX IN FORCE IMMEDIATELY PRIOR TO MAY 1, 1883. Cigars, 3,237,888,9?3, at $6 per 1000 $19,367,333 95 Cigarettes, weighing not over 3 pounds per 1.000, 639,903,503, at $1.75 per 1,000 1,119,839 38 Cigarettes weighing over 3 pounds per 1,000, 119,150, at $6 per 1,000 714 90 Tobacco and snuff, 170,361,558, at 16 cents 27,357,849 28 Total manufactured tobacco, cigars, etc $47,745,727 51 SPECIAL TAXES. Manufacturers of cigars, 16,724, at $10 $1 7,240 Ofl Dealers in leaf tobacco, 3,383, at 825 84,550 OO Dealers in leaf tobacco, not over 34,000 pounds, 1,308, at $5 6,040 OC Betail dealers In leaf tobacco, 3, at $500 1,500 OO Dealers in man uf actured tobacco, 449,613, at $5 2,348,060 OC Manufacturers of tobacco, 16,060, a: $10 10,600 OO PEDDLERS OF TOBACCO. First class, 7, at $50 a50 OO Second class, 528, at $35 13,300 Ofl Third class, 647, at $15 9,705 W Fourth class, 231, at $10 2,210 OO Total special taxes $2.543,455 00 Total from all sources at old rates $50,239,183 51 Estimate of receipts under rates of tax imposed by act of March 3, 1883. Cigars and cheroots, 3,227,888,992, at $3 $9,683,656 95 Cigarettes, weighing not over 3 pounds per 1,000, 639,902,503, at 50 cents per 1,000 319,951 21 Cigarettes, weighing over 3 pounds per 1,000, 119,150, at $3 357 4." Tobacco and snuff, 170,361,558, at 8 cents 13,638,934 64 Tot al manufactured tobacco, cigars, etc $33, 633,900 3S SPECIAL TAXES. Manufacturers of cigars, 16,724, at $6 $100,344 OC Dealers in leaf tobacco, 3,382, at $12 40,584 0( Dealers in leaf tobacco, not over 25,000 pounds, 1,208, at $5 9,040 C( Retail dealers in leaf tobacco, 3, at $250 750 0( Dealers in manufactured tobacco, 449,612, at $2.40 1,079,068 8( Manufacturers of tobacco, 1,060, at $6 6,360 0( PEDDLERS OF TOBACCO. First class, 7, at $30 $210 0( Second class, 528, at $15 ; 7.930 0( Third class, 647, at $7.20 4,658 4( Fourth class, 221, at $3.60 795 6( Total special taxes $1.246,730 8( Total from all sources at new rates $24,879,631 1* Total from all sources at old rates 50,289,183 5] Reduction $25,409,551 3J TAXES ABOLISHED. Receipts in fiscal year 1882 from stamp taxes $8,139,218 0( Capital and deposits of State banks and private bankers 5,349, 173 0( Capital and deposits of national banks 5,959,703 0( Total taxes reduced and repealed $44,757,644 35 THE TAXES OF THE RICH. 505 L.^„._ ! ^rer of tbe UnitPd states instead of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, so that they were never included in the receipts of this office. They w re, however, strictly an internal tax and should be included in the list of internal taxes repealed. RECAPITULATION. Date of approval of repealing and reducing acts. Amount of taxes re- duced and repealed. July i4, 1870 June 6, 1873.. March 1,1879. May3*», 1880.. March 3, 1883. March 2, 1867 ; February 3, 1868 ; March 31, 1868 ; July 20, 1868, and 1347,703,453 16,560,528 9,905,736 1,789,837 44,757,644 Total $320,717,187 Respectfully yours, JOSEPH S. MILLER, Commissioner. 606 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS CHAPTER. XLV. WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. A COMPLETE SHOWING BY SCHEDULE OF THE EEDUCTION PRO POSED IN THE BURDENS OF TAXATION. Tlie Free List Enlarged for the Benefit of WorMngmen ant Manufacturers^ with few Slight Reductions on Goods which are Made in this Country. The free list of the present tarifl includes 325 paragraphs of the law of 1883 In the Mills Bill 139 additional paragraphs are devoted to the free list, including only a very few more than this number of articles. The carrying, therefore, of thes< articles to the free list is simply an enlargement of the same, and not a making o it anew. It has been the policy of the country in constructing tariff laws, even those car rying the highest rate of duty, to include in the free list a large number of articles the importation of which is small, and the necessaries of life produced in othei countries and not in this. This same principle has been carried into the present bill, with the addition that certain raw materials of industry have been added tc the free list. The section given below represents all the additions made under the present bill : The following tables show in the first column the amount of tariff-tax paid on eacl 1100 worth of imported goods in 1887. The second column shows the amount to be paid under the Mills bill. Where no rate is given there were no importations last year or Tariff-tai which to calculate. Tariff-tax ARTICLES. gW'^^rth ;^^^ in 1887. ^"'^ ""'• Wood and manufactures of : Timber- Used for spars and in building wharves $ 20 00 Free. Hewn and sawed . . 30 00 " Square and sided, not specially enumerated or provided for 10 36 " Wood, unmanufactured 30 00 " Lumber — Boards, planks, deals, and other sawed timber, of hemlock, white- wood, sjxamore and basswood — Not planed or iinished 11 73 " WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. 507 Tariff-tax per .00 woii in 1887. ARTICLES. aioo'^woTih ''•5'^he^ 'in i««7 ^ Mills bill. ^HKot planed or flnished $ 16 18 Free ^K)E{ubs for wheels ; posts ; last, wagon, oar, gun, and heading-blocks, ^■F and all like blocks or sticks, rough-hewn or sawed only 20 00 •' ^^fetaves of all kinds 10 00 " Pickets and palings 20 00 " Laths li 87 " Shingles IG 89 " ipboards — *ine 7 98 " Spruce 10 98 " Salt in bags, etc 39 30 " Salt in bulk 79 68 " Flax straw 10 73 . '« Flax, not hackled , 9 05 " Flax tow 5 21 *' Hemp tow 6 37 " Hemp 16 59 <' Manila and substitutes 21 06 " Jute butts 19 13 " Jute ■ 20 00 " Sunn 15 45 *' Sisal grass 14 80 *' Other vegetable substances . - 13 66 " burlaps, not exceeding 60 inches 30 00 *' Jute machinery, not enumerated in present tariff 45 00 " Tin plates, terne plates, and taggers tin, of iron or steel 33 80 " Beeswax 20 00 " Glycerine, crude, brown or yellow 24 78 " Phosphorus 19 .52 " Crysilic wash or Sheep-dip 20 00 " Soap, hard and woft ... ; 20 00 " Hemlock, extract, tanning, etc 20 00 " Indigo, extract 10 00 " Indigo, carmine 10 00 " Oil, croton 62 ^0 " Hemp-seed and rape-seed oil 27 07 " Petroleum (included in oils) 10 00 " Alumina, alum, etc 40 96 " Mineral waters, imitation 30 00 " Baryta, etc., manufactured 10 00 " Borax, crude 26 05 " Borax, refined 42 49 " Boracic acid, commercial 80 51 " Boracic acid, pure .59 48 " Copper, sulphate of, blue vitriol 77 11 " Iron, sulphate of, copperas 56 67 " Potash- Crude 20 00 " Carbonate of, or fused '. 20 00 " Caustic 20 00 " Chlorate 24 93 '' Nitrate (crude) 85 30 " Sulphate 20 00 '< Soda — Sulphate, salt or nitre cake 20 00 " Sulphate, Glauber's salts 20 00 " Nitrite of, not enumerated " Sulphur, refined, in rolls 35 06 " Wood-tar 10 00 " Coal-tar — Crude 10 00 « Products, benzine, etc 20 00 Not colors or dyes 20 00 " 508 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. Tariff-tax ARTICLES. $looP^.'orth in 1887. Coal-tar — continued — Pitch of S 20 00 Logwood and other dye-woods, extracts and decoctions of 10 00 Alizarine, natural or artificial — now free. Turpentine, spirits of 11 77 Earths— Ocher, etc., dry 50 11 Umber, etc., dry 63 20 Sienna, dry 23 05 Oils- Olive oil 25 00 Cotton seed oil 62 50 Salad 25 00 Neats-foot oil 25 00 Seal oil 25 00 Whale oils 25 00 Barks, beans, etc 10 00 Crude minerals, etc 10 00 Clays or earths, unwrought 18 09 Opium, crude 43 76 Cotton ties or hoops for baling or other purposes, etc 35 00 Needles, sewing, darning, knitting, etc 25 00 Ores, copper 49 63 Ores, copper, regulus 70 57 Copper, old 51 57 Antimony as regulus, etc 10 00 Quicksilver 10 00 Chromate of iron 15 00 Metals, unwrought 20 00 Mineral substances, crude 20 00 Brick, other than flre-brick 20 00 German looking-glass plates of blown glass , Vegetables, fresh or brine 10 00 Chicory 65 17 Acorns and other substitutes for coffee 33 57 Cocoa, manufactured 7 13 Currants, Zante or other 27 48 Dates 26 84 Figs 35 83 Meats, game, and poultry 10 00 Milk, fresh 10 00 Egg yelks 20 00 Beans and pease 10 00 Split pease 20 00 Bibles, and books and pamphlets, not English, not enumerated 25 00 Bristles 15 08 Bulbs and roots, not otherwise provided for 20 00 Feathers, crude, ostrich 25 00 All other 25 OC Finishing powder 20 00 Grease, not elsewhere specified 10 00 Grindstones 14 73 Curled hair 25 00 Human hair, raw 20 00 Hempseed 15 07 Rape and other oil seeds 7 50 Garden seeds 20 00 / Osier, or willow for baskets 25 00 Broom-corn — not enumerated 10 00 Brush wood 10 00 Rags 10 00 Rattans and reeds 10 00 Stones, free, granite, etc., rough 21 22 Gut strings, except musical 25 00 Tallow 26 29 Waste, not otherwise provided for 10 00 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. 50& > Tarift-tax Tariff-tax ARTICLES. ,10f|rth .^^^.the^ hair of the alpaca, goat and other like animals, and manufactures of : Jnmanufactnred — Class 1, clothing wools: That is to say, merino, mestiza, metz or metis wools, other wools of merino blood, immediate or remote, Down clothing wools, and wools of like character with any of the preceding, including such as have been here- tofore usually imported into the United States from :3uenos Ayres, New Zealand, Australia, Cape of Good Hope, Russia, Great Britain, Canada and elsewhere, and also including all wools not hereinafter described or designated in classes 2 and 3— Value 30 cents or less per pound S54 78 Free. Value over 30 cents per pound 35 92 " "Washed wool — Value (before washing) 30 cents or less per pound 58 51 " Value (before washing) over 80 cents per pound 69 71 " Scoured wool — Value (before scouring:) 30 cents or less per pound 74 11 " Value (before scouring) over 30 cents per pound 60 92 "^ Class 2, combing wools : That is to say, Leicester, Cotswold, Lincolnshire, Down combing wools, Canada long wools, or other like combing wools of English blood, and usually known by the terms herein used, aud also hair of the alpaca, goat and other like animals — Value 30 cents or less per pound 43 23 Free. Value over 30 cents per pound 28 78 " Scoured wool — Value (before scouring) 30 cents or less per pound 66 18 '^ Class 3, carpet wools, and other similar wools : Such as Donskoi,native South American, Cordova, Valparaiso, native Smyrna, and including all such wools of like character as have been heretofore" usually imported into the United States from Turkey, Greece, Egypt, Syria, and elsewhere— Value 13 cents or less per pound 24 98 Free. Value over 12 cents per pound 27 69 " ^ficoured wool — Value (before scouring) 12 cents or less per pound 41 77 " Value (before scouring) over 12 cents per pound 22 79 " Wools on the skin, not enumerated " Rags, shoddy, mungo, waste 26 41 " Total wools, etc § 36 OS " Dutiable List, Schedule A. — Chemicals. lycerine, refined f 47 18 .cid, acetic, acetous, or pyroligneous acid, exceeding 1.047 sp. gr 88 46 astor beans or seeds ^^ W astor oil ^^^11 laxseed or linseed oil 54 79 icorice, paste or rolls 56 18 icorice juice, not enumerated ai-ytes, manufactured 50 17 hromate of potash *. 42 95 -J ichromate of potash • • . > \ ( cetate of lead, white 131 11 ^hite lead, when dry ) i^hite lead, mixed in oil 5 40 19 'range, mineral 70 00 ,ed lead '^'6 96 ithaige 83 .54 :itrate of lead 63 .34 lagnesia, medicinal carbonate 57 93 mesia, calcined - 40 36 m 30 44 2S 27 85 97 38 33 00 37 00 35 00 25 09 35 80 65 05 26 80 35 00 38 48 41 77 42 23 34 75 28 25 510 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. ,» Tariff-tax ARTICLES. Sioo'worth in 1887. Magnesia, sulphate of S 3S 74 •Prussiate of potash, red 35 26 Prussiate of potash, yellow 35 35 Nitrate of potash, retiaed 33 70 Sal soda 39 01 Bicarbonate of saleratus, pearlash 61 16 Hydrate or caustic soda 53 13 Soda, silicate ^ 39 57 Sulphur, sublimed 55 82 Ultramarine 51 76 Paris green — not enumerated 25 00 All other colors and paints Smalts or frostings Prussian blue Spanish, Indian red Venetian red Vandyke, cassel brown \- 25 00 Vermilion Water colors, in cakes , Satin, white, blanc fixe Oils and colors, in tubes Lampblack Zinc, oxide of, dry .'. 32 37 Zinc, oxide of, ground in oil 35 34 Cerates, etc 25 00 Kaolin, crude 45 00 Kaolin, manufactured 45 00 All ground spices 50 12 Proprietary preparations 50 00 Perfumery, cosmetics and toilet preparations Morphia or morphine 58 52 Acid, tannin or tannic 196 97 Schedule B.— Earthent^^are and Glassware. China, etc., omaraented $60 00 China, etc., plain 55 00 Brown earthenware, etc 25 00 All other earthenware 55 00 Encaustic tiles 35 00 ■Glazed tiles, ornamented, not enumerated (dutiable as earthenware) ... . 55 00 Slates, etc 30 00 Cylinder and crown, polished, above 24 by 30 to 24 by 60 61 59 All above that, none imported Cvlinder and crown, unpolished, 10 by 15 60 71 Cylinder and crown, 10 by 15 to 16 by 24 93 11 Cylinder and crown, 16 by 24 to 24 by 30 106 21 Cylinder and crown; above 24 by 30 108 50 Cast, polished, silvered plate — Above 24 by 30, not above 24 by 60 78 40 All above that ; .54 70 Porcelain, Bohemian, chemical glassware, etc 45 00 All other manufactures 45 00 Total earthenware and glassware S 59 55 $ Schedule C. — Metals. Iron, in pigs and kentledge — All other (except spiegeleisen) S 56 60 $ Bars or rails for railways — Other railway bars, weighing more than 25 pounds to the yard — Iron 93 00 Steel, or in part of steel 84 33 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. 511 Tariff-tax r^^y^g tn_ r iron — Bars, bloome, billets, or sizes or shapes of any kind, in the manufac- ture of which charcoal is used as fuel $ 51 06 $ 46 43 Eolled or hammered, comprising — Flats not less than 1 inch wide nor less than ^ of 1 inch thick... 58 34 51 05 Flats less than 1 inch wide or less than K of 1 inch thick ; round iron less than % of 1 inch and not less 7-16 of 1 inch in di- ameter ; and square iron less than % of 1 inch square 69 86 62 10- rs or rails for railways — Flat rails, punched — Iron 58 01 48 61 Tee-rails, weighing not over 35 pounds to the yard — Steel 74 48 51 70 Bars or shapes of rolled iron, not specially enumerated or pro- vided for, and round iron in coils or rods, less than 7-16 of 1 inch in diameter 55 36 45 00 2ets, plates and taggers' iron — Sheet-iron, common or black — Thinner than l'J4 inch and not thinner than No. 20, wire gauge. . 46 38 42 17 Thinner than No. 20 and not thinner than No.25, wire gauge 36 40 33 37 Thinner than No. 25 and not thinner than No. 29, wire gauge. . . 42 15 35 12 ;ets and plates, pickled or cleaned by acid, or by any other material r process, and cold-rolled — Sheets — Thinner than 1}4 inch and not thinner than No. 20, wire gauge. . 36 58 33 85 Thinner than No. 20 and not thinner than No. 25, wire gauge Thinner than No. 25 and not thinner than No. 29, wire gauge 78 55 67 32 ets or plates of iron or steel (except what are commercially known 5 tin-plates, terne-plates and taggers' tin), galvanized or coated with nc or spelter, or other metals, or any alloy of these metals — Thinner than 1}^ inch and not thinner than No. 20 wire gauge 82 39 55 67 Thinner than No. 20 and not thinner than No. 25 wire gauge 64 09 52 61 Thinner than No. 25 and not thinner than No. 29 wire gauge 10 78 9 57 ets of iron or steel, cold-rolled, cold-hammered, or polished in any ay, in addition to the ordinary process of hot rolling or hammering — Sheet- iron, common or black — Thinner than 1}4 inch and not thinner than No. 20 wire gauge Thinner than No. 20 and not thinner than No. 25 wire gauge Thinner than No. 25 and not thinner than No. 39 wire gauge. . . . 19 43 16 67 band, scroll, or other iron, 8 inches or less in width — ot thinner than No. 10 wire gauge 39 00 39 00 Thinner than No. 10 and not thinner than No. 20 wire gauge 47 21 42 49 Thinner than No. 20 wire gauge t-iron pipe of every description 28 88 17 33 Is, spikes, tacks, brads, or sprigs — Cut nails and and spikes of iron or steel 43 07 34 46 tacks, brads, or sprigs — Not exceeding 16 ounces to the thousand Exceeding 16 ounces to the thousand 80 21 35 00- way-tish plates or splice-bars of iron or steel 92 75 59 35 5 and washers of wrought-iron or steel 28 40 21 30 5e, mule, or ox shoes 54 95 41 21 es of wrought-iron or steel 53 55 40 16 lis 33 91 23 69 lors, and parts thereof, etc - 68 26 51 20^ ts, bolts, with or without threads or nuts, or bolt-blanks, and finish- ed hinges or hinge-blanks, of iron or steel 59 78 35 88 ksmiths' hammers, sledges, etc 15 81 9 49 s, parts thereof, axle-bars, axle-blanks, or forgings for axles, without •eference to the stage or state of manufacture, of iron or steel, and brgings of iron and steel, or forged iron of whatever shape, or in vhat stage of manufacture, not specially enumerated or provided or 62 29 37 3& eshoe nails, hob nails, wire nails, etc 76 26 47 67 ■S'c I 512 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. Tariflf-tax ARTICLES. SlOoTorth in 1887. Tubes or flues, or stays, of wrought-iron or steel— Boiler-tubes, or flues, or staj'S $ 70 97 Other tubes 20 12 Chain or chains of all kinds, made of iron or steel — Not less than M of 1 inch in diameter 47 1.5 Less than % cf 1 inch and not less than % of 1 inch in diameter 47 S3 Less than ^ of 1 inch in diameter 44 37 Saws, hand, back, etc 40 00 Files, file-blanks, rasps, and floats of all cuts and kinds — 4 inches in length and under 51 85 Over 4 inches in length and under 9 inches 64 97 9 inches in length and under 14 inches 53 30 14 inches in length and over 63 39 Beams, girders, joists, angles, channels, car-truck channels, TT columns and posts, or parts or sections of columns and posts, deck and bulb beams, and building forms, together with all stnictural shapes of iron or steel ; 102 75 Wheels of steel, and steel-tired wheels for railway pui-poses, whether wholly or partly finished, and iron or'steel locomotive, car, and other lailway tires, or partb thereof, wholly or partly manufactured 78 26 Bars, billets, blooms, blanks, ingots, etc., of steel, ingots, clogged ingots, blooms, or blanks, for railway wheels and tires, without regard to the degree of manufacture 101 22 Wire of iron, galvanized, 5 to 10 66 67 Smaller than No. 26 89 94 Wire of steel, galvanized, 10 bv 16 Ill 18 Wire of iron rope, galvanized, l6 by 26 62 38 Wire cloth and wire nettings, made in meshes of any form, of iron or steel wire — Smaller than No. 16 and not smaller than No. 26 wire gauge 100 75 Smaller than No. 26 wire gauge 69 95 Galvanized — Smaller than No. 16 and not smaller than No. 26 wire gauge 114 21 Not separately enumerated. Copper in plates, bars, etc 41 50 Cop per brazier plates 35 00 Lead, and manufactures of— Molten and old refuse lead, run into blocks and bars, and old scrap lead, fit only to be remanufactured 48 32 Lead ore and lead dross 59 27 Pigs and bars 68 97 Sheets, pipes and shot 60 82 Sheathing metal..- 35 00 Nickel, in ore, matte, or other crude form, etc., not enumerated Zinc, spelter or tutenegue : In blocks or pigs 46 35 Old worn out, tit only to be remanufactured 57 65 In sheets 70 99 Hollow-ware, coated, glazed or tinned 47 36 Needles — For knitting or sewing machines 35 00 Pens, metallic 43 10 Type metal 20 00 New type for printing 25 00 Manufactures of copper 45 00 Manufactures of iron and steel, not elsewhere specified — Machinery, not elsewhere specified 45 00 Wire rods of steel, not elsewhere specified 45 00 All other manufactures of iron 45 00 All other manufactures of steel 45 00 Manufactures of lead 45 00 Manufactures of nickel 45 00 Manufactures of pewter 45 00 Manufactures of tin , , 45 00 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. 513 Tariff-tax TaHfftaT ARTICLES. jlJ^^orth ^T'^^ Hafiufacturcs of zinc $ 45 OO $ 40 00 Manufactures of gold and silver 45 00 40 00 Manufactures of platinum 45 00 40 00 Manufactures of brass 45 00 40 00 Maniifactures of bronze 45 00 40 00 Iufacturcs of metal, not elsewLiere specified 45 00 40 00 j Total metals, etc ^ 40 77 I 38 47 Schedule D.— Woodenware. se or cabinet furniture, finished $ 35 00 § 30 00 ,r, granadilla, etc., manufactures of 35 00 30 00 Lumber — Boards, planks, deals, and other sawed lumber, of hemlock, white- wood, sycamore and basswood — Planed or finished on one side 21 77 7 26 Planed or finished on two sides 15 14 7 57 Planed on two sides, and tougued and grooved 8 00 4 40 other articles of sawed lumber, not elsewhere specified — Planed or finished on one side 26 10 5 23 Planed or finished on two sides 23 53 7 51 Planed on one side and tongued and grooved 26 65 8 88 Planed on two sides and tongued and grooved 28 95 13 83 other manufactures of wood 35 00 30 00 Total wood and woodenware $ 18 00 $ 17 40 it above— Schedule E.— Sugar. 75 degrees f 60 29 $ 49 50 76 degrees 55 60 45 64 77 degrees 68 28 55 91 78 degrees 60 59 49 .51 79 degrees 61 70 50 31 80 degrees 80 43 65 44 81 degrees 68 97 56 03 83 degrees 73 ."^ 7 58 68 83 degrees 70 41 56 98 84 degrees 88 73 71 69 85 degrees 79 91 64 46 86degrees 70 59 56 85 87 degrees 73 26 58 93 88 degrees 76 26 61 31 89deirrees 73 24 58 74 90 degrees 84 03 67 31 91 degrees : 79 49 63 59 93 degrees 77 46 61 90 93 degrees 73 76 58 09 94 degrees .... 78 33 63 44 95 degrees 84 36 67 10 96 degrees 78 73 63 63 97 degrees 79 65 63 31 98 degrees 83 45 66 36 99 degrees 86 17 68 35 Above No. 13 and not above No. 16 degrees 86 97 70 75 Above No. 16 and not above No. 20 89 43 71 54 Above No. 20 83 91 66 14 Total sugar • .|J3£4 +6£2 Molasses not above 56 degrees 28 04 20 00 Molasses above 56 degrees 47 26 35 45 Confectionery, above 30 cents 50 40 Confectionery, all other 71 40 Total sugar, molasses, etc $78 15 $ 63 00 514 "WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. Tariff-tax Tariff-taa ARTICLES. Sioo'^worth j^by th^. in 1887. ^"^^ ^^^^ Schedule G.— Provisions. Starch- Corn or potato f 94 54 $ 47 Z Rice, and otlier 97 90 39 1( Rice- Cleaned... 113 03 100 4^ Uncleaned 71 53 59 6( Rice, flour or rice meal 20 00 15 0( Paddy 134 50 107 6( Raisins 35 40 26 5{ Nuts— Pea-nuts, not shelled 78 05 58 5^ Pea-nuts, shelled 106 44 70 9( Mustard, ground or preserved 38 75 23 2' Total provisions I 24 33 $ 23 3S Schedule I.— Cotton and Cotton Goods. Cotton, manufactures of— Thread- Thread, yarn, warps, or warp yarns, whether single or advanced beyond the condition of single by twisting two or more single yarns together, whether on beams or in bundles, skeins, or cops, or m any other form — Valued at not exceeding 25 cents per pound $44 10 Valued at over 25 and not exceeding 40 cents per pound 43 30 Valued at over 40 and not exceeding 50 cents perJIpound 45 38 Valued at over .50 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound 45 31 Valued at over 60 and not exceeding 70 cents per pound 50 89 Valued at over 70 and not exceeding 80 cents per pound 49 55 Valued at over 80 and not exceeding $1 per pound .53 49 Valued at over $1 per pound 50 00 Cloth— Not exceeding 100 threads to the square inch, counting the warp and filling — Not bleached, dyed, colored, stained, painted, or printed, valued at 8 cents or less per square yard square yards. . 48 94 40 Bleached, valued at 10 cents or less per square yard 75 28 40 Dyed, colored, stained, painted, or printed, valued at 13 cents or less per square yard 73 31 40 Exceeding 100 and not exceeding 200 threads to the square inch, counting the warp and filling — Not bleached, dyed, colored, stained, painted, or printed, valued at 8 cents or less per square yard 56 19 40 Bleached, valued at 10 cents or less per square yard 55 76 40 Dyed, colored, stained, painted, or printed, valued at IS cents or less per square yard 49 23 40 Exceeding 200 threads to the square inch, counting the warp and filling— Not bleached, dyed, colored, stained, painted, or printed— Valued at 10 cents or less per square yard 57 54 40 Bleached — Valued at 12 cents or less per square yard 5188 40 I Dyed, colored, stained, painted, or printed — Valued at 15 cents or less per square yard 48 40 40 Thread on spools — Of 100 yards each spool dozens 53 82 40 j Total cottons ^39 99 $39 1 ) WHAT THSC MILLS BILL IS. 515 iln iSS SOHEBTjLE J.—HBMP, JtTTE, AXD Fl.Ay GrOODS. Hackled, knotm as dreissed line— • § 7 06 S2 00 own and bleached linens. ^ 35 (XJ 25 OO Tarn , ...» -M 00 15 (X) Hemp yam...^ ,, 85 0() 15 OO Jate yam... ,.«....... 35 00 15 00 Flax, thread, or twine.......... 40 00 25 00 Flaxmannfactnres.* 40 00 25 00 Oil-cloth foundations , , . . 40 00 35 00 Oil-cloth for floonj........ 40 00 35 00 Gunny cloth 25 00 Bags and bagging 40 00 15 00 Bagging, under 7 cents ,. 54 13 14 00 Tarred cables, etc ...- , 30 13 25 00 XJntarred manllhj- ,.,. 33 89 25 00 Untarred cordage, all other ,. 30 08 25 00 Sail dack or canvas for sails 80 00 25 00 Buseia and other Bheetingfi 35 00 25 00 GrasB cloth, etc 85 00 25 00 Burlaps, exceedii^ 60 inches , 40 00 25 00 Manufactures of mx^ hemp, etc :. 85 00 35 00 ManufactureB of grass . . » 30 00 25 00 Total flaji:, hemp and jute $28 10 $22 00 M ^^- SCHBDULE K.— WOOLES GOODS. imufacturefi — Clothi?, woolen— "Valued at not exceeding 80 cents per pound ^9 84 f 40 00 Valued at above 80 cenfe per pound 68 91 40 00 Shawls, woolen — Valued at not exceeding 80 cents per pound.... 88 44 40 00 Valued at above 80 cents per pound 65 41 40 00 Composed wholly or in part of worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other animal....... 6158 40 00 U manufactures of every description not spedally enumerated or pro- vided for, made wholly or in part of— Wool- Valued at not exceeding 80 cents per pound 88 81 40 00 Valued at above 80 cenfe per pound 64 46 40 00 Flannels Valued at not exceeding 30 cents per pound 73 42 40 00 Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cents per pound 66 20 40 00 Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound 67 69 40 00 Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cents*per pound 67 65 40 00 Valued at above 80 cents per pound 73 02 40 00 Blankets- Valued at not exceeding 2Q cents per pound 79 66 40 00 Valued at above 30 andnot exceeding 40 cents per pound 6385 4000 Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound 69 56 40 00 Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cents per pound 69 36 40 00 Valued at above 80 cents per pound 70 30 40 00 BLats of wool- Valued at above 80 and not exceeding 40 cents per poimd 40 00 Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound 73 04 40 00 Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cents per pound 66 32 40 00 Valued at above 80 cents per pound. — 58 07 40 00 Sjait goods, and all goods made on knitting frames — Valued a£ not exceeding 80 cents per pound 88 38 40 00 Valued at abovo 80 and not exceeding 40 cents per poxmd 65 30 40 0C> Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound 69 14 40 00 Valued at above 60 and not exceeding ^ cents per pound C9 63 40 00 Valued at above 80 cents per pound <® 58 40 00 I 516 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. Tariflf-tax ARTICLES. jieo^orth In 1887. Balmorals- Valued at above SO and not exceeding 40 cents per pound $67 73 Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound 65 59 Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cents per pound 68 1* Valued at above 80 cents per pound 66 85 Tarns, woolen and worsted — Valued at not exceeding 30 cents per pound 69 40 Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cents per pound 67 90 Valued at abo.ve 40 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound ., 68 08 Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cents per pound 69 08 Valued at above 80 cents per pound 68 79 All manufactures of every description not specially enumerated or pro- vided for, made wholly or in part of— Worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other animals (except such as are composed in part of wool) — Valued at not exceeding 30 cents per pound 76 49 Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cents per poimd 69 38 Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cents per pound. 68 28 Valued at above 6G and not exceeding 80 cents per pound 68 15 Valued at above 80 cents per pound 71 99 Bunting 80 75 Dress goods, women's and children's coat linings, Italian cloths, and goods of like description — Composed in part of wool, worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat or other animals — Valued at not exceeding 20 cents per square yard 67 89 Valued at above 20 cents per square yard 59 06 Composed wholly of wool, worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat or other animals, or of a mixture of them, and all such goods of like description, with selvedges made wholly or in part of other mate- rials, or with threads of other materials introduced for the purpose of changing the classification — Weighing 4 ounces or less per square yard 82 96 All weighing over 4 ounces per square yard 69 63 Clothing, ready-made, and wearing apparel of every description not specially enumerated or provided for, and balmoral skirts and skirting, and gopds of similar description, or used for like purposes. 54 18 Cloaks, dolmans, jackets, talmas, ulsters, or other outside garments for ladies' and children's apparel, and goods of similar description, or used for like purposes 67 74 Webbings, gorings, suspenders, braces, beltings, bindings, braids, gal- loons, fringes, gimps, cords, cords and tassels, dress trimmings, head nets, buttons or barrel buttons, or buttons of other forms for tassels or ornaments, wrought b> hand or braided by machinery, made of wool, worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other animals, or of which wool, worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other animals is a component material 66 31 Carpets and carpeting of all kinds — Aubusson, Axminster, and Chenille carpets, and carpets woven whole for rooms 47 14 Brussels carpets 59 03 Druggets and bockings, printed, colored, or otherwise 73 92 Mats, screens, hassocKs, and rugs, not exclusively of v^etable mate- rial 40 00 Of wool, flax, or cotton, or parts of either, or other material not specially enumerated or provided for 40 00 Patent velvet and tapestry velvet carpets, printed on the warp or otherwiae 56 10 Saxony, Wilton, and Toumay velv«t carpets square yards, 54 37 Tapestry Bmssele, printed on the warp or otherTsisn do 61 15 Treble ingrain, three-ply, and worsted chain Venetian caipets, do 45 79 Yarn, Venetian, aJid two-ply ingrain carpets do 44 70 Hemp and jute carpets do 84 76 Belts or felts, endless, for paper or printing machine* do 53 87 Total wool and woolens. fSS SI ^3S Total paper and manufactures of f 22 13 8 22 06 Schedule N.— Sundries. WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. 517 Tariff-tax Tariff-tax ARTICLES. ^^y>^r bythe in 1887. """^ ^^ Schedule M.— Books, Papers, etc. I paper and manufactures of : 1 Paper— rinting paper, unsized, used for books and newspapers exclnsively $ 15 00 | 12 00 zed or glued, suitable only for printing paper 20 00 15 00 oxes 35 00 25 00 Dvelopes ... 25 00 20 00 »per hangings, etc 25 00 25 00 ■Eand ornaments (except amber) s 50 OO $ 40 00 tacking 25 00 20 00 jnnets, hats, etc., no change in rates 30 00 30 00 "ooms 25 0(^ 20 00 rushes 30 00 20 00 ines, finished 35 00 20 00 ird clothing square feet, 44 12 35 00 ird clothing, steel tempered do 48 16 42 00 irriages and parts 35 00 30 (X) alls and toys » 35 00 30 00 ms of all kinds a5 00 30 00 5trich feathers 50 00 35 00 11 other dressed feathers 50 00 35 00 jalhers and artificial flowers ., 50 00 35 00 •iction matches..., a5 00 25 00 ioves, kid or leather 50 00 40 00 in wads 35 00 25 00 itta-percha manufactures 35 00 30 00 aman hair, clean or drawn 30 00 20 00 Oman hair, manufactured 35 00 25 00 •acelets, etc., hair 35 00 25 00 its, materials for (no change in rates) 20 00 20 00 at bodies, of cotton... 35 00 30 00 itters' plush t 25 00 15 0(J ks and ink powders 30 00 20 00 panned ware 40 00 30 00 arble, in block rough or squared — Veined.etc 51 97 40 16 Manufactures of 50 00 30 00 ipier-mache articles • 30 00 25 00 ircussion caps 40 00 30 00 lilosophical apparatus 35 00 25 00 ubreila ribs, etc 40 00 30 00 .1 other umbrellas, etc (Except silk and alpaca) 40 00 30 00 atches, etc. No change m rate » 25 00 25 00 ebbing of cotton, etc , 35 00 30 00 Total sundries §36 86 825 03 618 WHAT THJa: muuls bill is. n. ARTICLES IN WHICH NO CHANaE IS MADE. A LABGE JTOOJEE OF ARTIOtBS IS WHICH NO CHlAJfeE OF JHLATE IS MA BETWEEN THE FBESS3ST AND 'tKBi PROPOSED TABIPF, The preceding lisli is the result of a careftil computation, not only of esdati rates from importations made during the last fiscal year for which fall reports ht been cwnpiled, but an equally careful one as to the probable effeet upon impoi tions under the rates proposed. ' : - ■ ; The following flat is given in order that there may be no excuse for misapp biension on the part of anybody as to those articles, the duty on which rema unchanged under the present law. Tias list has been prepared with equal care a shows that ttie rates on a large number of articles are not changed under the p posed bilL SaF^n. o. p, i, «. not otherwise provided for* TariS-tax on eat A UTin 'PC tlOO woirai under 1 iu&iiui.i!^, M^sent law and 1 Mill a bi 3CHEDUJJB A. Glue eSO Gelatine, and all similar preparations - » ♦... 30 Figh glue or isinglass 25 Soap- Castile .,,.. 30 Fancy, perfumed and all descriptions of toilet 85 Sponges - 20 Sumac — • " • Ground " 13 Extract 20 Ajcid — Acetic, acetous or pyroligneous not exceeding the speciflc gravity of one and forty-seven one-thousandths — 17 Citric 28 Tartaric 38 Cam phor, refined , 8i Cream of tartar , 23 Dextrine, burnt starch, gum substitute or British gum 31 Glucose or grape nugar 20 Oil of Bay leaves, essential, or Bay Rum essence or oil. . „ 53 Soda and Potassa, tartrate of rocnelle ^alt 14 Strychnia, or strychnine, and all salts thereof 30 Tartars, partly refined, including less crystals. 19 Ammonia- Anhydrous, liquifted by pressure 20 Aqua, or water of 20 Muriate of^ or sal-ammoniac ^,.. . 10 Carho;iateof , 5S) Sulphate of ^ 20 AsbeBtos, manufactured 35 Cement, Roman, Portland and all others 20 Whiting and Paris White- Dry 1^34 Ground in oil or putty 13 Prepai*ed chalk, precipitated chalk, Fi-ench chalk, red chalk, and all other chalk preparations which aru not specifically enumerated or provided formfliis act 20 Chromic acid. 15 Cobalt, oxide of......' 20 Potash, hydiiodate, iodide, andlodateof ^... 16 Soda-aah.. >... 28 WBA.7 THE MILLS BILL IS. 519 ARTICLSS. ^^,^^ Hfepar ^V' BCLUebHI. ^■jlJotar oolora or dyes by whatever name known and not epeciflcallv ^BfljQtmierated or provided for in tliis act , I 86 00 lie pigment known as bone black, and ivory drop black, and bone cbar 36 00 cber and ochery eartlis, xunber and nmber earths, and sienna and glenna f earths when ground in oU 10 65 arations known as esBential oils, expressed oils, distilled oils, rendered ' 5, (except, Olive oil, salad oil, whale oil, seal oil and neats foot oU) alies, alkaloids and all combinations of any of the foregoing and all emical compounds and salts, by whatever name known, n, o. p.." 35 00 " or days, wrought or manufactured, n. o. p 94 ^ Icoholic preparations — Alcoholic perfomery. including cologne water 63 35 Distilled spirits, containing fifty per cent, of anhydrous alcohol 164 61 Alcohol, containing ninety-four per cent, of anhydrous alcohol 171 85 Alcoholic compounds, n. o. p 61 89 tiloroform , 4.. . . . . 41 67 DUodion, and all compounds of pyroxyline, by whatever name known 5 17 Kolled or in sheets, but not made up into articles U 48 When in finished or partly finished articles 81 54 ther, sulphuric '..-, ...^ 47 50 oflinan's Anodyne ♦ •doform v,..- 57 32 ther, nitrous, spirits of , QO 00 intonine ., 174 86 mylic acohol, or fusel oil 10 00 il of cognac, or oenanthic ether 683 33 Tiit ethers, oils or essences 329 40 il or essence of rum 400 00 ihers of all Muds, n. o. p 61 62 )loring for bi-andy 50 00 •eparations — .1 medicinal preparations, known as essences, ethers, extracts, mixtures, spirits, tinctures and medicated wines, of which alcohol is a component part, n. o.p 907 12 imishes of all kinds 40 00 )irit Tarnishes 95 30 )ium, prepared for smoking and all other preparations of opium not specially enumerated or provided for In this act 110 92 Jium, Aqueous extract of, for medicinal uses and tincture of, as laudanum and all liquid preparations of opium not specially enumerated or pro- vided for In this act 40 00 SCttEDULE B — Bi-RTHENWABE A5fD GLASS^VABB. Dneware, above the capacity of ten gallons ^ 20 00 re brick, and roofing and paving tile, n. o. p ; 80 00 )ofing slates 96 00 een and colored glass bottles, vials, demijohns and carboys (covered or un- covered, pickle or preserve jars,and other plain moulde"^d or pressed green and colored bottle glass, not cut, engraved or painted, n. o. p 56 54 If filled, and not otherwise in this act provided for 56 54 int and lime glass bottles and vials and other plain moulded or pressed flint or lime glassware, n. o. p 40 00 If flUedj and not otherwise in this act provided for, said articles shall pay exclusive of contents, in addition to the duty on the articles 40 00 tides of glass, cut, engraved, painted, colored, printed, stained, silvered or gilded, not including plate-glass (except German looking-glass platee made of blown glass and silvered) 45 00 I glass bottles and decanters, and other like vessels of glass shall. If filled, pay the same rates of duty in addition to any duty chargeable on the contents, as if not filled, except as in this act otherwise specially pro- vided for. 580 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. Tariff-tax on ea< A X? TT r-T XT c 1^00 worth under 1 AKin^i.£.S. present law and i Mills bi Cylinder and crown glass, polished, not exceeding. 10x15 inches ^qnare $7 Above that and not exceeding 16x24 inches square 16 Above that and not exceeding 24x30 inches square 18 Above that and not exceeding 24x60 inches square 61 Unpolished cylinder, crown and common window glass not exceeding 10x15 inches square 60 Fluted rolled or rough plate glass, not exceeding 10x15 inches square 14 Above that and not exceeding 16x24 inches square Above that and not exceeding 24x30 inches square All above that^ Cast polished plate glass, unsilvered, not exceeding 10x15 inches square Above that and not exceeding 16x24 inches square Above that and not exceeding 24x30 inches square Above that and not exceeding 24x60 inches square All above that Cast polished plate glass, silvered or looking glass plates not exceeding 10x15 inches square Above that and not exceeding 16x24 inches square Above that and not exceeding 24x30 inches square But no looking glass plates or plate glass silvered, when framed, shall pay a less rate of duty than that imposed upon similar glass of like description not framed, but shall be liable to pay in addition thereto 3U per cent, ad valorem. SCHEDULE C— METALS. Iron ore, including manganiferous iron ore, also the dross or residuum from burnt pyrites Sulphur ore, as pj rites or sulphuret of iron in its natural state containing not more than three and one-half per cent, of copper Provided, That ore containing more than two per cent, of copper shall pay in additition thereto two and one-half cents per pound for the copper contained therein. Spiegel-eisen, wrought and cast scrap iron, and scrap steel But nothing shall be deemed scrap iron or scrap steel except waste or refuse iron or steel that has been in actual use and is fit only to be manufactured. Bar iron, rolled or hammered, comprising round iron not less than three- fourths of one inch in diameter, and square iron not less than three-fourths of one inch square Provided, That all iron in slabs, blooms, loops or other forms less finished than iron in bars and more advanced than pig iron, except castings, shall be rated as iron in bars, and pay a duty accordingly ; and.none of the above iron shall pay a less rate of duty than thirty-five per cent, ad valorem. Boiler or other iron sheared or unsheared, skelp iron, slieared or rolled in grooves Sheet iron thinner than No. 29 wire gauge Sheet iron or steel, galvanized or coated with einc or spelter, thinner than ) 25, wire gau^e ) Polished, planished or glanced sheet iron, or sheet steel by whatever name designated Provided, That plate or sheet or taggers iron by whatever name designated, other than the polished, planished or glanced herein provided for, which has been pickeled or cleaned by acid or by any other material or process and which is cold rolled, shall pay one-quarter cent per pound more duty than the corresponding gauges of common or black sheet or taggers iron. Corrugated or crimped sheet iro» or steel Hoop, or band or scroll, or other iron, eight inches or less in width and not thinner than number ten, wire gauge Provided, That all articles not specially enumerated or provided for in this act, whether wholly or partly manufactured made from sheet,plate, hoop, band, or scroll iron herein provided for, or of which such sheet plate band or scroll iron shall be the material of chief value shall pay one-fourth of one cent per pound more duty than that imposed on the iron from which they are made or which shall be such material of chief value. WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. 521 Tariff-tax on eaeh \-DTrm vops, strips and sheets of all gauges and widths, plates of all thick- ^^B&ses and widths, steamer cranks and other shafts, wrist or crank pins, ^^fcneeting rods and piston rods, pressed, sheared or stamped shapes, or ^Hanks of sheet or plate steel or combination of steel and iron punched ^^Fiiot punched, hammer moulds or swaged steel, gun moulds, not in bars, ^^poys used as substitutes for steel tools; all descriptions and shapes of ^l^s and loam or iron moulded steel castings; all of the above classes of i^^eel not specially provided for in this act, valued at four cents a pound or less 45 00 Ibove four cents a pound and not above seven cents a pound 34 87 Talued above seven cents a pound and not above t«n cents per pound-. 29 96 ^bove ten cents per pound 3X per lb. 18 30 Provided, That on all iron or steel bars, rods, strips or steel sheets of what- ver shape, and on all iron or steel bars, of irregular shape or section, cold oiled, cold hammered, or polished in any way in addition to the ordinary trocess of hot rolling or hammering, there shall be paid one-fourth of a cent per )6und in addition to the rates provided in this act; and on steel circular saw ilates there shall be paid one cent per pound in additiion to the rate pro- Ided in this act. ron or steel rivet, screw, nail and fence wire, rods, round in coils and loops not lighter than number five wire gauge, valued at three and one-half cent* or less per pound 31 47 Jcrews, commonly called wood screws, two inches or over in length 26 17 )ne inch and less than two inches in length. 61 17 )ver one-half inch and less than one inch in length 54 05 )ne-half inch and less in length 44 59 Ton or steel wire, smaller than number five and not smaller than number ten wire gauge 26 34 Smaller than number ten and not smaller than number sixteen wire gauge. . . . 45 04 smaller than number sixteen and not smaller than number twenty-six wire gauge 38 26 Smaller than number twenty-six wire gauge 6 80 Provided, That iron or steel wire, covered with cotton, silk or other naterial, and wire commonly known as crinoline, corset and hat wire, shall )ay four cents per pound in addition to the foregoing rates; and provided urther, that no article made from iron or steel wire, or of which steel or iron 3 a component part of chief value, shall pay a less rate of duty than the iron or teel wire from which it is made, wholly or in part; and provided further, that ron or steel wire cloths and iron or steel wire nettings, made in meshes of any orm, shall pay a duty equal in amount to that imposed on iron or steel wire tf the same gauge, and two cents a pound in addition thereto. There shall be )aid on galvanized iron or steel wire (except fence wire) one-half of one cent )er pound in addition to the rate imposed on the wire of which it is made. On ron wire rope and iron wire strand one cent per pound in addition to the •ates imoosed on the wire of which it is made. On steel wire rope and wire trand two cents per pound in addition to the rates imposed on the wire of vhich it is made. The MILLS BILL adds the following provision :— iron and steel wire and iron and steel wire galvanized and all manufacture of iron and steel wire and of iron and steel wire galvanized, shall pay the duties now provided by law. Provided, that no such duty shall be in excess of sixt;^ per cent, ad valorem. Bteel not specially enumerated or provided for m this act 45 00 I WHAT THE MUiLfi BIUL I8» Tas4fE-*Kx on ea Mm.- bl Ajgentine Albata, or German silver mrmannfacttU'ed All composition metal of which copper is a component material of chief value 13. o. p ^..,-.. ^. All manulActnres of copper or of which copper shall be acomponent of chief value not specially enumerated or provided foe in this act Brass^ in bars or pig, old brass and clippings from brass oi Dutch metal -j Nickel, ni<^el oxide alloy of any kind in which nickel is the element of chief value ...., Bronze powder... Cutlery, n. o. p...,. , Dutch or bronze metal in leaf ., Steel plates, engraved, stereotype plates Gold leaf .' Muskets, rifles and other firearms, n. o. p Ail sporting breach loading shot guns and pistols of all kinds Forged shot gun barrels, rough bored Pen knives, pocket knives of all kinds and raaors , Swords, sword blades and sidearms Pen holders tips and pen holders or parts thereof Pins solid head or other , Brittannia ware and plated and gilt articles and wares of all kinds. , Silver leaf... SCHBBUliB D — WOOD AMD WOODESWAKBS. When lumber of any sort ia planed or finished in addition to the rates herein provided there shall be levied and paid for each side so planed or finished fifty cents per one thousand feet, board measure And if planed on one side and tongued and grooved, one dollar per one thous- and feet board measure And if planed on two sides, and tongued and grooved, one dollar and fifty cents per one thousand feet board measure The MILLS BILL adds the following provisions :— That if any export duty is laid upon the above mentioned articles or either of them by any countrv whence imported, all said articles imported from said couunry shall be subject to duty as now provided by law. House and cabinet furniture in piece or rough and not finished Casks and barrels, empty, sugar-boxes, shocks and packing boxes and pack- ing box shooks of wood, not specially enumerated or provided for in this act SCHEDULE B. — SDGAB. The MILLS BILL adds the following provisions :— Provided, that if an export duty shall hereafter be laid upon sugair or molasses by any country from whence the same may be imported, such sagar or molasses so imported shall be subject to duty as provided by law at the date of the passage of this act. Sugar candy, not colored SCHBDCL.E p.— TOBACCO. Cigars, cigarettes and cheroots of all Muds, paper cigars and cigarettes,,includ- }^ ing wrappers .* ) Leaf tobacco, of which eighty-five per cent, is of the requisite size and of the necessary fineness of texture to be suitable for wrappers and of which more than one hundred leaves are required to weigh a pound, if not stemmed . . . If stemmed. None imported in '87. . All tobacco in leaf, unmanufactured and not stemmed Tobacco stems Tobacco, manufactured, of all descriptions, and stemmed tobacco not spec- ially enumerated or provided for In this act ■WHAT THJi MHOiS BILL IS. 628 Tafiff-tatx oa each AXiiClJtS. pre^eBt law aad the '^ Mills blU. inuff OT Biiuff-flotir, manufactured of tobacco gronnd, dry or damp and pickled, scented aaid otberwise, of all descriptions $150 04 rot>acco, nmnantifieujttu'ed, n. o. p. so 00 SCHBDULE G.— PBOViaiONS ijiliaals, live ..........;.. , 20 00 leat^ extract of. gO 00 ^eese ^ ,,..... 80 U Intter and sobstitutee therefor 24 78 .ard 18 91 Theat...... ;, 17 16 iyeand barley , .. 16 80 iarley, pearled, patent or hulled , , i 28 arley, malt, per bushel of thirty-four potinds 27 38 Qdiah com or maize.. , 17 98 'ats , 39 51 ommeal , 15 98 atcaeal , 13 17 ,ye aour TheatflDnr ^. 20 00 :ay 19 89 [onev .', , , ,51 38 [ops* 43 64 LiUc, preserved or condensed ; 20 00 ish- Mackerel 28 03 Herrings, pickled or salted — li 32 Salmon, pickled. 13 68 Other fish pickled in barrels ,. 30 07 Foroign-canght fish, imported othermae than in barrels or half barrels, whether fresh, smoked, dried, salted or pickled, n. o. p 17 94 Anchovies and sardines, packed in oil or otherwise in tin bozdo measaring not more than live inches long, fonr inches wide and three and one-half inches deep 26 95 In half boxes rae^anrinff not more than Ave inches long, fonr inches wide and one and five-eighths deep 21 76 In quarter boxes measuring not more than four inches and three-quarters long, three and one-half inches wide, and one and a quarter deep, two and one- half cents each .,..,... 29 14 When imported in any other form 40 00 Fish preserved in oil, except anchovies and sardines... — 30 00 Salmon and all other fish prepared or preserved, and prepared meats of all kinds, n. o. p 25 00 ckles and sauces of all kinds n. o. p 35 00 >tato«s— 15 eents per bushel, amountliftg apon tbe Importation ofl$87to Se 58 igetables prepared or preserved of all kinds n. o. p •> « . 30 00 negar 36 56 ocolate 7 67 aits — Dranges in boxes of capacity not exceeding two and one-half cubic feet 23 72 in one-half boxes, capacity not exceeding one and one-fourth cubic feet 20 43 JQ barrels, capacity not exceeding that of the one hundred and ninety-six pounds flour barrel ,. ; • • ^ 28 -icmons — in boxes of capacity not exceeding two and one-half cubic feet — 16 15 Ji one half boxes, capacltv not exceeding one and one-fourth cubic feet 16 80 nbulk 8.S00 .■emons and oranges, in packages, n, o. p 20 00 uimes and grapes 20 00 ''ruits preserved in their own juices and fruit juice 20 00 k)mfit6, sweetmeats, or fruits preserved in sugar, spirits, syrup or molasses t otherwise specified or provided for in thb act and jellies of all kinds. . 85 00 524 "WHAT -tHE MILLS BILL IS. Tartff-tax on ea AMTim Vtl |100 •worth uiider AKllULii-b. present la-*- tuid Mills bi Nuts- Almonds, shelled v § 50 Filberts and walnuts of all kinds 54 Nuts of all kinds, shelled or unshelled. n. o. p. . . .' 44 SCHEDULE H— LIQUORS. Champagnes and all other sparkling wines, in bottles containing each not more than one quart and more than one pint 54 Containing not more than one pint and more than one-half pint 50 Containing one-half pint each or less 51 In bottles containing more than one quart each in addition to seven dollars per dozen bottles. 2 25 per gallon excess 71 Still wines in • casks 29 Still wines in bottles one dollar and sixty cents per case of one dozen bottles, containing each not more than one quart and more than one pint, or twenty-four bottles containing each not more than one pint; and any excess beyond these quantities found in such bottles, shall be subject to a duty of live cents per pint or fractional part thereof, but no separate duty shall be collected on the bottles. Vermuth, the same duty as on still wines | H Wines, brandy and other spirituous liquors, imported in bottle, shall be packed in packages containing not less than one dozen bottles in each pack- age, and all such bottles, except as specially enumerated or provided for in this act, shall pay an additional duty of three cents for each bottle. Brandy, and other spirits manufactured or distilled from grain or other mate- rials, and not specially enumerated or provided for in this act, two dollars per proof gallon 80 On all compounds or preparations of which distilled spirits are component part of chief value, n. o. p. there shall be levied a duty of not less than that imposed upon distilled spirits. Cordials, liquors, arrack, absinthe, kirschwasser, ratafia, and other similar spirituous beverages or bittei-s containing spirits, n. o. p. two dollars per proof gallon. 85 Bay-rum or bay-water, whether distilled or compounded, one dollar per gallon of first proof, and in proportion or any greater strength Ihan first proof 156 Ale, porter and beer, in bottles or jugs of glass, stone or earthenware, thirty- five cents per gallon 41 Otherwise than in Dottles or jugs of glass, stone or earthenware 63 Ginger ale, or ginger beer 20 But no separate or additional duty shall be collected on Iwttlee or jugs ooa- laining the same, SCHEDULE 1 — COTTOM AND OOTTOK GOODS. On stockings, hose, half-hose, shirts and drawerSj and all goods made on knit- ting machines or frames, composed wholly or cotton, and not herein other- wise provided for 40 On stockings, half-hose, shirts and drawers, fashioned narrowed, or shaped wholly or in part by knitting machines or frames, or knit by hand, and composed wholly of cotton , 35 Cotton cords, braids, ginaps, galoons, webblnff, goring, suspenders, braces, and all manufactxires ofcotton, ru o. p., and corsets of wnateref" material composed- SJ Cotton laces, embroideries, Insertings^ trimmings, lace window curtaina, cot- ton and damask, hemmed handkerchiefe, and cotton velvet 40 Cufls, collars, shirts and other manufacturas of wearing apparel, made In whole or in part of linen, ru o. p., and bydranllc hose 85 Flax or linen laces and insertings, embroideries or manufactures of linen, if embroidered or tamboured in the loom or otherwise, by machinery or with the needle or other process, n. a p 80 Seines and seine gilling twine 25 WHAT THE MILLS BILL IS. 525 Tariff-tax on each JSntp and jnte carpeting, six cents per square yard. Carpets and carpetings, of wool, flax or cotton, or parts of either or other material, not otherwise herein specified $40 00 |;her mats not exclusively of vegetable material, rugs, screens, covers, hassocks 40 00 )a ARTICLES. SCHEDULE K. — WOOL AND WOOLENS. SCHEDULE L.— SILK AND SILK GOODS. ^100 worth under the preeent law and the mils bilL artiallv manufactured from cocoons, or from waste silk, and not further advanced or manufactured than carded or combed eilk, fifty cents per pound 19 0& ;wrn silk in gum, not more advanced than singes, tram organzine, sewing ' silk, twist, floss in the gum, and spun silk, eilk threads or yarns of every description, purified or dyed 30 OO stings, mohair cloth, silk twist or other manufactures of cloth, woven or made in patterns of siich size, shape or form, or cut in such manner as to be fit for buttons exclusively 10 OO lU goods, wares and merchandise, n. o, p., made ol silk, or of which silk is the component material of chief value 50 00; SCHEDULE M. — BOOKS^ PAPERS, ETC. ooks, pamphlets, printed in English, bound or unbound, and all printed mat- ter n. o. p., engravings, bound or unbound, etchings, illustrated books, maps and charts 25 Oft 'he MILLS BILL alters as follows:— ibles, books and pamphlets, printed in other languages than English, and books and pamphlets and all publications of foreign governments, and publications of foreign societies, historical or scientific, printed for gratuitous distribution Free list. lank books, bound or unbound, and blank books for press copying 20 00 aper, manufactures of, or of whi«h paper is a component material, n. o. p 15 00 heathing paper 10 00 aper hangings and paper for screcDs or fire-boards, paper antiquarian,, demy, drawing, elephant, foolscap, imperial, letter, note, and all other paper n. o. > 25 00 ulp, dried for papermakers' use 10 00 SCHEDULE N.— SUNDRIES. labaster and spar stationery and ornaments 10 00 askets and all other articles composed of grass, osier, palm leaf, whalebone, or willow, or straw, n. o. p 80 00 ladders, manufactures of 25 00 one, horn, ivory, or vegetable ivory, all manufactures of, n. o. p - 30 00 onnets, hats and hoods for men, women and children, composed of chip, grass, palm leaf, willow or straw, or any other vegetable, substance hair, whalebone or other material, n. o. p 80 00 ouillons, or cannetille, metal threads, file or gesplnst 25 00 urr-stones, manufactur«d or bound up into mill-stones 30 00 uttons and button molds, n. o. p., not including brass, gilt or silk buttons. . . 25 00 andles and tapers of all kinds 20 00 ard cases, pocket books, shell boxes, and all similar artcil^s, of whatever material composed, and by whatever name known, n. o. p 35 00 hronometers, box or ships, and parts thereof 10 00 locks and parts of clocks 30 00 oach and harness furniture of all kinds, saddlery, coach and harness, hard- ware, silver-plated, brass, brass-plated, or covered, common tinned, bur- nished or jappaned, n. o. p 35 00 3al slack or culm, such as will pass through a half-Inch screen 39 86 Dal, bituminous and shale 24 81 Dke 20 00 3mb8 of all kinds 30 00 impositions of glass or paste, when not set 10 00 I 486 WHAT x£tE isnas mM$ is. ARTICLES, ^^i^ Ooiftlj ctita DianttfteetiUfSi, br 66fc». ...... v. — ...-«...*-...♦.•...*«.-...»....*..., f S5 Corks, &tiacorkbArk,nianufec1raTea..»^....v... ^...►^, ,*....»,...^..v.. 85 Crayons of all Irinda^.,,*..*,*.^,.*.*.. ^,,*.,., **».....♦««.»......« 80 Dice, dwiuglits^ chesBmei^ clbess balls, biUSard &nd bagatelle ballB^ of iyoty or bone.,. ,...».^,.,..»..^^,.--**«,,». . Total importatlonis of fiscal year 1887 of du- tiable articlea. Values. §18,864,357.96 18,056,150.43 55,111,923.87 7,697,357.06 74,343,379.30 39,165,566.07 80,308,85L88 88,807,287.55 60,586,018.61 5,314,635.31 Duties Received. Amount of duties re- mitted by ttiCsbilL $6,199,811.99 7,776.203.43 23,469,401.89 1,885,858.19 58,016,686.34 9,529,091.81 13,081,297.43 mdries 59,580,006.88 Total free-list.. Total. |§397,534,933.17iei79,741,830.71 35,629,534.13 1,154,369.41 16,001,597.36 Total dutiabla fe307,534,933.17'$179,741,380,71]30,833,791.38'86,584,783.08 45.31 To,<-ol ^'^rt^H^* ia riKQ OAK fit \ Average ad i valorem : rate of duty Estimated \ under— amount of '^_ „ duties un- i dertbisbill.j . j % ! 2 i 9 59.55 a785, 153.68'S1,090,103.79 970,343,J39 4,598,310.69 1,367,388.071 6,478,680.88 40.77 45,5S7.1S 360,317.95 11,759,799.76,46,358,493.51 369,600.101 1,494,666.23 277,610.39 9,497,981.74 2,079,458,11 3,556.90 4,198,8SL39 13,186,903.7517,069,540.15 58.81 O KK« nn -Irt yJOK CC rto -lo 10,425.35 33.18 1,087,593.35 4,181,134.87 19,758,845.51 50,591,036.89186,534,788.08 83.87 28.17 18.00 78.15 34.33 39.99 38.10 53.17 38.47 17.40 68.31 33.39 89.07 31.-94 38.69 33.06 25.03 37.46 Average rate of present duty 47.10 Average rate proposed by this bill 43.68 '' 'uction recommended by tbe BepTiblicac Tariff CoBwaiseipa in 1881 35 per ct 'A OOWDITION — NOT A THBORY. CHAPTER XLVI. " A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." THE BURDENS OF TAXATION ON INDUSTRY REMAINING AS I RESULT OF THE WAR TARIFF. A Complete Exposition of the Methods hy which the P gressive Industries of the Many have been Shackled hi Heavy Taxes for the Benefit of the Few — Greater Commercial Privileges Demanded — Solid Argvmients in favor of Releasing some of the Taxes on Labor. In the collection and arrangement of matter for the discussion of the tj question, the compiler has found himself laboring under many difl3.culties, not ft a lack of material, but because of an embarrassment of riches. An attempt has t made, however, to cull from the speeches made in the long and able debate cover more than two months, such discussions of the question as will cover the whole J of argument advanced in favor of the reduction of burdensome war taxes. TJae members of the House who contributed to this discussion were drawn ft every section of the country — Korth and South, East and West — and their ideas ^ be found fairly echoed in the two chapters devoted to this question. Not o did these men represent every section of the country, but they represented ev line of business, every profession, and every trade. Among them were represei tives of the manufacturers of textiles, leather, sugar, metals, the mining of iron ( and of coal, whether anthracite or bituminous, manufacturers of salt, proprietore large tracts of timber, and of the mills which make this into lumber. Besides t there will be found the opinions of men who are the direct repi-esentatives of working people of the coimtry. So that, taken as a whole, it is fair to say that ev element which goes to make up the varied interests of the country is represented the pages of this book, as they were in the long discussion in the House, It will be observed, also, that the extracts from the speeches are not confii entirely to those made by members of one party. Three gentlemen connected w the Republican party have strongly and ably presented the question to the coun "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." 529 md to their constituents, and an attempt has bem made to preaent, as briefly as pos- dble, their yiews upot the most important parts of the bill, and their reasons for giv- ng it their support in opposition to the views of their own party associates. The wide range of the discussion will be observed, as well as the accurate cnowledge shown by nearly all of those who participated in it. It has, indeed, been ;omething of a surprise to the country to find that a question which had not been uUy discussed for almost a generation, should have been so ably presented when ^gain brought to the attention of the Congress of the United States with a view to egislation upon it. The first chapter of this part of the book has been devoted to the report of the ;)ommittee on Ways and Means, and to extracts from the speeches of the Demo- ratic members of the Committee, and to the able summing up of the discussion as aade by Mr. Carlisle, Speaker of the House, in closing the general debate. It has been impossible to go in extenso into the discussion of the schedules, in pite of the fact that many of the best speeches on the reduction of war taxes were lade under the five- minute rule. Enough of them have, however, been given to apply those arguments made by practical men upon the probable effect of the roposed reductions. Upon the whole, it is not saying too much to assert that those who will give lose attention te the speeches printed here, will find themselves thorougUy equipped ath the facts and arguments necessary for presenting the question intelligently uring the coming campaign. I L WHAT IS PROPOSED AKD WHY. » HO NEST AND FAIR EFFORT TO REMOVE SOME OF THE SHACKLES OF INDU8- H|v TRY AND TO PROMOTE NEW DEVBI^OPMENT. ^■^ Report of the Ways and Means CommitUe, April 2, 1888. The commfttee have determined to recommend a reduction of the revenues from 3th customs and internal taxes. They have given the whole subject a careful and ainstaking examination, and in the revision of the schedules have endeavored to :t with a spirit of fairness to all interests. They have carefully kept in view at all mes the interests of the manufacturer, the laborer, the producer and the consumer. From the beginning of our Government tarifl" legislation has been based on the •inciples of mutual concession. The present bill does not depart from this pre- ident. In the progressive growth of our manufactures, we have reached the point where u* capacity to produce is far in excess of the requirements of our home consump- Dn. As a consequence, many of cfnr mills are closed, and many of those still in )eration are running on short time. This condition is hurtful to the manufacturer, the laborer, and producer of the materials consumed in manufacture. The manu- eturer loses the profit on his capital, the laborer loses his wages, and the producer ' the materials consumed in manufacture loses the market for his products. Man- 'acturere, in many instances, to guard against losses by low prices, caused by an 'ersupply in the home market, are organizing trusts, combinations, and pools, to nit production and keep up prices. This vicious condition of business could not list with low duties, but is the legitimate outgrowth of prohibitorj' duties on iportB, ProMbitory tariffs surround the country with lines of investment and pre- lat all relief from without, while trusts, combinations and pools plunder the peo- Lthin. 530 "a conditioi? — ^not a theory.* NKW MARKETS WLLL ENABLE US TO A8SRBT OUB INDUSTBIAL StJPBEatAOT. In a ootmtry like onrs, prolific in its r^ouroes, where the rewards of labor oug to be large, the capitalisfc roay by such methods keep his investments secure and si make profits, but what is to become of the laborers who are thrown out of empk ment by stopping the wheels of maehinery and limiting the amount of proauc And what is to pecome of the prtducer of the materials to be consumed by the ma ufacturer ! IThea the fires are diut off, the laborer and the materials are shut off the same time, and the market for both is gone ; whether they labor in the facte or the field, whether they produce ootton, wool, hemp, flax, coal or ore ; whetl the product of their daily labor is cloth, iron, steel, boots or shoes, they must ha constant employment to obtain for themselves and families the necessaries and co: forts of life. When out of employment, with earnings cut short, with low prices for their p] ducts caused by the closing of the market, they still must pay for whatever th daily wants require the prices which the trusts have fl^ed. Wnat is the remedy ] this wrong ? it is more extended markets for the saio of our products, and a cc stant and active competition in business. With active competition, combinatio and pools are impossible. With the maxkets of the world open to us, our manufi turera may run tneir mills on full time, give constant employment to their labore with a steadily-increasing rate of wages. With the majrkets of the world open the sale of their products they will create an active and constant demand for all t raw materials required Id manufuctures, which will stimulate, promote and rewa tlie wool-grower and the producer of cotton, hemp, flax, hides, ores and other ma rials of manufacture. We are the largest producers of cotton in the world, we i second in the production of wool, we put on the market annually quantities of her and flax, and our country is full of ores and coal. What we neea is manufaotuj enough to consume all the annual product of these materials, and create an aoti demand for them, so that all our workmen may be constantly employed and recei high prices for thdr labor. To accomplish this our manufacturers must have markets for the sale of th( wares, and thesd markets are to be found in foreign countries as well as at hon To take the foreign market from the foreign manufacturer, we must produce o goods at a lower cost thsai he can. The principal elements of cost are labor a material. In many of our manufactures the labor cost is lower than ha any count in the world, and if the cost of materials were as low here as in foreign countri we could produce our goods more cheaply than they, and largely inci'ease our expo to foreign markets. PREB RAW MATBBIALS ITBEDED FOR THIS PUBPOSEL The annual product of our manui'actories is now estimated at $7,000,000,000, whi(^ amount we export only about $136,000,000, or less than 3 per cent. If could obtain free of duty such raw materials as we do not produce and can only procured in foreign countries, and mix with our home product in the varic branches of manufacture, we could soon increase our exports several huiidj millions. With untaxed raw materials we could keep our mills running on f time, our operatives in constant employment, and have an active demand our raw materials in our own factories. If there should be no duty on a materials entering into manufactures many ^icles now made abroad would made at home, which, while it would g;ive more employment to our own lat would give a better market to many articles which we produce and which en mto manufactures, such as cotton, wool, hemp, flax and others. With this end in view we have gone as far as we could and done what could in the present condition of things to place our manufacture upon a fi and unshaken foundation, where they would have advantages over all the maj facturers of the world. Our manufacturers having the advantage of all others in ' intelligence, skill and productive capacity of their labor, need only to be phw on the same footing with their rivals in having then* materials at the same cost the open markets of the world. In starting on this policy, we have transfer] many articles from the dutiable to the firee list. The revenues now received "a condition— not a theory." 631 lese articles amount to $22,189,595.48. Three-foUrths of this amount is collected n articles that enter into manufactures, of which wool and tin plates are the lost important. The revenues derived from wool during the last fiscal year mounted to $5,899,816.63, and the revenues from tin-plates to $5,706,433.89. The repeal of all duties on wool enables us to reduce the duties on the lanufactures of wool $12,332,211.65. The largest reduction we have made is in le woolen schedule, and this reduction was only made possible by placing wool Q the free list. There is no greater reason for a duty on wool than there is for a Qty on any other raw material. A duty on wool makes it necessary to impose a igher duty on the goods made from wool, and the consumer has to pay a double ,x. If we leave wool untaxed the consumer has to pay a tax only on the manu- ctured goods. DUTIES IMPOSED ON MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS It is contended by some that if we put wool on the free list we should also put oolen goods on the free list. If this is sound policy we should also put cotton )ods on the free list, for raw cotton is free,- and we should put silk goods on the ee list, for raw silk is free. Then where would the government get its revenues ? uties are imposed to raise revenue, and they should b3 so imposed as to obtain the venue with as little burden as possible to the tax-payer and as little disturbance a& )88ible to the business of the country. This is accomplished by imposing the duty . the finished goods alone, and in no tariff, from the first to the last, have woolens, ttons, silks, or linens been placed on the free list. usis^v^ We say to the manufacturer we have put wool on the free list to enable him to tain foreign wools cheaper, make his goods cheaper, and send them into foreign irkets and successfully compete with the foreign manufacturer. "We say to the 3orer in the factory we have put wool on the free list so that it may be imported d he may be employed to make the goods that are now made by foreign labor and ported into the United States. We say to the consumer we have put wool on the e list that he may have woolen goods cheaper. We say to the domestic wool- 3wer we have put wool on the free list to enable the manufacturer to import for- :n wool to mix with his, and thus enlarge his market and quicken the demand the consumption of home wool, while it lightens the burden of the tax- fer. The duty on wool now prevents nearly all the better classes of wool from com- <; into the country ; the domestic product can supply only about one-half of ttie ount required for home consumption. The statistician of the Agricultural partment puts the domestic product for the year 1887 at 265,000,000 pounds, lers place it higher, but none at more than half the annual consumption of our )ple. It requires about 600,000,000 pounds of wool and other fibers manufactured ;h it, which are now paying duty, to supply the annual demands of home con- option. SPECIAL INTERESTS WHICH ASK FOR "MORE." Why, then, should we keep out by high duties the foreign wools so necessary ;he clothing of the people? The Wool-Growers' Association ask us to put on a y high enough to prevent the importation of all wools. The Wool Manufac- 3r8' Association ask us to put on a duty high enough to keep out all manufac- 2S of wool. If Congress grants this joint request, what are the people to do for )len clothing ? Are the people to be compelled by Congress to wear cotton ds in the winter or go without, to give bounties to wool growers and wool mfacturers ? During the last fiscal year there were 114,404,173 pounds of wool imported, and hat amount 81,504,447 were cheap carpet wool, the greater part of which paid2i ts per pound duty. The high duty of 10 cents per pound on the finer wools that nto clothing was so great a barrier against the importation of the better wools . only 33,099,696 pounds were imported. But our people required clothing, and ongress put a duty so high on wool as to keep it out, still, high as was the duty voolen goods, $44,235,243 worth were imported and consumed in this country, a which duties were paid amounting to $29,729,717. 532 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." If the charges constantly being made are true, that great quantities of thes goods are coming in undervalued, underweighed, and undermeasured, then th aggregate amount is much larger. Frauds of this character, smuggling, an bribery, follow prohibitory duties just as the shadow follows the substance. Thes goods for the most part could be manufactured in the United States, and if th wools in them could be admitted free of duty, it would give employment to man; thousands of our own operatives, start into life, and beep in active operation man of our factories now idle, and largely reduce the cost of these goods to the cor sumers. We must find a way to foreign markets for our woolen goods. In the foreig: market we must compete with the foreign producer, and in order to do so success fully we must produce our goods at a lower cost and be able to undersell the foreig product and take the market. We are now exporting less than $500,000 worth c woolen goods, while England, with free wool, exports more than $100,000,00( With free wool we may not only supply the home market with the greater part c the woolen goods now imported, but we can begin to export woolen goods and soo build up a prosperous foreign trade. JUST HOW MUCH MORE THEY WANT. We submit herewith a table showing equivalent ad valorem duties now paid o: manufactures of wool — those proposed by the committee and those proposed by th joint agreement of Wool-Growers' and Wool -Manufacturers' Association, adopted i Washington, D. C, January 14, 1888. ARTICLES. Wools, hair of the alpaca, goat, and other like animals- Manufactures — Balmorals — Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cts. per lb pounds. Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cts. per lb do. . . . Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cts. per lb do Valued at 80 cents per pound do Belts or felts, endless, for paper or printing machines do Blankets — Valued at not exceeding 30 cts. per pound pounds. Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cts. per lb do Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cts. per lb do.... Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cts. per lb do. . . . Valued at above 80 cents per pound do Bunting square j-ards. Carpets and carpeting of all kinds — Aubusson, Axminster, and Chenille cai-pets, and caipets woven whole for rooms square j^ards. Br.ussels carpets do Druggets and liockings, printed, colored or otherwise, do Mats, screens, hassocks, and rugs, not exclusively of vegetable material Of wool, flax, or cotton, or parts of either, or other material not specially enumerated or provided for square yards. Patent velvet and tapestiy velvet carpets, printed on the warp or otherwise square yards. CTcS P4 • p^ \ ^ ' CO ^ f o ig-^Si fL< 111 111. "J ■ 96.5 78.5 ■128.7 99.S 95.7 72.8 88.6 123.2 50.0 55.0 85.1 'A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY. ARTICLES. Wools, hair of the alpaca, etc. — continued — Saxony, Wilton and Tournay velvet carpets do I Tapestry Brussels, printed on the warp or otherwise, .do Treble ingrain, three-ply, and worsted chain Venetian carpets do Tarn, Venetian, and two-ply ingrain carpets do Hemp and jute carpets do Clothing, ready-made, and wearing apparel (except knit goods), not specially enumerated or provided for, comi)osed wholly or in part of wool, w'orsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat or other (like) animals, made up or manufactured wholly or in part by the tailor, seamstress, or manufacturer — Cloaks, dolmans, jackets, talmas, ulsters, or other outside gar- ments for ladies' and children's apparel, and goods of similar description, or used for like purposes pounds. Clothing, ready-made, and wearing apparel of every description not specially enumerated or provided for, and balmoral skirts and skirting and goods of similar description, or used for like purposes , poundi Cloths, woolen — Valued at not exceeding 80 cents per pound pounds. Valued at above 80 cents per pound do Dress goods, women's and children's coat linings, Italian cloths, I and goods of like description — Composed in part of wool, worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other animals — Valued at not exceeding 20 cts. per square yard.. square yards. Valued at above 20 cents per square yard do Composed wholly of wool, worsted, the hair of the aljiaca, goat, or other animals, or of a mixture of them, and all such goods of like description, with salvages made wholly or in part of other materials, or with threads of other materials introduced for the purpose of changing the classification — Weighing 4 ounces or less per square yard square yardi All weighing over 4 ounces per square yai'd pounds Tlannels — Valued at not exceeding 30 cents per pound pounds. Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cts. per lb do ... . Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cts. per lb. . . .do » Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cts. per lb do Valued at above 80 cents per pound do Hats of wool- Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 4C cts. per lb pounds, Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cts. per lb do Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cts. per lb do ... . Valued at above 80 cents per pound do Knit goods and all goods made on knitting frames — Valued at not exeeeding 30 cents per pound pounds. Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cts. per lb do ... . Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cts. per lb do Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cts. per lb do Valued at above 80 cents per pound do ... . .Shawls, woolen — Valued at not exceeding 80 cents per pound pounds. Valued at above 80 cents per pound ...do 54.27 61.13 45.79 44.70 24.76 67.74 ;3 « O O 2 £J 00 ,rt I 03 3 o^ o d ^d P-( (L, s. 54.18 89.84 68.91 67.89 59.06 82.96 40 69.68 40 73.42 40 66.20 40 67.69 40 67.65 40 73.02 40 40 73.04 40 66.22 40 52.07 40 88.33 40 65.20 40 69.14 40 69.62 40 62.58 40 88.44 40 65.41 40 30 45 45 I 634 'a condition— not a theory. ARTICLES. g p ;-, cr o ©r-H Wools, hair of the alpaca, etc. — continued — Composed wholly or in part of worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat or other animals pounds. Webbings, gorings, suspenders, braces, beltings, bindings, braids, galloons, fringes, gimps, cords, cords and tassels, dress trim- mings,head nets, buttons or barrel buttons,or buttons of other forms for tassels or ornaments, wrought by hand or braided bymachineiy, made of wool worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat or other animals, or of which wool, worsted, the hair ofj the alpaca, goat, or other animals is a component mate-j rial ..pounds.! Tarns, woolen and worsted — ^' \ Valued at not exceeding 30 cents per pound pounds.! Valued at above 80 and not exceeding 40 cts per lb do j Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cts. per lb do .... I Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cts. per lb do | Valued at above 80 cents per lb do All manufactures of every description not specially enumerated or provided for, made wholly or in part of— Wool- Valued at not exceeding 80 cents per lb pounds. Valued at above 80 cents per pound do i Worsted, tlie hair of the alpaca, goat, or other aniuKils (except! such as are composed in part of wool)— Valued at not exceeding 30 cents per pound pounds. ' Valued at above 30 and not exceeding 40 cts. per lb . , do | Valued at above 40 and not exceeding 60 cts. per lb . . do . . . . i Valued at above 60 and not exceeding 80 cts. per lb do ' Valued at above 80 cents jjcr pound do i 61.53 66.21 69.40 67.90 68.08 69.08 68.79 88.81 64.46 76.49 69.38 68.28 68.15 71.99 03 . ur manufactories starting up, and prosperity in every part of the land, i the history of 1880. After the long depression lasting from 1873 to 1880 uddenly rose in Europe. The prices of all the products which they export gan to rise in the latter part of the year. What was the result ? As prices re the tariff went down, the obstructions became lower, and the imports tnports increased about $200,000,000 in one year. What was the result of Dur exports increased largely. The prices of wheat, of cotton, of corn, of products that we export went up ; not only the prices of that which waa 1, but also the prices of that which was consumed at home. We exported $685,000,000 worth of agricultural products, and in 1881 $730,000,000. last year we exported only $523,000,000 worth of agricultural products. 5 per cent, of our agricultural products have to seek a foreign market, and he proportion rose to 20 per cent. I S42 'A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY. WILL NOT AFFECT OUR MANUFACTURES. But it is insisted that if we lower the duties and let foreign goods be it will stop our manufactories— that it will turn our people out of emplo] reduce their wages. It will do nothing of the sort. What will we import •did we import when prices rose and the duties fell in 1880 ? We imported' the same articles which we were importing before the prices rose. We will ii more of the things we cannot produce or which can be produced cheaper in ■countries than at home. If we look to our table of imports in 1880, we wi that over sixty millions of the increase was of articles in the free list and aboi hundred and twenty -five millions in the dutiable list. The increase of import of duty will not hurt the manufacturer or the laborer. We always import more coflFee, more tea, more of everything that is requir meet the wants of the people when prices are high, because when prices are the country is more prosperous and the people are better able to buy and ps what they want, and the tariff is then lower and dutiable articles are more k imported to compete for sale with the home products. In looking througl oonsumption statement we see that a certain line of articles are imported froni to year; then observing the periods when prices are high and the tariff low yoi see that the same articles are imported in larger quantities. Our manufacturers do not then stop. They go on with increased act They did not stop in 1880 when the large importation set in. It gave them ren life ; their wheels flew faster, their machinery worked more constantly, and •operatives were all employed. Why is tbis? We can produce at least 90 per of all the manufactures consumed in this country more cheaply at home than oan be produced anywhere in the world and delivered here. This 90 per which we can produce at a lower cost than any other people can will not b( by importation. WE CAN HOLD OUR OWN MARKET I have a letter here from the Chief of the Bureau of Statistics, which show in 1850 with a low tariff the consumption of domestic manufactures in the U States was 88.39 per cent, of the whole, and of imports 11 61 per cent. In with a still lower tariff, our home manufactures constituted 87.57 per cent, ac consumption of imports was 12.43 per cent. In 1870 the consumption of doc manutactures was 93.14 per cent, and 6 86 per cent, of imports, and in 1880 were consumed 92.58 per cent, of home manufactures and 7.42 per cent, of fo manufactures. Now, it is evident from these figures that under any circumst we can hold 90 per cent, of the market against the world. Values of tfie products of domestic manufactures, of domestic manufactures exported, of J manufactures imported, a7id of the total consumption of domestic and foreign ma7iufa in 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880, with the proportions of domestic and foreign manufc consumed in 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880. Values of Consumption c Year. Products of domestic manufac- tures.* Exports of domestic manufac- , tures.t Imports X of manufac- tures.t Consumption of domestic and foreign manufactures. Domestic manu- factures. Imp ma fact 1850 1860 1870 1880 fl,019,106,616 $22,903,888 1,885,861,676 ; 45,658,873 4,232,325,442 47,921,154 5,369,579,191 79,510,447 $130,838,280 261,264,310 30M,363,496 423,699,010 |;i,127,04l,008 2,101,46^,113 4,492,767,784 5,713,767,754 Per cent. 88.39 87.57 93.14 92.58 Per *Census years. tTears ending June 30. JGross impori *A CONDITION — NOT A THEORY.' 543 f the products of dotnesiic manufactures and of the exports of domestic manufactures^ le proportions of sv^h manufactures retained for home consumption and exported, m .860, 1870, and 1880. Years. Products of domestic manufacture.* Values of— ^1,019,106,616 1,885,861,676 4,232,325,442 5,369,579,191 Exports of domestic manufacture.t $22,903,888 45,658,873 47,921, 154 79,510,447 Proportion of domestic manufactures — Retained for home consump- tion. Per cent. 97.75 97.58 98.87 98.52 Exported.. Per cent. 2.25 2.4^ 1.13. 1.48 isus years. tTears ending June 30. WM. F. SWITZLER, Chief of Bureau. UKY Department, Bureau of Statistics, February 18, 1888. ator Sherman, in a speech delivered three months ago, quoted a statement e-tenths of all the articles of manufacture consumed by the people could be d as cheaply here as in England. He endorsed the statement as correct, the accuracy of the statement. If he had said that nine-tenths of all the itures consumed in the United States could be produced more cheaply here England he would have been nearer the truth. If nine- tenths of all the ■tures consumed here are cheaper here than in England it is because they luced at a lower cost. Then what objection does he see to reducing the at use have our manufacturers for the tariflF at all ? Why are they con- )eseeching Congress not to ruin them by reducing the war rates ? They cair nine-tenths of their products and sell them cheaper than their rivals in ., but they do not do it. If they do sell nine-tenths of their products than English manufacturers, why is it that they and our friends on the ie not only resist every effort that we make to reduce these war taxes, but ng now that the tariff on woolen goods shall be raised ? Why are they ng that woolen cloth shall be raised to 128 per cent., women's and children's 3ds to 102, flannels to 121 per cent, hats to 134 per cent , and knit goods to 3ent ? Why do they resist the reduction of the duty on steel rails to $11 a '"hy oppose the slight reduction we propose in cotton goods ? THE farmer's interest IN THE FOREIGN MARKET. manufacturer is not so much interested now in the foreign market as the Less than 2 per cent, of the $7,000,000,000 of his annual product goes to gn market ; but the farmer sends 15 per cent, of his products there, and md a larger per cent- if the way was open. The manufacturer looks to the : irket for ihe sale of 98 per cent, of his product. Then is it not a matter of 3St concern to him to have that home market prosperous ? Is not every one 3 goods interested in having customers able to purchase and pay for every- ; ey want ? Would not manufacturers make more money by selling their f American people with pockets full of money than to wild Indians who had 1 essential to the American manufacturer that he shall have a prosperous- : a which there is a constant and active demand for his goods, and that he h market both at home and abroad so that his customers may be as many > le, that they be constantly increasing in pecuniary ability so that they can I 544 "a condition — not a theory.' I buy largely and pay promptly for all they buy. These things being true, ai dependence being almost exclusively on the home market, he should do everj in his power to help his customers grow in wealth. Who are his customers? farmers. How are they to become prosperous and grow in wealth ? By selling products in the markets that demand them and offer for them the highest Where are those markets ? In foreign countries. But those markets are clo; him unless Congress will let him bring back the goods he will obtain in excb If to-day the barriers against importation were broken down and our imports s increase from two to three hundred millions, that importation would create a de for that amount of agricultural products to be exported to pay for them, and would increase the price of farm products all through the land. It would disti money among the whole sixty millions of people, placing a dollar beside every with which it could be satisfied. He would find that he had a market then at far more valuable to him than it would be with the 10 per cent, of importt kept out and the prices of all farm products forced down so low that the fa' -would have nothing with which to buy. DIFFERENT PRICES OP WAGES IN DIFFERENT STATES. But it is said that this will injure our labor. It is said a high tariff makes wages for labor. It is said if we reduce the tariff wages must be reduced. H it high tariff makes high wages for labor? How can it be explained ? Why, say, if you increase the value of the domestic product, the manufacturer is al pay higher wages. Unquestionably he is, but does he do it ? No. Mr. Jay G with his immense income from bis railroad property, is able to pay his bootl $500 a day, but does he do it ? Oh, no ; he pays the market price of the street gets his boots blacked and pays his nickel like a little man. Mr. Vanderbilt, the income arising from the interest on the immense amount of bonds of the Fe Oovemment he has got, can afford to pay his hostler $10,000 a year. He is al do it; his bonds enable him to do it, but does he do it? Oh, no; he goes ou! the market and employs his labor at the market value, and pays the same price the humblest ritizen in New York does. High tariff does not regulate wages. Wages are regulated by demand and ply and the capacity of the laborer to do the work for which he is employed. If tariff regulated wages, how is it the wages in the different States of the Unio different while the tariff is all the same from Maine to California ? In every p? the territory of the United States the tariff is the same. How is it the wages ar the same ? How is it that wages in the different localities in the different State different ? What is the cause ? What is it which disturbs the tariff and pre^ it from fixing a high rate of wages all over the country for labor? We find by the census the rate of wages in the cotton industry is low( Rhode Island th> n in Pennsylvania, and we find the wages in the iron busines higher in Rhode Island than in Pennsylvania. Why is it that so ? It is not the that does it, it is the demand and supply of the people to do the work demand* them. There are more cotton operatives in Rhode Island and the supply is greater therefore the wages are lower. The same thing is true about the iron buBinei Pennsylvania. The wages of cotton operatives in Pennsylvania are higher bee there are fewer in Pennsylvania than in the State of Rhode Island. It is not tariff that regulates the wages. Well, what is it that fixes the high rate of wag this country ? It is admitted by all who are well informed on this subject that our rate of w is higher than anywhere else in the world, that England is higher than France, that the rate of wages is higher in France than in Germany. Why is this? many and France both have a protective tariff to guard against the free-trade I of England. What then is it that makes higher wages ? It is coal and steam machinery. It is these three powerful agents that multiply the product of li and make it more valuable, and high rate of wages means low cost of product, high rate of wages means that cheap labor has got to go; and the history of •country in the last fifty years demonstrates that as clearly and as conclusively as mathematical problem can be demonstrated. I "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." 545 INCREASE IN PRODUCTIVE CAPACITY. Fifty years ago, Mr. Edward Atkinson shows, it required five persons, two ders, two spinners, and one weaver, working by the old methods, to make eight ds of cloth in one day. They got 20 cents a day ; a dollar for the whole five. 3 labor cost of the cloth was 12i cents a yard, and calculating 300 working days I year, the whole product of these five cheap laborers was 2,400 yards of cloth ; when coal and steam and machinery were harnessed together to produce cloth, ) persons to-day in New England produce 140,000 yards of cloth. The labor cost :he cloth is 1.08 cents per yard. The wages of labor, instead of being $60 a year, JO cents a day, is $287 per annum for each. The result of the labor-saving machinery used was an enormous increase in ductive capacity. The result of that was a great increase in the rate of wages, . the further result was a great decrease in the cost of production. The old hand- sel and the old methods of labor have had to depart before the all conquering •ch of coal and steam and machinery. They had to go because the small amount product of the article drove them out of the field. It is not the rate of wages, it le article which the labor makes and the cost at which that article can be pro- ed— the lower cost — which drives the rival article out of the market. Such is history which has been written in our country in the last half century. Mr. Edward Atkinson, one of the clearest thinkers and writers on political Qomy of the present day, in his little book on The Distribution of Products, lays '■n the principle that high rate of wages means low cost of product, and low of wages means high cost of product. He says that the *' cheapest man is the who works the greatest amount of machinery with the least stops." I read a igraph from his book, on page 44 : [n any piven country like the United States, where the people are substantially homo- )0U8, where the means of intercommunication are ample, where there are no hereditary Lass distinctions, and where there is no artificial obstruction to prevent commerce, high 3 of wages in money will be the natural and therefore necessary result of low cost of luction in labor. Again, on page 46, he says : lence, it follows that although the total production of any given thing may not be con- rated at the very best point, it will yet be found to be true that where the conditions ;he best, the cost, measured in terms of days of )abor, will be lowest, and the wages, 3ured in terms of money per day, will be the highest, the high money wages being the 'Ssary consequence of the low labor cost. Conversely, low rates of money wages are latural and necessary result of a high labor cost of production. Now, then, **it follows," he says, on page 56, Chat the nation which has diminished the quantity of human labor in greatest measure le application of machinei-y produces goods at the lowest cost, and by exchange with, land working nations, who still constitute the majority of the people of the world, is, -^ay of such exchange, enabled to pay the highest rate of wages in money, because their la are made at the lowest labor cost. In order to prove that fact Mr, Atkinson made an investigation into the condi- of two old manufacturing houses in the State of New Hampshire; he com- !d two periods — 1830 with the year 1884. He found that in 1830 the wages per im were $164 in gold to each operative. This increased until 1884, when it unted to $290 in gold. Now as to the efficiency of the labor employed. In 1830 the total number of Is of cloth produced by each operative was 4,321 pr r annum, while in 1884, ily by the aid of improved machinery, it had been increased to 28,032 yards, cost of the labor per yard was 1.09 cents in 1830, and but 1.07 cents in 1884. Let us now reduce these diflferences to percentages and compare them in that I. There was, as I have shown, a great increase in the productive capacity of . operative, but there was a decrease in operatives per thousand spindles of 60 sent. The pound of material turned out by each spindle or operative was taken as a of measurement, and Mr. Atkinson's table shows that the pounds that each die turned out was increased 22 p( r cent., and the pound that each operative ed out in a day had increased 190 percect,; the pounds that each operative ed out per hour increased 240 per cent. The increase of wages of operatives (for the number of hours were made less) increased 240 per cent. The 546 "a condition — not a theory. I wages of the operative per annum had increased 64 per cent., and per hour 94 p( cent, while the labor cost per yard had decreased 41 percent. The other horn showed the same condition. It showed that productive eflaciency had increased i spindles 276 per cent., in pounds per operative 214 per cent., while wages increase 77 per cent., and labor cost per yard decreased 44 per cent. mt what brought ^bout the revolution. ^i This great revolution in production, wages, and cost is not the work of th tariff, but of coal, steam and machinery. These three powerful agents have pn duced these marvelous results. The effects inevitably follow the cause — high rat of wages because so much more service is rendered the employer, low cost of prodm because so much more is done in a given time. I repeat it, the tariff has ha nothing to do with bringing about the great change, and it is impotent, utterl impotent, to increase the rate of wages. But, Mr Chairman, I want to call the attention of the committee to a statemer found in the report of the United States Census. This is the report in reference t the wages in the manufacturing industries of the country, and I call special atter tion to a report of an ex-manufacturing establishment in Connecticut. This ger tleman who makes the report compares the operations of his house from his book in 1840 with 1880. In steel fitting, in ax making, each operative turned out 60 pieces per day in 1840. In 1880 each operative turned out 1,250 pieces per daj Each operative received in 1840 24 cents per hundred pieces, and received in 188 20 cents per hundred pieces. He earned in 1840 $1.44 a day, and in 1880, though h received less for each piece, he earned $2.50 per day. And this table includes all the different parts of the manufacture of the ax- the poll-making, rough-polishing, tempering, finishing, grinding, painting, backing etc.; and in every department of this manufacture in making axes the same rule i observed— that is, the increased productive power increases the wages and decrease the cost of the product. That follows as shadow follows substance, as night follow day. It is the effect following the cause. It is the cause producing the effect— tha as the laborer is more eflicient and more valuable to his employer, he is entitle to and receives more pay. He receives more wages by the day, even though he i paid less for each piece of work he turns out. WAGES AND THE LABOR COST COMPARED. Now, was the increase of the daily wages of these operatives due to the tariff Let the manufacturer answer. He says: "The following table shows the results o labor saving machinery, together with the increase in the efficiency of labor in th manufacture ol axes, from 1840 to 1880." When I saw these tables, proving th principle so clearly presented and so strongly enforced by Mr. Atkinson, I went t( our very able and efficient chief of labor, Carroll D. Wright, and asked him to hav a table like this in the Census Report prepared, and to send an intelligent agent inti some of the oldest houses in the country and get a statement from their books an( send it to me, that I might see if there was a different result in other establishments I now give you the testimony of those houses to add to the others. There are here seven establishments. The first one is in Massachusetts, i comparison is instituted between 1849 and 1884, and the industry is cotton prin cloth. Each operative made in 1839 in this factory 44-| yards per day; in 1884 h made 98.2 yards, an increase of productive power of 120 per cent. What wages die he get ? The average daily earnings of the laborer in 1849 were 66 cents, and ii 1884 $1. His wages increased 50 per cent. The labor cost of the product decreasei 82 per cent. In that same establishment in 1849 the wages of weavers were 65 cents a day and each man turned out 113 yards of cloth. In 1884 the wages had risen to $1.06 and each weaver turned out 273 j^ards of cloth. In the second house, also in Massachusetts, manufacturing printed cloths, eacl laborer in 1850 produced 42 yards ; in 1884 he produced 102 yards, an increase o 142 per cent. His earnings were 65 cents a day in 1850 and $1.05 in 1884. Th( Increase in wages was 61 per cent. The decrease in the labor cost of the article wai 33 per cent. I "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." 547 The third house, manufacturing sheeting in Massachusetts, showed that each borer in 1852 produced 41 yards, and in 1886 73 yards of cloth. His productive Bciency increased 77 per cent. His wages increased 49 per cent. Tlie labor cost "the cloth decreased 15 per cent. In the fourth house, in New Hampshire, manufacturing print cloth, each laborer 1852 produced 42.5 yards and in 1886 103 yards. The increase in productive pacity was 142 per cent. The increase in wages was 56.7 per cent., and the labor 'St per yard decreased 35 per cent. Without going all through these figures the facts as to each one of these houses ow in every instance that the productive efficiency of the laborer had increased, .d that corresponding with that the wages had increased and the cost of the pro- ict had decreased. HIGH WAGES MEAN A LOW LABOR COST. But now let us see what effect a reduction of the duties will have by letting in B goods of England and other foreign countries into our markets to compete with r people and to endanger the laborers of our country, as it is charged it will do. ay the same proposition for which I have been contending is demonstrated again len we compare the laborer of this country with the laborer of England. We Dduce cheaper than in England because a high rate of wages means low cost of ^duct, and a higher rate of wages means lower cost of product, and the highest e of wages means lowest cost of product. Mr. Wright, Chief of the Labor Bureau, instituted a most painstaking examina- n into the rates of labor in England and Massachussetts a few years ago, and )wed the rates of labor higher in this country than in England; 12 per cent, higher cotton manufacture; 25 per cent, in the manufacture of woolens, 26 per cent, in n and steel, 128 per cent, in boots and shoes. That would seem to indicate, 'ording to the philosophy which has been taught in this country by protectionists many years, that we are on the road to ruin because our rate of labor is higher n in England and other countries. But the reverse of that proposition is true ; 1 the fact that the rate of wages is higher here than in England shows that Eng- d is distanced in the great industrial contest into which she has entered. Now let me give you an instance here in boots and shoes. If we pay so much her wages in producing boots and shoes, if the proposition we hear on the other 3 be true, we cannot enter into any contest with Great Britain when we pay 128 cent, higher wages than she does. Yet we import no boots and shoes at 30 per t. duty from England. We make the cheapest boots and shoes and the finest 3e in the world. In that England cannot contest with us; and the fact that the 3 of wages is so much higher here than in England shows that she is far behind he race. Let us see. Here is a gentleman writing in Harper's Magazine in 1885, a very 3 article entitled "A pair of shoes." He takes the history of the hide from the T and follows it through all its mutations into the finest products of manufacture. 8 is not an article on wages; but it contains a paragraph on wages. Mr. Howard vhall is the writer. He says : American ladies' shoes wholesaling- at $1.50 per pair, cost for labor of making: 25 cents, lish ladies' shoes wholesaling at $1 50 per pair, cost for labor of making 3t cents. Amer- men'sshoes wholesaling at |3,60 per pair, cost for labor of making 33 cents. English 's shoes wholesaling at 3F3.60 per pair, cost for labor of making 50 cents. In the report le Massachusetts bureau of statistics for 1884 the general average weekly wage in sachusetts is given as 128.9 per cent, higher than in Great Britain. The general aver- i weekly wage in Massachusetts is given as $11.63 per week, and in Great Britain, $5.08. Now, what is the solution of all this? What does it mean? In Massachusetts ' es are 12t?.9 per cent.hieher than they are in Great Britain, but the labor cost of I ir of ladies' shoes in Massachusetts is less than the labor cost of a like pair of i s in Great Britain. The cost is 25 cents in Massachusetts against 34 cents in 1 land. The labor cost of men's shoes in Massachusetts is 33 cents per pair; the I r cost of men's shoes in England is 50 cents. If our people are to be injured by I importation of English shoes into this country the English shoe must be pro- t a lower cost than the American shoe; otherwise it cannot take the market. 548 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." It 18 not the rates of wages in England and in America respectively, $5.( against $11,68, that we have to consider, but it is the labor cost of a pair of shoe Now, the man holds the market who can sell his goods cheapest, and the man cs sell cheapest who gets his goods at the lowest cost, and that is the man in Mass chusetts. What, then, does this difference of wages mean, $11.63 per week i Massachusetts against $5.08 in England? It simply means increased producti^ efficiency; it means that the productive efficiency of the American workman engag( in this industry is greater than that of the British workman by 128.9 per cent. In order for the American to earn his $11.63 a week he makes 35 pairs of men shoes in a week ; the Ent?lishman to earn his $5.08 a week, makes 10 pairs of men shoes. In order for the American workman to earn his $11.63 per week he maki 46 pairs of ladies' shoes; in order for the Englishman to earn his $5.08 per week I makes 15 pairs of ladies' shoes. The tariff did not make the American workini man's wages $11 63 per week. It was the number of shoes he made that regulatt his wages, and superior skill in using machinery gave him the capacity to mat more shoes than the Englishman. Here is the solution of the whole question, and the principle is the same that have been supporting all along. That principle in that the higher rate of wag( means a higher productive power ; it is increased pay for increased work ; it is n( the tariff; it is more work; it is more efficient work ; it is better work ; itischeape work. It is that that holds the market; and it holds the boot and shoe market ( this country against the importation of a single pair of shoes from Great Britai) notwithstanding the fact that wages there are $5.08 a week as against $11.63 1 Massachusetts. APPLIED TO THE COTTON MANUFACTURE. A few years ago.in 1879, our English friends across the water took alarm aboi the growth and development of our cotton induttry in the United States, and the sent an expert — a gentleman thoroughly conversant with the cotton business ( England — to the United States to make a thorough and searching investigation int the whole business of cotton manufacture in this country, and to report to Ihei whether their industry was imperiled by that of the United States. That gentlema went to New England, the seat of the cotton industry in this country. He made thorough and searching investigation, and in every instance he showed that "w ■could produce cotton goods at a lower labor cost than they could be produced at an point in Great Britain . I have here the tabular statement that he gave to his pe( pie when he returned. . The following are the rates of wages for weaving and spinning clotl in some of the principal districts of England and America, as shown by his repor A piece 28 inches, 56 reeds, 14 picks (?), 60 by 56, 58 yards, costs at Ashtoi under-Lyne, in England, 24.68 cents to weave; in Rhode Island it costs 16 82 cent At Blackburn, in England, it costs 25.4 cents; at Providence, R. I., it costs 172 cents; at Stockport, England, 25.4 cents; at Fall River, 19.96 cents; at Hyde, Ed{ land, 25 28 cents; at Lowell, 19 96 cents. In every instance the labor cost of tl production of the cotton goods is lower here than in England. Now let us turn t the summary. At Fall River the wages in a jiound of print cloth, about 7 yards, 6.907 cents; at Lowell It is 6.882 cents; in Rhode Island it is 6.422; in Penu sylvan! 6.44; in England 6.96 cents. In every place in the United States, in Pennsyli Massachusetts and Rhode Island, the labor cost of producing a pound of print was lower than at any point in England. Now, Mr. Chuirman, when we come to look at the last column of these fij, the picture changes. What do we find when we come to look at the total produc with the cost of the material thrown in, and all the other elements besides labo; While the labor cost is lowest in the United States, where the rate of wages highest, yet when we come to examine the cost of the material, England beats u because she produces the goods at a total cost lower than ours. It is not tl labor that causes this difference ; it is the cost of the material. The machinei by which you run your establishments costs you 45 per cent.; your dye-stuffs a; more costly than in England ; all these things which enter into the manufactui avani; fill J "a condition— not a theory." 54& of goods cost more here than on the other side. But do not charge this increased •cost to labor. You are not paying the laborer, in proportion to the work that he •does, as much as he receives in England. Now, when we come to look at the total cost of this pound of calico cloth we find that at Fall River it is 14 cents (leaving off fractions) ; at Lowell, 13 cents ; in Rhode Island, 11 cents; in Pennsylvania, 15 cents; in England, 12 cents. England pro- duces the goods at a total cost less than ours, and that gives her the market ; but while the goods cost more here, she pays more in the form of wages. Now, when this gentleman goes back home after this general survey of the whole business he reports to his people elaborately. This is his language : .While, however, the American nation heaps duties upon the import of foreign machinery, thus increasing the price of mill construction, and In other wavs by her tariff arrangements artificially raising the cost of production, American manufactures will continue too high in price to compete with English in all hut exceptional cases. Now, this statement in regard to the cotton industry is supported by a state- ment from Secretary Blaine. A few years ago, while he was Secretary of State, he said in his report, in speaking of the cotton industry : Undoubtedly the inequalities in the wages of English and American operatives are more than equalized by the greater etiicipncy of the latter and their longer hours of labor. If this should prove to be a fact in practice, as seems to be pmven from official statistics, it will be a very important element in the establishment of our ability to compete with England for our share of the cotton trade of the woria. COMPARATIVE RESULTS FROM THE SYSTEM. ' England with a higher rate of wages exports annually into Germany cotton yarns to the value of ten to eleven millions of dollars, and that over a duty, if I remember rightly, of 10 per cent. The German manufacturers find that they can buy cotton yams cheaper in England, where the rate of wages is much higher than In Germany. If we look at these tables we will see the reason. Here are two tables giving the labor cost and whole cost of spinning cotton yarns of any number from t up to 177. One is the cost in Alsace, Germany, and the other in England, and they show that in every number the labor cost and the whole cost per pound are :ess in England than in Germany, notwithstanding the higher rate of wages which is paid in England. Is it the tariff that makes English wages higher than German ? Germany has he tariff but England has the trade. If these statements are true, what is there to prevent us from being the greatest manufacturing and exporting country of the world? We are the greatest agricultural people in the world. We exceed all )thers in the products of manufacture, but we export next to nothing of our )roduct. Why should we not export the three hundred and seventy-five millions )f cotton goods which England is now exporting ? She buys her cotton from us, )ays the cost of transportation to her factories, makes the goods, and sends them all >ver the world. That trade, at least the most of it, is ours whenever we get ready take it. IT IS NOT AN AMERICAN POLICY. This policy which is being pursued now may for awhile satisfy the demands of the apitalist who has money invested in the various factories and enterprises of that ind throughout the country. They may be able by the aid of these pools and trusts nd combinations which seem to be springing out of the earth all around us to secure )r a time the capital invested; but what, I ask you, is to become in the mean time f the poor laborer when they shut off their fires, when they turn him into the :reets, and determine that they will limit the product of their establishments in rder to keep up prices so as to save the profits on their investments ? What is to ecome of the cotton and the iron and the wool, and all of the other interests that epend upon capital invested in manufacturing enterprises ? Where are our markets 'hen our factories are closed, when the wheels are siill, when the fires are banked, ad their laborers wandering as paupers around the streets seeking employment, hich is not to be found anywhere in the land ? And yet they call this the rican policy. 650 "A CONDITION — NOT A THEORY." I repel it; it is not American. It is the reverse of American, Thiat policy is American which clings most closely to the fundamental idea that underlies our institutions and upon which the whole superstructure of our Government is erected^ and that idea is freedom — freedom secured by the guaranties of government ; freedom to think, to speak, to write ; freedom to go where we please, select our own occupa- tions ; freedom to labor when we please and where we please ; freedom to receive and enjoy all ttie results of our labor; freedom to sell our products, and freedom to- buy the products of others, and freedom to markets for the products of our labor without which the freedom of labor is restricted and denied. Freedom from restraints in working and marketing the products of our toil, except such as may be necessary in the interest of the Government. Freedom from all unnecessary burdens ; freedom from all exactions upon the citizen except such as may be necessary to support an honest, efficient, and economical administration of the Government that guarantees him protection to " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; " freedom from all taxation except that which is levied for the support of the Government ; freedom from taxation levied for the purpose of enriching favored classes by the spoliation and plunder of the people ; freedom from all systems of taxation that do- not fall with " equal and exact justice upon all' — that do not raise the revenues of government in the way that is least burdensome to the people and with the least possible disturbance to their business. That is the American policy. TARIFF AND LABOR COST IN BLANKETS AND FLANNELS. The tariff is not intended to and does not benefit labor. The benefit of the tariff never passes beyond the pocket of the manufacturer, and to the pockets of his workmen. I find in this report one pair of five-pound blankets. The whole cost as stated by the manufacturer is $2.51. The labor cost he paid for making them is 35 cents. The present tarifi is $1 90. Now, here is $1.55 in this tarifi" over and above the entire la}x)r cost of these blankets. Why did not that manufac- turer go and give that money to the laborer? He is able to doit. Here is a tariff that gives him $1.90 on that pair of blankets for the benefit of his laborer, but notwithstanding that the tariff was imposed for the benefit of American labor and to preserve high wages, every dollar of that tariff went into the manufacturer's pocket. The poor fellow who made the blankets got 35 cents and the manufacturer kept the $1.90. Mr. Grain. Will the gentleman please state how much the committee ^L reduced that duty ? ^M Mr. Mills. To $1.00 from $1.90. ■ Take another pair of 5- pound blankets. The total cost is $2.70. The labor cost is 70 cents. The tariff is $1.98. Now, how strange if is that none of these sums that were intended for the laborer ever get beyond the pocket of the manufacturer. Why is it, when the American Congress enacted this legislation for the benefit of our labor, that every dollar of this aid intended for labor stops in the pockets of the manufacturer, who goes into the highways and hedges and hires his laborer at the lowest price for which he can get him in the market and then pockets the tariff benefits that we are told every day is intended for the laborer alone— for the benefit of labor. Here is another pair of 5-pound blankets. The cost is $3.39. The labor cost paid by this manufacturer, he says himself, is 61 cents. The tariff is $2.55. In the pending bill we have left him $1.35, and we have left the other man $1.08. And we have left all along not only enough to cover the difference, if there was any differ- ence, between the labor cost of production in Europe and the labor cost of produc- tion in this country, but we have left enough to pay for all the labor and a bonus besides. Let us go on a litttle further. Here is 1 yard of flannel, weighing 4 ounces; it cost 18 cents, of which the laborer got 3 cents ; the tariff on it is 8 cents. How is it that the whole 8 cents did not get into the pockets of the laborer ? Is it not strange that those who made the tariff and fastened upon the people these war rates in a time of profound peace, and who are now constantly assailing the Democratic party "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY.'* 551 luse it is untrue to the workingman, did not make some provision by which the generous bounty they gave should reach the pocket of him for whom they said it was intended ? They charge that we are trying to strike down the labor of the country. Why do they not see thjit the money they are takmg out of the hard earnings of the people is delivered in good faith to the workman ? One yard of cassimere weighing 16 ounces costs $1.38; the labor cost is 29 cents; the tariff duty is 80 cents. One pound of sewing silk costs $5.66; the cost for labor is 85 cents; the tariff is $1.69. One gallon of linseed oil costs 46 cents; the labor cost is 2 cents ; the tariff cost is 25 cents. One ton of bar-iron costs $31 ; the labor cost is $10; the tariff fixes several rates for bar-iron. I give the lowest rate, $17.92. One ton of foundry pig-iron costs $11 ; the labor costs $1.64 ; the tariff is $6.72. WHERE OTHER RATES GO. (Ct US take Bessemer-steel rails. We are told that the steel-rail industry is in great danger of utterly perishing away and departing from this continent, because we propose to reduce the duty from $17 to $11. The whole cost is put down at $31, the labor cost at $7.57; the tariff is $17. The manufacturer has $9.43 more for each ton than all the labor cost. The labor cost of this ton is exceptionally high. I have a statement of the labor cost of a ton of steel rails at Bethlehem, Pa , taken recently by Mr. Schoenof, and it shows labor cost there $3.85 per ton. The labor cost of a ton of steel rails in England is not one dollar cheaper than here. Mr. Schoenof informs me that a ton of bar-iron costs, for labor, in England about $7.75, and here about $8. But let us leave these and pro- seed with he official figures. A keg of steel nails costs $2.34; the labor cost is 67 3ents, the tariff is $1.25. A ton of pipe-iron costs $34.57 ; labor cost, $12.26, the tariff is $22.40. Here is a car- wheel weighing 500 pounds ; cost $13; labor cost 85 cents; tariff rate is 2^ cents per pound, equivalent to $12.50, to cover a labor cost of 85 cents ! Why, Mr. Chairman, these laborers of ours ought to get immensely rich if they could ^et all that Congress votes to them, if the manufacturers did not stop the bounties intended by the Government to reach the pockets of the workingmen. Here is a coarse wool suit of clothes such as our working people wear in their iaily toil in the shop and field. The whole cost is $12. The lalor cost is $2. The tariff duty is 40 cents per pound and 35 per cent, ad valorem. As the weight of the suit is not given, we cannot get the exact tariff, but the duty on woolen clothes imported last year averaged 54 per cent., and at that rate the tariff stands $6.48 to jover $2 of labor cost. A cotton suit costs $10.50 ; the labor cost is $1.65 ; the tariff is $3.67. A dozen goblets cost 48 cents: the labor cost, 15 cents ; tariff, 19 cents. White lead, by the tiundred weight, $9.50'; labor cost, 50 cents ; tariff, $3. A hundred weight of mixed paints, $8 ; labor cost, 41 cents ; tariff, $2. ^^ <^I'^E LABOR SOME REAL RELIEF. ^MTow, gentlemen, the time has come, after all these taxes on wealth have been ^^t away, after the people of this country have been bearing for years these jnormous burdens that have been levied on the necessaries of life; now, when 'trusts," and "combinations," and "pools" are arising all around us to limit produc- ion, to increase prices, to make the laborer's lot harder and darker — now the time las come for us to do something, not for classes, but for the great masses of our )eople. I hope and trust that the bill which we have presented to you and which has net with favor throughout the whole country will receive a majority of your votes, i majority of the votes of the Senate, and become a law. I earnestly hope when ihe Treasury is full to overflowing of the people's hard earnings, you will lighten heir burden, and reduce the taxes on the necessaries of life. Although the bill we propose is not all that we could have asked, although it is I very moderate bill, yet it will send comfort and happiness into the homes and )osoms of the poor laboring people of this country, and I ask you now in behalf of hem to consider their claims and help to reduce the burdens that have so long been lid upon their shoulders. I 513 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY. m i % 00 W ^ W O »— I H O Q O P^ O H 00 O O II 525 ftp 1^ 1 = «l •orai; i^nj no soioxding jo sSai •ojns'Baui JO -jmn aad ^soo aoqv^ *p5 c?- ?o»o CO o c5r-( CO i-lrH * oooo ocooo GOQOCOOl 00 :o 05 -^oi ?o ?o o «o o ©w 'O T3 'O no f^ ^ ;« ;^ ;, ;h cS cS oj o3 oj *o oeo io>o 3J g) r-5 <>i th ■^ ■^ ■<* •«* 0° . 'c : a • o o O (M 55 "^ <« • o o §p o 2 : g PI g fl ^ a 't^ *»^ J 'S 03,^ « ,4 ^ J C5 C3 fl fl c d © »CM5( tHOt><< CS T-H iO lO ^ CO CS CO Tji t- r-* iH l04>Tf<0( §88§gS^ OOOiOi C: »CO( T-< OJ CO ^ J> O < OOCOOOO-H( C^OOO^OC S o o o o d 1 CO CO OD OB tc'S • ^ ^ i« u t. 3 d c3 sS cS eS o3 O O NtH>H^H>^pL(H C^f O O O « OS ^ CO (?^ CO* CO CO* CO Jl OSOt-O y-iS AA -A » • . *- *^ to +^ S^ -£i o o W) o s : :^ c:> z:i O r^ f f> O P-i p^ OQ PU O E^ P-t ^-1 +J +- -tJ Q O Sf O O O OkIs: g oooo^^^ S d 3-2 ei c3 c3 OD tC [E K^ 02 CO UB 02 ^ to rt c3 c3 o c3 _ CO ^ obcCOD I, CO 00 00 C r-l C5 CO ■* 1« CO l> THE TWO PERIODS CONSIDERED WITH RESPECT TO LABOR COST. Briods. 1849-1884. ! 1850-1884. 11852-1886. 1855-1886. 1858-1886. 1858-1887. 1860-1886. State. Massachusetts . . Massachusetts.. Massachusetts . . New Hampshire Massachusetts.. Massachusetts.. New York Increase in product. Fer cent. 120.6 142.8 77.0 142.3 113.3 69.0 54.4 Increase in Fer cent. 50.0 61.5 49.2 56.7 42.9 20.0 38.0 If wages of first period prevailed in second and were applicable to product of sec ond, the following would be — Labor cost per unit of measure. $0.006792 0.006372 0.009178 0.006504 0.328125 0.059110 1.311428 Per cent of such labor cost of la- bor cost of first period 45.3 41.2 56.5 41.2 46.8 59.1 64.8 Decrease of labor cost per unit of measure. I'er cent. 32.0 33.4 15.7 85.3 38.3 29.0 10.6 III. ffl^ IMPORTING LABOR UNDER CONTRACT. TRIKES HAVE INCREASED UNDER OUR SYSTEM OP TAXATION AND LABOR HAS BEEN IMPORTED WITHOUT LET OR HINDRANCE. From the Speech of Benton McMiUin, of Tennessee., April 24, 1888. I wish to quote from the report of the Commissioner of Labor to show that enty -seven years of alleged protection has not resulted in that peace, quiet, and osperity to the laborers which it was claimed would follow it. In the six years from 1881 to 1886 there have been strikes in 23,336 establish- ents. Of these 16,692, or 74.74 per cent., were in the States of New York, Penn- Ivania, Massachusetts, Ohio, and Illinois, where protection is claimed to have rought such wonders for the laboring man. There were lockouts during the same period in 2,183 establishments. Of these )81, or 90.8 per cent., occurred in the five States named. The number of employes •iking and involved was 1,324,153. In addition to these there were 159,548 iployes locked out, 31.23 per cent, of whom were females. ::zC^ Of the 22,336 establishments in which strikes occurred, the strikes in 18,343, 82.12 per cent, of the whole, were ordered by labor organizations ; while of the .82 establishments in which lockouts occurred, 1,753, or 80.34 per cent., were dered by combinations of managers. Concerning the loss to employes resulting from these disturbances the report Understanding', then, the difficulties in ascertainintr the exact loss of employers and iployes as resultlner from strikes and lockouts, reference may be had to the summaries, lere the information which has been collected is grouped. The los^ to the strikers, as 7en in these tables, for the period involved was $51,819 16;]. The loss to employes through Jkouts for the same period was $8,133,717 ; or a total wage loss to employes of $59,951,880. lis lo-^s occurred for both strikes and lockouts in 24,518 establishments, or an average }8 of $2,445 to each establishment, and of nearly $40 to each person involved. I 554 "a condition— not a theory. labor conditions not satisfactory. Will any gentleman say, in the face of these great disturbances, that the cc tion of the labor of this country is entirely satisfactory to the laborer ? Hj derived that unmixed blessing from high taxation which was promised hira ? tendency of our present legislation, I regret to say, is to make millionaires paupers. Under the lower tariff rates of years gone by, when taxation wasimj to carry on the Government, the word " tramp" was not daily and hourly he The Anarchist, the Socialist, and the Communist were also unknown in midst. Our rate of wages is higher than the rate in the Old "World, and would b under any tariff law that we would impose. If tariffs give high wages, why is i that labor in England is so much higher than it is in France or Germany, th' latter countries having protective tariffs and England having none ? Why is 1 that our manufacturing journals of this country begin to declare that the dange of our people lies in the cheap labor of Germany instead of the cheap labor o England ? With the highest priced labor in the world, we send over their tariffs to Ger many and France, having the cheap labor, machinery, stoves, ranges, hardware tools, machine needles, mechanical and scientific instruments, cutlery, fire-arms printing presses, locks, hinges, sewing machines, clocks, watches and pianos, an( so far as I have been able to trace the relation I find that the more labor we get int( a commodity the more certainly we can compete successfully with the old country One of the manufacturers ol pianos alone in this country sends five hundred pianl) per annum to England. WHAT THE TARIFF BILL DOES. idWI The bill we present for consideration proposes to take $878,000 off of chemi( $1,756,000 off of earthen and glassware; $11,480,000 off of sugar; $331,000 off o provisions ; $227,000 off of cotton goods ; $2,042,000 off of hemp, jute, and flaj goods; $12,330,000 off of woolens; $3,000 off of books and papers, and $1,090,00( off of sundries. It is also proposed to add to your free list flax, hemp, jute chemicals, salt, tin plate, wool, and other things, amounting to $22,189,000, making in all a tariff reduction of $53,720,000. It proposes to make reductions in th< internal revenue of $24,455,000, or a grand total of tax reduction from tariff anc internal revenue sources of $78,176,000— more than a dollar and a quarter to everj Individual, or $6 for every family in the United States. And the plain, simple ■question presented here to day is : Will we take this burden off or will we leave il •on? Will we free commerce, leaving it unshackled, or will we keep it hampered? Will we continue to hoard up a corrupting surplus, or will we leave the money m the pockets of the people, where it justly belongs? These are the subjects upoc which we are to act. WHAT THE PROTECTION LEADERS DID FOR LABOR. I wish to compare the record of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelley] with that of the distinguished President of the United States, whose message he criticises. Let us compare their action on one subject that is of vital importance tc the laboring man, and see if we can not get some additional light. The gentleniaB from Pennsylvania was a member of Congress in 1864, and on the anniversary oi our country's liberty an act was passed by him and those acting with him which has only to be read to be most heartily despised. It is what is now known as the "contract labor law." There was a clause in the Constitution which forbade the re-establishment of the African slave trade, but this opening of something like a Caucasian slave trade was made legitimate by the statute which I send to the Clerk't desk to be read. Stc. 3. And be it further enacted, That all contracts that shall be made by emigrants tc the United States in foreign countries, in conformity to regulations that may be established by the said commissioner, whereby emigrants shall pledge the wages of their labor for a term not exceeding twelve months, to repay the expenses of their emigration, shall bo held to be valid in law, and may be enforced in the courts of the United States or of the several States and Territories ; and such advances, If so stipulated lu the contract, and the contract "a condition — NOT A THEOKY." 555 led in the recorder's office in the country where the emigrant shall settle, shall erate as a lien upon any land thereafter acquired by the Hmmifyrant, whether under the mestead law when the title is consummated, or on property otherwise acquired until liqui- :ed by the emigrant; but nothing herein contained shall be deemed to authorize any itract contravening the Constitution of the United States, or creating in any way the ation of slavery or servitude. (U. S. Stats, at large, vol. 15, 1863-'65.) Not only were foreigners to be brought here by contract, but their services for 'ear were made liable for the falfillment of the contracts, and any little home lich they acquired by purchase, or even under the homestead act. was to be swept 'ay from them and their children to satisfy the rapacity of the contractors who mght them over. Whenever the operatives in an American mine or at an Ameri- 1 furnace became dissatisfied with their wages and struck for better pay, all that ! mine or furnace owner had to do was to send his agent abroad to the densely pulated regions, to the poor and squalid inhabitants of Russia, Poland, Italy, or ler oppressed region, contract for laborers to take the places of the strikers, and I machinery worked smoothly again. Whole colonies of American citizens have 3n swept away from their places of labor in this manner. Who was it that originated a bill repealing this law ? It originated in a Demo- ,tic House of Representatives. Not only was the law allowing the importation contract laborers repealed, but an amendment was made afterwards, with the )roval of President Cleveland, which made the vessel bringing them to this coun- liable for the expense of transporting them back, and by a clause I offered, which s adopted, if it failed to do so, prevented it from entering in or clearing from our •ts. This President Cleveland made effective by his approval. I leave this House ietermine which has manifested the greatest affection and which has bestowed the atest blessing upon the laboring man in this case, the honorable gentleman from msylvaniaor the President whose message he criticises. I B ANALYZING THE SCHEDULE. ^nONS HAVE BEEN 80 MADE AS RELIEVE LABOR FROM UNNECESSARY ^K BURDENS NOW IMPOSED. ^^m From the Speech of Clifton B. Breckinridge, of Arkansas, May 17, 1888. ^ff tariff is divided into'fourteen great schedules, and if we include the free- it makes fifteen. These schedules are : Schedule A.— Chemical products. Schedule B.— Earthenware and glassware. Schedule C— Metals. Schedule D.— Wood and wooden ware. Schedule E.— Suirar. Schedule F.— Tobacco. Sch'dule G.— Provisions. Schedule H.— Liquors. Schedule I.— Cotton and cotton goods. Schedule J.— Hen^p, jute and flax goods. Schedule K.— Wool and woolens. Schedule L.— Silk and silk goods. Schedule M —Books, paper, etc. schedule N.— Sundries. Che free-list. THE DUTY ON SILK GOODS UNCHANGED. Take Schedule L, that of silk and silk goods, and let us examine into the iges we have made and the rain we have wrought here, as alleged by the ority of the committee. Under this head there were 382 productive estab- its in 1879, as shown by the census of 1880. There is subject to ruin a 656 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." capital of over $19,000,000; over 9,000 men, 16,000 women, and 5,000 childr^ total of 31,335 hands, are to be deprived of employment that "adds to our nation, wealth" over $41,000,000 of products every year — "the business is larger now — ar their earnings were $9,146,705. What happy homes are destroyed ! What doleful picture we have of the hum of industry hushed and the great lactorii standing, grim monuments of disaster and of Democratic folly. We have m changed a classification or lowered a single rate. We have not touched tl schedule. In the matter of gloves made of silk, and that might have been involve elsewhere, we took particular pains to keep tbem at the 50 per cent, rate laid upc the general merchandise of this schedule. NOTHING IN THE DIRECTION OF CHEAP WHISKEY. V I wish to call the attention of the committee to another schedule that we k said to have mutilated and to other industries that we are said to have pickled ft an evil day. There is Schedule H, relating to liquors. The industries under th head exist or cease to exist under our "home rule" system of government as tl people in the respective States preler. When a State permits its people to make ( consume such products they are subject to Federal taxation, and the Democrat members of the committee are very partial to taxing these products rather tha the necessities of life. This schedule embraces distilled, malt and vinous liquo; and some other products, such as ginger ale, etc. A great many working peop are employed in these industries. Without going into a complete summary, I may say that in 1879 there wei over 3,000 establishments producing distilled spirits, malt liquors and vinous pr( ducts. They gave employment to more than 32,000 people, and the wages pa: exceeded $15,000,000. The capital employed was nearly $120,000,000. Apart fro; any question of merit, our Republican colleagues on the committee unite in makir this schedule no exception in their general statement of ruin. They do not specr the particulars. We can not blame them for that. We can only blame them ft making the statement at all, for the schedule is not touched. ANALYSIS OP THE TOBACCO SCHEDULE. Then there is the tobacco schedule — Schedule F— one of the great schedule and covering one of the great lines of industry of the people. Foreigners wi buy up our tobacco, ship it to Europe for say three or four dollars a ton, ocea freight, work it into the various forms fit for use, having pauper labor, and und the destruction of rates that we are said to have made they will bhip it back here at less rate of freight, for return freight is all "ballast," and they will deprive oi people of this work. Seven thousand seven hundred and seventy-four establisl ments are going to ruin; $40,000,000 of capital will be idle to supplement the surpli in the Treasury; 87,587 hands, including 20,000 women, and more than 11,0( children, who now find honest and cheerful employment manufacturing the ga brands of tobacco, are going to be sent to the poor-house. It is a terrible state > aflairs. The changes we have made in this schedule and aflecting the; industries will stop the current of $25,000,000 of yearly wages now dispense^ It makes a man who loves his country— and only Republicans love our country- shudder. The $17,000,000 internal revenue tax on tobacco that we repeal will help tl industry. They all say that. Giving the cigarmakers Sumatra wrappers at l cents a pound instead of 75 cents a pound tax will help them. They all say tha Then so far we have helped them by universal consent. The last feature is a tari change. What are the changes which are going to produce the stated ruin? DEALING WITH THE CHEMICAL SCHEDULE. Let us take schedule A — that of chemicals. This is the most intricate ar diflBcult schedule that we have. It covers a multitude of industries of the mo scientific character. By the census of 1880 we had 592 manufacturing establisl ments with a capital of nearly $30,000,000. They employed 9,515 people. Th( I "a condition— not a theory." 657 57,163 in wages, and their product was |38,173,658. Sir, the wage per . of their product is 10 per cent , and we leave on the articles that we touch an age duty of over 22 per cent., which is more than twice as much as all the labor 3 is in them; and yet the gentlemen of the minority fail to omit the chemical dule from their prediction of the general ruin which they say this bill will i/iflict 1 every industry in the country. Look a moment further at the chemical industry. The cost of material in ISTd" $24,880,566, making $28,537,729 for labor and material. Take this from the uct, and we have a net profit of $9,535,929. In these figures interest on ;al, cost of maintaining plant, and every form of expense has been included. !, then, is a profit of 33 per cent, in their sales over and above all this Our of duty on all dutiable imports of chemicals last year was 35 per cent. In 187^ IS within a small fraction of 32 per cent. They collected from the people and ned in the pockets of the proprietors every cent of the protection and 1 per of profit on top of it, which, according to the usual mode of computation, is^ let profit, as I have just set forth, that they would have made if there had been- rotection. They would have made more than 1 per cent, under free trade after ag the wages they did pay, for many articles taxed were of the nature of raw- rial to them. protecting labor in earthenware. [ wish to cite only two or three points in relation to the earthenware schedule- business, too, according to gentlemen on the other side, is to be consigned to- by this bill. It is an industry of very considerable importance. The data, icting this schedule is not consolidated, nor can it well be. We can, however, ider representative features of it without going too much into detail. A& 'n by the census returns of 1880, the per cent, of labor in the drain and sewer business was 23 ; in brick and tile, 40 ; in stone and earthenware, 40 ; in glass, Jtained and ornamented, 27, and in other glass, 43. We leave 49.21 per cent. — lore than all the labor there is in any branch of the business. The basket e of the bill is 40 per cent., whereas under the act of 1861 it was only 30 per Those are the general facts relative to this industry. We leave room for the- ifacturers to charge extra to the consumers under this schedule more than all is paid out for wages, and yet our friends on the other side of the House say iv^ill not cover the difference between wages paid here and abroad. DEALING with THE METAL SCHEDULE [ pass next to the consideration of the metal schedule. In 1880 there were in? sundry and machine-shop business 145,000 hands ; the wages paid were over '00,000 ; the product over $214,000,000, the wage element being 32 per cent, of )roduct. If we had left 16 per cent., or the half of 32 per cent., perhaps it d have coverea the difi'erence between the cost of production in this country m foreign countries ; but out of abundant caution we have left over 43 per , which is 11 per cent, more than all the labor in the business. Yet gentlemen the boldness to say that this does not cover the difference in wages. 'n the iron and steel industry there were employed 140,000 hands, and there- iisbursed $55,000,000 in wages. The average percent, of labor in the produci ; and we leave over 43 per cent., leaving still enough to permit an immense rgo upon the consumption of the products of labor, a heavy burden upon ers in iron and users of iron. Gentlemen take a weak position, weak in. ' sense, when they say they only want enough protection to cover the dif- ce in wages in a particular industry. Every one can see that the rates we- are generally far in excess of all the labor in the particular industry. The let of one industry often constitutes the base or raw material of another itry. The first product is raised in price by the protective tax laid for it, 3specially if the tax be specific a higher rate must be laid upon the latter bsequent product. To admit this is to admit what our opponents absurdly , that protection does not enhance the price of the domestic-made article. J first tax does not raise the price, why do you place the subsequent tax f beyond the entire cost of the labor in it ? 'A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY. In the tinware industry the wage per cent, is 22 ; and we leave vnth free tin, and yet gentlemen say that there is not left room for the lab( to get his hire. I think it certain that with free trade in tinware, to pre:? •combinations, the workmen would do more and get more than they nowj ' THE TARIFF ON LUMBER AND ITS PRODUCT?. J tO^ AVJUU )e^| As to the wooden and woodenware schedule, a fair index is to furniture business. In that industry there were in 1880 59,000 hands, to' were disbursed more than $23,000,000 in wa(^es. The product was roun ^77,000,000 of goods. The wage per cent, is 30; and we leave a 30 pej rate of protection, which, in covering all the wages paid, certainly cover " difference of wages between tliis country and foreign countries. In planed lumber we leave precisely the rate of protection that exists # the present law, simply taking off that upon the rough lumber. It should be remembered also that in these bulky products distance and frei -alone constitute adequate protection, as is shown by their extensive existence in West, where wages are high, while often in the Eastern States WEiges are m more beL-)w the Western standard than in Europe they are below our East standard. THE SUGAR REPINING INDUSTRY. I wish to pass rapidly to a brief consideration of the general features of -sugar schedule. The sugar-refining industry is an important one. In 1880, th were, exclusive of plantation refining, 49 establishments in that business in 1 •country, with a capital of $27,000,000, with nearly 6,000 hands, and a disbursem of nearly $3,000,000 in wages. The labor is only one eighth of 1 per cent, of the product. The question is we have a duty upon raw sugars, whether we leave a sufficient margin between tax on the raw sugar and the tax on the refined grades of sugar to cover the dii ences between the cost of refining in this country and the cost abroad. Under present law the tax on sugar not above No. 13 Dutch standard of color anc degrees of saccharine strength is 1.40 cents per pound. For each additional de^ the tax is 04 of a cent per pound. What is called the working base in the suf -refining industry is No. 13 sugar, or sugar below 13, with 90 degrees of sacchai strength. The present tax on that is 2 cents a pound. The present tax for first grades of refined sugar, those between 13 and 16, is now 2 cents per pou between 16 and 20, a higher grade of refined sugar, the tax is 3 cents a pou above 20 (and at 20 you reach about the grade of granulated sugar) the tax i^ cents a pound. But I must not dwell too long on this feature. We have sought to reduce sugar tax, say $11,000,000. The reduction is a little more: and then by m largely reducing the margin of the refiners we have sought to also reduce whs may call the subsidy tar. Of course the tax on raw sugar affords a subsidy to Louisiana sugar planters. They will lose about $2,500,000 of their subsidy, while the margins to the refiners are at present 75 cents, II and $1.50 a hundred refining, we make them in this bill in this way : We take off 20 per cent. instea< merely twenty points from eaci' grade. This makes a deeper cut in the hig •grades. No. 13, of 75 degrees, is proposed at 1.15 cents, and each additional de^ .032 cent. This makes No. 13, of 90 degrees, taxed at 1.63 cents. From No. li No. 16 it, would be 2.20 cents. Between No. 16 and No. 20 it would be 2 40 ce Above No. 20 it would be 2 80 cents This leaves margins respectively of 57 C( per 100 pounds instead of 75 cents, 77 cents per 100 instead of $1, and $1.17 inst of $1 50; or reductions of margins of 18, 23, and 37 cents per 100 pounds refining. DEALING WITH COTTON INDUSTRIES. The cotton schedule deals with a very important part of our domestic im tries. According to gentlemen on the other side, we are going to ruin them We had in 1880 1,005 cotton mills in this country ; capital. $219,000,000; hai 180,000; wages, $45,000,000; product, $210,000,000; and the average rate of Wi I "a condition— not a theory." 55^ a day, counting three hundred working days to the year, and the wage per . of the product was 21 per cent. There is not a rate in the schedule lower than 35 per cent. I submit, Mr^ irman, that 35 is greater than 21, however stoutly the other side may deny itj^ I also submit that 35 is greater than some figure less than 21, wbicli is what now tell the House and the people is not true. If the House will believe that greater than 21, and also greater than some sum less than 21, then the ques- as to the safety of the proposed rate is settled. The tax now on costly cotton cloths, laces, etc., is 40 per cent, ad valorem. We J it just as it is. The rates, however, on cheaper cloths are specifics. I hold" y hand samples of crinoline cloths, low-priced goods, involving but little labor jared with the cloths taxed 40 per cent., and that enter into the dressmaking stry, and these goods are taxed under the specifics at from 68 to 137 per cent, correct this inequality and injustice to consumers and dressmakers and put the it the same rate as it now is upon fine cloth— 40 per cent. Dresses are taxed Dm 35 to 50 per cent, now by law; that is, cotton and silk. Should we leave material taxed 137 per cent.? Some dress linings are now taxed 158 per cent, ) are mulls and tarltons. The cheaper goods are taxed as high as 110 per centf ufactures out of them are taxed 35 per cent. This inequality has, we are told, •oyed therufiling industry here; and whether it has or not, it is unjust to the le employed in it and unjust to consumers. We make the rate the same as- fixed by law for fine goods — 40 per cent. Here are sleeve linings taxed 70 per , the raw material of made-up goods taxed 35 per cent, and along there. I& just? What inequalities do the other side propose to correct, and how, when have the boldness to denounce us for proposals like these ? the duty on starch and mustard. Now, there are some manufactures in the provision schedule which the )rity prophesy will be ruined by the pending bill. There is very little upon schedule that we touch. There is starch and mustard, with two or three other ucts in their natural state. In the starch industry, which substantially covers :round, our capital in 1880 was a little over $.5,000 000. They employed 3,11^ s; their wages were $919,197; their product was $7,477,742. The per cent, labor got of the product was a little over 12, We leave rates of 40 and 47 per We then leave a subsidy on starch sufficient to pay all the laborers now get y four times over, and yet gentlemen say room is not left to pay them. This a level with their other statements. 3ur exports of siarch last year were over 7,000,000 pounds. We sent over ,000 pounds to England, and over 3,000,000 pounds to the Netherlands, and over 00 pounds to Germany. It will appear from this that here in this country, at 6at of the supply of corn and potatoes, the raw material for this manufacture, re at the place to make starch cheaper than anywhere in the world, and cer- y we would not export these vast quantities abroad were it not that we can rsell the foreign maker on his own grounds. THE DUTY ON FLAX AND ITS PRODUCTS. Touching the hemp, jute and flax schedule, our imports in 1887 were over 00,000, our receipts over $7,000,000, and the rate of duty over 34 per cent., and iverage rate now, as proposed by this bill, is 24 per cent. In the linen-goods jh of this business the per cent, of labor is 27. In order to protect this • we need to cover the difference between the 27 and some lesser amount is received in competing countries. We leave 25 per cent. As we give free flax and leave them 25 per cent., we believe that the protection is not adequate to take care of the labor, but also, if it be charged in full by the ifacturer, to constitute a serious restriction upon the sales of the products of .n the matter of collars and cuflfs we leave the present rate of 35 per cent. is an industry that has been discriminated against by the high rate of tax- heretofore upon the cheaper grades of cotton goods. That inequality has €60 "a condition — NOT A THEORY. been wholly or substantially removed, and we put this industry upon basis than it has occupied heretofore. . It may be mentioned that the rate on" linen-goods industry up to July 14, 18B2, was 30 per cent., but at that time t had a tax of $15 a ton on flax dressed and undressed. Now we give them rate, as stated, at 25 per cent, and remove the tax off of the raw material,. the linen-thread industry, with a tax of |115 a ton on flax, there was a protection of 30 per cent. We now give them free flax and 25 per cent. WHAT WAS THOUGHT ENOUGH IN 1867. I want to if^ad for the information of our friends upon the other side 'House, who insist that we are reckless in our legislation, that this is going tor the woolen industries, what the representatives of those industries said in reg to rates in 1867, when they needed protection more than they need it now, but : not advanced to the high demands which now seem to characterize them. T said, through their committee, in their communication to the Internal Revenue C( ■missioner in 1866 : The provisions proposed by the committee and rendered necessary by the propc change of the duties on wool aim to accomplish two objects ; first, to fix the specific du ■ at rates which shall be simply compensatory for the duties on wool and other material, secondly, to establish an ad valorem duty which, besides providing for the revenue taj manufactures, shall leave the importer simply the net protection of 25 per cent. With 8( exceptions, the reasons for which will be specially explained hereatter, the ad valoi duties on manufactures of wool and worsted goods are fixed at 35 per cent., 10 per C( being fixed as an equivalent for the internal-revenue tax of 6 per cent, on manufacti and on articles consumed in manufacturing, and 25 per cent, as protection to the manul turer. That 10 per cent, is not more than an equivalent for the 6 per cent, revenue tax ' appear from considering that the customs duty being levied on the foreign value, and internal tax oit the home value a larger percentage of the former than of the latter m\ required to make a given sum. To state a case for illustration, quite closely conformable to present home and fore values : A yard of cloth sells noAV in our market for $2.50, which would cost abroad o $1.50. In that case exactly 10 per cent, customs duty would be required on the latter san equal the 6 per cent, internal tax on the former. In the case taken the 10 per cent, would not be a whole equivalent for the interr revenue tax, for such tax must also be paid on articles used in manufacturing. This shows that in an earlier state of the infancy of this ancient industry ■ manufacturers themselves declared that all the protection they needed was 25 j cent. THE CHAKGE OF SECTIONALISM ANSWERED. They say we put Northern wool on the free-list and lightly touch Southt rice. Let us look at the sectional character of the wool tax. In the South( States, including Maryland, the Virginias, Kentucky, and Missouri, and all i country south of these States, and not going farther west than Arkansas and Tez there are 876 560 square miles. In 1875 the number of sheep in this vast terrik was 5,420,000. In 1887 the number was 9,428,953 ; showing that in this section our country the sheep had increased nearly 100 per cent. Those of us who i familiar with the climate and soil of this vast area of our country know that it peculiarly well adapted for stock-raising, and especially for raising sheep. Far 1 greater part of our mountain area east of the Rocky Mountains is in this section. Now let us compare this with the States that we are said to have dealt with an unfriendly spirit. The Northern States most frequently mentioned in this C( nection are the New England States, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey a Ohio. They have a combined area of 209,590 square miles, a great deal less ter tory than there is in the single State of Texas alone. In these Northern wool-gro ing States there were in 1875, 9,830,100 sheep. In 1887 they had 8,580,526 shei showing a falling off" of nearly 1,000,000 in number, or more than 10 per cent.,wh our Southern part of the country showed an increase of over 4,000,000, or nearly 1 per cent. WHEN WILL PROTECTION BRING THE HOME MARKET? What is the feature of a home market ? Does your war policy lessen expoi and hence lessen our dependence upon foreign consumption? If so, how does er 18 per cent, of the total product of c manufactures. And in 1880 labor received 17^ per cent, of its entire products. These figures seem to demonstrate that the increase of protection is not acco panied with an increase in wages. The chief argument for protection is founded on the assumption that wages i higher in this country than in Europe. Seventeen and a- half per cent, ofvl value of our manufactures covers the entire cost. It has been claimed in this debate that protection saved the Unioi money with which the soldiers were paid, with which the great armies and were provided and maintained, was paid, not by protection, but by those who : its victims. The only office of protection in this business was to tax for its o' benefit those who did save the Union. It charged two prices for the clothing 1 soldiers wore, for the shoes in which they marched, for the blankets under wh. ID. UJk.vi d flP I 'A CQNDITION— NOT A THEORY." 567 ^ slept, for the comforts and Decessaries required by their wives and children, r the powder and lead with which they met and defeated the foes of the IFnion, d now puts a tax ot 47 per cent, on the pensions of their widows and orphans. The chief mission of protection during the struggle was to establish itself, •t the Union, to feather its own nest, to put money in its purse, and while the ave and patriotic were fighting the battles of the Union protection bound them jtd and foot. VII. VARIATION OF THE RATE OF WAGES. EN UNDER THE PRESENT SYSTEM THERE IS NOTHING LIKE UNIFORMITY IN ■ WAGES IN DIFFERENT SECTIONS. From a Speech by WUliam L. Wilson, of West Virginia, May dd. I have here an address delivered before the Home Market Club of New England, Senator Frye, of Maine, on what he saw in Europe, in which, after the good i-fashioned protection logic, he pictures the wretched condition of European 3or. The Home Market Club is composed largely of gentlemen who derive divi- nds from the present tariff, and who, naturally, do not want it disturbed. The eface of the address has a statement to show "the vast interests New England 8 in protective tariff," and it gives the manufacturing statistics of all the New igland States except Rhode Island. According to this statement, the capital vested in those five States is $548,652,118, the number of employes 584,495; but ien it comes to wages I find the average wages of an employe in the State of aine to be $257 a year, whereas in the State of Massachusetts he gets $364, and in e little State of Connecticut $385. Now, what I can not understand is this: If a riff, a law of Congress, makes wages, why does it operate so unevenly as between e employe in Maine and the employe in Connecticut, and why is the Maine man Drth only two-thirds as much as the Connecticut man ? And when we come to 3rmont, the State of our venerable friend at the other end of the Capitol, I find at the average employe gets only $303. If a tariff does make wages, then the protective tariff is the most ungrateful ing that ever existed in the history of the world. Why should it give to the low-citizen and compatriot of the last Republican candidate for the Presidency ly $257 a year, while it gives to the operative in the good old State that voted r the author of the last Presidential message $385 a year ? And why should it re to the fellow-citizen of the author of the tariff, Mr. Morrill, but $303 a year? Hp VARIATION IN THE WAGES OF LABOR AT HOMB. But, the statistics of the Home Market Club are exactly in line with the figures ibraced in the report of the Commissioner of Labor. After careful inquiry to many industries in this country. Colonel Wright says that " An examination these reports will show that thers is no such thing as an American rate of wages " )r example, in the manufacture of agricultural implements a blacksmith gets 15 r cent, more in Illinois than in Indiana, while a foreman gets 50 per cent, more Pennsylvania than in New York, and a painter nearly 70 per cent, more in Penn- Ivania than in Maine. In the boot and shoe industry a buffer gets $2.50 in Penn- Ivania and only $1.40 in New York, and we find that a button hole maker in mnsylvania, if a woman, gets 78 cents, while New York pays $1.04. When it mes to heelers, New York gives $3.56 and Massachusetts only $1.72. Massacliu- ttspays her packers $1.95, while New York neglects hers with a cold $1.08. 568 "a condition — not a theory." So "when we come to the table of cotton goods we find that Great Britain mule-spinners $1.57, Massachusetts $1.25, and Vermont only $1.20, and that thi average rate of wages paid in the cotton industr}^ in Great Britain is $1.17 per day while in Vermont it is only $1.15 ; so that, when Senator Morrill became so alarmec for fear that his fellow citizens were going to be reduced to the level of the paupe: wages in England, it meant simply that they were going to be kicked upstairs fron $1.15 to $1.17, the average wages in the cotton industry in England. WHO gets the benefit op the protection? My venerable colleague from Pennsylvania [Mr. Kelley] was one of the con ference committee in the Forty-seventh Congress which constructed the preeen tariff. In that committee they put up the duty on iron ore from 50 cents a ton, a which it had been fixed by the Tariff Commission, by the House in open aessioD and by the Senate in open session, to 75 cents a ton, and all of course in the interes of and for the benefit of the American laboring man. Now, I have here Penr.sylvania Legislative Documents for 1884-'85, volume 2 in which I find the twelfth annual report of the bureau of industrial statistics, b; Joel C. McCamant. Speaking of the wages of the iron-ore miners, he says : The mining of iron-ore does not afford constant employment, the average amountim to but thirty-six weeks per annum This allows scarcely sufficient wages per week, for th run of the year, to maintain a single individual; how those wage- workers having familie to maintain can accomplish that dlflGicult task is a problem In social economies that can b solved only by those who have been in similar circumstances. Many miners wear belt instead of suspenders to support the weight of their pantaloons: and one of these, in repl; to the question askod him relative to his ability to buy food, replied : " Lord bless you, wi do not always eat when we are hungry, we just tighten our belts." Now, what has become of the 75 cents a ton which was secured for the Amer ican miner of iron ore in that conference? Why, up to that date. May 1, 1885, mor than two years afterward, had it not reached him ? Is it lost, strayed or stolen? suspect it has found its way into the literary bureau of the American Iron aD( Steei Association, and has been expended in the publication of tracts to prove to th miner what a good thing a protective tariff is for him. I would say to that philan thropic association, give your miners less tracts and better food under their belts. THE LAW OP DEMAND AND SUPPLY. There is one great element in this question of wages that is carefully kept ou of view. Gentlemen compare the wages and the condition of the American work man with those of his foreign competitor as if they stood upon an equality in othe respects. They ignore the fact that in the labor market, as elsewhere, the law o demand and supply is the great regulator of prices. Where labor has many oppoi tunities for employment wages are high ; as these opportunities diminish wages ar lessened. Now, contrast the position of the laborer in these United States with his posi tion in the other countries of the world. The sixty million of people that no^ inhabit this country are but the vanguard of that mighty host which is destined t find homes, comfort and prosperity here. Not until the sixty millions become si: hundred millions, not until the six hundred millions grow into a thousand million will men crowd each other here in the fierce struggle for existence and wealth a they do in Great Britain to-day. THE farmer and HIS BURDENS. But there is one class of our laboring men as to whom these advocates of pre tection clearly see the difficulty and weakness of their position, and that is th American farmer. Where does the farmer get any benefit from protection ? He i the patient beast of burden upon whose broad shoulders you have shifted dow the chief burdens of supporting a government of sixty millions of people. Where is the benefit to him under the tariff? My colleague from Micbij [Mr. Burrows] meets the question with the bold reply : The farmer is not hurt. The consumer does not pay these taxes. ^Pd 'a condition— not a theory." 569 duty that is paid on a foreign article to get it into this country is as much ^rt of its original cost to the American consumer as the cost of its manufacture I fits ocean freight. No matter who the importer be, foreigner or fellow-citizen, ' e does not get that duty back in its sale he is in a losing business, as much as if ( ailed to get back any other element of cost. Trade stops at once if it brings 1 )rofit. Moreover, the amount thus added to its cost by the duty saves the home 1 lucer of a like article from having to compete witb it at the cost it bore before ; duty was added. Sir, I commend to the gentlemen on the other side the utter- I is of some of their party leaders on this point. Senator Sherman has a higher idea of the intelligence of the farmer than my id from Michigan, for he has paid in this House : : said it, and I stand by it, that as a freneral rule the duties paid upon Imports operate tax upon the consumer. Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, in the February number of Harper's Magazine^ eplying to Mr. Watterson, argued at length that the larger portion of import es is borne by the foreign producer ; but Senator Edmunds, speaking on the ar question, January 4, 1883, made a much more correct statement when he said r [n the main all these taxes come out of the consumer, particularly internal revenue !8, perhaps all of them hUbstantially. And I particularly commend to his colleagues on this floor the emphatic ,'uage of Senator Plumb, of Kansas, on the 11th of January, 1883, spoken with irectness and earnestness that showed an impatience of any contrary suggestion: Who pays these taxes? When the manufacturer of iron comes to the Senate says ''I can live, or I can make a profit, if a certain duty is imposed," what is he ing? He is simply saying "If you give me a certain duty you put it in my power harge over that duty as an additional tax on the tarmers of the United States." The mere statement of this question is its conclusive argument, and I should further refer to it but that the gentleman from Michigan so sharply criticised President for expressing views like.those of Mr. Sherman, Mr. Edmunds, and Mr. mb. Weh HOME MABKET ARGUMENT. 'e have heard on this floor time and again the " old. old story," of the '• home •ket." I have the great speech made by Mr. Clay in 1832, when he was urging n the farmers of the country what the opponents of this bill would denounce as ! trade, but what he supposed to be a protective tarifl". Pie says, in substance : rest the whole case on two grounds." One of these was that the protective ;em would build up a home demand for the products of the farm, and thus main- i or advance the price of those products. Whatever force may have been in that argument when used by Mr. Clay is irely dissipated to-day. Mr. Clay spoke to a country without railroads, without igrapbs. There were no steamships traversing the ocean, no cables under the an. He spoke to a country whose farmers, with the exception of those adjacent ts Eastern rivers and seaboard, sought a market for their produce in the nearest n, to which they hauled it in their own wagons ; when tbe value of a bushel of 3at was exhausted by a haul of 300 miles, and that of a bushel of corn by a haul of miles. It was a day when " manufacture " meant something very different from at it means to-day. As late as eightyears afterward, Mr. Webster described Amer- 1 manufactures as "a little capital mixed with manual labor." At that time the ?hboring village or town, with its woolen mill, its hat factory, its shoemakers, its ied industries, was flesh and blood to consume the farmer's products and wear the ;hing made from his wool and cotton. The world has been created anew since Mr. Clay made that speech. To-day have a railroad system of 150,000 miles, extending into every corner of I country where population or product invites it. To-day we have instanta- •us communication with every section of the^country, with every portion of the rid. You can order a cargo of tea from China and it will be loaded on the p before night. An order for wheat from Liverpool to San Francisco will 570 "a condition— not a theory." outstrip the lagging sun and get there hours before him. You can transfel lions of dollars in the twinkling of an eye from the money market of Ca to that of London or New York, The whole world with the construct railroads, with the building of steamships, with the laying of cables hi drawn into one family. The price of the farmer's products is no longer in the market of the neighboring village, but in the great market of the The price of the farmer's cotton, his wheat, his meat, and dairy products longer decided even in his own country, but by the ft-ee, untrammeled co^ tion of the markets of all the world. During all that time the progress of invention has been displacing hum labor by machinery. To-day one man in a factory, and frequently a child, tej " some great mechanical mvention, produces what in Henry Clay's day woulc" taken the labor of ten or even twenty men. THE DEVELOPMENT OF MACHINERY. affiB! In the first annual report of the Bureau of Labor we have some striking iflt trations of this displacement of labor by machinery. In a raanufactory of agrici tural implements 600 hands do the work that formerly required 2.145. In the ma ufacture of boots and shoes one hand does the work of five, and will produce enouj shoes in a je&r to supply a thousand men. In the manufacture of carpets one hai with the improvements in machinery does the work that required from ten twenty; in spinning, the work of from seventy-five to one hundred. In the man facture of some kinds of hats one man is equal to nine. In a large establishment New Hampshire improved machinery, even in the past ten years, has dispensi with 50 per cent, of human labor in the making of cotton goods. By the use improvements and inventions in the past ten or fifteen years, in hammers us( in the manufacture of steel, there has been a displacement of employes in the pr portion of nearly ten to one. In the manufacture of paper, a new machine for dr ing and cutting, run by four men and sir women, will do the wark of one hundn persons. In the manufacture of wall-paper the displacement has been one hundn to one. Equally striking facts as to the woolen and other industries might be give but I will call special attention to this general statement. The mechanical indu tries of the United States carried on by eteam aad water represent the labor 21,000,000 men. On our railroads to-day 250,000 men do the work which when M Clay spoke would have required 13,500,000 men and 54,000,000 horses. To do the work now done by power and power machinery in our mechanic industries and upon our railroads would require men representing a population < 175,500,000 in addition to the present population of 65,000,000. And it is just in the protected industries of the country, employing altogethe according to the estimate of the late Secretary Manning, not more than 5 per cec of the labor of the country, that the chief displacement of human labor I machinery has occurred ; and j^et we all know that while Mr. Clay was willing i compromise on a tariff" of 20 per cent, to protect flesh and blood, the demand to-d£ is for 47 per cent, to protect machinery. WHAT MANUFACTURERS MEAN NOW. To-day American manufacturers no longer mean as they did to Daniel We Bter, manual labor mixed with a little capital. They mean great capital mix< wtih a little manual labor. Moreover, as our transportation system has been pe fected, we have witnessed the gradual diBapr>earance of local manufactures ai their massing in immense industrial establishments at particular points. Th( are to-day sufficient and more than sufficient to supply all the demands of oi home consumption, and yet the farmer has to look abroad for purchasers of h surplus products. Two-thirds of onr cotton, nearly one-third of our wheat, immense quantlti of other farm products must be sold to foreigners for lack of home consumei and yet the argument is daily addressed to the farmer, "Tax yourself still long' to diversify industry and build up purchasers for your products." Our surpli wheat crop last year would feed thirty millions of people. Is there any device i "a condition— not a theory." 671 taxation by which the farmer could build up a home demand for that ? You say to the Minnesota farmer, complaining that he gets but 60 cents a bushel for liis wheat, "Continue to uphold the tariff; it will start up other industries in your State to buy your wheat." But the farmer, if he is intelligent, knows that there is a cry of overproduction from our manufacturers to-day ; that we already have more than we can find a market for ; and as long as there is free trade among the States of this country there is no taxation to which he can submit that will necessarily bring these industries to Minnesota aside from the natural advantages as would bring them there without such taxation. But suppose you give him a rolling mill capable of supplying all the steel rails needed for the railroads of his State, a sugar refinery capable of supplying all the sugar consumed in his State, and a boot and shoe factory sufficient for the demands 3f the entire population of Minnesota, there will not be human labor enough in i,ny one of them to consume the wheat crop of a single large farm. With all the families dependent upon them they would add not one mill to the price of his wheat, and little, if any, to the price ol his other products. So much for the home-market idea. It is but » snare and a delusion to the American farmer. His surplus products sent abroad determine the prices of those le sells at home. Without such foreign market they would sell still lower at home. 3ut to the gentlemen of the Home Market Club of New England the home-market dea is a most solid and profitable reality. It means for them a population of •0,000,000 shut in by a benevolent Government and forced to buy of them at prices vhich the Govern rnent is seeking to stimulate 47 per cent, higher than they would )e if subjected to the same competition under which the farmer sells his staple )roducts. If VI^I- [ COST OF HIGH TAXES TO THE FARMER. PROFITS OF MANUFACTURERS OF STEEL RAILS THE COST OF THE WOOL TAX IN ONE STATE. KFrom a Speech by William L. Scott, of Pennsylvania, May 11. he bill under consideration has been framed by the majority of the Committee n Ways and Means who realize and appreciate the condition of affairs existing in le country to-day ; and however desirous they might be to extend that full measure f relief to the wage-worker and the great agricultural classes of the country, to hich they are so justly entitled, invested capital has its claims upon them. They 3preciate the fact that during the past twenty-five years, under the present system f protected industries, immense sums of money have been invested in the various manufacturing industries of the country, and that any bill which the committee ight introduce should have due regard for the capital invested in such manufao- ires; that it would be unwise for any great political parly having the power to 3 BO to at once attempt to readjust the conditions of to-day, which would undoubt- lly cause serious loss to those who had invested their capital under a previous con- tion of affairs. Keeping these objects in view, we ought first, to relieve the?e manufacturing dustries by placing on the free-list, as far as we possibly could, such articles as are Bentially necessary to them to enable them to compete, not only in their home arkets, but in the markets of th^ world. Secondly, in the revision and readjust- ent of the various schedules, under the existing tariff, to leave ample duties on all crchandise that could possibly be imported from abroad in competition with our )me products, and to protect our home manufacturers and the labor employed by em ; and, as the best evidence of our efforts in this direction, I can only compare e average rates of duties under the existing tariff with what they would be under 573 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY. th's bill if it should become a law, namely, the average ad valorem duties on dutiab| goods under the existing tariff of 47.7 per cent, ad valorem, and the average und^ the proposed bill of 40 per cent, ad valorem. This shows a reduction under tl present bill equal to 7.7 per cent, ad valorem. Of the $.'58,720,447.22 reduction of duties on imports under the proposed bi should it become a law, $22,189,505.48 are derived from articles placed upon the fr list, leaving the sum of $31,530,941.74 as the gross reduction made or proposed the committee, applicable to all our varied induBtries; and yet, sir, the majority this House and of the committee are charged with being free traders ! THE BURDENS OP THE FARMING POPULATION. In my opinion upon no clas* of our people do the present fiscal burdens of country bear so heavily as upon the farming class. It is not in the power of tl Government, by any policy that can be adopted, to protect the farmer in vrhat he ' raises and has to sell ; but the Government can impoverish and virtually pauperize him and his family by not only imposing a high duty upon everything he consumes, which is or may be imported, but also by prohibitory duties upon commodities made in this country and necessary to his comfort, which place it in the power of the home manufacturer, by combinations and trusts, to charge what he pleases for his wares. What a mockery of protection the Republican tariff of 1883 is for the farmer t In a speech made by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Burrowe), referring to the advantages that the protection theory gave the farmer, he used the following lan- guage : Among the advantages conferred upon the farmer by our protective tariff, is that derived from a direct protection to the products of his farm and the industries incident thereto, as shown by the following table : (Referring to the duties upon farm products under the existing tariff:) Beef and pork, 1 cent per pound ; hams and bacon, 2 cents per pound ; butter, 4 cents per pound ; lard, 2 cents per pound ; cheese, 4 cents per pound ; wheat, 20 cents per bushel ; oats, 10 cents per bushel ; corn, 10 cents per bushel ; rye, 15 cents per bushel ; live animals, 20 per cent, ad valorem ; wheat flour, 20 per cent, ad valorem ; com meal, 10 cents per bushel. I claim, sir, that not an article named in the foregoing schedule would be imported into this country in competition with the American farmer, if they were all upon the free list, with the exception of wheat, which could only come from Canada, and if every bushel of wheat raised in Canada should be sold in the United States it would not affect the price of the American wheat one-teath of 1 cent per bushel, but the country would be the gamer if it were sold here, so far, at least, as the cost of transportation and commissions for storage and selling accrued to our railroads and commission men. The home price of our wheat, com, beef, pork, butter, lard, and cheese, and of all the products of the farm produced in excess of home consumption, and which have to be exported to Europe to find a market, is determined by the price of the commodity in the markets of the world, plus the cost of transportation. I will also avail myself of a portion of the tables submitted in relation to the farm products of this country, and the quantities exported, for the fiscal year of 1886-1887, as follows: Production. Exportation. Products. Farm value. Export value. Farm value Per cen Breads tuffs : Corn $610,311,000 314,226,020 748,000,000 192,000,000 32,000,000 257,295,327 |!20,0p2,704" 142,666,563 78,152,731 1,983,698 7,594,633 206,222,057 811,790,046 87,668,833 62,522,185 1,487,773 6,455,438 177,895,501 19 Wheat 27.9 * Meats 8.4 Dairy products : Butter .8 Cheese 20.2 Textile fabrics : Cotton 69.1 "A fONDITION — NOT A THEORY." 573 ly the tariff of 1883 did not contain a duty upon the importation of cotton to this country, I do not understand; for, most assuredly, il the duties provided r under the tariff of 1883 gave protection to the products of the Northern farmer, e same theory ought to have given to the cotton planter of the South ; at least it )uld be just as consistent, practically applied, when we consider the exportations the farm products of the whole country. If the products of our farms could have been sold at home for the one thirty- 3ond part of 1 cent more than the export price, not one pound would have gone- road; and every pound consumed at home would have been exported if it had mmanded abroad one-half of 1 per cent, in value more than the home price ; for 3 home price is governed by the price the surplus exported will command in the reign markets. One of the strong arguments that the protectionist makes to the •mer is the home market that protection is alleged to insure for his produce. It a fallacy and a fraud, and intelligent farmers will not be longer deceived by it. 9 Let THE STEEL MILL AND THE FARMER WITH SOMETHING TO SELL. iCt us suppose a case in my own State : Let us take, say the Edgar Thorn- 1 Steel Works, located at Braddock, on the Pennsylvania Railroad, 10 miles 5t from Pittsburgh and 478 miles from Chicago, employing a large number of in. Contiguous to these works lives an industrious farmer with a hundred •es of land. His products coaslst of wheat, corn, oats, hay, hogs and cattle. 3 proximity to these extensive works, where his surplus produce can be deliv- sd in an hour, and where thousands of hungry mouths are ready to consume surely gives him an advantageous market, according to the protectionist's- )ory. But let us see, let us take one of the products of the farm as an example the othei-e, for they all come under the same law of supply and demand and ce. The man in the iron works can not eat wheat ; it must first be reduced flour; so the farmer takes a load of 33^ bushels of wheat, just 1 ton, to the tier, who is also on the railroad and near the steel works. Now, let us see what controls the miller in making a price to the farmer : first, f-interest, to purchase it as cheap as he can ; second, to buy the farmer's wheat a price which after being ground into flour will enable him to sell it to the mill tn in competition with flour sold by the grocery man at the corner, which has m manufactured at St. Paul or Minneapolis, Minnesota, leaving him (the miller> aargin of profit for grinding and his labor. Surely the miller can not pay the mer any more for his wheat because it was raised on land adjoining the steei rks ; he can only pay what he would pay for the same quality of wheat in J Chicago market, plus the cost of transportation to his mill. The miller plains the situation to the farmer and gets his wheat for tnat price, or prob- ^y less, because the farmers's market is restricted practically to the local mill. t where does Chicago wheat come from? Where is it grown and what law values determines its selling price? It comes from the great regions of the •rthwest; is grown upon the rich and fertile prairies of that section, upon land it can be had almost for the asking, or at most at a cost of from $3 to $15 per •e, upon land requiring no barnyard to make a crop, and where the 8traw_ is med in the fields as the easiest and cheapest way of getting rid of it. The price- the Chicago market is determined day by day. if there is not a ''corner" in wheat, the price at Mark Lane, London. The farmer at Braddock, after selling his wheat, returns to his home and lily. He had bought his farm at a cost of $100 per acre, made a payment in cash )n it, from the savings of years of toil and labor, secured the deferred payments a mortgage, hoping that by his industry and labor upon his farm and its orable location he would make money enough to meet the interest and pay his mortgage at maturity. He has sold his wheat at 90 cents per bushel, grown 3n land which cost him $100 per acre, sown and harvested this wheat by labor which he had to pay from $15 to $18 per month and board, and after the taxes )n the land and his help are paid, and other debts connected with the raising of crop are settled, he finds that both ends will not meet; that the price he has- eiyed for his wheat will not cover cost of production. I S74 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEOBY." GOES TO THE STEEL MILL TO BUY SOMETHING. Discouraged, but not disheartened, the farmer rises the next morning before the sun ; hitches up his team and drives to town. He needs an iron or steel beam for some purpose on his farm, and goes to the steel mill to buy it ; and ^pon asking the price is told that he can have it for 3.3 cents per pound, or at the rate of $66 per ton ; and he is further informed that 3.3 cents per pound for steel beams is the uniform price at all the steel mills in the United States. Now, the farmer protests that 3.3 cents per pound for steel beams appears to him to be an exorbitant price; that his boy works in the steel mill, in the beam department, and that in figuring over the cost of making steel beams last night with his boy they could not make them out to cost more than $29 or $30 per ton at the mill; that ^QQ per ton gave the steel works a profit of $36 per ton; and that lie thought something must be wrong; what it was he did not just understand, but yesterday he brought into town 33i- bushels of wheat, just -one ton, and he could only get 90 cents per bushel for it, li cents per pound, the equivalent of $30 per ton, and that this price did not pay him the cost of raising it ; in fact, he lost money on it instead of making $36 per ton profit, tc meet the interest and pay the mortgage on his farm ; that he could not under- stand why he should be obliged to raise and sell 73 bushels of wheat, or ovei two tons, to enable him to purchase one ton of steel beams, costing less than $30 per ton to produce and make. The answer of the steel-man was, that this condition of affairs all grew out •^of the pauper labor of Europe, and the necessity of protecting home labor, and to make a home market for the farmer's wheat, oats, corn, cattle and hogs. The farmer being unable to refute this unanswerable argument, paid 3.3 cents pei pound for his beam and departed a wiser man. In the evening the son returned and with the fatber began to discuss the transactions of the last two days, endeav oring to ascertain why the farmer's wheat would only command l^- cents pei pound at the steel-works, while the farmer had to pay 3.3 cents per pound foi liis steel beams. The fanner feared he had made a fatal mistake when he boughi the farm ; but he had been influenced in the purchase by a speech he had heard ir the fall of 1884, delivered by a very distinguished statesman, one Mr. Kelley, at th( opera house in Braddock, in which that gentleman ably set forth the advantages of protection to home labor, and eloquently dwelt on the home market it woulc •create for the products of the farm, while enhancing the wages of the mil hands. But the son could not see the advantage of Mr. Kelley's kind of protection •either to himself, the mill-hand, or his father, the farmer. The price of the latter's product in the home market being regulated by the price in Mark Lane, London he was of course trading in an open market, and took nothing whatever by th( so-called protection. As to his own wages in the mill, if he got any share of the tariff subsid} in the form of wages, it was so small as to be inappreciable and to count fo; practically nothing as against the prices he was made to pay for the "tariflfed' necessaries of life; but considering the employer's share, and the necessities of i *' protected " employer's life, he was not so surprised that the " boss," as allegec in the newspapers, could rent Cluny Castle, in Invernes-shire, Scotland, to spem liis summers in ; and as he believed that the net profits of Carnegie Brothers oi the two items of steel rails and steel beams alone, throwing out of account al other items of their production, were, on 30,000 tons of steel beams, $1,000,000 and on 192,998 tons of steel rails, at $10 per ton, $1,929,980, or a total profit oi these two items alone of nearly $3,000,000, the son, with an eye to facts an( /figures, declared his extreme amazement at the proposition of Carnegie Brother to reduce wages 10 per cent., for the wage workers of that establishment though they might decently leave this pitiful percentage in the hands of that labor in whosi name and for whose alleged benefit they receive the enormous bounty extortec from the consumers of the United States upon those two capital articles ; and tha while the employes not only thought they were justly entitled to this 10 per cent they were yet fighting for a principle dearer to them than mere dollars and cents I "a condition— not a theory." 575 ;t was a principal involving not only the great economic problem of this age, but )f past ages, and must be the geeat problem of the future — a fair division between abor and capital ; and if the wage-worker at Carnegie Brothers' works could be breed into subjugation by Pinkerton special detectives, their just rights denied hem, and the imported pauper labor of Europe could be utilized as a means for the ubversion of their rights, he could see very little hope in the future for the wage- worker in this country. IRON AND steel, AND THE EDGAR THOMSON STEEL WORKS. Now, Mr. Chairman, I propose, if I can, to prove that the boy's conclusions la egard to his own wages are correct. In 1886 Hon. Daniel Manning, then Secretary >f the Treasury, issued circulars to the various manufacturing industries of the ountry, asking them for certain information in regard to the cost of manufactur- ng, including labor and material, the object of the circular being to gather together ertain data to lay before Congress in connection with a revision of the tariff. Lmong others to whom this circular was sent was the "American Iron and SteeJ Association," with offices at Philadelphia — an association representing, I may say, he entire iron and steel industry of this country. This association sent out to the arious manufacturing industries that formed the association a circular-letter, ask- flg that the information desired by the Secretary of the Treasury should be reported D them, and that they would forward it to the Department. Among the replies eceived by the association was the following communication from Thomas M. Jarnegie, chairman of Carnegie Brothers & Co., limited, Pittsburgh, Pa.: Notwithstanding your able argument in favor of reporting details of cost of produc- ion of iron and steel, as requested by the Secretary of the Treasury, and in a less objectlon- ble form by yourself, I am of the opinion that our interest would not be served by making- ach returns as you Indicate. (See page 373, Report of the Secretary of the Treasury oa evision of the tariff, with accompanying documents, 1886.) I am prepared to supply a portion of the information desired by the Depart- aent, and which Carnegie Brothers & Co., Limited, declined to give, taken frona lieir own books. I hold in my hand, a copy of a contract, executed under seal, which I saw opied from the original myself, of the schedule of wages as awarded by the board f arbitration, selected by the Knights of Labor and the Edgar Thomson Steel Vorks, fixing the wages of the employes of that company in the steel-mill depart- lent for the year 1887; and from this contract I submit a statement based upon the bsolute amount of money paid to these employes in connection with the steel-rail epartment of that company. They are not theoretical figures; they are the absolute 38ult8in dollars and cents, and fully and clearly set forth the earnings of the wage- rorkers working in that company. m THE COST OP STEEL RAILS. Under the terms and conditions of this contract the following is the cost of lanufacturing a ton of steel rails, of 2,240 pounds, at the Edgar Thomson Steel Vorks, located near Pittsburg, Pa., during the year 1887, one of the largest estab- fihments of the kind in the United States : [arket price for one ton of No. 1 Bessemer pig-iron at the mill $18 OO bnverting same, per ton 1 50 ;looming, per ton 73 inishing, per ton 1 8T 1-6 tons Connellsvllle coke, average $1 35 per ton 1 62 123 n wdd for net los3 on material, first to last, 13 per cent 3 08 Total $36 79 ivlded as follows : «bor ' $4 09^ [aterial and waste • ■ 23 '^Q ?' ■ «76 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." The percentage of labor cost to the cost of production is 15.80 per cent. T licrcentage of labor cost to the average selling price of steel rails, namely, .^ price of rails, $37.50; labor, per ton, $4.09, is 10.09 per cent. The present m il7 per ton duty on steel rails is equal, under the present tarlfl", to an ad valort ^uty of 85 per cent. STEEL BEAMS OR STRUCTURAL IRON. The principal difference in cost of making a ton of beams or structural su and a ton of stool rails is about 30 per cent, additional in the cost of labor : €ost of steel rails 90 per cent, on $4.09 labor Total The value of steel beama imported into the United States in 1887 at f ports of shipment was 1.3 cents per pound, or $20.88 per ton, and the duty the same under the present tariti* is li cents per pound, or the equivalent ot^ v per ton, or 102.75 per cent, ad valorem. These estimates of cost in the United States represent net cost, without profit' allowance for interest on or depreciation of plant, or for fuel for steam power, ( Spiegeleisen, or manganese, the coet of steam power and Spiegeleisen adding vei little to the cost per ton. The cost ot labor paid for the manufacture of a ton of steel beams, ^ upon the cost of production per ton, namely, labor $5.;)3, cost $28.02 is 19 per The percentage labt^r received based on the selliug price of a ton of steel bc.,^ namely, $5.33 for lalx)r and $60 per ton selling price, is 8.7 per cent. The total output of steel rails, blooms, ingots, and beams at these works durii the year 1887 was as follows . Tons of 3,340 poun<^ t5tt>ol rails..... .....%.....»«..%%. 1 lUooiiis :.' iiixots • :: 8toel beams (estimattMi) The Humber of men employed in producing the above, classed as skilled la .- T.artmt-iit, a^J.oa. A in the 138 m^^'^^-ttro qj kpaktment. neces ^^ ^*'''^ '^ao.^Ja'yS^ouuf^"^ on v,t hours, requlrloj? for twenty- four "p^Q "• ^"^ ^ me.oontract, 17603 ; avenge dally *a tl „ _ his » ISr^ntylilli'^.^J^.^.' -^ • ^^Sfli^, the ^330.01. »iyfi^'^ "feenr^ Oth *., Wtai'''-' . G^^??Qm.irIcfo^-iniir for the twenty-four] tl' ^^oyetl txQ() hours, under oonl tX ] ,fj lly waffes paid 678: j ^ Thomson Steel i 'to oonsideratioE flik M 4^ Ml^^bM i^^^a^* ^^J ^v* T ^^ ^^^^fcd ^^^ ^^H K '^^A V^W ^^^^h ^^M. tt t£9,tam.i£ 578 'A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY.' Thomson Steel Works during the year 1887 was about $28.02. But let us call it $33. You cannot to-day buy a ton of steel beams for less than 3.3 cents per pouud» or $66 per ton. It is well known that the Bteel-beam industry of this country to-day is in a trust ; and I have further shown that the average price of these steel beams imported into this country during the year 1887, upon which duties were levied, was 1.2 cents per pound, or $36.88 per ton, and that the duty upon them under the existing tariff is li cents per pound, or $28 88 per ton, the duty exceeding the value of the imported article $3 per ton. The output of these steel beams at the Edgar Thomson Steel Works during the year 1887 averaged about 100 tons per day, or 30,000 tons per annum, and the difference between the cost of its production, $33 per ton, and |6(> per ton, the selling price, leaves a margin of $33 per ton, or $1,000,000 profit on this one product alone ; and I ask this House and the country whether or not the Committee on Ways and Means is justified in reducing the duty on steel rails from $17 per ton to $11 per ton, and on steel beams from 1;^ cents per pound to six-tenths of 1 cent per pound, which leaves the duty on steel rails under the proposed bill equal to 55 per cent, ad valorem, in place of 85 per cent, ad valorem under the existing tariff, and on steel beams at 44| per cent, ad valorem in place of 102 per cent, under the present law ? Mulhall, in his Historv of Prices, in referring to wages, page 127, says that the percentage of wages paid of the value of manufactures produced in the United States since 1850 was : In 1850, 23.3 per cent. ; in 1860, 21.2 per cent.; in 1870, 19 per cent., and in 1880 17.8 per cent. ; and that the British operatives earn, as a rule, in wages from 30 per cent, to 33 per cent, of the value of the manufactures they produce, while in the United States the workman gets only 17.8 per cent. On page 125 he states the advance in artisans' wages in England and France between the years 1840 and 1880 was as follows : Occupation. Blacksmiths . . . . Masons Carpenters Plumbers Cotton spinners Franck. England. Per cent. 45 55 55 57 42 Per ce COST OP BEAMS IN OTHER MILLS. I also have before me a pamphlet entitled " The Edgar Thomson Steel Worl dated 1887. It is an authentic pamphlet, furnishing certain data, which could hat only come from the proprietors of the company. I will only quote an extract from the last page : To keep the works running, on an average daily output of 1,400 tons of iron and man- ganese and 800 tons of rails, requires the handling, by loading and unloidinflr, of 7,930 gross tons of material daily, namely, 2,30(t tons of iron ore, 1,450 tons of coke, 670 tons of lime- stone, 1,400 tons of pig-metal, 1,000 tons of cinder, 800 tons of rails, 300 tons coal, sand, brick, molds, refractories, etc., a greater tonnage for these works alone than the entire cotton crop of the United States. If the proprietors of the Edgar Thomson Steel Works were indicted befoi United States grand jury for obtaining money under false pretenses, namely, parties to the tariff act of 1883, if this admission would not convict them, then I am'" at a loss to know what would. With an average output daily of 1,400 tons of pig- iron and 800 tons of steel rails, their total consumption of coal is so insignificamt as to be included in the items of "sand, brick, molds, refractories, etc.," at 300 tons total of these articles ; and the number of tons of coke consumed, 1,450 tons, which, at the market price of today, figures $1.10, would make a total cost per day of $1,595, equal to a cost for fuel of only 72i cents per ton on an output of 1,400 toi of pig- iron and 800 tons of steel rails, and in which estimate no allowance is for natural gas. J'^i 'A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." 579 I ^Cbmparisons are always odious, but the latter part of this extract says : A greater tonnage for these works alone than the entire cotton crop of the United ates. I will endeavor to make some approximate estimates and comparisons, which is pamphlet has failed to provide. One of the members of the Edgar Thomson Steel ^orks, Limited, admitted to me within the past month, within 200 feet of where I now md, that a statement, made by myself in iliefail of 188G, was correct, namely, that drew out of the company as divide7ids in one year the sum of $i,500M0, the equivalent ^5,000 per day f 07' three hundred days in the year, and this was but one member of the m, with no statement of profits undivided. No intelligent business man will put the ofits of this company at less than |5,000,000 in prosperous years, and we will ow them to employ 7,500 wage-workers. I wish distinctly to state here that I believe it to be the duty of every man to cumulate every dollar possible in tair and open competition with his fellow-men; d that the dollar so accumlatcd by his industry, energy, and economy is entitled its due share of protection by the Government without discrimination as between e rich and poor. I care not how many millions of dollars any man may thus cumulate; but whet I protest against is that while the great masses of the people 3 weighed down in their struggle for existence the favored few are permitted to r, under the pretense of protection to home industry and home labor, COTTON. Let us find out if we can what the cotton-planter of the South is doing : e average price per pound for cotton in 1886, on the plantation, was %)i cents on a )a]e of 500 pounds f i2 50 e most reliable estimates of cost of production gives labor 50 per cent. f the selling price of cotton on the plantation, namely, per bale $21 35 (As against only 8.7 per cent, of the selling price of a ton of steel beams which labor receives at the Edgar Thomson Steel Works.) oidental cost to planter over labor cost 6 25 27 50 oflt to planter per bale for interest on plantation and for supervision $15 00 This sum, $15 per bale, on 6,500,000 bales yield of 1886, would be $97,500,000. le total plantation value of the cotton crop of 1886 was $269,989,812, equal to a D£s return for each acre cultivated of $14.75. PROTECTED AND UNPROTECTED INDUSTRIES. According to the pamphlet referred to in connection with the Edgar Thomson 3el Works, they represent that their whole area of ground is 154 acres, and we 11 concede that they employ 7,500 wage workers — which they do not — in their rious industries. According to ofiicical returns of the Agricultural Department, jre are now under cultivation in the production of cotton 18,000,000 acres, and a r estimate of the number of adults employed in cultivating these fields, allowing ir bales to an adult, is 1,625,000 wage- workers, and allowing each one to repre- it a family of five, it would give a total of 8,125,000 of our people dependent upon s industry for a support and a living. I have estimated the net profits of the tire cotton crop of 1886 at $07,500,000, which represents the interest on the cost the 18,000,000 acres of land and the supervision and other contingent expenses i liabilities to the planter. Assuming that my statement that the said company's net profits in the most Dsperous years are $5,000,000, 1 would be pleased to have some mathematician »rk out for me the relative comparative profits realized by the protected indus- es of the Edgar Thomson Steel Works, employing 7,500 men, with an estimated 3ital of $20,000,000, occupying 154 acres of land and improvements on same, and ) profits realized by the unprotected planters of the South, cultivating 18,000,000 •es of land, and employing 1,625,000 adults in this industry, supporting 8,125,000 our population. Yet, sir, when the committee introduced this bill into the House i proposed to put the cotton-ties in which this cotton had to be baled for exporta- n on the free list, the gentlemen on the other side of the House denounced it as a crimination against home industries and the theory of protection. I 580 *'A CONDITION— KOT A THEORY. ACCUMULATED WEALTH OF THE UNITED STATES. The truth can not be too often stated, nor falsehood too often exposed. Gentle men on the other side have frequently referred to our immense strides in the accu mulation of wealth between 1850 and 1880, and this I admit ; but sir, they clain that protection has done this in the building up of our manufacturing industries I will take their own figures, upon which they base this claim. I submit the fol lowing official table, which tells its own story : THE WEALTH OF THE UNITED STATES AND ITS DEVELOPMENT FROM 1850 tO 188C [Compiled from the reports of the United States Census.] TRUE VALUE OF REAL ESTATE AND PERSONAL PROPERTY. Total. Distribution. Total. 1850.. 1870.. 1880.. $7,135,780,238 16,159,616,068 24,054,814,806 43,642,000,000 514 624 870 Agriculture 14,967.343,580 Manufactures 533,245,351 Railroads ' 296,260,128 Another i 1,338,931,168 Agriculture i 7,980,493,063 Manufactures ' 1,009,855,715 Railroads ' 1,134,452,909 All other I 6,034,814,381 Agriculture ' 8,899,966,997 Manufactures ! 1,694,567,152 Railroads i 1,632,980,616 All other 111,827,300,041 Agriculture ' 12,104,081,440 Manufactures ! 2,790,272,606 Railroads | 4,112,367,175 All other 1 24,635,278,779 $171 23 13 101 254 32 36 192 231 44 42 307 241 56 82 491 Tears Increase during decade. Total. +i S $9,033,835,840 136.46 $330 7,895,198,738 48.86 226 19,587,185,194 81.43 443 Distribution. Total. I860.. 1870.. 1880. Agriculture Manufactures Railroads. . . All other . . Agriculture Manufactures Railroads. . . All other . . Agriculture . , Manufactures Railroads. . All other . $3,013, 476, 838, 4,695, 919, 684, 498, 5,792, 3,204, 1,095, 2,479, 12,807, 149,483 610,364 192,781 883,313 473,934 711,437 527,707 485,660 114,443 705,454 386,559 978,738 63.66 89.39 383.94 350.73 11.53 67.80 43.94 95.98 36.00 64.66 151.83 108.30 'A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY/ 581 ^K Increase since 1850. ^m Total. p o ft o Distribution. Total. ■M t B ;. ^ ■ r Agriculture $3,013,149,483 60.66 $110 ^^9,023,835,840 126.46 «qQn ' J Manufactures. . . ^^^" ji Railroads 476,610,364 838,193,781 89.39 282.94 18 31 ^^■: 1 ,A11 other 4,695,883,212 350.72 172 ^Hl 1 ' Agriculture 3,932,623,417 79.17 127 ^P6,919,033,578 237.11 e . e 1 J Manufactures. . . ^^ 1 1 Railroads 1,161,321,801 1,336,720,488 217.78 451.20 37 48 ^H 1 All other 10,488,368,872 758.69 338 ^B I r Agriculture 7,136,7.37,860 143.66 199 ^Je, 506,219, 772 511.60 1 mo J Manufactures. . . -^'^^^ i Railroads 2,257,027,255 3,816,107,047 423.26 1,288.09 63 107 P [Another 23,296,347,610 1,739.37 650 The principal facts to be remembered in connection with the foregoing table, First. That of the gross accumulations of wealth between 1850 and 1880, as m by the census, namely, $36,506,219,723. Per cent. . lands and personal property on same, gave 19.55 al Invested in manufactures 6.18 oads L0.45 \^uc industries and suburban property 63.82 B 100^ Second. That the percentage of gain in manufactures in the decades named is follows : Per cent. een 1850 and 1860, low tariff 89.39 een 1860 and 1870, high tariff 67.80 een 1870 and 1880, high tariff 64.66 Third. That the percentage of gain in farming lands and personal property on was as follows : Per cent. een 1850 and 1860, low tariff 60.66 een 1860 and 1870, high tariff 11.52 een 1870 and 1880, high tariff 38.00 fourth. That had the agricultural resources of the country between 1870 and maintained the same relative gain shown between 1850 and 1860, the latter d being under a tariff for revenue and the former under a protective tariff, icrease would have been $3,125,000,000 more, or within $665,273,606 of the value of capital invested in manufactures in the United States in 1880. fifth. That the percentage of manufactures to the wealth of the country accu- ted in thirty years is only 6.18 per cent. 0TE8.— Gold being at a premium of 35 in 1870, the data for that year reported by nited States Census have been reduced to gold value. \.griculture" represents the value of the farms, farm Implements and machinery, and 3 stock. Manufactures" represents the capital invested in manufactories. lailroads" represents the cost of constructing the railroads. 682 "A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." I I would also refer here to the fact that between 1860 and 1880, the number immigrants that arrived in this country was 5,093,333 ; the larger proportion which, it is reasonable to suppose, engaged in agricultural pursuits. It is also claimed that the balance of trade in our favor since 1873 is the resi of the protective theory. From 1873 to June, 30, 1887, our exports exceeded o imports by $1,611,973,748. Our total exports for the year 1886 were $665,964,529, of which $484,954,5 were derived from agriculture; and the exports of cotton and cotton-seed oil, rep: sented in the latter item, were $207,201,610, or nearly 50 per cent, of the agricultui products exported, and the ratio of agricultaral products exported to the to exports was 72.8 per cent. If, sir, the same ratio is applicable to the balance in o favor between the years 1873 and 1887, it will show that of this balance the nc protected industries of this country — The farmer and cotton-planter gave you 72.8, or $1,173,516, Other industries, 37.3, or 438,4,56, Total $1,61^ WHAT THE WOOL TARIFF COSTS IN ONE STATE. * I turn now to another vexed question — wool. This bill puts wool on the ff list. It does so, I make bold to maintain, not only in the interest of the wool manufacturer, but in that of sheep husbandry itself. In referring to the woolen schedule and its effects upon the people of my o^ State, it is fair to infer that relatively it will have the same effect upon the peo] of the other States of the Union. I am compelled to refer to the census of 1880, a to resort to statistics, which are not as interesting to the general reader as the lat novel, but may be more instructive. According to the Agricultural Report of 18 the number of sheep in Pennsylvania was 1,189,481 ; number of farms in the St (census of 1880) 213,542 ; average number of sheep to the farm, 5.5 ; pounds of Wi clipped, 5,645,984; average weight of fleece, 4| pounds, which, at the estimai market price of to-day, 32 cents per pound, would give a total value of $1,806,714 Should the bill as reported by the Committee on Ways and Means become a h the result upon the people of my State would be as follows : First, upon 1 farmers: The 213,542 farms produced, as stated above, in 1886, 5,645,984 pounds wool, equal to 26 pounds of wool to the farm, and the duties upon foreign wools the same quality, unwashed, under the present tariff of 10 cents per pound wo" amount to $564,598.40. If making wool free would cause the value to decline eq to the duty now imposed, which it would not, in my judgment, it would shoT^ gross loss to the 213,542 farms of $2.60 each, or a total of $564,598. Per coni the per capita consumption of domestic and imported woolen and worsted goc according to the census of 1880, was $6.50, which multiplied by five, the estimai average number in a family, would be $32.50. The proposed reduction in the woolen schedule is 39 per cent, from the present tariff, or 89 per cent, of the cost of the woolen goods consumed, which would he an equiva- lent saving of I The proposed reduction of the duties on sugar, namely, $11,000,000 on the imports, and $1,000,0(10 reduction on the cost of home production, would be $12,000,000, or the equivalent of 30 cents per capita on a population of 60,000,000, or on a family of five I fl From which deduct the estimated loss to each family of It would on these two items alone show a saving to every family in the State of Pe sylvania of The profit and loss account of the bill under consideration to the people of State, based on the population of 1880, namely, 4,282,891, would show a saving $1.56 each, or $6,681,309.96 on these two items alone, and not taking into coDf eration the large savings that will accrue to them from the other proposed reductl under the bill. But, let us examine the woolen schedule as proposed in the I from the standpoint of the Pennsylvania manufacturer of woolen and worsted goc M I t 'A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." 583 i which I claim is applicable to the woolen manufacturers of the whole country. . ording to the census of 1880 there were in the State of Pennsylvania manufac- ; ag establishments of woolen goods as follows : • iber of mills or factories producing— vVoolen goods 324 Woolen hats 23 »V ora ted goods 28 ^^KTotal 375 ^^■fountof capital invested $24,537,743 ' fW^aterial used for one year 29,497,945 }8 wages paid 7,046,273 nds of wool consumed, grown In the United States 22,556,077 orted wools, pounds 5,005,271 Total consumption of wool pounds . . 33,561,348 Total value ot the manufactured articles produced for the year ending June 30,1880 $44,132,590 rage number of hands employed : Vlales over sixteen 10,790 ?emales above fifteen 9,477 Children 3,571 Total number of persons 23,838 rerage wages paid per hand per year, f287.20. It will be seen that while Pennsylvania consumed 33,561,348 pounds of wool in mills in the vear 1880, she only produced within the State, in 1886, 5,645,984 nds, or 16 4 5 per cent, of the quantity required in 1880, and that there were •loyed in this industry 23,838 of her population. PROTECTION INCREASES THE COST OF LIVING. I claim that I have shown by the facts submitted that even the skilled wage- ker employed in the protected industries of the country receives no higher and a not as high wages as the wage- worker in the unprotected industries of the itry. That while undue protection does not increase the wages of the wage- ker employed in the manufacturing industries of the country, it adds enormously le cost of his living, as well as to that of the minister of the gospel, the doctor, lawyer, the carpenter, the mason, the blacksmith, the widow and the orphan, that large class of our people living upon limited incomes, those too old to k; and upon no class is its effects more disastrous than upon the agricultural 3e3 : that the home market theory to the farmer is a fallacy ; that if the census 880 is reliable, an 1 that 17,392,099 of our population were engaged in the five it classes of occupations, that of the ag/icultural products produced and con- ed in the United States the relative consumption would be as follows : Per cent. culture 7,670,493, or 44.1 fessional and personal services 4,074,238, or 23.4 le and transportation 1,810,256. or 10,4 ing and engineering 1,104,517, or 6.4 uf acturing 2,732,595, or 15.7 Total 17,392,099 100.0 Which would show that the farmers and those dependent upon them were con- ers to the extent of 44.1 per cent, of what they produced themselves, while e classes named consumed 40.2 per cent., leaving only 15.7 per cent, for those iged in manufacturing. That the protection theory has exterminated our shipping from the seas of the Id ; that the tables submitted, showing how the accumulated wealth of the ted States has been made between the years 1850 and 1880, demonstrates that ection to home industries had little or nothing to do with it. I 584 'a condition — NOT A THEORY.' IX. DECLINE OF SHEEP RAISING. A CLEAR STATEMENT SHOWING THAT UNDER A SYSTEM OP HIGH TAXES PRODUCTION HAS DECREASED, From a speech by W. D. Bynum, of Indiana, April 26. It is contended that a duty on wool is a necessary protection to our fai It is strange that the protectionists have by the mere assertion of the truth of tt statement been able to pull the wool over the eyes of many of our farmers, and tb secure their support in sustaining a measure which has plundered them at hoc and abroad ; at home upon vfhat they have consumed, and abroad upon what th( have exported. How has protection benefited the wool-growers ? Has not tl price of wool steadily fallen since 1867, when the highest rate of duty was plac* upon it? The advocates of protection admit this— not only admit it, but many them claim it as the result of " protection." Mr. Haskell, a leading member of th House from Kansas, in 1882 said : I have here the figures. To-day wool is cheaper per pound, and has been for the pa five years, than it was from 1855 to 1860 under the free-trade rating of the free- trade part STEADY DECLINE IN THE PRICE OP WOOL. To show exactly what has taken place by way of a fall in prices, I have pr pared a table giving the price of wool for four years preceding the Act of 1867; f four years succeeding the same ; for four years preceding the Act of 1883, wh( there was a reduction of about 10 per cent., and for the last four years. Tear. Price per pound. Tear. Price per pound. Tear. Price per pound. Tear. i i Prie per poun 1863.. .. Cents. 75 100 75 70 1868 1869 1870 1871 Gents. 46 48 46 62 50K 1879'. 1880 1881 1882 Cents. 37 46 • 42 42 i j 1884 Cent 84 1864 1 L885 31 1865 j 1886 3B 1866. .. ' 1887 m I M Four years' average. 80 41% i ' The average price of wool for four years preceding the Act of 1867 was i cents a pound ; while for four years succeeding it was only 50 cents a pound. F( four years preceding the reduction in 1883 it averaged 41f cents a pound, and f( the last four years it has averaged only 34 cents a pound. It cannot be claimed tb the reduction in price during the last four years was the result of the reductions i 1883, as the reductions of duty were only 10 per cent., while the fall in price hf been much larger. The fall in the price of wool has gone on uninterruptedly ev< since the duty was increased in 1867. Of what benefit, then, has "protection " bee to the wool grower. Mr. Stebbins, in his work on Protection, following the suggestion of the Tari Commission, has explained or undertaken to explain wherein the wool-growe: have been benefited. He says : Its results as to wool are given in the Tariff Commission report, and can be stated i follows: Sheep, 1860, 23,471,275 ; 1880, 43,576,897. Pounds of wool in I860, 60,264,913 ; in 18^ 240.000,COO, or twice as much per bead as in 1860. Prices in Boston in currency averaged 1867, 51 cents ; in 1875, 43 cents ; in 1880, 48 cents. The price is a little lower, but the sum fro each fleece nearly double, as the results of improved breeds under protective encourage ment and with a home market. I *A CONDITION— NOT A THEORY." 585 Let US try to ascertain the truth about this subject. I do not claim that the iuction in the price of -wool since 18C7 is the result, solely, of the high duty placed (on it, but I do think it is one of the causes which have brought about such a iical reduction. The establishment of large ranches in Texas, New Mexico and »lorado, where lands and pasturage could be bad at nominal rates, and sheep kept a much less cost per head than in the Northern States, had a marked influence lon the price. In 1867 New Mexico, Texas and Colorado contained but 1,454,717 ad, while in 1885 they contained 14,155,343. Wool can be raised much cheaper Tf xas and New Mexico than in Ohio, Michigan and Indiana, and this illustrates 3 great fallacy of trying to protect the production of materials which can be own in one section of the country at one-half the cost in another. DECLINE IN COMPARATIVE NUMBER OP SHEEP IN THIS COUNTRY. Why tax the people of Minnesota and Dakota upon their clothing fthat wool ly be grown in Ohio and Pennsylvania ? The truth of the matter is that you can ^ lK!^?7^^ (yam.) Yards. 45 1,440 $17 91 108 00 1 $8 00 $4 00 1 J I „.....^.,.„.. . IfBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS, NUMBER OF EMPLOYES', STEAM AND WATER POWER REDUCED TO HORSE POWER. ( ton goods ] uring and grist mills ] aand steel ] tuber, sawed : )er ' -olengoods Total Number of estab- lishments, Number of employes. Supplemented by steam and water power equal to horse power below. Reckoning six'^ f o v § s Ind men to a horsei g^ ° ^ ^ L,^^? power,, equal Jo^d^^^P^/U to men below. employes. 956 24,268 781 35,680 693 1,984 135,519 58,448 77,555 149,997 17,910 77,870 375,504 771,201 397,247 831,938 133,913 106,507 1,653,024 4,637,206 2,383,483 4,931,568 743,472 639,043 1,788,543 4,685,654 2,461,037 5,081,565 761,383 716,912 54,351 517,299 14,977,794 15^495,093 696 TAKING OFF BUBOENS. CHAPTER XLVIL TAKING OFF BURDENS. THE PEINCIPLES UPOX WHICH THE PROPOSED REDUCTION BURDENSOME WAR TAXES ARE SUPPORTED. Extracts from the Debates in Congress on the Schedules \ the Tax Reduction Bill — How the Experts in various Lines LooTced at its Effects. I. DECLINE OF AMERICAN SHIPPING IN THIRTY YEARS. THE AMI3RICAN FLA.G IIA8 BEEN DRIVEN MORE AND MORE FROM THE SEAS UNDER THE EXACTIONS OF HIGH TAXES. Bepresentative Timothy E. Tarsney, of Michigan, May, 1880. pr'^^Another element wMch enters into the consideration of this problem is the shipbuilding and navigatinn between the United States and foreign countries. By an examination of statistics it appears that the progress of American shipbuilding was continuous and rapid from the organization of the Government down to 1861. The time was when, under a revenue tariff, the United States was almost mistress of the seas Her flag could be found floating in the ports of every commercial nation on the globe. The American clipper ship was the prodigy of the world; built of American material by American workmen, and manned by American Officers and American seamen. Our merchant marine was the pride of the country. But "0 1 how has the mighty fallen." Go with me to-night to the city of New York and stand on Brooklyn bridge and look down the river to the bay; go through the harbor and amongst the thous- ands of spars, and the flags that float from the mastheads, you wil not find one in five hundred that floats the stars and stripes, and these few are coasters. Not one line of ships engaged regularly in the transportation of commerce to foreign coun- tries. Why all this? Our materials are in existence, the brain and the sinew of the American builder and the sailor are not lost. The indomitable spirit that will brave the tempest and the storm is with us still. But why this falling off in ship- ping? The time was when in American bottoms we sent to foreign nations 77 per cent, of our exports under the American flag. The order is reversed, and now it is less than 12 per cent. TAKING OFF BURDENS. TEE DECLINE OF A GREAT INDUSTRY. 597 1 seaports of the United States for foreign countries, from 1858 to 1887, inclusive. Total Total i Foreign. American.! Tons. Tons, i; 1,303,635 3,127,746 1,552,101 3,315,335 1,755,871 3.501,465 ' 1,536.205 3,873,720 1 1 637.168 2.567,763 ; 3,076,893 2,266,312 : 3,61o,S>51 1,66^,332 i 2,450,201 1,710,330 i' 3.131.077 3.029,755 li 3,230,392 2,270,096 !! 3,186,200 2.635,ft31 ! 3,612 138 2 503,200 , 3,832 050 2.529,598 ' 4,2"t2,96l 2 634,841 i' 5.141,147 2,597,611 i Tear. 1873. 1874. 1875. 1876. 1877. 1878. 1879. 1880. 18S1. 1882. 1883. 1884. 1885. 1888. 1887. Total Foreign. Tons. 5,940,849 7,096,947 6,379,345 6,803,096 7,345,436 8,647,080 10,545,403 12,217,973 12,754,4.53 11,910,956 10,669,945 9,360,610 9,687,700 9,606 976 10,740 017 Total American. 7ons. 2.574,031 3,961,103 3,061,354 3,037,363 3,043,158 3,196,491 3,071,387 3,077,734 3 039,514 3.935,513 3,8 5,077 3,845,109 2,803,,575 3,806,3.59 3,770,518 'bu ask the cau^e. Some attribute it to our navigation laws with some of their lictions. True, this may, to a certain extent, enter into the result, but the chief se, and the principal one which 1 desire to present to this House to-day, is the , that we have not that free and unrestricted commerce with the world that we 1 in the days of a tariff for revenue only, when our ships could go out laden h the product of our own country, and go to the port of any nation of the world I bring back in exchange their product. Therefore I say to this House that the icy of this country should be to so revise the tariff laws that we will bring our- 'ea to the base line of necessary taxation for governm'intal purposes honestly ainistered; discourage the idea of local protection for the benefit of a few favored ividuals, and legislate for the common good of our population. When we do }, and upon fiir and reciprocal relations with the world, we will find that leiican ingenuity, American pluck, and American skill will once more launch >n the high seas a merchant marine which will m ike our flag respected in every ion of the world where to-day it is sneered and scoffed at because of our com- rclal weakness. II. DECLINE IN COMPARATIVE NUMBER OF HOMES. THE NUMBER OF PEOPLE OWNING HOMES IN THIS COUNTRY CONTINUALLY ^Bl DECREASING UNDER HIGH TAXES. Representative Charles H. Mansur, of Missouri, Miy 8, 1888. Now let us look to its effects upon married life and to its housing ; for be it )wn to you, a protective tariff is th3 universal great panacea, the one great solvent, ■t unfolds all the secrets in Nature's hidden arcana. It creates fortunes; it popu- js the wilderness, builds cities, tunnels mountains, and, I will add, builds aopolies, m ikes giant trusts, with anaconda folds, to embrace a whole country I / / 598 TAKING OFF BURDENS. and sixty millions of people ; also creates giant fortunes in a shorter era of than ever before known in any country in any age or any era, and ought, of com make happy families also. Aladdin's lamp pales its glory before the shining luster of a protective and the slave of that lamp stands ready to abdicate his mystic power because cannot serve the spirit of a protective tariff instead of bis lamp. HOMES FOR ALL THE PEOPLE. In 1850 there were 3,598,240 families in this country who had 3,362,337 d^ ings to live in ; at that time only 235,903 families were apparently without sepa homes for themselves. In 1860 there were 5,210,934 families, and thev live< 4,969,692 houses or dwellings. Thus 241,242 families were without separate he in all the land. The families had increased 1,612,694 in number, and all of them ' new homes but 5,339. The millennium is at hand, and the protective tariff has don this surely. One million six hundred and twelve thousand six hundred and ninety- fou new families in the past decade, and all but 5,339 possessed of new homes. Al hail and glory to a protective tariff! But hold on ! This period from 1850 to 186( was the period of lowest tariffs this country ever knew or had. ^ From September 14, 1851, to March 3, 1857, it had enacted four tariff law8,IH duties running lower and lower until the last only ranged from 4 to 30 per ceM. averaging 18 per cent., instead of from 10 to 300 per cent, and averaging 48 pe cent, as does our present tariff. What comfort in the land is expressed in th( figures 1,612,694 new families in ten years, and all living in new houses excep 5,339 ! Surely it must be a low or revenue tariff that did it. No discontent abroac in the land then! Tramps unknown ; the word is not yet coined. THE MORE TAXES THE FEWER HOMES. iJBI Now let us look at the decade from 1860 to 1870, a decade under the hij^ tariff this country has ever known ; one claimed by its friends to be a distinctlj protective tariff. In 1870 there were 7,579,363 families living in 7,042,833 dwellings During the decade from 1860 to 1870 the number of families without dwellings hac increased to 536,510, an increase, not of 3 per cent., or 5,339 only, but an increase o: 295,268 lamilies without houses or dwellings, an increase of over 100 percent.— yea of 123 per cent. But, observe, this is under a new era of a high protective tariff, imposec between 1800 and 1870. Yet what misery is involved in the figures 295,268 families unable to find a separate home or dwelling, either to buy, build, or rent to live in as against 5,339 families in the decade from 1850 to 1860. But the opposition wil say this is a consequence of the war period. Be patient and let us see what we wil see. We will now Icok to the decade from 1870 to 1880 for its story. In 188C 9,945,916 families had 8,955,812 dwellings to live in or occupy. In this decade tb families increased 2,366,558 in number, but the dwellings oidy increased 1,912,07S leaving a total of 990,108 families in the land without separate homes or dwell ings. Thus in this decade the 536,510 unhoused families of 1870 had become 990,106 an increase of 433,598 in ten years, an increase of almost 100 per cent, in the decadt as against 123 per cent, from 1860 to 1870, as against 3 per cent, from 1850 to 186C of homeless and houseless families for Democratic times and a low tariff; as agaiiifi 123 per cent, and nearly 100 per cent, for Republican rule and a protective tari] running through two decades. WHERE THE INCREASE WENT. I now ask, who apparently got the "boodle" of the ten years from 1870 t 1880. We see the manufacturers by their owji reports, for they furnish the statistic that make the census reports, got an increase of capital of $674,063,837 at this dii m TAKING OFF BURDENS. 599 itent and misery of 453,598 homeless and unsheltered families in the same period. |t I am not quite done with families and their dwellings. Between 1850 and 1860 I increase of families was 44 8 per cent, in numbers, and the increase of their i ellings was 3S.4 per cent. This was in low-tariff times. Comparing now between I and 1880, in high tariff times, the increase in number of families was 31.2 per i it, while the increase in their dwellings was only 37 per cent. This shows an [ vantage for the first decade of 13.6 per cent, in families, and 5.4 per cent, in : ellings. In this last decade, ia 1873, with the greatest panic, came a new order of beings retofore unknown in this country. Tramps. Five hundred thousand strong; inps, tramping over the country. Skilled laborer, mechanic, agriculturist, all the baneful effect of the panic. A new era is ushered in; and since then strikes, kouis, tramps, discontent, degradation and misery have appeared in such numbers I so universally over and throughout the country, and even still abide with us, as recent commotion on Western railroads and in the Reading coal regions attest, ,0 all alike indicate that if capital is satisfied labor is discontented and day by day omes more so. And all this in spite of a protective tariff. Can I not say it is legitimate fruit of an unequal and unjust system of tribute that robs the poor to ke the rich richer ? III. WORKERS IN NON-PROTECTIVE INDUSTRIES. 3 NUMBER OF PERSONS WHO ARE NOT ONLY NOT BENEFITED BUT SUBJECTED TO INJURY BY BURDENSOME TAXES. Representative Samuel S. Cox, of Nexo York^ May 17. It has often been repeated here that the last census shows that of the 17,392,099 )ur population engaged in industries, 7,670,493 were employed in agriculture ; , in round numbers, about 4,000,000 in professional and personal services, nearly »0,000 in trade and transportation, and nearly 4,000,000 in manufacturing and ling. At least 1,214,023 were engaged in pursuits which were not benefited but ler injured by a high tariff. They were injured, I say, because the protective ff, which is alleged to mike high wages for others, did not benefit these. The f roses, free. _[, or orange- flower oil, free. lonrig, 10 per cent, aw Silk. free. )welry, 35 per cent, old studs, 35 per cent, inest still wines, In bottles, 39 per cent. nest thread lace, 30 per cent. ne Aubnsson and Axminstcr carpets, costing abroad $3.77 a yard, 46 per cent. inest India Shawls, costing abroad, say $20 a pound weight, 35 cents a pound and 40 per cent, ad valorem, or say 40^ per cent. Ik Stockings, 50 per cent. nest Broadcloth, costing $5 a pound abroad, 35 cents a pound and 40 per cent., equal to about 41 per cent. ite de f oie gras, 35 per cent. usical instruments', of all kinds, 35 per cent. uty on a quart bottle of champagne, cost- ing abroad |1 a bottle, 58 cents. u-ry and curry powder, free, lives, green or prepared, free. )Ices all kinds, free. I Duty on articles of necessity. Castor- oil, 180 per cent. 1 Linseed Oil, 63 per cent. Common window-glass, 87 per cent. I Raw wool, 45 per cent. Steel rails, 85 per cent. Horseshoe nails, IIG per cent. Cheapest mixed woolen goods, costing^ abroad 34 cents per yard, 77 per cent. Spool thread, 51 per cent. ; Common druggets, costing abroad 26 cents I a yard, 86 per cent. \ Common woolen shawls, costing abroad 68 1 cents a pound, 86 ptr cent. j Common worsted stockings, costing 36 I cents a pound abroad, 73 per cent. "^*^ Common cloth, costing 65 cents a pound abroad, duty 35 cents a pound and 3 per cent, ad valorem, equal to 89 per eent* Rice, 106 per cent. Galvanized wire smaller than No. 16 and not smaller than No. 36 wire gauge, 133 per cent. ; smaller than No. 36, 155 per cent. Duty on a dollar's worth of bleached cotton fabric, costing abroad 5>^ cents a square yard, 66>^ cents. Potatoes, 15 cents duty per bushel. Corn starch, 85 >^ per cent. duty. Sajt, 85 per cent. duty. THE AD ABSURDUM. It would be a very difficult task to persuade men who are selfish to indulge in If-love, much less in disinterestedness. Perhaps the most cogent reasoning upon is subject would be after the manner of our humorists, known as the ad dbmrdumy hich Aristotle ranks among the best rudiments of logic. We have a humorist known as " Bill Nye." This clever writer has been acting I a rural gentleman. He has ideas of stock-growing, garden sauce, and other )me-spun matters about farming in the West. I quote : "Well, farmin' is like runnin' a paper in regards to some things. Every feller in the orld will take and turn in and tell you bow to do it, even if he don't know a blame thing )0Ut it. There ain't a man in the United States to-day that don't secretly think he could m airy one if his other business busted on him, whether he knows the ditference between new milch cow and a horse hay-rake or not. We had one of these embroidered night- lirt farmers come from town better'n three years ago. Been a toilet-soap man and done ell, and so he came out and bought a farm that had nothing lo it but a fancy house and irn, a lot of medder in the front yard, and a southern aspect. The Jarm was no good, ou couldn't raise a disturbance on it Wei), what does he do ? Goes and gets a passle of im-tailed yelier cows from New Jersey, and aims to handle cream and diversified farming, ist year the cuss sent a load of cream over and tried to sell it at the new crematory while le funeral and hollercost was goin' on. I may be a sort of a chump myself, but I read my aper and don't get left like that." "What are the prospects for farmers in your State ? " "Well, they are pore. Never was so pore, in fact, sence I've been there. Folks wonder hy boys leaves the farm. My boys left so as to get protected, they said, and so they went ito a clothing store, one of 'em, and one went into hardware, and one is talkin' protection I the Legislature this winter. They said that farmin' was gettin' to be like fishin' and untin', well enough for a man that has means and leisure, but they couldn't make a livin' sit, they said. Another boy is in a drug store, and the man that hires him says he is a )yal feller." "Kind of a castor royal feller," I said with a skriek of laughter. He waited until 1 had laughed all I wanted to, and then he said : "I've always hollered for high tariff in order to hyst the public debt, but now that we've ot the national debt coopered, I wish they'd take a little hack at mine. I've put in fifty ears farmin'. I never drank licker in any form. I've worked from ten to eightec n hours / I 602 TAKING OFF BUKDENS. a day; been economical in cloze and never went to a show more'n a dozen times in my] raised a family and learned upwards of two hundred calves to drink out of a tin pail out blowing- all their vittles up my sleeve. My wife worked alongside o' me sewin* seats on the boys' pants, skimmin milk, and even helpin' me load hay. *'ror forty years we toiled along- together and hardly got time to look into each otK_ faces or dared to stop and get acquainted with each other. Then her health ailed. Ketche cold in the spring-house, prob'ly skimmin' milk and washin' pans and scaldin' pails an spankln' butter. Anyhow, she took in a long breath one day while the doctor and me mk i wat chin' her, and she says to me, 'Henry,' says she, 'I've got a chance to rest,' and sh^H one tired, wore-out hand on top of the other tired, wore-out hand, and I knew she'd ^B | where they don't work all day and do chores all night. ^^ "I took time to kiss her then. I'd been too busy for a good while previous to that, atn then I called in the boys. After the funeral it was too much for them to stay around am eat the kind of cookin we had to put up with, and nobody spoke up around the house a we used to. The boys quit whistlin' around the barn and talked kind of low by themselve about goin' to town and gettin' a job. "They're all gone now, and the snow is four feet deep on mother's grave up there ir old berryin' ground." Then both of us looked out of the car window quite a long time without saying thing. "I don't blame the boys for going into something else, longs other things pays better but I say— and I say what I know— that the man who holds the prosperity of this countr in his hands, the man that actually makes money for other people to spend, the man tha eats three good, simple, square meals a day and goes to bed at 9 o'clock, so that future gen erations with good blood and cool brains can go from his farm to the Senate and Congres and the White House— he is the man that gets left at last to run his farm, with nobody t( help him but a hired man and a high protective tariff. "The farms in our State are mortgaged for over $700,000,000. Ten of our Western Statei — I see by the papers— have got about three billion and a half mortgages on their farms and that don't count the chattel mortgages filed with town clerks on farm machinery stock, wagons, and even crops, by gosh ! that ain't two inches high under the snow. That'i what the prospects is for farms now. The Government Is rich, but the men that made it the men that fought perairie fires and perarie wolves and Injuns and potato-bugs and bliz zards, and has paid the war debt and pensions and everything else, and hollered for th< Union and Republican party and high tariff and anything else that they was told to, is lef ; high and dry this cold winter with a mortgage of $7,500,000,000 on the farms they hav( earned and saved a thousand times over." Yes ; but look at the glory of sending from the farm the future President, the future Senator, and the future member of Congress. "That looks well on paper, but what does it really amount to? Soon as a farmer-boy gits in a place like that he forgets the soil that produced him and holds his head as high as a hollyhock. He bellers for protection to everybody but the farmer, and while he sails round in a highty-tighty room with a fire in it night and day, his father on the farm has tc kindle his own fire in the morning with elm slivers and has to wear his son's lawn tennis suit next to him or freeze to death, and he has to milk in an old gray shawl that has held that member of Congress when he was a baby, by gorry ! and the old lady has to sojourn through the winter in the flannels that Silas wore at the rigatter before he went to Con- 38." So I say, and I think that Congress agrees with me. Damn a farmer, anyhow ! IV. SOME OP THE KA.TES OF TAXA.TIOK LOWEST DUTIES ON LUXURIES ; HIGHEST ON NECESSARIES— AS A RESULT OF THE PRESENT METHOD OF LEVYING TAXES. Senator ZebvUon B. Vance, of North Carolina, January 13, 1888. IRON AND STEEL. Amount imported in 18S7 $50,618,985 Duty paid thereon 30,713,232 'Being an average of 41 per cent. JEWELRY AND PRECIOUS STONES. Amount imported in 1887 $10,981,191 Duty paid thereon 1,163,300 Being a duty of lOX per cent. This shows whatever be the excuse for it, that the iron and steel, without which no Industry can move, and which are an absolute necessity of life, are made to pay four times as much as the adornments of the rich. TAKING OFF BURDENS. 603 WOOL AND WOOLEN GOODS. [■hats : Per cent. ''alued at 40 cents per pound and under 75.00 'alued at from 40 to 60 cents per pound 73.00 'alued at from 60 to 80 cents per pound 66 00 'alued at above 80 cents per pound 52.00 l8 the article rises in value it decreases in duty or tax. roods : ''orth not exceeding 30 cents per pound 88.33)^ 'orth from 30 to 40 cents per pound 65.20 'orth from 4" to CO cents per pound 69.00 'alued at 80 cents per pound and upwards 63.00 >n Shawls : 'alued at 80 cents per pound and under , 88.50 'alued above 80 cents per pound 65.50 m goods, dress goods, etc : 'alued at 80 cents per pound or under 88.80 Worth over 80 cents per pound 64.46 Worsted, alpaca, and so on : Valued at 30 cents per pound or under 76.50 Worth from 30 to 40 cents per pound 69.33>^ Worth from 40 to 60 cents per pound 68.25 Flannels : Cheapest, valued at 30 cents or uuder, per pound > 73.42 Valued from 30 to 40 cents per pound 66.20 Valued at above 60 cents and not exceeding 80 cents per pound • 67 05 ilV omen's and children's dress goods, Italian cloths, etc.: Worth 30 cents per square yard or under 67.89 All above 20 cents per square yard 59.00 ill woolen goods or mixtures of alpaca and other material : Weighing four ounces or less per square yard 83.00 Weighing over four ounces per square yard 69.68 Blankets: Worth 30 cents per pound or under 79.66 Worth from 30 to 40 cents per pound 63.85 All worth above 80 cents per pound 70.00 Whilst the woolen shawl of the poor woman is taxed 88 per cent, the silk shawl of her vealthier sister Is taxed only 50 per cent. Whilst the cheap alpaca of the laborer's wife is taxed 83 per cent, the silk or velvet Iress of his employer's wife and the laces and ribbons with which it is trimmed are taxed )Ut50per cent. Whilst the plow-boy's coarse wool hat is taxed 75 per cent, the shining silk beaver of ;he dude is taxed only 50 per cent. Files are taxed 56 per cent ; trace-chains, 47 per cent.; horseshoe-nails, 76 per cent.; vhilst sporting fire-arms, pistols, etc., are taxed only 35 per cent., and iron rails continue to >ay 93 per cent, and steel rails 84. iVindow Glass : Cylinder, crown and common window, unpolished, not exceeding 10 by 15 inches square 60.71 Above and not exceeding 16 by 24 square 93.11 Jylinder and crown, polished, unsilvered : 10 by 15 7.28 Not exceeding 16 by 24 16.79 i*late-glass, rough : Not exceeding 10 by 15 inches square 14'16 Not exceeding 16 by 24 inches square 23.88 ?late-glass. polished, unsilvered : 10 by 15 inches, square l"-3? 16 by 24 laches 20.L> *late-glas8, polished and silvered : 10 by 15 inches square 10-8o 16 by 24 inches square ISM HOW THE POOR PAY THIS TAX. lese are only a few items showing the manner in which these taxes are levied, rd how anyone so thoroughly familiar with the whole subject can conclude that hese taxes are levied mainly upon articles of luxury is another mystery that the riends of protection alone can explain. The heavy taxes placed upon iron, farming aaplements, cotton-ties, coarse blankets and coarse woolens, and the comparatively 604 TAKING OFF BURDENS. light tax upon jewelry, plate-glass, silks and velvets contradict the proposition show that it is the reverse of true. The effect ol this arrangement of duties is, whether intended or not, to compi 1 the poor and laboring classes to pay not more taxes to the Government perhaps, because they purchase but few hnported goods, but to pay to the manufacturers of American goods a sum far in excess of the entire sum collected by the Government upon imported goods over and above that which they would be compelled to pay for these necessaries if this duty was not impose - And the amount paid the Govtrrnment as a tariff upon imported goods is #220.000,000 annually. V. ENHANCING THE COST OF LIVING. THE PAYMENT OF EXORBITANT TAXES MAKES THE CONDITIONS OP LIFE HARDER AND HARDER IN AMERICAN CITIES. Representative Ashbel P. Fitcfi, of New York {Republican), May 16. The upper part of the city of New York is mainly a lesidence district. The* majority of the people who live there live on fixed incomes paid them as salaries or wages every month, or by the proceeds of professional employment in which their incomes are limited. Some of them are architects, artists, clergymen, clerks iu banks, insurance and law offices, journalists, musicians, lawyers, physicians, teach- ers, book-keepers, railroad employes, drivers, conductors, policemen, firemen, telegraph and telephone operators, salesmen, mechanical engineers, civil engineers, stenographers, printers, and skilled mechanics of all sorts not employed in industries which have protection under the present tariff. A WORD FOR PEOPLE WHO HAVE NO PROTECTION. In that district lives, too, an army of deserving women who earn their living by unprotected labor, and often that of others dependent upon them. There is per- haps a necessity within the course of this long debate that somebody should say a word for these people. The farmer has his eloquent advocate trKined in the county and State fairs, who is in arms to defend every product of his ground. The work- men in factories and the manulacturers have their special advocates, who lie awake at night to study their interests and whose voices have been heard nere every day since the beginning of this session, asking for one measure or another for their protection. Almost every cla^s has had its advocates here, except perhaps the millionaires, whom nobody will own to represent, and who have no friends in this House. Suppose, as examples of the class of people to whom I refer in the city of New York, we take the policeman, who guards our bouses; the fireman, who will risk his life for our children ; the reporter and the printer, who spend the night in pre- paring our morning papers; the carrier, who brings it through all kinds of weather^ and the locomotive engineer on the elevated railroad, who takes us up and down town. These classes of workmen have no direct protection. They are not over- paid, nor is their life more luxurious than it ought to be. The money which they draw at the end of every month is not more than they need, and they are often sorely pinched to buy even the taxed doll to fill the taxed Christmas stocking or to> pay for the taxed medicine necessary for any member of the family. DESERVING OF CONSIDERATION. Perhaps an impartial examination may show that these people are as intelligent,. as patriotic, and as deserving of consideration in the matter now before the Hous^Q- as are the Rhode Island mill operators or the Kansas farmers. Their wishes TAKING OFF BURDENS. 605 views maybe even as important to the Republican party. If you are to get any Republican votes in New York City you must get them from these people. These^ classes gave you under the wise management of Arthur votes enough to keep down' the Democratic majoritv in the city so that a Republican President was elected by" the vote of the State of New York. They gave in my district a Republican an elec- tion to Congress, largely because his Democratic opponent refused to support any measure of tariff reform, and voted against the consideration of the Morrison bill. You can hardly afford to pass these voters over in your desire to conciliate the factory operatives and the farmers, unless, indeed, you have decided to elect your candidate without the vote of New York State. I have had it explained to me that this can easily be done. It is a favorite theory apparently of the same gentlemen who have decided that the city workingmen who gave the most outspoken atd determined free-trader in this country, Mr. Henry George, (J8,000 votes at an elec- tion when we could only get f'.0,000 for so good a candidate as Theodore Roosevelt, are wild with enthusiasm for the absolute maintenance of the present tariff; and of" those other wise leaders of the party whose declared policy is to alienate the Ger- man voters who are still true to the Republican party, in order to please the Prohi- bitionists, who laugh at their concessions and have always sought and always willi seek the downfall of that party. PAYING ON EVERYTHING THEY TOUCH OR HANDLE. I for one am not willing to accept such theories or acknowledge such leader-- ship. In the interest of the Republican party, and in the iijterest of common fair- ness, I propose to ask gentlemen on this side of the House to consider for a moment how the present tariff, which we have promised to revise, now affects the people whom I have described, and to consider what they pay taxes on in the general dis- tribution of the customs tax' s now in force. They pay upon everything. Look for a moment at what they eat. There ie a tariff duty on beef, on pork, hams and bacon, butter and lard, cheese, molasses,, grapes, wheat flour, oats, corn meal rye, barley, potatoes, raisins, vinegar, honey,, rice and rice meal, sugar, extract of meat, pickles, currants, apples, salt, and con- densed milk. The list is substar tially an inventory of the stock of the grocery store- at which they buy. There is a duty on the coal which warms them, on their cook- ing and household utensil^, on their entire clothing from their hats to their stock- ings, on the medicines given them when they are sick, and on the roofs over their heads. The commerce of New York, where most of the customs duties are colhcted,. while it asks in vain for the money which is necessary to improve the water ways where $147,000,000 of our revenue is collected every year, pays cheerfully taxes- which are used to keep up custom-houses where nothing is ever collected, andto- carry the mails on routes which use up the great profits of the city offices, to build' harbors in Texas, where a sailor who happened to be stranded would be lost and lonesome, to improve rapids in TenncLsee which no one but the lumberman ever sees, and to dredge out creeks in Georgia which the Government engineers who are given charge of the work spend a month in trying to find. Just so the people of the city of New York, sooner than object in any way to the protective tariff, which, they believe to be, if properly laid and fairly administered, for the good of the whole country, have paid without objection and cheerfully, on everything they use or touch or handle, from the beginning, these customs duties for the benefit of the- manufacturer and his employe and the long-suffering farmer. WHY A READJUSTMENT IS ASKED. The time has now come when a revision of the tariff has been promised by both parties, and when the present duties yield so large a revenue that its further accumulation has become admittedly dangerous. Is it strange that at this time and under tbese circumstances they ask that a readjustment, partially at least, in their interest, may take place? And is it unreasonable to ask that a tariff whicb puts jewelry at 25 per cent, and oil-c]oth for tenement house floors at 40 per cent, ad valorem; which brings in silver-plated harness at 35 per cent, and children'^ I ^06 TAKING OFF BURDENS. -cotton stockinajs at 40 per cent.; under which. India shawls of the finest quality pl^ 40 per cent, and common woolen shawls 8G per cent., shoull be modified? On the theory of protecting or pleasing the manufacturing laborer and the farmer the mass of people in my district in the city of New York have paid for many years, each of them, out of money which they can ill spare, more for their meals, their shelter^ their clothes, and their medicines than these things ought to cost them. VI. GARFIELD AND THE COBDEN CLUB. fflCIS MEMBERSHIP, AT HIS DEATH, OP THAT FREE TRADE ORGANIZATION CLEi SHOWN BY IRREFUTABLE EVIDENCE. Representative W. D. Bynum, of Indiana, May 10, 1883. In regard to the record of General Garfield as a member of that club, I showed .from the list of membership that he was a member in 1871 and in 1876. I stated that his membership, no doubt, was brought about by the sentiments which lie had ^expressed on the question of free trade. In that statement I think I am fully sus- tained by the public declarations of that able and distinguished man. In 1866 'General Garfield made a speech in the House, in which he used the following language : If Congress pursues this line of policy steadily we shall, year by year, approach more nearly to the basis of free trade, because we shall bo more nearly able to compete with •other nations on equal terms. I am for a protection which leads to ultimate free trade. I am. for that free trade which can only be achieved through a reasonable protection. Again, General Garfield, on July 10, 1866, in the Thirty-ninth Congress, said: I am willing, as a compromise, to favor the reduction of the proposed duty on railroad Iron, and I presume the Committee on ttailroads will agree with me in this. I think we should also reduce the proposed duty on salt, and I have no doubt in several other particu- lars we will reduce the rate of duty. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens replied as follows : Why not come out honestly and accept the proposition of the gentleman from Iowa peace. OCCUPIED A MIDDLE GROUND. I read from a speech delivered on June 4, 1878, by Mr. Garfied, and I must say that I find nothing in the quotation Irom which I read to which I d'ssent. I cer- tainly think there is much to commend and but little, if any, to condemn in the sentiments expressed by him. If the sentiments he then expressed as to the ulti- mate result of a reasonable tariff" should prove as accurate as the prediction of the result of high protection, I think we can well calculate what will be the result if the present bill is defeated. He says : Fortunately or unfortunately, on this question I have long occupied a position between two extremes of ooinion. I have long believed, and I still believe, that the wo^st evil which has afflicted the interests of American artisans and manufacturers has been the ten- dency to extremes in our tariff legislation. Our history for the last fifty years has been a repetition of the same mistake. One party comes into power, and believing that a protec- tive tariff is a good thing, establishes a fair rate of duty. Not content with that, they say : *' This works well ; let us have more of it." And they raise the rates still higher, and per- iiaps go beyond the limits of national interest. Every additional step in that direction increases the opposition and threatens the etabihty of the whole system. TAKING OFF BURDENS. 607 lontinuing, Mr. Garfield says : HOW A HIGH TARIFF WORKS. When the policy of increase is pushed beyond a certain point the popular reaction seta- a; the opposite party gets into power and cuts down the high rates. Not content with educing the rates that are unreasonable, they attack and destroy the whole protective ystem. Then ff Hows a deficit in i he Treasury, the destruction of manufacturing interests, mtil the reaction again sets in, the free-traders are overthrown, and a protective system is gain established. In not less than four distinct periods during the last fifty years has this- ort of revolution taken place in our industrial system. Our great national industries have bus been tossed up and down between two extremes of op'nion. During my term of service in this House I have resisted the effort to increase the rae& if dutjr whenever I thought an increase would be dangerous to the stability of our manu- acturing interests, and by doing so I have sometimes b« en thought unfriendly to the •olicy of protecting American industry. When the necessity of the revenues and the afety of our manufactures warranted I have favored a reduction of rates, and these reduc- ions have aided to preserve the stability of the system. In one year, soon after the close f the war, we raised $213,000,000 of revenue from customs. In 1870 we reduced the customs duties by the sum of twenty-nine and one-half million* f dollars. In 1873 they were again reduced by the sum of forty-tour and one-half millions, 'hose two reductions were in the main wise and judicious ; and aithous^h I did not vote for- tiem all, yet they have put the fair-minded men of this country in a position where they an jiistly resist any considerable reduction below the present rates. My view of the danger of extreme positions on the questions of tariff rntesmaybe- lustrated by a remark made by Horace Greeley in the last conversation I ever had with lat distinguished man. Said he : "My fault with you is thai you are not sufficiently high protective in your views." I replied: " W hat would you advise ? " He said : " If I had my way— if I were king of this country— I would put a duty of $100 a ton on ig-iron and a proportionate duty on everything else that can be produced in America, he result would be that our people would be obliged to supply their own wants ; manufac- ires would spring up; competition would flually reduce prices, and we should live wholly ithin ourselves." I replied that the fatal objection io his theory was that no man is king of this country, ith power to make his policy permanent. But as all our policies depend upon popular ipport, the extreme measure proposed would beget an opposite extreme, and our indus- les would suffer from violent reactions. For this reason I believe that we ought to seek lat point of stable equilibrium somewhere between a prohibitory tariff on the one hand id a tariff that gives no protection on the other. What is that point of stable equilibrium ? 1 my judgment, it is this : A rate so high that foreign producers cannot flood our markets id break down our home manufacturers, but not so high as to keep them altogether out, labling our manulacturers to combine and raise the prices, nor so high as to s'imulate an anatural and unhealthy groAvth of manufactures. In other won s, I would have the duty so adjusted that every great American industry n fairly live and make fair profits ; and yet so low that if our manufacturers at tempted put up prices unreasona'^ly the competition from abroad would come in and bring down •ices to a fair rate. Su h a tariff I believe will be supported by the great majority of tnericans. I commend the words and sentiments of General Garfield to the other side of is House. He would not have a tariff so high as to •' enable our manufacturers to mbine and raise the prices." This is just what has taken place under the present I tiftpf duty. ^m DENOUNCED BY HIS OWN PARTY. The gentleman from Maine [Mr. Boutelle] promised to show that Mr. Garfield d renounced his allegiance to the Cobden Club. With all due deference to what has said, I do not think he has done so. Mr. Boutelle. I read Mr. Garfield's letter. Mr. Bynum. The gentleman did read a letter from Mr. Garfield which he says 18 written in April, 1877. Mr. Garfield, in the letter read, says he was elected a jmber of the club, not on account of his sentiments in favor of free trade, which I ve shown he had prior to his election repeatedly expressed, but by reason of the sition he took in favor of resumption ; that at the time of his election he did not ow that the club favored free trade, and only learned so afterwards. But he where, as I now recall, said that after learning what the purposes of the club Te, he withdrew Irom the same. If this letter of General Garfield, which the atleman has read, and says was written in April, 1877, was accepted by his party a renunciation of his adhesion to the principles of the Cobden Club and of hia '608 TA^KING OFF BURDENS. Pennsylvania in refusing to support him for the Speakership in the Forty fifth and Forty-sixth Congresses was very strange. Long after the gentleman says Mr. Gar- ■field renounced his connection with the club, we find a Republican member of Con- gress from Pennsylvania defending the action of himself and his colleagues for with- holding from him their support. They were censured in Pennsylvania for refusing to give him their votes, and Mr. Killinojer addressed a letter to the editor of the Philadelphia Times, dated Octo- ber 17, 1877, giving the reasons why the members from that State withheld their support, which I desire to read. To the Editor of the Philadelphia Times : In reply to the inquiry, I w\\\ say that in the vote for speaker we chose the lesser of the two evils. We could not elect the speaker, and the only significance our action had was its indication of expression of confidence in tho nominee on the great and vital question of pro- tection to our industries, and employment for our laborers. In my judgment all questions are subordinate to this. When, therefore, the caucus determined to compliment Mr. Garflsld in this way I had to choose between sanctioning' by my vote such an action or to express my dissent by withholding- it. Mr. Garfield's record on this question is well known to the country, and some of it has come under my own obser- %'ation. I could not, therefore, pass it by as insignificant or unimportant. Without mean- ins? any disrespect to him I am compelled to say that his status' has been equivocal, if not actually hostile, to the opinions we hold in Pennsylvania. I have never found him to s'and squarely for projection. He would not be accepted by the Kepublicans of my district as an exponent of their views, and I could not compliment him with their vote for the Speakership without manifest inconsistency and doing violence to all my convictions of duty and principle. No friend of American system of revenue and finance has ever been complimented with honorary membership in the British free trade ieas-ues. The object of these leagues is well known to be the strengthening of British inliaence in foreign countries They aim to secure markets here for British manufactures, and to that end are hostile to our home industries. In common with William C. Bryant, Samuel S. Cox and D. A. Wells, notorious free- traders, Mr. Garfield stands in connection with such a league. So long as he retains such connections and does not disavow its pernicious heresies, 1 do not see how to acquit him of holding the opinions of Bri ish co-laborers. It needed some resolution to express our dis- sent from the conclusions reached by the caucus. The Republican organization should be maintained by the party's representatives, especially at this juncture when we are threat- ened with disintegration in high quarters. But unless we can at the same time maintain the principles which gave value and vitality to the organiz uion, party ties will weaken and our early dissolution is certain. So I chose the lesser of the two evils in withholding the vote of the Fourteenth district from a nominee who fails to be in accord with its people on the greatest question before the country. J. W. KILLINGER. Washington, D. C, October 17, 1877. PROOF POSITIVE OF HIS CONNECTION WITH THE CLUB. Now I read from a letter, dated April 23, 1888, from David A. Wells, wl fully and explicitly explains Mr. Garfield's connection with the Cobden Club. Norwich, Conn., Aprils, 188 Dear Sir : In response to your question as to the connection of General Garfield the Cobden Club, I would say that he was proposed and elected a member of the clubl 1869, at the same ti-ne ani in company with Edward Atkinson, Ralph Waldo Emerson, E. P. Whipple, John Quincy Adams, William Lloyd Garrison, of Massachusetts, and William •Cullen Bryant, Henry Ward Beccher, and David Dudley Field, of New York. He acknowl- edged the compliment and accepted the membership in a letter to the secretary of the club, and his membership continued without any revocation on his part until the day of his death. The statement that eminent men are, or have been, "frequently elected as honorary members of the Cobden Club simply as a recognition of their scholarship" is not correct. No man is ever elected unless his consent has been previously obtained, either directly from himself or indirectly through friends who propose his name for election, and who does not understand that an election to membership of the club involves an indoisement of its prin- ciples. The motto of the club, which appears in all its publications and correspondence, namely, "Free-trade, peace and good-will among nations,^' obviously does not allow of any individual self-deception, certainly not in the case of a man like General Garfield. It is also worthy of note that the men who founded the Cobden Club, like John Bright. Thomas B. Potter, Milnor Gibson, and others, were men who through the darkest hours ol the rebellion stood up in Parliament and out of Parliament for the Union, and did more than any or all others in preventing Lord Palmerston and his cabinet from uniting with Louis Napoleon in recognizing the Southern Confederacy and breaking the blockade, whicb in time meant calamity if not ruin to the Northern cause. And yet it now suits the extreme ^protectionists to revile these men as the relentless foes of the American laborer. TAKING OFF BURDENS, ' G09 T will furtber add that, of my own certain knowledge. General Garfield was a believer the principles of free trade down to a period as late as a year prior to his nomination for e Presidency, and that it was in no small part throug-h intercourse and discussion with m in 1867 and ise.8 I abandone t my original belief in the doctrines of protection and sub- qupnily (1870) accepted membership in the Cobden Ciub In making these statements I preferno accusation of dising'enuousness or hypocrisy Hinst (.general Garfleid. and neither do I think him open to a suspicion of such conduct. e probably accepted the definition of Canning that true statesmanship consists in finding e line of safe change: and while accepting the principles of free trade and looking for- ird to the day when they will constitute the basis of commercial intercourse between all itions, he at the same time held that such a result in this country could be best and most eedily attained through gradual and tentativo reforms ; and that in the then temper of e American people the advocacy of radical measures was both inexpedient and useless. I am, yours respectfully, DAVID A. WELLS. It was not my intention to occupy so much time of the House in presenting lis matter, and my only upology for doing so is that I desired all the facts to go ifore the country. In conclusion I wish to say that I have always had the greatest [miration for the abilities of General Garfield, and taking his statements to the ethods by and through which he expected to arrive at free trade, I do not think 3 connection with the Cobden Club discreditable to his public life or to his eraory. VII. HOW IRELAND HAS SUFFERED FROM HIGH TAXES. E PRINCIPAL ELEMENT WHICH HAS BROUGHT IRELAND TO ITS PRESENT POSITION, *AND THE INTEREST OF ITS PEOPLE IN REDUCTION OF TAXES. Eepresentative R. P. Bland^ of Missouri^ May 10, 1S88. * We have heard a good deal about the effects of free trade on Ireland. But any 3 acquainted with the history of that country, as shown by the extract which has t been read, knows it is the reverse of free trade that has brought Ireland to the t of England, depopulated the Green Isle, and sent her cliildren wanderers over earth, oue half of them in the list half century, reducing the population from mt eight millions forty years ago to about one-half of that now. It was the trictive policy of the navigation laws, preventing Ireland from exporting her 'ducts to any ports other than those of England, that broke down her factories I subjugated her people, until today the landlords own nearly the whole of land. Old England has her Ireland; shall New England also have a a Ireland he West? It was the want of freedom of trade, it was the restrictions of her trade and « imerce under the navigation laws that prevented her sending her products to other ports save those of England, the inimical legislation on the part of . jland, that broke down her factories in the interest of the English manufacturers. ' !se unequal and unjust laws imbued the spirit of rebellion in Ireland against the 1 ^nny of England that has caused them for the century past to resist as best they < d these injustices. They have demanded of England the right of free trade, the : it of the liberty of the citizen, the right of free government. i And because these demanls have not been acceded to, Ireland has been in a « )nic state of war with England since the union This chronic state of war and < ontent has been answered by idiotic coercion acts in as many years, so that ' md has not only suffered by tnese acts, but also by tyrannical military rule that I prostrated her in the dust, that has kept her people in constant strife to regain 3 liberties, and, although in recent years these restrictions may have been removed, ^ :t came too late, for comparative freedom of trade was offered her after she had p I despoiled of her heritage, and her land owned by alien 1 mdlords and her sub- » 36 mortgaged to the aristocracy of England. She has devoted the latter portion years to an effort to shake off the tyranny of England, and has had no profii- •portuuity to engage in manufacture and agriculture. I 610 TAKING OFF BUEDENS. Give Ireland self-government, the liberty of the citizen, the freedom of trad the whole world over, and the man who says she would not rise from her degrad£ tion and beccme one of the powerful nations of the earth, able to compete in trad and commerce and all that makes nations great, belies the history of that gres people and slanders a noble, generous, and an industrious race. I have said thi much because it has been the constant aid of protectionists on this floor to allud to Ireland as an example of the baneful effect of free trade, when the reverse i known to be true by every gentleman acquainted with the history of that peoph To tell me free trade has reduced Ireland to this condition is to say that which resent bitterly on the part of a people I know have been impoverished by othe means, tyrannical and restrictive in the extreme. TRUSTS AND THE TARIFF. Mr. Chairman, I will print with my remarks a table showing the duties paid oi a number of articles, necessaries of life in this country, and also a list of trusts an( a list of a number of strikes and lockouts : ARTICLES. Lumber Nails Common window-glass. Linseed-oil White lead Read lead Wallpaper Stoves Carpets Oil-cloth Boots Glassware, cheapest kind. , •• Cooking utensils, pots and kettles Knives, forks, spoons, etc Common soap Plowshares, hoes, and forks Shingles i Salt, in bags ! Salt, in bulk i Needles •• Grindstones | Garden seeds Castor-oil Earthenware Wool hats, not valued! at over 80 cents per pound Knit goods, not valued at over 30 cents per pound W ool yarn Women's and children's dress goods, wholly or partly of wool Clothiog ready-made.. ARTICIiBS. $2 per thousand. 43 per cent. 68 per cent, and upward 54 per cent. 40 per cent. 77 per cent. 25 per cent. 45 per cent. 50 per cent. 40 per cent, 25 per cent. 45 per cent. 45 per cent. 35 per cent. 20 \ er cent, 45 per cent, 17 per cent, 39 per cent. 1 9 per cent. 25 per cent. 1< per cent. 30 per cent. 19 per cent. 55 per cent. per cent. per cent, per cent. 60 to 80 per cent. 54 per cent. Ii Cloak?, dolmans, jack-j !| eta, etc , India rubber shoes ; jj Umbrellas j Looking-glasses I Round and sheet-iron., jCut nails and brads — Wrought-iron spikes, I nu ts, washers, etc — ' Horse or ox shoes I Anvils, mill-irons, etc.. Iron or steel axles Hcrse-shoe nails, hob-! nails, etc \ Iron or steel chains — ' Hand-saws and buck-l Files Screws .. Hollow-ware, glazed or turned Pens Penknives Sugar Molasses Starch Rice Cotton thread . . • . : ... Cotton cloth Bags and bagging Woolen cloth, not over 80 cents per pound. . . Shawls, not over 80 cents per pound Flannels, not over 30 cents per pound Blankets, not over 30 cents per pound 67 per cent. 25 per cent. 45 per cent. 78 per cent. 40 to 50 per cent 35 per cent. 5 i per cent. 55 per cent. 68 ) er cent, 62 per cent. 76 -nor cent. 47 per cent..! 40 per cent» 64 per cent^j 60 per cent. 47 per cent, 43 per cent, i 50 per cent. • 60 to 80 per i 47 per cent. 95 per cent. 113 per cent. 50 per cent. 50 to 75 per 54 per cent. 89 per cent. 88 per cent. 73 per cent. 79 per cent. THE TRUSTS BY NAME— FORMER TARIFFS. Average rate of duty under tariff of 1789, 8>^ per cent. Average rate ot duty under tariff of 1792, 13>^ per cent. Averaee rate of duty under tariff of 1816, 30 per cent. Average rate of duty under tariff of 1824, 37 per cent. Average rate of duty under tariff of 1828, 41 per cent. Average rate of duty under tariff of 1832, 33 per cent. Average rate of duty under tariff of 1846 to 1861, 19 per cent. Average rate of duty under tariff of 1862, 35 per cent. Average -rate before revision of 1883, 43X per cent. Average rate under the present tariff, 41 per cent. Estimated average under this bill, 33 per cent. TAKING OFF BURDENS. 611 e following is a list of a few of the trusts, together with the amount of bounty tke ^resent tariff seeks to allow to collect from the people, also their expense for lab(jr, and he excess of tariff bounty over the amount they pay in wages. Not one of these trusts X)uld live were it not for the war tariff. 1 •"■■■"' Adjusted to guarantee a bonus in each $100 of product amount- ing to— Their whole expense for labor In $100 worth of product being— fait trust 50 56 84 45 45 45 45 24 52 32 74 55 26 54 25 25 35 25 $33 36 46 33 33 33 33 22 28 24 43 36 19 35 20 20 26 20 $25 40 9 29 29 23 25 fail trust teneral iron trust ■opper trust 22 25 21 65 45 8 5 'in trust linseed-oil trust ; Rubber-shoe trust ., 24 11 Invelope trust 'aper-bag trust 15 ordage trust 12 Average 30 24 STB1KB8 AND LOCKOUTS tJNDBR PROTECTION. Number. ill Employes striking and involved. Number. fi Tears. Strikes. Establish- ments. Lock- outs. Establish- ments. 1^ II 81 471 454 478 443 645 1,412 2,928 2,105 2,759 2,367 3,284 9,893 62 ^9Q n9.t 6 21 28 38 52 127 9 42 117 183 1,477 1.0^ 4.2 IE 11.6 655 4,131 20,512 18,131 15,424 100,705 82 4 6j IrJrfififl 83 . 84 5.8 5.3 35 7.0 149,763 147,043 242,705 500,514 85 86 Total 3,903 22,336 5.7 1,324,152 272 2,182 8.0 159,548 613 TAKING OFF BURDENS. VIII. SUPPOSE IT WAS A DIRECT TAX. A SUGGESTION AS TO WHAT WOULD BE DONE IF THE TAX COLLECTOR SHOULD COME WITH A BILL AND DEMAND IT. Eepresentative Luther F. McKinney, of New Hampshire^ May 3. How long would the people endure this tax if instead of collecting it indirectly it was collected directly when they purchased the article for consumption? A man buys a dollar's worth of sugar, an officer demands 50 cents ; he buys a dollar's worth of rice, an officer demands 40 cents ; he buys a pair of woolen blankets, an officer demands $2; Le buys a bolt ot cotton cloth, an officer demands $1.50; and so through the entire list of taxed necessities. Reduce the amount one-half, if you please — I care not how much it is reduced — collect your tax direct and let the col- lection result in a hundred miliions a year more than is necessary for the support of the Government, and there would be revolution and the party that advocated such a tax would be speedily relegated to the rear. Yet we are, by an indirect tax on the people, gathering into the Treasury, of the people's money, tens of millions a year that is forced to lie idle. By what moral right is this money collected ? Does the Government own the people's property or earnings ? Is the Government Treasury a depository of the people's money ? WHY THE WAGES OF LABOR ARE GOOD. If the statement that a protective tarifT increases the price of labor be true, then the interests that have the largest protection ought to pay the highest wages. This is not so. The shoe interest has grown to be one of the largest interests in the line of manufacture in this country. Cotton has a protection of 5U per cent., woolens a protection of 58 per cent,, while manufactured shoes only have a protection of 30 per cent. Now, anyone who has investigated the subject knows that the wages of operatives in shoe manufactories get about 50 per cent, better wages than the opera- tives in cotton or woolens. One of the largest shoe manufacturers in New England told me a few days ago that the wages of his employes last month averaged $10.93 a week> men, women and children. In this corporation they manufactured cheap shoes that sell for from 85 cents to $1.50 a pair. The averages wages of operatives in woolens and cotton is considerably less than $1 a day. I have talked with many of the largest shoe manufacturers of my own State, and they all tell me if they can have their raw material free, leather, serge, buttons, thread, etc., they can compete with the world, sell their shoes in the foreign markets, and will ask no protection on the manufactured goods. The reason why they can pay higher wages to-day than any of the other great manufacturing interests is that we have free hides and only 20 per cent, on leather. Take away your tax on raw material and give us an opportunity to go into the mar- kets of the world, and we need have no fear of foreign competition. We can sell more in their markets than they can sell in ours. It has been shown very clearly upon this floor that while we pay much higher wages per diem in this country than is paid in the same industries in Europe, yet the labor cost of manufacturing a given product here is less than in the Old World. Where, then, is the difficulty? It is in the system of first taxing the material that enters into the manufacture and creating a necessity to tax the manufactured article to overcome it. Thus the laborer's wages is not increased, but the price of what he consumes is. Make first the raw material as cheap as possible the laborer's wages will be kept where they are, and the purchasing power of what he earns will be increased. It is easy to show, fur- ther, that under our protective system the wages of labor have not been kept up. The average wages paid in the worsted manufactories of this country in 1870 was I TAKING OFF BURDENS. 613 ^838, in 1880 they were $302— a decrease of $36 per year. In the carpet manufac- tories the averages wages in 1870 were $387— in 1880, $335; a decrease of $52 a year; and if you will investigate the wages paid in the various protected industries you will find they are far less to-day than in 1870. SOMETHING FROM AN OLD HISTORY. I have read in one of the old histories, written many centuries ago, of a class of people who had a monopoly of a certain industry and made great gain therefrom. And there was a certain man came into the land where these people dwelt and preached against them, and his words were so powerful that those who used curious a,rts brought their books and burned them before all men, and they counted the price of them and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver. And we are told at — The same time there was no small stir about that way, for a certain man named Deme- irius, a silversmith, which made silver shrines for Diana, brought no small gain to the craftsmen, whom he called together with the workmen of like occupation and said : "Sirs, ye know that by this craft we have our wealth; moreover, ye see and hear that not alone at Epheus but almost throughout all Asia this Paul has persuaded and turned away much people, saying that there be no gods which are made with hands; so that not only .this our craft is in danger to be set at naught, but also that the temple of the great goddess Diana should be despised, and her magnificence should be destroyed whom all Asia and the world worshipeth." And when they heard these things they were full of wrath and cried out, saying, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians." "Wow, like these people of old, Pennsylvania has for a long time had a monopoly in many of those industries which have brought to them great wealth. An apostle has come into their midst who dwells at the other end of this avenue, and has pro- <;laimed to the people against such a monopoly, and many who have hitherto believed in their doctrine are repenting of their sins and proclaiming tlieir conver- sion before all the people. And now comes the great apostle of protection and calls together his people and says: Sirs, ye know that by this protection we have our wealth. Moreover, ye see and hear that not only in Pennsylvania, but almost throughout all the nation, this apostle of reform hath pursuaded and turned away much people, saying that there be no justice in this doctrine of protection, so that not only this our wealth is in danger to be set at naught, but also that the great goddess of protection should be despised, whom Pennsylvania and all the land hath heretofore worshiped. And when they heard these words they were full of wrath, ■ cried out, Great is the goddess of protection ! IX. WHAT THE FARMER PAYS. AN ESTIMATE OP THE TAXES ON ARTICLES IN COMMON USE NOW PAID WHICH WILL BE REDUCED UNDER THE PROPOSED LAW ON ARTICLES. Representative John D. Stewart, of Georgia, May 2 ; I insist that the farmers of this country, although in numbers the largest, are not benefited by a high tariff, but, on the contrary, are shamefully discriminated against, and it is not so strange that their farms are heavily mortgaged when we come to understand how the tariff affects them. I 614 TAKING OFF BURDENS. Under the present law let us see what an ordinary family on a farm has to contribute to the Government. I submit a schedule of articles mostly used by a family as an illustration, and the duty on them, and also showing the reduction proposed under the Mills bill : Value. One cook stove... By Mills bill.. One set crockery. By Mills bill.. One set cheap glassware. By Mills bill One set cheap cutlery. By Mills bill Two carpets, 112 and $15. By Mills bill Sugar By Mills bill. Molasses By Mills bill. Salt. By Mills bill. '^ Two suits each for father and two sons, six suits, fl4 By Mills bill Two suits each for mother and two daughters, six suits, *14 By Mills bill Twelve pairs shoes, $3.50 each. By Mills bill Six wool hats, $1 each . By Mills bill Six fur hats, $3.50 each. By Mills bill Six ladies' hats, $3 each By Mills bill Six bonnets for ladies, $3 each. By Mills biU Farming tools, including plows, gear, hand-saw, ax, draw-knife, chains, etc By Mills bill Medicines By Mills bill. Thread, needles, thimbles, scissors, etc. By Mills bill Four pairs blankets, $3 each - By Mills bill Two umbrellas, $3. 50 each. By Mills bill $35 00 12 00 4 00 200 37 00 20 00 10 00 3 00 84 00 84 00 30 00 600 15 00 18 00 18 00 60 00 20 00 12 00 13 00 500 Duty. Per cent. 47= $16 45 31= 10 85 65= 35= 56= 41= 50= 47= 60= 50= 47= 35= 4 20 3 34 1 64 1 00 70 12 00 800 13 00 10 00 4 70 3 50 40= 1 Free list. 54- 45= 30= 15= 73= 40= 52= 40= 45 36 37 80 900 450 438 3 40 7 80 6 30 70= 13 60 40= 7 30 70= 40= 47= 34= *48- 30= 35- 20= 70= 40= 40= 30= 12 60 720 38 20 13 60 600 4 20 2 40 8 40 4 80 2 00 1 50 Net Saving. ♦Average, I TAKING OFF BURDENS. 615 Value. Duty. Net Saving. ■Cotton hosiery, undershirts. etc 1 8 00 Fer cent. 45= 3 60 30- 2 40 60= 1 20 43= 86 94= 3 70 47= 1 88 ByMillsbill Window glass . 9 nn 1 30 By Mills bill '.' ' '- . ' "."".. Starch : i nn 34 ByMillsbill ■ in m 183 Rice 113= 11 30 100= 10 00 189 27 ., 104 98 ByMillsbill " nt tariff 130 Total cost under prese Under Mills bill .... i $501 00 $84 39 WAGES AND COST OF LIVING IN EUROPE. Wabk showing average weekly wages paid in the enumerated occupations in different European countries. [Furnished by the Bureau of Labor, "Washington, D. C] ll^F Occupation. < a •a 1 6 i I older States of twenty per cent. They increased heavily west of the Mississippi River from new and unforee ■causes — the opening of free range by the extension of railroads and the du 3)earance of the Indian and his game from the new Territories. XIII. HIGH TAXES :AND THE FARMER. THE AGRICULTURAL CLASSES LEFT WITH THE BAG TO HOLD WHEN THEIR T] COMES FOR THE EXPECTED DISTRIBUTION OF REWARDS. Representative Melbourne H. Ford, of Michigan, April 37. But it is to the farmer of the United States that the advocates of this tn <5reating tariff make their strongest appeal. He is told by them that he sho etand by American industries. That the agitation for the reduction of the v ^tariff taxes is being stimulated and encouraged by British manufacturers i British gold. TAKING OFF BURDENS. 628.' What is it that fixes the price of the farmer's wheat? It is the Liverpool •ket. Let the price of wheat go up in Liverpool, then watch how quick it will ance in Chicago. Let the price of wheat in Liverpool decline and the market )hicago will respond instantly, and go down. We cannot begin to consume our cultural productions. We produce a good deal more than enough to supply- United States, and are obliged to depend upon a foreign market for the disposal lur surplus. No tariff can help the farmer on his surplus production, because- price at which it is sold is fixed by competition with all the producers of the- Id. We now consume at home about 70 per cent, of our agricultural produc- s and export about 30 per cent, of them. Now mark this : Whenever any coun- produces more than it consumes and has a surplus, the price of that surplus wilJ ihe price of the whole product. Therefore, so long as our farmers produce sj )lus (and this they will always do) the price of the agricultural productions in United States will be the same as the world's price. There is no escaping this- ilusion. You may pile tarifl"s on wheat, corn, beef, pork and cotton mountains I and it will not increase the price of those products in this country a penny — a farthing. tie farmer's wheat is sent 3,000 miles away to England, and it then comes into- 3t competition with wheat from the East Indies, raised by the worst pauper labor- he face of the globe; a labor so low and so half-civilized that the American ler can scarcely conceive how degraded it is. The price of one of the most' )rtant of the farmer's crops is thus fixed by competition with wheat raised by rers whose dress consists of half a yard of cotton cloth, and who work jfor 6^- 8 a day. WHAT THE FABMER HAS TO BUY. But how is it with regard to the articles which the farmer cannot produce and ;h he must buy? The price of nearly everything which the farmer buys is I by so-called protective legislation. The English farmer stands a little better lat respect than the American. The price of what the English farmer buys is I in the same market and by the same laws which fix the price of what he sells;, e, as for the American farmer, the price of what he sells is fixed by competition 16 open markets of the world, and the price of what he buys to produce his 3 is arbitrarily determined and unnaturally increased by the laws of the Con- i of his own country for the benefit of a few manufacturers. But the duty on wool is one of the strong points of the tariff* monopolists. f and all their subsidized newspapers are talking continually not about coal, ibout glass, not about iron, but about wool. They have constituted themselves pecial guardians of the wool tariflF, and are overwhelmed with anxiety to save armer from utter destruction from a decrease of the tariff" on wool. I very 1 doubt the sincerity of some of these new converts to the farmer's interest, ght be well supposed that they were more anxious for their own particular 3tries than for the farmer's. To an unprejudiced observer it would look very 1 as if some of them were using the farmer as a cat's paw to further their own ests. [f the tariff on wool benefits the farmer, what does it amount to ? Taking the e value of our agricultural productions, the wool crop does not comprise over 3 per cent, of it. What a short-sighted policy it is for a farmer to calmly sub- paying war-tariff* prices for nearly everything he buys to produce his crop, r some supposed trivial benefit derived from the wool tariff" on 2 per cent, of roduct. These tariff"-tax manufacturers ask the farmer to pay $15 for a $9 suit 3thes for himself, $17 for a $12 shawl for his wife, to pay increased prices on lows, tools and agricultural implements ; they ask him to sell his produce for gardly sum, and they tell him to meekly endure all this, and to be comforted ; e thought that there is a tariff on wool, fou cannot have a good price for wool unless you have somebody to buy it. .0 not produce enough wool for our own consumption. Our manufacturers iport foreign wool ; and when you artificially increase the price of foreign |np( I 624 TAKING OFF BUB DENS. wool you cripple the manufacturing industry, which injures the farmer's custor Take the result in my State for instance, the State of Michigan. In 1867 the v tariff was enormously increased ; in that year the taritf on wool was raised, so i it averaged between 50 and 60 per cent., and it so continued, practically witl: interruption, for sixteen years. In 1867, when tlie tariff went into effect, tl were 4,000,000 sheep in the State ; and under the effect of this high tariff on v on the 1st of January, 1880, the number of tliose sheep had dwindled down to than 2,000,000. This wool tariff has induced many farmers to vote for the m; tenance of these war taxes. When some farmers have viewed the tariff, the v has been pulled over their eyes to that extent that they could not see anything € But I believe the farmers are beginning to appreciate that in this cry of " W( wool ! " there is more noise than benetit. Another statement which has had considerable effect is that our high tf gives the farmer a home market. This claim, it seems to me, can be absolu demonstrated to be false beyond the possibility of a doubt. Let' us examine 1809$ 1813 1817) 183,5 f 18-^5 ( 1839 f 1833 1837 1841 1845 1849 1853 18(57 1861 1886 1869 1873 1877 1861 17a5 1743 1756 1739 1744 1744 1783 1783 1780 1790 1793 1800 1786 I8ai 1809 1808 1833 1812 1819 1836 1813 1814 1850 1863 18-« IS'- ]b< 18t>J 1859 1875 1886 1875 1887 *Died la office. TReslenaed the Vice-Presidency. §Beoame President. POLITICAL TABLES. 643 CONGKESSIONAL REPRESENTATION OF THE STATES. 1. Ratio of Repbesentatives and PopuIjAtion. By Constitution 1789 One to 30 000 " First Census, from March 4th, 1793 " 33000 " Second " ' 1803 u 33'oQQ " Third " " " " 1813 » 35'ooo " Fourth " " " » 1823 " ^oloOO '' Fifth " ' 1833 " 4770Q " Sixth " " " '' 1843 - 70,680 " Seventh" " " " 1853 »• 93433 " Eighth " " " " 1863 "127 381 " Ninth " " " " 1873 " 13l'425 " Tenth ' 1883 ^^15^3^ ^H II. Repbesentatives from Each State Under Each Census . States. Hi if ^1 4 6 si a °l 4 1 8 6 10 1 34 9 24 3 7 15 10 4 11 31 7 7 10 4 7 4 5 1 8 eg 6 if 5 1 3 6 8 3 4 6 5 8 1 5 10 7 1 8 14 4 5 10 10 13 2 6 19 2 2 7 1 4 9 17 5 1? 13 '1 8 7 2 6 9 20 6 6 27 13 23 2 9 23 10 6 6 6 1 7 9 13 6 6 34 13 26 3 9 23 12 5 9 14 3 1 3 3 7 1 1 6 1 9 8 1 6 40 13 28 2 9 21 13 5 13 19 5 3 7 3 8 2 2 4 1 8 6 11 3 5 33 8 25 I 13 10 3 10 21 7 9 11 4 6 5 7 2 4 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 1 7 5 10 3 8? 4 2 4 11 9 3 8 19 6 14 11 5 5 5 9 3 6 3 1 6 2 1 4 6 1 1 1 4 1 9 6 11 3 7 33 8 27 2 5 9 10 3 10 20 8 19 13 6 5 6 13 4 9 4 3 9 3 1 6 8 3 1 1 1 3 4 1 10 6 12 3 9 28 2 7 10 11 2 10 21 8 30 13 J reorjria laryland Ifissachusetts ............ Few Hampshire Tew Jersey ••• Few York Forth Carolina ennsylvania .••..••••••>• ihode Island 3uth Carolina • irffinia ennessee hio lat)ama ......•■ llnois :;;:;;::: idiana ....... nnisinnn. g^ing , ississinoi 7 14 5 11 6 3 11 S 1 11 9 7 3 1 1 4 ilif ornia ** *' 3vada . . • . • • . . . 'lorado ...... . . est Vircinia . . Whole number ^ --L^ — 65 105 141 181 213 1 240 223 237 243 293 325 L 644 POLITICAL TABLES. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. The Presidential election will take place on Tuesday, November 6, 1888. The Oonstitu tion prescribes that each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereo may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representa tives to which the State may be entitled in Congress. For the election this year the elector by States will be as follows : States. Electoral Vote. Alabama 10 Arkansas 7 California 8 Colorado 3 Connecticut 6 Delaware 3 Florida 4 Georgia 12 Illinois 22 Indiana ■ 15 Iowa 13 Kentuclcy 18 Louisiana 8 Maine 6 Maryland 8 Massachusetts 14 Michigan 13 Minnesota 7 Mississippi 9 Necessary to States. Electora Vote. Missouri i Nebraska Nevada New Hamphire New Jersey New York g North Carolina l Ohio 2 Oregon , Pennsylvania 8 Rhode Island South Carolina Tennessee ] Texas j Vermont Virginia ] West Virginia Wisconsin , Total a choice, 20L I POLITICAL TABLES. POPUIiAB VOTB FOB PRESIDENT, 1884, 645 A table showing the vote by States for each of the four leading candidates for PresI- ent, the plurality received, the aggregate vote cast. entucky 3uisiana. aine aryland assachusetts ichigan Innesota ippi issouri abraska, 3vada 3W Hampshire 3W Jersey iw York. )rth Carolina lio egon tnnsylvania lode Island uth Carolina. xas irmont rginla , 38t "Virginia sconsin 'otal I 4,911,017i 4,848,334 iveland's plurality.. fcent I 48.871 48.35 ittering ! ! *In these three States, Iowa, Michigan and Nebraska, there was a " fusion " of the nocratic and the National Greenback parties on one Electoral ticket. tin Missouri and West Virginia there was a "fusion" of the Republicans and the ■Jonal Greenback parties on one Electoral ticket. The blank and scattering votes reported were: Connecticut, 6; Georgia, 895; Kansas, Louisiana, 458; Michigan, 4,384; Nebraska, 47; New Haaipshire,6; New Jersey, 784 New k. 4,360; Oregon, 50; Texas, 13; Vermont, 37; West Virginia, 3; Wisconsin, 73. Total, 646 POLITICAL TABLES. POPULAR AND ELECTOBAIi VOTES FOR PRESIDENT, 1860-1884. CQ 6 525 B Political Party. Presidents. ] Vice-Presidents. k o > 1 Candidates. Vote. | J2 . 1 Popular. 1 i Candidates. ^ I860 33 ♦36 t37 37 38 88 88 814 369 869 400 Republican Democratic Cons. Union.... Ind.Dem Republican Democratic iRepublican Democratic Republican iDem. and Lib... Democratic Temperance .... Abraham Lincoln... . J. C. Breckinridge... John Bell 17 11 3 3 1 11 26 8 3 31 1,866,352 845,763 180 72 Hannibal HamUn... 18( 75 3J li 2U 2] 8^ 21' 8( Z. 28) 4 589,581! 39 1,375,1571 13 3,216,067 213 1,808,735 21 81 3,015,071 214 2,709,613! 80 1 23 3,597,070! 286 2,834,079;.... 29,408.... 5 608' Edward Everett H.V.Johnson Andrew Johnson.... G.H.Pendleton 1864 S.A.Douglas Abraham Lincoln.. . . Geo.B. McClellan... Vacancies Ulysses S. Grant.... Horatio Seymour... . Vacancies 1868 Schuyler Colfax F.P.Blair, Jr 187?. Ulysses S.Grant Horace Greely Charles O'Connor... James Black B. Gratz Brown Geo.W. Julian A H Colouitt . .. Thos. A. Hendricks.. B Gratz Brown 43 18 2 1 John M Palmer. . . T* "R Bmmlfiftfl ... Charles J. Jenkins.. David Davis W S Groesbeok. ' ' "Willi« Tl \fnoVipn. ' ' N P Banks 1 Not Counted 17 1876 jRepubUcan Democratic IGreenback iProhibition Rutherford B.Hayes Samuel J. Tilden.... 21 17 4,033,950 4,284,885 81,740 9,522 3,636 4,449,053 4,442.035 307,306 13.576 4,911,017 4,848,334 151,809 133 825 185 184 Wm. A, Wheeler.... Thos. A. Hendricks. 181 1& Green Clay Smith... Scattering •• ' 1880 iRepublican jDemocratic Greenback James A. Garfield... Winfleld S. Hancock James B. Weaver... 19 19 314 Chester A. Arthur. . . Wm.H. English B.J. Chambers 21 151 1884 iDemocratic Republican IProhibition iRrefinhnnTr Grover Cleveland... . James G.Blaine John P. St. John.... Benj F. Butler 20 18 219 182 .... iThos. A. Hendricks. John A. Logan William Daniel A M West 21 18! ' Scattering 11,362'.... ..• MiB ♦El Bissi tTh ever PPi, ree I States did not a North Carolina, : States did not vo ?^ote, viz.: Alabama, Dennessee, Texas and to, viz. : Mississippi, 1 A rkansas, 'irglnia. cas and V Plor Irgir Ida, Georgia, Louis lia. PRINCIPAL OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 647 RINCIPAL OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. RESiDJENT OF THE United States, . . . GROVER CLEVELAND, of New York. RivATE Secretary, Daniel S. Lamont, of New York. MEMBERS OF THE PRESIDENT'S CABINET. cretary of State Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. icretary of the Treasury Charles 8. FAiRCHiiiD, of New York. 'cretary of War, ..... William C. Endicott, of Maseachusetts. 'cretary of the Navy, Willliam C. Whitney, of New York. cretary of the Interior, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin. ystmaster- General. ....... Don M. Dickinson, of Michigan. ttorney- General Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas. Wn't ASSISTANT SECRETARIES. 't. Secretary of State, George L. Rives, of New York. d Ass't. Secretary of State, Alvey A. Adbb. I Ass' t. Secretary of State, John B. Moore, of Delaware. »»^ Q^.^.^f^^i^o of th^ 'r^y,f,c„«», ( Hugh S. Thompson, of South Carolina. 8 1. Secretaries of the Treasury, . . . -^ jg^^^ ^ Maynard, of New York. mnander-in-Ohitf of the Army, . . . Major-General John M. Schofield. miral of the Navy, David D. Porter. Assistant Postmaster- General, A. E. Stevenson, of Illinois. 1^^ " " A. Leo Knott, of Maryland. ^R** " Henry R. Harris, of Georgia. Assistant Secretary of the Interior, . . . Henry L. Muldrow, of Mississippi. istant Secretary of the Interior, .... David L. Hawkins, of Missouri. citor- General, George A. Jenks, of Pennsylvania. tmissioner of the General Land Office, . . • . S. M, Stockslager, of Indiana. imissioner of Fateuts, Benton J. Hall, of Iowa. imissioner of Pensions, John C. Black, of Illinois. imissioner of Agriculture, Norman J. Colman, of Missouri. 648 PRINCIPAL OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. CIVIL-SERVICE COMMISSIONERS. Alfred P. Edgebton, of Ohio, John H. Oberly, of Illinois, Charles Lyman, of Connecticut. Cfovemment Printer, Thomas E. Benedict, of New York. President of the United States Senate, John J. Ingalls, of Kansas. Speaker of the House of Eepresentatives, John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky.^ Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, Roger Q. Mills, of Texas. Chairman of tlie Appropriations Committee, . . Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania.. COLLECTORS OF THE PRINCIPAL PORTS. S Mw York City Daniel MagohH Philadelphia, John Cadwaladbr^ Boston, Levkrett Saltonstall. Chicago, A. F. Seeburger.. San Francisco, John S. Hagab, New Orleans B. F. Jonas. Baltimore James B. Groome. POSTMASTERS OP THE PRINCIPAL CITIES. Ifew York City Henry G. Pearson. Chicago, S. Corning Judd^ Philadelphia, William F. Harrity.. Boston, John M. Corse. Brooklyn, . • Joseph C. Hendrix. San Francisco, William J. Bryan, New Orleans, George W. Noir. Pittsburg John B. Larkin»- Baltimore, Frank Brown. MINISTERS TO LEADING FOREIGN COUNTRIES <,_ England, Edward J. Phelps, of Vermc France Robert M, McLane, of MaryU Germany, . . » George H. Pendleton, of 01 Bussia George V. N. Lothrop, of Michi Italy, John B. Stallo, of 01 Austria, A. R. Lawton, of Geor Spain, J. L. M. Cdrry, of Virgil China, Charles Denby, of Indii Japan, Richard B. Hubbard, of Tea Turkey, Oscar S. Strauss, of New JTc Brazil Thomas J . Jarvis, of North Carol INDEX. IN DEX PAGE AGBICUIiTURE— s&The Department of 355 to 264 Relations with Colleges and Experi- 5?» ment Stations 355 Investig-ating Adulterations and Imi- ak tat ions 356 Stamping Out Cattle Diseases 356 Signal Service Stations for Farmers.. 257 General Extension of the Department Work 258 Valuable Experiments in Sugar from Sorghum 359 Closer Relations with Practical Farm- ers 359 General Record of the Work of the Department 360 The President's Message on Oleomar- garine 363 Cleveland's Message to Congress 363 AT^iiTSON, Senator, of Iowa, on the Tariff 119, 130, 131 and 125 American Citizens Abroad, Protec- tion of 151 Abthur, Chester A., President, on the Tariff 118 and 125 Bayard, Chinese Treaty, The 155 Blaine, James G , on Lumber 116 Blaine, James G ., on the Tariff 118 Blaine, James G., Pressure of Bogus Claims UQ Burchard, Horatio C, on the Tariff. 134 BUTTERWORTH, Ben.j., on the Tariff.. .. 128 Burdens. Taking off 596 to 634 Decline of American Shipping in Thirty Years 596 Decline in comparative JV umber of Homes 597 Workers in Non-Protective Indus- tries 599 ■Some of the Rates of Taxation 603 Enhancing the Cost of Living 604 •Garfield and the Cobden Club 606 How Ireland has suffered from High Taxes 609 Suppose it was a Direct Tax 613 What the Farmer Pays 613 How the Farmer is made to Suffer. . . 616 The Duty on Lumber 617 A Woolen Manufacturer's Ideas 620 High Taxes and the Farmer 633 The Appeal of a Republican 636 The Burdensome Tax on Salt 638 The Power of Taxation 631 Dhe Pauper Labor Argument 633 PAGE Collins, Patrick A., Speech of at St. Louis Convention 11 Candidates, Notification of 17 CooLEY, Thomas M., on the Tariff 138 Chinese Immigration. The Restric- tion of 383 to 404 Mr. Thur man's Opinion in 1870 382 Mr. Hoar states the Republican posi- tion 383 Chinese Coolies took the place of Soldiers 384 Efforts to Restrict Immigration Killed by Republicans 384 Mr. Thur man states the case 385 Party Records on the Question 386 Attitude of Parties after a New Treaty had been Concluded 386 Position of the Democratic Candidates 388 A N ew Treaty Negotiated 389 Mr. Bayard to the President 389 Full Text of the Treaty of Exclusion 390 Republican Evasion of this Law 393 How the Thing is Done in Spite of the Law 393 The Vigorous Protest of the Repre- senatives of Labor 393 Methods Suggested for Preventing this Importation 393 A Strong Memorial to Congress 393 Efforts of the Department of Justice. 394 What Labor Gets in China • • 395 Wages per Month in the Province of Amoy, China 395 Wages and Living In other Provinces. 395 Chine e Competition in this Country. . 397 Almost Absolute lack of Chinese Homes 397 The Terrible Condition of the Chinese Question 398 How these Human Herds Live 398 How " Protection " is Prevented by these People 399 How the Influx of this Servile Class Continues 399 How the Chinese are Driving out Women as well as Men 400 How to Protect Labor in Earnest 401 What Harrison's Personal Organ Thought 401 Republican Opinion in California in 1883 403 Chinese Treaty, The New 154 Chinese Treaty, The Bayard 1.55 Cleveland and Corporations.. 378 to 381 Cleveland, G rover— Speech Accepting Nomination, 1888.. . 17 652 INDEY. PAGE Cleveland, Grover— Sketch of 20 Speeches, Letters and Messages of . . .. 45 First Important Veto as Mayor, 1883. 45 Inaugural Address as Governor, 1883. 46 Inaugural Address as Pre8ident,1885. 47 Political Letters and Speeches of 50 Address Accepting Nomination for Mayor of Buffalo, 1881 50 Letter Accepting Nominaiion for Governor, 1883 51 Serenade Speech in Albany, N. Y., 1884 ! 53 Response to Notification of Nomina- tion at Albany, N. Y.,1884 54 Letter of Acceptance as President, 1884 55 Letters and Addresses to Religious Bodies... 57 Address at the Laying of the Corner- stone of the Y. M. C. A. Building, in Buffalo, 1883 57 Reception to Cardinal Gibbons 58 Address at the Laying of the Corner- stone of the Y. M. C. A. Building, at Kansas City, Mo., 1887 59 Address to the Evangelical Alliance, 1887 60 Remarks Before the Northern and Southern Presbyterian Assemblies at Philadelphia, 1888 60 Thanksgiving Proclamations as Piosi- dent 63 Annual Proclamation, 1885 63 Annual Proclamation, 1886 63 Annual Proclamation, 1887 63 To Commercial and Agricultural Or- ganizations 64 At the Oswpgatche Fair, Ogdens- burgh, N. Y., 1883 64 At the Agricultural Fair, Richmond, Va.,1886 66 At the Commercial Exchange, Phila- delphia, 1887 67 Before the Milwaukee Merchants' Association, 1887 67 New York Chamber of Commerce. . 68 Texas Seed Bill, Veto of 69 Before Patriotic Meetings and Socie- ties 70 Presenting the Lecturer, Rev.Father Sheehy, at St. Stephen's Hall, Buf- falo, 1881 70 Address at St. James' Hall, Buffalo, at a Mass-Meeting protesting against the treatment of Ameri- can Citizens Imprisoned Abroad, 1882 70 At the Annual S^ngerfest in Buf- falo, 1883 73 At the Dinner of the Hibernian So- ciety, Philadelphia. 1887 73 Speechs at Centennial Celebrations ... 74 At the 350th Anniversary of Harvard College, 1886 74 At Clinton, N. Y., 1887 75 Response to toast, "The President of the United States," at the Cen- tennial Celebration at Clinton, N. Y., 1887 77 At the Centennial Celebration of the Adoption of the Constitution, Phil- adelphia, 1887 80 At the Dinner Given by the Histor- ical and Scientific Societies of Phil- adelphia, 1887 78 PAGE Cleveland, Grover— At the Unveiling of Monuments and Statues 81 Unveiling of Bartholdi Statue, at New York,1886 81 Unveiling of the Gai-fleld Statue, at Washington, D. C, 1887 81 Letters to Soldiers' Organizations 83 Letter to the Re-union of Union and ex-Confederate Soldiers at Gettys- burg, 1887 82 To Mayor Francis, of St. Louis, 1887. 83^ Estimates of Public Men 8-'5 The Character of Andrew Jackson, 1886 85 A Tribute to Samuel J. Tilden, 1888 . 86 The Career of Henry Ward Beecher, 1888 87 Tribute to General P. H. Sheridan, 1888 88 Civil Service Reform 89 Consistent record of Grover Cleve- land on 89 Speeches, Letters and Official Mes- sages advocating 89 Letter Accepting Nomination for Gov- ernor of New York, 1883 89 From First Message to New York Legislature, 1883 89 From Second Annual Message to New York Legislature, 1884 90 From Letter Acccepting Nomination for President of the United States, 1884 90 Letter from George William Curtis, Esq., 1884 90 Reply of Governor Cleveland to G. W. 0.,1884 91 Letter from George William Curtis, Egq. and others, 1884 93 Reply of Grover Cleveland, President Elect, 1884 From Inaugural Address as President, 1885 From First Annual Message to Con- gress, 1885 Order to the Executive Departments, From Second Annual Message to Con- gress, 1886 Republican Extension of the Service alter the Election of 1884 Letter to the Civil Service Commis- sion, 1888 Letter to Congress, 1888 Civil Service, Condition or the.... Employed Without Authority of law.. Condition of Custom Houses and Postoffices Its Condition as Described by a Repub- When Abuses Reached their Fullest Development The Assessment Law a Confederate Brigadier Conspiracy The Improvement Under Democratic Administration The Contesr with the Senate Cleveland's Message to the Senate.... Democratic Doctrines Dougherty, Danikl, Speech of Dawes, Henry L., on the Tariff Democratic Secretaries op the Treasury, on the Tariff U Democracy and the Soldier,.. 268 to; INDEX. 65» PAOK Dbmocbacy, The, and Labor 348 to 377 An Honest Day's Wages for an Hon- est Day's Work 848 The Labor Plank of 1882 340 Cleveland's Labor Record as Governor 349 The Democracy in 1884 . . 351 The President's Interpretation of the Labor Plank 353 Cleveland's Recommendations as Pres- ident 353 to 356 Labor Imported Under Contract 356 Enforcing: the Law. ... 359 Eight-hour Legislation 363 Some Labor Tendencies 367 Harrison and Irishman 373 Labor Denunciations of Harrison 375 Labor Interests in Congress 377 EVARTS, WiiiLiAM M., on the Tariff. ... 123 FoiiGER, Chablbs J., on the Tariff 130 Fitch, Representative of New York, on the Tariff 133 Fisheries Treaty, The 163 Free Whiskey Policy, The 418 to 439 Moral effect of Internal Taxes 418 How the new Policy of the Republi- cans would bring the Price of Whis- key down 419 Gen'l Clinton B. Fisk's Letter of Ac- ceptance 421 Robert G Ingersoll, the Poet of the New Crusade 423 Even M r. Blaine Opposed to his Party Platform 433 How the Emancipation of Whiskey is to be Brought about by the Efforts of the Republican Party 436 The Blight of Free Whiskey 427 Mr. Jefferson's Opinion on the Ques- tion 437 What Free Whiskey will do for the • South 438 What Republicans say toWorklngmen 428 Abolition of the Whiskey Tax 439 "FEiiLow Like Morton, A 445 to 448 Grant, Presidbnt, on the tariff — 117, 118 Garfield, James A., on the tariff 121, 122, 123, 124 and 130 Gear, John H, on the tariff 133 Grimes, James W., on the tariff 137 Government Printing Office— The 337 to 330 Contracts for material and ma- chinery 337 Work for private parties 338 When and how Reform Methods were Inaugurated 339 How the Improved System has Worked 329 Economy with which the Work has been done 330 Gettysburg Reumion. The 441 to 444 Speech of General Longstreet 441 Speech of General Sickles, of New York 442 Speech of Governor Gordon,of Georgia 443 Speech of Governor Beaver, of Penn- sylvania 443 Government, Principal Ofacers of the Federal 647 Hale, Eugene, on the Tariff 117 Harrison, Bsnjamin, on the Tariff.. 118 ^ kY, John B., on the Tariff 139 PAGE Harrison and the Chinese 405 to 410 No use to Make the Fight 405 For the Chinese when at Home 40T For the Chinese when in the Senate. . 407 Indian Bureau, The 339 to 248 Indians, Interest of the President in the 239 to 243 Progress made by, under Present Administration 342 More Quiet than Ever 343 Keeping down Wars by making no Aggression 344 Agency Clerks and other Employes, Choice of 345 Agency Physicians 245 Deception, Safeguards against 346 Leaves of Absence 346. Schools 247 Expenditures for Service 248 Justice, The Department of ... .252, 253, 254 Enforcing the Laws 352 U. S. Marshals in the South 253- Court Expenses 25* Three years of Arthur's Administra- tion 253 Three years of Cleveland's Admin- istration 354 U. S. Judges Appointed since March 4th, 1885 254- Kelley, Wm. D,, of Pennsylvania, on Free Wool 116- Kelley, Wm. D., of Pennsylvania, on Tax Reduction, 117' Kasson. John A., on the Tariff. . • 117, 127 Lodge, Henry Cabot, on the Tariff.. 121 Long, John D., on the Tariff 121 Logan, John A., on the Tariff 127 McCuLLOCH,HuGH,onthe Tariff .117 and 124 McKiNLEY, William, on the Tariff. ... 117 Miller, Warner, on the Tariff 117 Miller, Justice of United States Su- preme Court, on the Tariff 119 Morton, Oliver P., on the Tariff 121 MoGill, Governor of Minnesota, on the Tariff 124 Morrill, Justin S.,onthe Tariff. 128 and ISO- Morton, Levi P., on the Tariff 128 Marshall, S. S., on the Tariff 12» Miller's, Guilford, Farm 332 to 338 Mills Bill. English Fear of the- .461 to 467 The Statesmen, Economists, and Man- ufacturers of England Anxious and Watchful about It 461 Against the Interest of England 463 Doesn't have a Free Trader's Method 464 What an English Fair Trader Thinks. 464 N o other Country Adopting England's Policy \;-:.\:^--: *^^' Of Great Disadvantage to Enghsh Busi- ^ ness :,"•• *^ Very Little Interest taken in the Move- ment •,;j';;- ^^ What the Gladstone Organ (Daily New) Thinks of It 466 Some Trade-Paper Opinions 467 Mills Bill is. What the 506 to o27 The Free List 506 Dutiable List, Chemicals, &c 509 Earthenware and Glassware 519> Metals fig: Woodenware 51^ Sugar 61*' •654 PAGE Mills Bill i8— Provisions 514 Cotton and Cotton Goods 514 Hemp, Jute and Flax Goods 515 Woolen Goods 515 Books, Papers, &c 517 Sundries 517 •Articles in which no Change i-i Made. . 518 Earthenware and Glassware ... 519 Metals 520 Wood and Wooden ware 533 Sugar 533 Tobacco 533 Provisions 533 Liquors 534 Cotton and Cotton Goods 534 Wool and Woolens 535 Silk and Silk Goods 535 Books, Papers, &c 535 Sundries 535 flecapitulation of Estimated Reduc- tion 537 ."Nelson, Representative of Minnesota, on the Tariff 123 National Honor, The Protection of, 635 to 640 The Message of President Cleveland on the Question of Retaliating upon Canada 635 National Association op Demo- cratic Clubs 436 to 440 :NAV!r, The Reconstruction of the 196 'O'Reilly, John Boyle on the Tariff.. . 490 Party Platforms for 1888 449 to 456 Platform of 1888, Democratic 3 Platform of 1884, Democratic 5 •Platform of 1868, National Republi- can, on the Tariff 119 Platform of 1884, National Republi- can, on th ' Tariff 119 Plumb, P. B., on the Tariff 129 Protection of American Citizens Abroad, The 151 Public Land Policy, The 309 President Cleveland on Public Lands. 309 Reckless Railroad Grants 311 Land Grant Forfeitures 313 'Republican Responsibility for the Waste 213 The Guilford Miil'or Case .'.'.". ." ! '. ' '. '. *. '. '. *. '. 215 The Action of the Department 216 Private Land Claims 318 Fraudulent Surveys 318 The Benson Fraud 319 Method of Working Fraudulent Sur- veys 320 Lands Restored to Public Domain 333 -Areas and Population of LeadingCoun- tries 335 Area of Statt^s and Territories 335 Timber Depredations 336 Land Office Policy 337 Public Buildings, The 331 to 337 Honest and Efficient Work 331 The Promotion of Economy and Effi- ciency 331 Sharper Competition and Quicker Work 333 Buildings Now Under Construction.. 333 Veto of Public Building Bills.. 333 to 337 £>atent Office, The 349, 350 and 351 High Order oi Merit in Decisions 349 Corporate Power and the Patent Laws 250 •Comparative Statement of Work Done 351 PAG POSTOFFICE, The 304 to 326 Increase of Efficiency at Reduced Comparative Cost 305, 306 and 307 Railway Mail and Star Route Ser- vices 308 to 313 Mail Transportation 314 and 315 Mail Equipment 316 Condensed Statement Showing Sav- ings Effected In Annual Rate of Expenditure for Postal Service 317 Expedition of Mails 319 Bringing Delinquents to Book 321 Work Done by Postoffie Inspectors During the Fiscal Years 1884, 1886, 1887 and 1888 333 Decline of Complaints - 333 Gains In the Free Delivery Service... 334 Sale of Postage Stamps, Amount Realized from the 334 Increase in Number of Postofflces . . • 334 Further Gains in Hon'^sty 334 Parcel Post Conventions. 335 Promoting Trade with Mexico 335 Gains in Honest Service for Salaries Paid 336 Gains in Saving in Department Ex- penditures 326 Pensions -More Granted 268 Agents, The, Soldiers in Office 269 Department Work 270 Last Three Years of Dudley's Ad- ministration 370 First Three Years of Black's Admin- istration 371 Net increase to rolls 371 Funds Disbursed on Account of 373 New Names Added to Rolls 373 Annual Value of and the Increase of. 373 Efficiency of the Department, Rep- resentative McKinney's speech on the 273,374 Cleveland and the Soldiers 374 Cleveland's Speech before the Grand Army, 1885 375 The President and the Soldiers 376 Acts Approved by the President 377 Mr. Cleveland's Veto (Dependent Pen- sion Bill) 379 Republican Testimony in favor of the President's Veto of the Dependent Bill 380 Republican Press on the Veto of De- pendent Bill 381 The President to the Grand Army. ... 283 The Private Pension Vetoes 284 The President's Reasons for his Vetoes 385 Grant's Vetoes 388 Geo. W. Childs on the Vetoes 388 The Vetoed Bills 390 to 303 Political Tables 643 to 646 Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the United States 643 Congressional Representation of the States 643 The Presidential Election 644 Popular Vote for President, 1884 645 Popular and Electoral Votes for Presi- dent, 1860-1884 646 Republicans Vote FOB FREE Coal.. 134 Religious Revolt, The 430 to 435 St. Louts Convention, The 11 Sherman, Senator of Ohio, on the Tariff 117,118,123,134,126, 129 Storbs, Emory A., on the Tariff 128 INDEX. 655? ^ PAGE State Department, The 145 Blaine's Pressure of Bogus Claims. . . . 146 The Equality of Nations 149 The Protection of American Citizens Abroad 151 The Bayard Chinese Treaty 155 Resenting- Ileligious Intolerance 156 Extradition Treaty with Great Britain 159 The Fisheries Treaty 163 Practical Workings of the Department 173 "Subsidy"— Mr. Harrison's Ugly Word, 411 to 417 Mr. Harrison's Ignorance exposed — 411 What American Merchants say of the Present Policy 411 What the Government of Great Britain thinks of it 412 The Best Results Secured by the American System 413 Increased Compensation paid to American Vessels 413 Expediting the Service to Cuba 413 Great Britain asks to use our Central American Mails 413 Postmaster General Dickinson on Sub- » « sidy Schemes 414 Hampering the Depjirtment and the Mail Service 414 A Scheme for the Benefit of a Small Number of Persons 415 The Best Service always Commended. 415 The Postoffice not the Purveyor of Sub- sidies 415 Why England may Afford to Pay a Bounty 416 Our Business Relations with South and Central America.. 416 Tariff Changes. The History of .457 to 460 Senator Allison, of Iowa, on the 119. 130, 121, 125 President Arthur on the 118 and 125 Cleveland on the 27 to 42 Message to New York Legislature, 1884 27 Speech at Newark, N. J., 1884 28 Inaugural Address, 1885 29 First Annual Message to Congress, 1885 29 Second Annual Message to Congress, 1886 80 Third Annual Message to Congress, 1887 32 Letter to Tammany Hall Celebra- tion, 1888 41 Commission, Report of 138 Pairchild, Charles S., on the 142 Manning, Daniel, on the 142 Presidents of the United States on the 131 to 139 Republican Opinions on the 116 Walker, Robert J., on the 143 Wilson, Henry, on the 121 and 125 Thurman, Allen G., on the 339 Blaine, James G., on the 118 Burchard, Horatio C, on the 118 Butterworth, Benj., on the 128 Cooley, Thomas M., on the 128 Dawes, Henry L., on the 124 Evarts, William M., on the 122 Folger, Charles J., on the 120 Grant, President, on the 117 and 118 Garfield, James A., on the 121, 122, r<;3, 124, 130 Gear, John H., on the 122 Grimes, James W., on the 127 I Hale, Eugene, on the 117 Harrison, Benjamin, on the 118 „ PAGE: Tariff— Kasson, John A., on the 117 and 127 Lodge, Henry Cabot, on the 121 Long, John D., on the jw McCulloch. Hugh, on the 117 and 124 McKinley. William, on the 117 McGill, Governor of Minnesota, on the 124 Marshall, S. S,, on the 139 Miller, Justice of United States Su- preme Court, on the 119 Miller, Warner, on the 117 Morrill, Justin S., on the 127 and 130 Morton, Levi P., on the 128 Morton, Oliver P., on the 121 Plumb, P.B., on the 129 Sherman, Senator, of Ohio, on the .... 117,118,123,124,126, 129 Storrs, Emory A., on the 128 Thurman, Allen G., on the 339. Tariff. "Fat" in the 468 to 473 Circular Letter of James P. Foster, President of the Republican League of the United States 469^ The Reply of a Republican Manufac- turer to Mr. Foster's Circular, Why hecannotHelp 470 The Advice given by a Senator. 471 Not Afraid of Tarift Revision 472 Tax REVi8iON,Reason8 inFavor of .474 to 498 Opinions of Operatives 474 How Discrimmations Injure the Man- ufacturer 475 How Trusts are Encouraged 476 The Burdens of Taxation 477 The Average Wages Earned in Mills. . 479 What the Tariif Beneficiaries have done 479 The Wage Account in the Woolen Industry 480- A Petition for Free Wool 481 A Manufacturer's Opinion 482 How Invention has Cheapened Manu- "f ftCtUTG •••••••• ••••■ id.fis5l Ready to Compete with the World!.'.*! 483 "It has set us to Thinking" 434 Hugh M cCulloch's Opinion 487 How the Average is Computed 488 Ashbel P. Fitch Deserts the Cause of High Taxes 489 Ex-Mayor of Brooklyn, Seth Low, cannot Stand the Republican Plat- form 491 Argument of Wool Manufacturers in Favor of Free Raw Material 492 How the Difficulty may be Met 493 Edwin G. Sanford, Hat Manufacturer, Wants Free Raw Materif Is 493 William Harney, Sec'y Golden Gate Woolen Manufacturing Co., San Francisco, in Favor of Free Wool. . . 494 James Russell Lowell, on Cleveland.. 496 Speech of Emory A . Storrs in 1870. ... 497 Taxes of the Rich, The 499 to 505 How these have been Released since 1866 499 Removal of Taxes on Incomes, etc.... 501 Removal of Taxes on Drinking and Smoking 503 "A Condition— NOT A THEORY.".528 to 595 Whatis proposed and Why. Report of the Ways and Means Committee, April 2, 1888.. 529 to 538 Efficiency of American labor. Speech of R. Q. Mills, of Texas, April 17, 1888. 539 to 553 Importing Labor under Contract. From the Speech of Benton McMil- lan, of Tennessee, April 24, 1888..553 to 555 656 INDEX PAGE Analyzing the Schedule. From the Speech of Clifton R. Breckenridf?e, of Arkansas, May 17, 1888 555 to 562 The Effect of Free Wool. From the Speech of W. C. P. Breckenridpre, of Kentucky, July 16 562 to 565 Comparison with the War Tariff. From a Speech by Henry G. Turner, of Georgia, May 10 565 to 567 Variation of the Kate of Wages. From a Speech by William L. Wilson, of West Virginia, May 3d 567 to 571 Cost of High Taxes to thf* Farmer 571 Decline of Sheep Raising 584 Purely a Practical Question 587 Thitrman, Allen G.— Public Record 338 to 347 Views on the Tariff 339 On State Rights and Federal Powers, 339 Objections to Centralization — , — 340 PAOB Thurman, Allen G.— The Elective Franchise 341 On the Chinese Question 343 Opposition to the Squandering of Public Lands 344 His Position Justified 346, 347 Treasury— Administration of the 174 to 195 Buying Bonds for the Sinking Fund. 175 Reducing the Public Debt 180 Auditing the Public Accounts 183 The Internal Revenue Bureau 189 General Good Results 191 Taxes on Necessaries 193 Receipts and Expenditures of the Government 194 Wilson, Henrt, on the Tariff 121-135 War Department, The 265, 266, 367 Doing Away with Favoritism 365 The Battle Flags Incidents 286 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. m 1 ^ 195^ 79 M '64VG ^-^C o ii- ^AN2 2'b4 ^m- jUN 2 3 19?3 ? £g jm ^ ■M10« FEB 5199? WyiSC NOV 61991 Mak mi LD 21A-40m-4.'63 (D6471sl0)476B General Library University of California Berkeley 11 r BERKELEY LIBRARIES lillii 992786 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY