THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES FROM THE LIBRARY OF ERNEST CARROLL MOORE BISMARCK SOME SECRET PAGES OF HIS HISTORY rhe^v^o. /"'"■'' "■'/' / " / -- BISMARCK SOME SECRET PAGES OF HIS HISTORY BEING A DIARY KEPT BY Dr. MORITZ BUSCH DURING TWENTY-FIVE YEARS' OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE INTERCOURSE WITH THE GREAT CHANCELLOR WITH PORTRAITS IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. I THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. I898 All rights reserved Copyright, 1898, By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Nortoooti ^rrss ] S. Cutliinx «■ O. - Bi-rwii k fc Smith Norwood Main IJ.S A. College Ubrary - , / PUBLISHERS' PREFACE The English edition of Dr. Busch's work which we pub- lish to-day has been translated from the original German text in our possession. A few passages have, however, been omitted as defamatory, or otherwise unsuitable for publica- tion. Dr. Busch contemplated incorporating bodily in the first volume a reproduction of his earlier work : Prince Bis- marck and /lis People during the Franco-German War, but while preserving the many valuable additions which he made to it, we have considerably abridged such portions as would no longer have presented any special interest for English readers. THE PUBLISHERS. PREFACE The work which I now present to the German people con- tains a complete 1 account of all the events of which I was a witness during my intercourse of over twenty years with Prince Bismarck and his entourage. Part of it is not entirely new, as I have embodied in it portions of the book published by me in 1878, under the title: Prince Bismarck and his People during the Franco-German War. I have, however, restored the numer- ous passages which it was then deemed expedient to omit, and I have also dispensed with the many modifications by which, at that time, certain asperities of language had to be toned down. The bulk of the present work consists of a detailed narrative of the whole period of my intercourse with the Prince both before and after the French campaign. I collected and noted down all these particulars respecting Prince Bismarck and his immediate supporters and assistants, in the first place for my own use, and secondly as a contribution to the character and history of the Political Regenerator of Germany. The sole object of the diary which forms the basis of this work was to serve as a record of the whole truth so far as I had been able to ascertain it with my own eyes and ears. Any other object was out of the question, as it was impossible that I could desire to deceive myself. Subsequently, when I thought of publish- ing my notes, I was fully conscious of my responsibility towards history, the interests of which could not be promoted by mate- rial that had been coloured or garbled for party purposes. I wished neither to be an eulogist nor a censor. To my mind, panegyric was superfluous, and fault-finding was for me an impossibility. A tendency to the sensational is foreign to my nature, and I leave the pleasure to be derived from grand spec- 1 Strictly speaking, almost complete, as some passages must still be omitted for the present. viii TREFACE tacular shows to lovers of the theatre. I desired to record the mental and other characteristics which our first Chancellor pre- sented to me under such and such circumstances, thus helping to complete, and at times to rectify, the conception of his whole nature that has been formed in the public mind from his politi- cal activity. The profound reverence which I feel for the genius of the hero, and my patriotic gratitude for his achieve- ments, have not deterred me from communicating numerous details which will be displeasing to many persons. These par- ticulars, however, are part of the historic character of the per- sonality whom I am describing. The gods alone are free from error, passion, and changes of disposition. They alone have no seamy side and no contradictions. Even the sun and moon show spots and blemishes, but notwithstanding these they re- main magnificent celestial orbs. The picture produced out of the materials which I have here brought together may present harsh and rough features, but it has hardly a single ignoble trait. Its crudeness only adds to its truth to nature, its indi- viduality, and its clearness of outline. This figure does not float in an ethereal atmosphere, it is firmly rooted in earth and breathes of real life, yet it conveys a sense of something super- human. It must furthermore be remembered that many of the bitter remarks, such as those made previous to March, 1890, were the result of temporary irritation, while others were per- fectly justified. The strong self-confidence manifested in some of these utterances, and the angry expression of that need for greater power and more liberty of action, common to all men of genius and energetic character, arose from the consciousness that, while he alone knew the true object to be pursued and the fitting means for its achievement, his knowledge could not be applied because the right of final decision on all occasions be- longed by hereditary privilege to more or less mediocre and narrow minds. I will allow the Prince himself to answer the question as to my authority for communicating to others without any reserve all that I ascertained during my intercourse with him. " Once I am dead you can tell everything you like, absolutely every- thing you know," said Prince Bismarck to me in the course of a conversation I had with him on the 24th of February, 1879. I saw clearly in the way in which he looked at me that, in PREFACE ix addition to the permission I had already received on previous occasions, he wished that I should then consider myself entirely free and expressly released from certain former engagements, some of which had been assumed by myself, while others had been imposed upon me. Since then my knowledge increased owing to his growing confidence in me, while his authorisation and the desire that I should use what I knew to the advantage of his memory remained undiminished. On the 21st of March, 1 89 1, during one of my last visits to Friedrichsruh, the Prince — apparently prompted by a notice which he had read in the newspapers — remarked, " Little Busch (Biischlein) will one day, long after my death, write the secret history of our time from the best sources of information." I answered, " Yes, Prince, but it will not be a history, properly speaking, as I am not capable of that. Nor will it be long after your death — which we naturally pray to be deferred as long as possible — but on the contrary very soon after, without any delay. In these corrupt times, the truth cannot be known too soon." The Prince made no answer, but I understood his silence to indicate approval. Finally, in the preceding year he had affirmed the absolutely unrestricted character of my authority. On the 15th of March, 1890, when the measures for his dismissal were already in progress, and he himself was engaged in packing up a variety of papers preparatory to his journey (a work in which I was allowed to assist him), he asked me to copy a number of important documents for him and to retain the originals and copies in my possession. .On his remarking that I could get these documents copied, I called his attention to the fact that a stranger might betray their contents to third parties. He replied : " Oh, I am not afraid of that ! He can if he likes ! I have no secrets amongst them — absolutely none." That state- ment, " I have no secrets," gave me liberty, at least for a later time, to publish those State papers the contents of which I had hitherto kept secret, as he must unquestionably have known better than I or the rest of the world who may have held other views on the subject. So far respecting the essential point. That he whom I honour as the first of men sanctioned my undertaking is entirely sufficient for me. I do not ask whether others give it their blessing. The great majority of those referred to have since X PREFACE departed from this life and taken their places in the domain of history, where the claim for indulgent treatment is no longer valid. Those who are still with us may believe me when I assure them that in now publishing these pages I have no thought of causing them pain or of injuring them in any way. I simply consider that I am not at liberty to preserve silence on those matters which may prove unpleasant to them in view both of my own duty to tell the whole truth, and of the desire ex- pressed by the Chancellor (to whom I still feel myself bound in obedience) that nothing should be concealed. The diplomatic world, in particular, must be represented here as it really is. In that respect this book may be described as a mirror for diplo- matists. I must leave the reader to form his own opinion as to my capacity for observation and the discovery of the truth. I may, however, be allowed to say that several long journeys in Amer- ica and the East, a lengthy tour in Schleswig-Holstein during the Danish rule, undertaken for the purpose of reconnoitring that country, and a period of rather confidential intercourse with the Augustenburg Court at Kiel were calculated to sharpen my wits. A mission which I filled at Hanover during the year of transition, and, above all, my position in the Foreign Office in Berlin and the intimate relations in which I stood towards its Chief during the war with France, together with the renewal of that intercourse from 1877 onwards, gave me exceptional oppor- tunities of developing both my memory and power of observa- tion. For several years I was acquainted with everything that went on in the Central Bureau of the German Foreign Office, and later, in addition to what I ascertained through the confi- dence of the Prince, I obtained not a little information from Lothar Bucher which remained a secret, not only for private persons, but often for high officials of the Ministry. The diary on which my work is based, and which is often reproduced literally, gives the truest possible account of the events and expressions which I have personally seen and heard in the presence and immediate vicinity of the Prince. The lat- ter is everywhere the leading figure around which all the others are grouped. The task I set myself, as a close observer and chronicler who conscientiously sifted his facts, was to give a true account of what I had been commissioned to do as the Prince's PREFACE xi Secretary in connection with press matters, and to describe how he and his entourage conducted themselves during the campaign in France, how he lived and worked, the opinions he expressed at the dinner and tea table, and on other occasions, respecting persons and things of that time, what he related of his past experiences, and finally, after our return from the great war, what I ascertained respecting the progress of diplomatic nego- tiations from the despatches which were then exchanged and of which I was at liberty to make use either immediately or at a later period. I was assisted in the fulfilment of this task by my faculty of concentration, which my reverence for the Prince and the practice which I had in the course of my official duties ren- dered gradually more intense, and by a memory which, although not naturally above the average, was also developed by constant exercise to such a degree that in a short time it enabled me to retain all the main points of long explanations and stories, both serious and humorous, from the Chancellor's lips almost liter- ally, until such time as I could commit them to paper — that is to say, unless anything special intervened, a mishap which I was usually able to avert. The particulars here given were accordingly, almost without exception, written down within an hour after the conversations therein referred to occurred. For the most part they were jotted down immediately on small slips of paper, only the points and principal catchwords being noted, but which made it easy, however, to complete the whole entry later on. This sharp ear and faithful memory, joined with a quick eye, stood me in good stead in the years of welcome service which I undertook as a private individual for the Prince. To these and to the habit of putting all that I had experienced, seen, and heard in black on white without delay, I owe the accurate accounts of the memorable conversation of the nth of April, 1877, of the visit to Varzin and the statements made by the Chancellor on that occasion, as well as the long list of de- tailed reports of pregnant and characteristic conversations that I had with him from the year 1878 up to 1890 in the palace and garden at Berlin when, at times of crisis or under other circum- stances, I was either invited by the Prince or called on him without invitation for the purpose of obtaining news for the Grenzboten or foreign newspapers. I kept up the same habit Xll PREFACE of committing everything of moment to paper during my vari- ous visits of shorter or longer duration between the years 1883 and 1889 to Friedrichsruh, where, in the year last mentioned, I was engaged for several weeks in arranging the Prince's private letters and other documents. This custom also served me well in that ever memorable week in March, 1890, when I spent some of the darkest days of that period in the Prince's imme- diate vicinity, nor did it fail me when I again greeted him in the Sachsenwald in 1891 and 1893, and was able to convince myself that in the interval his confidence in me had as little diminished as had my loyalty towards him. Whoever is familiar with the style in which the Prince was accustomed to express his thoughts when in the company of his intimate associates will be at once impressed with the genuineness of the instructions, conversations, and anecdotes communicated in the following pages. He will find them almost without exception literally reproduced. In the anecdotes and stories, in particular, he will nearly always observe the characteristic ellipses, the unexpressed pre-suppositions, and the manner in which the Prince was apt to jump from point to point in his narratives, reminding one of the style of the old ballads. He will also at times note a humorous vein running through the Prince's remarks and frequently become conscious of a thread of semi-narve self-irony. All these features were characteristic of the Chancellor's manner of speaking. It is therefore hardly necessary for me to add that my reports, with all their roughness and sturdy ruggedness, are photographs that have not been retouched. In other words, I believe that I have not only been quick to observe, but I also feel that I have not intentionally omitted anything that was worth reproducing. I have neither blurred any features nor brought others into too sharp relief. I have put in no high lights, and above all I have added nothing of my own, nor tried to secure a place in history for my own wisdom by palming it off as Bismarck's. Any omissions that now remain (there can hardly be more than a dozen in all of any importance) are indicated by dots or dashes. In cases where I have not quite understood a speaker, attention is called to the fact. Should any contradiction be discovered between earlier and later statements, my memory must not be held responsible for them. If I am blamed for the fragmentary PREFACE xiii character of my recital, then all memoirs must be rejected. If I am reproached with not having produced a work of art, I believe I have already made it sufficiently clear that I never intended anything of the kind. I desired, on the contrary, so far as it was in my power, to serve the truth and that alone. Nevertheless, my work may not only be utilised by historians, but may also possibly inspire a dramatist or a poet. Such a writer must, however, be no sentimentalist, and no idealist. It would be wise for him and for others to let themselves be guided by some counsels of experience which will be useful as a warning against certain misunderstandings both as to the sources of my information and the degree of my credulity. These counsels have always been present to my mind, although, perhaps, through a sense of politeness towards the public, or even, it may be, a real confidence in their common sense, I have rarely thought it necessary to call attention to the fact. This advice I propose to repeat here in a general form and without any special application. In the first place, then, there are people who sometimes really believe that they have actually said or done that which it was their duty to say or do in certain circumstances. Others, again, frequently leave their hearers to judge whether their remarks are meant to be sarcastic or serious. Furthermore, inter pocula and in foraging for news, the meanings of words must not be taken in altogether too literal a sense, if one does not wish to make a fool of himself. Although truth may be found in the bowl, it usually contains more alcohol than accuracy; and the scribblers of the press very often thoughtlessly accept appearances for realities when they come from "well-informed circles." Finally, even those who wilfully mislead serve the truth in so far as they enable the experienced to detect their falsehood. A good deal of what I report and describe will appear to many persons trivial and external. My view of the matter, however, is this : The trifles with which the prastor does not trouble himself often illustrate the character of a man or his temper for the time being more clearly than fine speeches or great exploits. Now and then very unimportant occurrences and situations have been, as it were, the spark which lit up the mind and revealed a whole train of new and fruitful ideas preg- nant with great consequences. In this connection I may recall XIV PREFACE the accidental, and apparently insignificant, origin of many epoch-making inventions and discoveries, such as the fall of an apple from a tree that gave Newton the first impulse towards his theory of gravitation, the greatest discovery of the eigh- teenth century ; the steam from the boiling kettle which raised its lid and ultimately led to the transformation of the world by the locomotive ; the brilliant reflection of the sun on a tin vessel which transported Jacob Boehme into a transcendental vision ; and the spot of grease upon our tablecloth at Ferrieres which formed the starting-point of one of Prince Bismarck's most re- markable conversations. The morning hours affect nervous constitutions differently to the evening, and changes of weather depress or raise the spirits of persons subject to rheumatism. Indeed, it must be remembered that learned theories have been formed which, expressed in a plain and direct way, amount roughly to this — that a man is what he eats. However odd that may sound, we really cannot say how far such ideas are wrong. Finally, it appears to me that everything is of interest and should receive attention which has any relation to the promi- nent central figure of the great movement which resulted in the political regeneration of our country — to that powerful person- ality who, like the angel mentioned in the Scriptures, stirred the stagnant pool, and gave health and life after the lethargy and decay of centuries. I followed the Chancellor's career with the eyes of a future generation. At great epochs trifles appear smaller than they actually are. In later decades and centuries the contrary is the case. The great events of the past bulk still larger in men's minds, while things which were regarded as unimportant become full of significance. It is then often a matter for regret that it is impossible to form as clear and lifelike a picture of a personality or an event as one could wish for want of valuable material originally cast aside as of no account. There was no eye to see and no hand to collect and preserve those materials while it was yet time. Who would not now be glad to have fuller details respecting Luther in the great days and hours of his life ? In a hundred years the memory of Prince Bismarck will take a place in the minds of our people next to that occupied by the Wittenberg doctor. The liberator of our political life from dependence upon foreigners will stand by the side of the PREFACE XV reformer who freed our consciences from the oppression of Rome — the founder of the German State by the side of him who created German Christianity. Our Chancellor already holds this place in the hearts of many of his countrymen; his portrait adorns their walls, and they inspire the growing generation with the reverence which they themselves feel. These will be followed by the masses, and therefore I imagine I may safely take the risk of being told that I have preserved, not only the pearls, but also the shells in which they were found. Many of the Chancellor's expressions respecting the French may be regarded as unfair and even occasionally inhuman. It must not be forgotten, however, that ordinary warfare is calcu- lated to harden the feelings, and that Gambetta's suicidal cam- paign, conducted with all the passionate ardour of his nature, the treacherous tactics of his franctireurs, and the bestiality of his Turcos, was bound to raise a spirit in our camp in which leniency and consideration could have no part. Of course, in reproducing and in adding other and still more bitter instances of this feeling, now that all these things have long ago passed away, there can be no intention to hurt any one's feelings. They are merely vivid contributions to the history of the campaign, denoting the momentary temper of the Chancellor, who was at that time sorely tried and deeply wounded by these and other incidents. I trust my reasons for including a number of newspaper articles will commend themselves to the reader. I do so in the first place to show the gradual development and change which certain political ideas underwent, and the forms which they as- sumed at various times. Furthermore, the greater part of them were directly inspired by Prince Bismarck, and some were even dictated by him. By mentioning the latter articles I hope to do the newspapers in question a pleasure in so far as they will now learn that they once had the honour of having the most eminent statesman of the century as a contributor. All these articles furnish material for forming an opinion upon the jour- nalistic activity of the Prince, which hitherto only Wagener of the Krcuzzeitung, Zitelman, the Prince's amanuensis during the years he spent as Ambassador at Frankfort, and Lothar Bucher were in a position to do. On the 22nd of January, 1871, the Chancellor himself remarked, referring to the importance of the xvi PREFACE press for historians : " One learns more from the newspapers than from official despatches, as, of course, Governments use the press in order frequently to say more clearly what they really mean. One must, however, know all about the connec- tions of the different papers." This knowledge will in great part be found in the present work. The reason for reproducing certain portions of my previous writings in this book is that they are essential for the purpose of completing the character portrait given in the diary. With- out them it would be deficient in some parts, and unintelligible in others. The reproductions referred to are in almost every instance considerably altered and supplemented with additional matter, and they now occupy a more suitable position in the work than before. MORITZ BUSCH. Leipzig, July 30, 1898. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGK My Appointment as an Official in the Foreign Office, and my First Audi- ence with Bismarck — Work and Observations up to the Outbreak of the War with France ........* CHAPTER II Departure of the Chancellor for the Seat of War — I follow him, at first to Saarbrueck — Journey from there to the French Frontier — The Foreign Office Flying Column ....... 48 CHAPTER III From the Frontier to Gravelotte ........ 57 CHAPTER IV Commercy — Bar le Due — Clermont en Argonne .... 77 CHAPTER V We turn towards the North — The Chancellor of the Confederation at Rezonville — The Battle and Battlefield of Beaumont ... 94 CHAPTER VI Sedan — Bismarck and Napoleon at Donchery ..... 106 CHAPTER VII From the Meuse to the Marne . . . . . * . .122 CHAPTER VIII Bismarck and Favre at Haute-Maison — A Fortnight in Rothschild's Chateau ........... 143 XVlil CONTEXTS CHAPTER EX PAGK The Journey to Versailles — Madame Jesse's House, and our Life there 170 CHAPTER X Autumn Days at Versailles . . . . . . . .. 176 CHAPTER XI Thiers and the First Negotiations for an Armistice at Versailles . . 205 CHAPTER XII Growing Desire for a Decision in Various Directions .... 232 CHAPTER XIII Removal of the Anxiety respecting the Bavarian Treaty in the Reichs- tag — The Bombardment further postponed ..... 247 CHAPTER XIV The Prospects outside Paris improve ....... 279 CHAPTER XV Chaudordy and the Truth — Officers of Bad Faith — French Garbling — The Crown Prince dines with the Ciiief ..... 294 CHAPTER XVI First Week of the Bombardment . 3 21 CHAPTER XVII Last Weeks before the Capitulation of Paris ..... 346 CHAPTER XVIII During the Negotiations respecting the Capitulation of Paris . . 370 CHAPTER XIX From Gambetta's Resignation to the Conclusion of the Preliminaries of Peace . . . . . . • • • ■ . 4 1 5 CONTENTS xix CHAPTER XX PAGE No. 76WillH-lmstras.se — The Chancellor's Residence and the Foreign Office — The Chiefs Official Surroundings and his Life at Home — Bucher and Abeken 424 CHAPTER XXI From our Return from the War up to the Temporary Discontinuance of my Personal Intercourse with the Chancellor — Glimpses of the Diplomatic World — Commissions for the Press . . . -455 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VOLUME I Portrait of Prince Bismarck ..... Frontispiece From a photograph taken in 1885. At Friedrichsruh ....... Facing page 166 A Portrait of Prince Bismarck .... " 334 BISMARCK SOME SECRET PAGES OF HIS HISTORY CHAPTER I MY APPOINTMENT AS AN OFFICIAL IN THE FOREIGN OFFICE, AND MY FIRST AUDIENCE WITH BISMARCK WORK AND OBSERVA- TIONS UP TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR WITH FRANCE On February ist, 1870, while living in Leipzig and engaged in literary work, I received — • quite unexpectedly — from Dr. Metzler, Secretary in the Foreign Office of the North German Confederation, who was at that time occupied principally with Press matters and with whom I had been in communication since 1867, a short note requesting me to come to Berlin in order to have a talk with him. On my arrival I ascertained, to my great surprise, that Dr. Metzler had recommended me to Herr von Keudell, Councillor of Embassy, who was then in charge of personal and finance matters in the Foreign Office, for a confidential position under the Chancellor of the Confed- eration, which he, Metzler himself, had previously held, and in which my chief duty would be to carry out the instructions of the Chancellor in Press matters. I was to be in immediate communication with the Chancellor. My position for the time being would be what was called " diatarisch," that is to say without any claim to a pension and without a title. Further details were to be arranged with Herr von Keudell on his return from his honeymoon. For the moment I was only required to declare my readiness in general to accept the offer, and later on I was to formulate my wishes and lay them in writing before Herr von Keudell. This I did in a letter dated February 4th, in which I empha- sised as the most important condition that I should be entirely 2 MY FIRST INTERVIEW WITH BISMARCK [Feb. 23 independent of the Literary or Press Bureau, and that if my capacity for the position should not prove equal to the expecta- tions formed of it I should not be appointed an official in that department. On February 19th I heard from Metzler that my conditions had been in the main agreed to, and that no objec- tions had been raised with regard to that respecting the Liter- ary Bureau. I was to discuss the further arrangements with Keudell himself, and to be prepared to enter upon my duties at once. On February 21st I had a satisfactory interview with the latter, in the course of which we came to an understanding as to terms. On the 23d I was informed by Keudell that the Chancellor had agreed to my conditions, and that he had arranged for me to call upon Bismarck on the following even- ing. Next day I took the official oath, and on the same evening, shortly after 8 o'clock, I found myself in the presence of the Chancellor, whom I had only seen at a distance once before, namely, from the Press Gallery of the Reichstag. Now, two years later, I saw him again as he sat in a military uniform at his writing table with a bundle of documents before him. I was quite close to him this time, and felt as if I stood before the altar. He gave me his hand, and motioned me to take a seat opposite him. He began by saying that although he desired to have a talk with me, he must for the moment content him- self with just making my acquaintance, as he had very little time to spare. " I have been kept in the Reichstag to-day longer than I expected by a number of lengthy and tiresome speeches ; then I have here (pointing to the documents before him) despatches to read, also as a rule not very amusing ; and at 9 o'clock I must go to the Palace, and that is not particularly entertaining either. What have you been doing up to the present ? " I replied that I had edited the Grenzbotcn, an organ of practically National Liberal views, which I left, however, on one of the proprietors showing a disposition to adopt a Pro- gressist policy on the Schleswig-Holstein question. The Chan- cellor: "Yes, I know that paper." I then went on to say that I had at the instance of the Government taken a position at Hanover, where I assisted the Civil Commissioner, Herr von Hardenberg, in representing Prussian interests in the local press during the year of transition. I had subsequently, on 1S70J WHAT MY WORK WAS TO BE 3 instructions received from the Foreign Office, written a number of articles for different political journals, amongst others for the Preussische Jahrbnecher, to which I had also previously contributed. Bismarck : " Then you understand our politics and the German question in particular. I intend to get you to write notes and articles for the papers from such particulars and instructions as I may give you, for of course I cannot my- self write leaders. You will also arrange for others doing so. At first these will naturally be by way of trial. I must have some one especially for this purpose, and not merely occasional assistance as at present, especially as I also receive very little useful help from the Literary Bureau. But how long do you remain here ? " and as he looked at his watch I thought he desired to bring the conversation to a close. I replied that I had arranged to remain in Berlin. Bismarck : " Ah, very well then, I shall have a long talk with you one of these days. In the meantime see Herr von Keudell, and also Herr Bucher, Councillor of Embassy, who is well acquainted with all these matters." I understood that I was now at liberty to go, and was about to rise from my seat when the Chancellor said : " Of course you know the question which was before the House to- day ? " I replied in the negative, explaining that I had been too busy to read the reports in the newspapers. " Well," he said, " it was respecting the admission of Baden into the North German Confederation. It is a pity that people cannot man- age to wait, and that they treat everything from a party stand- point, and as furnishing opportunities for speech-making. Disagreeable business to have to answer such speeches, not to say such twaddle ! These eloquent gentlemen are really like ladies with small feet. They force them into shoes that are too tight for them, and push them under our noses on all occasions in order that we may admire them. It is just the same with a man who has the misfortune to be eloquent. He speaks too often and too long. The question of German unity is making good progress ; but it requires time — one year per- haps, or five, or indeed possibly even ten years. I cannot make it go any faster, nor can these gentlemen either. But they have no patience to wait." With these words he rose, and again shaking hands I took leave of him for the time. I was thus enlisted in the ranks of Bismarck's fellow work- 4 HOW I RECEIVED MY INSTRUCTIONS [Feb. 29 ers. An opportunity for the general instructions which he pro- posed to give me never occurred. I had to enter upon my work at once. Next evening I was twice called in to him to receive instructions for articles. Later on I sometimes saw him still more frequently, and occasionally in the forenoon also — now and then as often as five or even eight times in one day. At these interviews I had to take good care to keep my ears well open, and to note everything with the closest attention, so that two pieces of information or two sets of instructions should not get mixed up. However, I soon found myself equal to this unusually trying task, as Bismarck's opinions and instructions were always given in a striking form, which it was easy to re- member. Besides, he was accustomed to repeat his principal points in other words. Then, again, I made myself all ears, so that, through practice, I gradually succeeded in retaining long sentences, and even whole speeches, practically without omis- sions, until I had an opportunity of committing them to paper. Bismarck used also to send me, by one of the messengers, docu- ments and newspapers marked with the letter V and a cross, signs which indicated " Press Instructions." When I found such papers on my desk, I looked them through, and subse- quently obtained the Chancellor's directions with regard to them. Furthermore, when I had anything of importance to ask or to submit for his approval, I was allowed to call upon him without previous invitation. I thus practically occupied the position of a " Vortragender Rath" (i.e., an official having direct access to the Chancellor), excepting only that I had neither the title nor the sense of infallibility common to all such Councillors. The newspapers to which the articles thus prepared were supplied were the Norddciitsche Allgemeine Zcitung, then edited by Brass, which was the semi-official organ, properly speaking ; the Spcncrsche Zcitung, and the Neue PrcussiscJie Zcitung. I also frequently sent letters to the Koclnischc Zcitung, expressing the Chancellor's views. During the first months of my appoint- ment, Metzler, who had previously contributed to that paper, served as the medium for communicating these articles. Subse- quently they were sent direct to the editor, and were always accepted without alteration. In addition to this work I saw one of the writers from the Literary Bureau every forenoon, and irave him material which was sent to the J/a< r dcdur< r cr Zcitung 1S70] WORKING THE PRESS 5 and some of the smaller newspapers; while other members of his department furnished portions of it to certain Silesian, East Prussian, and South German organs. I had similar weekly- interviews with other, and somewhat more independent, writers. Amongst these I may mention Dr. Bock, who supplied articles to the Augsburger Allgemeiuc Zeitung, and a number of papers in Hanover; Professor Constantine Roeszler, formerly Lecturer at Jena, who subsequently assisted Richthofen at Hamburg and afterwards edited the Staatsanzeiger ; and finally Herr Heide, who had previously been a missionary in Australia and was at that time working for the North German Correspondence, which had been founded with a view to influencing the English press. In addition to this my duties also included the reading of masses of German, Austrian, and French newspapers, which were laid upon my table three times daily, and the management and purchase of books for the Ministerial Library. It will therefore be easily understood that while the Chancellor re- mained in Berlin I had more than enough to attend to. I was engaged not only on week-days, but also on Sundays, from 9 in the morning until 3 in the afternoon, and again from 5 till 10 and sometimes 11 o'clock at night. Indeed, it sometimes occurred that a messenger from the Chancellor came at midnight to call me away from a party of friends or out of my bed in order to receive pressing instructions. I reproduce here in the form in which they appear in my diary the particulars of a number of more or less characteristic statements and instructions which I received from the Chancellor at that period. They show that the statesman whom I had the honour to serve thoroughly understood the business of journalism, and they further throw a welcome light upon many of the politi- cal events of that time. Some days after the debate in the Reichstag respecting the entrance of Baden into the North German Confederation, to which reference has already been made, and while the matter was still occupying both the attention of the Press and of the Chancellor, I find the following entry among my notes : — February 2gt/i, evening. — Called to see the Minister. I am to direct special attention to the nonsense written by the National Liberal Press on the last sitting: of the Reichstag. The Chan- 6 THE SITUATION IN FRANCE [March i ccllor said: "The National Liberals are not a united party. They are merely two fractions. Amongst their leaders Bennig- sen and Forkenbeck are sensible men, and there are also a couple of others. Miguel is inclined to be theatrical. Loewe, with his deep chest notes, does everything for effect. Me has not made a single practical remark. Lasker is effective in destructive criticism, but is no politician. It sounded very odd to hear him declare that they were now too much occupied with Rome in Paris and Vienna to interfere with us in connection with the Baden affair. If it were possible to get those of really Progressist views to act independently, it would make the situ- ation much clearer. Friedenthal's speech was excellent. I must ask you also to emphasise the following points : — i. The unfairness of the National Zeitung in repeating misunderstand- ings which I explained and disposed of in my speech. 2. The make-believe support given to my policy by men who were elected for the express purpose of rendering me real assistance. 3. That such politicians either cannot see or intentionally over- look my principal motive, viz., that to admit Baden into the Con- federation would bring pressure to bear upon Bavaria, and that it is therefore a hazardous step. Attention should be paid to the situation in France, so that nothing should be done which might endanger the Constitutional evolution of that country, an evolution hitherto promoted in every way from Berlin, as it sig- nifies peace for us. The French Arcadians" (the party that supported Napoleon through thick and thin) "are watching the course of events in Germany, and waiting their opportunity. Napoleon is now well disposed to us, but he is very changeable. We could now fight France and beat her too, but that war would give rise to five or six others; and while we can gain our ends by peaceful means, it would be foolish, if not criminal, to take such a course. Events in France may take a warlike or revolu- tionary turn, which would render the present brittle metal there more malleable. There was an important point in my speech, which, however, these good people failed to recognise. That was the intimation that in certain circumstances we should pay no regard either to the views of Austria respecting South Ger- many as a whole, nor to those of France, who objected to the admission of any single South German State into the North German Confederation. That was a feeler. Further measures 1870] THE SOUTH GERMAN STATES 7 can only be considered when I know how that hint has been received in Vienna and Paris." March \st. — Count Bismarck wishes me to get the following inserted in the South German newspapers : — " The speech of von Freydorf, the Grand Ducal Minister, in the Baden Diet on the Jurisdiction Treaty with the North German Confederation, has been inspired by an absolutely correct view of the situation. Particular attention should be paid to that portion in which the Foreign Minister of the Grand Duchy declared the policy of Baden to be in perfect accord with that of the Chancellor of the North German Confederation, and also to the manner in which he defined the position of the South German States towards the Treaty of Prague. Through the dissolution of the old Germanic Confederacy, those States have, as a matter of fact, become sovereign States. That Treaty gives them liberty (to me : — Underline those words ! ) to form a new union amongst themselves, a South German Confederation, by means of which they may take measures for bringing about a national union with the united North. That Treaty involves no pre- scription, engagement, or compulsion whatever to adopt such a course. Any insinuation of that kind with respect to States whose sovereignty has been emphatically recognised would be something absolutely unheard of. In the Swiss war of the Sonderbund, and also in the late American civil war, States were obliged against their own will to remain within a union which they had previously joined, but no one ever saw a sovereign State or Prince required to enter into Confederation against their own judgment. The South German States, in- cluding half of Hesse, have unquestionably the right — acting either in concert or singly — to endeavour, in cooperation with the North, to advance the cause of national unity. The ques- tion is whether the present is a good time to choose. The Chancellor of the North German Confederation answers this question in the negative. But it is only possible by the most wilful garbling of his expressions to maintain that his final aim is not the union of Germany. Partition of German national territory! Calumny! Not a single word of the Chancellor's justifies that conclusion. As Herr Lasker has not spoken at the instance of the Government of Baden, although his speech would almost convey the impression that he was a Minister of 8 THE UNION OF NORTH AND SOUTH [March 3 that State, it is difficult to understand where he got that idea. Perhaps it was merely the conceit of the honourable Member that led him to make such a statement." March yd. — The Minister wishes the Koelnische Zeitung first, and afterwards the South German newspapers, to advocate the organisation into one great party of all men of national views in the South German States, so as to get rid of the particularism which had hitherto divided them. " The matter lies much more in their hands," he said, "than in those of the North German National Liberals. The North German Govern- ments will do all that is possible in a reasonable way in support of the efforts of South Germany. But the South Germans who wish to unite with us must act together and not singly. I want you to reiterate this point again and again. The article must then be printed in the Spcucrschc Zeitung and in other news- papers to which we have access, and it should be accompanied by expressions of deep regret at the particularism which pre- vents the union of the various Southern parties that gravitate towards North Germany. A union of the four Southern States is an impossibility, but there is nothing to hinder the formation of a Southern League composed of men of national sentiments. The National party in Baden, the German party in Wiirtem- berg, and the Bavarian Progressist party are merely different names for the same thing. These groups have to deal with different Governments, and some persons maintain that they must consequently adopt different tactics. Their aims are nevertheless identical in all important points. With the best will in the world those three parties, while acting singly, pro- duce but a slight impression. If they desire to go ahead and become an important factor in public affairs, they must combine to form a great and homogeneous South German National party which must be reckoned with on both sides of the Main." Read over to the Minister, at his request, an article which he ordered yesterday and for which he gave me the leading ideas. It was to be dated from Paris, and published in the Koelnische Zeitung. He said : " Yes, you have correctly ex- pressed my meaning. The composition is good both as regards its reasoning and the facts which it contains. But no French- man thinks in such logical and well-ordered fashion, yet the letter is understood to be written by a Frenchman. It must 1870] THE VATICAN COUNCIL 9 contain more gossip, and you must pass more lightly from point to point. In doing so you must adopt an altogether French standpoint. A Liberal Parisian writes the letter and gives his opinion as to the position of his party towards the German question, expressing himself in the manner usual in statements of that kind." (Finally Count Bismarck dictated the greater part of the article, which was forwarded by Metzler in its altered form to the Rhenish newspaper.) In connection with this task the Minister said to me the day before : — "I look at the matter in this way. A correspondent in Paris must give his opinion of my quarrel with Lasker and the others over the Baden question, and bring forward argu- ments which I did not think it desirable to use at that time. He must say that no one could deem it advisable in the present state of affairs in Bavaria, when the King seems to be so well disposed, to do anything calculated on the one hand to irritate him, and on the other to disturb the Constitutional movement in France — which movement tended to preserve peace while it would itself be promoted by the maintenance of peace. Those who desire to advance the cause of liberty do not wish to go to war with us, yet they could not swim against the stream if we took any action in South Germany which public opinion would regard as detrimental to the interests and prestige of France. Moreover, for the present the course of the Vatican Council should not be interfered with, as the result for Germany might possibly be a diversion. We must wait for these things," he added. "I cannot explain that to them. If they were poli- ticians they would see it for themselves. There are reasons for forbearance which every one should be able to recognise ; but Members of Parliament who cross-question the Government do not usually regard that as their duty." The second portion of the article which the Minister dictated runs as follows: — "Whoever has had an opportunity of ob- serving here in Paris how difficult the birth of the present Constitutional movement has been, what obstacles this latest development of French political life has to overcome if it is to strike deep roots, and how powerful are the influences of which the guiding spirit only awaits some pretext for smothering the infant in its cradle, will understand with what anxiety we watch the horizon abroad and what a profoundly depressing effect 10 CONSTITUTIONALISM IN FRANCE [March 5 every little cloud there produces upon our hopes of a secure and peaceful development of the new r/giwe. It is the ardent wish of every sincere adherent of the Constitutional cause in France that there should now be no diversion abroad, no change on the horizon of foreign politics, which might serve, if not as a real motive, at least as a pretext for crying down the youthful Constitutionalism of France, while at the same time directing public attention to foreign relations. We believe that the Emperor is in earnest, but his immediate entourage, and the creatures whom he has to employ, are watching anxiously for some event which shall enable them to compel the Sovereign to abandon a course which they resent. The people are very numerous, and have during the eighteen years of the Emperor's reign grown more powerful than is perhaps believed outside France. Whoever has any regard for the Constitutional de- velopment of the country can only hope that no alteration, how- ever slight, shall occur in the foreign relations of France to serve as a motive or pretext for that reaction which every opponent of the Constitution is striving to bring about." Between the directions for these articles, which I here bring together as they relate to the same subject, I received others, some of which I may also reproduce. March 4th. — The Boersen Zeitung contained an article in which it was alleged that in Germany only nobles were con- sidered competent to become Ministers. This the Count sent down to me to be refuted in a short article, expressing surprise at such a statement. " An absurd electioneering move ! " the Chancellor said. " Whoever wishes to persuade the world that in Prussia the position of Minister is only open to the aristocracy, and that capable commoners have absolutely no chance of at- taining to it, must have no memory and no eyes. Say that under Count Bismarck no less than three commoners have, on his recommendation, been appointed Ministers within a short period, namely Delbrueck, Leonhard, and Camphausen. Lasker, it is true, has not yet been appointed." I wrote this short article immediately; but the Chancellor was not pleased with it. " I told you expressly," he said, " to mention the names of Delbrueck, Leonhard, and Camphausen, and that their appointments were due to my personal influence. • 1 straight to the point, and don't wander round about it in 1870] CAPITAL PUNISHMENT II that way ! That is no use ! A pointless article ! They arc just the cleverest of the present Ministers. The attack on Lasker is also out of place. We must not provoke people un- necessarily. They are right when they complain of bullying." The reference to Lasker consisted merely in his own words as given above. March ^tii. — The Vossische Zeitung contained a bitter attack, which culminated in the following remark : — " Exceptional cir- cumstances — and such must be acknowledged to exist when working-men are treated to breech-loaders, and Ministers are hanged on street lamps — cannot be taken as a rule for the regular conduct of affairs." The Count received this article from the Literary Bureau of the Ministry of State (where ex- tracts from the newspapers were made for him), although it might well have been withheld, as not much importance attaches to the scoldings of "Tante Voss." The Count sent for me, read over the passage in question, and observed : — " They speak of times when Ministers were hanged on street lamps. Unworthy language ! Reply that such a thing never occurred in Prussia, and that there is no prospect of its occurring. In the mean- time it shows towards what condition of affairs the efforts of that newspaper are tending, which (under the auspices of Jacoby and Company) supplies the Progressist middle classes of Berlin with their politics." Called in again later to the Count. I am to go to Geheim- rath Hahn and call his attention to the question of capital pun- ishment, which in view of the approaching elections should be dealt with in the Provincial-Correspondcnz in accordance with the policy of the Government, who desire its retention. The Minister said: — "I am firmly convinced that the majority of the population is opposed to its abolition. Were it other- wise it would of course be possible to do away with it. It is a mere theory — the sentimentality of lawyers in the Reichstag — a party doctrine which has no connection with the life of the people, although its advocates are constantly referring to the people. Tell him that, but be cautious in dealing with him. He is somewhat conceited — bureaucratic. Do it in a diplomatic way. You must let him think that those are his own ideas. Otherwise we shall not get anything useful out of him. Let me know afterwards what he says." 12 ARCHDUKE ALBRECHT IN PARIS [March 12 March 6th. — -Have seen Hahn. He is of opinion that it is yet too early to deal with this matter. It will probably end in a compromise, capital punishment being only retained for murder. The attitude of the Liberals in the elections can only be influenced after the decision in the Reichstag. In the meantime he has instructed the Literary Bureau to refute the article in the National Zeitung, and to show how sterile the present Parliament would be if it allowed the long-wished-for Criminal Code to be wrecked upon this question of capital pun- ishment. Report this to the Minister. He is of opinion that Hahn is mistaken. " It is necessary to act in a diplomatic way in this case," he observed. " One must present an appearance of determination up to the last moment ; and if one wants to secure a suitable compromise, show no disposition to give way ; besides, Hahn must have no other policy than mine. I shall speak to Eulenberg, and get him to set Hahn straight. This must be put down at once. We must think in good time about the elections." March Jth. — Sent Brass {Norddentschc Allgcmcinc Zeitung) an article written by Bucher under instructions from the Min- ister, showing that the majority in the Reichstag does not repre- sent public opinion nor the will of the people, but only the opinions and desires of the Parliamentary party. Called to the Count in the evening, when he said : — "I want you to secure the insertion in the press of an article somewhat to the following effect: — For some time past vague rumours of war have been current throughout the world for which no sufficient ground exists in fact, or can be even sug- gested. The explanation is probably to be sought in Stock Exchange speculation for a fall which has been started in Paris. Confidential whispers are going about with regard to the pres- ence of Archduke Albrecht in the French capital which are cal- culated to cause uneasiness ; and then, naturally enough, these rumours are shouted aloud and multiplied by the windbags of the Guelph press." March llth. — The Count wants an article in the National Zeitung to be answered in this sense: — "The Liberals in Parliament always identify themselves with the people. They maintain, like Louis XIV. with his Vitat e'est moi, that 'We nre the People.' There could hardly be a more absurd piece 1870] BKl'ST AND THE VATICAN 1 3 of boasting and exaggeration. As if the other representatives, the Conservatives in the eountry, and the great numbers who belong to no party, were not also part of the nation, and had no opinions and interests to which regard should be paid ! " Evening. — The Minister, referring to a statement in the Norddeutsche Allgemcine Zcitung, remarked : — " There is much ado about the decided attitude taken up by Bcust against the Curia. According to the report published by Brass he has expressed himself very emphatically respecting its latest action, in a note which the Ambassador read to the Secretary of State. That must be refuted, weakened. Do it in a letter from Rome to the Koclnischc Zcitung. Say : — ' We do not know if the analysis of the despatch in question (which has made the round of the papers, and which was first published by the Times) is correct, 1 but we have reason to doubt it. Trautmansdorf (the Austrian Ambassador to the Holy See) has read no note and has received no instructions to make any positive declaration, but is on the contrary acting in accordance with his own con- victions — and it is known that he is very clerical and not at all disposed to radical measures. He has communicated to Car- dinal Antonelli such parts of the information that reached him from Vienna as he thought proper, and he certainly made that communication in as considerate a form as possible. It cannot therefore have been very emphatic." Later. — Attention is to be directed, at first in a paper which has no connection with the Government, to the prolonged sojourn of Archduke Albrecht in Paris as a suspicious symptom. In connection with it rumours have been circulated in London of an understanding between France and Austria. Our papers should afterwards reproduce these hints. March \2tJ1. — In the afternoon Bucher gave me the chief's instructions to order the Spanish newspaper, Impartial. (This is of some importance, as it doubtless indicates that even then we had a hand in the question of electing the new king. On 1 The despatch was understood to contain a sentence to the effect that Rome should take care not to challenge Europe, and that whatever the Church might say, the Austrian Courts of Justice would not allow themselves to be influenced into according any indulgence towards those who broke the laws or instigated others to do so. 14 LABOUR IMPOSED UPON PARLIAMENT [March 25 several occasions subsequently I secured the insertion in non- official German papers of translations which Bucher brought me of articles in that newspaper against the candidature of Montpensier.) March 13th. — The Chancellor wishes to have it said in one of the " remote " journals (that is, not notoriously connected with the Government) that the Pope has paid no regard to the representations of France and Austria respecting the principal points which should be decided by the Council. He would not have done so even if those representations had been expressed in a more emphatic form than they actually were. Neither Banneville nor Trautmansdorf was inclined to heartily defend the cause of the State against the Ultramontanes. This dis- poses of the news of the Memorial Diplomatique to the effect that at the suggestion of Count Daru the Curia has already given an affirmative answer. That report is absolutely false, as is nearly all the news published by the paper in question. It is much the same with Count Beust's note to the Papal Government. ("Quote the word 'note,'" added the Min- ister.) It was only a despatch, and, doubtless, a very tame one. March \6th. Evening. — Called up to the Minister, who lay on the sofa in his study. " Here," he said (pointing to a newspaper). " They complain of the accumulation of labour imposed upon Parliament. Already eight months' hard work ! That must be answered. It is true that members of Parliament have a great deal to do, but Ministers are still worse off. In addition to their work in the two Diets the latter have an immense amount of business to transact for the King and the country both while Parliament is sitting and during the recess. Moreover, members have the remedy in their own hands. If those who do not belong to the Upper Chamber will abstain from standing for election both to the Prussian and the Federal Diet they will lighten their task sufficiently. They are not obliged to sit in both houses." March 2\st. — I am to call attention in the semi-official organs to the fact that the Reichstag is discussing the Criminal Code far too minutely and slowly. "The speakers," observed the Count, " show too ^reat a desire for mere talk, and are too fond of details and hair-splitting. If this continues the Bills will 1870] THE GERMAN DISIlul'S AND THE VATICAN 15 not be disposed of in the present session, especially as the Budget has still to be discussed. The President might well exercise stricter control. Another unsatisfactory feature is that so many members absent themselves from the sittings. Our newspapers ought to publish regularly lists of such absentees. Please see that is done." Called up again later and commissioned to explain in the press the attitude of Prussia towards those Prelates who oppose the Curia in Rome. The Chancellor said: — "The newspapers express a desire that the Government should support the Ger- man Bishops on the Council. You should ask if those writers have formed a clear idea as to how we should set about that task. Should Prussia perhaps send a Note to the Council, or to Antonelli, the Papal Minister, who does not belong to that body ? or is she to secure representation in that assembly of Prelates, and protest (of course in vain) against what she objects to? Prussia will not desert those Bishops who do not submit themselves to the yoke, but it is for the Prelates in the first place to maintain a determined attitude. We cannot take preventive measures, as they would be of no value, but it is open to us to adopt a repressive policy in case a decision is come to in oppo- sition to our wishes. If, after that decision has been arrived at, it should prove to be incompatible with the mission and inter- ests of the State, then existing legislation, if found inadequate, can be easily supplemented and altered. The demand that the Prussian Government should support the more moderate Bishops is a mere empty phrase so long as no practical means of giving effect to it can be discovered. Moreover, the course which I now indicate will in any case be ultimately successful, although success may not at once be completely achieved." March 25///. — The Chief wishes Klaczko's appointment in Vienna to be discussed. He said to me: — "Beust intends in that way to revive the Polish question. Point to the journalistic activity of that indefatigable agitator, and to his bitter hatred both of ourselves and Russia. Quote Rechenberg's confidential despatch of the 2nd of March from Warsaw, where he says that the Polish secret political societies which are engaged at Lem- berg in preparing for a revolution, with the object of restoring Polish independence, have sent a deputation to Klaczko con- gratulating him on his appointment to a position where he is in 1 6 THE VATICAN AND THE CATHOLIC POWERS [March 5 direct communication with the Chancellor of the Empire. Send the article first to the KoclniscJic Zcitung, and afterwards arrange for similar articles in the provincial newspapers. We must finally see that this reaches Reuss (the Ambassador in St. Peters- burg), in order that he may get it reproduced in the Russian press. It can also appear in the Kreuszeitung, and it must be brought up again time after time in another form." Afternoon. — Geheimrath Abeken desires me, on the in- structions of the Minister, to take note of the following docu- ment, which is apparently based on a despatch :--" It is becoming more and more difficult to understand the attitude of the Austrian Government towards the Council. All the organs of public opinion are on the side of the Austrian Bishops, who are making such a dignified and decisive stand in Rome- The reports which the Government thought well to allow the press to publish respecting the steps which they have taken in Rome were in harmony with this attitude. The news from Rome, however, speaks only of the tameness and indecision with which the Government's policy is being carried into execu- tion. The most contradictory accounts are now coming in. It is said that the Austrian Ambassador has supported the action of the French Ambassador, which is known not to have been very effective. Expressions have been attributed to Count Beust showing that, in his opinion, the only effectual course would be for all the Powers to take common or collective action. On the other hand, it is asserted that he gave a negative answer, reciting different objections, to the proposal of another Catholic State (Bavaria) to join it in a decisive declaration in Rome. In presence of this indecision on the part of the Catholic Powers the Bishops will doubtless be obliged to follow their own con- sciences and decide for themselves what their course of action is to be. We arc convinced however that if the Prelates them- selves resolved to make a determined stand on behalf of their consciences, the situation would immediately undergo a chance in their favour, and that ultimately no Government would desert its own Bishops even if they were in a minority. " Bismarck has already explained to the Prussian Am- bassador in Paris that he is prepared to support every initiative taken on the Catholic side in the matter of the Council. He at the same time discussed the subject with Benedetti, expressing 1S70J FRANCE AND THE VATICAN 1 7 himself in a similar sense, but in the meantime making no posi- tive proposal. On the other hand, he asked incidentally whether it might not be desirable to consider in a general conference the attitude to be adopted by the various Governments towards the Council. Benedetti replied that such a course would only hasten the Council's decision. Bismarck urged that a conference might be useful, even were it no longer possible to influence the Coun- cil, and were the question to be considered merely how far the injurious effects of its decisions on the peace of Church and State could be minimised. " Benedetti sent a report of this informal conversation to Paris, representing it as a proposal to hold a conference. Daru replied in a despatch which pointed out the difficulty of carrying that idea into execution. Who should take part in the confer- ence ? Russia maintained such an unfriendly attitude towards the Catholic Church, and Italy was so hostile to the Curia, that they could hardly join in any common action. Spain wished to confine herself to the repression of any eventual breach of the laws of the country, and England ignored the official declara- tions of the Roman Church. Many Powers had Concordats, while others occupied a more independent position towards the Curia ; therefore, in that respect also, an understanding would be difficult. Finally, Daru feared that Rome, on hearing of an in- tended conference, would reply with a fait accompli. For these reasons he declined the proposal. He would, however, like to afford the other Powers an opportunity of supporting the meas- ures taken by France on her own initiative. In case he received a negative answer to his demand that France should be repre- sented on the Council, he would officially communicate to the other Governments his declaration to the Secretary of State, Cardinal Antonelli, that the rights and interests of the State would be defended against any encroachment on the part of the Spiritual Power, and urge them to support his action in Rome. Bismarck thanked Daru for this communication, and said that the Government at Berlin (when it had satisfied itself that such a course on the part of France was calculated to promote the interests of Prussian Catholics) would endeavour to strengthen the impression made thereby ; and that further communications were awaited with interest. " The French Government looks forward with anxiety to l8 ENGLISH "LIBERALISM" IN IRELAND [March 30 the consequences of the Council, but hesitates to take any seri- ous and decisive measures, and is not disposed to enter upon any common action with the other Powers. Bray, at Munich, seemed less disinclined to such a course. He thought a dec- laration might possibly be made that the Government consid- ered the oecumenical and authoritative character of the Council to be affected by the promulgation of the dogma of infallibility notwithstanding the opposition of a minority of the Bishops, as also the legal position assured to the Prelates under the Con- cordats, and that the dogma in question was to be regarded as null and void. Bray was anxious that Austria should join in this declaration. Beust, however, would not consent, as he be- lieved that such a declaration would merely induce the Council to come to an unanimous decision which would then be binding upon the Governments. An unequivocal attitude of any kind is not to be expected from Vienna. " If the Catholic Governments will not take the initiative, the question remains what course the Bishops themselves will adopt. We hold to the principle of not acting directly and in our own name with the Roman See, while at the same time powerfully and steadfastly supporting every effort made by the Catholics themselves, and particularly by the German Bishops to prevent illegal changes being made in the constitution of the Catholic Church, and to preserve both Church and State from a disturb- ance of the peace. We do not find ourselves called upon to take up a prominent attitude towards the Council, but our readiness to support energetically every well-meant effort of the Catholic Powers, whose duty it is to intervene in the first place, or of the Bishops within Council, remains unaltered." livening. — I am to refer to England and the way in which the press is treated there. "The Liberals always appeal to English example when they want to secure some fresh liberty for the press. Such appeals, it is well known, rest largely upon mistaken notions. It would be desirable to examine more closely the Bill which has just been passed for the preservation of order in Ireland. What would public opinion in Germany, and particularly what would the people of Berlin say, if our Government could proceed against anv of our democratic jour- nals, even against the most violent, according to the following provisions, and that too without even a state of minor siege? 1870J THE (ECUMENICAL COUNCIL 19 Then quote the provisions, and add that the Bill was carried by a large majority." 1 March 2%th. — The Chancellor desires that the question of the Council should be again dealt with somewhat to the follow- ing effect : — " The Press has repeatedly expressed a desire to know what position will be taken by Prussia towards the policy of the majority of the Council, and several proposals have been made in this connection. In our opinion the answer to that question is to be found in the character of Prussia as a Protes- tant Power. In that capacity Prussia must leave the initiative in this matter to the Catholic Governments, who are more directly threatened. If these do not take action the question remains what course the Bishops who form the minority in the Council will adopt, a question which will be answered by the immediate future. If the Catholic Governments decide to take steps against the majority of the Council, Prussia ought to join in that action if she considers it to be in the interests of her Catholic subjects. But it is less the duty of Prussia than of any other State to rush into the breach. ... If the Bishops defend the constitution of their Church, their episcopal rights, and peace between Church and State in a fearless and deter- mined protest against the encroachments of the Ultramontane party in the Council, it may then be confidently hoped that the Prussian Government will extend to them a powerful support." Some of the last sentences repeated almost literally the con- clusion of the document brought to me by Abeken. March 30///. — The Count sent down a report from Rome for use in the press. This report says: — "The tourists who visited St. Peter's on the 22nd instant were several times dis- turbed by a dull noise which rolled through the aisles like a storm, proceeding from the direction of the Council Chamber. Those who remained a little longer saw individual Bishops, 1 At that time it had only been accepted by the Committee of the House of Commons, — without any important amendments, however, and its adoption on a third reading was assured. It is true, objections were raised. Gladstone very char- acteristically observed that the law now only empowered the Administration to pro- ceed against incitements to treasonable action; it was, however, necessary to pro- vide for the punishment of attempts by the press to create a "treasonable state of mind " amongst the people. The sole conce ssion made by the Government was that the threatened measures should not be put into execution until warning (once only) had been given. 20 A SCENE IN ST. PETER'S [April i with anxious looks, hurriedly leave the church. There had been a terrible scene amongst the reverend fathers. The theme de erroribns, which was laid before the Council about three weeks ago and then returned to the Commission, was again being dis- cussed in an amended form. This discussion had now lasted five or six (eight) days. Strossmayer criticised one of the para- graphs of the Proemium which characterised Protestantism as the source of all the evils which now infect the world in the forms of pantheism, materialism, and atheism. He declared that this Proemium contained historical untruths, as the errors of our time were much older than Protestantism. The Hu- manist movement, which had been imprudently protected by the highest authority (Pope Leo X.) was in part responsible for them. The Proemium lacked the charity due to Protestants. (First uproar.) It was, on the contrary, amongst Protestants that Christianity had found its most powerful defenders, such as Leibnitz and Guizot, whose meditations he should wish to see in the hands of every Christian. (Renewed and increased uproar, while closed fists are shown at the speaker, and cries are heard of ' Haereticus es ! Taccas ! Dcsccndas ! Omncs te condem- navius /' and now and then ' Ego cum non condenino /') This storm also subsided and Strossmayer was able to proceed to another point, namely, the question to which the Bishops re- ferred in their protest, that is to say, that a unanimous vote is indispensable for decisions on dogma. Strossmayer's remarks on this theme caused the indignation of the majority to boil over. Cardinal Capalti interrupted him. The assembly raged like a hurricane. After a wordy war of a quarter of an hour's duration between the speaker and the Legates, Strossmayer retired, three times repeating the words : 'Protestor non est con- cilium.' 1 It is worthy of note that a Congregation has been held to-day at which the Bishop of Halifax and others are under- stood to have expressed views similar to those of Strossmayer and that no attempt was made to interrupt them. It would therefore appear as if the storm raised ^against the Bishop of Bosnia were a party manoeuvre with the object of ruining the most important of the Princes of the Church." March ^\st. — Commissioned by the Chief to tell Zitelmann (an official of the Ministry of State in charge of press matters) that the newspaper extracts which his office prepares for sub- i87°1 TI1K BRITISH MINISTER IN MUNICH 21 mission to the King (through the Minister) should be better sifted and arranged. Those that are suitable for the King are to be gummed on to separate sheets and detached from those that are not suitable for him. Particularistic lies and stupidi- ties, such as those from Kiel of the 25th and Cassel of the 28th, belong to the latter category and must not be laid before him. If he sees that kind of thing printed in black on white, he is apt to believe it. He does not know the character of those papers. I am to secure the insertion in the press of the following particulars, which have reference to a paragraph in a newspaper which the Minister did not name to me. It is a well-known fact that Howard, the English representative at Munich, although he is married to a Prussian lady (Schulenberg), exercises, in opposition to the views of his own Government, a decidedly anti- Prussian influence, not so much in a pro-Austrian as in a Guelph sense. He was Minister at Hanover up to the events of 1866. April 1st. — The Minister's birthday. When I was called to him in the evening, his room was perfumed with flowers presented to him. He lay on the sofa, booted and spurred, smoking a cigar, and reading newspaper extracts. After receiving my instructions, I offered my congratulations, for which he thanked me, reaching me his hand. " I hope," he said, " we shall remain together for a very long time." I replied that I hoped so too, that I could find no words to say how happy I felt to be near him, and to be able to work for him. " Well," he answered, smiling, " it is not always so pleasant, but you must not notice every little thing." My instructions referred to Lasker and Hoverbeck. They were as follows : — " Just take Lippe — Lasker as your subject for once. Lasker has, it is true, been taken to task for one of his latest utterances by Bennigsen, the chief of his fraction, but it can do no harm to deal with the affair once more in the press — and repeatedly. He, like Lippe, wants the Constitution to be placed above our national requirements. Les extremes se toudient. Lippe is the representative of the Particularistic Jun- kers with the tendency to absolutism, Lasker that of the Parlia- mentary Junkers with Particularistic leanings. Vincke, who was just such another, succeeded, with his eternal dogmatism, in ruining and nearly destroying a great party in a few months, notwithstanding favourable circumstances. Please send the 22 LIBERAL PARTICULARISM [April 6 article to the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zcitung for publication, and let it be afterwards reproduced in another form by the Literary Bureau." . . . April ^th. — It was well that I carried out the Minister's orders at once. On being called to him this morning he received me with the words: "I asked you recently to write an article on the subject of Lippe and Lasker. Have you done so ? " I replied : " Yes, Excellency, and it has already appeared. I did not submit it to you, as I know that you see the NorddentscJie daily." He then said : " I have had no time as yet, I will look it up immediately." In a quarter of an hour I was again sent for, and on appear- ing before him the Minister said: "I have now read the article — it was amongst the extracts. It is excellent, exactly what I wished. Let it now be circulated and reproduced in the provincial journals. In doing so it may be further re- marked that if Count Bismarck were to charge Lasker and his fraction with Particularism — I do not mean all the National Liberals, but principally the Prussians, the Lasker group — the accusation would be well founded. Lippe has also laid down the principle that the Prussian Diet is independent of the Federal Diet." The Minister then continued: — "Here is the Koelnische Zeitung talking of excitability. It alleges that I have mani- fested an excitability which recalls the period of 'conflict.' That is not true. I have merely repelled passionate attacks in the same tone in which they were delivered, according to the usual practice in Parliament. It was not Bismarck but Lasker and Hoverbeck who took the initiative. They began again with offensive personal attacks and I begged of them in a friendly way not to return to that style. Ask whether the writer had not read the report of the sitting, as it showed that it was not Count Bismarck who picked this quarrel. Apart from its pleadings on behalf of the claims of Denmark, the Koelnische Zcitung was a sensible newspaper. What had Count Bismarck done to it that it should allow its correspond- ents to send such a garbled account of the facts. Moreover, Bennigsen had reprimanded Lasker. They now themselves recognised that the tone they adopted was wrong, as Lasker came to me on Saturday to excuse himself." iS 7 oj THE QUKSTION OF NORTH SCIILESWIG 23 April 6th. — Under instructions from the Minister I dictated the following paragraph to Doerr for circulation through the Literary Bureau: — "The position of the Bishops who form the opposition in the Council does not appear to be satisfactory, if one may judge from the attitude of the Catholic Govern- ments and particularly of the Vienna Cabinet. Probably Count Bevist has not yet made up his mind in this matter. He seems to have sent somewhat energetic remonstrances to the Ambas- sador in Rome, but it is obvious that Count Trautmansdorf has delivered them in a very diluted form. According to certain newspapers, the Austrian Chancellor has also endeavoured to bring about a common action of the Powers, while others report an incident which renders it doubtful whether any such attempt has been made. The French also maintain an attitude of exceptional prudence and reserve, and the Bishops would thus appear to stand well-nigh alone. . . . The initiative must come from the Bishops themselves." Between the 6th and the 10th of April I wrote an article on the question of North Schleswig from the Minister's instruc- tions. This attracted great attention on its publication in the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zcitung, principally on the ground that there seemed to be no occasion for its appearance at a time when the political horizon was absolutely clear. (It may possibly have arisen through a Russian reminder and approval of the pretended claims of Denmark.) The article was to the following effect : — "It is a wilful falsehood to maintain that according to the peace of Prague the population of North Schleswig has to decide the question of the frontier. Prussia alone, and no one else, is authorised to do that. Moreover, the Treaty of Prague does not mention North Schleswig at all, but only refers, quite vaguely, to the northern districts of Schles- wig, which is something quite different. The parties to the Treaty were not called upon, and as the wording selected by them proves, never intended to deal with any such conception as ' North Schleswig,' and have not even used that term. But the Danes and their friends have so long and so persistently endeavoured to make the world believe that paragraph 5 of the Treaty stipulated for the cession of North Schleswig that they have come to believe it themselves. " The Prussians alone have to decide as to the extent of 24 FRENCH MANNERS [May 28 those districts. Prussia has no further political interest in negotiating with Denmark if the latter is not content with the concessions which the former is prepared to make. Finally, only Austria has a right to demand that the matter shall be settled in any form. ... If Prussia and Austria," so concluded the Minister's directions, " now come to an understanding as to cancelling that paragraph of the Treaty, — probably on the basis of further concessions on the part of Prussia, — absolutely no one has any right to object." Two articles were to be written on this subject, one for the Norddciitschc Allgemeine Zeitung, in which the reference to Austria was to be omitted, and one for the SpcncrscJie Zcitung, which was to contain it. April 12th. — The Count desires to have an article written for the Koelnische Zcitung, part of which he dictated to me. It ran as follows : — " The Constitutionnel speaks of the way in which French manners are being corrupted by for- eign elements, and in this connection it mentions Princess Metternich and Madame Rimsky-Korsakow. It would require more space than we can afford to this subject to show in its true light all the ignorance and prejudice exhibited by the writer of this article, who has probably never left Paris. Princess Metternich would not act in Vienna as she is repre- sented by the Constitutionnel to have acted in Paris ; and Madame Rimsky-Korsakow is not a leader of society in St. Petersburg. The contrary must be the case. Paris must be responsible if the two ladies so conduct themselves, and exer- cise such an influence, as the French journal asserts they do. As a matter of fact the idea that Paris is the home and school of good manners is now only to be met with in other countries, in old novels, and amongst elderly people in the most remote parts of the provinces. It has long since been observed, and not in European Courts alone, that the present generation of Frenchmen do not know how to behave themselves. In other circles it has also been remarked that the young Frenchman does not compare favourably with the youth of other nations, or with those few countrymen of his own who have, far from Paris, preserved the traditions of good French society. Trav- ellers who have visited the country at long intervals are agreed in declaring that the forms of polite intercourse, and even the conventional expressions for which the French language so 1S70J FRANCE "A DECADENT NATION" 25 long served as a model, are steadily falling into disuse. It is therefore quite conceivable that the Empress Eugenie, as a sensitive Spaniard, has been painfully affected by the tone and character of Parisian society, but it would show a lack of judg- ment on her part if, as stated by the Constitutionnel, she sought for the origin of that evil abroad. But we believe we are justi- fied in directly contradicting that statement, as we know that the Empress has repeatedly recommended young Germans as models for the youth of France. The French show themselves to be a decadent nation, and not least in their manners. It will require generations to recover the ground they have lost. Unfortunately, so far as manners are concerned, all Europe has retrograded." From the 13th of April to the 28th of May I did not see the Minister. He was unwell, and left for Varzin on Easter Eve. It was said at the Ministry that his illness was of a bilious character, and was due to the mortification he felt at the con- duct of the Lasker fraction, together with the fact that he had spoilt his digestion at a dinner at Camphausen's. On the 2 1 st of May the Minister returned to Berlin, but it was not until seven days later that I was called to him. He then gave me the following instructions : — " Brass (the Nord- daitsclie Allgcmcine Zeitung) must not plead so strongly for the Austrians nor speak so warmly of the Government of Napoleon. In the case of Austria we have to adopt a benevolently expec- tant attitude, yet the appointment of Klaczko and his connec- tion with the Ministry is for us a suspicious symptom. The appointment of Grammont to the French Foreign Office is not exactly agreeable to us. The Czechs must be treated with all possible consideration ; but, on the other hand, we must deal with the Poles as with enemies." I afterwards asked as to his health. He said he still felt weak, and would not have left Varzin if things had not looked so critical in Parliament. As soon as things were once more in order there, he would be off again, if possible on an early day, in order to undertake a cure with Karlsbad water, going to some seaside resort. On being called to the Count on Whitsunday I found him highly indignant at the statement of a correspondent of the Koclnische Zeitung, who reported that there was a scarcity of 26 WORKING UP THE SPANISH QUESTION [July 8 labour in the Spandau cartridge factory. " Therefore unusual activity in the preparation of war material ! " he said. " If I were to have paid two visits to the King at Ems it would not cause so much anxiety abroad as thoughtless reports of this kind. Please go to Wehrmann and let him ascertain at the Ministry of War if they are responsible for that article, and if possible get them to insert a correction in the Koelnische Zei- tung or in the Norddeiitsche, as it must appear in an influential paper." A diary entry on an undated slip of paper, but written in May : " Bohlen yesterday bantered Bucher about his ' Easter mission,' which appears to have been to Spain." On the 8th of June the Minister again left Berlin for Varzin. Immediately on the commencement of the difficulties with France respecting the election to the Spanish throne of the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern, letters and telegrams began to arrive, which were forwarded by Bucher under instructions from the Chief. These consisted in part of short paragraphs and drafts of articles, as well as some complete articles which only required to be retouched in the matter of style, or to have references inserted with regard to matters of fact. These directions accumulated, but owing to the spirit and energy in- spired by the consciousness that we were on the eve of great events, and that it was an honour to cooperate in the work, they were promptly dealt with, almost all being disposed of on the day of their arrival. I here reproduce some of these in- structions, the order of the words and expressions in the de- ciphered telegrams being slightly altered, while the remainder are given exactly as they reached me. July jth, evening. — A telegram to me from Varzin : — "The semi-official organs should indicate that this does not seem to be the proper time for a discussion of the succession to the Spanish throne, as the Cortes, who are alone entitled to decide the ques- tion, have not yet spoken. German Governments have always respected Spanish independence in such matters, and will do so in future, as they have no claim or authority to interfere and lay down regulations for the Spaniards. Then, in the non-official press, great surprise should be expressed at the presumption of the French, who have discussed the question very fully in the i,S 7 oJ FRANCIi AND SPAIN 2J Chamber, speaking as if that assembly had a right to dispose of the Spanish throne, and apparently forgetting that such a course was as offensive to Spanish national pride as it was conducive to the encouragement of Republican tendencies. This may be safely construed into a further proof of the false direction which the personal regime is taking. It would appear as if the Emperor, who has instigated this action, wanted to see the out- break of a new war of succession." A letter from Bucher, which was handed to me on the even- ing of the 8th of July, further developed the idea contained in the last sentence of the foregoing telegram. This letter ran : — "Previous to 1868 Eugenie was pleased to play the part of an obedient subject to Isabella, and since the September revolution that of a gracious protectress. She unquestionably arranged the farce of the abdication, and now, in her rage, she incites her consort and the Ministers. As a member of a Spanish party she would sacrifice the peace and welfare of Europe to the in- trigues and aspirations of a corrupt dynasty. "Please see that this theme, a new war of succession in the nineteenth century, is thoroughly threshed out in the press. The subject is inviting, especially in the hands of a correspond- ent disposed to draw historical parallels, and more particularly parallels ex averse Have the French not had experience enough of Spain with Louis XIV. and Napoleon, and with the Due d'Angouleme's campaign for the execution of the decrees of the Verona Congress? Have they not excited sufficient hatred by all those wars and by the Spanish marriage of 1846? " Bring personal influence to bear as far as possible on the Editors who have been intimidated by the Stock Exchange, representing to them that if the German press takes up a timid and hesitating attitude in presence of the rhodomontades of the French, the latter will become more insolent and put forward intolerable demands in other questions affecting Germany still more closely. A cool and determined attitude, with a touch of contempt for those excited gentlemen who would like to slaughter somebody but do not exactly know whom, would be the most fitting means for putting an end to this uproar and preventing serious complications." Bucher added : " Protestants were still sent to the galleys under the Spanish Government which was overthrown in 1868." 28 THE DUC DE GRAMMONT'S SPEECH [July 9 Another communication of Bucher's from Varzin of the same date runs : — " The precedents furnished by Louis Philippe's refusal of the Belgian throne on behalf of the Due de Nemours, in 183 1, on the ground that it would create uneasiness, and by the protest which England would have entered against the marriage of the Due de Montpensier to the sister of Queen Isabella, are neither of them very applicable, as the Prince of Hohenzollern is not a son of King William but only a remote connection, and Spain does not border on Prussia." The following was a third subject received from Varzin on the same day : " Is Spain to inquire submissively at the Tuileries whether the King whom she desires to take is considered satis- factory ? Is the Spanish throne a French dependency ? It has already been stated in the Prussian speech from the throne that our sole desire in connection with the events in Spain was that the Spanish people should arrive at an independent decision for the maintenance of their own prosperity and power. In France, where on other occasions so much is said of national indepen- dence, the attempt of the Spanish people to decide for themselves has immediately revived the old diplomatic traditions which led to the Spanish war of succession 160 years ago." On the same day, the 8th of July, a telegram was also received from the Chancellor by the Secretary of State, and it was handed to me for my information. It was to the following effect : — "I have now before me in the despatch of Count Solms the official text of the Due de Grammont's speech, and I find his language more brusque and presumptuous than I had anticipated. I am in doubt whether that is due to stupidity or the result of a decision taken beforehand. The probability of the latter alternative seems to be confirmed by the noisy demon- strations which will most likely render it impossible for them to draw back. I am reluctant to protest officially against Gram- mont's speech on international grounds, but our press should attack it very severely, and this should be done in as many newspapers as possible." July gt/i. — A telegram from Bucher to the Secretary of State saying that the direction to the press to deal with Gram- mont's speech in very strong language is not to apply to the XorddeutscJic Allgemcinc Zcitung. Another telegram of the same date to Thile, which he 1870J INSTRUCTIONS UN THE SPANISH QUESTION 29 brought to me : " Any one intending to summon a Congress to deal with a debatable question ought not first to threaten a war- like solution in case the opposite party should not agree to his wishes." Further, the Secretary of State handed me a telegram from Berlin to the Chancellor, which was returned by the latter with comments. I was to get these circulated in the non-official journals. The telegram was to the effect that Grammont had stated, in reply to an interpellation by Cochery, that Prim had offered the Spanish throne to the Hereditary Prince of Hohen- zollern (Remark: " He can do nothing of the kind. Only the Cortes."), and that the Prince had accepted it. (Remark : " He will only declare himself after he has been elected.") The Spanish people has not yet, however, expressed its wishes. (Remark: "That is the main point.") The French Govern- ment do not recognise the negotiations in question. (Remark: " There are no negotiations excepting those between Spain and the eventual candidates for the throne.") Grammont therefore begged that the discussion might be postponed, as it was purposeless for the moment. (Remark: "Very.") The French Government would maintain the neutral attitude which they had observed up to the present, but would not permit a foreign Power to place a Prince upon the Spanish throne (" Hardly any power entertains such an intention, except per- haps France."), and endanger the honour and dignity of France. They trusted to the wisdom of the Germans (Remark: "Has nothing to do with it."), and to the friendship of the Spanish people. (Remark: "That is the main point.") Should they be deceived in their hopes they would do their duty without hesitation or weakness. (Remark: "We also.") Bucher sent me a whole packet of sketches for articles : — 1. "If Spain records her decision to establish a govern- ment which shall be peaceful, and tolerant in religious matters, and which may be expected to be friendly to Germany, who is also devoted to peace, can it be in our interest to prevent the execution of that resolve, and for that purpose to take measures of doubtful legality ? Shall we, because of a threat of war made in pursuit of an arbitrary and dynastic object, take steps to frustrate a reorganisation of Spanish affairs advantageous to Germany ? Is it not rather an act of insolent presumption on 30 FRENCH THREATS [July 9 the part of France to address such a demand to Germany ? Ob- viously France lacks either the courage or the means to enforce her views at Madrid, and it appears from Grammont's speech of the 4th of July that in her anger at what has happened in Spain she is prepared to throw herself upon Germany in a blind fit of rage. That speech is to a certain extent a declaration of war against the person of the Prince of Hohenzollern, in case he should decide to accept the offer of the Spanish people. France demands that Prussia shall undertake the office of policeman in case a German Prince who has attained his majority shows a disposition to meet the wishes of the Spaniards. For a North German Government to interfere with a citizen who should wish to exercise his right to emigrate and adopt the Spanish nation- ality would raise a very questionable point of law from a consti- tutional standpoint. Even if such a power existed, the dignity of Germany would demand that it should only be applied in her own interests. The calm consideration of those interests is not in the least affected by the warlike threats of a neighbouring State which, instead of arguments, appeals to its 400,000 soldiers. If France lays claim in this manner to the guardianship of ad- joining nations, the maintenance of peace can for the latter be only a question of time, which may be decided at any moment. On Grammont's appointment to the French Foreign Office, it was feared in many quarters that the choice by the Emperor Napoleon of a statesman who was only remarkable for his per- sonal impetuosity and his hostility to Germaay indicated a desire to secure for himself greater liberty in breaking the peace. Unfortunately the haughty and aggressive tone of the Duke's speech is not calculated to remove the apprehensions entertained at that time. He is not a minister of peace, but rather the instrument of a personal policy which shrinks from no responsibility. In itself the question as to who is to be the ruler of Spain is not one for which Germany would go to war. But the French demand that the German Government, in oppo- sition to its own interests, should put artificial difficulties in the way of the Spaniards manifests a depth of self-conceit which scarcely any government amongst the independent states of Europe could submit to at the present day. We seek no quarrel, but if any one tries to force one upon us he will find us ready to go through with it to the bitter end." 1870] THE SPANISH BOURBONS 3 1 2. In another article (there was too much material to be dis- posed of in one) the following considerations were to be devel- oped. This was not to be communicated to the official organs, but either to the Koelnischc Zeitung or the Spenersche Zeitung, while it was to be given in a curtailed form to Hahn's Literary Bureau. " If the candidature of Alphonso had up to the pres- ent any prospect of success in Spain, it would have been most prejudicially affected by the foolish uproar raised in France, which stamped it with a French official character. No worse service could be done to that Prince than to represent him as a French candidate. Montpensier had already suffered under the reproach that he was a Frenchman. The Bourbons had formerly been imposed upon the Spaniards, and had proved themselves no blessing. The manner in which the succession to the throne is now discussed in France would offend a nation even less proud than the Spaniards." 3. "Between the years 1866 and 1868, and particularly before the fall of Isabella, France schemed a great deal against Germany with Austria, Italy, and also with Spain. Those in- trigues were set at nought by the Revolution of September, to which Count Bismarck referred when he said at that time in Parliament that the danger of war, which had been very immi- nent, had been dispelled by an unforeseen event. So long as France maintains her warlike intentions towards Germany, she will desire to see on the Spanish throne a dynasty favourable to those schemes, possibly an Ultramontane one, as in case of an attack on Germany it would make a difference of about 50,000 men to France whether she had a benevolent, or at least a neutral, neighbour on the other side of the Pyrenees or one whose attitude might be suspected. It is true that France has nothing to fear directly from Spain if the French, who for the past eighty years have been unable to make up their own minds and who cannot govern themselves, would give up the attempt to play the part of tutor to other nations. Let the period 1848- 1850 in France be compared with that of 1868- 1870 in Spain, and the comparison will not be to the advantage of the nation qui marche a la tete de la civilisation" 4. " England is accustomed to look upon the Peninsula as a dependency of her own, and doubtless believes that her influence can be more easily made to prevail in a state of inse- 32 TRIM'S SPEECH [July io curity than under the rule of a powerful dynasty. It is not wise of the English to recall certain incidents of Spanish his- tory, a course in which they are followed by the French news- papers. The Spanish version of the history of the wars against the First Napoleon is very different to the English one. In Buen Retiro every traveller is shown the site of a once prosper- ous porcelain manufactory, which was needlessly burned to the ground by the British allies of Spain." 5. Still another subject. "Very pleased with the article in the Spcncrsche Zcitung (this was addressed to me). Please again call attention in a somewhat similar manner to the im- petuosity of Grammont therein referred to. What is the real ground for all this alarm ? A paragraph in the Agence Havas to the effect that the affair had been settled without the con- currence of the Cortes. It is probable that the French Govern- ment itself had this paragraph inserted, and it was, moreover, concocted in complete ignorance of the Spanish constitution and of the laws governing the election of a King. This, which was the only new feature, was a barefaced invention. It had already been mentioned in all the papers that Prim's speech of the nth of June referred to the Prince of Hohenzollern, and that had caused no excitement in France. Is the present agi- tation then a coup montef Does the French Government in- sist upon a 'row'? Has Louis Napoleon chosen Grammont in order to pick a quarrel with us ? At any rate he has been unskilful in his treatment of this question. The general moral to be drawn as often as possible is : the French Government is, after all, not quite so shrewd as people believe. The French have succeeded in many things with the assistance of 300,000 soldiers, and owing to that success they are regarded as im- mensely clever. Is that really so ? Circumstances show that it is not." July \oth, evening. — Received a further series of sketches and drafts for articles from Bucher, who acts as the mouthpiece of the Chancellor's views and intentions. 1. For the Spe>ierscJic or Koelnisclie. "Those foreign Powers that are not concerned in the differences respecting the Spanish throne are as desirous to maintain peace as Ger- many herself. Their influence will, however, be neutralised by Grammont's ill-considered threats. Should the German Gov- 1870J CIPHER DESPATCHES 33 ernments consider the security of our frontier to be seriously threatened, they would scarcely come to a decision without convoking Parliament." 2. "The French are running amuck like a Malay who has got into a rage and rushes through the streets dagger in hand, foaming at the mouth, stabbing every one who happens to cross his path. If France is mad enough to regard Germany as a fit object for a vicarious whipping, nothing will restrain her, and the result will be that she will herself receive a personal casti- gation." 3. " The semi-official journals in Paris pretend that attention has been attracted there by the numerous cipher despatches ex- changed between Berlin and Madrid, and that they have been clever enough to decipher them. We do not know whether many despatches have passed between the two capitals men- tioned, but we remember a communication which was made to Parliament some time ago by Count Bismarck, according to which the cipher system of our Foreign Office is based on a vocabulary of about 20,000 words, each one of which is repre- sented by a group of figures arbitrarily chosen. It is impossible to ' decipher ' such a system in the same way as those based on an altered alphabet and other old methods. In order to read such a despatch, it is essential to have the vocabulary. Does the cleverness on which the Parisians pride themselves consist in having stolen the key to our ciphers ? This would be in contradiction with the original statement that the Prince of Hohenzollern's candidature first became known through a com- munication from Prim. It would, therefore, appear that the official press wants to clear the Government of the reproach of incapacity by a subsequent invention, acting on the maxim that it is better to be taken for a rogue than a fool." 4. "According to a private telegram from Paris to the Berliner Boersen Zeitung, our Ambassador there, together with the second Secretary of Embassy, left for Ems on receipt of a Note delivered to him immediately after the Cabinet Council at Saint Cloud. We have made inquiries in the proper quarter as to the accuracy of this report, and have received the fol- lowing answer : Note delivered. ' Not a shadow of truth. Werther's journey was decided upon and announced in Paris long before the agitation began.' " 34 THE EMPRESS EUGENIE [July 13 5. "As was already known, Prim intended this year, as on previous occasions, to visit Vichy. This would have led to a meeting between himself and the Emperor Napoleon and a dis- cussion of the succession to the Spanish throne. It is also re- ported that the Prince of Hohenzollern was not indisposed to try confidentially to bring about an understanding with the Emperor. All this has been rendered impossible by the abrupt tone of the Due de Grammont. As Prim's visit to Vichy has long since been announced in the newspapers, and the near relationship as well as the personal friendship which hitherto existed between the Prince of Hohenzollern and the Emperor rendered both meetings probable, it is hard to avoid the sus- picion that the French Government, dreading insurmountable domestic difficulties, desires to inflame French vanity in favour of a war, which would at the same time promote the dynastic views of the Empress Eugenie." July \2tJ1. — Received from Secretary Wollmann a note from Bucher in Varzin which is intended for me. It has been sent to the Secretary of State, in order that he should say whether there is any objection to its being used in the press. He has no objection, and so it goes to the newspapers. It runs as follows: — "The Impartial publishes a letter from Paris to the effect that the furious article in the Constitutionnel reproach- ing Prince Hohenzollern with his relationship to Murat has been revised by the Emperor himself." In the evening the Minister returned. He is dressed in plain clothes and looks very well. July 131/1. — Called early to the Chief. I am to wait until a statement appears in the press to the effect that the renuncia- tion of Prince Hohenzollern was in consequence of pressure from Ems, and then to contradict it. " In the meantime (said the Minister) the Norddcutschc should only say that the Prince's present decision has not been altogether unexpected. When he accepted the throne which had been offered to him he had obviously not foreseen that his decision would occasion so much excitement in Paris. For more than thirty years past the best relations existed between Napoleon and the Hohenzollern family. Prince Leopold could not, therefore, have apprehended any an- tipathy to his candidature on the part of the Emperor. As his andidature suddenly became known after the Cortes had been 1870] PRINCE LEOPOLD'S DECISION 35 adjourned till November, it may well have been assumed that there would be time enough in the interval to sound the Em- peror as to his views. Now that this assumption (here the Chancellor began to speak more slowly, as if he were dictat- ing), which, up to the acceptance of the Crown by the Prince, was still quite legitimate, had proved to be partly erroneous, it was scarcely probable that the Prince would, on his own respon- sibility, be disposed to cope single-handed with the storm which his decision had raised, and might yet raise, in view of the apprehensions of war of the whole European world, and the influence brought to bear upon him from London and Brussels. Even a portion of the responsibility of involving the great European nations, not only in one war, but possibly in a series of wars, would weigh very heavily upon a man who could not claim to have assumed it as part of the duty of the Royal office which he had already accepted. That was more than could well be expected of a Prince who only occupied a private position. It was the offensive tone of Grammont that alone prevented Prussia from exercising her influence with the Prince." The following is to be published in other papers : — "It can- not be denied that a Spanish Government disposed to promote the cause of Peace and to abstain from conspiring with France would be of considerable value to us. But if, some fourteen days ago, the Emperor Napoleon had addressed himself confi- dentially to Berlin, or indicated that the affair was attracting attention, Prussia, instead of adopting an indifferent attitude, would have cooperated in pacifying public opinion in Paris. The situation has been entirely altered through the aggressive tone of Grammont's speech, and the direct demands addressed to the King, who is staying in privacy at Ems for the benefit of his health, unaccompanied by a single Minister. His Majesty rightly declined to accede to these demands. That incident has created so much indignation in Germany, that many people feel disappointed at the Prince Leopold's renunciation. At any rate, the confidence in the peaceful intentions of France has been so thoroughly shaken that it will take a considerable time to restore it. If commerce and trade have been injured by the evidence which has shown us what a den of brigands we have to deal with in France, the people of that country must fasten 36 THE CRISIS AND THE GERMAN COURTS [July 19 the responsibility on the personal regime under which they at present live. The Minister also desires it to be incidentally remarked in the non-official press that of the South German Courts those of Munich and Karlsruh had given the most satisfactory declara- tions in this affair, while on the other hand that of Stuttgart had expressed itself evasively. Finally, I am to communicate to one of the local papers that Count Bismarck has been sent for to Ems to consult with the King as to summoning Parliament. Breaking off a cure which he was undergoing, the Chancellor has remained in Berlin in order to await there the further instructions of his Majesty, or ultimately to return to Varzin. The Count then added : " Later on I will call for you several times, as there is something more to be prepared for the Norddentsdie. We shall now be shortly interrupted." The Crown Prince arrived five minutes afterwards and had a long interview with the Minister. July 14th. — Our newspapers to call attention to the loyal attitude of Wurtemberg, " which in consequence of a misunder- standing has been represented in some journals as evasive." July i^tli. — I am to send the following dementi to Wolf's Telegraphic Agency for circulation : — " The news published by the SpenerscJie ZeiUing respecting the opening of Parliament is not quite accurate. It was proposed a week ago by the Chan- cellor while in Varzin that it should be convoked as soon as the Government Bills were ready for submission to it. His Majesty shares this view, and the Federal Council has accordingly been summoned for to-morrow, Saturday, morning to consider those measures." In the evening the Chancellor dictated an article for the Kreuzzeitung on the confusion by the public between personal and private proceedings of the King and his official acts. It ran as follows : " It appears from the Mazaredo pamphlet that the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern informed the King at Ems of his acceptance of the offer of the Spanish throne, prob- ably towards the end of June. His Majesty was then at Ems for the purpose of taking the waters, and certainly not with the intention of carrying on business of State, as none of his Min- isters had been summoned thither. As a matter of fact, only so much has become public respecting the King's reply to the iSjoJ KINO WILLIAM'S POSITION 37 communication of the Hereditary Prince (it was in the form of a letter written in his Majesty's own hand) that the sovereign was not pleased at the news, although he did not feel called upon to offer any opposition. In the whole affair no State ac- tion of any kind has been taken. This constitutional aspect of the situation does not appear to have been properly appreciated up to the present in public discussions of the question. The position of the King in his private correspondence was con- founded with his position as head of the State, and it was for- gotten that in the latter capacity, according to the constitution, the cooperation of the Ministry is necessary to constitute a State action. It is only the French Cabinet that appears to have thoroughly realised this distinction, inasmuch as it brought the whole force of its diplomacy to bear upon the person of the sovereign, who was staying at a watering place for the sake of his health, and whose private life was not protected by the usual etiquette, in order to force him under official pressure into pri- vate negotiations which might afterwards be represented as arrangements with the Government." July igt/i. — About an hour after the opening of Parliament in the Royal Palace (1.45 p.m.), Le Sourd, the French Chargd d' Affaires, delivered Napoleon's declaration of war at the Foreign Office. Towards 5 o'clock in the evening I was called to the Min- ister, who was in his garden. After searching for him for some time I saw him coming through one of the long shady alleys to the left, which led to the entrance in the Koniggratzer Strasse. He was brandishing a big stick. His figure stood out against the yellow evening sunshine like a picture painted on a gold ground. He stopped in his walk as I came up to him, and said : " I wish you to write something in the Kreuzzeitung against the Hanoverian nobles. It must come from the prov- inces, from a nobleman living in the country, an Old Prussian — very blunt, somewhat in this style : It is reported that certain Hanoverian nobles have endeavoured to find pilots and spies in the North Sea for French men-of-war. The arrests made within the last few days with the assistance of the military authorities are understood to be connected with this affair. The conduct of those Hanoverians is infamous, and I certainly express the sentiments of all my neighbours when I put the following ques- 38 A GOOD OLD PRUSSIAN WORD [July 19 tions to the Hanoverian nobles who sympathise with those traitors. Have they any doubt, I would ask them, that a man of honour could not now regard such men as entitled to de- mand honourable satisfaction by arms whether their unpatriotic action was or was not undertaken at the bidding of King George ? Do they not, as a matter of course, consider that an affair of honour with them is altogether out of the question, and should one of them be impudent enough to propose such a thing, would they not have him turned out of the house by the servants or eject him propria; manu after having, of course, put on a pair of gloves to handle him with ? Are they not con- vinced that such miscreants can only be properly described by the good old Prussian word Hundsvott (scurvy, infamous rogues) and that their treason has branded their posterity to the third and fourth generations with indelible disgrace ? I beg them to answer these questions." Evening. — In an article in the Liberte' of the 18th instant, that paper reminds Italy that she owes her liberation to France, and that in 1866 it was France who brought about the Italian alliance with the Berlin Cabinet. It then maintains that, in view of the seriousness of approaching events, Victor Em- manuel, with truly chivalrous sentiment, has not for a moment hesitated to assure the French of his unconditional support. With reference to this article our papers should observe : " Up to the present the French have played the part of masters to the whole world, and Belgium, Spain, and the King of Prussia have in turn experienced their arrogance. Their behaviour was somewhat like that of the Sultan towards his Khedive, it was a kind of megalomania based upon the bayonet. Their presump- tion is now beginning to waver, so they court the assistance of those good friends whom they pretend to have placed under obligations to them." The Minister subsequently dictated the following to be worked up for the German newspapers outside Berlin, such as the Koelnische Zcitung, and for the English and Belgium jour- nals : " According to confidential communications from loyal Hanoverian circles, amongst other decisive factors which led the French to the declaration of war, were the reports sent to Paris by Colonel Stoffel, the Military Plenipotentiary in Berlin. Stof- fel's information was, it appears, less accurate than abundant, 1870] FRENCH INTRIGUES IN SPAIN 39 as none of those who supplied him with it being prepared to forego the payments they received from him merely because they had nothing to say, they occasionally invented the news of which they warranted the correctness. The Plenipotentiary had, it is said, been informed that the arming of the Prussian infantry, both as regards rifles and ammunition, was at present undergoing a thorough transformation, and that consequently a moment so favourable as the present for attacking Prussia would hardly occur again, inasmuch as on the completion of this change the Prussian armaments would have been unassail- able." 1 2. " It now appears to be beyond all doubt that the French Government was aware of the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern for months past, that they carefully promoted it and foolishly imagined it would serve as a means of isolating Prussia and creating a division in Germany. No trustworthy information has been received as yet as to whether and how far Marshal Prim had prepared the way for this intrigue, in agree- ment with the Emperor Napoleon. But doubtless that point will ultimately be cleared up by history. The sudden disap- pearance of Spain from the political field as soon as the differ- ences between France and Prussia broke out gives matter for reflection and suspicion. It cannot but be regarded as strange that after the zeal shown by the Spanish Government in the matter of the Hohenzollern candidature had been raised to boiling point it should have suddenly fallen below zero, and that the relations of Marshal Prim to the French Cabinet should now appear to be of the most friendly character, while the Spaniards seem no longer to feel any irritation at the interference of France in their internal affairs." 3. " Rumours were circulated this afternoon to the effect that the former French Military Plenipotentiary, Baron Stoffel, had been insulted in the street. On closer inquiry it was ascertained that some individuals who knew Stoffel followed him in the street, and on his reaching his house struck the door with their sticks. The police intervened energetically on the first report of this matter and have taken measures to prevent a repetition of such conduct and to provide that Baron Stoffel shall not be 1 The loyal Hanoverian circles did not tell the truth in this matter. Stoffel's reports were, on the whole, good, and he himself was a man of respectable character. 40 A SUGGESTION FOR GARIBALDI [July 23 interfered with on his departure this evening. Excesses of this description are, however, highly reprehensible, even when they are confined to words. The former representatives of France are under the protection of international law and of the honour of Germany until they have crossed the frontier." July 2\st. — Keudell asked me this morning if I knew Rasch, the journalist, and if I could say where he was now to be found, in Berlin or elsewhere. I replied that I had seen him in Schles- wig in 1864, afterwards at a table d'hdte at the Hotel Weissberg, in the Dessauer Strasse, where he lodged at the end of February. I knew nothing more about him, but had heard that he was extremely conceited, almost to the point of madness — a political visionary who desired to convert the whole world to republican- ism. I was not aware of his whereabouts in Berlin, but would make inquiries at Weissberg's. Keudell told me to hunt him up and ask him whether he would go to Garibaldi and urge him to undertake an expedition against Rome, at the same time carrying him money from us. I pointed out that Rasch was perhaps too vain to keep his own counsel. Keudell consoled himself with the idea that he would doubtless prove a good patriot. I declined to treat with Rasch in the matter, as I could not speak to him in my own name but in that of the Foreign Office, and that could be better done by some official of higher rank, who would make a greater impression upon Rasch. Keudell seemed to recognise the justice of this view. I made inquiries and was able to report on the same evening that Rasch was staying at Weissberg's. Called to the Minister in the evening. He showed me an extract from the National Zeitung, and observed: "They say here that the English would not allow the French to attack on Belgium. Well and good, but how does that help the Belgians if the protection comes too late? If Germany were once de- feated (which God forbid !) the English would not be able to assist the Belgians in the least, but might, on the contrary, be thankful if they themselves remained safe in London." I am further to call attention to the " manner in which France is begging for help on all sides — that great warlike nation which makes so much parade of its victories, representing them as having always been won solely by the force of its own arms. They go begging (use that expression) to Italy, to Denmark, to 1870] HOW ENGLAND UNDERSTANDS NEUTRALITY 41 Swe' 1 "", and above all to the German States, to whom they promise the same brilliant destiny which they have already prepared for Italy — political independence and financial ruin." Called up to the Minister again later. I am to secure the insertion of the following in the non-official German papers and in the Belgian and English press: "The English Government observe their neutrality in connection with the war that has now broken out in a liberal and conscientious spirit. They impar- tially permit both sides to purchase horses and munitions of war in England. It is unfortunate, however, that France alone can avail herself of this liberality, as will appear from a glance at the geographical position of the two countries and from the superiority of the French at sea. Then quote what Heffter (the book must be in the Library) has to say on this kind of neutrality, and observe that the English jurists describe it more tersely as ' fraudulent neutrality.' " July 23rd. — Called to the Minister five times to-day. The press should urge the prosecution and seizure of Rothan, an Al- sacian who speaks German, hitherto French Charge d'Affaires at Hamburg, who has been a zealous spy and instrument of French intrigue in North Germany, and who is now understood to be wandering along the coast between the Elbe and Ems, as also that of the ex-Hanoverian officer, Adolf von Kielmansegg, respecting whom further particulars are to be obtained from the Ministry of the Interior. The Count further wants the press to give a list of the names of the Bavarian members of Parliament who voted for the neutrality of that State in the national war, mentioning their professions but without any fur- ther remarks. "Give it first in Brass " (i.e., Norddentsche All- gcmeine Zeitung), he added. "You will find such a list amongst the documents. The complaints as to the manner in which England understands neutrality must be continually renewed. The English Government does not forbid the export of horses, though only France can avail herself of that facility. Colliers are allowed to load at Newcastle and to supply fuel for the French men-of-war cruising in the North Sea. English car- tridge factories are working for the French army under the eyes of the Government. In Germany the painful feeling has become more and more widespread that, under Lord Gran- 42 ENGLISH COALSHIPS FOR FRANCE [July 24 ville, England, while nominally maintaining neutrality, favours France in the manner in which it is really observed." About n p.m. I was again called to the Minister. The reports respecting the English coalships to be at once sent by a Chancery attendant to Wolf's Telegraphic Agency for circu- lation to the newspapers. In this connection may be mentioned an Embassy report from London, dated the 30th of July, to the following effect: Lord Granville had asked the Ambassador if he had not stirred up the authorities in Berlin against the English Government. The reply was in the negative. The Ambassador had only carried out his instructions. Public opinion in Germany in- fluenced the Government, just as the German press influenced public opinion. The manner in which neutrality was observed on the part of England had excited the greatest indignation in Germany. The action of the English Government, which indeed recognised that France was in the wrong, but failed to give expression to that conviction, was also bitterly resented there. Granville replied that once it had been decided to remain neutral that neutrality must be maintained in every respect. If the export of contraband of war were forbidden, the French would regard it as an act of one-sided hostility, while at the same time it would ruin English trade in the branches affected by such prohibition, and favour American manufacturers. For the present, every one in England ap- proved of the maintenance of neutrality, and therefore in a general way no change was possible in these matters. At the same time, the English Government was ready, in case of com- plaints reaching them in an official way respecting any acts of illegality, to institute an inquiry into the facts and secure the punishment of the guilty parties. It did not seem impossible to prevent the supply of English coal to French men-of-war. Next Monday a Bill was to be submitted to Parliament for the amendment of the laws regulating neutrality. The report con- cluded as follows : " England is in many respects well disposed towards us, but will for the present remain neutral. If we make further attacks upon English public opinion through our official press in connection with these grievances, it will serve no purpose but to conjure up future difficulties. Granville is not what we might desire, but he is not prejudiced against us. 1870] THE DUTCH COAL QUESTION 43 He may become so, however, if he is further provoked by us. We can hardly succeed in overthrowing him, and if we did his probable successor would in all likelihood be much worse than himself." July 24th. — I am instructed by the Count to send an article to the KoclniscJie Zeitung respecting the Dutch coal question. He gave me the following information on this sub- ject : " Holland asked us to again permit the passage of Prussian coal down the Rhine, and requested that a large transport of Rhenish coal intended for Holland should be allowed to pass the frontier. It was only to be used in fac- tories, and the Government of the Netherlands would prohibit its reexportation. Prussia willingly agreed to this, but shortly afterwards it was ascertained that foreign vessels were being loaded with coal in Dutch ports, and the Government of the Netherlands subsequently informed us that in promising to prevent the reexportation they had overlooked the circumstance that their Treaty with France did not permit this. Thereupon as a matter of course the export of Prussian coal to Holland was prohibited. In the interval, however, they seem to have secured a sufficient supply in Holland to provide the French fleet for a considerable time. That is a very suspicious method of observing the neutrality promised by the gentlemen at the Hague." Bucher brings me the following paragraph from the Chief, which is to be inserted in the Spenersche Zeitung, or some other non-official organ and afterwards in the North German Corre- spondence : 'In 185 1 a literary gamin in Paris was commissioned to conjure up the Red Terror in a pamphlet, which proved very useful to the President Louis Napoleon, enabling him to escape from a debtors* prison and ascend the Imperial throne. The Due de Grammont now tries to raise the Spanish Terror in order to save the Emperor from the necessity of accounting for the hundred millions which he diverted from the State Treasury into his private purse. The literary gentleman in question was made a Prefect. What reward can Grammont have had in view ? " Evening. — The Minister wishes an article to be prepared for circulation in the German press describing the French and French policy under the Emperor Napoleon. This is to be 44 THE FRENCH AS A NATION [July 27 first sent to the Spenersche Zeitung, while the Literary Bureau is to secure the insertion of the principal points in a condensed form in the Magdeburg papers and a number of the smaller journals to-morrow. The Count said (literally): "The French are not so astute as people generally think. As a nation they resemble certain individuals amongst our lower classes. They are narrow-minded and brutal, — great physical force, boastful and insolent, winning the admiration of men of their own stamp through their audacity and violence. Here in Germany the French are also considered clever by persons who do not think deeply, and their ministers are regarded as great statesmen be- cause of their insolent interference in the affairs of the whole world, and their desire to rule everywhere. Audacity is always impressive. People think their success is due to shrewd politi- cal calculation, but it is actually due to nothing else than the fact that they always keep 300,000 soldiers ready to back up their policy. That alone, and not their political intelligence, has enabled them to carry things with such a high hand. We must get rid of this fiction. ... In political affairs the French are in the fullest sense of the word a narrow-minded nation. They have no idea how things look outside of France, and learn nothing about it in their schools. The French educational establishments, for the greater glory of France, leave their pupils in the crassest ignorance as to everything beyond her frontiers, and so they have not the slightest knowledge of their neighbours; that is the case with the Emperor, or at least he is not much better, to say nothing of Grammont, who is an ass {Rindvieh). Napoleon is ignorant at bottom, although he has been educated in German schools. His 'Caesar' was intended to conceal that fact. He has forgotten everything. His policy was always stupid. The Crimean War was against the interests of France, which demanded an alliance or at least a good under- standing with Russia. It was the same with the war in Italy. There he created a rival in the Mediterranean, North Africa, Tunis, etc., who may one day prove dangerous. The Italian people is much more gifted than the French, only less numer- ous. The war in Mexico and the attitude adopted in 1866 were blunders, and doubtless in storming about as they do at present the French feel conscious that they have committed another blunder." 1870J THE BENEDETTI TREATY 45 July 25///. — At 11 o'clock this morning, Count Bismarck and his family took the Holy Communion at their residence. He asked whether any one in our bureau desired to join them, but no one offered to do so. I was for a moment tempted, but reconsidered the matter. It might look as if I wished to recom- mend myself. Copies of the Benedetti draft Treaty are sent to Auber (the French Press Agency) and Heide. July 2jtJi. — It is to be stated either in the Norddeutsche or the Spenersche Zcitung that secrecy respecting confidential com- munications between great States is, as a rule, more carefully observed and maintained than the public imagines. Neverthe- less, the French misrepresentation of Prussia's attitude in the affair of the candidature for the Spanish throne (in Grammont's despatch of the 21st of July) obliged the authorities here to dis- regard these considerations of discretion. Benedetti's proposal has therefore been published, and it may be followed by other documents of the same description. The Count concluded his directions as follows : "We are at least entitled to tell the truth with discretion in presence of such indiscreet lies." Bucher brings me from the Minister the following sketch of a paragraph for the press : " The despatch of the Due de Gram- mont, the full text of which now lies before us, is a desperate attempt to prove that the origin of the situation which they have themselves created was the Hohenzollern candidature, and to conceal the motive which they confessed on many other occa- sions — namely, the conquest by France of the left bank of the Rhine and of Belgium. The inconsistency of the whole assertion is made clear by the circumstance that the offer of the Spanish throne to the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern was first made in a letter dated the 14th of February of the present year. Therefore, there can be no connection between this offer and the conversations in March, 1869, between Benedetti and Von Thiele, which were the outcome of aspirations or proposals fre- quently ventilated in the press (also with reference to Prince Frederick Charles). In 185 1 the President Louis Napoleon suc- ceeded in obtaining credence both at home and abroad for cer- tain fictions, so long as that was necessary for the attainment of his object. The fiction which is now circulated, at a some- what late hour, to the effect that the Prince of Hohenzollern 46 THE FRENCH FICTIONS [July 31 was the candidate of Prussia is refuted in advance by the fact, which has been well known for a long time, that the Prussian Government as well as the officials of the Confederation had absolutely no knowledge of, or connection with, the Spanish proposal. It was resolutely opposed by his Majesty the King, as the head of the Hohenzollern family, until last June, when at Ems he reluctantly withdrew his opposition when it was represented to him that otherwise Spain would fall into the hands of the Republicans. We find it difficult to understand what interest the French Government can have in circulating such lies now that war has actually broken out. The attempt of the Due de Grammont to conjure up the spectre of a restora- tion of Charles V.'s monarchy can only be explained by the complete isolation of the French mind. That apparition had no sooner manifested itself than it vanished before the angry contempt of public opinion, which resented being supposed capable of such credulity." The Chancellor desires to see the following considerations reproduced in the evening papers: "The Benedetti document is by no means the only one dealing with the matter in ques- tion. Negotiations were also carried on by others, as, for instance, by Prince Napoleon during his stay in Berlin. Since French diplomacy was ignorant enough to believe that a Ger- man Minister who followed a national policy could for a moment think of entertaining such proposals, it had only itself to thank if it was befooled with its own schemes so long as such fooling appeared calculated to promote the maintenance of peace. Even those who pursue the most ignorant and nar- row-minded policy must ultimately come to recognise that they have hoped for and demanded impossibilities. The bellicose temper which now prevails in Paris dates from such recogni- tion. The hopes of German statesmen that they would be able to befool the French until a peaceful rigimc was established in France by some transformation of her despotic constitution have unfortunately not been realised. Providence willed it otherwise. Since we can no longer maintain peace it is not necessary now to preserve silence. For we preserved silence solely in order to promote the continuance, and if possible the permanency, of peaceful relations. . . ." The Minister con- cluded : " You can add, too, that the question of P rench Swit- 1870J THE FRENCH IN SEARCH OF ALLIES 47 zcrland was also mentioned in the negotiations, and that it was hinted that in Piedmont they knew quite well where the French districts begin and the Italian districts leave off." July 2%th. — I see the original of Benedetti's draft Treaty, and I am to receive a photographic copy of it similar to that which has been prepared for distribution amongst foreign Governments. Bucher handed me the following sketch of an article, re- ceived by him from the Minister, which is to be inserted in some organ not apparently connected with the Government : " Those who now hold power in Spain declare that they do not wish to interfere in the conflict between Germany and France, because the latter might create internal difficulties for them. They allow Bonaparte to prohibit their election of the King of their own choice. They look on calmly with folded arms while other nations go to war over a difference that has arisen out of a question of Spanish domestic interest. We had formed quite another opinion of the Castilian gentilhomme. The Spanish temper seems to resemble that of Gil Bias, who wanted to fight a duel with the army surgeon but observed that the latter had an unusually long rapier." July zoth, 10 p.m. — The Minister desires that attention should be again called to the manner in which the French are looking about for foreign assistance, and he once more gives a few points : " France is begging in all directions, and wants in particular to take Italy into her pay. Here, as everywhere, she speculates upon the worst elements, while the better elements will have nothing to do with her. How does that harmonise with the greatness of the nation which ' stands at the head of civilisation,' and whose historians always point out that it was only defeated at Leipzig because its opponents were four to one ? At that time they had half Germany, Italy, Holland, and the present Belgium on their side. To-day, when they stand alone, they go round hat in hand to every door, and seek mercenaries to reinforce their own army, in which they can therefore have but very little confidence." July list. — This morning received from Roland one of the photographic copies of the Benedetti draft. CHAPTER II DEPARTURE OF THE CHANCELLOR FOR THE SEAT OF WAR — I FOLLOW HIM, AT FIRST TO SAARBRUECK — JOURNEY FROM THERE TO THE FRENCH FRONTIER — THE FOREIGN OFFICE FLYING COLUMN On the 31st of July, 1870, at 5.30 p.m., the Chancellor, ac- companied by his wife and his daughter, the Countess Marie, left his residence in the Wilhelm Strasse to take the train for Mayence, on his way to join King William at the seat of war. He was to be followed by some Councillors of the Foreign Office, a Secretary of the Central Bureau, two deciphering clerks, and three or four Chancery attendants. The remainder of us only accompanied him with our good wishes as, with his helmet on his head, he passed out between the two sphinxes that guard the door steps and entered his carriage. I also had resigned myself to the idea of following the course of the army on the map and in the newspapers. A few days after the declaration of war, on my begging the Minister to take me with him in case I could be of use, he replied that that depended on the arrangements at headquarters. At the moment there was no room for me. My luck, however, soon improved. On the evening of the 6th of August a telegram was re- ceived at the Ministry giving news of the victory at Worth. Half an hour later I took the good tidings still fresh and warm to a group of acquaintances who waited in a restaurant to hear how things were going. Everybody knows how willingly Germans celebrate the receipt of good news. My tidings were very good indeed, and many (perhaps most) of my friends celebrated them too long. The result was that next morning I was still in bed when the Foreign Office messenger Lorenz brought me a copy of a telegraphic despatch, according to which I was to start for headquarters immediately. Privy Councillor Hepke wrote:- — " Dear Doctor, Get ready to leave 4S Auu. 9, 1870] JOUKNEYINGS TO THE SKAT OF WAR 49 for headquarters in the course of the day." The telegram ran as follows : — " Mayence, 6th of August, 7.36 p.m. Let Dr. Busch come here and bring with him a Correspondent for the National Zeitung and one for the Kreiizzeitnng. Bismarck." Hepke allowed me to select these correspondents. I had therefore after all attained to the very height of good fortune. In a short time I had provided for all essentials, and by midday I had received my pass, legitimation, and free ticket for all military trains. That evening a little after 8 o'clock I left Berlin together with the two correspondents whom the Minister wished to accompany me, namely, Herr von Ungarn- Sternberg, for the Krenzzeitung, and Professor Constantine Roeszler for the National Zeitimg. In the beginning we travelled first class, afterwards third, and finally in a freight car. There were numerous long halts, which in our impatience seemed still longer. It was only at 6 o'clock on the morning of the 9th of August that we reached Frankfort. As we had to wait here for some hours, we had time to inquire where the headquarters were now established. The local Commandant was unable to inform us, nor could the Telegraph Director say anything positive on the subject. He thought they might be still in Homburg, but more probably they had moved on to Saarbrueck. It was midday before we again started, in a goods train, by way of Darmstadt, past the Odenwald, whose peaks were cov- ered with heavy white fog, by Mannheim and towards Neustadt. As we proceeded our pace became gradually slower, and the stoppages, which were occasioned by seemingly endless lines of carriages transporting troops, became more and more frequent. Wherever a pause occurred in the rush of this onward wave of modern national migration, crowds hurried to the train, cheering and flourishing their hats and handkerchiefs. Food and drink were brought to the soldiers by people of all sorts and conditions, including poor old women — needy but good-hearted creatures whose poverty only allowed them to offer coffee and dry black bread. We crossed the Rhine during the night. As day began to break, we noticed a well-dressed gentleman lying near us on the floor, who was speaking English to a man whom we took to be his servant. We discovered that he was a London banker 50 DIFFICULTIES OF TRAVEL [Aug. io named Deichmann. He also was anxious to get to head- quarters in order to beg Roon's permission to serve as a vol- unteer in a cavalry regiment, for which purpose he had brought his horses with him. The line being blocked near Hosbach, on Deichmann's advice we took a country cart to Neustadt, a little town which was swarming with soldiers — Bavarian riflemen, Prussian Red Hussars, Saxon and other troops. It was here that we took our first warm meal since our departure from Berlin. Hitherto we had had to content our- selves with cold meat, while at night our attempts to sleep on the bare wooden benches with a portmanteau for a pillow were not particularly successful. However, we were proceeding to the seat of war, and I had experienced still greater discomforts on a tour of far less importance. After a halt of one hour at Neustadt, the train crossed the Hardt through narrow valleys and a number of tunnels, passing the defile in which Kaiserlautern lies. From this point until we reached Homburg it poured in torrents almost without ces- sation, so that when we arrived at that station at io o'clock the little place seemed to be merely a picture of night and water. As we stepped out of the train and waded through swamp and pool with our luggage on our shoulders, we stumbled over the rails and rather felt than saw our way to the inn " Zur Post." There we found every bed occupied and not a mouthful left to eat. We ascertained, however, that had even the conditions been more favourable we could not have availed ourselves of them, as we were informed that the Count had gone on with the King, and was at that moment probably in Saarbrueck. There was no time to be lost if we were to overtake him before he left Germany. It was far from pleasant to have to turn out once more into the deluge, but we were encouraged to take our fate philosophi- cally by considering the still worse fate of others. In the tap- room of the " Post " the guests slept on chairs enveloped in a thick steam redolent of tobacco, beer, and smoking lamps and the still more pungent odour of damp clothes and leather. In a hollow near the station we saw the watchfire of a large camp half quenched by the rain — Saxon countrymen of ours, if we were rightly informed. While wading our way back to the train we caught the gleam of the helmets and arms of a Prus- 1S70J SLOW PROGRESS 5 1 sian battalion which stood in the pouring rain opposite the rail- way hotel. Thoroughly drenched and not a little tired we at length found shelter in a wagon, where Deichmann cleared a corner of the floor on which we too could lie, and found a few handfuls of straw to serve us as a pillow. My other two com- panions were not so fortunate. They had to manage as best they could on the top of boxes and packages with the postmen and transport soldiers. It was evident that the poor Professor, who had grown very quiet, was considerably affected by these hardships. About 1 o'clock the train set itself slowly in motion. By daybreak, after several stoppages, we reached the outskirts of a small town with a beautiful old church. A mill lay in the valley through which we could also see the windings of the road that led to Saarbrueck. We were told that this town was only two or three miles off, so that we were near our journey's end. Our locomotive, however, seemed to be quite out of breath, and as the headquarters might at any moment leave Saarbrueck and cross the frontier, where we could get no rail- way transport and in all probability no other means of convey- ance, our impatience and anxiety increased, and our tempers were not improved by a clouded sky and drizzling rain. Hav- ing waited in vain nearly two hours for the train to start, Deich- mann again came to our rescue. After a short disappearance he returned with a miller who had arranged to carry us to the town in his own trap. The prudent fellow, however, made Deichmann promise that the soldiers should not take his horses from him. During the drive the miller told us that the Prussians were understood to have already pushed on their outposts as far as the neighbourhood of Metz. Between 9 and 10 o'clock we reached Sanct Johann, a suburb of Saarbrueck, where we noticed very few signs of the French cannonade a few days ago, although it otherwise presented a lively and varied picture of war times. A huddled and confused mass of canteen carts, baggage waggons, soldiers on horse and foot, and ambulance attendants with their red crosses, etc., filled the streets. Some Hessian dragoon and artillery regiments marched through, the cavalrymen singing, " Morgenroth lenchtest mir zum fruehen Tod/" (Dawn, thou lightest me to an early grave). 52 I REPORT MYSELF TO BISMARCK [Arc. 10 At the hotel where we put up I heard that the Chancellor was still in the town, and lodged at the house of a merchant and manufacturer named Haldy. I had therefore missed nothing by all our delays, and had fortunately at length reached harbour. Not a minute too soon, however, as on going to report my arrival I was informed by Count Bismarck-Bohlen, the Minister's cousin, that they intended to move on shortly after midday. I bade good-bye to my companions from Berlin, as there was no room for them in the Chancellor's suite, and also to our London friend, whose patriotic offer General Roon was regretfully obliged to decline. After providing for the safety of my luggage, I pre- sented myself to the Count, who was just leaving to call upon the King. I then went to the Bureau to ascertain if I could be of any assistance. There was plenty to do. Every one had his hands full, and I was immediately told off to make a trans- lation for the King of Queen Victoria's Speech from the Throne, which had just arrived. I was highly interested by a declaration contained in a despatch to St. Petersburg, which I had to dic- tate to one of our deciphering clerks, although at the time I could not quite understand it. It was to the effect that we should not be satisfied with the mere fall of Napoleon. That looked like a foreshadowing of some miracle. Strasburg ! and perhaps the Vosges as our frontier ! Who could have dreamed of it three weeks before ? In the meantime the weather had cleared up. Shortly be- fore one o'clock, under a broiling sun, three four-horse carriages drew up before our door, with soldiers riding as postilions. One was for the Chancellor, another for the Councillors and Count Bismarck-Bohlen, and the third for the Secretaries and Deci- pherers. The two Councillors and the Count having decided to ride, I took a place in their carriage, as I also did subse- quently whenever they went on horseback. Five minutes later we crossed the stream and entered the Saarbrueck high road, which led past the battlefield of the 6th of August. Within half an hour of our departure from Sanct Johann we were on French soil. There were still many traces of the sanguinary struggle that had raged there five days ago — branches torn from the trees by artillery fire, fragments of accoutrements and uniforms, the crops trampled into the earth, broken wheels, pits dug in the ground by exploding shells, and small wooden crosses iS 7 o] THE CHANCELLOR'S STAFF 53 roughly tied together, probably marking the graves of officers and others. So far as one could observe, all the dead had been already buried. Here at the commencement of our journey through France I will break off my narrative for a while in order to say a few words about the Foreign Office Field Bureau and the way in which the Chancellor and his people travelled, lodged, worked, and lived. The Minister had selected to accompany him Herr Abeken and Herr von Keudell, Count Hatzfeld, who had pre- viously spent several years at the Embassy in Paris, and Count Bismarck-Bohlen, all four Privy Councillors of Legation. After these came the Gchcim-Sekretar Bolsing of the Centralbureau, the two deciphering clerks, Willisch and St. Blanquart, and finally myself. At Ferrieres our list of Councillors was com- pleted by Lothar, Bucher, and a new deciphering clerk, Herr Wiehr, also joined us. At Versailles the number was further increased by Herr von Holstein, subsequently Councillor of Embassy, the young Count Wartensleben, and Privy Councillor Wagner, the latter, however, not being employed on Foreign Office work. Herr Bolsing, who had fallen ill, was replaced by Geheim-Sekretar Wollman, and the accumulation of work after- wards required a fourth deciphering clerk. Our " Chief," as the Chancellor was usually called by the staff, had kindly ar- ranged that all his fellow-workers, Secretaries as well as Coun- cillors, should in a certain sense be members of his household. When circumstances permitted, we lodged in the same house and had the honour of dining at his table. Throughout the whole war the Chancellor wore uniform. It was generally the well-known undress of the yellow regiment of heavy Landwehr cavalry. During the early months of the campaign he as a rule only wore the Commander's Cross of the Order of the Red Eagle, to which he afterwards added the Iron Cross. I only saw him a couple of times in a dressing gown. That was at Versailles, when he was unwell, the only time, as far as I know, that anything ailed him throughout the whole war. When travelling he was usually accompanied in the carriage by Herr Abeken, but on some occasions he took me with him for several days in succession. He was very easy to please in the matter of his quarters and was willing to put up with the most modest shelter when better was not to be 54 HOW THE CHANCELLOR WORKED [Aug. io had. Indeed, it once happened that there was no bedstead and that his bed had to be made upon the floor. Our carriages usually followed immediately after those of the King's suite. We started generally about io o'clock in the morning, and sometimes covered as much as sixty kilometres in the day. On reaching our quarters for the night our first duty was to set about preparing an office, in which there was seldom any lack of work, especially when we had the Field Telegraph at our disposal. When communications were thus established, the Chancellor again became what, with short intervals, he had been throughout this entire period : namely, the central figure of the whole civilised European world. Even in those places where we only stayed for one night he, incessantly active him- self, kept his assistants almost continuously engaged until a late hour. Messengers were constantly going and coming with telegrams and letters. Councillors were drawing up notes, orders, and directions under instructions from their chief, and these were being copied, registered, ciphered, and deciphered in the Chancellerie. Reports, questions, newspaper articles, etc., streamed in from every direction, most of them requiring instant attention. Never, perhaps, was the well-nigh superhuman power of work shown by the Chancellor, his creative, receptive, and critical activity, his ability to deal with the most difficult prob- lems, always finding the right and the only solution, more strik- ingly evident than during this period. The inexhaustible nature of his powers was all the more astounding, as he took but little sleep. Except when a battle was expected and he rose at day- break to join the King and the army, the Chancellor rose rather late, as had been his custom at home, usually about io o'clock. On the other hand, he spent the night at work, and only fell asleep as daylight began to appear. He was often hardly out of bed and dressed before he commenced work again, read- ing despatches and making notes upon them, looking through newspapers, giving instructions to his Councillors and others, and setting them their various tasks or even writing or dic- tating. Later on there were visits to be received, audiences to be granted, explanations to be given to the King. Then followed a further study of despatches and maps, the correction of articles, drafts hurriedly prepared with his well-known big 1870] THE CHANCELLOR'S TABLK 55 pencil, letters to be written, information to be telegraphed, or published in the newspapers, and in the midst of it all the reception of visitors who could not be refused a hearing yet must occasionally have been unwelcome. It was only after 2, or even 3 o'clock, in places where we made a longer stay, that the Chancellor allowed himself a little recreation by taking a ride in the neighbourhood. On his return he set to work again, continuing until dinner time, between 5.30 and 6 p.m. In an hour and a half at latest he went back to his writing-desk, where he frequently remained till midnight. In his manner of taking his meals, as in his sleep, the Count differed from the general run of mankind. Early in the day he took a cup of tea and one or two eggs, and from that time until evening he, as a rule, tasted nothing more. He seldom took any luncheon and rarely came to tea, which was usually served between 10 and 11 at night. With some exceptions, he there- fore had practically but one meal in the twenty-four hours, but, like Frederick the Great, he then ate with appetite. Diplomats are proverbially fond of a good table, being scarcely surpassed in this respect by the clergy. It is part of their business, as they often have important guests who, for one reason or another, must be put in good humour, and it is universally recognised that nothing is better calculated to that end than a well-filled cellar and a dinner which shows the skill of a highly trained chef. Count Bismarck also kept a good table, which, when cir- cumstances permitted, became quite excellent. That was the case for instance at Rheims, Meaux, Ferrieres, and Versailles, where the genius of our cook in the Commissariat uniform created breakfasts and dinners that made any one accustomed to a homely fare feel, as he did justice to them, that he was at length resting in Abraham's bosom, particularly when some specially fine brand of champagne was added to the other gracious gifts of Providence. During the last five months our table was also enriched by presents from home, where, as was only right and proper, our people showed how fondly they remembered the Chancellor by sending him plentiful supplies of good things, both fluid and solid, geese, venison, fish, pheas- ants, monumental pastry, excellent beer, rare wines, and other acceptable delicacies. At first only the Councillors wore uniform, Herr von Keu- 56 PRIVY COUNCILLOR ABEKEN [Aug. io, 1870 dell that of the Cuirassiers, and Count Bismarck-Bohlen that of the Dragoon Guards, while Count Hatzfeld and Herr Abeken wore the undress uniform of the Foreign Office. It was after- wards suggested that the whole of the Minister's personnel, with the exception of the two gentlemen first mentioned, who were also officers, should be allowed the same privilege. The Chief gave his consent, so the people of Versailles had an opportunity of seeing our Chancery attendants in a dark blue tunic with two rows of buttons, black collar trimmed with velvet, and a cap of the same colour, while our Councillors, Secretaries, and Deci- pherers carried swords with a gold sword knot. The elderly Privy Councillor Abeken, who could make his horse prance as proudly as any cavalry officer, looked wonderfully warlike in this costume, in which, I fancy, he delighted not a little. It was to him just as great a pleasure to show off in all this military bravery as it had been to travel through the Holy Land dressed up as an Oriental, although he did not understand a word of Turkish or Arabic. CHAPTER III FROM THE FRONTIER TO GRAVELOTTE In the preceding chapter I broke off my narrative at the French frontier. We recognised that we had crossed it by the notices posted in the villages, " Departement de la Moselle." The white roads were thronged with conveyances, and in every hamlet troops were billeted. In these hilly and partially wooded districts we saw small camps being pitched here and there. After about two hours' drive we reached Forbach, which we passed through without stopping. In the streets through which we drove the signboards were almost entirely French, although the names were chiefly German. Some of the inhabitants who were standing at their doors greeted us in passing. Most of them, however, looked sulky, which, although it did not add to their beauty, was natural enough, as they had evidently plenty of soldiers to provide quarters for. The windows were all full of Prussians in blue uniforms. We thus jogged on, up hill and down dale, reaching Saint Avoid about half-past four. Here we took up lodgings, Chancellor and all, with a M. Laity, at No. 301 Rue des Charrons. It was a one- story house, but rather roomy, with a well-kept fruit and vegetable garden at the back. The proprietor, who was said to be a retired officer, and appeared to be well to do, had gone away with his wife the day before, leaving only a maid and an old woman, who spoke nothing but French. In half an hour we had fixed up our office and chosen our sleeping quarters. Work began without delay. As there was nothing to be done in my department, I tried to assist in deciphering the de- spatches, an operation which offers no particular difficulties. At seven o'clock we dined with the Chancellor in a little room looking out on a small courtyard with some flower beds. The conversation at table was very lively, the Minister having most to say. He did not consider a surprise impossible, as he 57 58 BISMARCK ON RELIGIOUS LIBERTY [Arc. 12 had satisfied himself during his walk that our outposts were only three-quarters of an hour from the town and very wide apart. He had asked at one post where the next was stationed, but the men did not know. He said, "While I was out I saw a man with an axe on his shoulder following close at my heels. I kept my hand on my sword, as one cannot tell in certain circumstances what may happen ; but in any case I should have been ready first." He remarked later on that our land- lord had left all his cupboards full of underclothing, adding, " If this house should be turned into an ambulance hospital, his wife's fine underlinen will be torn up for lint and bandages, and quite properly. But then they will say that Count Bis- marck took the things away with him." We came to speak of the disposal of the troops in action. The Minister said that General Steinmetz had shown himself on that occasion to be self-willed and disobedient. " Like Vogel von Falkenstein, his habit of taking the law into his own hands will do him harm in spite of the laurels he won at Skalitz." There was cognac, red wine, and a sparkling Mayence wine on the table. Somebody mentioned beer, saying that probably we should be unable to obtain it. The Minister replied, " That is no loss ! The excessive consumption of beer is deplorable. It makes men stupid, lazy, and useless. It is responsible for the democratic nonsense spouted over the tavern tables. A good rye whiskey is very much better." I cannot now remember how or in what connection we came to speak about the Mormons. The Minister was surprised at their polygamy, " as the German race is not equal to so much — Orientals seem to be more potent." He wondered how the United States could tolerate the existence of such a polygamous sect. The Count took this opportunity of speaking of religious liberty in general, declaring himself very strongly in favour of it. But, he added, it must be exercised in an impartial spirit. " Every one must be allowed to seek salvation in his own way. I shall propose that one day, and Parliament will certainly approve. As a matter of course, however, the property of the Church must remain with the old churches that acquired it. Whoever retires must make a sacrifice for his conviction, or rather his unbelief." " People think little the worse of Catho- 1870] A MYTHOLOGICAL CONVERSATION 59 lies for being orthodox, and have no objection whatever to Jews being so. It is altogether different with Lutherans, however, and that church is constantly charged with a spirit of persecu- tion if it rejects unorthodox members. But it is considered quite in order that the orthodox should be persecuted and scoffed at in the press and in daily life." After dinner the Chancellor and Councillors took a walk in the garden, from which a large building distinguished by a flag with the Geneva Cross was visible at a little distance to the right. We could see a number of nuns at the windows, who were watching us through opera glasses. It was evidently a convent that had been turned into a hospital. In the evening one of the deciphering clerks expressed great anxiety as to the possibility of a surprise, and we discussed what should be done with the portfolios containing State papers and ciphers in such circumstances. I tried to reassure them, promising to do my utmost either to save or destroy the papers, should necessity arise. There was no occasion for anxiety. The night passed quietly. Next morning as we were at lunch a green Feldj tiger, or Royal Courier, arrived with despatches from Berlin. Although such messengers usually make rapid progress, this one had not travelled any quicker than I had done in my fear to arrive too late. He left on Monday, the 8th of August, and had several times taken a special conveyance, yet he had spent nearly four days on the way, as it was now the 12th. I again assisted the Decipherers. Afterwards, while the Minister was with the King, I visited the large and beautiful town church with the Coun- cillors, the chaplain showing us round. In the afternoon, while the Minister was out for a ride, we inspected the Prussian artil- lery park on a neighbouring height. We dined at four, on the Chancellor's return. He had ridden a long way in order to see his two sons, who were serv- ing as privates in a regiment of dragoon guards, but found that the German cavalry had already pushed forward towards the upper reaches of the Moselle. He was in excellent spirits, evidently owing to the good fortune which continued to favour our cause. In the course of the conversation, which turned on mythology, the Chief said he could never endure Apollo, who flayed Marsyas out of conceit and envy, and slew the children 60 ALARM IN PARIS [Aug. 14 of Niobe for similar reasons. " He is the genuine type of a Frenchman, one who cannot bear that another should play the flute better than, or as well as, himself." Nor was Apollo's manner of dealing with the Trojans to the Count's taste. The straightforward Vulcan would have been his man, or, better still, Neptune — perhaps because of the Quos ego ! — but he did not say. After rising from table we had good news to telegraph to Berlin for circulation throughout the whole country, namely, that there were ten thousand prisoners in our hands on the 7th of August, and that a great effect had been produced on the enemy by the victory at Saarbrueck. Somewhat later we had further satisfactory particulars to send home. The Minister of Finance in Paris, evidently in consequence of the rapid advance of the German forces, had invited the French people to deposit their gold in the Bank of France instead of keeping it in their houses. There was also some talk of a proposed proclamation for- bidding and finally abolishing the conscription in the districts occupied by the German troops. We also heard from Madrid that the Montpensier party, some politicians belonging to the Liberal Union such as Rios Rosas and Topete, as well as various other party leaders, were exerting every effort to bring about the immediate convocation of the representative assembly in order that the Provisional Government should be put an end to by the election of a King. The Due de Montpensier, whom they had in view as a candidate, was already in the Spanish capital. The Government, however, obstinately opposed this plan. Early next morning we broke up our quarters and started for the small town of Falquemont, which we now call Falken- berg. The road was thronged with long lines of carts, artillery, ambulances, military police, and couriers. While some detach- ments of infantry marched along the highway, others crossed the stubble fields to the right, being guided by wisps of straw tied to poles stuck in the ground. Now and then we saw men fall out of the ranks and others lying in the furrows, fagged out, while a pitiless August sun glared down from a cloudless sky. Thick yellow clouds of dust raised by the marching of the troops followed us into Falkenberg, a place of about two thou- 1870] THE ARMY ON THE MARCH 6l sand inhabitants, where I put up at the house of the baker, Schmidt. We lost sight of the Minister in the crowd and dust, and I only afterwards ascertained that he had gone on to see the King at the village of Herny. The march of the troops through the town continued almost uninterruptedly the whole day. A Saxon regiment, which was stationed quite near us, frequently sent their caterers to our baker for bread, but the supply was soon exhausted owing to the enormous demand. In the afternoon some Prussian hussars brought in a num- ber of prisoners in a cart, including a Turco who had exchanged his fez for a civilian's hat. In another part of the town we witnessed a brawl between a shopman and one of the female camp-followers who had stolen some of his goods, which she was obliged to restore. So far as I could see, our people always paid for what they asked, sometimes doing even more. The people where I lodged were very polite and good humoured. Both husband and wife spoke a German dialect, which was occasionally helped out with French words. From the sacred pictures which were hung on the walls they appeared to be Catholics. I had an opportunity later on of doing them a small service, when some of our soldiers insisted willy nilly upon a supply of bread, which the baker was unable to give them, as there were only two or three loaves in the shop. But I must do my countrymen the justice to say that they wanted the food badly, and were willing to pay for it. I proposed a compromise, which was accepted : each soldier was at once to get a good slice and as much as ever he required next morning. On Sunday, the 14th of August, after luncheon, we followed the Minister to Herny. He had taken up his quarters in a whitewashed peasant's house, a little off the High Street, where his window opened upon a dung-hill. As the house was pretty large, we all joined him there. Count Hatzf eld's room also served as our office. The King had his quarters at the parish priest's, opposite the venerable old church. The village consisted of one long wide street, with some good municipal buildings. At the railway station we found everything in the wildest confusion, the whole place littered with torn books, papers, &c. Some soldiers kept watch over two French pris- oners. For several hours after 4 p.m. we heard the heavy 62 INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE PRESS [Aug. 15 thunder of cannon in the direction of Metz. At tea the Min- ister said : " I little thought a month ago that I should be tak- ing tea with you, gentlemen, to-day in a farmhouse at Herny." Coming to speak of the Due de Grammont, the Count wondered that, on seeing the failure of his stupid policy against us, he had not joined the army in order to expiate his blunders. He was quite big and strong enough to serve as a soldier. " I should have acted differently in 1866 if things had not gone so well. I should have at once enlisted. Otherwise I could never have shown myself to the world again." I was frequently called to the Minister's room to receive instructions. Our illustrated papers were to publish pictures of the charge at Spichernberg, and also to deny the statement of the Constitutionnel that the Prussians had burnt down every- thing on their march, leaving nothing but ruins behind them. We could say with a clear conscience that we had not observed the least sign of this. It was also thought well to reply to the Neue Freic Presse, which had hitherto been well disposed towards us, but had now adopted another policy, possibly because it had lost some subscribers who objected to its Prus- sophile tone, or perhaps there was something in the rumour that the Franco-Hungarian party intended to purchase it. The Chancellor, in giving instructions respecting another article of the Constitutionnel, concluded as follows : " Say that there never was any question in the Cabinet Council of a cession of Saarbrueck to France. The matter never went beyond the stage of confidential inquiries, and it is self-evident that a national Minister, inspired by the national spirit, could never have dreamt of such a course. There might, however, have been some slight basis for the rumour. A misunderstanding or a distortion of the fact that previous to 1864 the question was raised whether it would not be desirable to sell the coal mines at Saarbrueck, which are State property, to a company. I wanted to meet the expenses of the Schleswig-Holstein war in this way. But the proposal came to nothing, owing to the King's objections to the transaction." On Monday, August 15th, about 6 a.m., the Minister drove off in his carriage, accompanied by Count Bismarck-Pohlen, and followed on horseback by Herr Abcken, Herr von Keudell, and Count Hatzfeld. The rest of us remained behind, where 1870J THE ATTITUDE OV THE INHABITANTS 63 we had plenty of work on hand, and could make ourselves useful in other ways. Several detachments of infantry passed through the village during the day, amongst them being three Prussian regiments and a number of Pomeranians, for the most part tall, handsome men. The bands played " Heil dir im Siegerkranz," and " Ich bin ein Preusse." One could see in the men's eyes the fearful thirst from which they were suffer- ing. We speedily organised a fire brigade with pails and jugs and gave as many as possible a drink of water as they marched by. They could not stop. Some took a mouthful in the palms of their hands, whilst others filled the tin cans which they carried with them, so that at least a few had some momentary relief. Our landlord, Matthiote, knew a little German, but his wife only spoke the somewhat unintelligible French dialect of this part of Lorraine. They were thought not to be too friendly towards us, but the Minister had not observed it. He had only seen the husband and said he was not a bad fellow. " He asked me as he brought in the dinner if I would try his wine. I found it very tolerable, but on my offering to pay for it he declined, and would only accept payment for the food. He inquired as to the future frontier, and expected that they would be better off in the matter of taxation." We saw little of the other inhabitants of the village. Those we met were polite and communicative. An old peasant woman whom I asked for a light for my cigar led me into her room and showed me a photograph of her son in a French uniform. Bursting into tears she reproached the Emperor with the war. Her paavre gargon was certainly dead, and she was incon- solable. The Councillors returned after three o'clock, the Minister himself coming in a little later. In the meantime we were joined by Count Henckel, a portly gentleman with a dark beard, Herr Bamberger, a member of the Reichstag whom Count Bohlen was accustomed to call the " Red Jew," and a Herr von Olberg, who was to be appointed to an administrative position of some kind. We began to feel ourselves masters of the conquered country and to make our arrangements accord- ingly. As to the portion which we at that time proposed to retain permanently, a telegram to St. Petersburg which I helped 64 A RUSSIAN ANECDOTE [Aug. 16 to cipher said that if it were the will of Providence we intended to annex Alsace. We heard at dinner that the King and the Chancellor, ac- companied by General Steinmetz, had made a reconnaissance which took them within about three English miles of Metz. The French troops outside the fortress had been driven into the city and forts on the previous day by Steinmetz's impetuous attack at Courcelles. In the evening, as we sat on a bench outside the door, the Minister joined us for a moment. He asked me for a cigar, but Councillor Taglioni, the King's decipherer, was quicker than I, which was a pity, as mine were much better. At tea the Chancellor mentioned in the course of conversation that on two occasions he had been in danger of being shot by a sentry, once at San Sebastian and another time at Schluesselburg. From this we learned that he also understood a little Spanish. Passing from the Schluesselburg story, he came to relate the following anecdote, which, however, I was unable to hear quite clearly, and so cannot vouch whether it occurred to the Minister him- self or to some one else. One day the Count was walking in the Summer Garden at St. Petersburg, and met the Emperor, with whom, as a Minister in high favour, his relations were somewhat unreserved. The two, after strolling on together for a while, saw a sentry posted in the middle of a grass plot. Bismarck took the liberty to ask what he was doing there. The Emperor did not know, and questioned the aide-de-camp, who was also unable to explain. The aide-de-camp was then sent to ask the sentry. His answer was, " It has been ordered," a reply which was repeated by every one of whom the aide-de- camp inquired. The archives were searched in vain — a sentry had always been posted there. At last an old footman remem- bered that his father had told him that the Empress Catherine had once seen an early snowdrop on that spot, and had given instructions that it should not be plucked. They could find no better way of preserving it than by placing a sentry to guard it, who was afterwards kept on as a matter of habit. The anti- German feeling in Holland and its causes were then referred to. It was thought to be partly due to the circumstance that Van Zuyler, when he was Dutch Minister at Berlin, had made him- self unpleasant, and consequently did not receive as much 1870] HEAVY FIGHTING NEAR METZ 65 consideration as he desired, so that he possibly left us in ill- humour. On the 16th of August, at 9.30 a.m., we started for Pont a Mousson. On the excellent high road to that town we passed through several villages with fine buildings, containing the public offices and schools. The whole way was brightened by detachments of soldiers, horse and foot, and a great variety of vehicles. Here and there also we saw small encampments. A little after three o'clock we reached our destination, a town of about eight thousand inhabitants. Passing the market-place, where a regiment of Saxon infantry were bivouacked, some of them lying on the ground on bundles of straw, we turned into the Rue St. Laurent. Here the Chancellor, with three of the Councillors, took up their residence at the corner of Rue Rau- graf in a little chateau overgrown with red creepers. The rest of the party lived a few doors off. I slept with Saint Blanquart in a room which was a veritable museum of natural history and ethnology, being filled with the most varied trophies from all parts of the world. After a hasty toilette we returned to the office. On our way we observed a number of notices posted on the walls, one announcing our victory of the fourteenth, another respecting the abolition of the conscription, and a third by the Mayor, apparently in connection with some attacks by civilians on our troops, warning the inhabitants to maintain a prudent attitude. There was also an order issued by our people strictly enjoining the population to keep lights in their windows at night, and to leave the doors of houses and shops open, and to deliver up all arms at the Town Hall. During the greater part of the afternoon we again heard the distant roar of cannon, and ascertained at dinner that there had been renewed fighting near Metz. Some one remarked that perhaps it would not be possible to prevent the French retiring to Verdun. The Minister replied, smiling, "That hardened reprobate Molk (Moltke) says it would be no misfortune, as they would then be delivered all the more surely into our hand " — which must mean that we could surround and anni- hilate them while they were retreating. Of the other remarks made by the Chancellor on this occasion I may mention his reference to the " small black Saxons, who looked so intelli- 66 CHASSEPOTS AT MARS LA TOUR [Aug. 17 gent " and who pleased him so much on his paying them a visit the day before. These were either the dark green Chasseurs or the 108th Regiment, which wore the same coloured uniform. "They seem to be sharp, ready fellows," he added, "and the fact ought to be mentioned in the newspapers." On the following night we were awakened several times by the steady tramp of infantry and the rumbling of heavy wheels as they rolled over the rough pavement. We heard next morn- ing that they were Hessians. The Minister started shortly after 4 a.m., intending to proceed towards Metz, where an im- portant battle was expected either that day or the next. As it appeared probable that 1 should have little to do, I availed myself of the opportunity to take a walk in the environs with Willisch. Going up stream we came upon a pontoon bridge erected by the Saxons, who had collected there a large number of conveyances, amongst others some carts from villages near Dresden. We swam across the clear deep river and back again. On returning to the bureau in the Rue Raugraf we found that the Chancellor had not yet arrived. We had news, how- ever, of the battle which had been fought the day before to the west of Metz. There were heavy losses on our side, and it was only with great difficulty that Bazaine was prevented from breaking through our lines. It was understood that the village of Mars la Tour was the point at which the conflict had raged most violently. The leaden rain of the chassepots was literally like a hailstorm. One of the cuirassier regiments, we were told, with the exaggeration which is not unusual in such cases, was almost utterly destroyed and the dragoon guards had also suffered severely. Not a single division escaped without heavy losses. To-day, however, we had superior numbers, as the French had had yesterday, and if the latter attempted another sortie we might expect to be victorious. It did not, however, appear certain, and we were accordingly somewhat uneasy. We could not sit still or think steadily, and, as in fever, we were oppressed by the same ideas, which re- turned again and again. We walked to the market and then to the bridge, where we saw the wounded, who were now gradu- ally coming in, those with light injuries on foot and the others in ambulance cars. On the road toward Metz we met a batch 1S70J GENERAL SHERIDAN 6/ of over 1 20 prisoners. They were for the most part small, poor-looking- specimens; but there were also amongst them some tall, broad-shouldered fellows from the guards, who could be recognised by the white facings of their tunics. Then once more to the market-place and around the garden behind the house, where a dog lies buried under a tombstone with the fol- lowing touching inscription : — Girard Aubert dpitaphe a sa chienne. Ici tu gis, ma vieille amie, Tu n'e.s done plus pour mes vieux jours. O toi, ma Diane cherie, Je te pleurerai toujours. At length, about six o'clock, the Chancellor returned. No great battle had taken place that day, but it was highly prob- able that an engagement would occur on the morrow. The Chief told us at dinner that he had visited his eldest son, Count Herbert, in the field ambulance at Mariaville, where he was lying in consequence of a bullet wound in the thigh, which he had received during the general cavalry charge at Mars la Tour. After riding about for some time the Minister at length found his son in a farmhouse with a considerable number of other wounded soldiers. They were in charge of a surgeon, who was unable to obtain a supply of water, and who scrupled to take the turkeys and chickens that were running about the yard for the use of his patients. " He said he could not," added the Minister, " and all our arguments were in vain. I then threat- ened to shoot the poultry with my revolver and afterwards gave him twenty francs to pay for fifteen. At last I remembered that I was a Prussian General, and ordered him to do as I told him, whereupon he obeyed me. I had, however, to look for the water myself and to have it fetched in barrels." In the meantime the American General Sheridan had ar- rived in the town and asked for an interview with the Chan- cellor. He had come from Chicago, and lodged at the Croix Blanc in the market-place. At the desire of the Minister I called upon General Sheridan and informed him that Count Bismarck would be pleased to see him in the course of the even- ing. The General was a small, corpulent gentleman of about forty-five, with dark moustache and chin tuft, and spoke the 68 WE DRIVE TO THE BATTLEFIELD [Aug. 19 purest Yankee dialect. He was accompanied by his aide-de- camp, Forsythe, and a journalist named MacLean, who served as an interpreter, acting at the same time as war correspondent for the New York World. During the night further strong contingents of troops marched through the town — Saxons, as we ascertained next day. In the morning we heard that the King and Chancellor had gone off at 3 a.m. A battle was being fought on about the same ground as that of the 16th, and it appears as if this en- gagement were to prove decisive. It will be easily understood that we were still more excited than we had been during the last few days. Uneasy, and impatient for particulars of what was passing, we started in the direction of Metz, going some four kilometres from Pont a Mousson, suffering both mentally and physically, from our anxiety and suspense as well as from the sweltering heat of a windless day and a blazing sky. We met numbers of the less severely wounded coming towards the town, singly, in couples, and in large companies. Some still carried their rifles, while others leant upon sticks. One had the red cape of a French cavalryman thrown over his shoulders. They had fought two days before at Mars la Tour and Gorze. They had only heard rumours of this day's battle, and these, good and bad as they happened to be, were soon circulated in an exaggerated form throughout the town. The good news at length seemed to get the upper hand, although late in the even- ing we had still heard nothing definite. We dined without our Chief, for whom we waited in vain until midnight. Later on we heard that he, accompanied by Sheridan and Count Bis- marck-Bohlen, was with the King at Rezonville. On Friday, August the 19th, when we ascertained for cer- tain that the Germans had been victorious, Abeken, Keudell, Hatzfeld, and I drove to the battlefield. At Gorze the Coun- cillors got out, intending to proceed farther on horseback. The narrow road was blocked with all sorts of conveyances, so that it was impossible for our carriage to pass. From the same direction as ourselves came carts with hay, straw, wood, and baggage, while ammunition-waggons and vehicles conveying the wounded were coming the other way. The latter were being moved into the houses, nearly all of which were turned into hospitals and were distinguished by the Geneva cross. At almost 1870J THE FIRST TRACES OK THE BATTLE 69 every window we could see men with their heads or arms in bandages. After about an hour's delay we were able to move slowly forward. The road to the right not far from Gorze would have taken us in little over half an hour to Rezonville, where I was to meet the Minister and our horsemen. My map, however, failed to give me any guidance, and I was afraid of going too near Metz. I therefore followed the high road further, and passing a farm where the house, barn, and stables were full of wounded, we came to the village of Mars la Tour. Immediately behind Gorze we had already met traces of the battle, — pits dug in the earth by shells, branches torn off by shot, and some dead horses. As we went on we came upon the latter more frequently, occasionally two or three together, and at one place a group of eight carcasses. Most of them were fearfully swollen, with their legs in the air, while their heads lay slack on the ground. There was an encampment of Saxon troops in Mars la Tour. The village seemed to have suffered little from the engagement of the 16th. Only one house was burned down. I asked a lieutenant of Uhlans where Rezonville was. He did not know. Where was the King ? "At a place about two hours from here," he said, " in that direction," — point- ing towards the east. A peasant woman having directed us the same way, we took that road, which brought us after a time to the village of Vionville. Shortly before reaching this place I saw for the first time one of the soldiers who had fallen in the late battle, a Prussian musketeer. His features were as dark as those of a Turco, and were fearfully bloated. All the houses in the village were full of men who were severely wounded. Ger- man and French assistant-surgeons and hospital attendants, all wearing the Geneva cross, were busy moving from place to place. I decided to wait there for the Minister and the Councillors, as I believed they must certainly pass that way soon. As I went towards the battlefield through a side street, I saw a human leg lying in a ditch, half covered with a bundle of blood-stained rags. Some four hundred paces from the village were two par- allel pits about three hundred feet in length, and neither wide nor deep, at which the grave diggers were still working. Near by had been collected a great mass of German and French dead. 70 THE HORRORS OF WAR [Aug. 19 Some of the bodies were half naked, but most of them were still in uniform. All were of a dark grey colour and were fear- fully swollen from the heat. There might have been one hun- dred and fifty corpses in all, and others were being constantly unloaded from the carts. Doubtless, many had already been buried. Further on in the direction of Metz the ground rose slightly, and there in particular great numbers appeared to have fallen. The ground was everywhere covered with French caps, Prussian helmets, knapsacks, arms, uniforms, undercloth- ing, shoes, and paper. Here and there in the furrows of a potato field lay single bodies, one with a whole leg torn away, another with half the head blown off, while some had the right hand stretched out stiffly pointing towards the sky. There were also a few single graves, marked with a chassepot stuck in the ground or with a cross made from the wood of a cigar box roughly tied together. The effluvium was very noticeable, and at times, when the wind came from the direction of a heap of dead horses, it became unendurable. It was time to return to the carriage, and besides I had seen quite enough of the battlefield. I took another way back, but I was again obliged to pass further masses of the dead, this time all French. Near some of the bodies lay packets of letters that had been carried in their knapsacks. I brought some of these with me as a memento, amongst them being two letters in German from one Anastasia Stampf, of Scherrweiler, near Schlettstadt. These I found lying by a French soldier who had been stationed at Caen shortly before the outbreak of the war. One of them, in indifferent spelling, was dated "The 25th of the Hay Month, 1870," and concluded with the words, "We constantly commend thee to the protection of the Blessed Virgin ! " It was four o'clock when I got back, and as the Minister had not arrived, we returned to Gorze. Here we met Keudcll, who, with Abeken and Count Hatzfcld, had called upon the Chief at Rezonville. During the battle of the 1 8th instant, which was decided at Gravelotte, the Minister had, together with the King, ventured a considerable distance towards the front, so that for a time both of them were in some danger. Bismarck had after- wards with his own hands taken water to the wounded. At 9 p.m. I saw him again safe and sound at Pont a Mousson, 1870] NOBLE FAMILIES IN MOURNING Jl where we all took supper with him. Naturally, the conversa- tion turned for the most part on the last two battles and the resulting gains and losses. The French had fallen in huge masses. The Minister had seen our artillery mow down whole lines of their guards near Gravelotte. We had also suffered severely. Only the losses of the 16th of August were known up to the present. " A great many noble Prussian families will go into mourning," the Chief said. " Wesdehlen and Reuss lie in their graves, Wedell and Finkenstein are dead, Rahden (Lucca's husband) is shot through both cheeks, and a crowd of officers commanding regiments or battalions have either fallen or are severely wounded. The whole field near Mars la Tour was yesterday still white and blue with the bodies of cuirassiers and dragoons." In explanation of this statement, we were informed that near the village referred to there had been a great cavalry charge upon the French, who were pressing for- ward in the direction of Verdun. This charge was repelled by the enemy's infantry in Balaclava fashion, but had so far served its purpose that the French were kept in check until reinforce- ments arrived. The Chancellor's two sons had also gallantly ridden into that leaden hailstorm, the elder receiving no less than three bullets, one passing through the breast of his tunic, another hitting his watch, and the third lodging in his thigh. The younger appears to have escaped unhurt. The Chief re- lated, evidently with some pride, how Count Bill rescued two comrades who had lost their horses, dragging them out of the melee in his powerful grasp and riding off with them. Still more German blood was shed on the 18th, but we secured the victory, and obtained the object of our sacrifices. That even- ing Bazaine's army had finally retired to Metz, and even French officers whom we had captured admitted that they now believed their cause was lost. The Saxons, who had made long marches on the two previous days, were able to take an important part in the battle near the village of Saint Privat. They now oc- cupied the road to Thionville, so that Metz was entirely sur- rounded by our troops. It appeared that the Chancellor did not quite approve of the course taken by the military authorities in both battles. Among other things he said that Steinmetz had abused the really astounding gallantry of our men — " he was a spendthrift J2 HUNTING STORIES [Arc;. 21 of blood." The Minister spoke with violent indignation of the barbarous manner in which the French conducted the war ; they were said to have fired upon the Geneva cross and even upon a flag of truce. Sheridan seemed to have speedily got on a friendly footing with the Minister, as I was instructed to invite him and his two companions to dinner on the following evening. At 1 1 o'clock on the 20th of August the Chancellor received a visit from the Crown Prince, who was stationed with his troops about twenty-five English miles from Pont a Mousson on the road from Nancy to Chalons. In the afternoon some twelve hundred prisoners, including two carts conveying offi- cers, passed through the Rue Notre Dame in charge of a detachment of Prussian cuirassiers. Sheridan, Forsythe, and MacLean dined that evening with the Minister, who kept up a lively conversation in good English with the American Gen- eral. The Chief and his American guests had champagne and porter. The latter was drunk out of pewter mugs, one of which the Minister filled for me. I mention this because no one else at table had porter, and the gift was particularly wel- come, as since we left Saarbrueck we had had no beer. Sheri- dan, who was known as a successful soldier on the Federal side in the last year of the American Civil War, spoke a good deal. He told us of the hardships he and his companions had under- gone during the ride from the Rocky Mountains to Chicago, of the fearful swarms of mosquitoes, of a great heap of bones in California or thereabouts in which fossils were found, and of buffalo and bear hunting, &c. The Chancellor also told some hunting stories. One day in Finland he found himself in dangerous proximity to a big bear. It was white with snow and he had barely been able to see it. "At last I fired, how- ever, and the bear fell some six paces from me. But it was not killed, and might get up again. I knew what I had to expect, and so without stirring I quietly reloaded, and as soon as it stirred I shot it dead." We were very busy on the forenoon of the 21st of August, preparing reports and leading articles to be forwarded to Germany. We heard that the bearer of a flag of truce who was fired upon by the French was Captain or Major Verdy, of Moltke's General Staff, and that the trumpeter who accompa- 1S70I THE JEALOUSY AMONG OUR GENERALS 73 nied him was wounded. Trustworthy information was received from Florence to the effect that Victor Emmanuel and his Ministers had, in consequence of our victories, decided to observe neutrality, which up to that time was anything but certain. Now it was at last possible to estimate, at least ap- proximately, the losses of the French at Courcelles, Mars le Tour, and Gravelotte. The Minister put them at about 50,000 men during the three days, of whom about 12,000 were killed. He added : " The ambition and mutual jealousy of some of our generals were to blame for the severity of our losses. That the guards charged too soon was entirely due to their jealousy of the Saxons who were coming up behind them." That afternoon I had some talk with one of the dragoon guards who had been in the charge on the French battery on the 1 6th. He maintained that besides Finkenstein and Reuss the two Treskows were also dead and buried; and that after the battle one squadron had been formed out of the three squadrons of his regiment that had been in action, and one regiment out of the two dragoon regiments that had been engaged. He spoke very modestly about that gallant deed. "We had to charge," he said, "in order to prevent our artillery being taken by the enemy." While I was talking to him, some Saxon infantry passed by with a batch of about 150 prisoners. I ascertained from the escort that after their long march the Saxons had fought in the battle near Roncourt and Saint Privat. Once they had charged with the bayonet and the butt ends of their rifles. They had lost a good many officers, including General Krausshaar. As I entered the room that evening at tea time, the Chief said : — " How are you, doctor ? " " I thank your Excellency, quite well." " Have you seen something of what has been going on ? " "Yes, your Excellency, the battlefield near Vionville." " It is a pity you were not with us to share our adventures on the 18th." The Chancellor then went on to give us a full account of his experiences during the last hours of the battle and the following night. I shall give these and other particulars later on, as I heard them from the Minister. Here I will only mention that the King had ventured too far to the front, which Bismarck 74 PRINCE LUITPOLD'S SECRET HOPES [Aug. 22 thought was not right. Referring to our men, the American General Sheridan said : " Your infantry is the best in the world; but it was wrong of your generals to advance their cavalry as they did." I may further mention that Bohlen in the course of the conversation said to the Chancellor : " Did you hear how the Bavarian muttered when the result seemed doubtful — 'Things look bad! It's a bad case!' — and was obviously delighted to think we were going to be beaten?" The Bava- rian referred to was Prince Luitpold. The name of General Steinmetz then came up. The Chancellor said that he was brave, but self-willed and excessively vain. Small and slight of figure, when he came into the Diet he always stood near the President's chair so as to be noticed. He used to attract at- tention by pretending to be very busy taking notes of what went on, as if he were following the debate with great care. " He evidently thought the newspapers would mention it, and praise his zeal. If I am not mistaken his calculation proved correct." On Monday, the 22nd of August, I wrote in my diary: "Called to the Chief at 10.30 a.m. He asked first after my health and whether I also had been attacked by dysentery. He had had a bad time of it the night before. The Count down with dysentery ! God save him from it ! It would be worse than the loss of a battle. Without him our whole cause would be reduced to uncertainty and vacillation." On the instructions of the Chief I sent the Koclnische Zeitung the translation of part of a confidential report accord- ing to which the Emperor Alexander was favorably disposed towards the French. I also wired to Berlin respecting the closing of some small telegraph offices the officials of which were required for the field service. There is no longer any doubt that we shall retain Alsace and Metz, with its environs, in case of a final victory over France. The considerations that have led the Chancellor to this conclusion, and which have already been discussed in an academic way in the English press, are somewhat as follows : — A war indemnity, however great it may be, would not com- pensate us for the enormous sacrifices we have made. We must protect South Germany with its exposed position against French attacks and thus put an end to the pressure exercised 1S70] ANNEXATION INDISPENSABLE 75 upon it by France during two centuries, especially as this pres- sure has during the whole time greatly contributed to German disorganisation and confusion. Baden, Wurtemberg, and the other south-western districts must not in future be threatened by Strasburg and subject to attack from that point. This also applies to Bavaria. Within 150 years the French have made war upon South-west Germany more than a dozen times. Efforts were made in 18 14 and 181 5 in a forbearing spirit to secure guarantees against a renewal of such attacks. That forbearance, however, was without effect, and it would now also remain fruitless. The danger lies in the incurable arrogance and lust of power which is part of the French character, qualities that might be abused by every ruler — not by any means by the Bonapartes alone — for the purpose of attacking peaceful neighbours. Our protection against this evil does not lie in vain attempts periodically to soothe French susceptibili- ties, but rather in securing a well-defended frontier. France, by repeatedly annexing German territory and all the natural defences on our western frontier, has put herself in a position to force her way into South Germany with a comparatively small force before assistance can be brought from the north. Such invasions have repeatedly occurred under Louis XIV. and his successor, as well as under the Republic and the First Empire, and the sense of insecurity obliges the German States to reckon constantly with France. That the annexation of a piece of territory will produce bitter feelings amongst the French is a matter of no consequence. Such feelings would exist in any case, even without any cession of territory. Austria did not lose an acre of soil in 1866, and yet what thanks have we had ? Our victory at Sadowa had already filled the French with hatred and vexation. How much stronger must that sentiment be after our victories at Worth and Metz ! Revenge for those defeats will continue to be the war cry in Paris even without any annexation, and will spread to influen- tial circles in the provinces, just as the idea of revenge for Waterloo was kept alive there for decades. An enemy who cannot be turned into a friend by considerate treatment must be rendered thoroughly and permanently harmless. Not the demolition, but the surrender, of the eastern fortresses of France can alone serve our purpose. Whoever desires dis- 76 A GERMAN EMPIRE SUGGESTED [Aug. 22, 1870 armament must wish to see France's neighbours adopt this course, as France is the sole disturber of European peace, and will remain so as long as she can. It is astonishing how freely this idea of the Chief's now flows from one's pen. What looked like a miracle ten days ago seems now quite natural and a matter of course. Per- haps the suggestion as to a German Empire which is under- stood to have been mentioned during the visit of the Crown Prince is also an idea of the same kind. Blessings follow closely upon each other's heels. We may now regard everything as probable. At dinner the Minister complained of the excessive frugality with which the principal officials of the Royal Household catered for the King's table. "There is seldom any cham- pagne, and in the matter of food also short commons is the rule. When I glance at the number of cutlets I only take one, as I am afraid that otherwise somebody else would have to go without." These remarks, like similar hints given recently, were intended for one or other of the gentlemen from the Court, with a view to their being repeated in the proper quarter. The conversation then turned on the improper, not to say dis- graceful, manner in which the French soldiers carried on the war. The Minister said they had killed one of our officers near Mars la Tour (Finkenstein, I believe it was) while he was sitting wounded by the roadside. One of the company maintained that he had been shot, but another said that an examination of the body by a doctor showed that the officer had been stabbed. The Chief remarked that if he had to choose, he should prefer being stabbed to being shot. Count Herbert has been brought in from the Field Hospital, and a bed has been prepared for him on the floor in his father's room. I was talking to him to-day. His wound is painful, but up to the present it does not appear to be dangerous. He is to return to Germany one of these days, where he will remain until he has recovered. CHAPTER IV COMMERCY BAR LE DUG CLERMONT EN ARGONNE On Tuesday, August 23rd, we were to continue our journey westwards. Sheridan and his companions were to accompany us or to follow without delay. Regierungspraesident von Kuehl- wetter remained behind as Prefect ; Count Henckel went to Saargemund, and Count Renard, a huge figure with a beard of corresponding amplitude, went to Nancy in a similar capacity. Bamberger, the member of Parliament, visited us again. I also noticed Herr Stieber on one occasion in the neighbourhood of the house at the corner of the Rue Raugraf, and as I was walk- ing about the town to take a last look at the place before leaving, I saw the fine-drawn, wrinkled, clean-shaven face of Moltke, whom I had last seen as he entered the Foreign Office in company with the Minister of War five or six days before the declaration of hostilities. It seemed to me that his features wore to-day an expression of perfect content and satisfaction. On my return to the office I was much interested by a report of the views recently expressed by Thiers as to the immediate future of France. He regarded it as certain that in case of victory we should retain Alsace. The defeat of Napoleon would be followed by the loss of his throne. He would be succeeded for a few months by a Republic, and then probably by one of the Orleans family, or perhaps by Leopold of Bel- gium, who, according to the source from which our informant obtained his news (one of Rothschild's confidants), was known on the best authority to be extremely ambitious. We left Pont a Mousson at 10 o'clock. In the villages along the road the houses stood side by side as in a town. Most of them possessed handsome municipal buildings and schools, and some had seemingly ancient Gothic churches. On the other side of Gironville the road passes a steep hill with a wide pros- pect of the plain beneath. Here we left the carriages in order 77 jS THE PROSPECTS OF THE ORLEANS [Aug. 23 to ease the load for the horses. The Chancellor, who drove at the head of our party with Abeken, also got out and walked for a quarter of an hour, his big boots reminding one of pictures of the thirty years' war. Moltke walked beside him ; the greatest strategist of our days striding along towards Paris on a country road near the French frontier in company with the greatest statesman of our time ! After we had returned to the carriages we saw a number of soldiers to the right putting up a telegraph line. Shortly after 2 o'clock we came to Commercy, a bright little town with about 6000 inhabitants. The white blinds in the better-class houses were for the most part drawn down, as if the occupants did not wish to see the hated Prussians. The people in blouses were more curious and less hostile. The Chief, together with Abeken and Keudell, took up their quarters in the chateau of Count Macore de Gaucourt in the Rue des Fontaines, where a Prince von Schwarzburg had lodged, and which was now occupied by the lady of the house. Her husband was in the French army and was accordingly with his regiment in the field. He was a very distinguished gentle- man, being descended from the old dukes of Lorraine. There was a pretty flower garden near the house, and behind it was a large wooded park. I put up not far from the Minister's quarters at No. 1 Rue Heurtebise, where I had a friendly and obliging landlord and an excellent fourpost bed. I called after- wards on the Chancellor, whom I found in the garden, and asked if there was anything for me to do. After thinking for a moment, he said there was, and an hour later I provided work both for the Field Post and the new telegraph line. Amongst other things I wrote the following paragraph: " It is now quite clear that the Princes of the Orleans family con- sider that their time has come, as they expect to see the star of the Napoleons sink lower and lower. In order to emphasise the fact that they are Frenchmen, they have placed their swords in the present crisis at the service of their country. The Orleans lost their throne in great part through their own slug- gishness and their indifference to the development of neigh- bouring States. They would now appear determined to regain it by energy, and to maintain their position by flattering French chauvinism, and love of glory and universal dominion. Our 1870] RESERVE ARMIES IN GERMANY 79 work is not yet done. A decisive victory is probable, but is not yet certain. The fall of Napoleon seems near at hand, but it is not yet accomplished. Even should it occur, could we, in view of the considerations already mentioned, rest content with it and accept it as the sole result of our exertions, could we feel confident of having attained our principal object, namely, to secure peace with France for many years to come? No one can answer that question in the affirmative. A peace with the Orleans on the French throne would be still more a mockery than one with Napoleon, who must already have had enough of ' la gloire.' Sooner or later we should be again challenged by France, who probably would be then better prepared and would have secured more powerful allies." Three reserve army corps are to be formed in Germany. One, and the strongest, near Berlin; one on the Rhine; and a third at Glogau in Silesia, in consequence of the equivocal attitude of Austria. That would be a purely defensive measure. The troops on the Rhine are to be commanded by the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, those near Berlin by General von Can- stein, and those at Glogau by General von Lowenfeld. Towards evening the military band played before the resi- dence of the King, the street urchins holding their notes for the musicians in the friendliest possible manner. The King had also stopped at Commercy during the war against the First Napoleon. Counts Waldersee and Lehndorff, and Lieutenant-General von Alvensleben (from Magdeburg) were amongst the Chief's guests at dinner. Alvensleben told us the story of a so-called "Marl-Major" who was accustomed to attribute all sorts of occurrences to geognostic causes. He reasoned somewhat in this style : " It follows from the character and conduct of the Maid of Orleans that she could only have been born on a fertile marly soil, that she was fated to gain a victory in a limestone country, and to die in a sandstone district." Speaking of the barbarous way in which the French con- ducted the war, Alvensleben said that they had also fired upon a flag of truce at Toul. On the other hand, an officer who for a joke rode along the glacis had a friendly chat with the gentle- men on the walls. The question whether it would be possible to take Paris by storm in spite of its fortifications was answered 80 SHOULD PARIS BE DESTROYED? [Aug. 24 in the affirmative by the military guests. General Alvensleben said : '' A great city of that kind cannot be successfully de- fended if it is attacked by a sufficiently numerous force." Count Waldersee wished to "see Babel utterly destroyed" and brought forward arguments in favour of that measure with which I was immensely pleased. The Minister, however, re- plied : " Yes, that would be a very good thing, but it is impossi- ble for many reasons. One of these is that numbers of Germans in Cologne and Frankfort have considerable sums invested there." The conversation then turned upon our conquests in France and those still to be made. Alvensleben was in favour of keep- ing the country up to the Marne. Bismarck had another idea, which, however, he seemed to think it impossible to realise. " My ideal would be," he said, " a kind of German colony, a neutral State of eight or ten million inhabitants, free from the conscription and whose taxes should flow to Germany so far as they were not required for domestic purposes. France would thus lose a district from which she draws her best soldiers, and would be rendered harmless. In the rest of France no Bourbon, no Orleans, and probably no Bonaparte, neither Lulu (the Prince Imperial) nor the fat Jerome, nor the old one. I did not wish for war in connection with the Luxemburg affair, as I knew that it would lead to six others. But we must now put an end to all this. However, we must not sell the bear's skin before we have killed it. I confess I am superstitious in that respect." "Never mind," said Count Waldersee, "our bear is already badly hit." The Chief then again referred to the royal table and to the frugal manner in which food was doled out to the guests, his remarks being probably intended for Count Lehndorff, who was expected to repeat them. " We had cutlets there recently, and I could not take two as there was only one apiece for us. Rabbit followed, and I debated with myself whether I should take a second portion, although I could easily have managed four. At length hunger overcame my politeness and I seized a second piece, though I am sure I was robbing somebody else." The Chancellor then went on to speak of his sons. " I hope," he said, " I shall be able to keep at least one of my youngsters — I mean Herbert, who is on his way to Germany. 1870] THE IRON CROSS FOR THE BAVARIANS 8 1 He got to feel himself quite at home in camp. Formerly he was apt to be haughty, but as he lay wounded at Pont a Mous- son he was almost more friendly with the common troopers who visited him than with the officers." At tea we were told that in 18 14 the King had his quarters in the same street where he now lives, next door to the house he occupies at present. The Chief seems to have spoken to him to-day about decorating Bavarian soldiers with the Iron Cross. The Minister said: "My further plan of campaign for his Majesty is that part of his escort should be sent on ahead. The country must be scoured by a company to the right and left of the road, and the Royal party must remain together. Pickets must be posted at stated intervals. The King approved when I told him that this had been done also in 18 14. The Sovereigns did not drive on that occasion, but went on horse- back, and Russian soldiers, twenty paces apart, lined the whole route." Somebody suggested the possibility that peasants or franctireurs might fire at the King. " Certainly," added the Chief, " and what makes it so important a point is that the per- sonage in question, if he is ill or wounded or otherwise out of sorts, has only to say ' Go back! ' and we must all of us go back." We left Commercy next day at noon, passing several mili- tary detachments and a number of encampments on our way. The measures of precaution mentioned by the Chief had been adopted. We were preceded by a squadron of uhlans and escorted by the Stabsivaclie, which formed a bright picture of many colours, being recruited from the various cavalry regi- ments, such as green, red, and blue hussars, Saxon and Prussian dragoons, &c. The carriages of the Chancellor's party followed close behind those of the King's. For a long time we did not come across any villages. Then we passed through St. Aubin, and soon after came to a milestone by the roadside with the words " Paris 241 kilometres," so that we were only a distance of some thirty-two German miles from Babel. We afterwards passed a long line of transport carts belonging to the regiments of King John of Saxony, the Grand Duke of Hesse, &c, which showed that we were now in the district occupied by the Crown Prince's army. Shortly afterwards we entered the small town of Ligny, which was thronged with Bavarian and other soldiers. We 82 "TOO MANY PRINCES" [Aug. 25 waited for about three-quarters of an hour in the market-place, which was crowded with all sorts of conveyances, while the Chief paid a visit to the Crown Prince. On our starting once more we met further masses of blue Bavarian infantry, some light horse collected round their camp fires, then a second squadron with a herd of cattle guarded by soldiers, and finally a third larger encampment within a circle of baggage waggons. Bar le Due, the largest town in which we have stayed up to the present, may have a population of some 15,000. The streets and squares presented a lively picture as we drove through, and we caught glimpses of curious female faces watching us through the blinds. On the arrival of the King the Bavarian band played " Heil dir im Siegerkranz." He took up his quarters in the house occupied by the local branch of the Bank of France, in the Rue de la Banque. The Chancellor and his party lodged on the other side of the street, in the house of a M. Pernay, who had gone off leaving an old woman in charge. Dr. Lauer, the King's physician, dined with the Minister that evening. The Chief was very communicative as usual, and appeared to be in particularly good humour. He renewed his complaints as to the " short commons" at the royal table, evi- dently intending the doctor to repeat them to Count Puckler or Perponcher. During his visit at Ligny he had to take break- fast, which he said was excellent, with the Crown Prince and the Princes and chief officers of his suite. He had a seat near the fire, however, which was not quite to his taste, and other- wise it was in many ways less comfortable than in his own quarters. " There were too many Princes there for an ordinary mortal to be able to find a place. Amongst them was Frederick the Gentle (Friedrich der Sachte — Frederick VIII. of Schles- wig-Holstein). He wore a Bavarian uniform, so that I hardly knew him at first. He looked somewhat embarrassed when he recognised me." We also gathered from what the Chief said that Count Hatzfeld was to act as a kind of Prefect while we remained here, a position for which probably his thorough knowledge of I r rench and of the habits of the country had recommended him. We also heard that the headquarters might remain here for several days, — " as at Capua," added the Count, laughing. Before tea some articles were despatched to Germany, in- 1870] AT BAR LE DUC 83 eluding one on the part played by the Saxons at Gravelotte, which the Chancellor praised repeatedly. By way of change I will here again quote from my diary : — Thursday ) August 25///. — Took a walk early this morning in the upper, and evidently the older, part of the town. The shops are almost all open. The people answer politely when we ask to be shown the way. Not far from our quarters there is an old stone bridge over the river which was unquestionably built before Lorraine and the Duchy of Bar belonged to France. Towards nine o'clock the Bavarians began their march through the town, passing in front of the King's quarters. More French spectators had collected on both sides of the street than was quite comfortable for us. For hours together light horse with green uniforms and red facings, dark blue cuirassiers, lancers, artillery and infantry, regiment after regiment marched before the Commander-in-Chief of the German Forces. As they passed the King the troops cheered lustily, the cavalry swinging their sabres, and the foot soldiers lifting up their right hands. The colours were lowered before the Sovereign, the cavalry trumpets blew an ear-splitting fanfare, while the infantry bands played stirring airs, one of them giving the beautiful Hohenfriedberg march. First came General von Hartmann's Army Corps, followed by that of Von der Tann, who afterwards took break- fast with us. Who could have thought, immediately after the war of 1866, or even three months ago, of the possibility of such a scene ? Wrote several articles for post and others for the wire. Our people are pressing forward rapidly. The vanguards of the German columns are already between Chalons and Epernay. The formation of three reserve armies in Germany, which has been already mentioned, began a few days ago. The neutral Powers raise some objections to our intended annexation of French territory for the purpose of securing an advantageous western frontier, especially England, who up to the present has shown a disposition to tie our hands. The reports from St. Petersburg appear to be more favourable, the Tsar being well disposed to us, although he by no means unreservedly accepts the proposed measures, while we are assured of the active sym- pathy of the Grand Duchess Helene. We hold fast to our in- tention to enforce the cession of territory, that intention being 84 THE AUGUSTENBURGER [Aug. 26 based upon the necessity of at length securing South Germany from French attack and thus rendering it independent of French policy. When our intentions are made public they will certainly be energetically endorsed by the national sentiment, which it will be difficult to oppose. It is reported that a variety of revolting acts have been com- mitted by the bands of franctireurs that are now being formed. Their uniform is such that they can hardly be recognised as soldiers, and the badges by which they are distinguished can be easily laid aside. One of these young fellows lies in a ditch near a wood, apparently sunning himself, while a troop of cavalry rides by. When they have passed he takes a rifle which has been concealed in a bush, fires at them and runs into the wood. Knowing the way he again appears a little further on as a harmless peasant. I am inclined to think that these are not defenders of their country but rather assassins who should be strung up without ceremony whenever they are caught. Count Seckendorf, of the Crown Prince's staff, was the Chief's guest at dinner. The Augustenburger( Frederick VIII. of Schleswig-Holstein), who has joined the Bavarians, was spoken of, and not to his advantage. . . . (The opinions ex- pressed were practically identical with those given in a letter which I received a few months later from a patriotic friend, Herr Noeldeke, who lived in Kiel at that time as a professor. He wrote : " We all know that he was not born for heroic deeds. He cannot help that. If he waits persistently for his inheritance to be restored to him by some miraculous means, that is a family trait. But he might at least have made an effort to appear heroic. Instead of loafing around with the army he might have led a company or a battalion of the soldiers whom at one time he was nearly calling his own, — or for my part he might have led Bavarians. In all probability the result would not have been very remarkable, but at any rate he would have shown his good will.") Reference was made to the rumour that the Bavarian bat- talions did not appear particularly anxious to advance at the battle of Worth (or was it Weissenburg ?), and that Major von Freiberg called upon them to show themselves equal to "those gallant Prussians." Seckendorf, if I am not mistaken, confirmed this report. On the other hand, he denied that the Crown 1870] GERMAN OFFICIALS IN FRANCE 85 Prince had ordered treacherous French peasants to be shot. He had, on the contrary, acted with great leniency and forbear- ance, especially towards unmannerly French officers. Count Bohlen, who is always ready with amusing anecdotes and flashes of fun, said : " On the 18th von Breintz's battery was subjected to such a heavy fire that in a short time nearly all his horses and most of his men lay dead or wounded. As he was mustering the survivors, the Captain remarked, 'A very fine fight, is it not ? ' " The Chief said : " Last night I asked the sentry at the door how he was off for food, and I found that the man had had nothing to eat for twenty-four hours. I went to the kitchen and brought him a good chunk of bread, at which he seemed highly pleased." Hatzfeld's appointment as Prefect led to the mention of other Prefects and Commissaries in spe. Doubt having been expressed as to the capacity of some of them, the Minister remarked : " Our officials in France may commit a few blunders, but they will be soon forgotten if the administration in general is conducted energetically." The conversation having turned on the telegraph lines which were being so rapidly erected in our rear, somebody told the following story. The workmen, who found that their poles were stolen and their wires cut, asked the peasants to keep guard over them during the night. The latter, however, refused to do this, although they were offered payment for it. At length they were promised that the name of each watchman should be painted upon every pole. This speculation on French vanity succeeded. After that the fellows in the long nightcaps kept faithful watch, and no further damage was done. Friday, Attgnst 26th. — We are to move forward to Saint Menehould, where our troops have captured 800 mobile guards. Early in the day I wrote an article about the franctireurs, deal- ing in detail with the false view which they take of what is per- missible in war. We moved forward on the 26th, not to Saint Menehould, however, which was still unsafe, being infested by franctireurs and mobile guards, but to Clermont en Argonne, where we arrived at 7 o'clock in the evening. On our way we passed through several rather large villages with handsome old churches. 86 FRENCH METHODS OF WAR [Aug. 26 For the last couple of hours military policemen were stationed along the road at intervals of about 200 paces. The houses, which were built of grey sandstone and not whitewashed, stood close together. The whole population shuffled about in clumsy wooden shoes, and the features of the men and women, of whom we saw great numbers standing before the doors, were, so far as I could observe in a passing glance, almost invariably ugly. Probably the people thought it necessary to remove the prettier girls to a place of safety out of the way of the German birds of prey. We met some Bavarian troops with a line of transport waggons. The troops loudly cheered the King, and afterwards the Chancellor. Later on we overtook three regiments of infantry, some hussars, uhlans, and a Saxon commissariat detachment. Near a village, which was called Triaucourt if I am not mistaken, we met a cartful of franctireurs who had been captured by our people. Most of these young fellows hung their heads, and one of them was weeping. The Chief stopped and spoke to them. What he said did not appear to please them particularly. An officer of higher rank who came over to the carriage of the Councillors and was treated to a friendly glass of cognac told us that these fellows or comrades of theirs had on the previous day treacherously shot a captain or major of the uhlans, named Von Fries or Friesen. On being taken prisoners they had not behaved themselves like soldiers, but had run away from their escort. The cavalry and rifles, however, arranged a kind of battue in the vineyards, so that some of them were again seized, while others were shot or cut down. It was evident that the war was becoming bar- barous and inhuman, owing to these guerilla bands. Our soldiers were prejudiced against them from the beginning, even apart from the possibility of their lying treacherously in ambush, as they looked upon them as busybodies who were interfering in what was not their business, and as bunglers who did not understand their work. We took up our residence at Clermont in the town school- house in the main street, the King's quarters being over the way. On our arrival, the Grande Rue was full of carts and carriages, and one saw here and there a few Saxon rifles. While Abeken and I were visiting the church, we could hear in 1870] BISMARCK AND THE FKANCTIKEURS 87 the stillness the steady tramp of the troops and their hurrahs as they marched past the King's quarters. On our return we were told that the Minister had left word that we were to dine with him in the Hotel des Voyageurs. We found a place at the Chief's table in a back room of the hotel, which was full of noise and tobacco smoke. Amongst the guests was an officer with a long black beard, who wore the Geneva cross on his arm. This was Prince Pless. He said that the captured French officers at Pont a Mousson had behaved in an insolent manner, and had spent the whole night drinking and playing cards. A general had insisted that he was entitled to have a separate carriage, and been very ob- streperous when his demand was naturally rejected. We then went on to speak of the franctireurs and their odious modes of warfare. The Minister confirmed what I had already heard from Abeken, namely, that he had spoken very sharply to the prisoners we had met in the afternoon. " I told them ' Vous serez tons pendus, — vous netes fas des so/a'ats, vous etes des assassins /' On my saying this one of them began to howl." We have already seen that the Chancellor is anything but unfeeling, and further proof of this will be given later on. In our quarters the Chief's chamber was on the first floor, Abeken, I believe, having a back room on the same landing. The remainder of us were lodged on the second floor in a dormi- tory or kind of hall which at first only contained two chairs and two bedsteads with mattresses but without quilts. The night was bitterly cold, and I only with my waterproof to cover me. Still it was quite endurable, especially when one fell asleep thinking of the poor soldiers who have to lie outside in the muddy fields. In the morning we were busy rearranging our apartment to suit our needs. Without depriving it of its original character we turned it into an office and dining room. Theiss's clever- ness conjured up a magnificent table out of a sawing bench and a baker's trough, a barrel, a small box, and a door which we took off its hinges. This work of art served as breakfast and dining table for the Chancellor of the Confederation and our- selves, and in the intervals between those meals was used as a desk by the Councillors and Secretaries, who neatly committed to paper and reproduced in the form of despatches, instructions, 88 FRICTION AT HEADQUARTERS [Aug. 27 telegrams, and newspaper articles the pregnant ideas which the Count thought out in our midst. The scarcity of chairs was to a certain extent overcome by requisitioning a bench from the kitchen, while some of the party contented themselves with boxes as seats. Wine bottles that had been emptied by the Minister served as candlesticks, — experience proved that cham- pagne bottles were the fittest for this purpose, — and as a matter of fact good wax candles burned as brightly in these as in a silver chandelier. It was more difficult to secure the necessary supply of water for washing, and sometimes it was hard even to get enough for drinking purposes, the soldiers having during the last two days almost drained the wells for themselves and their horses. Only one of our party lamented 'is lot and grumbled at these and other slight discomforts. The rest of us, including the far-travelled Abeken, accepted them all with good humour, as welcome and characteristic features of our expedition. The office of the Minister of War, or rather of the General Staff, was on the ground floor, where Fouriere and a number of soldiers sat at the desks and rostrums in the two schoolrooms. The walls were covered with maps, &c, and with mottoes, one of which was particularly applicable to the present bad times : Faitcs vous une e'tudc de la patience, et sachez ce'der par raisoti. The Chief came in while we were taking our coffee. He was in a bad temper, and asked why the proclamation threaten- ing to punish with death a number of offences by the population against the laws of war had not been posted up. On his in- structions I inquired of Stieber, who told me that Abeken had handed over the proclamation to the General Staff, and that he (Stieber), as director of the military police, could only put up such notices when they came from his Majesty. On going to the Chancellor's room to inform him of the re- sult of my inquiries, I found that he was little better off than myself in the way of sleeping accommodation. He had passed the night on a mattress on the floor with his revolver by his side, and he was working at a little table which was hardly large enough to rest his two elbows on. The apartment was almost bare of furniture and there was not a sofa or armchair, &c. He who for years past had so largely influenced the history of the world, and in whose mind all the great move- 1870J WORKING UNDKR DIFFICULTIES 89 ments of our time were concentrated and being shaped anew, had hardly a place on which to lay his head, while stupid Court parasites rested from their busy idleness in luxurious beds, and even Monsieur Stieber managed to provide for himself a more comfortable resting-place than our Master. On this occasion I saw a letter that had fallen into our hands. It came from Paris and was addressed to a French officer of high rank. From this communication it appeared that little hope was entertained of further successful resistance, and just as little of the maintenance of the dynasty. The writer did not know what to expect or desire for the immediate future. The choice seemed to lie between a Republic without republicans, and a Monarchy without monarchists. The re- publicans were a feeble set and the monarchists were too selfish. There was great enthusiasm about the army, but nobody was in a hurry to join it and assist in repelling the enemy. The Chief again said that attention should be called to the services of the Saxons at Gravelotte. " The small black fellows should in particular be praised. Their own newspapers have expressed themselves very modestly, and yet the Saxons were exceptionally gallant. Try to get some details of the excellent work they did on the 18th." They were very busy in the office in the meantime. Coun- cillors and Secretaries were writing and deciphering at full pressure, sealing despatches at the lights stuck into the cham- pagne-bottle candlesticks, and all around portfolios and docu- ments, waterproofs and shoe-brushes, torn papers and empty envelopes, were strewn about in picturesque confusion. Order- lies, couriers, and attendants came and went. Every one was talking at the same time and was too occupied to pay the least attention to his neighbours. Abeken was particularly active in rushing about between the improvised table and the messengers, and his voice ^vas louder than ever. I believe that this morn- ing his ready hand turned out a fresh document every half hour, at least ; one heard him constantly pushing back his chair and calling a messenger. In addition to all this noise came the incessant tramp, tramp, tramp of the soldiers, the rolling of the drums, and the rattle of the carts over the pavement. In this confusion it was no light task to collect one's thoughts and to 90 QUARTERING TROOPS IN A CHURCH [Aug. 28 carry out properly the instructions received, but with plenty of good will it could be done. After dinner, at which the Chancellor and some of the Councillors were not present, as they dined with the King, I took a walk with Willisch to the chapel of St. Anne on the top of the hill. There we found a number of our countrymen, soldiers belonging to the Freiberg Rifle Battalion, at supper under a tree. They have been engaged in the battle of the 1 8th. I tried to obtain some particulars of the fight, but could not get much more out of them than that they had given it with a will to the Frenchmen. By the side of the chapel a pathway led between a row of trees to a delightful prospect whence we could see at our feet the little town, and beyond it to the north and east an extensive plain, with stubble fields, villages, steeples, groups of trees, and stretches of wood, and to the south and west a forest that spread < .t to the horizon changing from dark green to the misty blue of the far distance. This plain is intersected by three roads, one of which goes direct to Varennes. On this road not far from the town a Bavarian regiment was stationed, whose camp fires added a picturesque note to the scene. In the distance to the right was a wooded hill with the village of Faucoix, while the small town of Montfaucon was visible further off. The second road, more towards the east, leads to Verdun. Still further to the right, not far from a camp of Saxon troops, was the road to Bar le Due, on which we noticed a detachment of soldiers. We caught the glint of their bayonets in the evening sunshine and heard the sound of their drums softened by the distance. Here we remained a good while gazing at this pleasing pic- ture, which in the west was glowing with the light of the set- ting sun, and watching the shadows of the mountain spread slowly over the fields until all was dark. On our way back we again looked in at the church of St. Didier, in which some Hes- sians were now quartered. They lay on straw in the choir and before the altar, and lit their pipes at the lamps which burned before the sanctuary — without, however, intending any disre- spect, as they were decent, harmless fellows. On Sunday, August 28th, we were greeted with a dull grey sky and a soft steady rain that reminded one of the weather 1870J SOUTH GERMANY MUST BE MADE SECURE 9 1 experienced by Goethe not far from here in September, 1792, during the days preceding and following the artillery engage- ment at Valmy. At the Chief's request I took General Sheri- dan a copy of the Pall Mall Gazette, and afterwards tried to hunt up some Saxons who could give me particulars of the bat- tle of the 1 8th. At length I found an officer of the Landwehr, a landed proprietor named Fuchs-Nordhof, from Moeckern, near Leipzig. He was not able to add much to what I knew. The Saxons had fought principally at Sainte Marie aux Chenes and Saint Privat, and protected the retreat of the guards, who had fallen into some disorder. The Freiberg Rifles took the position held by the French at the point of the bayonet with- out firing a shot. The Leipzig Regiment (107th) in particular had lost a great many men and nearly all its officers. That was all he could tell me, except that he confirmed the news as to Krausshaar's death. When the Minister got up we were again provided with plenty of work. Our cause was making excellent progress. I was in a position to telegraph that the Saxon cavalry had routed the 12th Chasseurs at Voussieres and Beaumont. I was informed (and was at liberty to state) that we held to our deter- mination to compel France to a cession of territory, and that we should conclude peace on no other conditions. The arguments in support of this decision were given in the following article, which was sanctioned by the Chief : — " Since the victories of Mars la Tour and Gravelotte the German forces have been constantly pressing forward. The time would, therefore, appear to have come for considering the conditions on which Germany can conclude peace with France. In this matter we must be guided neither by a pas- sion for glory or conquest, nor by that generosity which is fre- quently recommended to us by the foreign press. Our sole object must be to guarantee the security of South Germany from fresh attacks on the part of France such as have been renewed more than a dozen times from the reign of Louis XIV. to our own days, and which will be repeated as often as France feels strong enough. The enormous sacrifices in blood and treasure which the German people have made in this war, together with all our present victories, would be in vain if the power of the French were not weakened for attack and the 92 FRENCH TERRITORY TO BE CEDED [Aug. 28 defensive strength of Germany were not increased. Our people have a right to demand that this shall be done. Were we to content ourselves with a change of dynasty and an indemnity, the position of affairs would not be improved, and there would be nothing to prevent this war leading to a number of others, especially as the present defeat would spur on the French to revenge. France with her comparatively great wealth would soon forget the indemnity, and any new dynasty would, in order to fortify its own position, endeavour to secure a victory over us and thus compensate for the present misfortunes of the country. Generosity is a highly respectable virtue, but as a rule in politics it secures no gratitude. In 1866 we did not take a single inch of ground from the Austrians, but have we received any thanks in Vienna for this self-restraint ? Do they not feel a bitter longing for revenge simply because they have been defeated ? Besides, the French already bore us a grudge for our victory at Sadowa, though it was not won over them but over another foreign Power. Whether we now generously forego a cession of territory or not, how will they feel towards us after the victories of Worth and Metz, and how will they seek revenge for their own defeat ? "The consequences of the other course adopted in 1814 and 181 5, when France was treated with great consideration, prove it to have been bad policy. If at that time the French had been weakened to the extent which the interests of general peace required, the present war would not have been necessary. "The danger does not lie in Bonapartism, although the latter must rely chiefly upon chauvinist sentiment. It consists in the incurable arrogance of that portion of the French people which gives the tone to the whole country. This trait in the French national character, which will guide the policy of every dynasty, whatever name it may bear, and even of a Republic, will con- stantly lead to encroachments upon peaceful neighbours. Our victories, to bear fruit, must lead to an actual improvement of our frontier defences against this restless neighbour. Whoever wishes to see the diminution of military burdens in Europe, or desires such a peace as would permit thereof, must look not to moral but to material guarantees as a solid and permanent barrier against the French lust of conquest; in other words, it should in future be made as difficult as possible for France to 1870J METZ AND STRASBURG FOR GERMANY 93 invade South Germany with a comparatively small force, and even in peace to compel the South Germans, through the appre- hension of such attack, to be always reckoning with the French Government. Our present task is to secure South Germany by providing it with a defensible frontier. To fulfil that task is to liberate Germany, that is to complete the work of the War of Liberation in 18 13 and 18 14. " The least, therefore, that we can demand and that the German people, and particularly our comrades across the Main, can accept is the cession of the French gateways into Germany, namely Strasburg and Metz. It would be just as short-sighted to expect any permanent peace from the mere demolition of these fortresses as to trust in the possibility of winning over the French by considerate treatment. Besides, it must not be forgotten that this territory which we now demand was origi- nally German and in great part still remains German, and that its inhabitants will perhaps in time learn to feel that they belong to one race with ourselves. "We may regard a change of dynasty with indifference. An indemnity will only temporarily weaken France financially. What we require is increased security for our frontiers. This is only attainable, however, by changing the two fortresses that threaten us into bulwarks for our protection. Strasburg and Metz must cease to be points of support for French attacks and be transformed into German defences. " Whoever sincerely desires a general European peace and disarmament, and wants to see the ploughshare replace the sword, must first wish to see the eastern neighbors of France secure peace for themselves, as France is the sole disturber of public tranquillity and will so remain as long as she has the power." CHAPTER V WE TURN TOWARDS THE NORTH — THE CHANCELLOR OF THE CONFEDERATION AT REZONVILLE THE BATTLE AND BATTLE- FIELD OF BEAUMONT Sunday, August 28M. — At tea we receive an important piece of news. We ourselves and the whole army (with the exception of that portion which remains behind for the investment of Metz) are to alter our line of march, and instead of going west- wards in the direction of Chalons, we are to turn northwards, following the edge of the Argonne forest towards the Ardennes and the Meuse district. Our next halt will, it is believed, be at Grand Pre. This move is made for the purpose of intercepting Marshal MacMahon, who has collected a large force and is marching towards Metz for the relief of Bazaine. We start at 10 o'clock on the 29th, passing through several villages and occasionally by handsome chateaux and parks, a camp of Bavarian soldiers, some line regiments, rifles, light horse, and cuirassiers. In driving through the small town of Varennes we notice the house where Louis XVI. was arrested by the postman of Saint Menehould. It is now occupied by a firm of scythe manufacturers. The whole place is full of sol- diers, horse and foot, with waggons and artillery. After extri- cating ourselves from this crowd of vehicles and men, we push rapidly forward through villages and past other camps, until we reach Grand Pre. Here the Chancellor takes up his quarters in the Grande Rue, a little way from the Market, the King lodging at an apothecary's not far off. The second section of the King's suite, including Prince Ch;irles, Prince Luitpold of Bavaria, and the Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, was quartered in the neighbouring village of Juvin. I am billeted at a milliner's opposite the Chief's quarters. I have a nice clean room, but my landlady is invisible. We saw a number of French 94 Aug. 29, 1870) THE CHANCELLOR AT VARENNES 95 prisoners in the market-place on our arrival. I am informed that an encounter with MacMahon's army is expected to-morrow morning. At Grande Pre the Chief again showed that he never thought of the possibility of an attempt being made to assas- sinate him. He walked about in the twilight alone and without any constraint, going even through narrow and lonely streets that offered special opportunities for attack. I say this from personal experience, because I followed him with my revolver at a little distance. It seemed to me possible that an occasion might arise when I might be of assistance to him. On my hearing next morning that the King and the Chan- cellor were going off together in order to be present at the great battue of the second French army, I thought of a favourite proverb of the Chief's which he repeated to me on his return from Rezonville : — " Wer sich griin macht, den fressen die Ziegen" and plucking up heart I begged him to take me with him. He answered, "But if we remain there for the night what will you do?" I replied, "That doesn't matter, Excel- lency; I shall know how to take care of myself." "Well, then, come along ! " said he, laughing. The Minister took a walk in the market-place while I, in high good humour, fetched my travelling bag, waterproof, and faithful diary. On his re- turn he entered his carriage and motioned to me to join him, when I took my place at his side. One must have luck to secure such a piece of good fortune, and one must also follow it up. We started shortly after 9 o'clock. At first we retraced our steps along yesterday's road. Then to the left through vine- yards and past several villages in a hilly district. We met some parks of artillery and troops on the march or resting by the way. About 1 1 o'clock we reached the little town of Busancy, where we stopped in the market-place to wait for the King. The Chief was very communicative. He complained that he was so frequently disturbed at his work by persons talking outside his door, "particularly as some of the gentlemen have such loud voices. An ordinary inarticulate noise does not annoy me. I am not put out by music or the rattle of wag- gons, but what irritates me is a conversation in which I can 96 COUNT WILLIAM BISMARCK [Aug. 29 distinguish the words. I then want to know what it is about, and so I lose the thread of my own ideas." He then pointed out to me that when officers saluted our carriage, it was not for me to return the salute. He himself was not saluted as Minister or Chancellor, but solely as a general officer, and soldiers might feel offended if a civilian seemed to think that the salute was also intended for him. He was afraid that nothing in particular would occur that day, an opinion which was shared by some Prussian artillery officers who were standing by their guns immediately opposite Kusancy, and with whom he spoke. " It will be just as it was oc- casionally when I was out wolf shooting in the Ardennes. After wandering about for days in the snow, we used to hear that a track had been discovered, but when we followed it up the wolf had disappeared. It will be the same with the French to-day." After expressing a hope that he might meet his second son, respecting whom he repeatedly inquired of officers along the route, the Minister added: — "You can see from his case how little nepotism there is in our army. He has already served twelve months and has obtained no promotion, while others are recommended for the rank of ensign in little more than a month." I took the liberty to ask how that was possible. " I do not know," he answered. " I have made close inquiries as to whether he had been guilty of any slight breaches of discipline; but no, his conduct had been quite satisfactory, and in the en- gagement at Mars la Tour he charged as gallantly on the French square as any of his comrades. On the return ride he dragged with him out of the fight two dragoons who had been unhorsed, grasping one of them in each hand. 1 It is certainly well to avoid favouritism, but it is bitter to be slighted." A few weeks later both his sons were promoted to the rank of officers. Subsequently, amongst many other things, the Chief once more gave me an account of his experiences on the evening of the 1 8th of August. They had sent their horses to water, and were standing near a battery which had opened fire. This was not returned by the French, but he continued : " While we thought their cannon had been dismounted, they were for the 1 Not quite correct, according to a subsequent statement >>f tin: Minister's and Count Hill's uwn account. 1870J AN ANXIOUS MOMENT 97 last hour concentrating their guns and mitrailleuses for a last great effort. Suddenly they began a fearful fire with shells and smaller projectiles, filling the whole air with an incessant crash- ing and roaring, howling and whistling. We were cut off from the King, whom Roon had sent to the rear. I remained by the battery, and thought that if we had to retire I could jump on to the next ammunition cart. We expected that this attack would be supported by French infantry, who might take me prisoner, even if I were to treat them to a steady revolver fire. I had six bullets ready for them, and another half-dozen in reserve. At length our horses returned, and I started off to join the King. That, however, was jumping from the frying pan into the fire. The shells that passed over our heads fell exactly in the space across which we had to ride. Next morning we saw the pits which they dug in the ground. It was therefore neces- sary for the King to retire still further to the rear. I told him this after the officers had mentioned it to me. It was now night. The King said he was hungry, and wished to have something to eat. Drink was to be had from one of the sutlers, wine and bad rum, but there was nothing to eat except dry bread. At last they managed to hunt up a couple of cutlets in the vil- lage, just enough for the King, but nothing for his compan- ions, so that I was obliged to look out for something else. His Majesty wished to sleep in the carriage between dead horses and severely wounded soldiers. Later on he found shelter in a miserable hut. The Chancellor of the Confederation was obliged to seek cover elsewhere. Leaving the heir of one of our mighty German potentates (the young Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg) to keep watch over the carriage and see that nothing was stolen, I went with Sheridan on a recon- noitring tour in search of a sleeping place. We came to a house which was still burning, but that was too hot for us. I inquired at another, it was full of wounded ; at a third, and got the same answer, and still a fourth was also full of wounded. Here, however, I refused to budge. I saw a top window in which there was no light, and asked who was there. ' Only wounded soldiers,' was the reply. 'Well, we are just going up to see,' I said, and marched up stairs. There we found three beds with good and tolerably clean straw mattresses, where we took up our quarters and slept capitally." VOL. 1. — H 98 AT BUSANCY [An;. 30 When the Minister first told this story at Pont a Mousson, with less detail, his cousin, Count Bismarck-Bohlen, added : "Yes, you fell asleep immediately, as also did Sheridan, who rolled himself up in a white linen sheet — where he found it I cannot imagine — and seemed to dream of you all night, as I heard him murmur to himself several times, ' O dear Count ! ' " " Yes," said the Minister, "and the Hereditary Grand Duke, who took the affair in very good part, and was altogether a very pleasant and amiable young gentleman." " Moreover," con- tinued Bohlen, " the best of it was that there really was no such scarcity of shelter. In the meantime a fine country house had been discovered that had been prepared for the reception of Bazaine, with good beds, excellent wine, and I know not what besides, all first rate. The Minister of War quartered himself there, and had a luxurious supper with his staff." On the way to Busancy the Chancellor further said : " The whole day I had nothing to eat but army bread and bacon fat. In the evening we got five or six eggs. The others wanted them cooked, but I like them raw, and so I stole a couple, and cracking the shells on the hilt of my sword, I swallowed them, and felt much refreshed. Early next morning I had the first warm food for thirty-six hours. It was only some pea soup with bacon, which I got from General Goeben, but I enjoyed it immensely." The market-place at Busancy, a small country town, was crowded with officers, hussars, uhlans, couriers, and all sorts of conveyances. After a while Sheridan and Forsythe also ar- rived. At 11.30 the King appeared, and immediately after- wards we heard the unexpected news that the French were standing their ground. At about four kilometres from Busancy wc came to a height beneath which to the left and right a small open valley lay between us and another height. Suddenly we heard the muffled sound of a discharge in the distance. " Ar- tillery fire," said the Minister. A little further on I saw two columns of infantry stationed on the other side of a hollow to the left on a piece of rising ground bare of trees. They had two guns which were being fired. It was so far off, however, that one could hardly hear the report. The Chief was sur- prised at the sharpness of my sight and put on his glasses, which I for the first time learned were necessary to him when i'6yo] THE BATTLE OF BEAUMONT 99 he wished to see at a distance. Small white clouds like bal- loons at a great height floated for three or four seconds above the hollow and then disappeared in a flash. These were shrap- nel shells. The guns must have been German, and seemed to throw their shot from a declivity on the other side of the hollow. Over this hollow was a wood, in front of which I could observe several dark lines, perhaps French troops. Still further off was the spur of a hill, with three or four large trees. This, accord- ing to my map, was the village of Stonn, from which, as I after- wards heard, the Emperor Napoleon watched the fight. The firing to the left soon ceased. Bavarian artillery, blue cuirassiers, and green light horse passed us on the road, going at a trot. A little further on, just as we drove by a small thicket, we heard a rattle, as of a slow and badly delivered volley. " A mitrailleuse," said Engel, turning round on the box. Not far off, at a place where the Bavarian rifles were resting in the ditch by the road, the Minister got on horseback in order to ride with the King, who was ahead of us. We our- selves, after following the road for a time, turned towards the right across a stubble field. The ground gradually rose to a low height on which the King stood with the Chief and a num- ber of Princes, generals, and other officers of high rank. I followed them across the ploughed fields, and standing a little to one side I watched the battle of Beaumont till nearly sunset. It began to grow dark. The King sat on a chair near which a straw fire had been lit, as there was a strong wind. He was following the course of the battle through a field-glass. The Chancellor, who was similarly occupied, stood on a ridge, from which Sheridan also watched the spectacle. It was now possible to catch the flash of the bursting shells and the flames that were rising from the burning houses at Beaumont. The French continued to retire rapidly, and the combatants dis- appeared over the crest of the treeless height that closed the horizon to the left behind the wood over the burning village. The battle was won. It was growing dark when we returned towards Busancy, and when we reached it it was surrounded by hundreds of small fires that threw the silhouettes of men, horses, and baggage wag- gons into high relief. We got down at the house of a doctor who lived at the end of the main street, in which the King had IOO THE FRENCH TAKEN BY SURPRISE [Aug. 31 also taken up his quarters. Those of our party who had been left behind at Grand Pre had arrived before us. I slept here on a straw mattress on the floor of an almost empty room, under a coverlet which had been brought from the hospital in the town by one of our soldiers. That, however, did not in the least pre- vent my sleeping the sleep of the just. On Wednesday, August the 31st, between 9 and 10 a.m., the King and the Chancellor drove out to visit the battlefield of the previous day. I was again permitted to accompany the Minister. At first we followed the road taken the day before through Bar de Busancy and Sommauthe. Between these two villages we passed some squadrons of Bavarian uhlans, who heartily cheered the King. Behind Sommauthe, which was full of wounded, we drove through a beautiful wood that lay between that village and Beaumont, where we arrived after 1 1 o'clock. King William and our Chancellor then got on horseback and rode to the right over the fields. I followed in the same direc- tion on foot. The carriages went on to the town, where they were to wait for us. The Chancellor remarked that the French had not offered a particularly steady resistance yesterday, or shown much pru- dence in their arrangements. " At Beaumont a batten- of heavy artillery surprised them in their camp in broad daylight. Horses were shot tethered, many of the dead are in their shirt sleeves, and plates are still lying about with boiled potatoes, pots with half-cooked meat, and so forth." During the drive the Chief came to speak of " people who have the King's ear and abuse his good nature," thinking in the first place of the " fat Borck, the holder of the King's Privy Purse"; and afterwards referring to Count Bernstorff, our then Ambassador in London, who, when he gave up the Foreign Office in Berlin, "knew very well how to take care of himself." In fact, " he was so long weighing the respective advantages of the two Embassies — London and Paris — that he delayed entering upon his duties much longer than was decent or proper." I ventured to ask what sort of a person Von der Goltz was, as one heard such different opinions about him, and whether he really was a man of importance and intellect as was main- tained. "Intelligent? yes, in a certain sense," replied the 1870J VOX DER GOLTZ AND THE FRENCH COURT IOI Minister; "a quick worker, well informed, but changeable in his views of men and things, to-day in favour of this man or this project, to-morrow for another and sometimes for the very opposite. Then he was always in love with the Princesses to whose Courts he was accredited, first with Amelia of Greece and then with Eugenie. He believed that what I had the good fortune to carry through, he, with his exceptional intelligence, could have also done and even better. Therefore he was con- stantly intriguing against me, although we had been good friends in our youth. He wrote letters to the King complain- ing of me and warning his Majesty against me. That did not help him much, as the King handed over the letters to me, and I replied to them by reprimanding him. But in this respect he was persevering, and continued to write indefatigably. He was very little liked by his subordinates, indeed they actually detested him. On my visit to Paris in 1862 I called upon him to report myself just as he had settled down to a siesta. I did not wish to have him disturbed, but his secretaries were evi- dently delighted that he should be obliged to get up, and one of them immediately went in to announce me. It would have been so easy for him to secure the good will and attachment of his people. It is not difficult for an Ambassador, and I too would do it gladly. But as a Minister one has no time, one has too many other things to think of and to do. So I have had to adopt a more military style." It will be seen from this descrip- tion that Von der Goltz was Arnim's forerunner and kindred spirit. The Minister went on to speak of Radowitz, saying he did not feel quite certain whether it was dulness or treachery on Radowitz's part that was to blame for the diplomatic defeat at Olmiitz. The army ought to have been brought into line before Olmiitz, but Radowitz had intrigued against it. " I would leave it an open question whether he did so as an Austrian ultra- montane Jesuit, or as an impracticable dreamer who thought he knew everything. Instead of looking to our armaments he occupied the King with constitutional trifles, of mediaeval fol- lies, questions of etiquette, and such like. On one occasion we heard that Austria had collected 80,000 men in Bohemia, and was buying great numbers of horses. This was mentioned be- fore the King in Radowitz's presence. He suddenly stepped 102 A BELLIGERENT PRIEST [Aug. 31 forward, looking as if he knew much more about it than any- body else, and said, ' Austria has 22,493 men and 2,005 horses in Bohemia,' and then turned away, conscious that he had once more impressed the King with a sense of his importance." The King and the Chancellor first rode to the field where the heavy artillery had been at work. I followed them after I had jotted down my notes. This field lies about 800 to 1000 paces to the right of the road that brought us here. In front of it towards the wood at the bottom of the valley were some fields surrounded by hedges in which lay about a thousand German dead, Thuringians of the 31st Regiment. The camp itself presented a horrible appearance, all blue and red from the French dead, most of them being killed by the shells of the 4th Corps, and fearfully disfigured. The Chancellor, as he afterwards told me, noticed among some prisoners in a quarry a priest who was believed to have fired at our men. " On my charging him with having done so he denied it. 'Take care,' I said to him, ' for if it is proved against you, you will certainly be hanged.' In the meantime I gave instructions to remove his cassock." Near the church the King saw a wounded musketeer, with whom he shook hands, although the man was rather tattered and dirty from the work of the previous day, doubtless to the surprise of the French officers who were present. The King asked him what his busi- ness was. He replied that he was a Doctor of Philosophy. " Well, then, you will have learnt to bear your wounds in a philosophical spirit," said the King. " Yes," answered the musketeer, " I have already made up my mind to do so." Near the second village we overtook some common soldiers, Bavarians, who had broken down on the march, and were drag- ging themselves slowly along in the burning sun. " Hullo, countryman ! " called out the Minister to one of these, " will you have some brandy ? " " Why, certainly ; " and so would a second and a third, to judge from their looks. All three, and a few more, after they had had a pull at the Minister's flask and at mine, received a decent cigar in addition. At the village of Crehangcs, where the princely personages of the second section of the King's suite were quartered, together with some gentle- men of the Crown Prince's retinue, the King ordered a lunch, to which Bismarck was also invited. In the meantime I sat on 1870] THURINGIAN SERENE HIGHNESS 103 a stone by the roadside and wrote up my diary, and afterwards assisted the Dutch ambulance corps, who had erected a bright green tent for the wounded in the vicinity of the village. When the Minister returned he asked me what I had been doing, which I told him. " I would rather have been there than in the com- pany I was in," he said, breathing deeply, and then quoted the line from Schiller's Diver, " Unter Larven die einzige filJdende Brust" (the only feeling heart amongst all those masks). During the rest of the drive the conversation moved for a considerable time in exalted regions, and the Chief readily gave me full information in answer to my inquiries. I re- gret, however, that I cannot for various reasons publish all I heard. A certain Thuringian Serene Highness appeared to be par- ticularly objectionable to him. He spoke of his " stupid self- importance as a Prince, regarding me as his Chancellor also " ; of his empty head, and his trivial conventional style of talk. " To some extent, however, that is due to his education, which trained him to the use of such empty phrases. Goethe is also partly to blame for that. The Queen has been brought up much in the same style. One of the chairs in the Palace would be taken to represent the Burgomaster of Apolda, who was coming to present his homage. ' Ah ! ' she was taught to say, ' very pleased to see you, Herr Burgomaster ! ' (Here the Chan- cellor leant his head a little to one side, pouted his lips, and assumed a most condescending smile.) ' How are things going on in the good town of Apolda ? In Apolda you make socks and tobacco and such things, which do not require much think- ing or feeling.' " I ventured to ask how he now stood with the Crown Prince. " Excellently," he answered. " We are quite good friends since he has come to recognise that I am not on the side of the French, as he had previously fancied — I do not know on what grounds." I remarked that the day before the Crown Prince had looked very pleased. "Why should he not be pleased?" replied the Count. " The Heir Apparent of one of the most powerful kingdoms in the world, and with the best prospects. He will be reasonable later on and allow his Ministers to govern more, and not put himself too much forward, and in general he will get rid of many bad habits that render old gentlemen of 104 THE AUGUSTENBURGER [Aug. 31 his trade sometimes rather troublesome. For the rest, he is unaffected and straightforward ; but he does not care to work much, and is quite happy if he has plenty of money and amuse- ments, and if the newspapers praise him." I took the liberty to ask further what sort of woman the Crown Princess was, and whether she had much influence over her husband. " I think not," the Count said; "and as to her intelligence, she is a clever woman ; clever in a womanly way. She is not able to disguise her feelings, or at least not always. I have cost her many tears, and she could not conceal how angry she was with me after the annexations (that is to say of Schleswig and Hanover). She could hardly bear the sight of me, but that feeling has now somewhat subsided. She once asked me to bring her a glass of water, and as I handed it to her she said to a lady-in-waiting who sat near and whose name I forget, ' He has cost me as many tears as there is water in this glass.' But that is all over now." Finally we descended from the sphere of the gods to that of ordinary humanity. After I had referred to the Coburg- Belgian-English clique, the conversation turned on the Augus- tenburger in his Bavarian uniform. " He's an idiot," said the Chancellor. " He might have secured much better terms. At first I did not want from him more than the smaller Princes were obliged to concede in 1866. Thanks, however, to Divine Providence and the pettifogging wisdom of Samwer, he would agree to nothing. I remember an interview I had with him in 1864, in the billiard-room near my study, which lasted until late in the night. I called him 'Highness' for the first time, and was altogether specially polite. When, however, I men- tioned Kiel Harbour, which we wanted, he remarked that that might mean something like a square mile, or perhaps even several square miles, a remark to which I was of course obliged to assent ; and when he also refused to listen to our demands with regard to the army, I assumed a different tone, and ad- dressed him merely as ' Prince.' Finally, I told him quite coolly in Low German that we could wring the necks of the chickens we had hatched. At Ligny he basely tricked me the other day into shaking hands with him. I did not know who the Bavarian general was who held out his hand to me, or I should have gone out of his way." 1870J THE CHANCELLOR AT VENDRESSE 105 After an unusually long drive up hill and down dale, we arrived at 7 o'clock at the small town or market-place of Ven- dresse, where the Chancellor put up at the house of a Widow Baudelot, with the rest of his party, who had already taken possession of their quarters. CHAPTER VI SEDAN — BISMARCK AND NAPOLEON AT DONCHERY On the ist of September Moltke's chase after the French in the Meuse district was, from all we could hear, evidently ap- proaching its close. I had the good fortune to be present at it next day. After rising very early in order to write up my diary from the hasty notes taken on the previous day in the carriage and by the roadside at Chemery, I went to the house of Widow Baudelot. As I entered, a large cavalry detachment, formed of five Prussian hussar regiments, green, brown, black, and red, rode past under the Chief's window. These were to accompany the King to a point near Sedan, whence he could witness the catastrophe which was now confidently expected. When the carriage came and the Chancellor appeared, he looked about him. Seeing me he said, "Can you decipher, doctor?" I answered, " Yes," and he added, ' Then get a cipher and come along." I did not wait to be asked twice. We started soon afterwards, Count Bismarck-Bohlen this time occupying the scat next to the Minister. We first passed through Chemery and Chehery, halting in a stubble field near a third viilage which lay in a hollow to the left of the road at foot of a bare hillock. Here the King, with his suite of Princes, generals, and courtiers, got on horseback, as did also the Chief, and the whole party moved towards the crest of the height. The distant roar of the cannon announced that the battle was in full progress. It was a bright sunny day, with a cloudless sky. Leaving Engel in charge of the carriage, I after a while fol- lowed the horsemen, whom I found in a ploughed field from which one had an extensive view of the district. Beneath was a deep wide valley, mostly green, with patches of wood on the heights that surrounded it. The blue stream of the Meuse flowed past a town of moderate size, the fortress of Sedan. On 1 06 Skit, i, 1S70] SEDAN IO7 the crest of the hill next us, at about the distance of a rifle shot, is a wood, and there are also some trees to the left. To the right in the foreground, which sloped obliquely, in a series of steps as it were, towards the bottom of the valley, was stationed a Bava- rian battery, which kept up a sharp fire at and over the town. Behind the battery were dark columns of infantry and cavalry. Still farther to the right, from a hollow, rose a thick column of smoke. It comes, we are told, from the burning village of Bazeilles. We are only about an English mile in a bee-line from Sedan, and in the clear atmosphere one can easily distin- guish the houses and churches. In the distance, to the left and right, three or four villages, and beyond them all, towards the horizon, a range of hills covered throughout with what appears to be a pine forest serves as a frame for the whole picture. It is the Ardennes, on the Belgian frontier. The main positions of the French appear to be on the hil- locks immediately beyond the fortress, and it looks as if our troops intended to surround them there. For the moment we can only see their advance on the right, as the lines of our artillery, with the exception of the Bavarians, who are posted under us, are lost behind the heights as they slowly move for- ward. Gradually the smoke of the guns is seen beyond the rising ground already mentioned, with the defile in the middle. The corps that are advancing in half circle to enclose the enemy are steadily endeavouring to complete the circle. To the left all is still. At 1 1 o'clock a dark grey pillar of smoke with yel- low edges rises from the fortress, which has hardly taken any part in the firing. The French troops beyond Sedan deliver an energetic fire, and at the same time, over the wood in the defile, rise numbers of small white clouds from the shells — whether French or German we cannot say. Sometimes, also, we hear the rattle of the mitrailleuse. There was a brilliant assembly upon the hill. The King, Bismarck, Moltke, Roon, a number of Princes, Prince Charles, their Highnesses of Weimar and Coburg, the Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, generals, aides-de-camp, court officials, Count Hatzfeld, who disappeared after a while, Kutusow, the Russian, and Colonel Walker, the English Military Plenipoten- tiary, together with General Sheridan and his aide-de-camp, all in uniform, and all looking through field-glasses. The King I08 DECIPHERING IN THE HELD [Seit. i stood, >vhile others sat on a ridge at the edge of the field, as did the Chancellor also at times. I hear that the King sent word round that it was better not to gather into large groups, as the French in the fortress might in that case fire at us. After 1 1 o'clock our line of attack advanced further on the right bank of the Meuse towards the main position of the French, who were thus more closely invested. In my eager- ness I began to express my views to Count Puckler, probably somewhat louder than was necessary or quite fitting in the cir- cumstances, and so attracted the attention of the Chief, who had sharp ears. He turned round and beckoned to me to come to him. " If you have strategic ideas to communicate to the Count it would be well if you managed to do so somewhat more quietly, doctor, as otherwise the King might ask who is speaking, and I should be obliged to present you to him." Shortly afterwards he received telegrams, six of which he gave me to decipher, so that for the time I had to resign my part as a spectator. On returning to the carriage I found in Count Hatzfeld a companion who had also been obliged to combine business with pleasure. The Chief had instructed him to copy out a French letter of four pages which had been intercepted by our troops. I mounted the box and set to work deciphering, while the battle roared like half-a-dozen thunderstorms on the other side of the height. In my eagerness to get done I did not feel the scorching midday sun, which raised blisters on one of my ears. It was now i o'clock. By this time our line of fire encircled the greater part of the enemy's position on the heights beyond the town. Clouds of smoke rose in a wide arch, while the well- known small puff-balls of the shrapnels appeared for an instant and burst in the air. Only to the left there yet remained a space where all was still. The Chancellor now sat on a chair, studying a document of several pages. I asked if he would like to have something to eat or drink, as we had come pro- vided. He declined, however, saying, " I should be very glad, but the King has also had nothing." The opposing forces on the other side of the river must be very near each other, as we hear oftener than before the hate- ful rattle of the mitrailleuse. Its bark, however, we arc told, is 1870J BAZEILLES IN FLAMES IOQ worse than its bite. Between 2 and 3 o'clock, according to my watch, the King passed near where I stood. After looking for a while through his glass towards the suburbs of Sedan, he said to those who accompanied him, "There, to the left, they are pushing forward large masses of troops ; I think it is a sortie." It was, as a matter of fact, an advance of some columns of infantry, which, however, soon retired, probably because they found that although this place was quiet it was by no means open. Shortly afterwards, with the assistance of the field-glass, one could see the French cavalry deliver several attacks on the crest of the hill to the left of the wood near the defile, which were repelled by volleys from our side. After these charges it could be seen, even with the naked eye, that the ground was covered with white objects, horses or soldiers' cloaks. Soon afterwards the artillery fire grew weaker at all points, and there was a general retreat of the French towards the town and its immediate vicinity. As already mentioned, they had for some time past been closed in on the left, where the Wiirtemberg troops had a couple of batteries not far from our hill, and where, as we were informed, the 5th and nth Army Corps had cut off all escape, with the exception of a small gap towards the Belgian frontier. After half-past 4 all their guns were silent, and somewhat later ours also ceased firing. Once again the scene becomes more animated. Suddenly bluish white clouds rise first in one and then in a second part of the town, showing that it is burning in two places. Bazeilles also is still in flames, and is sending up a pillar of dense grey yellow vapour into the clear evening air. The soft radiance of the declining sun is spreading more and more over the valley at our feet, like burnished gold. The hillocks of the battlefield, the ravine in the midst, the villages, the houses, the towers of the fortress, the suburb of Torcy, and the broken bridge in the distance to the left stand out in clear relief, from moment to moment more distinct as if seen through stronger and stronger glasses. Towards 5 o'clock General Hindersin speaks to the King, and I fancy I catch the words, " Bombard the town," and a "heap of ruins." A quarter of an hour later a Bavarian officer gallops up the height towards us. General von Bothmer sends word to the King that General Mailinger, who is stationed at IIO GENERAL REILLE SENT TO THE KING [Sept. i Torcy with the chasseurs, reports that the French desire to capitulate, and that their unconditional surrender has been de- manded. The King replied, " No one can negotiate this matter except myself. Tell the general that the bearer of the flag of truce must come to me." The Bavarian rides back into the valley. The King then speaks to Bismarck, and together they join the Crown Prince (who had arrived a little before), Moltke, and Roon. Their Highnesses of Weimar and Coburg are also with them, stand- ing a little to one side. After a while a Prussian aide-de-camp appears, and reports that our losses, so far as they can be ascertained up to the present, are not great — those of the Guards being moderate, of the Saxons somewhat more, while the remaining corps engaged suffered less. Only a small pro- portion of the French have escaped into the woods in the direction of the Belgian frontier, where search is now being made for them. All the rest have been driven towards Sedan. " And the Emperor? " questioned the King. "We do not know," answered the officer. Towards 6 o'clock, however, another aide-de-camp appeared and reported that the Emperor was in the town, and would im- mediately send out a par lement aire. " That is a grand suc- cess ! " said the King, turning to the company. " I thank thee (he added to the Crown Prince) for thy share in it." With these words he gave his hand to his son, and the latter kissed it. He then held out his hand to Moltke, who also kissed it. Finally he likewise shook hands with the Chancellor, and spoke to him alone for some time. This seemed to excite the displeasure of some of their Highnesses. Towards half-past 6, after a detachment of cuirassiers had been posted near the King as a guard of honour, the French General Reille, Napoleon's parlementairc, rode slowly up the hill. He dismounted at a distance of some ten paces from the King, and after approaching his Majesty took off his cap and handed over a letter of large size with a red seal. The general is an elderly gentleman of medium height and slender figure, in an unbuttoned black tunic with epaulettes and shoulder straps, black vest, red trousers, and polished riding boots. lie has no sword, but carries a walking stick in his hand. All the com- pany move away from the King, who opens and reads the letter, i S70 1 AN EARLY VISITOR III afterwards communicating the contents, which are now gener- ally known, to Bismarck, Moltke, the Crown Prince, and the other personages. Reille stands a little further off, at first alone, and later in conversation with some Prussian generals. The Crown Prince, Moltke, and his Highness of Coburg also speak to him while the King takes counsel with the Chancellor, who then commissions Hatzfeld to prepare a draft of the answer to the imperial letter Hatzfeld brings it in a few minutes and the King copies it, sitting on one chair, while the seat of an- other, held by Major von Alten, who kneels before him, serves as a desk. Shortly before 7 o'clock the French general rides back towards Sedan in the twilight, accompanied by an officer and a uhlan trumpeter carrying a white flag. The town is now in flames in three places, and the lurid columns of smoke that rise from Bazeilles shows it to be still burning. The tragedy of Sedan is over, and night lets down the curtain. There might be an epilogue on the following day, but for the present every one returned home. The King went back to Vendresse, the Chief, Count Bismarck-Bohlen, and I drove to the little town of Donchery, where it was quite dark when we arrived. We put up at the house of a Dr. Jeanjot. The town was full of Wurtemberg soldiers, who were camped in the mar- ket-place. Our reason for coming here was that an arrange- ment had been made according to which the Chancellor and Moltke were this evening to meet the French plenipotentiary to try to settle the conditions of the capitulation of the four French army corps now confined in Sedan. I slept here in an alcove near the back room on the first floor, with only the wall between me and the Minister, who had the large front room. Towards 6 o'clock in the morning I was awakened by hasty footsteps, and heard Engel say : " Excel- lency, Excellency, there is a French general at the door. I can- not understand what he wants." The Minister would appear to have got up hurriedly and spoken a few words to the French officer, who turned out to be General Reille. The consequence was that he dressed immediately, and without waiting either for breakfast or to have his clothes brushed, mounted his horse and rode rapidly off. I rushed to his window to see in what direc- tion he went. I saw him trot off towards the market-place. I 1 2 NAPOLEON [Sept. 2 In the room everything was lying about in disorder. On the floor lay the " Taglickc Losnngen unci LeJirtexte der Briider- gemeinde fur 1870" (Daily Watchwords and Texts of the Mora- vian Brethren for 1870), and on the toilette stand was another manual of devotion, "Die tdgliche Erquickung fiir glaubige Christen" (Daily Spiritual Refreshment for Believing Chris- tians), which Engel told me the Chancellor was accustomed to read at night. I now hastily dressed myself also, and after I had informed them downstairs that the Chief had gone off to Sedan to meet the Emperor Napoleon, who had left the fortress, I followed him as fast as I could. Some 800 paces from the bridge across the Meuse at Donchery, to the right of the road, planted with poplars, stands a single house, then the residence of a Belgian weaver. It is painted yellow, is but one story high, and has four windows on the front. There are white shutters to the windows on the ground floor ; the Venetian blinds on those of the first floor are also painted white, and it has a slate roof, like most of the houses at Donchery. Near it to the left is a potato field, now full of white blossoms, while to the right, across the path that leads to the house, stand some bushes. I see here that the Chancellor has already met the Emperor. In front of the house are six French officers of high rank, of whom five have caps with gold trimmings, while that worn by the sixth is black. What appears to be a hackney coach with four scats is waiting on the road. Bismarck and his cousin, Count Bohlen, are standing opposite the Frenchmen, while a little way off is Leverstrom, as well as two hussars, one brown and one black. At 8 o'clock Moltke arrives with a few officers of the general staff, but leaves again after a short stay. Soon afterwards a short, thick-set man, in a red cap braided with gold lace, and wearing red trousers and a hooded cape lined with red, steps from behind the house and speaks at first to the French officers, some of whom are sitting under the hedge by the potato field. He has white kid gloves, and smokes a cigarette. It is the Emperor. At the short distance at which I stand from him I can clearly distinguish his features. There is something soft and dreamy in the look of his light grey eves, which resemble those of people who have lived fast. His cap is set a little to the right, in which direction the head is also bent. The short 1870] NEGOTIATING THE CAPITULATION 113 legs do not seem in proportion with the long upper part of the body. His whole appearance has something unmilitary about it. The man is too soft, I am inclined to think too pulpy, for the uniform he wears. One could even fancy that he is capable of becoming sentimental at times. Those ideas, which are mere impressions, force themselves upon one all the more when one glances at the tall, well-set figure of our Chancellor. Napoleon seems fatigued, but not very much depressed. Nor does he look so old as I had expected. He might pass for a tolerably well-preserved man of fifty. After a while he goes over to the Chief, and speaks to him for about three minutes, and then — still smoking and with his hands behind his back — -walks up and down by the potato garden. A further short conversation follows between the Chancellor and the Emperor, begun by Bismarck, after which Napoleon once more converses with his French suite. About a quarter to 9 o'clock Bismarck and his cousin leave, going in the direction of Donchery, whither I follow them. The Minister repeatedly related the occurrences of this morning and the preceding night. In the following paragraphs I unite all these various statements into a connected whole. The sense of what the Chancellor said is faithfully given throughout, and his own words are in great part reproduced. "After the battle of the 1st of September, Moltke and I went to Donchery, about five kilometres from Sedan, for the purpose of carrying on the negotiations with the French. We spent the night there, the King and his suite returning to Ven- dresse. The negotiations lasted until midnight, without, how- ever, leading to an understanding. In addition to Moltke and myself, Blumenthal and three or four other officers of the gen- eral staff were present. General Wimpffen was the French spokesman. Moltke's demand was very short. The whole French army must surrender as prisoners of war. Wimpffen considered that too hard. The army had deserved better treat- ment by the gallantry it had shown in action. We ought to be content to let them go on condition that they took no further part in the war and removed to some district in France to be fixed upon by us, or to Algiers. Moltke quietly maintained his demand. Wimpffen dwelt upon his own unfortunate position. He had joined the troops two days before on his return from VOL. 1. — 1 114 THE FRENCH CANNOT BE TRUSTED [Sept. 2 Africa, and only took over the command when MacMahon was wounded towards the close of the battle — ■ and yet he must now put his signature to such a capitulation. He would rather try to hold the fortress or venture a sortie. Moltke regretted that it was impossible for him to make allowance for the position of the general, the hardship of which he appreciated. He recog- nised the gallantry of the French troops, but they could not possibly hold Sedan, and a sortie was out of the question. He was prepared to allow one of the general's officers to inspect our positions, in order that he might convince himself of that fact. Wimpffen then urged that from a political standpoint it was advisable to grant better terms. We must desire a speedy and permanent peace, and we could now secure it if we acted generously. A considerate treatment of the army would put both the soldiers and the whole people under an obligation of gratitude, and would inspire friendly feelings towards us. An opposite course would lead to endless war. I intervened at this point, as my trade came into question here. I told Wimpffen it was possible to trust to the gratitude of a Prince but not to that of a people, and least of all to that of the French. They had no permanent institutions, they were constantly changing governments and dynasties, which were not bound by what their predecessors had undertaken. If the Emperor's throne were secure it would be possible to count upon his gratitude in return for more favourable conditions. As matters stood it would be foolish not to avail themselves to the full of the advantages of our success. The French were an envious, jealous people. They were angry with us for our victory at Sadowa, and could not forgive us for it, although it had not injured them. How then could any generosity on our part prevent them from bear- ing us a grudge for Sedan? Wimpffen could not agree to that. The French had changed latterly, and had learnt under the Empire to think more of peaceful interests than of the glory of war. They were ready to proclaim the brotherhood of nations, and so on. It was not difficult to prove the contrary, and to show that the acceptance of his proposals would lead rather to a prolongation of the war than to its termination. I finished by saying that we must maintain our conditions. Castelneau then spoke, explaining on behalf of the Emperor that the latter had only given up his sword on the previous day in the hope of 1870J NAPOLEON ASKS TO SEE BISMARCK 115 an honourable capitulation. I asked, 'Whose sword was that? The Emperor's, or that of France ? ' He replied, ' Merely the Emperor's.' 'Well then,' interjected Moltke, sharp as light- ning — a gleam of satisfaction overspreading his hawk-like features — ' there can be no further question of any other con- ditions.' 'Very well,' declared Wimpffen, 'in that case we shall renew the fight to-morrow.' ' I will see that our fire com- mences at 4 o'clock,' said Moltke, on which the French ex- pressed a wish to retire. I induced them, however, to remain a little longer and to consider the matter once more. The result was that they ultimately begged for an extension of the armistice, in order to consult with their people in Sedan. At first Moltke did not wish to agree to this, but finally consented on my pointing out to him that it could do no harm. " Towards 6 o'clock on the morning of the 2nd of Septem- ber, General Reille appeared before my lodging at Donchery, and said the Emperor wished to speak to me. I dressed immediately and got on horseback, dirty, unwashed, and dusty as I was, to ride to Sedan, where I expected to see the Em- peror. I met him, however, on the road near Fresnois, three kilometres from Donchery. He sat with three officers in a two-horse carriage, three others accompanying him on horse- back. Of these officers I only knew Reille, Castelneau, Mos- cowa, and Vaubert. I had my revolver buckled round my waist, and as I found myself alone in the presence of the six officers I may have glanced at it involuntarily. I may perhaps even have instinctively laid my hand upon it. Napoleon prob- ably noticed that, as his face turned an ashy grey. Possibly he thought that history might repeat itself — I think it was a Prince de Conde who was murdered while a prisoner after a battle. 1 " I saluted in military fashion. The Emperor took off his cap, the officers following his example, whereupon I also removed mine, although it was contrary to the regulations to do so. He said, ' Couvrez-vous, done' I treated him exactly as if we were at Saint Cloud, and asked him what his com- mands were. He wished to know whether he could speak to 1 Louis de Conde was treacherously murdered on the 12th of March, 1569, after the engagement at Jarnac, just as he had delivered up his sword to an officer of the royal army, being shot by one Montesquieu, a captain of the guards. Il6 THE INTERVIEW [Sept. 2 the King. I said that was impossible, as his Majesty's quar- ters were about two German miles away. I did not wish him to see the King before we had come to an understanding as to the capitulation. He then asked where he could wait, which indicated that he could not return to Sedan, as he had either experienced or apprehended some unpleasantness there. The town was full of drunken soldiers, which was a great hardship for the inhabitants. I offered him my quarters at Donchery, which I was prepared to leave immediately. He accepted the offer, but when we had come within a few hundred yards of the town he asked whether he could not stay in a house which he saw by the road. I sent my cousin, who had followed me, to view the house. On his report I told the Emperor that it was a very poor place. He replied that it did not matter. After he had gone over to the house and come back again, having probably been unable to find the stairs, which were at the back, I accompanied him to the first floor, where we entered a small room with one window. It was the best in the house, but its only furniture was a deal table and two rush-bottomed chairs. " Here I had a conversation with him which lasted for nearly three-quarters of an hour. He complained first of this fatal war, which he had not desired. He was forced into it by the pressure of public opinion. I replied that in Germany no- body had wished for war, and the King least of all. We had regarded the Spanish question as a matter concerning Spain and not Germany, and we were justified in expecting from the good relations between the princely house of Hohenzollern and himself, that an understanding could be easily come to with the Hereditary Prince. We then went on to speak of the present situation. He wished above all to obtain more favourable terms of capitulation. I explained that I could not go into that ques- tion, as it was a purely military one, with which Moltke would have to deal. On the other hand it was open to us to discuss an eventual peace. He replied that he was a prisoner, and therefore not in a position to decide. On my asking him whom he regarded as competent to treat, he referred me to the Gov- ernment in Paris. I observed that the situation had therefore not changed since yesterday and that we must maintain our demand respecting the army in Sedan, as a guarantee that we 1870J WILLIAM AND NAPOLEON I 17 should not lose the benefits of our victory. Moltke, to whom I had sent word, and who had arrived in the meantime, was of the same opinion and went to the King in order to tell him so. " Standing before the house the Emperor praised our army and the manner in which it had been led. On my acknowledg- ing that the French had also fought well, he came back to the conditions of the capitulation, and asked whether we could not allow the troops shut up in Sedan to cross the Belgian frontier, there to be disarmed and held as prisoners. I tried again to make it clear to him that that was a question for the military authorities, and could not be settled without the concurrence of Moltke. Besides, he himself had just declared that as a prisoner he was not able to exercise his authority, and that accordingly negotiations respecting questions of that kind should be carried on with the principal officer in command at Sedan. " In the meantime a search had been made for a better lodging for the Emperor, and the officers of the general staff found that the little chateau of Bellevue near Fresnois, where I first met him, was suitable for his reception, and was not yet requisitioned for the wounded. I advised him to remove there, as it would be more comfortable than the weaver's house, and that possibly he wanted rest. We would let the King know that he was there. He agreed to this, and I rode back to Donchery to change my clothes. I then accompanied him to Bellevue with a squadron of the 1st Cuirassier Regiment as a guard of honour. The Emperor wished the King to be present at the negotiations which began here, — doubtless counting on his soft-heartedness and good nature, — but he also desired me to take part in them. I had however decided that the soldiers, who were made of sterner stuff, should settle the affair by them- selves ; and so I whispered to an officer as I went up the stairs to call me in five minutes and say that the King wanted to speak to me. This was accordingly done. Napoleon was in- formed that he could only see the King after the conclusion of the capitulation. The matter was therefore arranged between Moltke and Wimpffen, much on the lines that were laid down the evening before. Then the two monarchs met. As the Emperor came out after the interview, his eyes were filled with Il8 REVIEWING THE BATTLEFIELD [Sept. 2 heavy tears. In speaking to me he was much less affected, and was perfectly dignified." We had no detailed particulars of these events on the fore- noon of the 2nd of September ; and from the moment when the Chief, in a fresh uniform and cuirassier's helmet, rode off from Donchery until late at night, we only heard vague rumours of what was going on. About 10.30 a. m. a detachment of Wiir- temberg artillery drove past our house at a trot. In every direction clouds of dust rose from the hoofs of the cavalry, while the bayonets of long columns of infantry glistened in the sun. The road at our feet was filled with a procession of waggons loaded with baggage and forage. Presently we met Lieutenant von Czernicki, who wanted to go into Sedan, and invited us to drive with him in his little carriage. We had accompanied him nearly as far as Fresnois, when, at about 1 o'clock, we met the King with a large suite on horseback, in- cluding the Chancellor, coming in the opposite direction. As it was probable that the Chief was going to Donchery we got out and followed him. The party, however, which included Hatzfeld and Abeken, rode through the town, and we heard that they were reviewing the battlefield. As we did not know how long the Minister would remain away we did not venture to leave Donchery. About 1.30 p.m. some thousands of prisoners marched through the town on their way to Germany. Most of them were on foot, but some of them were in carts. They included about sixty to seventy officers, and a general who was on horseback. Amongst the prisoners were cuirassiers in white helmets, blue hussars with white facings, and infantrymen of the 22nd, 52nd, and 58th regiments. They were escorted by Wiirtemberg infantry. At 2 o'clock followed a second batch of about 2000 prisoners, amongst whom were negroes in Arab cos- tume — tall, broad-shouldered fellows, with savage, ape-like features, and some old soldiers wearing the Crimean and Mexi- can medals. A little after 3 o'clock two French guns with their ammuni- tion waggons and still drawn by French horses passed through our street. The words "5, Jager, Gorlitz " were written in chalk on one of the guns. Shortly afterwards a fire broke out in one of the streets to the left of our quarters. Wiirtemberg 1S70J NAPOLEON TO GO TO WILIIELMSIIOHE 1 19 soldiers had opened a cask of brandy and had imprudently made a fire near it. Considerable distress prevailed in the town, and even our landlord (he and his wife were good souls) suffered from a scarcity of bread. The place was overcrowded with soldiers, who were quartered on the inhabitants, and with the wounded, who were sometimes put up in stables. Some of the people attached to the Court tried to secure our house for the Heredi- tary Grand Duke of Weimar, but we held out successfully against them. Then an officer wanted to quarter a Prince of Mecklenburg upon us, but we also sent him packing, telling him it was out of the question, as the Chancellor of the Con- federation lodged there. After a short absence, however, I found that the Weimar gentlemen had forced themselves into the house. We had reason to be thankful that they did not turn our Chief out of his bed. The Minister only returned after 1 1 o'clock, and I had sup- per with him, the party also including the Hereditary Grand Duke of Weimar, in the uniform of the Light Blue Hussars, and Count Solms-Sonnenwalde, formerly attached to the Em- bassy in Paris, and now properly speaking a member of our staff, although we had seen very little of him recently. The Chancellor gave us very full particulars of his ride over the battlefield. He had been nearly twelve hours in the saddle, with short intervals. They had been over the whole field, and were received with great enthusiasm in all the camps and bivouacs. It was said that during the battle our troops had taken over 25,000 prisoners, while 40,000 who were in Sedan surrendered under the capitulation, which was concluded about noon. The Minister told us that Napoleon was to leave for Ger- many, that is to say for Wilhelmshohe, on the following morn- ing. "The question is," said the Chief, "whether he is to go by way of Stenay and Bar le Due or through Belgium." " In Belgium he would no longer be a prisoner," said Solms. "Well, that would not matter," replied the Chief, "and it would not even do any harm if he took another direction. I was in favour of his going through Belgium, and he seemed also inclined to take that route If he failed to keep his word it would not injure us. But it would be necessary to communi- T20 THE FRENCH PRISONERS [Skit. 2 cate beforehand with Brussels, and we could not have an answer in less than two days." About 8 o'clock on the following morning, just as I was at breakfast, we heard a noise which sounded like heavy firing. It was only the horses in a neighbouring stable stamping on the wooden floor, probably out of temper that they also should have been put on short commons, as the drivers had only been able to give them half measures of oats. As a matter of fact there was a general scarcity. I heard subsequently that Hatzfeld had been commissioned by the Chief to go to Brussels. Shortly afterwards the Chancellor called me to his bedside. He had received 500 cigars, and wished me to divide them among the wounded. I accordingly betook myself to the barracks, which had been transformed into a hospital, and to the bedrooms, barns, and stables in the street behind our house. At first I only wished to divide my stock amongst the Prussians; but the Frenchmen who were sitting by cast such longing glances at them, and their German neighbours on the straw pleaded so warmly on their behalf — "We can't let them look on while we are smoking, they too have shared everything with us" — that I regarded it as no robbery to give them some too. They all complained of hunger, and asked how long they were going to be kept there. Later on they were supplied with soup, bread, and sausages, and some of those in the barns and stables were even treated to bouillon and chocolate by a Bavarian volunteer hospital attendant. The morning was cold, dull, and rainy. The masses of Prussian and Wiirtemberg troops who marched through the town seemed, however, in the best of spirits. They sang to the music of their bands. In all probability the feelings of the prisoners who sat in the long line of carts that passed in the opposite direction at the same time were more in harmony with the disagreeable weather and the clouded sky. About 10 o'clock, as I waded in the drizzling rain through the deep mud of the market-place in fulfilment of my mission to the wounded, I met a long procession of conveyances coming from the Meuse bridge under the escort of the black death's-head hussars. Most of them were covered coaches, the remainder being bag- gage and commissariat carts. They were followed by a number of saddle horses. In a closed coupe immediately behind the i-uj FRENCH AND PRUSSIAN GUNS 121 hussars sat the " Prisoner of Sedan," the Emperor Napoleon, on his way to Wilhelmshohe through Belgium. General Castel- neau had a seat in his carriage. He was followed in an open waggonette by the infantry general, Adjutant-General von Boyen, who had been selected by the King as the Emperor's travelling companion, and by Prince Lynar and some of the officers who had been present at Napoleon's meeting with the Chancellor on the previous day. " Boyen is capitally suited for that mission," said the Chief to us the night before; "he can be extremely rude in the most polite way," The Minister was probably thinking of the possibility that some of the officers in the entourage of the august prisoner might take liberties. We learned afterwards that an indirect route through Donchery had been taken, as the Emperor was particularly anxious not to pass through Sedan. The hussars went as far as the frontier near Bouillon, the nearest Belgian town. The Emperor was not treated with disrespect by the French prisoners whom the party passed on the way. The officers on the other hand had occasionally to listen to some unpleasant remarks. Naturally they were "traitors," as indeed from this time forward everybody was who lost a battle or suffered any other mishap. It seems to have been a particularly painful moment for these gentlemen when they passed a great number of French field-pieces that had fallen into our hands. Boyen related the following anecdote. One of the Emperor's aides- de-camp, I believe it was the Prince de la Moscowa, thought the guns belonged to us, as they were drawn by our horses, yet was apparently struck by something in their appearance. He asked : — " Quoi, est-ce que vous avez deux systemes d'artillerie ? " " Non, monsieur, nous n'avons qu'un seul," was the reply. " Mais ces canons-la ? " "lis ne sont pas les notres, monsieur." CHAPTER VII FROM THE MEUSE TO THE MARNE I again quote from my diary. Saturday, September 3rd. — We left Donchery shortly be- fore i o'clock. On the way we were overtaken by a short but severe storm, the thunder echoing along the valleys. This was followed by a heavy rain, which thoroughly drenched the Chan- cellor, who sat in an open carriage, as he told us in the evening at table. Happily it had no serious consequences: it depends more on diplomacy, and if the Chief were to fall ill who could replace him ? I drove with the Councillors. Count Bohlen gave us numer- ous details of the events of yesterday. Napoleon had left Sedan at such an early hour — it must have been before or shortly after daybreak — because he felt it was unsafe to re- main in the midst of the furious soldiery, who were packed into the fortress like herrings in a barrel, and who burst into paroxysms of rage, breaking their rifles and swords on hearing of the capitulation. During the first interview at Donchery the Minister had, amongst other things, told Wimpffen he must be well aware that the arrogance and quarrelsomeness of the French, and their jealousy at the success of neighbouring peoples, did not originate with the working and industrial classes, but with the journalists and the mob. These elements, however, swayed public opinion, constraining it to their will. For that reason the moral guarantees to which the general had referred would be of no value. We must have material guaran- tees, at present by the capitulation of the army in Sedan, and then by the cession of the great fortresses in the Fast. The surrender of the French troops took place on a kind of penin- sula formed by a bend of the Meuse. Moltke had ridden out some distance from Vendresse to meet the King. The interview between the two Sovereigns took place in the drawing-room of Skit. 4, 1870] A LETTER FROM THE CHANCELLOR'S WIFE 123 the chateau of Bellevue. They were alone together for about ten minutes. Subsequently the King summoned the officers of his suite, ordered the capitulation to be read to him, and with tears in his eyes, thanked them for their assistance. The Crown Prince is understood to have informed the Hessian regiments that the King had selected Cassel for the internment of the Emperor Napoleon, in recognition of their gallantry. The Minister dined with the King at Vendresse, where we once more put up for the night, but he nevertheless took some refreshment with us afterwards. He read over to us a portion of a letter from his wife, energetically expressing in biblical terms her hope that the French would be destroyed. He then added meditatively, "Well, in 1866 — seven days. This time possibly seven times seven. Yes — when did we cross the frontier ? On the 4th ? No, on the 10th of August. Five weeks ago. Seven times seven — it may be possible." I again send off a couple of articles to Germany, amongst them being one on the results of the battle of the 1st September. We are to start for Reims to-morrow, our first halt to be at Rethel. Rethel, September 4th. Evening. — Early this morning be- fore we left Vendresse I was called to the Chief, to receive instructions respecting reports for the newspapers of his meet- ing with Napoleon. Towards the close he practically dictated what I was to say. 1 Shortly afterwards, about half-past 10, the carriages arrived, and we began our journey into the cham- pagne country. The way was at first somewhat hilly, then we came to a softly undulating plain, with numerous fruit gar- dens, and finally to a poor district with very few villages. We passed some large detachments of troops, at first Bavarians, and afterwards the 6th and 50th Prussian regiments. Amongst the latter Willisch saw his brother, who had been in battle and had escaped unwounded. A little further on the carriage of Prince Charles had to be left behind at a village, as the axle had caught fire. We took Count Donhoff, the Prince's master of the horse, and Major von Freyberg, aide-de-camp to Prince Luitpold of Bavaria, into our conveyance. The tragedy at 1 These particulars are worked up into the preceding chapter. 124 "METZ AND STRASBURG WHAT WE REQUIRE" [Sept. 5 Bazeillcs was mentioned, and the Major gave an account of the circumstances, which differed considerably from that of Count Bohlen. According to him twenty peasants, including one woman, lost their lives, but they were killed in fight while opposing the soldiers, who stormed the place. A priest was afterwards shot by court-martial. The Major, however, does not appear to have been a witness of the occurrences which he relates, so that his account of the affair may also prove to be inaccurate. He knew nothing of the hangings mentioned by Bohlen. There are some people whose tongues are more cruel than their dispositions. We arrived at Rethel about 5.30 p.m. The quartermaster had chosen a lodging for us in the roomy and well-furnished residence of one M. Duval, in the Rue Grand Pont. The entire field bureau of the Foreign Office was quartered in this house. After dinner I was summoned three times to receive instructions from the Chief. Amongst other things he said: " Metz and Strasburg are what we require and what we wish to take — that is, the fortresses. Alsace is a profes- sorial idea." He evidently referred to the strong emphasis laid upon the German past of that province and the circum- stance that the inhabitants still retained the use of the German language. In the meantime the German newspapers were delivered. It was highly satisfactory to observe that the South German press also began to oppose the efforts of foreign diplomacy which desired to mediate in the negotiations for peace between ourselves and France. In this respect the Sclr^'ahisclic Mcrkur was perfectly in accord with the Chief's views in saying: " When the German peoples marched to the Rhine in order to defend their native land, European diplomacy said the two antagonists must be allowed to fight out their own quarrel, and that the war must be thus localised. Well, we have carried on that war alone against those who threatened all Europe, and we now also desire to localise the conclusion of peace. In Paris we shall ourselves dictate the conditions which must protect the German people from a renewal of such predacious invasion as the war of 1870, and the diplomats of foreign Powers who looked on as spectators shall not be allowed to have anvthing to say in the matter. Those who took no part 1870] WE ARRIVE AT REIMS 1 25 in the fight shall have no voice in the negotiations." "We must breed other articles from this one," said the Chief, and it did. Reims, September ^tJi. — During the whole forenoon great masses of troops marched along a road not far from our quar- ters at Rethel Bridge. The procession was closed by four regiments of Prussian infantry. It was very noticeable how few officers there were. Several companies were under the command of young lieutenants or ensigns. This was the case with the 6th and 46th, one battalion of which carried a capt- ured French eagle. Although the day was stiflingly hot, and the men were covered with the white dust of the limestone roads, they marched steadily and well. Our coachman placed a bucket of water by the way, so that they could fill their tin cans and glasses, and sometimes their helmets, as they passed. Between 12 and 1 o'clock we started for Reims; the district through which the road runs is in great part an undulating plain with few villages. At length we see the towers of the Cathedral of Reims rising over the glistening plains, and beyond the town the blue heights that change to green as we approach them, and show white villages along their sides. We drive at first through poor out- skirts and then through better streets, and across a square with a monument, to the Rue de Cloitre, where we take up our quar- ters, opposite the Cathedral, in a handsome house, which belongs to a M. Dauphinot. The Chief lodged on the first floor, while the office was set up on the ground floor. The streets are crowded with Prussian and Wiirtemberg soldiers. The King has done the Archbishop the honour of taking up his quarters in his Palace. I hear that our landlord is the Maire of Reims. Keudell understands that the territory to be retained by us at the close of the war will probably not be incorporated with any one State or divided between several, but will become the col- lective possession of all Germany. In the evening the Chief dined with us, and as we are here in the centre of the champagne country we try several brands. In the course of conversation the Chief mentions that he is usually bored at the royal table. " When there are but few guests I sit near the King, and then it is tolerable. But when there are a great number present I am placed between the 126 THE REPUBLIC PROCLAIMED IN PARIS [Sept. 8 Bavarian Prince and the Grand Duke of Weimar, and then the conversation is inexpressibly tedious." Some one remarked that yesterday a shot was fired out of a cafe at a squadron of our hussars. The Minister said the house must be immediately destroyed, and the proprietor tried by court-martial. Stiebcr should be instructed to inquire into the matter. I understand we are to remain here for ten or twelve days. Tuesday, September 6th. — I have been working hard from io to 3 o'clock without interruption in preparing, amongst other things, exhaustive, and also shorter, articles respecting the con- ditions upon which Germany should make peace. The Chief found an article that appeared in the Volks Zcitung of the 31st of August "very sensible and well worth calling attention to." The writer argued against the annexation to Prussia of the con- quered French territory ; and after endeavouring to show that such a course would rather weaken than strengthen Prussia, concluded with the words : " Our aim ought to be, not the aggrandisement of Prussia, but the unification of Germany, and to put it out of the power of France to harm us." Bamberger has established a French newspaper at Nancy, to which we are to send reports from time to time. At dinner Count Bohlen remarked, as he counted the places, "I hope we are not thirteen." "No." "That's right, as the Minister does not like that number." Bohlen, who seems to be charged with the supervision of the fleshpots, has to-day evi- dently inspired the genius of our cJicf-dc-aiisine to one of his greatest achievements. The dinner is magnificent. Amongst the guests are Von Knobelsdorff, a captain in the Guards ; Count York, and one Count Briihl, a somewhat bashful young man, in the uniform of a lieutenant of dragoons. The latter brought the great news that a Republic had been proclaimed in Paris' and a Provisional Government appointed, in which Gam- betta, hitherto one of the orators of the Opposition, and Favrc have portfolios. Rochefort, the editor of La Lanterne, is also a member of the Cabinet. It is said that they wish to continue the war against us. The position has, therefore, not improved in so far as peace is concerned ; but it is also by no means worse, especially if the Republic lasts, and it becomes, later on, a question of gaining friends at foreign Courts. For the present it is all over with Napoleon and Lulu. Like Louis 1S70J UN-UNIFORMED COMBATANTS 12/ Philippe in 1848, the Empress has fled. We shall soon discover what the lawyers and literary men, who have now taken over the conduct of affairs, can do. Whether France will recognise their authority remains to be seen. Our uhlans are now at Chateau Thierry ; in two days they may reach Paris. It is now certain, however, that we shall remain another week at Reims. Count Bohlen reported to the Chief the result of his inquiries respecting the cafe from which our cavalry were fired at. Yielding to the entreaties of the pro- prietor, who is believed to be innocent, the house has not been destroyed. Moreover, the treacherous shot failed of its effect. The proprietor has been let off with a fine of two hundred or two hundred and fifty bottles of champagne, to be presented to the squadron ; and this he gladly paid. At tea somebody (I now forget who it was) referred to the exceptional position accorded to the Saxons in the North Ger- man Confederation as regards military arrangements. The Chancellor did not consider the matter of much importance. " Moreover, that arrangement was not made on my initiative," he observed ; " Savigny concluded the treaty, as I was seriously ill at the time. I am disposed to regard even less narrowly the arrangements respecting the foreign relations of the smaller States. Many people lay too much stress on this point, and apprehend danger from the retention of their diplomatic repre- sentatives besides those of the Confederation. If such States were in other respects powerful, they could, even without official representatives, exchange letters with foreign Courts and in- trigue by word of mouth against our policy. That could be managed by a dentist or any other personage of that descrip- tion. Moreover, the Diets will soon refuse to grant the sums required for all such luxuries." Thursday, September 2>th. — The Chancellor gives a great dinner, the guests including the Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Herr Stephan, the Chief Director of the Post Office, and the three Americans. Amongst other matters mentioned at table were the various reports as to the affair at Bazeilles. The Minister said that peasants could not be per- mitted to take part in the defence of a position. Not being in uniform they could not be recognised as combatants — they were able to throw away their arms unnoticed. The chances 128 THE FRENCH MUST BE MADE TO SUFFER [Skit, u must be equal for both sides. Abeken considered that Bazeilles was hardly treated, and thought the war ought to be conducted in a more humane manner. Sheridan, to whom MacLean has translated these remarks, is of a different opinion. He con- siders that in war it is expedient, even from the political point of view, to treat the population with the utmost rigour also. He expressed himself roughly as follows : " The proper strategy consists in the first place in inflicting as telling blows as possible upon the enemy's army, and then in causing the inhabitants so much suffering that they must long for peace, and force their Government to demand it. The people must be left nothing but their eyes to weep with over the war." Somewhat heartless, it seems to me, but perhaps worthy of consideration. Friday, September gt/i. — Engaged all the forenoon and until 3 o'clock in writing various articles, amongst others one on the inconceivable attachment of the Alsacians to France, their vol- untary helotry, and the blindness which will not permit them to see and feel that the Gauls only regard them as a kind of second- rate Frenchmen, and in many respects treat them accordingly. News has arrived that Paris is not to be defended against us nor regarded as a fortress. This is very questionable, as, ac- cording to other reports, the French have still some regular troops at their disposal, although not many. Saturday, September \otJi. — The Chief dined with the King to-day, but also joined us at table for half an hour. Bohlen, who had visited the Imperial chateau at Mourmelon, near Cha- lons, told us how the people had wrecked the whole place, breaking the furniture, mirrors, etc. After dinner the Chan- cellor had a long talk alone with Boyen and DelbrLick, who were amongst the guests. I was afterwards summoned to the Minis- ter to receive instructions respecting a communique" to the two French newspapers published here, namely the Courier de la Champagne and the independent Ri'nwis. It was to the follow- ing effect: " If the Reims press were to declare itself in favour of the proclamation of a French Republic, and recognise the new Government by publishing its decrees, it might be inferred that as the town is occupied by German troops the organs in question were acting in harmony with the views of the German Government. This is not the case. The German Government respects the liberty of the press here as at home. It has, how- 1870J THE RED SPECTRE 1 29 ever, up to the present recognised no Government in France ex- cept that of the Emperor Napoleon. Therefore until further notice it can only recognise the Imperial Government as author- ised to enter upon international negotiations." I give the following from my diary merely to show the genu- ine kindness and simple good-heartedness of our Chief. After giving me my instructions he remarked that I had not been look- ing well ; and when I told him I had been rather unwell for the last few days, he inquired minutely into the details, and asked me whether I had consulted any doctor. I said I had not much faith in physicians. "Well," he replied, "they certainly are not of much use as a rule, and often only make us worse. But this is no laughing matter. Send to Lauer — -he is really a good man. I cannot tell you how much my health owes to him during this campaign. Go to bed for a couple of days and you will be all right again. Otherwise you will have a relapse and may not be able to stir for three weeks. I often suffer in the same way, and then I take thirty to thirty-five drops from that little bottle on the chimney-piece. Take it with you, but bring it back again. And when I send for you tell me if you are not able to come and I will go to you. You can perhaps write in bed." Sunday, September nth. — The Chief's bottle has had an excellent effect. I was again able to rise early and work with ease. The contents of the communique 'were forwarded to the newspaper at Nancy as well as to the German press. It was pointed out, in correction of the remarks of the Kieler Zeitung and the Berlin Volkszcitung, that Prussia did not conclude the Peace of Prague with France, but with Austria, and that, con- sequently, the French have as little to do with paragraph 5 as with any other paragraph of that treaty. In the course of the day one M. Werle called upon the Chief. He was a tall, haggard man, with the red ribbon in his button-hole, which appears to be indispensable to every well- dressed Frenchman. He is understood to be a member of the Legislative Chamber, and a partner in the firm of Veuve Clicquot. He wished to speak to the Chief as to measures for mitigating the distress which prevailed in the town, and for providing against popular riots. It was feared that the work- ing classes here, being in a state of ferment, would declare in VOL. 1. — K 130 FAVRE "DOES NOT EXIST FOR US' [Sept. n favour of a Red Republic. As Reims was an industrial centre, with ten or twelve thousand onvriers within its walls, there might be general ground for apprehension on the withdrawal of our troops. That also was a thing one could have hardly dreamed of a month ago — German soldiers protecting the French from communism ! After dinner I was summoned several times to the Chief to receive instructions. In Belgium and Luxemburg our wounded were received in an unfriendly manner, and it is sus- pected, probably not without reason, that ultramontane influ- ence is at the bottom of this conduct. Favre, " who does not exist for us," as the Chief declared to-day, has asked, indirectly through London, whether we are disposed to grant an armis- tice and to enter into negotiations. Favre seems to consider this question as very pressing. The Chancellor, however, does not. When Bolsing brought in the despatch from Bernstorff, stating that Lord Granville requested an early reply from the Chancellor of the Confederation to Favre's inquiry, the Minister simply remarked, "There is no hurry to answer this rubbish." After 10 p.m. the Chief joined us at tea. The conversation ultimately turned on the politics of recent years. The Chancellor said: "What I am proudest of, how- ever, is our success in the Schleswig-Holstein affair, in which the diplomatic intrigues would furnish matter for a play. In the first place, Austria could not well have sided with the Augustenburger in presence of her previous attitude as re- corded in the proceedings of the Germanic Diet, for which she was bound to show some regard. Then she wanted to find some tolerable way out of the embarrassment in which she had involved herself with the Congress of Princes at Frankfort. Immediately after the death of the King of Denmark I ex- plained what I wanted in a long speech at a sitting of the Council of State. The official who drew up the minutes of the sitting omitted the most important part of my speech; he must have thought that I had lunched too well and would be glad if he left it out. But I took care that it was again inserted. It was difficult, however, to carry my idea into execution. Everything was against it — Austria, the English, the small 1870] BISMARCK AND WILLIAM I. 131 States — both Liberal and anti-Liberal, the Opposition in the Diet, influential personages at Court, and the majority of the Press. " Yes, at that time there was some hard fighting, the hardest being with the Court, and it demanded stronger nerves than mine. It was about the same at Baden-Baden before the Con- gress at Frankfort, when the King of Saxony was in Baden, and wanted our King to go to that Assembly. It was literally in the sweat of my brow that I prevented him from doing so." I asked the Chief, after some further remarks, if the King had really wished to join the other Princes. " He certainly did," replied the Minister, " and I only succeeded with the utmost difficulty in preventing him, literally hanging on to his coat- tails." The Chief then continued to the following effect: "His Majesty said he could not well do otherwise when a King had come to him as a courier to bring the invitation. All the women were in favour of his going, the Dowager Queen, the reigning Queen, and the Grand Duchess of Baden. I declared to the Dowager that I would not remain Minister nor return to Berlin if the King allowed himself to be persuaded. She said she was very sorry, but if I seriously meant that, she must surrender her own view and use her influence with the King in the other di- rection, although it was greatly opposed to her own convictions. The affair was, however, still made quite disagreeable enough for me. After the King of Saxony and Beust had been with him, his Majesty lay on the sofa and had an attack of hysterical weeping; and when at length I had succeeded in wringing from him the letter of refusal, I was myself so weak and exhausted that I could scarcely stand. Indeed, I actually reeled as I left the room, and was so nervous and unhinged that in closing the outer door I tore off the handle. The aide-de-camp asked me if I was unwell. I said, ' No, I am all right again now! I told Beust, however, that I would have the regiment stationed at Rastatt brought over to guard the house, and to prevent any- body else having access to the King in order to put fresh pres- sure upon him." Keudell also mentioned that the Minister had intended to get Beust arrested. It was getting late when the Chief had finished his narrative of those events, so he retired, saying : " Yes, gentlemen, a delicate nervous system has to en- dure a good deal. I shall therefore be off to bed. Good night." 132 BELGIAN ANIMOSITY [Sept. 12 Monday, September \2tJ1. — Engaged writing various para- graphs till noon. According to some of the German papers the Chief had declared that in the battle of Sedan, Prussia's allies fought best. What he said, however, was only that they cooperated in the best possible way. "The Belgians," said the Minister, "dis- play such hatred towards us and such warm attachment for the French, that perhaps after all something might be done to sat- isfy them. It might at any rate be well to suggest that ar- rangements even with the present French Government are not entirely out of the question, which would gratify Belgian yearn- ings towards France. Call attention," added the Chief, " to the fact that the present animosity in Belgium is due chiefly to ultramontane agitation." The Bavarian Count Luxburg, who is staying with Kuhlwet- ter, has distinguished himself by his talent and zeal. In future he is to take part in the consideration of all important questions. A report has been received to the effect that America has offered her services as a mediator between ourselves and the new French Republic. This mediation will not be declined, and as a matter of fact would be preferred to that of any other State. It may be assumed that the authorities at Washington are not disposed to interfere with our necessary military opera- tions, which would, however, probably be the consequence of such mediation. The Chief appears to have been for a consid- erable time past well disposed towards the Americans, and not long ago it was understood that he hoped to secure permission to fit out ships in the American harbours against the French navy. Doubtless there is no longer any probability of this being done. To conclude from a communication which he has forwarded to Carlsruhe, the Minister regards the general situation as fol- lows : " Peace seems to be still very remote, as the Government in Paris does not promise to be permanent. When the proper moment for negotiations has arrived, the King will summon his allies to consider our demands. Our principal object is and remains to secure the South-Western German frontier against the danger of a French invasion, to which it has now been sub- jected for centuries. A neutral buffer State like Belgium or Switzerland would not serve our purpose, as it would unques- 1870 j THE GERM OF THE DREI KAISER BUNDNISS I 33 tionably join France in case of a fresh outbreak of war. Metz and Strasburg, with an adequate portion of surrounding terri- tory, must belong to all Germany, to serve as a protective bar- rier against the French. The partition of this territory between single States is inexpedient. The fact that this war has been waged in common cannot fail to have exercised a healthy influ- ence in other respects on the cause of German unity ; but never- theless Prussia will, as a matter of course, after the war as before it, respect the views of the South, and avoid even the suspicion of any kind of pressure. In this matter a great deal will depend upon the personal disposition and determination of the King of Bavaria." Before dinner to-day Prince Luitpold of Bavaria had a long interview with the Chief. In the evening at tea the Minister, referring to this interview, said : " The Prince is certainly a good fellow, but I rather doubt whether he understood the his- torical and political statements which I made to him to-day." I have reason to believe that this interview was the begin- ning of negotiations (which were several times interrupted) between the Chancellor of the Confederation and the Emperors of Austria and Russia, which gradually led to an understand- ing and finally resulted in the so-called Drei Kaiser Biindniss, or Three Emperors' Alliance. The object of these " historical and political statements " was to induce Prince Luitpold to write a letter to his brother-in-law, the Archduke Albrecht, submit- ting certain views to the personal consideration of the Emperor Francis Joseph. This was one of the few ways in which it appeared possible for those considerations to reach the Em- peror's own ear in an ungarbled form. They were as follows : The turn which events have taken in Paris renders it possible to regard the present war between Germany and France as a defence of monarchical conservative principles against the re- publican and socialistic tenets adopted by the present holders of power in France. The proclamation of the Republic in Paris has been welcomed with warm approval in Spain, and it is to be expected that it will obtain a like reception in Italy. In that circumstance lies the great danger for those European States that are governed on a monarchical system. The best security for the cause of order and civilisation against this soli- darity of the revolutionary and republican elements would be a 134 AN ANTI-REVOLUTIONARY LEAGUE [Sept. 13 closer union of those countries which, like Germany, Russia, and Austria, still afford a firm support to the monarchical princi- ple. Austria, however, can only be included in such an under- standing when it is recognised in that country that the attempts hitherto made in the Cisleithan half of the monarchy to intro- duce a liberal system are based on a mistaken policy, as are also the national experiments in a Polish direction. The ap- pointment of Klaczko, a Polish literary man, to a position in which he is in close relations with Beust, the Chancellor of the Empire, whose policy and tendency are well known, together with the latest declarations of Klaczko, must be regarded as indications of Beust's own views and intentions. This coopera- tion with the Polish revolutionists, together with the hostility to Russia which is manifested thereby, is for the Chancellor of the German Confederation a serious hindrance to good relations with Austria, and must at the same time be regarded as an indi- cation of hostility to ourselves. In connection with the above the position of the Cisleithan half of the dual State must be taken into consideration, and the difficulties which it presents cannot be overcome except by a conservative regime. It is only through the frank adoption of relations of mutual confi- dence towards united Germany and Russia that Austria can find the support which she requires against revolutionary and centrifugal forces, a support which she has lost through the disastrous policy of Count Beust. Prince Luitpold's letter giving expression to these views failed to produce the desired result. It is true that the Arch- duke Albrecht submitted it to the Emperor, but he showed it at the same time to Beust. His answer, which was inspired by Beust, was in the main to the effect that Austria, so long as no special political advantages were offered by us, did not feel any need of support. If Prussia, as it would appear, regarded a rapprochement with Austria as desirable or requisite, nothing had been heard so far as to what she had to offer in return to the dual monarchy, whose interests were complex. The Em- peror would gladly consider any suggestions that reached him in a direct way. The Tsar Alexander was informed of the attempt made in Vienna through the Bavarian Prince, his attention being at the same time called to the notorious understand injj which existed 1870] GENERAL VON BLUMENTIIAL 135 between the present Government in Paris and the revolutionary propagandists throughout Europe. The desirability of a close cooperation of the Pastern Powers against this movement was urged upon him on the one hand, while on the other the neces- sity was pointed out for Germany to avoid, when concluding peace, anything which might look like disregard for the real requirements of the country in the matter of frontier protection and security, and thus give the German revolutionary party an opportunity of poisoning the public mind. The Tsar declared himself in perfect agreement with these views, and expressed a strong desire for the realisation of the proposed union of the monarchical elements against the revolutionary movement. Subsequently, after the insurrection of the communists in Paris, the progress of the International, upon which considera- ble stress was also laid in the Press, was used as a further argu- ment for the combination of the conservative Powers against the republican and socialistic propaganda. This time the repre- sentations in question met with more success in Vienna. Tuesday, September \^tJi. — In the course of the forenoon I was called in to the Chancellor six times, and wrote as many paragraphs for the Press. Amongst them were two for the local French papers, which also received some information from us yesterday. Arrangements were made to secure the insertion of the portrait and biography of General von Blumenthal in the illustrated papers with which we entertain friendly relations, a distinction which he has well deserved. " So far as one can see," said the Chief, " the papers make no mention of him, although he is chief of the staff to the Crown Prince, and, next after Moltke, deserves most credit for the conduct of the war. " I should like a grant to be made to him. He won the battles of Weissenburg and Worth, and afterwards those of Beaumont and Sedan, as the Crown Prince was not always interfering with his plans, as Prince Frederick Charles did in 1866. The latter fancied that he understood a great deal about these matters." In the evening the Count sent for me once more. It was merely to show me a telegram, which he handed to me with a smile. It was a message from the Grand Duke of Weimar to the Grand Duchess, couched in the style of the King's despatches to the Queen, in which the Duke reported, " My 136 MR. (AFTERWARDS SIR) EDWARD MALET [Sept. 14 army has fought very bravely." Greatness, like murder, will out. But still there are cases in which imitation had better be avoided. On the 14th of September, shortly before 10 o'clock, we started for Chateau Thierry, and reached Meaux on the next day. Before dinner we heard that a parlemcntaire had arrived from Paris, a slight dark-haired young gentleman, who is now standing in the courtyard before the Chief's house. From his language he would appear to be an Englishman. In the even- ing he has a long conversation with the Chief over a bottle of kirschwasser, and turns out to be Mr. Edward Malet, an attacJit of the British Embassy in Paris. As I had to pass through the ante-chamber I noticed the attendant, Engel, with his ear to the keyhole, curious to know what they were talking about. He had brought a letter to Lord Lyons asking whether the Count would enter into negotiations with Faure as to the conditions of an armistice. The Chancellor is understood to have replied : "As to conditions of peace, yes; but not for an armistice." 1 I see from the letters of some Berlin friends that many well- meaning and patriotic persons cannot bring themselves to ac- cept the idea that the conquered territory is not to be annexed to Prussia. According to a communication from Heinrich von Treitschke, of Freiburg, it is feared that Alsace and Lorraine may be handed over to Bavaria, and that a new dual system may thus arise. In a letter to the Chief he says : " It is obvious that Prussia alone is capable of once more Germanising the Teutonic provinces of France." He refers to a "circumstance to which too little attention is paid in the North — namely, that all sen- sible men in South Germany desire to see Alsace handed over to Prussia;" and declares that "it is a great mistake if it is thought in the North that the South must be rewarded by an increase of territory and population." I cannot imagine where Treitschke can have heard such erroneous views. So far as I am aware they are held by none of our people. I fancy it is thought here that the South will be sufficiently rewarded in being at length secured against French lust of conquest. Other ideas of the writer can only be regarded as sound in certain circumstances. Our Chief's plan, to which I have previously referred, is unquestionably more just and better adapted to the ; In presence of later events he can hardly have expressed himself in this way. 1870J ALSACE-LORRAINE TO FORM A REICHSLAND 137 existing situation — namely, to make those provinces the com- mon property of all Germany. By taking that course the con- quered territory would not become an object of envy and a cause of dissatisfaction to Prussia's allies, but, on the contrary, would serve as a bond of union between North and South. I hear from Willisch that certain apprehensions are enter- tained in Berlin, which are understood to originate in the entourage of the Queen. Owing to the anxiety occasioned by the blowing-up of the citadel at Laon, objections are raised to the King entering Paris, where, it is apprehended, something might happen to him. Wrangel has telegraphed in this sense to the King, and it is stated that as a matter of fact his Majesty is now no longer inclined to go to Paris, and is disposed to await the further development of affairs at Rothschild's place in Ferrieres, which lies about half-way between Meaux and Paris. Prince Hohenlohe dines at our table, where the Chief also joins us after returning from dinner with the King. We learn that Reims will be the administrative centre of the French provinces occupied by our troops, with the exception of Alsace and Lorraine. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg is Governor- General, and will be at the head of the administration, and Hohenlohe will take a position under him. The Chief remarked to his cousin, who complained of not feeling well: "At your age" (Bohlen is now thirty-eight) "I was still as sound as a bell, and could take all sorts of liberties with myself. It was at St. Petersburg that my health first sprang a leak." Somebody turned the conversation on Paris and the subject of the French and the Alsacians. The Chief gave his views on this matter very fully, addressing his remarks to me at the close, which I took to be a permission, or a hint, that I should either get his words or their purport into the newspapers. The Alsacians and the Germans of Lorraine, he declared, supply France with numbers of capable men, especially for the army, but they are not held of much account by the French, and sel- dom attain to high positions in the service of the State, while they are laughed at by the Parisians, who make caricatures and stories out of them, just as the Irish are laughed at in London. " Other French provincials are treated in the same way," added the Minister, "if not quite so badly. To a certain extent, 138 RUSSIA AND THE TREATY OF PARIS [Sept. 17 France is divided into two nations, the Parisians and the Pro- vincials, and the latter are the voluntary helots of the former. The object to be aimed at now is the emancipation, the libera- tion, of France from Parisian rule. When a provincial feels that he is capable of making a future for himself he comes to Paris, and is there adopted into, and becomes one of, the ruling caste. It is a question whether we should not oblige them to take back the Emperor as a punishment. That is still possible, as the peasants do not wish to be tyrannised from Paris. France is a nation of ciphers — a mere herd. The French are wealthy and elegant, but they have no individuality, no con- sciousness as individuals, but only as a mass. They are like thirty million obedient Kaffirs, each one of whom is in himself featureless and worthless, not fit to be compared with Russians and Italians, to say nothing of ourselves. It was an easy task to recruit out of this impersonal, invertebrate mass a phalanx ready to oppress the remainder of the country so long as it was not united." After dinner wrote several paragraphs in accordance with the Chief's instructions and explanations. The subjects were: The German friends of the Republic — men like Jacobi, the socialistic democrats, and others holding similar views — will not hear of the annexation of French territory, being in the first place republicans, and only in a secondary sense, to a certain extent, German. The security afforded to Germany by the seizure of Strasburg and Metz is detestable to them, as it is a bulwark against the Republic which they want to see established, weakening their propaganda, and injuring their prospects on our side of the Rhine. The)' place their party higher than their country. They welcomed the opposition to Napoleon, because he was an opponent of their doctrines, but since he has been replaced by the Republic they have become Frenchmen in sentiment and disposition. Russia has expressed a desire for a revision of the treaty entered into as the result of her defeat in the Crimean War. The alterations proposed in certain points of that instrument must be regarded as just. The Peace of Paris includes conditions respecting the Black Sea which are unfair, in view of the fact that a great part of the coast belongs to Russia. This must, however, be cautiously expressed. The conjecture that the Crown Prince is of opinion that the 1870] "NO SENTIMENT IN POLITICS" 1 39 Bavarians and Suabians, if they are not disposed willingly to form part of united Germany, must be compelled to do so, is correct. He is inclined to act on the maxim, Der Bicn muss. I hear that at Donchery, or near that town, he had a long con- versation on the subject with the Chancellor, who declared him- self strongly against this idea. Saturday, September ijth. — I did a good deal of work this morning and afternoon from instructions received yesterday. Amongst other things, I embodied in an article the following ideas, which are very characteristic of the Chancellor's manner of thinking: — "The morning edition of the National Zeitungol September nth contains a paragraph entitled 'From Wilhelmshohe,' in which the writer, after lamenting the considerate treatment of the Prisoner of Sedan, falls into further errors. Nemesis should have shown no indulgence towards the man of December 2nd, the author of the laws of public safety, the prime mover in the Mexican tragedy, and the instigator of the present terrible War. The victor has been 'far too chivalrous.' That is the way in which the matter is regarded by ' public opinion,' as endorsed apparently by the writer. We do not in any way share those views. Public opinion is only too much disposed to treat politi- cal relations and events from the standpoint of private morals, and, amongst other things, to demand that in international con- flicts the victor, guided by the moral code, should sit in judg- ment upon the vanquished, and impose penalties not only for the transgressions of the latter towards himself, but also, if possible, towards others. Such a demand is entirely unjustifi- able. To advance it shows an utter misapprehension of the nature of political affairs, with which the conceptions of punish- ment, reward, and revenge have nothing in common. To accede to it would be to pervert the whole character of politics. Politics must leave to Divine Providence and to the God of Battles the punishment of princes and peoples for breaches of the moral law. The statesman has neither the authority nor the obligation to assume the office of judge. In all circumstances the sole question he has to consider is what, under the conditions given, is to the advantage of the country, and how that advan- tage is to be best secured. The kindlier affections have as little place in the calculations of politics as they have in those of trade. 140 EXPEDIENCY THE SOLE GUIDE [Sept. iS It is not the business of politics to seek vengeance for what has been done, but to take precautions that it shall not be done again. Applying these principles to our case, and to our con- duct towards the vanquished and imprisoned Emperor of the French, we take the liberty to ask by what right are we to punish him for the 2nd of December, the law of public safety, and the occurrences in Mexico, however much we may dis- approve of those acts ? Political principles do not even permit us to think of taking revenge for the present war, of which he was the author. Were we to entertain such an idea, then it is not alone on Napoleon but almost on every single Frenchman that we should wreak the Bliicher-like vengeance mentioned by the National Zeitung ; for the whole of France, with her thirty- five million inhabitants, showed just as much approval of, and enthusiasm for, this war as for the Mexican expedition. Ger- many has simply to ask herself the further question, which is more advantageous in the present circumstances, to treat Napo- leon well or ill ? And that, we believe, is not difficult to answer. Upon the same principles we also acted in 1866. If certain of the measures taken in that year and certain provisions in the Treaty of Prague could be regarded as acts of revenge for former affronts, and punishments for the offences that led to the war in question, the parties affected by those measures and conditions were not exactly those who had deserved the severest punishment or had done most to excite a desire for vengeance. Herr von Beust's Saxony suffered no reduction of territory in consequence of that crisis, and Austria just as little." This last sentence, which appeared literally as it now stands in the Chief's instructions, was afterwards struck out by him. He remarked with a smile, " It is better not to mention names." Sunday, September iSt/i. — -Early in the day wrote para- graphs for Berlin, Hagenau, and Reims, dealing, inter alia, with Favre's declaration that " La Republique e'est la paix." It was in the main to the following effect. During the last forty years France has always declared herself in favour of peace in every form, and has invariably acted in an entirely contrary spirit. Twenty years ago the Empire declared peace to be its ideal, and now the Republic does the same. In 1829 Legitimacy made a similar declaration, and at the same time a Franco- Russian alliance was concluded with the object of attacking 1870] DUC ROT'S "INFAMOUS" ESCAPE 141 Germany ; and the execution of that plan was only prevented by the Revolution of 1830. It is also known that the " peaceful " administration of the "Citizen King" desired to seize the Rhine in 1840; and it will be remembered that under the Empire France has conducted more wars than under any other form of government. These facts show what we have to expect from M. Favre's assurances respecting his Republic. Germany has one answer to all these representations, namely, " La France e'est la guerre ! " and will act in accordance with that convic- tion in demanding the cession of Metz and Strasburg. The Minister joined us at lunch to-day, at which two dragoon guardsmen were also present. Both wore the Iron Cross. One of them, Lieutenant Philip von Bismarck, was the Chan- cellor's nephew, an official of the Supreme Court of Judicature in times of peace. The Chief asked him whether the Prince of Hohenzollern, who was attached to the Lieutenant's regiment, was "also a soldier, or merely a Prince?" The answer was favourable. The Minister replied : " I am glad of that. The fact of his having announced his election as King of Spain to his superior officer, in accordance with the regulations, impressed me in his favour." The conversation turned upon the cost of maintaining Na- poleon at Wilhelmshohe, which is stated to be something enormous. On this the Chief remarked: "It is at the Queen's instance that Napoleon has been allowed to maintain a Court at the King's expense. His Majesty had only proposed to give him one domestic who was to keep watch over him. But he himself observed to me that women are always addicted to extravagance." Mention was made of General Ducrot, who was taken prisoner at Sedan, and who, being allowed greater liberty on pledging his word not to escape, disgraced himself by abscond- ing on the way to Germany. The Chief remarked: "When one catches scoundrels of that kind who have broken their word (of course, I don't blame those who get away without it), they ought to be strung up in their red breeches with the word Parjure written on one leg, and InfAme on the other. In the meantime that must be put in its proper light in the press. The fellow must be shown up." The barbarous manner in which the French were conducting: the war having been again 142 SOUTH GERMANY [Sept. 19, 1870 referred to, the Minister said : " If you peel the white hide off that sort of Gaul you will find a Turco under it." Added later. — Von Suckow, the Wurtemberg Minister of War, has been a considerable time with the Chief to-day, and it is understood that the German cause is making excellent prog- ress amongst the Suabians. Things appear to be going less well in Bavaria, where the Minister, Bray, seems to be as hostile to the national cause as he well can be in the present circumstances. Monday, September \tyh. — It is said to be certain that Favre will arrive here to-day at noon for the purpose of negotiating with the Chief. He will have fine weather for his business. About 10 o'clock Count Bismarck-Bohlen comes from the Chief. We are to start immediately for the Chateau of P'er- rieres, four or five hours' journey from here. So we pack up in all haste. CHAPTER VIII bismarck and favre at haute-maison a fortnight in Rothschild's chateau Jules Favre not having arrived up to midday on the 19th of September, our party started. The Minister, however, left a letter for Favre at the Mairie, and told a servant to mention the fact to him in case he came. The Chief and the Councillors rode on ahead of the carriages, of which I had one entirely to myself. We first passed by the residence of the King, who was quartered in a handsome chateau on the Promenade ; and between the villages of Mareuil and Montry we met a two-horse hackney, in which a Prussian officer sat with three civilians. One of the latter was an elderly gentleman with a grey beard and a protruding under lip. "That's Favre," I said to Kriiger, the Chancery attendant who sat behind me. " Where is the Minister ? " He was not to be seen but had probably gone on before us, and the long train of conveyances cut off our view in front. We drove on rapidly, and after a while I met the Chief and Keudell riding back in the opposite direction. " Favre has driven by, Excellency," I said. " I know," he replied, smiling, and trotted on. Next day Count Hatzfeld gave us some particulars of the meeting between the Chancellor of the Confederation and the Parisian lawyer now one of the rulers of France. The Minister, Count Hatzfeld, and Keudell were half an hour ahead of us when Hofrath Taglioni, who drove with the King's suite, told them that Favre had passed by. He had come by another route and had only reached its junction with our road after the Chief had ridden by. The Minister was very angry at not having been sooner informed of this. Hatzfeld galloped after Favre, with whom he returned, finally meeting the Chief at Montry. Here the attention of the Minister was called to the little chateau of Haute-Maison, situated on a height some ten minutes from the village, as a suitable place for the interview 143 144 FAVRE'S VISIT TO FERRIERES [Sept. 20 with the Frenchman. There the party found two Wtirtemberg dragoons, one of whom was instructed to take his carbine and mount guard before the house. They also met there a French peasant, who looked as if he had just received a good thrashing. While our people were asking this man whether it was possible to get anything to eat or drink, Favre, who had gone into the house with the Chancellor, came out for a moment and ad- dressed his countryman in a speech full of pathos and noble sentiments. Disorderly attacks had been made, he said, which must be stopped. He, Favre, was not a spy but on the con- trary a member of the new government which had undertaken to defend the interests of the country and which represented its dignity. In the name of international law and of the honour of France he called upon him to keep watch and to see that the place was held sacred. That was imperatively demanded by his, the statesman's, honour, as well as by that of the peasant, and so forth. The honest rustic looked particularly silly as he listened open-mouthed to all this high falutin, which he evi- dently understood as little as if it were so much Greek. Keudell remarked, " If this is the individual who is to preserve us from a surprise, I for my part prefer to trust to the sentry." On the same evening I learnt from another source that lodgings had been taken for Favre in the village near the Chateau of Ferrieres, as he desired to have a further con- ference with the Chief. He was accompanied by MM. Rink and Hell, formerly Secretaries of Embassy under Benedetti, and Prince Biron. Keudell said, " As the Chancellor left the room where his interview with Favre had taken place, he asked the dragoon who was on guard before the door whence he came. The man replied, 'From Schwabisch-Hall.' 'Well, then, you may be proud,' he continued, ' of having stood guard over the first negotiation for peace in this war.' " In the meantime the remainder of us had a long wait at Cheffy for the return of the Chancellor, and then — probably with his permission — drove on to Ferrieres, which we reached in about two hours. On the way we passed along the edge of the zone which the French had designedly laid waste all round Paris. Here the destruction was not very marked, but the pop- ulation of the villages seemed to have been in great part driven awav bv the Garde- Mobiles. 1870J "ARMCHAIR STRATEGISTS" 145 At length, just as it began to grow dark, we entered the village of Ferrieres, and shortly afterwards Rothschild's estate. The King and the first section of his suite took up their quarters for a considerable time in this chateau. The Minister was to lodge in the last three rooms on the first floor of the right wing, looking out on the meadows and the park. A large drawing- room on the ground floor was selected for the bureau, and a smaller one of the same corridor as a breakfast and dining- room. Baron Rothschild was in Paris, and only left behind him three or four female domestics and a housekeeper, who gave himself great airs of importance. It was already dark when the Chief arrived, and shortly after we sat down to dinner. While we were still at table a message was received from Favre, asking when he could come to continue the negotiations. He had a conference tete-a-tete with the Chancellor in our bureau from 9.30 p.m. until after n. On leaving he looked distressed, crestfallen, almost in despair — my diary remarks that possibly this expression was assumed with the object of impressing the Minister. In connection with the news that the King has gone to Clayes in order to prevent an attack being made by our troops, the Chief, in the course of conversation at dinner, said, amongst other things, that " many of our generals have abused the de- votion of the troops in order to secure victory." " Possibly," he added, " the hard-hearted reprobates of the general staff are right when they say that even if the whole five hundred thou- sand men whom we have now in France were to be wiped out, that should merely be regarded as the loss of so many pawns, so long as we ultimately won the game. It is very simple strategy, however, to plunge in head foremost in that way without count- ing the cost. Altogether, those who conduct the operations are often not worth much — armchair strategists. A plan is pre- pared in which the whole calculation is based first of all upon the extraordinary qualities of both soldiers and regimental of- ficers. It is these who alone have achieved everything. Our success is due to the fact that our soldiers are physically stronger than the French, that they can march better, have more pa- tience and sense of duty, and are more impetuous in attack. If MacMahon had commanded Prussian soldiers and Alvensleben Frenchmen, the latter would have been defeated — although he VOL. I. — L 146 ROTHSCHILD'S "HOSPITALITY" [Sept. 21 is my friend." " It is no longer possible, as it was in the Seven Years' War, to direct a battle from the saddle — the armies are too large. There is also no genuine cooperation and mutual assistance. Battles begin usually like those described by Homer. Some of the men commence with small provocations, and go on taunting each other, then they begin to shoot ; the others see this and rush forward, and so finally the engagement becomes general." " The plan of surrounding the enemy is the right one, and properly speaking that was only adopted at Sedan. The engagement of the 16th at Metz was quite correct, as it was necessary there at any cost to prevent the French from escaping. The sacrifice of the guards on the 18th, however, was not necessary. It was a piece of pure folly, occasioned by jealousy of the Saxons. They ought to have waited at Saint Privat until the Saxons had completed their manoeuvre for cutting off the enemy." Keudell and Bohlen afterwards ascribed this unfavourable criticism to a quarrel which the Chief had had with Moltke at Reims. While still at table we had a specimen of the hospitality and gentlemanly feeling of the Baron, whose house is honoured by the presence of the King, and whose property has, in con- sequence, been treated with every consideration. M. de Roths- child, the hundredfold millionaire, who, moreover, was, until recently, the Prussian Consul General in Paris, has declined, through his housekeeper, to let us have the wine we require, although I informed that functionary that it would be paid for, just as everything else was. When summoned before the Chief, he had the audacity to persist in his refusal, first denying abso- lutely that there was any wine in the house, and afterwards admitting that there were a few hundred bottles of a common Bordeaux. As a matter of fact, there were some seventeen thousand bottles. The Minister, however, explained the situa- tion to him in a few sharp words, pointing out how niggardly and discourteous it was of his master to requite the King in such manner for the honour done to him in taking up his quar- ters there. As the fellow still seemed obstinate, the Chancellor asked him sternly if he knew what a bundle of straw was. The man made no answer, but seemed to suspect what it meant, as he became deadly pale. He was then informed that it was 1870] THE FUTURE OF FRANCE 147 a contrivance on which obstinate and impudent housekeepers were laid face downwards — he could imagine the rest for himself. Next day we got everything that we required, and so far as I am aware, there was no further cause of complaint. Next morning the Chief came into the chambre de chasse of the chateau, which we occupied as our bureau. Turning over the game book which lay on the table he pointed out the entry for the 3rd of November, 1856, which showed that he himself, with Galiffet and other guests, had that day shot forty-two head of game — fourteen hares, one rabbit, and twenty-seven pheas- ants. He is now engaged with Moltke and others in chasing a nobler quarry — the bear to which he referred at Grand Pre\ At 1 1 o'clock the Chief had his third meeting with Favre, after which followed a conference with the King, at which Moltke and Roon were also present. In the evening I was called to the Chief, who had not appeared at table, and who, it was understood, did not feel quite well. A narrow stone winding stair, which was distin- guished with the title, " Escalier particulier de M. le Baron," led to a very elegantly furnished room, where I found the Chancellor sitting on the sofa in his dressing gown. Wednesday, September 21st. — As the Chief had recovered from his indisposition, we had plenty to do, and though most of it cannot be made public, I am now at liberty to quote the fol- lowing passage from my diary : — " The imperial emigrants in London have established an organ, La Situation, to represent their interests. Its contents are to be reproduced in the newspapers we have founded in the eastern districts of France, but the sources are to be so indi- cated as not to identify us with the views therein expressed : i.e., it must be understood that we are not endeavouring to pro- mote the restoration of the Emperor. Our object is merely to maintain the sense of insecurity and discord between the vari- ous French parties, which are all equally hostile to us. The retention of the imperial symbols and formulas in despatches will prove of service in this respect ; otherwise Napoleon or a Republic is a matter of indifference to us. We merely de- sire to utilise the existing chaos in France. The future of that country does not concern us. It is the business of the French themselves to shape it as best they can. It is only of 148 FAVRE SHEDS TEARS j> KI " r - 22 Importance to us in so far as it affects our own interests, the furtherance of which must be the guiding principle in politics generally." Under instructions from the Chief I telegraphed in the above sense to the principal officials at Nancy and Hagenau. At tea some further particulars were given of the last con- ference between the Chancellor and Jules Favre. Favre was, it seems, informed that we could not communicate to him the exact conditions of peace until they had been settled at a con- ference of the German Powers engaged in the war. No ar- rangement could be come to, however, without a cession of territory, as it was absolutely essential to us to have a better frontier as security against French attack. The conference turned less upon peace and its conditions than on the nature of French concessions, in consideration of which we might agree to an armistice. On the mention of a cession of territory Favre became terribly excited, drew a deep sigh, raised his eyes to heaven, and even shed some patriotic tears. The Chief does not expect that he will return. Doubtless an answer in this sense has been forwarded to the Crown Prince, who tele- graphed this morning to ask whether he should attend the negotiations. Thursday, September 22nd, evening. — The French are inde- fatigable in denouncing us to the world as cruel and destructive barbarians; and the English press — particularly the Standard, which is notoriously hostile to us — willingly lends them its assistance. The grossest calumnies respecting our conduct tow- ards the French population and the prisoners in our hands are circulated almost daily by that newspaper, and always purport to come either from eye-witnesses or other well-informed sources. Thus, for instance, the Due de Fitzjames recently drew a hor- rible picture of the abominations of which we had been guilty in Bazeilles, adding the assurance that he exaggerated nothing; and a M. L., who represents himself to be a French officer whom we had captured at Sedan and subjected to ill-treatment, complains in a lamentable tone of Prussian inhumanity. Bern- storff sent the article in question to the Chief, with the sugges- tion that the charges should be refuted. The complaint of M. L. might, perhaps, be left to answer itself, but that of the Duke is calculated to affect even those across the Channel who are 1870 J THE TRUTH ABOUT BAZEILLES 149 disposed in our favour. Besides, impudent calumny is always apt to leave some traces behind it. A refutal of these shameful slanders is accordingly being despatched to-day to certain Lon- don newspapers that are friendly to us. As the greater part of this communication was dictated by the Chief, it is worthy of special attention. " In this war, as in every other, a great number of villages have been burned down, mostly by artillery fire, German as well as French. In these cases women and children who had sought refuge in the cellars and had not escaped in time lost their lives in the flames. That was also the case in Bazeilles, which was several times stormed by our infantry. The Due de Fitzjames is only an eye-witness so far as the ruins of the village are concerned, which he saw after the battle, just as thousands more saw and regretted its fate. All the rest of his report is based on the stories of the unfortunate and exasper- ated villagers. In a country where even the Government has developed an unexampled talent for systematic lying, it is not to be expected that angry peasants, standing on the ruins of their homes, would bear truthful witness against their enemies. It is established by official reports that the inhabitants of Bazeilles, not in uniform but in their blouses and shirt-sleeves, fired out of their windows at our troops and wounded soldiers, and that they killed whole batches of the latter in their houses. It has been likewise proved that women armed with knives and guns were guilty of the greatest cruelty towards the fatally wounded, and that other women, certainly not in the uniform of the National Guards, took part in the fight with the male inhabitants, loading their rifles and even firing themselves, and that, like the other combatants, some of them were in these circumstances wounded or killed. Naturally these particulars were not communicated to the Due de Fitzjames by his in- formant. They would have fully excused the burning of the village even if it had been done intentionally with the object of forcing the enemy out of that position. But there is no evidence of any such intention. That women and children were driven back into the fire is one of those infamous lies with which the French terrorise the population, and incite their hatred against us. In this way they cause the peasants to fly on our approach. The latter return, however, as a rule, a few days after the 150 FRENCH FALSEHOODS [Sept. 22 entrance of the Germans, and are astounded to find that they are better treated by them than by the French troops. When this sort of terrorism is not sufficient to force the inhabitants to flight, the Government sends a mob of armed civilians, some- times supported by African troops, to drive the peasants from their homes at the point of the sword, and to burn down their houses as a punishment for their want of patriotism. The letter of " an imprisoned officer " (Bouillon, September 9th) also contains more falsehood than truth. With respect to the treatment of the prisoners, Germany can call 150,000 better witnesses than this anonymous and mendacious officer, whose whole communication is merely an expression of the vindictive disposition which will for a long time to come inspire the vain and arrogant elements of the French people, by whom, un- fortunately, that country allows itself to be ruled and led. From this spirit of revenge arises the certainty of further attacks on the part of France, for which Germany must be pre- pared. We are thus unquestionably compelled to think solely of the security of our frontier in concluding peace. It is true, as stated in the letter of this imprisoned officer, M. L., that there was a scarcity of provisions after the surrender of Sedan, not only for the prisoners, but also for the victors, who shared with them what they had. When their own stock was ex- hausted, the prisoners also had to do without. L.'s complaint that he had been obliged to bivouac in the rain and mud fur- nishes the best evidence that he is no officer, and has not even followed the campaign up to that point. He is some hireling scribe who has never left his own room, and one must therefore assume that the man's whole story of his imprisonment is an invention ; as had he been an officer in the field, he would have known that most of his comrades (that is certainly the case with the Germans) have spent at least thirty nights out of the forty or so that have elapsed since the beginning of the war, under similar conditions. When it rained in the night they had to lie in the rain, and when the ground was muddy they had to lie in the mud. Only one who had not followed the campaign could have any doubt or manifest any surprise on that score. That M. L. prides himself on having retained his leather purse is the clearest proof that he was not plundered. There can hardly be a single soldier who, if he happens to 1870] HOW THE FRENCH TREAT THEIR PRISONERS 1 5 1 have money, does not carry it just as M. L. carried his, and in just such a purse ; so that if our men had wanted his money, they must have known very well where to find it. The few Germans who fell into French hands can tell how quickly their opponents could open a prisoner's tunic, and if his purse was a little too firmly fastened on, hack it off with their sabres or a knife, without paying too much regard to his skin. We declare the assertions respecting the ill-treatment of prisoners at Sedan to be wilful and audacious lies. A great number of the French prisoners, perhaps one-fourth, were in a state of bestial drunk- enness, having during the last few hours before the capitulation plundered the wine and brandy stores in the town. It is obvi- ous that it is not so easy to manage men in a state of drunken- ness as when they are sober, but such ill-treatment as the article describes occurred neither at Sedan nor elsewhere, owing to the discipline which prevails amongst the Prussian troops. It is well known that this discipline has won the admiration of the French officers themselves. Unfortunately one cannot speak as highly of the French soldiers in this respect as with regard to their gallantry in action. The French officers have on sev- eral occasions been unable to prevent their men from murder- ing severely wounded soldiers, even when individual officers of high rank endeavoured at the risk of their own lives to defend the wounded, and that was not merely the case with African regiments. It is known that the German prisoners who were taken into Metz were spat upon and struck with sticks and stones on their way through the streets, and on their release had to run the gauntlet of a double line of African soldiers, who beat them with canes and whips. We can prove these facts by official records, which have more claim to credence than the anonymous letter of M. L. But are such things to be wondered at when the newspapers of a city like Paris, which now implores considerate treatment on the hypocritical plea of civilisation, can propose, without eliciting the slightest protest, that when the French troops are unable to take our wounded with them they should split their heads open ; and further, that the Germans should be used like dead wolves to manure their fields ? The utter barbarism of the French nation, covered with a thin veneer of culture, has been fully disclosed in this war. French insolence formerly said, ' Grattez le Russe et 152 GERMANY'S NATIONAL COLOURS [Sept. 22 vous trouverez le barbare.' Whoever is in a position to com- pare the conduct of the Russians towards their enemies in the Crimean War, with that of the French in the present campaign, can have no doubt that this statement recoils upon its authors." When he had finished, the Minister added : — " Write to Bernstorff that I decline in future to notice any suggestion for entering into a controversy with English newspapers. The Ambassador must act on his own responsibility." Just as we sat down to table, one of the Court officials announced that the Crown Prince proposed to come to dinner and to stay for the night. The Prince's secretary at the time asked that the bureau and the large salon next the Chancellor's room should be prepared for the five gentlemen who accom- panied his Royal Highness. The Chief replied, " We cannot give up the bureau, as we want it for our work." He then placed his dressing-room at their disposal, and further proposed that either Blumenthal or Eulenburg should sleep in his bed- room. He required the salon for the reception of the French negotiators and any Princes who might call upon him. The Court official went off, pulling a long face, and was impertinent enough to make some remarks in the corridor about " dis- courtesy " and so forth. Count Lehndorff dined with us, and the conversation was very lively. Some allusion having been made to Frederick the Great's statue in Unter den Linden, which had been decorated with black, red, and yellow flags, the Minister condemned Wurmb for allowing this controversy to be stirred up. " This stupid quarrel about the colours should not have been reopened, and it once more proves Wurmb's incapacity. For me the question is settled and clone with since the North German flag has been adopted. Otherwise this battle of colours is a matter of indifference to me. As far as I am concerned they may be green, yellow, and all the colours of a fancy dress ball, or they can take the banner of Mecklenburg-Strelitz. Only the Prus- sian soldier will have nothing to do with the black, red, and yellow." The Chief then spoke of the peace, which he still considered remote, adding : — "If they (the French Government) go to Orleans, we shall follow them there, and further — right down to the seashore." He read out some telegrams, including one 1S70] THE STUDY OF LATIN AND GREEK 1 53 giving a list of the troops in Paris. " There are supposed to be 180,000 men in all, but there are hardly 60,000 real soldiers amongst them. The mobile and national guards with their snuff-boxes (a reference to their obsolete weapons) are not to be reckoned as soldiers." I asked if I should telegraph about the report of artillery and rifle fire in the streets of Paris, which people fancied they had heard. He said I was to do so. " But not yet, I suppose, about the negotiations with Favre ? " " Yes," he replied, and then went on as follows : — " First at Haute-Maison, near Montry, then the same evening at Ferrieres, and next day a third conversation, but without effect, as regards the armistice and the peace. Other French parties have also entered into negotiations with us," he said, and gave some indications from which I gathered that he referred to the Empress Eugenie. Something else led him to speak of his skill in shooting. He said that as a young man he could hit a sheet of paper with a pistol at a hundred yards, and had shot off the heads of ducks in the pond. He then mentioned that he had again complained to Tre- skow of the " short commons at the Royal table," at which Treskow pulled a long face. " But if I am to work well I must have sufficient food. I cannot make a proper peace if I do not get enough to eat and drink. That's a necessity of my trade, and therefore I prefer to dine at home." The conversation then turned on the dead languages — I cannot now say how. "When I was in the first class at the high school," he said, " I was able to write and speak Latin very well. I should now find it extremely difficult ; and I have quite forgotten Greek. I cannot understand why people take so much trouble with these languages. It must be merely be- cause learned men do not wish to lessen the value of what they have themselves so laboriously acquired." I ventured to remind him of the mental discipline thus provided. The Chief replied, " Yes ; but if you think Greek is a disciplina mentis, the Rus- sian language is far better in that respect. It might be intro- duced instead of Greek — and it has immediate practical value in addition." We then spoke of the way in which the Schleswig-Holstein question was treated by the Bundestag in the fifties. Count 154 AN ABORTIVE CHALLENGE [Sept. 22 Bismarck-Bohlen, who had come in in the meantime, remarked that those debates must have been dull enough to send every one to sleep. " Yes," said the Chief, " in Frankfort they slept over the negotiations with their eyes open. Altogether it was a sleepy and insipid crowd, and things only became endurable after I had added the pepper." He then told us a delightful story about Count Rechberg, who was at that time Austrian Minister to the Bundestag. "On one occasion he said some- thing to me which I was obliged to answer very roughly. He replied that unless I withdrew my words it would be a case of going out on to the Bockenheimer Haide (a place where it was customary to settle affairs of honour). ' I never withdraw my words,' said I, carelessly, ' so we must settle it in that way, and it occurs to me that the garden down stairs would be a very suitable place. But in order that people may not think that I represent my King pistol in hand, without further cere- mony I shall write down here the cause of our quarrel. After you have read it over you will sign it, and thus testify to its correctness. In the meantime there is one of our officers lodg- ing here who will oblige me, and you can choose one of your own officers.' I rang the bell and sent word to the officer, requesting him to call upon me ; and then went on writing while Rechberg strode up and down the room — and gluck, gluck, gluck (here the Minister mimicked the act of drinking) he swallowed one glass of water after another. Of course not because he was afraid, but because he was considering whether he ought not first to ask permission of his Government. I quietly continued to write. The officer came and said he would gladly oblige me. I begged him to wait a moment. On my return Rechberg said he would think over the matter until morning, to which I agreed. As I did not hear from him next day, however, I sent the Mecklenburg Minister, old Oertzen, to deliver a formal challenge. Oertzen was told he was not at home. He went again next day, but Rechberg was still not to be seen. He had evidently written to Vienna and was wait- ing for an answer. At length Oertzen came to me after having spoken to him. Rechberg was prepared to withdraw what he had said and offer an apology, either in writing or verbally, just as I liked. He would also come to me if I wished. I went to his place, however, and the affair was settled." 1870J THE HISTORICAL CIGAR I 55 I asked him then about the celebrated story of the cigars. " Which do you mean ? " " Why, about the cigar which you lit, Excellency, when Rechberg was smoking in your presence." "Thun, you mean. Yes, that was very simple. I went to him while he was at work, and he was smoking. He begged me to excuse him for a moment. I waited a while and finding it rather slow, as he did not offer me a cigar, I took one of my own and asked him for a light — which he gave me with rather a surprised look. But I have another story of the same kind. At the sittings of the Military Commission, when Rochow rep- resented Prussia at the Bundestag, Austria was the only one who smoked. Rochow, who was passionately addicted to smok- ing, would gladly have done the same, but had not sufficient confidence. When I came I also felt a longing for a cigar, and as I could not see why I should deny myself I begged the pre- siding power to give me a light, apparently much to his and the other gentlemen's astonishment and displeasure. It was evidently an event for them all. For the time being only Austria and Prussia smoked. But the remaining gentlemen obviously considered the matter of so much importance that they wrote home for instructions as to how they were to act in the circumstances. The authorities were in no hurry. The affair was one that demanded careful consideration, and for nearly six months the two great powers smoked alone. Then Schrenkh, the Bavarian Minister, began to assert the dignity of his office by lighting his weed. Nostitz, the Saxon, had cer- tainly a great desire to do the same, but had probably not yet received the permission of his Minister. On seeing Bothmer, of Hanover, however, allow himself that liberty, Nostitz, who was strongly Austrian in his sympathies, having sons in the Austrian army, must have come to an understanding with Rech- berg, with the result that he too at the next sitting pulled out his cigar case and puffed away with the rest. Only the repre- sentatives of Wiirtemberg and Darmstadt now remained, and they were non-smokers. The honour and dignity of their States, however, imperiously demanded that they should follow suit, and so as a matter of fact the Wurtemberger pulled out a cigar at the next sitting — I can still see it in my mind's eye, a long, thin, yellow thing of the colour of rye straw — • and smoked at least half of it as a burnt-offering on the altar 156 FAVRE REJECTS BISMARCK'S DEMANDS [Sept. 26 of patriotism. Hesse-Darmstadt was the only one who finally refrained — probably conscious that he was not strong enough to enter into rivalry with the others." * Friday^ September 2$rd. — Beautiful weather this morning. I took a walk in the park before the Chief got up. On my re- turn I met Keudell, who called out "War! A letter from Favre rejecting our demands. The Chief has given instructions to communicate the letter to the press with certain comments, hinting that the present occupant of Wilhelmshohe is after all not so bad and might be of use to us." The conversation afterwards turned on Pomeranian affairs, and the Chief spoke amongst other things of the great estate of Schmoldin. The former proprietor had become bankrupt through treating the people on the estate — mostly Slav fisher- men and sailors — with too much consideration. The place, which consisted of about 8000 acres of arable land, and 12,000 to 16,000 acres of forest and downs, worth at least 200,000 thalers, was purchased by the Royal Treasury for 80,000 thalers. The change of proprietors had not benefited the tenants, as there was no question of forbearance or abatements. Many of them have fallen into a state of pauperism, and instead of being provided for by the Royal Treasury, they have become a burden on the local authorities. That is not as it ought to be. It was believed that Obstfelder was to blame for this hard and unfair treatment. Saturday, September 24th. — The Minister spoke at dinner about the ostentatious decorations of the great hall of the chateau, which he had now seen for the first time. Amongst other things it contains a throne or table which some French marshal or general inadvertently packed up with his baggage somewhere in China, or Cochin China, and afterwards sold to our Baron. The Chief's verdict was : — "All extremely costly, but not particularly beautiful, and still less comfortable." lie then continued: — "A ready-made property like this would not give me any genuine satisfaction. It was made by others and not by myself. True, there are many things in it really beauti- ful, but one misses the pleasure of creating and altering. It is 'The Wurtembergcr was Von Reinhard.and the Darmstadter Von Munch-Belling- hausen, both determined opponents of Prussia. 1870J DISCUSSING THE JHVVS I 57 also quite a different thing when I have to ask myself if I can afford to spend five or ten thousand thalers on this or that improvement, and when there is no need to think about the cost. In the end it must become tiresome to have always enough and more than enough." In an article written this evening we returned to our good friends the French ultramontanes, who are as active in war as they had been in peace in opposing the German cause, inciting people against us, circulating lies about us in the newspapers, and even leading the peasants to take up arms against our troops as at Beaumont and Bazeilles. Sunday, September 25///. — At table we somehow came to discuss the Jews. " They have no real home," said the Chief. "They are international — Europeans, cosmopolitans, nomads. Their fatherland is Zion, Jerusalem. Otherwise they are citi- zens of the whole world, and hold together everywhere. There are amongst them some good, honest people, as for instance one at our own place in Pomerania, who traded in hides and such things. Business cannot have prospered with him, as he became bankrupt. He begged of me not to press my claim, and promised that he would pay by instalments, when he could. Yielding to my old habit, I agreed, and he actually paid off the debt. I received instalments from him while I was still in Frankfort as Minister to the Bundestag, and I believe that if I lost anything at all, I must have lost less than his other cred- itors. Certainly not many such Jews are to be met with in our large towns. They have also their own special virtues. They are credited with respect for their parents, faithfulness in mar- riage, and benevolence." Monday, September 26th. — In the morning wrote various paragraphs for the press on the following theme : — It is urged that we cannot be allowed to bombard Paris, with its numerous museums, beautiful public buildings and monuments ; that to do so would be a crime against civilisation. But why not ? Paris is a fortress, and if it has been filled with treasures of art, if it possesses magnificent palaces and other beautiful structures, that does not alter this character. A fortress is an instrument for warlike operations which must be rendered powerless with- out regard to whatever else may be bound up with it. If the French wanted to preserve their monuments and collections of 158 WHY NOT BOMBARD PARIS? [Sept. 26 books and pictures from the dangers of war, they should not have surrounded them with fortifications. Besides, the French themselves did not hesitate for a moment to bombard Rome, which contained monuments of far greater value, the destruc- tion of which would be an irretrievable loss. Also sent off an article on the bellicose tendencies of the French radicals pre- vious to the declaration of war, for use in our newspapers in Alsace. At dinner, as we were discussing military matters, the Chief declared, inter alia, that the Uhlans were the best cavalry. The lance gave the men great self-confidence. It was urged that it was a hindrance in getting through underwood, but that was a mistake. On the contrary, the lance was useful in mov- ing aside the branches. He knew that from experience, as, although he first served in the rifles, he was afterwards in the Landwehr cavalry. The abolition of the lance in the entire mounted Landwehr was a blunder. The curved sabre was not much use, particularly as it was often blunt. The straight thrusting sword was much more practical. After dinner a letter was received from Favre, in which he requested, first, that notice should be given of the commence- ment of the bombardment of Paris, in order that the diplomatic corps might remove ; and, second, that the city should be per- mitted to remain in communication with the outer world by letter. Abeken said, as he brought the letter down from the Chief's room, that the answer would be sent by way of Brussels. " But then the letter will arrive late or not at all, and be re- turned to us," observed Keudell. "Well, that does not matter," answered Abeken. From the further conversation it appears that the answer agrees to the French proposals under certain conditions. In the evening I was again called to the Chief on several occasions to take instructions. Amongst other things, I ascer- tained that, " While Favre's report respecting his interviews with the Chancellor shows, it is true, a desire to give a faithful account of what passed, it is not quite accurate, which is not surprising in the circumstances, especially as there were three different meetings." In his statement the question of an armis- tice occupies a secondary position, whereas, in fact, it was the chief point. Favre was prepared to pay a considerable cash 1870] NEWSPAPERS FOR THE KING I 59 indemnity. In the matter of a truce two alternatives were dis- cussed. First, the surrender to us of a portion of the fortifi- cations of Paris, namely, at a point which would give us the command of the city, we on our part to allow free communica- tion with the outer world. The second was that we should forego that condition, but that Strasburg and Toul should be surrendered to us. We put forward the latter demand because the retention of these towns in the hands of the French in- creases our difficulties of commissariat transport. The Chan- cellor stated that with respect to a cession of territory, he could only disclose its extent and frontiers when our demand had been accepted in principle. On Favre requesting to have at least an indication of what we proposed in this respect, he was informed that for our security in the future we required Stras- burg, "the key of our house," the departments of the upper and lower Rhine, Metz, and a portion of the Moselle depart- ment. The object of the armistice was to submit the question of peace to a National Assembly to . be summoned for the purpose. Again called to the Chief. "The King wishes to see some of the newspapers, and he desires to have the most important passages marked. I have proposed Brass to him, and when the papers come, put that one (the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung) always aside for him." He added, smiling, " Just mark some places for the sake of appearances, it does not much matter what, and send me up the paper." At tea we hear a great piece of news: — the Italians have occupied Rome, the Pope and the diplomatists remaining in the Vatican. Tuesday, September 27th. — Bolsing, on the Chief's instruc- tions, shows me the answer to Favre's letter, which the Minister has re-written in a shorter and more positive form. It says : 1. — It is not usual in war to announce the commencement of an attack; 2. — A besieged fortress does not appear to be a suitable residence for diplomatists ; open letters containing nothing objectionable will be allowed to pass. It is hoped that the corps diplomatique will agree with this view of the matter. They can go to Tours, whither it would appear the French Gov- ernment also intends to remove. The answer is written in Ger- man, a course already begun by Bernstorff, but which was l6o FAVRE'S TEARS [Sept. 27 carried out more consistently by Bismarck. " Formerly," said Bolsing, " most of the Secretaries in the Foreign Office be- longed to the French colony, of which Roland and Delacroix still remain. Almost all the Councillors also wrote in that language. Even the register of the despatches was kept in French, and the Ambassadors usually reported in that lan- guage." Now the speech of the " vile Gaul," as Count Bohlen calls the French, is only used in exceptional cases, that is, in communicating with Governments and Ambassadors to whom we cannot write or reply in their mother tongue. The registers have for years past been kept in German. The Chief has been at work since 8 o'clock in the morning — unusually early for him. He has again been unable to sleep. Prince Radziwill and Knobelsdorff, of the General Staff, joined us at dinner. In speaking of that part of Favre's report in which he says that he wept, the Minister thinks that he can only have pretended to do so. "It is true," he said, "that he looked as if he had done so, and I tried to some extent to con- sole him. On my observing him more closely, however, I felt quite certain that he had not succeeded in squeezing out a single tear. It was all merely a piece of acting on his part. He thought to work upon me in the same manner as a Parisian lawyer tries to move a jury. I am perfectly convinced that he was painted at Ferrieres — particularly at the second interview. That morning he looked much greyer and quite green under the eyes — I am prepared to bet that it was paint — grey and green, to give himself an appearance of deep suffering. It is, of course, possible that he was deeply affected ; but then he can be no politician or he would know that pity has nothing to do with politics." After a while the Minister added : — "When I hinted something about Strasburg and Metz, he assumed a look as if he thought I was jesting. I could have given him the answer which the great fur dealer of Unter den Linden in Ber- lin once gave me. I went there to choose a fur coat, and on his naming a very high price for one to which I had taken a fancy, I said, ' Surely you are joking.' ' No,' he replied, ' I never make jokes in business.' " The conversation then turned upon the occupation of Rome and the Pope's position in the Vatican, on which point the Chief 1870] GENERAL BURNSIDE l6l said, amongst other things: "Me must remain a Sovereign. The only question is, how ? It would be possible to do more for him if the ultramontanes were not so mueh opposed to us everywhere. I am accustomed to pay people back in their own coin. I should like to know how our Harry (von Arnim, the North German Ambassador to the Holy See) now feels. Prob- ably, like his reports, his feelings change three times within the twenty-four hours. He is really too distinguished an Ambas- sador for such a small sovereign. The Pope, however, is not merely the ruler of the Papal States, he is also the head of the Catholic Church." After dinner, just as we had finished our coffee, the Ameri- can General Burnside, who had called whilst we were at table, presented himself again, accompanied by an elderly gentleman who wore a red woollen shirt and a paper collar. The General, a rather tall, portly gentleman, with thick, bushy eyebrows, and an exceptionally fine set of beautifully white teeth and close-cut, mutton-chop whiskers, might pass for an elderly Prussian major in plain clothes. The Chief sat with him on the sofa, and had a lively conversation in English over a couple of glasses of kirschwasser, which were afterwards replenished. Prince Radziwill, in the meantime, had a talk with the General's com- panion. After the Minister had observed to his visitor that he had come rather late to see the fighting, he went on to say that in July we had not the least desire for war, and that when we were surprised by the declaration of hostilities, no one, neither the King nor the people, had thought of any conquests. Our army was an excellent one for a war of defence, but it would be difficult to use it for schemes of aggrandisement, because with us the army was the people itself, which did not lust after glory, as it required and wished for peace. But for that very reason both popular sentiment and the press now demanded a better frontier. For the sake of the maintenance of peace we must secure ourselves in future against attack from a vain- glorious and covetous nation, and that security could only be found in a better defensive position than we had hitherto had. Burnside seemed inclined to agree, and he praised very highly our excellent organisation and the gallantry of our troops. Wednesday, September 2%th. — The general conversation at VOL. I. — M 162 A METAPHYSICAL GREASE-SPOT [Sept. 28 dinner gradually adopted a more serious tone. The Chancellor began by complaining that Voigts-Rhetz in his report had not said a single word about the gallant charge of the two regiments of Dragoon Guards at Mars la Tour, which nevertheless he himself had ordered, and which had saved the 10th Army Corps. "It was necessary — I grant that; but then it ought not to have been passed over in silence." The Minister then began a lengthy speech, which ultimately assumed the character of a dialogue between himself and Katt. Pointing to a spot of grease on the tablecloth, the Chief re- marked : — "Just in the same way as that spot spreads and spreads, so the feeling that it is beautiful to die for one's coun- try and honour, even without recognition, sinks deeper into the skin of the people now that it has been bathed in blood — it spreads wider and wider. . . . Yes, yes, the non-commissioned officer has the same views and the same sense of duty as the lieutenant and the colonel — with us Germans. That feeling in general goes very deep through all classes of the nation. . . . The French are a mass that can easily be brought under one influence, and then they produce a great effect. Amongst our people everybody has his own opinion. But when once a large number of Germans come to hold the same opinion, great things can bo done with them. If they were all agreed they would be all-powerful. . . . The French have not that sense of duty which enables a man to allow himself to be shot dead alone in the dark. And that comes from the remnant of faith which still abides in our people ; it comes from the knowledge that there is Some One there Who sees me even if my lieutenant does not see me." " Do you believe that the soldiers reflect on such things, Excellency ? " asked Fiirstenstein. " ' Reflect ' ? no. It is a feeling — a frame of mind ; — an in- stinct, if you like. When once they reflect they lose that feel- ing ; they argue themselves out of it. . . . I cannot conceive how men can live together in an orderly manner, how one can do his duty and allow others to do theirs, without faith in a re- vealed religion, in God, Who wills what is right, in a higher judge and a future life." The Grand Duke of Weimar was announced. But the Minister continued, it might well be for a quarter of an hour 1870 J BISMARCK'S DUTY TOWARDS (JOD 163 longer, at times suddenly departing from his proper theme, and frequently repeating' the same idea in other words : "If I were no longer a Christian I would not serve the King another hour. "If I did not put my trust in God I should certainly place none in any earthly masters. Why, I had quite enough to live on, and had a sufficiently distinguished position. Why should I labour and toil unceasingly in this world, and expose myself to worry and vexation if I did not feel that I must do my duty towards God ? l If I did not believe in a Divine Providence which has ordained this German nation to something good and great, I would at once give up my trade as a Statesman or I should never have gone into the business. Orders and titles have no attraction for me. A resolute faith in a life after death — for that reason I am a royalist; otherwise I am by nature a republican. Yes, I am a republican in the highest degree ; and the firm determination which I have displayed for ten long years in presence of all possible forms of absurdity at Court is solely due to my resolute faith. Deprive me of this faith and you deprive me of my fatherland. If I were not a firm believer in Christianity, if I had not the wonderful basis of religion, you would never have had such a Chancellor of the Confederation. If I had not the wonderful basis of religion I should have turned my back to the whole Court — and if you are able to find me a successor who has that basis I will retire at once. But I am living amongst heathens. I do not want to make any proselytes, but I feel a necessity to confess this faith." 1 Compare this passage with the speech delivered by Bismarck in the United Diet on the 15th of June, 1S47. O' 1 t ^ iat occasion he said : " I am of opinion that the conception of the Christian state is as old as the so-called Holy Roman Empire, as old as all the European States, and that it is exactly the ground in which those States have struck deep roots; and further, that each State that wishes to secure its own perma- nence, or even if it merely desires to prove its right to existence, must act upon re- ligious principles. The words ' By the grace of God,' which Christian rulers add to their names, are for me no mere empty sound. On the contrary, I recognise in them the confession that Princes desire to wield the sceptre with which God has invested them in accordance with His Will." Certain remarks made by the Chancellor in his speech of the 9th of October, 1S7S, during the debate on the Anti-Socialist Bill, should also be remembered in this connection. He said, inter alia : " If I had come to be- lieve as these men (the social democrats) do — yes, I live a full and busy life and am in opulent circumstances- — but that would not be sufficient to make me wish to live another day if I had not, in the words of the poet, ' an Gott und bessere Zukunft Glauben' (faith in God and a better future)." 1 64 WHY J IE SERVES HIS KING [Sept. 29 Katt said that the ancients had also shown much self-sacri- fice and devotion. They also had the love of country, which had spurred them on to great deeds. He was convinced that many people nowadays acted in the same way through devotion to the State, and a sense of duty to society. The Chief replied that this self-sacrifice and devotion to duty towards the State and the King amongst us was merely a rem- nant of the faith of our fathers and grandfathers in an altered form, — " more confused, and yet active, no longer faith, but nevertheless faithful." "How willingly would I go away! I enjoy country life, the woods and nature. Sever my connection with God and I am a man who would pack up to-morrow and be off to Varzin, and say ' Kiss my ,' and cultivate his oats. You would then deprive me of my King, because why, if there is no Divine commandment, why should I subordinate myself to these Hohenzollerns ? They are a Suabian family, no better than my own, and in that case no concern of mine. Why, I should be. worse than Jacoby, who might then be accepted as President or even as King. He would be in many ways more sensible, and at all events cheaper." Keudell told me this evening that the Chief had already, while standing outside the chateau, several times expressed him- self in a similar manner. After dinner the Chancellor received in his own salon the Grand Duke of Weimar, as also Reynier, and subsequently Burnside and his companion of the day before. Thursday, September 29///. — In the morning wrote articles on the folly of certain German newspapers that warned us against laying claim to Metz and the surrounding district be- cause the inhabitants spoke French, and on Ducrot's unpardon- able escape during the transport of prisoners to Germany. The second article was also sent to England. The newspapers contain a report on the prevailing public sentiment in Bavaria, which evidently comes from a thoroughly reliable and highly competent source. 1 We are accordingly to note the principal points contained therein. The news given in the report is for the most part satisfactory — in some particulars 1 It was a report from Molil, originally intended for his Government at Carlsruhe, which was communicated to the ("hiet, under whose instructions extracts therefrom were utilised in the press. 1870J BAVARIAN 1'EELING 165 only is it possible to wish it were better. The idea of German unity has evidently been strengthened and extended by the war, but the specifie Bavarian amour propre has also increased. The part taken by the army in the victories of the German forces at Worth and Sedan, as well as the severe losses which it has suf- fered, has not failed to excite enthusiasm throughout all classes of the population, and to fill them with pride at the achievements of their countrymen. They are convinced that their King sin- cerely desires the victory of the German arms, and has used every effort to secure that end. His immediate entourage is well disposed. That cannot, however, be said of all his Ministers. The Minister of War is without doubt sincerely anxious, and is doing his utmost to see the campaign brought to a satisfactory conclusion. He is in that respect thoroughly reliable, and he will no doubt be found on the right side in the matter of the conditions of peace. Count Bray, on the other hand, is and remains ultramontane and Austrian in his views. In his heart of hearts he is opposed to the war, and for him our successes have been too rapid, and our victories too complete. He would like to see the neutral Powers take steps to restrain us, and if he could he would support such measures. No conclusion is to be drawn from the very confident tone of the press as to an eventual rearrangement of German relations, which, through the brotherhood in arms during the war, might develop into a permanent and closer union also in times of peace. As a matter of course Bray would be opposed to the entrance of Bavaria into the North German Confederation. But there are also other influential personages who do not contemplate such a course, or who regard the effective cooperation of the Bavarians in the German victories less as a means to promote the closer union of Germany than as a proof of the power of Bavaria and an assertion of her independence. The non-ultra- montane particularists take up a somewhat similar position. They are pleased at our victories and proud of Bavaria's share in them. They admire the manner in which the Prussians con- duct the war, and, like us, they desire to secure Germany against future attack from the West. But they will not hear of Bavaria joining the North German Confederation. The partition of the conquered French territory is also much discussed in such circles. Thev would like to see Alsace annexed to Baden on 1 66 THE GRAND DUKE OF WEIMAR [Oct. 2 condition that the Baden Palatinate were ceded to Bavaria. The more penetrating minds amongst them are forced to reckon with the probability that Baden, and in all likelihood also Wiir- temberg, will after the peace demand admission into the Federal State already formed by the North. The ultramontanes remain what they always were, although they are now silent through fear. Fortunately they have lost all confidence in Austria, so that they lack support, while, on the other hand, the Bavarians, who are now in the field, have an entirely different opinion of the Prussians to that which they entertained before the war. They are full of the highest praise for their northern comrades, and not merely for their military qualities and achievements, but also for their readiness to help the Bavarians when they have earlier or better supplies than the latter. More than one of them has written home that their priests have maligned the Prussians. It is not true that they are all Lutherans. Many of them are Catholics, and they had even seen some Catholic military chaplains with them. As the officers share these feel- ings the army on its return will carry on an effective propaganda against ultramontanism, and probably also against extreme par- ticularism. It will be easily understood that men of national sentiment in Bavaria should feci more confident than ever. They will also do what they can for the cause. But they are a minority in the Lower Chamber, and in the Upper House they have scarcely two or three representatives. At dinner the conversation turned on the Grand Duke of Weimar and such matters. The Minister said that the Grand Duke had been to see him the evening before, and wished to obtain some information which he (the Chief) was unable to give him. " He thinks that I am also his Chancellor. On my politely declining, he said he must then apply to the King. 'Yes,' I replied, 'but in that case his Majesty will have to refer in the first place to his Minister.' 'And the Minister?' (Here the Chief bent his head a little to one side and smiled sweetly.) 'He will maintain an impenetrable silence.'" The Chancellor then said that he had been asked what was to be done with the Gardes Mobiles captured at Strasburg. They were disposed to set them at liberty and let them go home. "God forbid," said I; "send them to Upper Silesia." Friday, Scptoubcr 30///. — Received another letter from iS 7 ol PREPOSTEROUS BUSYBODIES idj Bamberger, who is in Baden-Baden. He continues to use his talents and influence in the press to advance the Chancellor's views. In mv answer I begged him to counteract the ill- considered arguments of certain German journalists who now, while we are still at war, and have hardly done the heaviest part of our task, are already strongly urging moderation. The worst of these is Dr. Kruse, of the Kblnische Zeitung, with whom the idea that Metz must not be annexed because the inhabitants speak French has become almost a monomania. These gentlemen offer their advice as to how far we can or may go in our demands, and plead in favour of France, while they would do much better to insist upon still heavier demands, " in order," as the Minister said in complaining of this being " preposterous " behaviour, " that we may at least get some- thing decent, if not all that we ask for. They will compel me in the end to claim the Meuse as our frontier. Write also to Bamberger that I had credited him with more political acumen than to imagine that we really want to replace Napoleon on the French throne." Sunday, October 2nd. — At tea-time, to a remark that the poorer classes suffered comparatively more than the upper and wealthier, the Chief replied that this reminded him of Sheri- dan's observation at Reims, for it was perhaps after all as well it should be so, as there were more poor people than well-to-do, and we must always keep in mind the object of the war, which was to secure an advantageous peace. The more Frenchmen suffered from the war the greater would be the number of those who would long for peace, whatever our conditions might be. " And their treacherous franctireurs," he continued, " who now stand in blouses with their hands in their pockets, and in the next moment when our soldiers have passed by take their rifles out of the ditch and fire at them. It will come to this, that we will shoot down every male inhabitant. Really that would be no worse than in battle, where they fire at a distance of 2000 yards, and cannot recognise each other's faces." The conversation then turned on Russia, on the communistic measure of dividing the land between the village communities, on the minor nobility, " who had invested their savings in the purchase of peasants, out of whom they squeezed their interest in the form of Obrok," and of the incredible wealth of many of 168 THE YUSSUPOFFS [Oct. 4 the old Boyar families. The Chief mentioned several examples, and gave a full account of the Yussupoffs, whose fortune, although nearly half of it had been several times confiscated on account of their complicity in conspiracies, was still much larger than that of most German Princes. It was so great that " two serfs, father and son, who had acted in succession as managers of the estate, were able to bleed it of three millions without the loss being felt." " The palace of these princes in St. Petersburg contained a large theatre in the style of the Weisser Saal in the palace at Berlin, and had magnificent rooms in which 300 to 400 persons could dine with comfort. Forty years ago the old Yussupoff kept open table daily. A poor old officer on the retired list had dined there almost every day for years, although no one knew who he was. The name and rank of their con- stant guest was only discovered on inquiries being made of the police when on one occasion he had remained away for a con- siderable time." Monday, October yd. — We were joined at table by the Grand Chamberlain, Perponcher, and a Herr von Thadden, who was to be appointed a member of the Administration at Reims. The Chief told several anecdotes of the old Rothschild of Frankfort. He had on one occasion heard Rothschild talking to a corn-dealer who wanted to buy some wheat. The latter said that such a rich man ought not to put the price of wheat so high. "What have my riches got to do with it?" replied the old gentleman. " Is my wheat any the worse because I am rich? " " He gave dinners, however, which did all honour to his wealth. I remember once when the present King, then Prince of Prussia, was in F"rankfort and I invited him to dinner. Rothschild had also intended to invite him. The Prince told him, however, that he must settle that with me, otherwise he would be quite as pleased to dine with him as with me. Roths- child then wanted me to give up his Royal Highness to him. I refused, whereupon he had the naivete to propose that his din- ner should be brought to my house, as of course he did not: partake of it himself — he only ate meat prepared in Jewish fashion. Naturally I also declined this proposal, although there can be no doubt that his dinner would have been better than mine." The Chief was once told by old Metternich, — "who, by the way, was very well disposed towards me," — that at one is 7 o] tiik i:ms despatch 169 Lime when he had lodged with Rothschild, on his way to Johannisberg (McLtcrnich's estate), his host had put six bottles of Johannisberg wine into his lunch basket for the road. These were taken out unopened on Metternich's arrival at Johannis- berg, where the Prince asked his chief cellarer what they cost per bottle. "Twelve florins," was the answer. "Well, then," said Metternich, " send these six bottles back to Baron Roths- child when he gives his next order, but charge him fifteen florins apiece for them then, as they will have grown older by that time." Tuesday, October Ajh. — In the forenoon again called to the Chief Bucher, Councillor of Embassy ; and Wiehr, a deci- pherer, arrived after lunch. Bucher appears to have been sum- moned here in order to replace Abeken, w r ho has been ill and ought to have gone home, but who has now nearly recovered. No one could have filled his place better than Bucher, who is unquestionably the best informed, most intelligent and unpre- judiced of all the principal workers by whom the Chief is surrounded and who help to propagate his ideas. In the evening the Chancellor talked about Moltke, remarking how gallantly he had attacked the punch bowl on a recent occasion, and in what excellent spirits he was. " I have not seen him looking so well for a long time past. That is the result of the war. It is his trade. I remember, when the Spanish question became acute, he looked ten years younger. Afterwards, when I told him that the Hohenzollern had withdrawn, he suddenly looked quite old and infirm. And when the French showed their teeth again ' Molk' was once more fresh and young. The matter finally ended in a diner a trot's — Molk. Roon, and I — which resulted (here the Chancellor smiled a cunning smile) in the Ems telegram." We start early to-morrow morning, as we have a long jour- ney to make. Our next halt will be at Versailles. CHAPTER IX THE JOURNEY TO VERSAILLES MADAME JESSE'S HOUSE, AND OUR LIFE THERE We left Ferrieres about seven o'clock on the morning of the 5th of October. At first we drove along by-roads, which were, however, in excellent condition, passing a large wood, several parks and chateaus and a number of respectable villages that appeared to be entirely deserted by their inhabitants and were now occupied solely by German soldiers. Everywhere an appearance of exceptional prosperity. Later on we reached a pontoon bridge decorated with the Prussian colours which took us over the Seine. On the other side we met the Crown Prince and his suite, who had ridden out to welcome the King. The latter, accompanied by the Chancellor, was to proceed from this point on horseback to a review of troops. We then drove on alone, turning into a high road which led to the village of Villeneuve le Roi. I had long been looking forward to my first glimpse of Paris. It was, however, cut off on the right by a rather high range of wooded hills, on the sides of which we now and then noticed a village or small white town. At length we come to an opening, a little valley, and we observe the blue outline of a great cupola — the Pantheon! Hurrah! we are at last outside Paris. We shortly afterwards turned into a broad paved highway where a Bavarian picket was stationed to watch a road which crossed it at this point and led towards Paris. To the left an extensive plain, and on the right a continuation of the chain of wooded heights. A white town half-way up the slope, then, lower down, two other villages, and we finally pass through an iron gateway partially gilt, traverse some busy streets, and a straight avenue with old trees, and then find ourselves in front of our quarters in Versailles. 170 Oct. 6, 1870] THE CHANCELLOR'S (QUARTERS AT VERSAILLES 171 On the 6th of October, the clay after our arrival in the old royal town of France, Keudell remarked that we might possibly remain here for some three weeks. Nor did I think it improb- able, as the course of the war up to that time had accustomed us to speedy success. We remained, however, five long months. But as will be seen later on, the Minister must have suspected that our stay would not be a short one. For this reason, and as our lodging was the scene of very important events, a fuller description of it will probably be welcome. The house which was occupied by the Chancellor of the Confederation belonged to one Madame Jesse, widow of a wealthy cloth manufacturer, who shortly before our arrival fled to Picardy with her two sons, leaving her property to the care of her gardener and his wife. It is No. 14 in Rue de Provence, which connects the Avenue de St. Cloud with the Boulevarde de la Reine. The Rue de Provence is one of the quietest in Versailles. Many of the houses are surrounded by gardens. Ours is a slate-roofed house of three stories, the third of these being a garret. From the entrance in the courtyard a flight of stone steps leads up to the hall door. On the right of this hall is the principal staircase, and the following rooms open on to it: the dining-room looking out on the garden, the salon, a billiard-room, a conservatory, and the library of the deceased M. Jesse. On the table in the salon stood an old-fashioned chimney clock with a fiendish figure in bronze biting his thumb. This demon grinned sarcastically at all the negotiations which led to the treaties with the South German States, the proclamation of the German Emperor and Empire, and afterwards to the surrender of Paris and the preliminaries of peace, all of which were signed in this salon, thus securing it a place in the world's history. The billiard-room was arranged as an office for the council- lors, secretaries, and decipherers. In January, when there was a severe frost, a portion of the winter garden was assigned to the officers on guard. The library was occupied by orderlies and chancery attendants. The principal staircase led to a second hall, which received a dim light from a square flat window let into the roof. The doors of the Minister's two rooms opened off this hall. Neither 172 THE PARK BEHIND THE HOUSE [Oct. 6 of them was more than ten paces by seven. One of these, the window of which opened on the garden, served at the same time as study and bed-chamber, and was very scantily furnished. The other chamber, which was somewhat better furnished, although not at all luxuriously, served, in addition to the salon on the ground floor, for the reception of visitors. During the negotiations for the capitulation of Paris it was put at the dis- posal of Jules Favre for his meditations and correspondence. Count Bismarck-Bohlen had a room to the left of the Chan- cellor's, which also opened on the park and garden, Abeken having the opposite room looking on the street. Bolsing had a small chamber near the back stairs, while I was lodged on the second floor over Bohlen's room. The park behind the house, though not large, was very pretty, and there during the bright autumn nights the tall figure and white cap of the Chancellor was frequently to be seen passing from the shade into the moonlight as he slowly strolled about. What was the sleepless man pondering over? What ideas were revolving through the mind of that solitary wan- derer? What plans were forming or ripening in his brain during those still midnight hours ? It will be seen that the whole Field Foreign Office was not quartered at Madame Jesse's. Lothar Bucher had a handsome apartment in the Avenue de Paris, Keudell and the decipherers were lodged in a house somewhat higher up than ours in the Rue de Provence, and Count Hatzfeld lived in the last house on the opposite side of the way. There was some talk on several occasions of providing the Chancellor with more roomy and better-furnished lodgings, but the matter went no further, possibly because he himself felt no great desire for such a change, and perhaps also because he liked the quiet which prevailed in the comparatively retired Rue de Provence. During the day, however, this stillness was less idyllic than many newspaper correspondents described it at the time. I am not thinking of the fifes and drums of the troops that marched through the town and which reached our ears almost daily, nor of the noise which resulted from two sorties made by the Parisians in our direction, nor even of the hottest day of the bombardment, as we had become accustomed to all that, much as the miller does to the roar and rattle of his wheels. i;-i 7 oJ THE CHANCELLOR'S VISITORS 173 I refer principally to the numerous visitors of all kinds, many of them unwelcome, who were received by the Chancellor during those eventful months. Our quarters was often like a pigeon house from the constant flow of strangers and acquaintances in and out. At first non-official eavesdroppers and messengers came from Paris, followed later by official negotiators in the persons of Favre and Thiers, accompanied by a larger or smaller retinue. There were princely visitors from the Hotel des Reservoirs. The Crown Prince came sev- eral times and the King once. The Church was also repre- sented amongst the callers by high dignitaries, archbishops, and other prelates. Deputations from the Reichstag, individ- ual party leaders, higher officials, and bankers arrived from Berlin, while Ministers came from Bavaria and other South German States for the purpose of concluding treaties. Ameri- can generals, members of the foreign diplomatic body in Paris, including a "coloured gentleman," and envoys of the Imperial- ist party wished to speak to the busy statesman in his small room upstairs, and, as a matter of course, English newspaper correspondents eagerly tried to force their way into his pres- ence. Then there were Government couriers with their de- spatch bags, chancery attendants with telegrams, orderlies with messages from the General Staff, and besides all these a super- fluity of work which was as difficult as it was important. In short, what with deliberating on old schemes and forming new ones, seeking how to overcome difficulties, vexation, and trouble, the disappointment of well-grounded expectations, now and then a lack of support and readiness to meet his views, the foolish opinions of the Berlin press and their dissatisfaction notwithstanding our undreamt-of success, together with the agitation of the Ultramontanes, it was often hard to under- stand how the Chancellor, with all these calls upon his activity and patience, and with all this disturbance and friction, was, on the whole, able to preserve his health and maintain that freshness which he showed so frequently late in the evening in conversations both serious and humorous. During his stay at Versailles he was only once or twice unwell for three or four days. The Minister allowed himself little recreation — a ride be- tween three and four o'clock, an hour at table with half an hour 1/4 MADAME JESSE [Oct. 6 for the cup of coffee which followed it in the drawing-room, and now and then, after 10 p.m., a longer or shorter chat at the tea table with whoever happened to be there, and a couple of hours' sleep after daybreak. The whole remainder of the day was devoted to business, studying or writing in his room, or in conversations and negotiations, — unless a sortie of the French or some other important military operation called him to the side of the King, or alone to some post of observation. Nearly every day the Chancellor had guests to dinner, and in this way we came to see and hear almost all the well-known and celebrated men prominently connected with the war. Favre repeatedly dined with us, reluctantly at first "because his coun- trymen within the walls were starving," but afterwards listening to wise counsel and exhortation and doing justice like the rest of us to the good things of the kitchen and cellar. Thiers, with his keen intelligent features, was on one occasion amongst the guests, and the Crown Prince once did us the honour to dine at our table, when such of the Chief's assistants as were not pre- viously known to him were presented. At another time Prince Albrecht was present. Of the Minister's further guests, I will here only mention Delbriick, President of the Bundeskanzlciamt, who was frequently in Versailles for weeks at a time, the Duke of Ratibor, Prince Putbus, von Benndigsen, Simson, Bamberger, Friedenthal and von Blankenburg, the Bavarian Ministers Count Bray and von Lutz, the Wurtemberg Ministers von Wachter and Mittnacht, von Roggenbach, Prince Radziwill, and finally Odo Russell, who was subsequently British Ambassador to the Ger- man Empire. When the Chief was present the conversation was always lively and varied, while it was frequently instructive as illustrating his manner of regarding men and things, or as throwing light upon certain episodes and incidents of his past life. Madame Jesse put in an appearance a few days before our departure and, as previously observed, did not produce a good impression. She seems to have made charges against us which the French press, even papers that laid claim to some respecta- bility, circulated with manifest pleasure. Amongst other things we are alleged to have [jacked up her plate and table linen. Furthermore, Count Bismarck tried to compel her to give him a valuable clock. 1870 1 11 IK STORY Ol< TilK CLOCK I 75 The first assertion was simply an absurdity, as there was no silver in the house, unless it was in a corner of the cellar which was walled up, and which on the express directions of the Chief — was left unopened. The true story about the clock was quite different to that circulated by Madame Jesse. The article in question was the timepiece in the drawing-room with the small bronze demon. Madame Jesse offered the Chancellor this piece of furniture, which in itself was of comparatively little value, at an exorbitant price, on the assumption that he prized it as a witness to the important negotiations that had taken place in her room, f believe she asked 5000 francs for it. But she overreached herself, and her offer was declined. " I re- member," said the Minister afterwards in Berlin, "observing at the time that possibly the impish figure on the clock, which made such faces, might be particularly dear to her as a family portrait, and that I should be sorry to deprive her of it." CHAPTER X AUTUMN DAYS AT VERSAILLES The day after our arrival at Versailles I forwarded the following statement with regard to the measures taken against Jacoby, in accordance with the Chief's views. It was an answer to the protests which had been made by the German press against his arrest, and not merely by the democratic and the progressist organs, which invariably criticise political and mili- tary affairs from the standpoint of private morals. "We still hear a great deal about the alleged illegality com- mitted in arresting Jacoby. That measure might have been in- opportune ; perhaps less importance might have been attached to his demonstrations. But there was nothing illegal in the course adopted, as we are now in a state of war, when the civil code must yield to military necessity. The imprisonment of Jacoby falls within the military jurisdiction, with which the police and the judicial authorities have nothing to do. It is in no sense to be regarded as a punishment. Jacoby is simply a prisoner of war, just as would be a spy arrested in Germany, with whom of course we do not wish otherwise to compare him. In other words, he was one of the forces that increased the difficulty of attaining the object of the war, and had accordingly to be rendered harmless. " This will be made clear by a glance at the numerous instances in which those entrusted with the conduct of war are obliged to override the rights of person and property recog- nised by the constitution. For purposes of successful defence private property may be destroyed without previously arranging the terms of compensation, houses may be burned and trees cut down, an entrance may be forced into private residences, street traffic may be stopped and every other means of transport such as ships, carts, &c, can be either seized or destroyed without the previous permission of the owner, that rule applying to our Oct. 6, 1870] WAR PROSPECTS 1 77 own as well as to the enemy's country. The removal of persons who afford the enemy either moral or material support, or who merely give rise to suspicion that they do so, comes under the same category of laws which apply to countries in a state of war. " These principles are not contested in so far as they are applicable to the immediate seat of war. The idea upon which they are based is not, however, affected by the locality. Those who wield the power of the State must exercise the rights and fulfil the duties accorded to and imposed upon them for the purpose of securing the object of the war, without regard to the distance from the actual scene of warfare of the obstacles which require removal. They are bound to prevent the occur- rence of such incidents as render the attainment of peace less easy. We are now carrying on a war for the purpose of en- forcing conditions which will hinder the enemy from attacking us in future. Our opponents resist these conditions and will be greatly encouraged and strengthened in their resistance by a declaration on the part of Germans that these conditions are inexpedient and unjust. The Brunswick working-class mani- festo and the Konigsberg resolution have been utilised to the utmost by the French press and have obviously confirmed the Republicans now holding power in Paris in the idea that they are right in rejecting those conditions. These French Repub- licans measure the influence of their German sympathisers on the Governments of Germany by the standard of their own experience. The impression which those demonstrations at Brunswick and Konigsberg produced in Germany was probably little, but the point is, what effect did they have in Paris ? The effect there is such that similar demonstrations must be rendered impossible in future, and their instigator must accord- ingly be put out of harm's way." In the morning Keudell said to me we might remain in Versailles for about three weeks. Metz would soon be obliged to capitulate, as they now had only horseflesh to eat and no salt. They were still confident in Paris, although there was great mortality amongst their cattle, which were fed on com- pressed food. Burnside, who had been in the city, confirmed this news. The Minister was less sanguine. The question of uniforms for the Secretaries was again brought up, and in this connection the Chief remarked that the war might yet con- VOL. I. — N 178 ROYAL LOAFERS [OCT. 7 tinue for a considerable time, perhaps till Christmas, possibly till Easter, and probably a portion of the troops would remain in France for years to come. Paris should have been imme- diately stormed on the 19th of September, or left entirely on one side. He then told his valet to send to Berlin for his fur coats. In the further course of conversation the Minister said : " I heard something really characteristic to-day. The host of Princes who have followed us and who are lodging at the Hotel des Reservoirs are living at the expense of the town ! They let the municipality feed them, though they have merely come out of curiosity, and are nothing more than distinguished loafers. It is particularly shabby of the Duke of Coburg, who is a rich man with an annual revenue of a million thalers. Such a piece of meanness ought to be noticed in the press. It is shameful for a Prince to allow himself to be fed by a town already so impoverished." The Chief again returned to this subject a little later: "The royal household is a very compre- hensive conception, and so it is impossible to object to these gentlemen being fed. The King pays for the Crown Prince, and the Crown Prince for the other princely personages. But it is mean of the latter to help to suck the town dry, and the newspapers should not overlook it." I afterwards asked the Minister, who was alone with me in the drawing-room, where he remained behind after taking a cup of coffee, whether I should send the press particulars of the not very gentlemanly conduct of the Princes. " Certainly, why not?" he replied; "and you can also give the name of the Coburger — not in our own papers, however." The bolt was accordingly despatched to Metzler, of the Foreign Office in Berlin, who was to pass it on to the KochriscJic Zcituug. "An Englishman at the headquarters at Meaux " wrote to the Daily TelcgrapJi that the Chief on the conclusion of his interview with Malet said : " What gives myself and the King most anxiety is the influence of a French Republic in Germany. We are very well aware how American Republicanism has reacted upon Germany, and if the French oppose us with a republican propaganda it will do us more harm than their armies." The Minister wrote on the margin of this statement: " An absurd lie." 1S70J THE GREEK MINISTER IN l'AKl.-) 179 Friday, October jt/i. — Hatzfeld informed us at lunch that the Greek Minister in Paris, with a "family" of twenty-four or twenty-five persons, has come out to us on his way to Tours to join the delegation of the Government of National Defence. His boy told the Count that he did not at all like Paris. They got too little meat to eat there. Prepared an article for the press from the following sketch : "We are carrying on war, not with a view to a permanent occu- pation of France, but to secure a peace on the conditions which we have laid down. For that reason we desire to negotiate with a Government which represents the will of France, and whose declarations and concessions will bind France as well as ourselves. The present Government has not that character. It must be confirmed by a National Assembly, or replaced by another Government. A general election is necessary for that purpose ; and we are quite prepared to permit this to take place in those parts of the country which we occupy, so far as strategic considerations will allow. The present holders of power in Paris, however, have no disposition to adopt this course. For personal considerations they injure the interests of the country by inflicting upon it a continuance of the evils of war." Hatzfeld complained at dinner that the Greeks, who are anxious to get away, pestered him with their lamentations. "Yes," said the Chief, "they too must be regarded with sus- picion. They- must first be identified according to their de- scriptions, and it must then be seen whether they have been properly circumcised. But no, that is not customary among the Greeks. What seems to me, however, more suspicious even than this enormous diplomatic family is Wittgenstein, who comes out at the risk of his life on pretence of having de- spatches for me, and who afterwards turns out to have none. I wonder do they fancy that we shall tolerate this running to and fro between Paris and Kutusoff ? " " But," said Hatzfeld, " he might be able to bring us news from the city." The Chief : " For that purpose he should bear a character that inspires confidence, and that he does not do." The conversation then turned on the exhausted condition of the town of Versailles, which has had heavy expenses to bear 180 THE MAYOR OF VERSAILLES [Oct. 9 during the last fortnight. The new Mayor, a M. Rameau, was granted an audience with the Chief to-day. Referring to this the Minister said : " I told him that they should raise a loan. ' Yes,' he replied, ' that would be possible, but then he must ask permission to go to Tours, as he required the authority of his Government for such a measure.' Of course I could not promise him that, and besides they would hardly give him the necessary authority there. Probably they think at Tours that it is the duty of the Versailles people to starve in order that we may be starved with them. But they forget that we are the stronger and take what we want. They have absolutely no idea what war is." A reference to the neighbourhood between the palace and the Hotel des Reservoirs brought up the subject of the distin- guished guests who are staying at the latter house. Amongst other remarks upon the " troop of Princes," the Chancellor said : " They have nothing decent to eat at that hotel, possibly because the people think their highnesses wish to have it gratis." Finally some one broached the question of tolerance, and at first the Chancellor expressed himself much in the same sense as he had done at St. Avoid. He declared in decided terms for tolerance in matters of faith. " But," he added, "the free- thinkers are also not tolerant. They persecute believers, not indeed with the stake, since that is impossible, but with insult and mockery in the press. Amongst the people, so far as they are non-believers, there has also not been much progress. What pleasure it would afford them to see Pastor Knack hanged ! " Somebody having mentioned that early Protestantism had shown no tolerance, Bucher called attention to the fact that, according to Buckle, the Huguenots were zealous reactionaries, as was, indeed, the case with all the reformers of that period. " They were not exactly reactionaries," replied the Chief, " but petty tyrants — each parson was a small Pope." He then referred to the course taken by Calvin against Servetus, and added, " Luther was just the same." I ventured to recall Luther's treatment of the followers of Karlstadt and Munzer, as well as the case of the Wittenberg theologians after him, and Chancellor Krell. Bucher related that towards the end of the 1870 J RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE l8l last century the Scottish Presbyterians punished a person for merely lending Thomas Paine's Rights of Man with twenty-one years' transportation, the offender being immediately cast into chains. I pointed to the rigid intolerance of the New England States towards the members of other religious communions and to their tyrannical liquor law. " And the Sabbath-keeping," said the Chief, " that is a horrible tyranny. I remember the first time I went to England, on landing at Hull I whistled in the street. An Englishman, whose acquaintance I had made on board, said to me, 'Pray, sir, don't whistle! ' I asked, 'Why not ? is it forbidden here ? ' ' No,' he said, ' but it is the Sabbath.' That made me so angry that I immediately took a ticket on another steamer for Edinburgh, as it did not at all suit me not to be able to whistle when I had a mind to." Bucher remarked that in general the Sunday in England was not so bad. He himself had always greatly enjoyed the stillness after the rush and roar of the working day in London, where the noise began early in the morning. The Chancellor then con- tinued : " In other respects I am not at all opposed to keeping the Sabbath holy. On the contrary, as a landed proprietor, I promote it as much as possible. Only I will not force the people. Every one must know best for himself how to prepare for the future life. No work should be done on Sunday, because it is wrong as being a breach of the Divine command- ment, and unfair to man, who requires rest. That of course does not apply to the service of the State and in particular to the diplomatic service, in which despatches and telegrams are delivered on Sundays which must be dealt with at once. There can also be no objection to our country people saving their hay or corn on a fine Sunday after a long spell of bad weather. I could not bring myself to coerce my farmers in those things. . . . I can afford to do as I think right myself, as the damage done by a possible rainy Monday would not affect me. Our landed proprietors consider that it is not respectable to allow their people to work on Sunday even in such an emergency ! " I mentioned that pious families in America do not even cook on the Sabbath, and that on being once invited to dinner in New York on a Sunday there was only cold meat on the table. " In Frankfort," said the Chief, " when I had more liberty we always dined very simply on Sundays, and I never ordered the 1 82 THIRTEEN AT TABLE [Ocr. 10 carriage out on account of the servants." I ventured to remark that in Leipzig all shops were closed on Sunday, with the exception of the bakers' and some tobacconists. " Yes, that is as it should be ; but I do not want to put pressure on anybody. I might possibly do it in the country by not buying from a tradesman — that is, if his goods were not of exceptionally high quality, for then I do not know whether I should be able to stand firm. Care should be taken, however, that noisy trades, such as that of the blacksmith, should not be carried on in the neighbourhood of a church on Sunday." I was summoned to the Minister in the evening. "Thile 1 writes to me," he said, " that the Norddeutsche Allgemcine Zei- tung has a terrible article against the Catholics. Is it by you ? " " I do not know which he alludes to, as I have recently called attention on several occasions to the proceedings of the Ultra- montanes." He then searched for the extract, which he read over half aloud. " But that is perfectly true and correct. Yes, that's quite right. Our good Thile has been thoroughly taken in by Savigny. He has gone out of his wits and howls because we have not rescued the Pope and his whole family." We were thirteen at table to-day, Dr. Lauer being one of the number. I pointed this out to Bucher, who sat near me. "Don't speak so loud," he replied. "The Chief has a very sharp ear and he is superstitious on that point." 2 Monday, October 10th. — Called to the Chief twice during 1 At that time Secretary of State in the Foreign Office. lie was not a Catholic. 2 Bucher afterwards told me that the Chancellor was affected both by the super- stition respecting the number thirteen and that relating to Friday. Other diplomats, as, for instance, the French, seem to entertain the same objection both to the number and the day. The following anecdote, which I was assured was perfectly genuine, may serve as an example. After the negotiations respecting the duty payable by ships passing through the Sound had been completed, it was arranged that the treaty containing the terms agreed upon should be signed at Copenhagen on the 13th of March, 1857. It turned out that the day thus chosen was not only the thirteenth of the month, but was also a Friday, and that there were thirteen Plenipotentiaries to sign the document. "A threefold misfortune!" exclaimed the French Plenipotenti- ary. To his delight, however, the addition of the signatures was postponed for some days owing to difficulties occasioned by the difference in the rate of exchange of Danish and Prussian thalers. The number of representatives still caused him so much anxi- ety, however, that it made him ill, and it was only on the decease of the Hanoverian Plenipotentiary a few weeks later that the Frenchman and the other signatories of the treaty felt that they were no longer in danger of sudden death. 1870 J THE TIMES [83 the morning. He went subsequently to the Crown Prince's quarters, where he remained for lunch. The conversation at dinner at first turned on the interview of the King with Napoleon at Bellevue, near Sedan, respecting which Russell sent a full report to the Times, although the two sovereigns were alone and the Chancellor himself was only- aware of what had passed in so far as the King had assured him that there had been absolutely no reference to politics. "As a matter of fact," said the Chancellor, "it would not have been nice of ' our Most Gracious ' to have maintained silence only towards his Ministers. Russell must unquestionably have received his news from the Crown Prince." I now forget how and by whom the subject of dangerous touring expeditions was introduced, but the Minister himself related some daring enterprises of his own. " I remember," he said, " being once with a party, amongst whom were the Orloffs, in South France near the Pont du Gard. An old Roman aque- duct of several stories crossed the valley. Princess Orloff, a very spirited lady, proposed that we should go across over it. There was a very narrow path, about a foot and a half wide, along one side of the old water channel, and on the other side a wall of big slabs of stone. It looked a very hazardous under- taking, but I could not allow myself to be beaten by a woman. We two accordingly started on this enterprise, Orloff going with the rest of the company down by the valley. For some time we walked on all right along the stone wall, from which we could see a depth of several hundred feet beneath us. Further on, however, the stones had fallen off and we had to pick our way along the narrow ledge. Then we came to another stretch of relatively easy going, but after there was another very bad bit on an unsafe ledge. Screwing up my courage I stepped out quickly after the Princess, and grasping her with one arm, jumped down with her into the channel some four to five feet deep. Our companions below, who had suddenly lost sight of us, were in the greatest anxiety until at length we came out on the other side." In the evening I was called to the Chief to receive instruc- tions respecting Garibaldi, who, according to a telegram from Tours, had arrived there and offered his services to the French Republic. The Chancellor said: "But just tell me why you 184 ULTRAMONTANISM [Ocr. 12 sometimes write in such a sledge-hammer style ? It is true I have not seen the text of your telegram about Russell, but your recent article on the Ultramontanes in the Norddcutsclic A 11- gemcinc Zcitung was very strongly worded. Surely the Saxons are usually regarded as a very polite race, and if you have any ambition to become Court Historian to the Foreign Office, you must not be so violent." I ventured to reply that I could also be polite, and was capable of irony without rudeness. " Well, then," he said, "be polite but without irony. Write diplo- matically. Even in a declaration of war one observes the rules of politeness." Tuesday, October nth. — It appears from the conversation at dinner that an assembly of a congress of German Princes at Versailles has been for some time past under consideration. It is hoped that the King of Bavaria will also come. In that case Delbruck thinks " it would be well to place at his disposal one of the historic apartments in the palace — possibly the bed- room of Louis XIV. With his character he would be certainly delighted at such an arrangement, and would not be too exact- ing in the matter of comfort." The Chief dined to-day with the Crown Prince, and did not return until 10 o'clock, when he had an interview with Burnside. Wednesday, October \2tJ1. — Amongst other things I wrote to-day another article on the hostile attitude assumed by the Ultramontanes towards us in this war. It was directed against the ScJrfesisclie Hans-Blatter, and concluded as follows: "We should have thought that it was impossible at this time of day to be misunderstood in using the terms ' ultramontane ' and ' ultramontanism.' We should have thought that honest Catholics would as clearly have understood what was meant thereby as do other Christians, and that as honest Catholics they could not possibly take offence at strict- ures upon ultramontane agitation and attacks. Acting on this supposition, we called attention to the resistance offered by that party to the latest development of German affairs. To our great astonishment, however, we learn through a Silesian jour- nal that our article, in which the party in question was de- scribed as ultramontane, has actually given offence, and been regarded as a censure and impeachment of Catholicism itself. We deprecate any such interpretation of our meaning. Nothing 1870J THE FRENCH CLERGY AND THE WAR 185 was more remote from our intention. From our standpoint Ultramontanism has just as little in common with the faith of the Catholic Church as Atheism and Nihilism have with the Protestant Church. Ultramontanism is of a purely political character. It is the spirit of a sect with exclusively worldly aims, namely, the restoration as far as possible of universal empire on a mediaeval theocratic basis. It does not recognise the claims of patriotism, and it considers the end to justify the means. In speaking of the Ultramontanes as zealous oppo- nents of Germany in the present war, the examples which we gave made it sufficiently clear to whom we referred. For the purpose of removing all doubt on this point, however, and to prevent the possibility in future of circles for whom we enter- tain feelings of respect taking unnecessary offence at remarks which were not intended for them, we will here add a few further examples. " When we complained of the hostility of the Ultramon- tanes, we were thinking of those French priests who were con- victed upon trustworthy evidence of having fired upon our soldiers. In repeating these charges we have other priests in mind who, a few days ago, under the pretext of bringing the last consolation to the dying, sneaked through our camp out- side Paris as spies ; and the manifesto of the former Ultra- montane deputy, Keller, an Alsacian, published in the Union, which declares that the war against us is a ' holy war,' and that every shot fired at a German is an ceuvre sainte. We imagine that after this explanation our Silesian contemporary will no longer doubt our respect for the Catholic Church, and will not itself desire to identify the Catholic cause with those who thus act and speak, and are guilty of such a gross abuse of the con- ception of 'holiness.' " On my submitting the article to the Chief he said: "You still write too bluntly for me. But you told me that you were capable of delicate irony. Here, however, there is much more irony than delicacy." (I had only reproduced his own expres- sions, which, however, shall be avoided in future.) "Write it all in a different strain. You must write politically, and in poli- tics the object is not to give offence." The Chief then altered the article in part, the first paragraph assuming the following form: "We had not believed that at this time of clay the use 1 86 BISMARCK EDITS MY ARTICLE [Oct. 12 of the expressions ' ultramontane ' and ' ultramontanism ' could lead to any misunderstanding. We imagined that Catholics had as clear a conception of the meanings of those words as the members of other Christian communities, and that they would understand that no offence was intended to them in complaining of the attacks of the Ultramontanes. It was on this supposition that we dealt with the opposition of the party in question to the latest development of German affairs, and we are surprised to find that a Silesian newspaper, notorious for its violence of language, has inverted our meaning, substituting the Catholic-Christian world for the coterie which we attacked." The Minister struck out the adjective "zealous" before "oppo- nents of Germany," and also the following sentence beginning with the words " For the purpose of removing." The conclud- ing passage read as follows after the Minister had corrected it: " In complaining of the Ultramontanes we were thinking, as we expressly stated, of the party of the Miitichener Volksbotcti and similar organs, whose slanderous jibes stir up the Germans against each other, and who encouraged the French to attack Germany and are partly responsible for the present war, inas- much as they represented French victory to be easy and cer- tain, and the German people to be disunited ; we had in mind the priests of Upper Alsace and the French priests who insti- gated the country population to murderous attacks upon our troops, in which they themselves took part ; we had further in view those priests who sullied the cloth, sneaking into our camp as spies under pretence of bringing the last consolation to the dying, and who are at the present moment being tried by court- martial for this conduct ; and we were also thinking of a manifesto published in the Union by the former Ultramontane deputy, Keller, an Alsacian, in which the present war was represented as a crusade, and every shot fired at a German as an aenvrc saintc. We imagine that the Silesian journal in question will hardly succeed in obtaining credence when it casts doubt upon our respect for the Catholic Church. It will not desire to identify the cause of Catholicism with that of men who have been guilty of such a wicked abuse of sacred things and of genuine faith." The Chief dined with the King to-day, but afterwards joined us at table, where he complained of the way in which the smaller 1870J BISMARCK'S WEAKNESS FOR AMERICANS 187 potentates worried " their " Chancellor with all sorts of questions and counsels, " until Prince Charles noticed my appealing glance and saved me from their clutches." After dinner a gentleman who has come from Paris, supposed to be a Spanish diplomat, succeeded in obtaining an interview with the Chancellor, and remained with him for a long time. Like other gentlemen who have come from the city, he will not be allowed to return. Some of us considered the visit rather suspicious. Burnside came in while we were at tea. He wishes to leave here and go to Brussels, in order to find apartments for his wife, who is now at Geneva. He says that Sheridan has left for Switzerland and Italy. Apparently the Americans can do nothing further in the way of negotiations. The general wished to see the Chief again this evening. I dissuaded him, pointing out that although, owing to his great regard for the Americans, the Chancellor would receive him if he were an- nounced, yet consideration ought to be paid to the heavy pres- sure upon his time. This was quite in accord with the Chief's wishes, as on my being summoned to him at 10.30 p.m. he said : " As you know Burnside, please point out to him how much I am occupied, but in such a way that he will not think I have prompted you. He never quite finishes what he has got to say, but always keeps back something for another time. It is only fair that he should know how busy I am, and that I am a matter- of-fact man. I have a weakness for these Americans, and they know it, but they ought to have some consideration for me. Point that out to him, and say that I must make short work of it even with crowned heads. Besides, I require six or seven hours daily for my work and must therefore remain at it until late into the night." TJuirsday, October 13th. — Read and made use of a report from Rome giving the result of the plebiscite, which shows that there is no longer any Papal party there. It would appear as if the whole political organisation of the Papal State has fallen into dust like a corpse that, after remaining unchanged for a thousand years in its leaden shell, has been suddenly exposed to the air. There is nothing left of it — not a memory nor even a void which it had filled. The voting, which had to be con- ducted according to the Italian Constitution, is a voluntary 1 88 ITALY AND THE POPE [Oct. 14 manifestation of opinions which either involve no sacrifice or a very slight one, except, of course, to the emigrants. So far as those opinions indicate an antipathy to the political regime of the Papacy, there can be no possibility of a reaction. On the other hand, whether the Romans will desire to be and to re- main subjects of the King of Italy will depend, so far as the permanence of his rule is concerned, upon the manner in which they are governed. I received this report from the Chancellor, with instructions to utilise it in the press. The statistical information, however, was all that was to be taken. " It would appear therefrom," he added, " that there has been some trickery. But do not draw any moral against either the Pope or Italy." To judge by a letter from St. Louis, dated the 13th of September, national sentiment amongst the Germans in America would seem to have been greatly stimulated by the success of the war, and to be now much stronger than their republican leanings. " A German who has lived here for twenty years, who was formerly your deadly foe, but whose ideal you now are," thus enthusiastically addresses the Chan- cellor: "Forward, Bismarck! Hurrah for Germany! Hurrah for William the First, Emperor of Germany!" Bravo! But it appears that our democrats must emigrate before they can be brought to entertain such feelings. The conversation at dinner was not of particular interest to-day. While taking our coffee, the Chancellor again read us a portion of a letter from "Johanna" (his wife), which con- tained some very severe judgments upon the French, referring, amongst other things, to Paris as an "abominable Babel." Friday, October 14//1. — Busy working for the post up to midday. Telegraphed afterwards to London and Brussels respecting the false assertions of Ducrot in the Libertc'. Also reported that General Boyer, Bazaine's first adjutant, had arrived at Versailles from Metz for the purpose of negotiating with us. The Chief, however, does not seem to wish to treat seriously with him, at least to-day. He said in the bureau : "What day of the month is it?" "The 14th, Excellency." "Ah, that was Hochkirchen and Jena, days of disaster for Prussia. We must not begin any business to-day." It may also bo observed that to-dav is a Fridav. 1870J GENERAL BOYEK I 09 At dinner the Chief, after thinking for a moment, said, smiling: "I have a lovely idea in connection with the conclusion of peace. It is to appoint an International Court for the trial of all those who have instigated the war, newspaper writers, deputies, senators, and ministers." Abeken added that Thiers would also be indirectly involved, especially on account of his chauvinistic History of the Consulate ami Empire. " The Emperor also," said the Chief. " He is not quite so innocent as he wants to make out. My idea was that each of the Great Powers should appoint an equal number of judges, America, England, Russia, and so forth, and that we should be the prose- cutors. But the English and the Russians would of course not agree to it, so that the Court might after all be composed of the two nations who have suffered most from the war, that is to say, of Frenchmen and Germans." The Minister also said: "I have read the article in the Independanec Beige, which Gram- mont is believed to have written. He blames us for not having set Napoleon at liberty at Sedan, and he is not pleased at our marching on Paris instead of merely occupying Alsace and Lorraine as a pledge. I thought at first it might have come from Beust or some other good friend in Austria, but I am now convinced that it must have been written by a Frenchman." He gave his reasons for this opinion and then continued : " His argument would be just if his assumption were correct, namely, that we really did not want Alsace, but only an indemnity. But as it is it will be better to have Paris as well as Alsace as pledges. When one wants something decent the pledge can never be of too great value." A reference was made to Boyer, who created a great sensa- tion in the town, where the uniform of a French general has not been seen for a long time past, and who was greeted by the crowd with shouts of " Vive la France ! " He declared, it is said, that the army in Metz remained faithful to the Emperor and would have nothing to do with the Republic of Parisian lawyers. The Chancellor also expressed himself to this effect, adding : " The General is one of those people who become sud- denly lean when they grow excited. Unquestionably he is also a thorough scoundrel, but he can still blush." In reading the following further remarks by the Minister, it must be remem- bered that Gambetta had already preached war a outrance, and 190 BISMARCK'S POLICY HAMPERED [Oct. 16 that the Parisian press almost daily recommended some new infamy. The Chancellor referred to various horrors that had again been committed recently by bands of guerillas. He quoted the proverb Wie cs in den Wald schallt so scJiallt cs wicder Junius (The wood reechoes what is shouted into it), and said that to show any consideration to these treacherous franctireurs was a "culpable laziness in killing." "It is treason to our country." " Our people are very good marksmen, but bad executioners. Every village in which an act of treachery has been committed should be burnt to the ground, and all the male inhabitants hanged." Count Bismarck-Bohlen then related that the village of Hably, where a squadron of Silesian hussars was set upon by francti- reurs with the knowledge of the inhabitants, so that they only succeeded in bringing away eleven horses, was actually burnt to the ground. The Chief, as was only right and proper, com- mended this act of energy. Bohlen further stated that sixty Bavarian infantrymen who were with the cavalry detachment had not kept proper watch, and that when the franctireurs poured in from all sides at 3 o'clock in the morning, they took to their heels. The Chief said : " That fact should be published in order that we may take proper precautions later when we enter into a military convention with Bavaria." The Chancellor's policy appears to be hampered by other influences. He said at table : "It is really a great nuisance that I must first discuss every plan I form with five or six persons, who as a rule know nothing about the matter. I must listen to their objections, and am forced to refute them politely. In this way I have been recently obliged to spend three whole days over an affair that I could otherwise have settled in three min- utes. It is exactly as if I began to give my opinion on the position of a battery, and the officer — whose business I do not understand — were obliged to reply to my argument." The Chief afterwards related the following : " Moltke and Roon were with me yesterday, and I explained to them my ideas. Roon, who is accustomed to Parliamentary procedure, was silent and let me speak, and then agreed with what I said. ' Molk,' whose profile resembles more and more every clay that of a bird of 1870J MOLTKE AND ROON IQI prey, also appeared to be listening. But when I had finished he came out with something utterly different, and I saw that he had not paid the least attention to my explanation, but had on the contrary been spinning out some ideas of his own which had nothing to do with the matter. ' Molk' is an exceedingly able man, and I am convinced that whatever he gave his attention to he would do well. But for years past he has devoted him- self to one single subject, and he has come to have no head and no interest for anything else. It put me in a temper to find I had been talking to deaf ears, but I took my revenge. Instead of repeating my explanation I observed to Roon : ' You have given me your opinion, therefore you have followed what I said. Will you now have the kindness to explain the matter once more ? ' " Sunday, October 16th. — This morning I received another letter from Bamberger, who writes from Lausanne. He thinks Bismarck can do what he likes if he will only follow a sound German policy, that is to say, "if a United German State is now firmly established." " In Germany people are convinced that this solution rests with the Chancellor of the Confedera- tion, and all opposition offered to it is attributed by public opinion to the Minister. People say to themselves that if Count Bismarck did not secretly encourage that opposition it would not dare to manifest itself in such a great crisis." Finally Bam- berger asked whether he should come here. At his request I submitted a number of points in his letter to the Minister. The Chief said he would be very pleased to see Bamberger here, as his local knowledge of Paris would be very useful once we got in the city. " Then he can also on his return explain many things in his own circles which it would be difficult to write. It is strange, though, that they should think I do not desire to see Germany united. The cause is not progressing as it ought to do, owing to the constant tergiversation of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, and because we do not know exactly what King Lewis thinks. For the same reasons, if this unity is at length secured, many things to which many people look for- ward will still be wanting." Monday, October 1 Jth. — In the evening we were told to pack our boxes, and that the carriages were to take their place behind those of the King's suite opposite the Prefecture 192 THE POLISH QUESTION [Oct. 20 in case of an alarm in the night. A sortie has been expected since yesterday. Tuesday, October 18///. — The Chief took lunch with us to-day, a thing which has seldom happened recently. The Chief then read a number of particularly edifying private letters to the Emperor Napoleon which had been pub- lished bv the Provisional Government, his comments upon them also containing occasional references to personages in Berlin. The Minister said, with reference to a letter from Pourtales, " Schleinitz was very discreet in speaking of his colleagues, but being a vain old coxcomb he was exceedingly loquacious with women of all sorts and conditions." (Turning to Delbriick.) " You should just have a glance at the police reports which Manteuffel had prepared on this subject." The Minister afterwards referred to a statement in the Kraj, and in connection therewith to the Poles in general. He spoke a good deal about the victories of the Great Elector in the East, and the alliance with Charles the Tenth of Sweden, which had promised him great advantages. It was a pity, how- ever, that his relations with Holland prevented him from fol- lowing up those advantages and fully availing himself of them. He would otherwise have had a good prospect of extending his power in Western Poland. On Delbriick remarking that then Prussia would not have remained a German State, the Chief replied : " It would not have done any great harm. In that case there would have been a northern State somewhat similar to Austria in the south. Poland would have been for us what Hungary is to Austria." This observation reminded me of what he had previously said on one occasion, namely, that he had advised the Crown Prince to have his son taught the Polish language, which, however, to his regret, was not done. Wednesday, October 19///. — At dinner, at which Count YVal- dersee joined us, the Minister remarked: "It would be a good plan if the inhabitants of a few square miles of those districts where our troops are fired at from behind hedges, and where the rails are loosened and stones laid upon the railway lines, were transported to Germany and kept under close watch there." Bucher related how, on his journey hither, an officer had borrowed his revolver and played with it ostentatiously '..V were passing under a bridge from which French 1S70J THE (IRANI) DUKK OK WEIMAR 193 scamps were accustomed to spit clown upon our people. The Chief exclaimed: "Why play! He should have waited till they had done it, and then fired at them." If I rightly understand, Weimar had "commanded" the Chancellor to call upon him this evening, as he wished to obtain information on some subject. The Chief said: "I sent him word that I was detained by my health and the business of State." Waldersee understands that, during the burning of the Pal- ace of Saint Cloud, some of the minor Princes had "saved for themselves " various " souvenirs," such as vases, trinkets, and books, but were forced to return them by order of the Crown Prince. Bohlen made some outrageous jokes upon the Weimar order of the White Falcon, which led to a discussion on orders in general, and the plentiful crop of this species of fruit which many people have already harvested. " Yes," said the Chief, " such quantities of tin plate ! If it were only possible to give away the orders of which one has too many ! To you, for instance, Dr. Busch. How would you like it ? " " No, thank you, Excellency," I replied; "very many thanks. But yes, if I could have one of those that you have worn yourself, as a memento, that would be something different. Otherwise I do not want any." Thursday, October 20th. — Morning and afternoon busy writing various articles and telegrams. The arrest of Jacoby by the military authorities was one of the subjects discussed at dinner, and the Chief once more expressed great doubts as to its expediency. Bismarck-Bohlen was highly pleased that " the chattering scoundrel had been locked up ! " The Chancellor's reply was very characteristic. He said : " I am not at all pleased. A party man might be, because it would gratify his vindictiveness. A statesman knows no such feeling. In politics the only question is, what good result will it do to ill-treat a political opponent ? " Some one remarked that the Grand Duke of Weimar was very angry because the Chief had not gone to see him as desired, whereupon the Minister turned to Keudell and said rather sharply : " Tell (I could not catch the name) imme- diately that I was indignant at his Gracious Master making such claims upon my time and health, and that he should have VOL. 1. — o 194 THE JACOI3Y AFFAIR [Oct. 20 such an erroneous idea of the duties which I have to discharge." " I can now understand how poor Wartsdorf came to die so young." "The Coburger worries me almost as much. He has written me a twelve-page letter on German politics, but I have given him a proper answer. I told him that of all the points he mentioned there was only one which had not been long since dealt with, and that one was not worth discussing. He did us a good service, however, in 1866. It is true that previously he was bad enough — when he wished to be Emperor of Germany, and put himself at the head of a secret shooting club. At that time I seriously intended to have him kidnapped by a regiment of hussars and brought to Magdeburg, and I submitted my pro- posal to the King. He is eaten up with vanity." The Minister then related that the Duke had ordered a picture to be painted of himself as the victor of Eckernforde, seated on a prancing charger with a bombshell exploding at his feet ; while, as a matter of fact, " he did not on that occasion display any heroism, but, on the contrary, kept at a respectful distance from gun- shot — which was quite a sensible thing for him to do." The German Liberal press is still uneasy with respect to the arrest of Jacoby. The Chief seems to consider it of great im- portance that his view of the affair should not be misunderstood, and that it should be generally adopted. The Weser Zcitung of the 1 6th instant, which arrived to-day, has an article which criticises the Minister's previous declarations on this subject in a hostile spirit. It concludes as follows: "To sum up, we must hold to our view that Jacoby has been treated unjustly, and although we anticipate no fearful consequences from this action, we nevertheless regret this episode in the history of a glorious epoch." The Chief dictated the following reply: — "The Weser Zcitung of the 16th instant heads its columns with an article which speaks of the advice forwarded to the Konigsberg Magistrates by the Chancellor of the Confederation, through the Chief President von Horn, respecting the Jacoby affair. Be good enough to permit a few words of explanation in connection with that criticism. The remarks of the Weser Zcitung refer to two different subjects. The statement of the Chancellor in his communication to the Chief President is a purely theoretical discussion as to whether action, inadmissible 1S70] MILITARY JURISDICTION 195 in peace, may not be taken by military authorities after war has actually broken out. The opinions therein expressed are almost the same as those which must have been entertained by the Weser Zcitiuig itself when it remarked, ' We can easily conceive cases in which we should be prepared with all our hearts to grant not only an indemnity but a vote of thanks for the some- what illegal arrest of any worthless individual who obstructed this holy war.' That is exactly the opinion of the Chancellor. If that much were not granted, it would then be impossible on an invasion of North German territory to deliver battle on our own soil unless some extensive and entirely uninhabited heath were discovered and retained for the purpose, and even then the proprietor of that piece of ground would be afterwards able to claim compensation for the damage done to his property. " Either the authorities entrusted with the conduct of the military operations must, notwithstanding the actual outbreak of hostilities, be bound by the Constitution and the law, or they must be held at liberty to take such reasonable measures as they consider necessary with a view to the fulfilment of their task. Theoretically, this question must be answered with a bare affirmative or negative. If it be answered in the negative it is hard to say by how many judicial officials every detachment of the fighting force on native soil would have to be accompanied, and what legal formalities gone through in the case of each sep- arate house and person before the military authorities could feel that they were constitutionally within their rights in the course they desired to adopt. If the question is answered in the af- firmative, then it must be recognised that it is impossible to codify the regulations governing the discretionary power which must be vested in the military commander in war, in such a manner that the general or soldier who executes his orders on native soil can in every instance refer to the particular para- graph of the Constitution or the law justifying his action. "The Chancellor of the Confederation cannot possibly have had any other intention than to lay down the principles just stated theoretically, since, as a Constitutional Prussian Minister of State, it is not competent for him to express any opinion as to whether the military commander has acted rightly in exercis- ing the power vested in him, or as to the extent to which he may have exercised it. The military governors, who are ap- 196 THE CHANCELLOR'S TOSITION [Oct. 21 pointed before the outbreak of war, are neither nominated by the Minister nor are they under his control. They are, on the contrary, appointed without his concurrence on the authority of the Commander-in-Chief, like all other military commanders. The Chancellor of the Confederation and the other Ministers of State are not the superiors of the military governors, and the latter would not obey the directions of the Ministers, but only those of the military authorities, which reach them without any Ministerial cooperation. " It is therefore an entirely unpractical course for those who consider themselves unjustly treated under the orders of the military authorities to direct their complaints to the Ministers of State. They can only demand redress from the military superiors of those against whom they enter complaint. It may therefore be taken for granted that the Chancellor of the Con- federation has not considered himself to be in a position to officially express an opinion on the expediency of the course adopted in a single instance, such as that of Jacoby, but has', on the contrary, merely dealt, from a theoretical standpoint, with the question whether, during war and in the interest of its successful prosecution, the arrest of individuals whose action in the judgment of the military authorities is injurious to us and advantageous to the enemy is temporarily permissible. " Stated in these general terms, the question can hardly be answered in the negative by practical politicians and soldiers, although they may entertain many scruples both on theoretical and judicial grounds against martial law as a whole. The con- crete question, however, whether this right, if it exists, was properly exercised in the case of Jacoby, is as much beyond the competence of the Ministry as, say, the question whether it is necessary or desirable in delivering battle on native soil to set a particular village on fire, or to arrest without legal process a private person at a distance of fifty miles from the battlefield because he is suspected of favouring the enemy. A discussion of the means by which the military commander could be ren- dered responsible for what the parties concerned may consider a false, hasty, or improper course is foreign to our purpose. We have merely been at pains to show that the constitutional at- tributes of the Ministry do not give it any authority to interfere directly in such cases." 1870] A NICK QUESTION 197 Friday, October 21st. ■ — The heavy firing which began early' this morning increased as the day wore on. We did not allow this to disturb us, however. Various articles were completed, including one on the departure of the Nuncio and other diplo- mats from Paris. At lunch Keudell stated that the French artillery had de- stroyed the porcelain factory at Sevres. Hatzfeld told us that his mother-in-law, an American lady who had remained in Paris, had sent him good news respecting the ponies of which he had often spoken to us. They were fine and fat. The question was whether she should now eat them. He was about to an- swer, " Yes, in God's name ! " but he intended to get the price of these animals included in the indemnity to be paid by the French Government. Between 1 and 2 o'clock the firing seemed to have ap- proached the woods to the north of the town. The artillery fire was severe, the reports following each other in rapid succes- sion, while the rattle of the mitrailleuse could also be recognised. It gave the impression that a regular battle had developed and was drawing nearer to us. The Chief ordered his horse to be saddled, and rode off. The rest of us also followed in the di- rection in which the fight seemed to be raging. We saw the familiar white clouds that accompany shell fire rise and burst in the air to the left, over the wood through which the road to Jardy and Vaucresson leads. Orderlies were galloping along the road thither, and a battalion was marching towards the point where the engagement was taking place. The fight con- tinued until after 4 o'clock, and then one heard only isolated discharges from the large fort on Mont Valerien, and finally they too ceased. As was only natural, great excitement pre- vailed during the afternoon amongst the French in the town, and the groups who stood before the houses probably expected every moment, as the noise of the firing came nearer and nearer, to see our troops in full flight before the red breeches. They afterwards drew long faces and shrugged their shoulders. In the evening the Chief said we ought not to permit groups of people to collect in the streets on the occasion of an engage- ment, and that the inhabitants should be ordered in such cir- cumstances to remain within doors, the patrols being instructed to fire upon those refusing obedience. I98 FRANCE AND SPAIN [Oct. 22 Sunday, October 22nd. — This has now been done, Voigts- Rhetz, the Commandant of Versailles, having issued an order to the effect that on the alarm signal being given, all the inhab- itants must immediately return to their houses, failing which the troops had received instructions to fire upon them. The Parisian Prefect of Police, Keratry, has appeared in Madrid with the object of submitting two proposals to General Prim. The first is that France and Spain should enter into an offensive and defensive alliance, under which the latter country should send an army of fifty thousand men to the assistance of the French. The object of the alliance would be the common defence of the nations of the Latin race against the supremacy of the Germanic race. On Prim declining this strange offer (strange inasmuch as the Spanish support of France, which but three months before had in the most arrogant manner forced its own policy upon Spain, would be an unexampled piece of self- renunciation and a misconception of the clearest interests of the Spanish people), the French intermediary asked that at least a decree should be issued permitting the importation of arms into France. This suggestion was also rejected by Prim. The surrender of Metz is expected within the next week. Prince Frederick Charles desires, if I rightly understand, capitu- lation on the same conditions as at Sedan and Toul, while the Chancellor, for political reasons, is in favour of a more con- siderate treatment of the garrison. The King seems to hesitate between the two courses. The Chief said yesterday to the Mayor of Versailles : " No elections, no peace. But the gentlemen of Paris will not hear of them. The American generals who were in Paris with the object of inducing them to hold the elections tell me that there is no getting them to consider the matter. Only Trochu said they were not yet so hard pressed that they need enter into negotiations, — the others would not hear of them, not even of submitting the question to the country." " I told him finally," said the Minister, " that we should have no alternative but to come to an understanding with Napoleon, and to force him back upon the French again. He did not believe we would do that, as it would be the grossest insult we could offer them. I re- plied that it was nevertheless in the interests of the victor to leave the defeated nation under a n'irime which would have to iS7o| POLITICAL PARTIES IN FRANCE 1 99 rely solely upon the army. In such circumstances it would be impossible to think of foreign wars. In conclusion, I advised him not to make the mistake of thinking that Napoleon had no hold upon the people. lie had the army on his side. Boyer had negotiated with me in the name of the Emperor. How far the present Government in Paris had the support of the people remained to be seen. The rural population could hardly share the opinion that peace was not to be thought of. He then gave his own view respecting the conditions of peace, namely, the razing of their fortresses and ours, and the disarmament of both countries in proportion to the population, &c. As I told him at the commencement, these people have no right conception of what war really is." The Noiivclliste being now the only newspaper in Versailles, and as it sensibly avoids unnecessarily hurting the patriotic sen- timents of the French, the people here take some account of it. Lowensohn tells us that the number of copies sold varies, some issues have been quite cleared out, while of others he has only thirty to fifty, and of yesterday's 150 copies on hand. Up to the present his weekly balance shows no loss. In the evening wrote an article for the Norddcutsclie, in which the following ideas are developed. The first condition upon which the Chancellor of the Confederation insisted in speaking to the various persons who have desired to negotiate with him respecting peace was the election of an assembly representing the will of France. He addressed the same demand to the emissaries of the Republicans and to the Imperialists, and to another third party. He desires to grant all possible facilities for thus consulting the wishes of the popu- lation. The form of government is a matter of entire indiffer- ence to us. But we can only deal with a real Government recognised by the nation. The Nouvellistc will shortly publish the following ideas in a French dress : " At the present moment in France, events are constantly occurring which are not only opposed to common sense, but are frequently an outrage on all moral feeling. Former Papal Zouaves, and not alone Frenchmen, serve without scruple in the army of a Republic which is governed by Voltair- ians. Garibaldi comes to Tours and offers, as he says, what remains of his life to the service of France. He can hardly 200 AX IMPOSSIBLE SUGGESTION [Oct. 26 have forgotten that this same France, twenty years before, de- stroyed the Roman Republic, while the wounds which it inflicted upon his country at Mentana must be still fresh in his memory. Nor can we have forgotten how his native town of Nice was filched from the Italian fatherland by this same France, and that it is at the present moment only restrained by a state of siege from throwing off the French yoke." Delbriick mentioned that during the preliminary negotia- tions for the reorganisation of Germany, Bavaria laid claim to a kind of joint participation in the representation of the Fed- eral State in foreign countries, the Bavarian idea being that when the Prussian, or rather the German, Minister or Ambas- sador was absent, the Bavarian representative should have the conduct of affairs. The Chief said : " No, whatever they like, but that is really impossible. The question is not what Ambassador we are to have, but what instructions he is to receive, and under that arrangement there would be two Ministers for Foreign Affairs in Germany." The Count then proceeded to further develop this point of view, illustrating it by examples. Monday, October 24///. — Strange news comes from Mar- seilles. It appears that the Red Republicans have there gained the upper hand. Esquiros, the Prefect of the Mouths of the Rhone, belongs to this variety of French Republicans. He has suppressed the Gazette du Midi, because the clubs of his party maintain that it favours the candidature of the Comte de Chambord, whose proclamation it has published. He has also expelled the Jesuits. A decree has been issued by Gambetta, declaring the Prefect to be dismissed, and his measures against the newspaper mentioned and the Jesuits to be abrogated. Esquiros, however, supported by the working classes, has de- clined to obey this order of the Government Delegation at Tours, and continues to hold his post. The Gazette du Midi is still suppressed, and the Jesuits are expelled. Just as little heed was paid to Gambetta's decree disbanding the Civic Guard, which was recruited from Red Republicans, and is not to be confounded with the Marseilles National Guard. The Chief remarked with reference to this news : " It looks as if things were tending towards civil war ; and it is possible that we may shortly have a Republic of South France." I worked 1870] THE WAR INDEMNITY 201 up this news into paragraphs, written in the sense of the fore- going comment. At 4 o'clock M. Gauthier, who comes from Chislehurst, called upon the Chancellor. Tuesday, October 25///. — This morning the Chief said, in reference to a statement in the Pays mentioning an indemnity of three and a half milliards : " Nonsense ! I shall demand much more than that ! " During dinner the subject of " William Tell " was intro- duced, I cannot now remember how, and the Minister confessed that, even as a boy, he could not endure that character ; first, because he shot at his own son, and secondly, because he killed Gessler in a treacherous way. " It would have been more natural and noble to my mind if, instead of shooting at the boy, for after all the best archer might hit him instead of the apple, he had immediately shot down the Governor. That would have been legitimate wrath provoked by a cruel com- mand. But the lurking and skulking is not to my taste. It is not the proper style for a hero, not even for franctireurs." Two copies of the Nouvelliste are pasted up daily in differ- ent parts of the town, and are read by the people, although, when a German passes by, the group engaged in perusing them greets him with such criticisms as, " Mensonges ! " or "Impossi- ble ! " One of Stieber's attendant spirits, or some other guar- dian of the truth, caught a working man to-day in the act of writing the word " Blague " on one of the copies posted up in the neighbourhood of the Prefecture. It is said that he is to be transported to Germany. Wednesday, October 26th. — In the morning I translated Granville's despatch for the King, and afterwards prepared an abstract of it for the press. The latter was accompanied by the remark that we had already twice offered the French an armistice on favourable terms, once through Favre, and again, on the 9th of October, through Burnside, but that they would not accept it because we desired it. Then telegraphed to London that Thiers is receiving a safe conduct to our head- quarters and permission to proceed thence to Paris. Also that the Comte de Chambord had a meeting at Coppet with the Comte de Paris. In the evening I wrote another article on the instructions 202 METZ CAPITULATES [Oct. 29 of the Chief to the following effect. It is rumoured that Vienna diplomacy has again taken steps to induce the Ger- mans to grant an armistice. We find it difficult to credit this report. The only advantage to the French of an armistice at the present moment would be to strengthen their resistance and to render it more difficult for us to enforce the conditions which we recognise as essential. Can that be the object Aus- tria has in view in taking this measure ? The following con- siderations are of an obvious nature. If the authorities in Vienna deprive us of the fruits of our victory, if we are pre- vented from securing that safe western frontier which we are striving to win, a new war with France is unavoidable, or rather the continuation of the one thus interrupted. It is quite clear where in such circumstances France would seek allies and probably find them. It is equally certain that in that case Germany would not wait until the recovery of France from her present chaotic condition, which would be promoted by a cessation of the war now in progress. Germany would be obliged to deal first with this future ally of France and to seek to render it powerless, and the latter standing alone would have to bear the cost of its own act in preventing us from attaining our present object. In other words, it might then happen that Austria would have to compensate us by the cession of Bohemia for the loss of Lorraine, which it once before alienated from the German Empire. Friday, October 28///. — In the afternoon Moltke sent the Chief a telegram which reported that the capitulation of Metz was signed to-day at 12.45 PM - The French army thus made prisoners number in all 173,000 men, including 16,000 sick and wounded. Bennigsen, Friedenthal, and Von Blankenburg, a friend of the Chancellor's in his youth, joined us at dinner. From the French officers captured at Metz and their approach- ing transportation to Germany, the conversation turned upon General Ducrot and his disgraceful escape from Pont a Mous- son. The Minister said: "He has written me a long letter explaining that there is no foundation for the charge of breach of faith we have brought against him, but he has not materially modified my view of the case." The Chief then related that recently an " intermediary of Gambetta's " had called upon him, and that towards the close of the conversation he asked whether 1870 J A WHIST PARTY FOR WILIIELMSIK JIIK 203 we would recognise the Republic. " I replied," continued the Chief, " certainly, without any doubt or hesitation. Not only the Republic, but, if you like, a Gambetta dynasty ; only it must secure us the advantages of a safe peace." " Or for the matter of that any dynasty, whether it be a Bleichroder or a Rothschild one." The Nouvelliste is to be stopped, and to be replaced by a journal of larger size bearing the title, Monitcur Officiel dc Seine ct Oise, which will be published at the expense of the Government. Saturday, October 29///. — At dinner our great success at Metz was discussed. " That exactly doubles the number of our prisoners," said the Minister — "no, it does more. We now have in Germany the army which Napoleon had in the field at the time of the battles of Weissenburg, Worth, and Saar- briicken, with the exception of those whom we killed. The troops which the French now have were afterwards brought from Algiers and Rome, and newly recruited, together with a few thousand men under Vincy who made off before Sedan. We have also nearly all their generals." The Chief then said Napoleon had requested that Marshals Bazaine, Leboeuf, and Canrobert, who had been taken at Metz, should be sent to him at Wilhelmshohe. The Minister added : " That would make a whist party. I have no objection, and shall recommend the King to do so." He then went on to say that so many extraor- dinary events which no one could have imagined previously were now of daily occurrence that one might regard the most wonderful as being within the range of possibility. " Amongst other things it might well happen that we should hold a Ger- man Reichstag in Versailles, while Napoleon might summon the Legislative Chamber and the Senate to Cassel to consider the terms of peace. Napoleon is convinced that the former representative body is still legally in existence, an opinion against which there is little to be said, and that he could sum- mon it to meet wherever he liked — of course, however, only in France. Cassel would be a debatable question." The Chief then said that he had invited the representatives of the parties "with whom it is possible to discuss matters " — Friedenthal, Bennigsen, and Blankenburg — to come here in order to ascer- tain their views respecting a session of our Parliament at 204 LOAFERS AT HEADQUARTERS [Oct. 29, 1870 Versailles. " I was obliged to omit the Progressist party, as they only desire what is not possible. They are like Russians, who eat cherries in winter and want oysters in summer. When a Russian goes into a shop he asks for Kaknjc bud, that is to say, for what does not exist." After the first course Prince Albrecht, the father, came in and took a seat on the Chief's right. The old gentleman, like a genuine Prussian Prince always gallant and loyal to his duty, has pressed forward with his cavalry beyond Orleans. He tells us that the engagement in Chateaudun was "horrible." Pie warmly praised the Duke of Meiningen, who had also shirked no danger or privation. On this the Chief remarked : " I have nothing to say against Princes who go with the army and as officers and leaders share the dangers and hardships of the soldiers. But I should prefer to see those who loaf around here at Piickler's expense, and who are mere spectators of the man-hunt, anywhere rather than at headquarters. It is all the more unpleasant to me to have them here, as they storm me with questions and force wise counsels upon me respecting matters that are in course of development and which are now being worked out." . . . " May I ask," said the Prince (doubt- less to get away from this subject), " how the Countess is ? " " Oh, she is quite well," replied the Chief, " now that our son is better. She still suffers from her ferocious hatred of the Gauls, all of whom she would wish to see shot and stabbed to death, clown to the little babies — who after all cannot help having such abominable parents." CHAPTER XI THIERS AND THE FIRST NEGOTIATIONS FOR AN ARMISTICE AT VERSAILLES On the morning of the 30th of October, while taking a walk along the Avenue cle Saint Cloud, I met Bennigsen, who was to start for home with Blankenburg in a few days. On my asking what progress had been made in Germany with the question of unity, he said that the prospects were very good. The only point which the Bavarians still insisted upon was a certain degree of independence for their army. The feeling amongst the majority of the people was all that could be desired. On my return to the house a little after 10 o'clock Engel told me that Thiers had arrived shortly before but had left again almost immediately. He had come from Tours, and had only called to get a safe conduct through our lines, as he wished to go to Paris. Hatzfeld had breakfasted with Thiers at the Hotel des Reservoirs, and afterward saw him into the carriage, in which, accompanied by Lieutenant von Winterfeldt, he was conducted to the French outposts. He told us at lunch that Thiers " still remained the same bright witty old gentleman, but was weak as a baby." Hatzfeld had been the first to recog- nise him on his calling at our place, and told him that the Chief was just getting up. He then showed him into the salon, and informed the Minister, who hastily finished his toilet and shortly afterwards came down. They were, however, only together alone for a few minutes, the Chief then instructing Hatzfeld to make the necessary preparations for Thiers' visit to Paris. The Minister afterwards told Hatzfeld that Thiers said to him, immediately after they had exchanged greetings, that he had not come to speak to him. "That strikes me as quite natural," added Hatzfeld, " as, although Thiers would like to conclude peace with us (just because it would be Thiers' peace, since he is terribly ambitious), he does not know what the people in Paris would sav to it." 205 206 THIERS' FIRST VISIT [Oct. 31 In the meantime the Chief had ridden off with his cousin to the review of 9,000 Landwehr Guards which was being held this morning by the King. At luncheon the Chief referred to the Landwehr, who had arrived that morning, and said they were all broad-shouldered fellows, who must have impressed the people of Versailles. "The front of one of their companies is at least five feet broader than that of a French company, par- ticularly in the Pomeranian Landwehr." The Minister then turned to Hatzfeld, and said: "I hope you have not mentioned anything about Mctz to Thiers." "No, and he also said noth- ing about it, although there is no doubt that he knows." " He certainly does, but I did not speak about it either." Hatzfeld then observed once more that Thiers was very charming in his manner, but had lost nothing of his old vanity and self-com- placency. As evidence of this Hatzfeld mentioned that Thiers had told him that a few days before he met a peasant whom he asked whether he desired to see peace concluded. " Certainly, very much." " Whether he knew who he (Thiers) was?" No, the peasant replied, and appealed to a neighbour who had come on the scene, and who passed as the oldest inhabitant. This ancient was of opinion that M. Thiers must be a member of the Chamber. Hatzfeld added, " It was obvious that Thiers was angry at not being better known." The Chief went out for a moment, and brought back a case containing a gold pen, which a jeweller of Pforzheim presented to him for the purpose of signing the Treaty of Peace. At dinner the Chief again spoke at some length of the pos- sibility of holding a session of the German Reichstag at Ver- sailles, while the French Legislative Chamber should at the same time meet at Cassel. Delbruck observed that the hall of the Diet at Cassel would not be large enough for such an assembly. "Well, then," said the Chief, "the Senate could meet somewhere else — in Marburg or Fritzlar, or some similar town." Monday, October ^\st. —In the morning wrote some articles, one of which advocated the idea of an international court for the trial of those who had instigated this war against us. Also directed attention to the case of M. Hcrmieux, the Comman- dant of a French battalion, who like Ducrot had broken his word by making his escape from hospital, and whose descrip- tion was now published in the newspapers. 1S70J GERMAN PRISONERS IN FRANCE 207 Gauthicr called again at 12 o'clock, and had another long interview with the Chief. Hatzfeld announced at tea that on paying a visit early in the evening at the Hotel des Reservoirs he learned by accident that M. Thiers had returned, and he had afterwards spoken to him. Thiers informed him that on the day before he had been engaged from 10 o'clock at night until 3 in the morning in negotiating with the members of the Provisional Government ; he rose again at 6 a.m. and from that time until 2 in the after- noon received visitors of all descriptions, after which he drove back here. He wishes to have a conference with the Chan- cellor to-morrow. " He began to speak of disturbances having taken place yesterday in Paris," continued Hatzfeld, " but on an exclamation of surprise escaping me he immediately changed the subject." In the evening I was instructed to see that the decree addressed to Vogel von Falkenstein, and published in the Staatsanzciger of the 27th instant, was reproduced by our other papers. It was to be accompanied by a collection of newspaper reports respecting the ill-treatment of German prisoners by the French. I then began a second article against Beust's interven- tion in our quarrel with the French, based on the suggestions of the Chief, who said it was to be "very sharply worded." This, however, was not sent off, as the situation altered in the mean- time. I reproduce the article here as being characteristic of the position of affairs at the moment. It ran as follows: — " If in a struggle between two Powers, one of whom proves obviously weaker and is at length on the point of being defeated, a third Power, which has hitherto been neutral, urges an armistice, its motive must certainly be regarded less as a benevolent desire for the welfare of both parties than as anxiety for the weaker State and as evident partisanship in favour of the same. It is, in fact, an armistice in favour of the Power that is on the point of being defeated, and to the dis- advantage of that which has won the upper hand. If this third Power furthermore endeavours to induce other neutral States to take similar action, thus strengthening and giving more weight to its own proposal, then it is clearly departing still further from a neutral attitude. Its one-sided warnings are transformed into partisan pressure, its proceedings become 208 THE ATTITUDE OF AUSTRIA [Nov. i intrigues, and its whole action presents an appearance of threatened violence. "This is the case with Austria-Hungary if it be true, as the Vienna official organs boast, that it has taken the initiative in an attempt of the neutral Powers to negotiate an armistice between defeated France and victorious Germany. The conduct of Count Beust becomes more clearly offensive when it is known that it was suggested by M. Chaudordy, Favre's representative at Tours, and originated in a previous understanding between the Vienna Cabinet and the Delegation of the Provisional Government in that city. The true character of this action on the part of Austro-Hungarian diplomacy as a hostile interfer- ence in our settlement with France becomes more manifest from the manner in which its representative in Berlin supports the English suggestions. The British Foreign Office adopts a tone of perfect impartiality, and of benevolence towards Ger- many; the Italians do the same, while the Russian representa- tive has kept entirely aloof from all intervention. All three Powers have done their utmost at Tours to promote an unpreju- diced and reasonable view of the situation on the part of the French. On the other hand, the despatches read by Herr von Wimpffen in Berlin (we do not know what Austria-Hungary has advised at Tours) speak in a tone which is anything but friendly. They emphasise the statement that Vienna still believes in general European interests. The authorities there fear that history would condemn the neutral Powers if the ca- tastrophe which is threatening Paris were to occur without a voice being raised on their part to avert it. It is evidently intended as a severe and offensive censure when they say humanity demands that the conditions of peace should be made less onerous for the vanquished, but that Germany will not per- mit any voice to reach the ears of its defeated foe except that which proclaims the commands of the victor. The whole de- spatch is characterised throughout by a vein of irony which dis- tinguishes it in a manner little to its advantage from that of the English Government. " From all these circumstances it is as clear that the action of Count Beust is guided by hostile intentions towards us as that Lord Granville's attitude is based on good will. We wonder if the Vienna Chancellor well considered the possible 1870] NO QUARTER FOR FRANCTIREURS 209 consequences of this new manoeuvre. It is not probable after the fall of Metz that the attempt made by Austria to hinder Germany in the complete attainment of that peace which we have in view with the object of securing a safe Western frontier will be successful, lint we shall remember that attempts to prejudice our interests and the good impression made in Ger- many by the previous neutrality of Austria-Hungary will be destroyed, and a friendly rapprochement with the dual monarchy, a basis for which was being laid, will be postponed — probably for a considerable time. But let us consider another possibility. Take it that through the intervention of Count Beust the de- mands which we make upon France are curtailed, and that we are actually obliged to renounce a portion of the old and new debts which we are on the point of collecting — does the Chan- cellor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire believe that we shall not remember at the first opportunity to make our ill-disposed neighbour on the South-East compensate us for what he helped to deprive us of in the West ? Does he believe that we shall foolishly put off the day of reckoning with a neighbour who takes every opportunity of displaying his hostility, until his French protege' has recovered sufficiently to give him the sup- port of a more valuable alliance in gratitude for the assistance given against Germany ? " Tuesday, November \st. — At dinner Bohlen reported that the Coburger is doing his utmost to create a feeling of dis- content — he says nothing happens, nothing is being done, no progress is being made. " What ! He ! " exclaimed the Chief, with an indescribable expression of contempt on his features. " He should be ashamed of himself. These Princes that follow the army like a flight of vultures ! These carrion crows, who themselves do nothing whatever except inspect the battlefields, &c." Some one then spoke of the last engagement, and said that a portion of the 1200 prisoners that had been taken were franctireurs. " Prisoners ! " broke in the Chief, who still seemed to be extremely angry. " Why do they continue to make prisoners? They should have shot down the whole 1200 one after the other." Mention was made of the decree of the Minister of War or of the Commandant of the Town, ordering that particulars should be published of all valuables found in houses deserted 2IO THIERS' LOOK OF SURPRISE [Nov. 2 by their owners, and that if not reclaimed within a certain time they were to be confiscated for the benefit of the war chest. The Minister said that he considered this decree to be perfectly justified, adding: "As a matter of fact such houses should be burned to the ground, only that punishment would also fall in part on the sensible people who have remained behind ; and so unfortunately it is out of the question." The Chief then observed, after a pause, and apparently without any connection with what had been previously said: " After all, war is, properly speaking, the natural condition of humanity." He remained silent for a while, and then remarked: "It just occurs to me that the Bavarian proposes to surprise me to-day," by which he meant that Count Bray was about to visit him. This led the conversation to the Bavarian Ambassador in Berlin, Pergler von Perglas, of whom the Chief does not appear to have a high opinion. " He is as bad as he can be. I do not say that because he is a particularist, as I do not know how I should think myself if I were a Bavarian. But he has always been in favour of the French." (The Minister maintained, if I heard him rightly, that this was owing to his wife.) "I never tell him anything when he comes to me, or at least not the truth." Shortly afterwards the Chief told us that Thiers had been with him for about three hours to-day with the object of nego- tiating an armistice. Probably, however, it would not be pos- sible to come to an understanding as to the conditions w r hich he proposes or is prepared to grant. Once during the conversa- tion Thiers wished to speak of the supply of provisions now in Paris ; but the Minister interrupted him, saying, " Excuse me, but wc know that better than you who have only been in the city for one day. Their store of provisions is sufficient to last until the end of January." " What a look of surprise he gave me ! My remark was only a feeler, and his astonishment showed that what I had said was not true." At dessert the Minister spoke of the large quantity he had eaten. " But then it is my only meal. It is true I take break- fast, but then it is merely a cup of tea without milk and two eggs, — -and after that nothing till evening. Then I overeat myself, like a boa constrictor, and can't sleep. Even as a child, rmd ever since that time, I have always gone to bed late, never before midnight. I usually fall asleep quickly, but wake soon 1870] THIERS AS A NEGOTIATOR 211 again and find that it is not more than half-past one o'clock. All sorts of things then come into my head, particularly if I have been unfairly treated, — and that must be all thought out. I afterwards write letters, and even despatches, but of course without getting up — simply in my head. Formerly, for some time after my appointment as Minister, I used to get up and actually write them down. When I read them over next morn- ing, however, they were worth nothing, — mere platitudes, con- fused trivial stuff such as might have appeared in the Vossische Zeitung, or might have been composed by his Serene Highness of Weimar. I do not want to, I should prefer to sleep. But the thinking and planning goes on. At the first glimmer of dawn I fall off again, and then sleep till ten o'clock or even later." Wednesday, November 2nd. — On returning from a long walk at about 4.30 p.m. I heard that Thiers had remained with the Chief until a few minutes before, and looked rather pleased on taking his leave. During dinner the Minister observed, referring to his visitor of to-day : " He is a clever and amiable man, bright and witty, but with scarcely a trace of the diplo- matist — ■ too sentimental for that trade." "He is unques- tionably a finer nature than Favre. But he is no good as a negotiator (JJnterhandler) — not even as a horsedealer (Pferde- handler)" " He is too easily bluffed, betrays his feelings, and allows himself to be pumped. Thus I have ascertained all sorts of things from him, amongst others that they have only full rations in Paris for three or four weeks." With respect to our attitude towards the approaching French elections, I called attention in the press to the follow- ing example, which may decide us to exclude Alsace-Lorraine from the voting, and to which we can refer those who allege such an exclusion to be unprecedented. An American informs us that in the last war between the United States and Mexico an armistice was agreed upon with the object of giving the Mexicans time to choose a new Government, which should con- clude peace with the United States. The provinces, the ces- sion of which was demanded by the United States, were not permitted to take part in this election. This is the sole prece- dent, but it entirely covers the present case. Thursday, November {rd.—K fine bright morning. Al- 212 WHAT THE BERLINERS THINK OF THEMSELVES [Nov. 4 ready at 7 a.m. the iron lions on Mont Valerien began to fill the surrounding wooded valleys with their roaring. I make abstracts for the King of two articles that appeared in the Morning Post of the 28th and 29th of October, which are understood to have come from Persigny or Prince Napo- leon. The assertion in these articles that in the negotiations with the delegate of the Empress our demand extended only to Strasburg, and a narrow strip of land in the Saar district, with about a quarter of a million inhabitants, is (the Chief tells me) based on a misunderstanding. I am instructed to telegraph that in consequence of yester- day's negotiations the Chancellor has offered M. Thiers a truce of twenty-five days on the basis of the military status quo. Thiers returned at 12 o'clock, and negotiated with the Chief until 2.30 p.m. The demands of the French are exorbitant. At lunch we hear that in addition to a twenty-eight days' armis- tice for the elections and the meeting of the National Assembly thus chosen to determine the position of the Provisional Gov- ernment, they demand nothing less than the right to provision Paris and all other fortresses held by them and besieged by us, and the participation of the Eastern provinces, of which we require the cession in the elections. Ordinary logic finds it difficult to conceive how the provisioning of fortresses can be deemed consistent with the maintenance of the military status quo. Amongst other subjects discussed at dinner were the elec- tions in Berlin. Delbruck was of opinion that they would be more favourable than hitherto. Jacoby, at any rate, would not be reelected. Count Bismarck-Bohlen thought otherwise. He anticipated no change. The Chancellor said: — "The Berliners must always be in opposition and have their own ideas. They have their virtues — many and highly estimable ones — they fight well, but they would not consider themselves to be as clever as they ought to be unless they knew everything better than the Government." That failing, however, was not con- fined to Berliners, the Chief added. All great cities were much the same in that respect, and many were even worse than Ber- lin. They were in general more unpractical than the rural districts, where people were in closer contact with nature and thus got into a more natural and practical way of 1870 J LONDON COCKNEYS 213 thinking. " Where great numbers of men are crowded to- gether they easily lose their individuality and dissolve into one mass. All sorts of opinions are in the air, they arise from hear- say and repetition, and are little or not at all founded on facts, but are propagated by the newspapers, popular meetings, and conversations over beer, and then remain firmly, immutably rooted. It is a sort of false second nature, a faith or supersti- tion held collectively by the masses. They reason themselves into believing in something that docs not exist, consider them- selves in duty bound to hold to that belief, and wax enthusiastic over narrow-minded and grotesque ideas. That is the case in all great cities, in London for instance, where the cockneys are quite a different race to other Englishmen — in Copenhagen, in New York, and above all in Paris. The Parisians, with their political superstitions, are quite a distinct people in France, — they are caught and bound up in a circle of ideas which are a sacred tradition to them, although when closely examined they turn out to be mere empty phrases." So far as Thiers was concerned, the Minister only told us that shortly after the commencement of their conference to-day he suddenly asked him whether he had obtained the authority necessary for the continuance of the negotiations. " He looked at me in astonishment, on which I said that news had been received at our outposts of a revolution having broken out in Paris since his departure, and that a new Government had been proclaimed. He was visibly perturbed, from which it may be inferred that he considers a victory of the Red Republicans as possible, and the position of Favre and Trochu as insecure." Thiers was again with the Chief from 9 o'clock till after 10. Friday, November /\th. — Beautiful bright morning. At the desire of the Minister I send the Daily Neivs an account of his conversation with Napoleon at Donchery. He had principally conversed with the Emperor within the weaver's house, upstairs — for about three-quarters of an hour — and spent but a short time with him in the open air, as the Minister himself stated in his official report to the King. Furthermore, in speaking to Napo- leon, he had not pointed the forefinger of the left hand into the palm of his right, which was not at all a habit of his. He had not once made use of the German language in speaking to the Emperor — he had never done so, and also not on that 2T4 THE PROPOSED BOMBARDMENT [Nov. 5 occasion. " I did, however," the Minister continued, " speak German to the people of the house, as the man understood a little and the woman spoke it very well." From 1 1 o'clock onwards Thiers conferred once more with the Chancellor. He yesterday sent his companion, a M. Cochery, back to Paris, to ascertain if the Government of the 4th of September still existed. The answer appears to have been in the affirmative. Bamberger dined with us. The Chief said, amongst other things : — " I see that some newspapers hold me responsible that Paris has not yet been bombarded. I do not want any- thing serious to be done, I object to a bombardment. Nonsense ! They will ultimately make me responsible for our losses during the siege, which are certainly already considerable, as we have probably lost more men in these small engagements than a general attack would have cost us. I wanted the city to be stormed at once, and have all along desired that it be done — or it would have been still better to have left Paris on one side and continued our march." Thiers was once more with the Chief from 9 p.m. until after 1 1 o'clock. While they were conferring a telegram arrived announcing that Beust has abandoned his former attitude in so far as he declares that if Russia raises objections to the Prussian demands upon France, Austria will do the same, but otherwise not. This telegram was at once sent in to the Chief. Saturday, November ^tJi. — About one o'clock there was a short conference between the Chancellor, Delbriick, and other German Ministers. We afterwards ascertained that the Chief reported the result of his negotiations with Thiers, and also announced the impending arrival of the German sovereigns not yet represented at Versailles. On our sitting down to dinner Delbriick was at first the only Minister present. Later on we were joined by the Chan- cellor, who had dined with the King. While Engel was pour- ing him out a glass of spirits the Chief recalled a pretty dictum. Recently a General (if I am not mistaken it was at Ferrieres, and I fancy I heard the name of the great thinker, Moltke), speaking of the various beverages of mankind, laid down the following principle : — " Red wine for children, champagne for men, and brandy for generals." 1S70] THE SERENE HIGHNESSES 21 5 The Chancellor, who had been dining with the King, joined us in the evening and complained to Delbruck of the way in which he had been beset at the King's quarters by the Princes, who prevented him from discussing something of importance with Kutusoff. " I really could not talk to him properly. The Serene Highnesses fluttered about me like crows round a screech-owl, and tore me away from him. Each of them seemed to delight in being able to buttonhole me longer than the others. At length I asked Prince Charles if he could not get his brother- in-law to wait until I had finished what I had to say to Kutu- soff, as it was an important matter of State. But although I have often spoken to him previously in the same sense he did not seem to understand me, and the end of it was that he took offence." ... "At last they heard that the leg or the back of the old coronation chair had been discovered in one of the other rooms, and they all trooped off to inspect the wonder, while I took this opportunity to bolt." At that moment a despatch was delivered stating that Favre and the other mem- bers of the Government in Paris had once more got on the high horse, and proclaimed that they would not hear of a cession of territory, and that their sole task was the defence of the father- land. The Chief observed : — " Well, then, we need not nego- tiate any further with Thiers." Later on the Minister said that Thiers probably still intended to write another historical work. " Time after time he spins out our negotiation by introducing irrelevant matters. He re- lates what has occurred or been advised here and there, inquires as to the attitude of this or that person, and what would have happened in such and such circumstances. He reminded me of a conversation I had with the Due de Bauffremont in the year 1867, in the course of which I said that in 1866 the Emperor had not understood how to take advantage of the situation, that he could have done a good stroke of business although not on German soil, &c. Roughly that is quite correct. I remember it very well. It was in the gardens of the Tuileries, and a mili- tary band was playing. In the summer of 1866 Napoleon lacked courage to do what he ought to have done from his point of view. When we attacked Austria he should have occupied the object of the Benedetti proposal, and held it as a pledge. We could not have prevented him at that time, 2l6 A LETTER FROM THE COUNTESS [Nov. 7 and most probably England would not have stirred — in any case he could have waited. If the coup succeeded he might have placed himself back to back with us, encouraging us to further aggression. But (turning to Delbriick, first leaning a little forward and then sitting straight upright, a habit of his on such occasions) he is and remains a muddle-headed fellow." Thiers, after having had a conversation with Favre and Ducrot on the bridge of Sevres, returned and had another con- ference with the Chief which lasted from 8.30 to 9.30. Favre and Ducrot had declared that our conditions for an armistice could not be accepted, but that they would ascertain the opin- ions of their colleagues, and bring Thiers a definite answer to-morrow. Sunday, November 6th. — The Chief read to us at dinner a portion of his wife's letter, which was to the following effect : — " I fear you will not be able to find a Bible in France, and so I shall shortly send you the Psalms in order that you may read the prophecies against the French — ' I tell thee, the godless shall be destroyed ! ' " The Minister had also received a " de- spairing letter " from Count Herbert, whose wound was now healed, because he had been transferred to a depot. " He says that all he has had out of the whole war has been a fortnight's ride with his regiment and then three months on his back. I wished to see whether anything could be done, and to-day I met the Minister of War. He dissuaded me, however, with tears in his eyes — he had once interfered in a similar way and lost his son in consequence." Monday, November yth. — Early in the morning the Chief instructs me to telegraph to London: — "In the negotiations with M. Thiers, which lasted for five days, he was offered an armistice of any duration up to twenty-eight days on the basis of the military status quo, for the purpose of holding elections, which should also be allowed to take place in the portions of France occupied by the German troops ; or as an alternative, our assistance and sanction for holding the elections without a truce. After a renewed conference with the Paris Government at the outposts, M. Thiers was not authorised to accept either of these offers. He demanded first of all permis- sion to provision Paris, without offering any military equivalent. As this proposal could not be accepted by the Germans on mili- 1870] THE QUESTION OF BOMBARDMENT 2\J tary grounds, M. Thiers yesterday received instructions from Paris to break off the negotiations." The following particulars have been ascertained from other sources : — The instruction referred to was received by Thiers in the form of a curt letter from Favre desiring him to return to Tours, whither he has gone, to-day. The Chancellor tells me that Thiers was very depressed at the foolish obstinacy of the Paris Government, of which both he himself and several of the Ministers disapprove. Favre and Picard, particularly the latter, are desirous of peace but are too weak to withstand the opposition of the others. Gambetta and Trochu will not hear of the elections, which would in all probability put an end to their rule. I write articles to the following effect : — We were prepared to do everything possible, but all our concessions were rejected owing to the ambition of MM. Favre and Trochu, who do not want to be forced by the true representatives of the French peo- ple to give up the power which fell into their hands through an insurrection. It is that ambition alone which prolongs the war. We, on the other hand, have shown that we desire peace, by carrying our complaisance to the utmost point. The postponement of the bombardment was again discussed at dinner. The Chancellor said he could not understand the absurd rumour circulated in the newspapers to the effect that he was opposed to the bombardment while the military authorities were pressing for it. " Exactly the contrary is the case. No one is more urgent in favour of it than I am, and it is the military authorities who hesitate. A great deal of my correspondence is taken up in dispelling the scruples and excessive circum- spection of the military people. It appears that the artillery are constantly requiring more time for preparation and particu- larly a larger supply of ammunition. At Strasburg, they also asked for much more than was necessary, as notwithstanding the foolish waste of powder and shell, two-thirds of the supply collected was never used." Alten objected that even if the forts in question were captured they would be then subjected to the fire from the enciente, and we should have to begin over again. "That may be," said the Minister, "but they ought to have known that sooner, as there was no fortress we knew so much about from the commencement as Paris." 2l8 "THE FIRST FOREIGN OFFICE OF THE WORLD" [Nov. 8 Somebody remarked that in the two balloons that had been seized five persons had been taken prisoners. The Chief con- sidered that they ought to be treated as spies without any lengthy deliberation. Alten said they would be brought up be- fore a court-martial, whereupon the Minister exclaimed, " Well, nothing will happen to them there ! " He then observed how stout and strong Count Bill was. At his age he himself was slight and thin. " At Gottingen I was as thin as a knitting- needle." Mention having been made of the circumstance that the sentry posted outside the villa occupied by the Crown Prince had been shot at and wounded the night before, and that the town would be obliged to pay him five thousand francs as com- pensation, the Chief said that in going out in the evening he would not take his sword but rather a revolver — "as although in certain circumstances I should be quite willing to let myself be murdered, I should not like to die unavenged." After dinner I was instructed by the Chancellor to again telegraph an account of the negotiations with Thiers, only in a somewhat different form. On my venturing to observe that the contents of the despatch had been telegraphed in the morning, he replied, " Not quite accurately ; you see here 'Count Bismarck proposed,' &c. You must notice such fine shades if you want to work in the first Foreign Office of the world." Tuesday, November ?>tJi. — In the morning I sent off a tele- gram stating that the prisoners taken in the balloons have been transported to a Prussian fortress in order to be tried there by court-martial. Furthermore that the confiscated letters com- promised diplomats and other personages who have been per- mitted to remain in communication with the outer world out of consideration for their position and sense of honour. Such communication would no longer be tolerated. At about 12.30 p.m., while we were at lunch, the Chief re- ceived a visit from Archbishop Lcdochowski of Posen, and it was understood that his business was to submit an offer of the Pope to intervene with the French Government. They proba- bly hope in this way to purchase the intervention of the German Government on behalf of the Holy Father. The Archbishop remained till nearly 3 o'clock, and on his leaving the Chief went to see the King. He subsequently took dinner at the Crown 1870] FEMININE INFLUENCE 219 Prince's, where the Grand Duke of Baden, who had arrived in the meantime, also dined. Delbruck, General Chauvin, and Colonel Meidam, the officer in command of the Field Telegraph, were the Chief's guests at dinner. Mention was made of the improper use of the telegraph wire by distinguished personages for their private purposes. After a while the Chancellor remarked : — "I hear that the Augustenburger also telegraphs. That really should not be. Nor has the Coburger any right to do so. The telegraph is for military and diplomatic purposes and not for minor potentates to use for inquiries respecting their kitchens, stables, and theatres. None of them has any rights here. Their rights ceased on passing the German frontier." On some one referring to the destruction of the telegraph wires and other similar misconduct on the part of franctireurs and peasants near Epernay, the Minister said: — "They should have immediately sent three or four battalions there, and trans- ported six thousand peasants to Germany until the conclusion of the war." Amongst other subjects discussed at tea was the rumour that the postponement of the bombardment was in part due to the influence of ladies, the Queen and the Crown Princess being mentioned in this connection. The Chief was in the drawing- room engaged in conference with the Bavarian General von Bothmer on the military question in connection with the closer unification of Germany now in progress. The Minister joined us afterwards, remaining for about an hour. On sitting down he breathed a deep sigh and said : — "I was thinking just now, what I have indeed often thought before — If I could only for five minutes have the power to say : ' That must be done thus and in no other way!' — If one were only not compelled to pother about the 'why' and the 'wherefore,' and to argue and plead for the simplest things ! — Things made much more rapid progress under men like Frederick the Great, who were generals themselves and also knew something about administration, act- ing as their own Ministers. It was the same with Napoleon. But here, this eternal talking and begging ! " After a while the Chief said, with a laugh : — "I have been busy to-day educating Princes." " How so, Excellency ? " asked Hatzfeld. 220 IF THE POPE CAME TO GERMANY [Nov. 8 " Well, I have explained to various gentlemen at the Hotel ties Reservoirs what is and what is not proper. I have given the Meininger to understand through Stein that he is not to be allowed to use the Field Telegraph for giving instructions about his kitchen garden and theatre. And the Coburger is still worse. Never mind, the Reichstag will set that right and put a stop to all that kind of thing. But only I shall not be there." Hatzfeld asked : — " Has your Excellency seen that the Italians have broken into the Quirinal ? " "Yes, and I am curious to know what the Pope will now do. Leave the country ? But where can he go ? He has already requested us to ask the Italians whether he would be allowed to leave and with fitting dignity. We did so, and they replied that the utmost respect would be paid to his position, and that their attitude would be governed by that determination in case he desired to depart." "They would not like to see him go," added Hatzfeld; "it is in their interests that he should remain in Rome." The Chief: — "Yes, certainly. But perhaps he may be obliged to leave. But where could he go ? Not to France, because Garibaldi is there. He would not like to go to Austria. To Spain ? I suggested to him Bavaria." The Minister then reflected for a moment, after which he continued : — " There remains nothing for him but Belgium or North Germany. As a matter of fact, he has already asked whether we could grant him asylum. I have no objection to it — Cologne or Fulda. It would be passing strange, but after all not so very inexplicable, and it would be very useful to us to be recognised by Catholics as what we really are, that is to say, the sole power now existing that is capable of protecting the head of their Church. Stofllet and Charette, together with their Zouaves, could then go about their business. We should have the Poles on our side. The opposition of the Ultramontanes would cease in Belgium and Bavaria. Malinkrott would come over to the Government side. But the King will not consent. He is terribly afraid. He thinks all Prussia would be perverted and he himself would be obliged to become a Catholic. I told him, however, that if the Pope begged for asylum he could not refuse it. He would have to grant it as ruler over ten million Catholic sub- jects who would desire to see the head of their Church pro- 1870J BISMARCK AS A HORSEMAN 221 tccted. Besides, imaginative people, particularly women, may possibly feel drawn towards Catholicism by the pomp and ritual of St. Peter's, with the Tope seated upon his throne and be- stowing his benediction. The danger would not be so great, however, in Germany, where the people would see the Pope amongst them as a poor old man seeking assistance — a good old gentleman, one of the Bishops, who ate and drank like the rest, took his pinch of snuff, and even perhaps smoked a cigar. And after all even if a few people in Germany became Catholic again (I should certainly not do so), it would not matter much so long as they remained believing Christians. The particular sect is of no consequence, only the faith. People ought to be more tolerant in their way of thinking." The Chief then dilated on the comic aspect of this migration of the Pope and his Cardinals to Fulda, and concluded : — "Of course the King could not see the humorous side of the affair. But (smiling) if only the Pope remains true to me, I shall know how to bring his Majesty round." Some other subjects then came up. Hatzfeld mentioned that his Highness of Coburg had fallen from his horse. " Happily, however, without being hurt," hastily added Abeken, with a pleased expression. This led the Chief to speak of similar accidents that had happened to himself. " I believe I shall be more than within the mark in saying that I must have fallen from horseback fifty times. It is noth- ing to be thrown from your horse, but when the horse lies on top of you, then it's a bad case. The last time was at Varzin, when I broke three ribs. I thought it was all up with me. It was not, however, so dangerous as it seemed, but it was terribly painful. . . . But as a young man I had a remarkable accident, which shows how our thinking powers are dependent upon the brain. I was riding home one evening with my brother, and we were both galloping as hard as our horses could go. Sud- denly my brother, who was in front, heard a fearful bang. It was my head that had struck against the road. My horse had shied at a lantern in a cart coming in the opposite direction, and reared so that he fell backwards, and I tumbled on my head. At first I lost consciousness, and on returning to my senses my power of thinking remained on some points quite clear, but had quite deserted me on others. I examined my horse and found 222 A STRANGE CASE [Nov. 10 that the saddle was broken, so I called the groom and rode home on his horse. When the dogs there barked at me by way of greeting, I thought they did not belong to us, got cross with them, and drove them away. Then I said the groom had fallen from his horse and they should send a stretcher to bring him in; and I got very angry when, taking their cue from my brother, they showed no disposition to move. Were they going to leave the unfortunate man lying in the road ? I did not know that I was myself and was at home, or rather I was both myself and the groom. I asked for something to eat and afterwards went to bed. After having slept through the night I woke up next morning all right again. It was a strange case. I had exam- ined the saddle, taken another horse, and so forth. I had done everything that was practically required. In that respect the fall had produced no confusion in my ideas. A singular exam- ple which shows that the brain harbours various intellectual powers — only one of these had remained stupefied by my fall for a somewhat longer time. " I well remember another incident of the kind. I was rid- ing rapidly through some young timber in a large wood a consid- erable distance from home. As I was crossing over a hollow road the horse stumbled and fell, and I lost consciousness. I must have lain there senseless for about three hours, as it was already twilight by the time I stirred. The horse was standing near me. As I said, the place was at a great distance from our estate, and I was entirely unacquainted with the district. I had not yet quite recovered my senses, but on this occasion also I did what was necessary. I took off the martingale, which was broken, and followed the road across a rather long bridge which, as I then ascertained, was the nearest way to a farm in the neighbourhood. The farmer's wife ran away on seeing a big man standing before her with his face all covered with blood. Her husband, however, came to me and wiped away the blood. I told him who I was, and as I was hardly fit for such a long ride home I asked him to drive me there, which he accordingly did. I must have been shot fifteen feet out of the saddle and fallen against the root of a tree. On the doctor examining my injuries, he said it was against all the rules of his art that I had not broken my neck. •' 1 have also been a couple of other times in danger of my iS 7 oJ THE OBJECT OF AN ARMISTICE 223 life," continued the Chief. " For instance, before the Semmer- ing railway was finished (I believe it was in 1852) I went with a party through one of the tunnels. It was quite dark inside. I went ahead with a lantern. Now right across the floor of the tunnel was a rift or gully, which must have been about fifteen feet deep and half as wide again as this table. A plank was laid across it, with a raised skirting board on both sides to pre- vent the wheelbarrows from slipping off. This plank must have been rotten, as when I reached the middle it broke in two and I fell down ; but having probably involuntarily stretched out my arms, I remained hanging on the skirting. The lantern having gone out, those behind thought I had fallen into the gully, and were not a little surprised when the reply to their question, 'Are you still alive ? ' instead of coming from the depths below came from just under their feet. I answered, ' Yes, here I am.' I had in the meantime recovered hold also with my feet, and I asked whether I should go on or come back. The guide thought I had better go on to the other side, and so I worked my way over. The workman who acted as our guide then struck a light, got another plank, and brought the party across. That plank was a good example of the slovenly way in which such things were managed in Austria at that time ; because I cannot believe that it was intentional. I was not hated in Vienna then as I am now — on the contrary." Thursday, November loth. — In the morning I am instructed by the Chief to telegraph that great distress has been occa- sioned in France and that still more is to be anticipated in con- sequence of the application by the Provisional Government of Savings Bank funds for the relief of the poor, and of the prop- erty of corporations to military purposes. I had permission to study the documents connected with the abortive negotiations for an armistice. Thiers had stated in a memorandum the principles which he, and the French Government which he represented, regarded as a basis for the proposed armistice. It was to the following effect : — The object of the understanding was to put an end as soon as possible to the bloodshed, and to permit the convoca- tion of a National Assembly which would represent the will of France in dealing with the European Powers, and be in a position sooner or later to conclude peace with Prussia and her 224 THE PROVISIONING OF PARIS [Nov. 10 allies. The armistice must last for twenty-eight days, of which twelve would be required for canvassing the constituencies, one for the polling, five for the elected deputies to meet in some given place, and ten for examining the returns and appointing the bureau of the Assembly. Tours might for the present remain the seat of such an Assembly. The elections must be allowed to take place free and unhindered in all parts of France, includ- ing those occupied by the Prussians. Military operations on both sides to cease, although both parties would be at liberty to enlist recruits and proceed with works of defence. The armies to be at liberty to obtain for themselves supplies of provisions, but requisitions on the other hand to be suspended as " constitut- ing a military operation which should cease together with other hostilities." Moreover, fortified places were to be provisioned for the duration of the truce in proportion to the strength of the population and garrison. For this purpose Paris to be allowed to receive the following live stock and other provisions over four railway lines to be determined : 34,000 bullocks, 80,000 sheep, 8,000 pigs, 5,000 calves, 100,000 metric centals of corned meat, 8,000,000 metric centals of hay or straw as fodder for the cattle in question, 200,000 metric centals of flour, 30,000 metric centals of dried vegetables, 100,000 tons of coal, and 500,000 cubic metres of firewood. In these calculations the pop- ulation of Paris and its suburbs, including the garrison of 400,- 000 men, was estimated at 2,700,000 to 2,800,000 inhabitants. These demands on the part of the French could not be accepted. Had we agreed to them we should have surrendered the greater and more important portion of the advantages we had gained in the last seven weeks, at the cost of great sacri- fices and severe exertions. In other words, we should in the main have returned to the position in which we were on the 19th of September, the day on which our troops completed the investment of Paris. We are asked to allow Paris to pro- vision itself, when even now it suffers from scarcity and will shortly be obliged to starve or surrender. We are to suspend our military operations just at the moment when the fall of Metz and the release of the army of Prince Frederick Charles enable us to extend and render them more effective. We are quietly to permit recruiting and organisation, by means of which the French Republic is to create a new field force, while 1S70J NO MILITARY EQUIVALENT 225 we require no recruits. At the same time that we are to allow Paris and the other French fortresses to supply themselves with provisions, we are to provide for our own troops without the requisitions which are necessary in an enemy's country. We are to make all these concessions without any military equiva- lent — such, for instance, as the evacuation of one or two of the Paris forts in return for the liberty to provision the city — and without being offered any clear prospect of peace. The first object of the armistice, according to the Thiers memorandum, namely, the restoration of an orderly state of affairs by the lawful election of a Constituent Assembly, is unquestionably more in the interest of the French themselves than in ours ; and, considering the constant excitement maintained by the inflammatory proclamations of the Provisional Government, it may possibly not be secured even under a new administration. More orderly conditions could be brought about even now with- out a truce if the present Government were seriously disposed to work in that direction. It was absolutely impossible on the German side to have anything to do with such proposals. A different arrangement altogether was needful, and therefore the Chancellor of the Confederation offered M. Thiers a truce of twenty-five to twenty-eight days on the basis of the maintenance of the military status quo, which would enable the French to carry on the elections in peace, and to convoke the Assembly thus constituted. This also was a concession on our part in which the advantages were all on the French side. If, as Thiers asserted, Paris was supplied with provisions and other necessaries for several months, it is not easy to see why the Provisional Government broke off the negotiations which, at the outside, would have prevented the Parisians from making use- less sorties. France, on the other hand, would have had the great advantage of having a line of demarcation drawn which would have arrested the advance of the German forces, restrict- ing the unopposed occupation of further districts by our army that had been set free by the fall of Metz. In the meantime Thiers refused this very acceptable offer, and maintained that the provisioning of Paris was an indispensable condition for an understanding, while he was not empowered to give any pros- pect of a military equivalent for the same, such as the evacua- tion of one of the Paris forts. VOL. I. — Q 226 THE WATER SUPPLY [Nov. 10 On coming in to dinner, the Chief mentioned that the Min- ister of War is seriously ill. He feels very weak, and will scarcely be able to rise from his bed for a fortnight. The Count afterwards made some jokes about the water supplied to us for washing. "The inhabitants of the local reservoir," he said, " seem to have their seasons. First came the scolopendria, which are particularly distasteful to me, ' moving their thousand limbs together ' (Schiller's Diver). Then followed the wood lice, which I cannot bear to touch, although they are perfectly harmless. I'd sooner grasp a snake. Now the leeches have arrived. I found quite a small specimen to-day, doubled up into a button. I tried to induce him to deploy, but he declined — remained a button. I then poured some well water over him, and he stretched out straight, long and thin like a needle, and made off with himself." The conversation then turned on a variety of simple but nevertheless estimable delicacies, such as fresh and salt herrings, new potatoes, spring butter, &c. The Minister observed to Delbriick, who also approved of those good things : " The sturgeon is a fish which is also to be found here, but it is not appreciated as it ought to be. In Russia they recognise its good qualities. It is often caught in the Elbe in the Magdeburg district, but is only eaten by fishermen and poor people." He then explained its good points, and thus came to speak of caviare, and treated of the several varieties with the knowledge of a connoisseur. " The fresh caviare which we now get in Berlin is very good," he said, "since it can be brought by rail from St. Peters- burg in forty hours. I have had it several times, and one of my principal complaints against that fat Borck is that he inter- cepted forty pounds of this caviare which I once sent to the King. I suspected something of the kind, as the King made no mention of it, and did not send me any present in return. Later on, Perponcher or some one told me that on dropping in to Borck's room he saw there a barrel of caviare with a spoon standing in it. That made me wild with him {Das fiat mir scJir vcrdrosscn). " The Chief remarked at dinner : " To-day, again, I noticed when it snowed how many points of resemblance there are be- tween the Gauls and the Slavs. The same broad streets, with the houses standing close together, the same low roofs, as in 1870J DRINKING FEATS 227 Russia. The only thing wanting here is the green onion- shaped steeple. But, on the other hand, the versts and kilo- metres, the arsheens and metres, are the same. And then the tendency to centralisation, the uniformity of views of the whole population and the communistic trait in the popular character." He then spoke of the wonderful "topsy-turvy" world we live in nowadays. " When one thinks that perhaps the Pope will shortly be residing in a small town of Protestant Germany, that the Reichstag may meet in Versailles and the Corps Legis- latif in Cassel, that Garibaldi has become a French general in spite of Mentana, and that Papal Zouaves are fighting side by side with him ! " He followed up this train of ideas for some little time. The Minister then remarked suddenly : " Metternich has also written to me to-day. He wants me to allow Hoyos to enter Paris, in order that he may bring away the Austrians. I replied that since the 25th of October they have had permis- sion to come out, but that we could allow no more people to enter, not even diplomats. We also receive none in Versailles, but I would make an exception in his favour. He will then perhaps again raise the Austrians' claims respecting the prop- erty of the old Bund in the German fortresses." On the subject of doctors, and the way in which nature some- times comes to its own assistance, the Chief related that he was once with a shooting party for two days at the Duke of 's. " I was thoroughly out of sorts. Even the two days' shooting and fresh air did me no good. On the third day I visited the Cuirassiers at Brandenburg, who had received a new cup. I was to be the first one to drink out of it, thus dedicating it, and then it was to go the round of the table. It held nearly a bot- tle. I made my speech, however, drank and set it down empty, to the great surprise of the officers, who had but a poor opinion of mere quill-drivers. That was the result of my Gottingen training. And strangely, or perhaps naturally enough, it set me all right again. On another occasion, when I was shooting at Letzlingen in the time of Frederick William IV., the guests were asked to drink from an old puzzle goblet. It was a stag's horn, which contained about three-quarters of a bottle of wine, and was so made that one could not bring it close to the lips, yet one was not allowed to spill a drop. I took it and drank 228 A "KINDLY" REPLY! [Nov. 12 it off at a draught, although it was very cold champagne, and not a single drop fell on my white waistcoat. Everybody was immensely surprised; but I said, 'Give me another.' The King, however, who evidently did not appreciate my success, called out, ' No, no more.' Such tricks were formerly an indis- pensable part of the diplomat's trade. They drank the weaker vessels under the table, wormed all they wanted to know out of them, made them agree to things which were contrary to their instructions, or for which, at least, they had no authority. Then they were compelled to put their signatures at once, and afterwards when they got sober they could not imagine how they had done it." Bismarck-Bohlen, who seemed to be particularly communi- cative to-day, told the following anecdote about the Chief. At Commercy a woman came to him to complain that her hus- band, who had tried to strike a hussar with a spade, had been arrested. "The Minister listened to her very amiably, and when she had done he replied in the kindliest manner possible, ' Well, my good woman, you can be quite sure that your hus- band ' (drawing a line round his neck with his finger) 'will be presently hanged.' " Saturday, Xovcmbcr \2tJ1. — While we were at lunch the Chief was out. He shortly afterwards passed through the dining-room into the saloon, accompanied by a bearded officer in a Prussian uniform, the Grand Duke of Baden. In about ten minutes the Chief returned to table. He was very angry and indignant, and said: "This is really too bad! No peace from these Grand Dukes even at one's meals. They will eventually force their way into one's bedroom. That must be put a stop to. It is not so in Berlin. There the people who want something from me announce their visits in writing, and I fix a suitable time for them to call. Why should it not be the same here? " After a while the Chief said to one of the attendants who was waiting upon us, " Remember in future in such cases to say that I am not at home. Whoever brings any visitor to me unannounced will be put under arrest and sent off to Berlin;" and after eating a few mouthfuls more, he went on: "As if it were anything of importance! But merely curiosity and a desire to kill time. He shall see, however; I will shortly pay 1870] COUNT HARRY ARNI.M 229 him a surprise visit on some official matter, so that he cannot send me away. ..." The conversation then turned on Roon's asthma, which according to Lauer is now improving. His rage at the appear- ance of the Grand Duke during the dinner hour still visihly affected the Chief, who asked Lauer, "What should one drink with his food when in a bad temper?" and on Lauer recom- mending something the name of which I could not catch, the Minister continued: "It upsets my digestion when anything exasperates me at meals; and here I have had good reason to be angry. They think that one is only made for their use." Then addressing the servant again the Chief said: "Mind you send away the red lackeys, and say that I am not at home. Remember that! And you, Karl (to Bohlen), must take care that this is done." The name of Arnim Boitzenburg, the former Minister, then came up. The Chancellor said he had been his chief at Aix- la-Chapelle, and he went on to describe him as " amiable, clever, but unstable and incapable of persistent or energetic action. He was like an india-rubber ball that bounces again and again, but each time with diminishing force until at length it ceases to move. He first had an opinion, then weakened it by argu- ing against it himself, and went on criticising his own criticism, until at last there was nothing left and nothing done." Delbruck praised the son-in-law (Harry Arnim) as being well-informed and intelligent, though unsympathetic and un- ambitious. This was confirmed by the Chief, who said : " Yes, he is a rocket in which they forgot to put the powder. He has, however, a good head, but his reports are not the same on any two successive days — often on the same day two thor- oughly contradictory views. No reliance can be placed upon him." Arnim's lack of ambition led some one to speak of orders and titles, and the Chief said his first decoration was a medal for saving life, which he received for having rescued a servant from drowning. " I was made an ' Excellency ' at the palace in Konigsberg in 1861. I, however, already had the title in Frankfort, only there I was not a Prussian but a Federal Excellency. The German Princes had decided that each Min- ister to the Diet should have that title. For the matter of that 230 "WHY NOT BE CIVIL?" [Nov. 15 I did not trouble myself much about it — nor afterwards either — I was a distinguished man without it." Sunday, November 13///. — The Chancellor, in a general's uniform and helmet, and wearing several orders, went to-day to dine with the King. As he was leaving, Bohlen said to him : " But you ought to have the ribbon of the Iron Cross in your button-hole." "It is there already," replied the Minister. "In other cir- cumstances I should not wear it. I am ashamed before my own sons and many others who have earned it but not got it, while all the loafers at headquarters swagger about with it." In the evening the Chancellor desired me to send a dementi of a false report published by the Augsburg Allgemcinc Zei- tung, to the effect that Count Arnim paid a visit to head- quarters before his departure for Rome. The Chief at the same time remarked : " I have told you more than once that you must not write so violently. Here you are again, speak- ing of ' hallucination ' (in correction of an article by Archibald Forbes in the Daily News). Why not be civil ? I, too, have to be civil. Always this carping, malignant style ! You must learn to write differently if you want to work in such a distin- guished Foreign Office, or we must make other arrangements. And such a bullying style ! Just like Brass, who might have had a brilliant position if he were not so brutal." " Hallucina- tion " was the word used by the Minister himself; but in future I shall be careful to sift my phrases so as to eliminate all rough words and only let soft ones find their way into the press. Hatzfeld told me at tea that the Chief had also "carried on awfully " with him, adding that if he remained in such a temper for long he (Hatzfeld) would think of leaving. The Count will, however, in all probability take plenty of time to reconsider this matter. Tuesday, November \^tli. — The Chief is still unwell. Theiss reports that the Court have their things ready packed to-day, and this is confirmed at lunch. The position of affairs between here and Orleans is not as good as it might be. The Minister also on sitting down to table mentions the possibility of our having to retire and evacuate Versailles for a time. There might be an attack from Dreux combined with a sortie on a large scale from Paris. He had repeatedly spoken of 1870] POSSIBILITY OF EVACUATING VERSAILLES 23 1 that possibility to members of the general staff. Even a lay- man could see that a successful attempt of that kind in which not only the Court and general staff, but also the heavy siege guns, would be in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy must be the sole chance of relieving Paris, and that the French, therefore, may well hazard the attempt. CHAPTER XII GROWING DESIRE FOR A DECISION IN VARIOUS DIRECTIONS Wednesday, November \6th. — The Chief is still unwell. One of the causes is supposed to be his mortification at the course of the negotiations with the South German States (which once more seem as if they would come to a standstill) and at the conduct of the military authorities, who have on various occasions neglected to consult him, although the matters dealt with were not merely military questions. Count Waldersee dines with us. The Chief complains once more that the military authorities are proceeding too slowly for him, and do not inform him of all matters of importance. He had only succeeded, " after repeated requests," in getting them to send him at least those particulars which they telegraph to the German newspapers. It was different in 1866. He was then present at all councils, and his view was frequently ac- cepted. For instance, it was due to him that a direct attack upon Vienna was given up, and that the army marched on to the Hungarian frontier. "And that is only as it should be. It is necessary for my business. I must be informed of the course of military operations, in order that I may know the proper time at which to conclude peace." Thursday, November \jtli. — Alten and Prince Radziwill are the Chief's guests at dinner. A rumour is mentioned to the effect that Garibaldi and 13,000 of his volunteers have been made prisoners. The Minister observed : " That is really dis- heartening — to make prisoners of 13,000 franctireurs who are not even Frenchmen ! Why have they not been shot?" He then complained that the military authorities so seldom consulted him. "This capitulation of Verdun, for instance — ■ I should certainly not have advised that. To undertake to return their arms after peace had been concluded, and still 23 2 Nov. 17, 1870J WHY NOT SHOOT THE GARIBALDIANS? 233 more to let French officials continue the administration as they please. The first condition might pass, as the conditions of peace might provide that the weapons should not be returned. But that lib re me tit ! It ties our hands in the interval, even should they place all kinds of obstacles in our way and act as if there were absolutely no war. They can openly stir up a rising in favour of the Republic, and under this agreement we can do nothing to prevent them." After dwelling upon this topic for some time, the Minister concluded by saying: "At all events, such a capitulation is unprecedented in history." Some one referred to the article written by a diplomat in the Independance Beige prophesying the restoration of Napoleon. " No doubt," observed the Chancellor, " Napoleon fancies some- thing of the kind will happen. Moreover, it is not entirely impossible. If he made peace with us he might return with the troops he has now in Germany. Something in the style of Klapka's Hungarian Legion on a grand scale, to work in co- operation with us. And then his Government is still the legal one. Order being once restored, he would at the outside require an army of 200,000 men for its maintenance. With the excep- tion of Paris, it would not be necessary to garrison the large towns with troops. Perhaps Lyons and Marseilles. The National Guards w r ould be sufficient for the protection of the others. If the republicans were to rise in rebellion they could be bombarded and shelled out. A telegram reporting Granville's statement with regard to the Russian declaration concerning the Peace of Paris was sent by the King to the Chief, who read it over to us. It was to the effect that Russia, in taking upon herself to denounce a portion of the Treaty of 1856, assumed the right to set aside the whole on her own initiative, a right which was only possessed by the signatory Powers collectively. England could not tolerate such an arbitrary course, which threatened the validity of all treaties. Future complications were to be apprehended. The Minister smiled and said : " Future complications ! Parliamentary speech-makers ! They are not going to venture. The whole tone is also in the future. That is the way in which one speaks when he does not mean to do anything. No, there is nothing to be feared from them now, as there was nothing to be hoped from them four months asfo. If at the beginning of the war the 234 TIIE CASTILIAN SENSE OE HONOUR [Nov. 19 English had said to Napoleon, 'There must be no war,' there would have been none." After a while the Minister continued : " Gortchakoff is not carrying on in this matter a real Russian policy (that is, one in the true interests of Russia), but rather a policy of violent aggres- sion. People still believe that Russian diplomats are particu- larly crafty and clever, full of artifices and stratagems, but that is not the case. If the people at St. Petersburg were clever they would not make any declaration of the kind, but would quietly build men-of-war in the Black Sea and wait until they were questioned on the subject. Then they might reply that they knew nothing about it, but would make inquiries, and so let the matter drag on. That might continue for a long time, and finally people would get accustomed to it." Another telegram announced the election of the Duke of Aosta as King of Spain. The Chief said : " I pity him — and them. He is, moreover, elected by a small majority — not by the two-thirds originally intended. There were 190 votes for him and 115 against." Alten was pleased that the monarchical sentiments of the Spaniards had ultimately prevailed. " Ah, those Spaniards ! " exclaimed the Chief. "They have no sense of what is honourable or becoming ! They showed that on the outbreak of this war. If only one of those Castilians who pre- tend to have a monopoly of the sense of honour had but ex- pressed his indignation at the cause of the present war, which was after all Napoleon's intervention in their previous election of a king, interfering with their free choice and treating them as vassals ! . . . As a matter of fact, these Spaniards are all mere Angelo de Mirandas, — he was formerly a card sharper, and then confidant of Prim's and probably also of the King's." After the Chief had made some further remarks, some one said that it was now all over with the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern. "Yes," replied the Chief, "but only because he wishes it to be so. A couple of weeks ago I told him that it was still time. Hut he no longer wanted to go on." Saturday, November \C)tJi. — We were joined at dinner by General von VVerder, the Prussian Military Plenipotentiary at St. Petersburg. The Chief, who looked very pleased, said, shortly after entering the dining-room: "Well, we shall prob- ably be able to come to an understanding with Bavaria." 1870J II KIN RICH VON GAGERN 235 "Yes," exclaimed Bohlen, " something of that kind has already been telegraphed to one of the Berlin papers." " I am sorry for that," replied the Minister; "it is premature. But of course, wherever there is a mob of Princes who have nothing to do and who feel bored, nothing can be kept secret! " The conversation then turned on Vienna and Count Beust. The Chief said Beust had apologised for the recent discourteous note. It was written by Biegeleben, and not by himself. The reference to Biegeleben led to the discussion of the Gagern family and to the once celebrated Heinrich von Gagern (Presi- dent of the Reichstag in the Paulskirche at Frankfort). " I remember," the Chief said, "in 1850 or 1851, Manteuffel was instructed to bring about an understanding between the Gagern and the Conservative sections of the Prussian party — at least, as far as the King was disposed to go in the cause of German unity. Manteuffel selected Gagern and myself for this pur- pose, and so we were both invited one day to a souper a trots at his place. At first there was little or no mention of politics, but Manteuffel afterwards made some excuse for leaving us alone. When he left I immediately began to talk politics, explaining my standpoint to Gagern in a plain, business-like way. You should have heard Gagern ! He assumed his Jove-like aspect, lifted his eyebrows, ran his fingers through his hair, rolled his eyes and cast them up to heaven so perpendicularly that you could hear the joints in his neck crack, and poured out his grand phrases to me as if I were a public meeting. Of course, that did not help him much with me. I replied coolly, and we remained divided as before. When Jupiter had retired, Man- teuffel asked, ' Well, what arrangement have you come to together?' 'Oh,' I replied, 'no arrangement at all. The man is a fool. He takes me for a public meeting ! A mere watering-can of fine phrases ! Nothing can be done with him.' " The subject of the bombardment having been introduced, the Chief said : " I told the King again yesterday that it was time to begin, and he had no objection to make. He replied that he had given orders to begin, but that the generals said they could not. I know exactly how it is. It is Stosch, Tre- skow, and Podbielski." Some one asked : " And Hindersin ? " 236 QUEEN VICTORIA AND THE BOMBARDMENT [Nov. 19 "He also is against it," said the chief. " Podbielski " (so I understood him to say) " could be brought round. But the other two are influenced by considerations affecting their own future." It appeared from some further remarks of the Minister that, in his opinion, first Queen Victoria, and then, at her instance, the Crown Princess, and, finally, the Crown Prince, persuaded by his consort, will not have Paris bombarded ; while the gen- erals "cannot" bombard the city out of consideration for the views of the Crown Prince, who will, of course, be the future King, and will have the appointment of Ministers of War, com- mandants of army corps, and field marshals. The late General von Mollendorff having been mentioned, the Minister related the following anecdote: "I remember after the March rising, when the King and the troops were at Pots- dam, I went there too. A council was being held as to what was to be done. Mollendorff was present, and sat not far from me. He seemed to be in pain, and could scarcely sit down for the beating he had received. All kinds of suggestions were made, but no one knew exactly what was to be done. I sat near the piano and said nothing, but played a few bars" (he hummed the opening of the infantry march for the charge). " Old Mollendorff suddenly stood up, his face beaming with pleasure, and, hobbling over, threw his arms round my neck, and said: 'That's right. I know what you mean. March on Berlin ! ' There was nothing to be done with the King, how- ever, and the others had not the pluck." After a while the Chancellor asked Werder : " How much does each visit to the Tsar cost you ? " I do not know what Werder's answer was, but the Chief went on : " It was always a rather costly business for me — particularly in Zarskoje. There I had always to pay from 15 to 20 and sometimes 25 roubles, according as I drove out to see the Emperor with or without an invitation. It was always more expensive in the former case. I had to fee the coachman and footman who brought me, the majordomo who received me — he wore a sword when I came on invitation, and then the running foot- man who conducted me through the whole length of the castle — it must be about a thousand yards — to the Emperor's apart- ments. Well, he really earned his five roubles. And one iS 7 o| LIFE AT Si - . 1'ETER.SliUKCi 237 never got the same coachman twice. I could never recover these expenses. We Prussians were altogether badly paid. Twenty-live thousand thalers' salary and 8,000 thalers for rent. For that sum I certainly had a house as large and fine as any palace in Berlin. Hut all the furniture was old, shabby, and faded, and when I had paid for repairs and other odds and ends it cost me 9,000 a year. I found, however, that I was not obliged to spend more than my salary, and so I helped myself out of the difficulty by not entertaining. The French Minister had 300,000 francs, and was in addition allowed to charge his Government with the expense of any receptions which he chose to look upon as official." " But you had at least free firing," said Werder, "and at St. Petersburg that amounts to something considerable in the course of the year." " Excuse me, but I had not," replied the Chief, " I was obliged to pay for that too. Wood would not have been so dear if the officials had not made it so. I remember once see- ing some very good timber in a Finnish boat. I asked the peasants what the price w r as and they mentioned a very moder- ate figure. But when I wanted to buy it they asked if it was for the Treasury (he used the Russian term). I was imprudent enough to reply that it was not for the Imperial Treasury (he again used the Russian words) but for the Royal Prussian Lega- tion. When I came back to have the wood removed they had disappeared. Had I given them the address of a tradesman, with whom I could afterwards have made an arrangement, I might have got the wood at a third of the price I usually paid. They evidently regarded the Prussian Minister as one of the Tsar's officials and thought to themselves : ' No, when it comes to payment he will say that we have stolen the wood, and have us locked up until we give it to him for nothing.' " The Chief then gave some instances of the way in which the Tschinowniks harassed and exploited the peasantry, and afterwards returned to the subject of the poor pay of Prussian Ministers as compared with those of other countries. " It is just the same in Berlin," he said. "The Prussian Minister has 10,000 thalers, but the English Ambassador has 63,000, and the Russian 44,000, while the latter's Government bears the cost of all entertainments, and if the Tsar stays with him he usually receives a full year's 238 "WAR IS WAR" [Nov. 23 salary as compensation. Of course, in such circumstances, we cannot keep pace with them." Tuesday, November 22nd. — Prince Pless, Major von Alten, and a Count Stolberg dine with us. Mention is made of a great discovery of first-rate wine in a cellar near Bougival, which has been confiscated in accordance with the laws of war. Bohlen complains that none of it has reached us. Altogether the Foreign Office is as badly provided as possible. Care is always taken to set apart the most uncomfortable lodgings for the Chief, and they have been invariably lucky in finding such. " Yes," said the Chancellor, laughing, " it is pure churlishness on their part to treat me like that. And so ungrateful, as I have always looked after their interests in the Diet. But they shall see me thoroughly transformed. I started for the war devoted to the military, but I shall go home a convinced Parlia- mentarian. No more military budgets." . Prince Pless praises the Wiirtemberg troops. They make an excellent impression and come next to our own in the matter of military bearing. The Chancellor agrees, but thinks the Bavarians also deserve commendation. He appears to be par- ticularly pleased at the summary way in which they shoot down the " francvoleurs." " Our North German soldiers follow orders too literally. When one of those footpads fires at a Holstein dragoon he gets off his horse, runs after the fellow with his heavy sword, and catches him. He then brings hirn to his lieu- tenant, who either lets him go or hands him over to his superior officer — which comes to the same thing, as he is then set free. The Bavarian acts differently. He knows that war is war, and keeps up the good old customs. He does not wait until he is shot at from behind, but shoots first himself." In the evening I prepared Bernstorff's despatch respecting the capture of a German ship in English waters by the French frigate Dcsaix for our press; also the letter to Lundy on the export of arms from England to France ; and finally arranged that our papers should no longer defend Bazaine against the charge of treason, "as it does him harm." Wednesday, November 23rd. — This morning I asked Bucher how the Bavarian Treaties were getting on and whether they would not be finally settled this evening. " Yes," was the re- ply, " if nothing happens in the meantime — and it need not be 1S70J "QUEENS AND PRINCESSES" 239 anything very important. Could you imagine what it was that recently nearly wrecked the negotiations? The question of col- lars or epaulettes ! The King of Bavaria wanted to retain the Bavarian collar, while his Majesty wished to have it replaced by ours. The Chief, however, finally brought him round by say- ing : ' But, your Majesty, if the Treaty is not concluded now, and in ten years' time perhaps the Bavarians are arrayed against us in battle, what will history say when it becomes known that the negotiations miscarried owing to these collars ? ' Moreover, the King is not the worst — but rather the Minister of War." As I was then called away I could not for the moment un- riddle this mystery. I afterwards learned that the question was whether the Bavarian officers should in future wear the badge of their rank on their collars as hitherto, or on their shouider- straps like the North German troops. Bucher having alluded to the strong Republican sympathies which Allen had yesterday displayed, Pless also observed : " Really, if we had known what sort of people these Princes were at the time we were discussing the Criminal Code in the Diet, we should really not have helped to make the provisions respecting lesc-majestt so severe." The Chief remarked with a laugh : " Every one of us has already deserved ten years' penal servitude if all our jibing at princes during the campaign were proved against us." We were joined at dinner by Count Frankenbcrg and Prince Putbus. Both wore the Iron Cross. The guests mentioned that people were very anxious in Berlin for the bombardment to begin, and grumbled a great deal at its postponement. The rumour as to the influence of certain great ladies being one of the causes of the delay appears to be very widespread. " I have often told the King so," said the Chief, "but it cannot be done; they will not have it." "The Queen ? " suggested some one. "Several queens," corrected the Chancellor, "and princesses. I believe also that Masonic influences and scruples have helped." He then again declared that he regarded the invest- ment of Paris as a blunder. " I have never been in favour of it. If they had left it alone we should have made more progress, or at least we should have had a better position before Europe. We have certainly not added to our prestige by spending eight weeks outside Paris. We ought to have left Paris alone and sought the French in the open country. But otherwise the 24O "BE CIVIL, HUT HANG ALL THE SAME" [Nov. 23 bombardment ought to have begun at once. If a thing has to be done, do it ! " The conversation then turned upon the treatment of the French rural population, and Putbus related that a Bavarian officer had ordered a whole village to be burned to the ground and the wine in the cellars to be poured out into the gutter be- cause the inhabitants of the place had acted treacherously. Some one else observed that the soldiers at some other place had given a fearful dressing to a cure who had been caught in an act of treachery. The Minister again praised the energy of the Bavarians, but said with regard to the second case: "One ought either to treat people as considerately as possible or to put it out of their power to do mischief — one or the other." After reflecting for a moment, he added : " Be civil to the very last step of the gallows, but hang all the same. One should only be rude to a friend when one feels sure that he will not take it amiss. How rude one is to his wife, for instance ! That reminds me, by the way, Hcrr von Keudell, will you please tele- graph to Reinfeld, ' If a letter comes from Count Bismarck hold it back, and forward it to the Post Restante or to Berlin.' I have written various things to my wife which are not overflow- ing with loyal reverence. My father-in-law is an old gentleman of eighty-one, and as the Countess has now left Reinfeld, where she was on a visit to him, he would open and read the letter and show it to the pastor, who would tell his gossips about it, and presently it would get into the newspapers." Bleibtreu's sketch representing General Reille as he came up the hill at Sedan to deliver Napoleon's letter to the King was then mentioned, and some one remarked that from the way in which the general was taking off his cap, he looked as if he were going to shout Hurrah ! The Chief said : " His demean- our was thoroughly dignified and correct. I spoke to him alone while the King was writing his reply. He urged that hard con- ditions should not be imposed upon a great army which had fought so bravely. I shrugged my shoulders. He then said that rather than submit they would blow up the fortress. I said, 'Well, do so — faitcs sautcr!' I asked him then if the Emperor could still depend upon the army and the officers. He said yes. And whether his instructions and orders still held good in Metz ? Reille answered this question also in the affirma- 1S70J GERMAN UNITY IS SECURE 24 1 tive, and, as we saw, he was right at the time. ... If Napo- leon had only made peace then I believe he would still be a respected ruler. But he is a silly fool ! I said so sixteen years ago when no one would believe me. Stupid and sentimental. The King also thought for the moment that it would be peace, and wanted me to say what conditions we should propose. But I said to him, ' Your Majesty, we can hardly have got as far as that yet.' Their Highnesses and Serene Highnesses then pressed so close to us that I had twice to beg the King to move further off. I should have preferred to tell them plainly, ' Gentlemen, leave us alone ; you have nothing to do here.' The one thing which prevented me from being rude to them was that the brother of our Most Gracious was the ringleader and chief offender of the whole prying mob." About 10 o'clock I went down to tea, and found Bismarck- Bohlen and Hatzfeld still there. The Chief was in the salon with the three Bavarian Plenipotentiaries. In about a quarter of an hour he opened one side of the door, bent his head forward with his friendliest look, and came in with a glass in his hand and took a seat at the table. "Well," he said, his voice and looks betraying his emotion, " the Bavarian Treaty is made and signed. German unity is secure, and the German Emperor too." We were all silent for a moment. I then begged to be allowed to bring away the pen with which he had signed it. " In God's name, bring all three," he said ; "but the gold one is not amongst them." I went and took the three pens that lay near the document. Two of them were still wet. Two empty champagne bottles stood close by. " Bring us another bottle," said the Chief to the servant. " It is an event." Then, after reflecting for a while, he observed : " The newspapers will not be satisfied, and he who writes history in the usual way may criticise our agreement. He may possi- bly say, ' The stupid fellow should have asked for more ; he would have got it, as they would have been compelled to yield.' And he may be right so far as the ' compelled ' is concerned. But what I attached more importance to was that they should be thoroughly pleased with the thing. What are treaties when people are compelled to enter into them ! And I know that they went away pleased. ... I did not want to squeeze them or to make capital out of the situation. The Treaty has its vol. 1. — R 242 THE ANGEL OF DEATH [Nov. 24 deficiencies, but it is for that the more durable. The future can supply those deficiencies. . . . The King also was not satisfied. He was of opinion that such a treaty was not worth much. My opinion is quite different. I consider it one of the most important results which we have attained during recent years. I finally succeeded in carrying it through by exciting apprehensions of English intervention unless the matter were speedily settled. ... As to the question of the Emperor, I made that proposal palatable to them in the course of the negotiations by representing that it must be easier and more satisfactory for their sovereign to concede certain rights to the German Emperor than to the neighbouring King of Prussia." On the Minister then speaking somewhat slightingly of the King of Bavaria, he was like a boy, did not know his own mind, lived in " dreams," and so on — Abeken (who had entered in the meantime, and was naturally aggrieved at these remarks) said : " But surely the young King is a very nice man ! " " So are all of us here," said the Chief, as he looked round at the whole company one after another. Loud laughter from the Centre and the Left. Over a second bottle of champagne which he drank with us, the Chief came (I forget how the subject was introduced) to speak of his own death. He asserted that he should die in his 71st year, a conclusion which he arrived at from some combination of figures which I could not understand. I said : " Excellency must not do that. It would be too early. One must drive away the Angel of Death ! " "No," he replied. "In 1886 — still fifteen years. I know it. It is a mystic number." Thursday, November 24M. — Busily engaged all the morning with various articles on the Treaty with Bavaria, written in the sense of the Chief's utterances of last night. Wollmann told me that a Colonel Krohn had arrested a lawyer at a place in the Ardennes for having treacherously entered into communication with a band of franctireurs, and the court-martial having sen- tenced the man to death, he had presented a petition for pardon. The Chief had, however, written to the Minister of War to-day that he would advise the King to let justice take its course. Colonel Tilly, of the General Staff, and Major Hill are the Chief's guests at dinner to-day. The Minister again complained 1870J THE CROWN PRINCESS 243 that the military authorities do not communicate sufficient infor- mation to him and too seldom consult him. " It was just the same with the appointment of Vogel von Falkenstein, who has now locked up Jacoby. If I have to speak on that subject in the Reichstag, I shall wash my hands of the matter. They could not possibly have done more to spoil the broth for me." " I came to the war," he repeated, "disposed to do everything for the military authorities, but in future I shall go over to the advocates of Parliamentary government, and if they worry me much more, I shall have a chair placed for myself on the extreme Left." The Treaty with Bavaria was then mentioned, and it was said that the difficulties which had been encountered arose partly on the National side, on which the Minister observed : " It is really remarkable how many clever people there are who, nevertheless, understand nothing about politics. For in- stance, the man who always sat on my right here (Delbriick). A very clever man, but no politician." Suddenly changing the subject, he said: "The English are beside themselves, and their newspapers demand war on account of a note which is nothing more than a statement of opinion on a point of law — for that is all that Gortchakoff ' s Note amounts to." Later on the Minister returned once more to the postpone- ment of the bombardment, which he regarded as dangerous from a political standpoint. " Here we have now collected this enormous mass of siege artillery. The whole world is waiting for us to begin, and yet the guns remain idle up to the present. That has certainly damaged us with the neutral Powers. The effect of our success at Sedan is very seriously diminished thereby, and when one thinks on what grounds." One of the causes of the delay brought him to speak of the Crown Prin- cess, of whom he said: " She is in general a very clever person and really agreeable in her way, but she should not interfere in politics." He then again related the ancedote about the glass of water which he told me near Crehanges, only this time it was in French that the Princess spoke. Friday, November 2$th. — In the morning I cut out for the King an article from the Nene Freie Presse, in which Granville's note is described as timid and colourless, and arrange for the 244 FRENCH HEROICS [Nov. 26 republication by all our papers in France of the telegram of July last, in which Napoleon stated that the whole French people approved of the declaration of war which he had just despatched. Whilst I was walking with Wollmann in the afternoon, he told me an anecdote of the Chief which is very neat — although I must add that my informant is not quite trustworthy. Woll- mann said: " On the night of the 14th to the 15th of June, 1866, Manteuffel telegraphed that he had crossed the Elbe, and asked how he was to treat the Hanoverians. Thereupon the Minister wrote the answer : ' Treat them as countrymen, if necessary to death.' He asked me: 'Do you understand that?' 'Yes, Excellency,' I replied. ' All right, then,' he added, ' but, you see, it is for a general.' " Saturday, November 26th. — Wrote several articles, includ- ing one on Trochu's extraordinary production in the Figaro of the 22nd instant, praising those whom he considered specially deserving of commendation in the defence of the city. The Chief read over to me some of the passages he had marked, saying: "These heroic deeds of the defenders of Paris are mostly of such an ordinary kind that Prussian generals would not think them worth mentioning, while others are mere swag- ger and obvious impossibilities. Trochu's braves have made more prisoners when they are all reckoned up than the whole French army during the entire investment of Paris. Then here is this Captain Montbrisson, who is commended for having marched at the head of his column to the attack, and had himself lifted over a wall in order to reconnoitre, — that was merely his duty. Then here is this theatrical vanity, where Private Gletty made prisoners of three Prussians, par la fer- metede son attitude. The firmness of his attitude ! And our Pomeranians ate humble pic before him ! That may do for a Boulevard theatre, or a circus, — but in reality! Then this Hoff, who on several occasions slaughtered in single combat no less than twenty-seven Prussians ! He must be a Jew, this triple nine- pounder ! Probably a cousin of Malz-Hoff of the Old or New Wilhelmstrasse — at any rate a Miles Gloriosus. And finally this Terreaux, who captured a f anion, together with the portc- fanion. That is a company flag for marking the line — which we do not use at all. And the Commander-in-Chief of an army 1870] STRONG LANGUAGE TO A GRAND DUKE 245 officially reports such stuff! Really this list of commendations is just like the battle pictures in the gallery of toutcs les gloircs de la France, where each drummer at Sebastopol and Ma- genta is preserved for posterity, simply because he beat his drum." At dinner the Chief complained : " I was yesterday visited by a whole series of misfortunes, one on top of the other. First of all some one wanted to see me on important business (Odo Russell). I send word requesting him to wait for a few mo- ments, as I am engaged on a pressing matter. On my asking for him a quarter of an hour later, I find he has gone, and pos- sibly the peace of Europe is at stake. "Then I go to see the King as early as 12 o'clock, and the consequence is that I fall into the hands of the Grand Duke of Weimar, who obliges me, as his Chancellor, to listen to a letter which he has written to an august personage (the Emperor of Russia), and thus wastes a good deal of my time. ... I am to tell him what I think of the letter, but I decline to do so. Have I then anything to object to it ? he asked in a piqued tone. I cannot say that either, although I would observe that I should have written the letter differently. What do I wish altered ? I stick to my point, and say I cannot express an opinion, because if the letter went with my corrections I should be held respon- sible for its contents. ' Well, then, I must speak to the King.' 'Do so,' I reply coolly, 'and take over the office of Chancellor of the Confederation, if you like. But if the letter goes off, I for my part shall immediately telegraph to the place of desti- nation that I have had nothing to do with it.' I thus lost an hour, so that telegrams of great importance had to wait, and in the meantime, decisions may have been arrived at and reso- lutions taken which would have very serious consequences for all Europe, and might change the political situation. That all came of its being a Friday. Friday negotiations, Friday measures ! " Bucher told me the Crown Prince recently said to the Chancellor that too little had been secured by the Bavarian Treaty. After such great successes we ought to have asked for more. "Yes; but how were we to get it?" asked the Chief. " Why, we ought to force them," was the Crown Prince's reply. " Then," said the Chancellor, " I can only recommend your 246 THE TURCOS ARE "BEASTS OF PREY" [Nov. 27, 1870 Royal Highness to begin by disarming the Bavarian Army Corps here," a remark which, of course, was intended ironically. Sunday, November 27th. — We were joined at dinner by Count Lehndorff and Count Holnstein. The latter is Master of the Horse to King Lewis, and one of his confidential advisers. The Chief spoke at first of the Russian question. He said : " Vienna, Florence, and Constantinople have not yet expressed their views ; but St. Petersburg and London have done so, and those are the most important factors. There, however, the matter is satisfactory." Subsequently affairs at Munich were discussed. Holnstein observing, amongst other things, that the French Legation had greatly deceived themselves before the outbreak of the war as to the attitude of Bavaria. They judged by two or three ardently Catholic and anti-Prussian salons, and even thought that Prince Luitpold would become King. The Chief replied : " I never doubted that Bavaria would join us, but I had not hoped that she would decide so speedily to do so." Holnstein told us that a shoemaker in Munich had made a good deal of money by letting his windows, from which a good view could be had of the captured Turcos as they marched by, and presented seventy-nine florins to the fund for the wounded soldiers. People had come even from Vienna to see that pro- cession. This led the conversation to the shooting of these treacherous Africans, on which the Chief said: "There should have been no question of making prisoners of these blacks." Holnstein : " I believe they do not do so any longer." The Chief: " If I had my way every soldier who made a black man prisoner should be placed under arrest. They are beasts of prey, and ought to be shot down. The fox has the excuse that Nature has made him so, but these fellows — they are abomina- bly unnatural. They have tortured our soldiers to death in the most shameful way." CHAPTER XIII REMOVAL OF THE ANXIETY RESPECTING THE BAVARIAN TREATY IN THE REICHSTAG — THE BOMBARDMENT FURTHER POST- PONED Monday, November 2%th. — Prince Pless and Count Maltzahn dined with us. At first the Minister spoke about Hume, the American spiritualist, a doubtful character, who had been at Versailles, and who was to be arrested if he showed himself here again. The Chief then said : " The fellow managed to sneak into the Crown Prince's. But that is explained by the fact that whoever can speak even broken English is welcome there. The next thing will be for them to appoint Colonel Walker my successor as Chancellor of the Confederation." 1 Bohlen exclaimed, " I suppose you know that Garibaldi has been thrashed." Some one observed that if he were taken pris- oner he ought to be shot for having meddled in the war without authority. " They ought to be first put into a cage like beasts in a menagerie," said Bohlen. "No," said the Minister; "I have another idea. They should be taken to Berlin, and marched through the town with these words on a placard sus- pended round their necks, ' Italians, House of Correction, In- gratitude,' and be then marched through the town." "And afterwards to Spandau," suggested Bohlen. The Chief added, " Or one might inscribe merely the words, ' Italians, Venice, Spandau.' " The Bavarian question and the situation at Munich was then discussed. The Chief said : " The King is undecided. It is obvious that he would rather not. He accordingly pretends to be ill, has toothache, keeps to his bed, where the Ministers can- not reach him. Or he retires to a distant hunting-box in the 1 Walker, the English Kutusoff of Count Bismarck-Bohlen, H.B.M.'s Military Plenipotentiary at headquarters, was not held in much estimation by the Chancellor and his entourage. 247 248 BISHOP DUPANLOUP [Nov. 28 mountains to which there is no telegraph line, nor even a proper road." Some one having remarked that in the present circumstances he is, after all, the best Bavarian ruler for our purposes, the Chief said: "Yes; if he were to die he would be succeeded by little Otto, whom we have had here. A poor creature, with very little intelligence. He would be entirely in the hands of the Austrians and Ultramontanes. He has ruined himself; that is, if he was ever worth anything." General Reille's name again brought up the question of Napoleon's surrender. "The King thought," said the Chan- cellor, "on reading Napoleon's letter, that it meant more for us than it did. ' He must at least surrender Metz to us,' said the King to me. I replied, 'I do not know, your Majesty; we are not aware what power he still has over the troops.' The Emperor should not have needlessly surrendered himself as a prisoner, but have made peace with us. His generals would have followed him." The Minister then again related the in- cident of the letter Weimar wished to write to the Emperor Alexander ; and it appeared that the day before yesterday the Chief had, in a moment of irritation, represented the expressions which he had used in speaking to the Grand Duke as stronger than they actually were. According to the present account, Weimar said, in conclusion, that his only object was a patriotic one. He (the Minister) replied he quite believed that, but it would not make the letter any more useful. The letter has probably not been sent off. The question of the bombardment then came up, and, in connection therewith, the intrigues which are now being carried on by Bishop Dupanloup, and the part he played in the opposi- tion at the Vatican Council. "Women and freemasons," said the Chief, " are chiefly responsible if our operations against Paris are not conducted as energetically as they should be. Dupanloup has influenced Augusta. . . . He also wrote me a pile of letters, and took me in to such an extent that I sent them to Twickenham." (The Chancellor must have meant Chislehurst.) " He must be packed off when our people get to Orleans, so that Von der Tann may not be swindled by him." . . . "That reminds me," continued the Chief, "that the Pope has written a very nice letter to the French Bishops, or 1870J THE CROWN PRINCE AND THE BOMBARDMENT 249 to several of them, saying that they should not enter into any understanding" with the Garibaldians." Somebody having expressed anxiety about some matter which I was unable to catch, the Chief observed : " A more important question for me — indeed, the most important — is what will be done at Villa Coublay ; that is the main point. The Crown Prince said recently, when I mentioned the matter to him, ' I am ready to give up the command for that purpose.' I felt like replying, ' And I am prepared to assume it.' Give me the post of Commander-in-Chief for twenty-four hours, and I will take it upon myself. I would then give one command only : ' Commence the bombardment.' " Villa Coublay is a place not far from Versailles, where the siege park has been collected and still remains, instead of being placed in position. Bucher tells me that the Chancellor has appealed directly to the King to hasten the bombardment. The Chief continued : "The assertion of the generals that they have not enough ammunition is untrue. They do not want to begin because the Heir Apparent does not wish it. He does not wish it because his wife and his mother-in-law are against it. " They have brought together three hundred cannon and fifty or sixty mortars, and five hundred rounds of ammunition for each gun. That is certainly enough. I have been speak- ing to artillerymen, who said that they had not used half as much ammunition at Strasburg as they have collected here ; and Strasburg was a Gibraltar compared to Paris. It would be easy to fire the barracks on Mont Valerien, and if the forts of Issy and Vanvres were properly shelled so that the garrisons should be compelled to bolt, the enceinte (of course we know it) would be of little importance. The ditch is not broader than the length of this room. I am convinced that if we poured shells into the city itself for five or six days, and they found out that our guns reached farther than theirs — that is to say, 9,000 yards — Paris would give in. True enough the wealthier quarters are on this side of the city, and it is a matter of indif- ference to the people at Belleville whether we blow them to pieces or not ; indeed, they are pleased when we destroy the houses of the richer classes. As a matter of fact, we ought to have attacked Paris from another direction ; or still better, left it altogether alone, and continued our forward march. Now, 250 NO COERCION FOR SOUTH GERMANY [Nov. 28 however, that we have begun, we must set about the affair in earnest. Starving them out may last a long time, perhaps till the spring. At any rate, they have flour enough up to Janu- ary. ... If we had begun the bombardment at the right time, there would have been no question of the Loire army. After the engagement at Orleans, where Von der Tann was obliged to retire, the military authorities (not I) regarded our position in Versailles as critical. Had we begun the bombardment four weeks ago, we should now in all probability be in Paris, and that is the main point. As it is, however, the Parisians imagine that we are forbidden to fire by London, St. Petersburg, and Vienna ; while, on the other hand, the neutral Powers believe that we are not able to do so. The true reason, however, will be known at a future time. One of its consequences will be to lead to a restriction of personal rule." In the evening I telegraphed to London that the Reichstag had voted another hundred million thalers for the continuation of the war with France, eight social democrats alone opposing the grant. Also that Manteuffel has occupied Amiens. Sev- eral paragraphs were afterwards written for the Norddcutschc, including one (on the directions of the Chief) in which the moderate demands of the Chancellor in the negotiations with Bavaria were defended as being not only right and fair, but also wise and prudent. I said that the object was not so much to secure this or that desirable concession from the authorities at Munich as to make the South German States feel satisfied in forming part of the new organisation of united Germany. Any pressure or coercion for the purpose of obtaining further con- cessions would, in view of the circumstance that they had fulfilled their patriotic duty, be an act of ingratitude ; while, in addition, it would have been, above all things, impolitic to show ourselves more exacting in our demands upon our allies. The discontent which would have resulted from such an exer- cise of force would have far outweighed half a dozen more favourable clauses in the Treaty. That discontent would soon have shown the neutral Powers, such as Austria, where to insert the thin edge of the wedge in order to loosen and ulti- mately destroy the unity which had been achieved. At dinner I suggested to IJuchcr that it might be well to ask the Chief's leave to hint in the press at the real cause of 1S70) ATTACKING "AUGUSTA" 25 I the postponement of the bombardment. He agreed with me that it would, and added : " I myself have already vehemently attacked Augusta in the newspapers." On the Chancellor sending for me in the evening, I said : " May I venture to ask your Excellency a question ? Would you have any objection if I made a communication, in an indirect way, to non-official organs respecting the causes of the postponement of the bom- bardment, in the sense in which they have repeatedly been discussed at table ? " He reflected for a moment, and then said, " Do as you like." I accordingly wrote two paragraphs — one for the VossiscJie Zeitung, and one for the Wcscr Zeitung, which I had copied out by another hand in Berlin, and for- warded to their destination. One of these paragraphs ran as follows : — " Versailles, November 29th. It has been asserted here for some considerable time past that the real cause of the post- ponement of the bombardment is not so much a scarcity of ammunition for the siege guns that were brought here weeks ago, nor the strength of the forts and ramparts of Paris ; in short, that the delay is not due to military considerations, but rather to the influence of very highly placed ladies, and — can it be credited ? — of freemasons. I can assure you, on very good authority, that these rumours are not unfounded. I have no reason to apprehend a denial when I add that the interference of one of these ladies has been prompted by a well-known French prelate, who took a prominent part in the opposition at the Vatican Council. For the moment we would only ask a few questions : Is it true humanity to let masses of gallant soldiers fall a prey to the hardships of the investment by post- poning an artillery attack merely in order to save a hostile city from damage ? Is it good policy to let the impression produced by Sedan upon the neutral Powers be frittered away by such a postponement ? Is that true freemasonry which troubles itself with political questions ? It was thought hitherto that politics were not permitted to enter into the German lodges." Tuesday, November 29///. — In the afternoon I sent off an- other article on the Treaty with Bavaria, which is to be repro- duced and circulated in Berlin. It is becoming more and more difficult to satisfy the people there. Lieutenant-General von Hartrott joined us at dinner. The 252 THE KING DOES NOT KNOW HOW TO LIE [Nov. 29 distribution of the Iron Cross having been mentioned, the Chief observed : " The army doctors should receive the black and white ribbon. They are under fire, and it requires much more courage and determination to quietly allow one's self to be shot at than to rush forward to the attack. . . . Blumenthal said to me that properly speaking he could do nothing to deserve the Cross, as he was bound in duty to keep out of danger of being shot. For that reason when in battle he always sought a position from which he could see well but could not be easily hit. And he was perfectly right. A general who exposes him- self unnecessarily ought to be put under arrest." The Chancellor then remarked suddenly: "The King told me an untruth to-day. I asked him if the bombardment was not to commence, and he replied that he had ordered it. But I knew immediately that that was not true. I know him. He cannot lie, or at least not in such a way that it cannot be de- tected. He at once changes colour, and it was particularly noticeable when he replied to my question to-day. When I looked at him straight into his eyes he could not stand it." The conversation then turned upon the conduct of the war. The Minister said: "Humility alone leads to victory; pride and self-conceit to an opposite result." The Chancellor, speaking of his friend Dietze, talked of his natural inborn heartiness — politesse dn cceur. Abeken asked if that term was originally French, as Goethe uses it — HojlicJikcit des Her" ens ? " It must come from the German, I fancy." " It certainly does," replied the Chief. " It is only to be found amongst the Germans. I should call it the politeness of good- will — good nature in the best sense of the word, the politeness of helpful benevolent feeling. You find that amongst our com- mon soldiers, although, of course, it is sometimes expressed rather crudely. The French have not got it. They only know the politeness of hatred and envy. It would be easier to find something of the kind amongst the English," he added ; and then went on to praise Odo Russell, whose pleasant, natural manner he greatly appreciated. " At first one thing aroused a little suspicion against him in my mind. I have always heard and found that Englishmen who know French well are not worth much, and he speaks quite excellent French. But he can also express himself very well in German." iS 7 oj QUEEN VICTORIA'S "SENTIMENTALITY" 253 At dessert the Minister said : " I recognise that I eat too much, or, more correctly, too much at a time. It is a pity that I cannot get rid of the absurd practice of only eating once a day. Formerly it was still worse. In the morning I drank my tea and ate nothing until 5 o'clock in the evening, while I smoked incessantly. That did me a great deal of harm. Now, on the advice of my doctor, I take at least two eggs in the morning and smoke little. But I should eat oftener ; yet if I take any- thing late I cannot sleep, as I only digest while awake. This morning, however, I got up early. I was waked by the firing just at the time when I sleep best, that is between 7 and 9 o'clock, and as it seemed to be near I sent to inquire if the King was going to the scene of the engagement. Otherwise he might start suddenly and go nobody knows where, or where nothing is to be seen." While at tea the conversation turned once more on the now constant theme of the postponement of the bombardment, and afterwards on the Geneva Convention, which the Minister said must be denounced, as it was impossible to conduct war in that manner. " The principal reason why the bombardment is delayed," said the Chancellor, " is the sentimentality of the Queen of England and the interference of Queen Augusta. . . . That seems to be a characteristic of the Hohenzollerns — their women folk have always a great influence upon them. It was not so with Frederick the Great, but with his successor and the late King, as well as the present Most Gracious and his future Majesty. The most curious example is that of Prince Charles, who is anything but a good husband, and yet depends upon his wife ; indeed, he is thoroughly afraid of her and is guided by her wishes. . . . But it is somewhat different with these two (the King and the Crown Prince). They want to be praised. They like to have it said in the English and French press that they are considerate and generous. They find that the Germans praise them enough as it is." It appears that Delbriick has not expressed himself very clearly in his telegram respecting the prospect of the agree- ment with Bavaria being sanctioned by the Diet. It seems as if there were not sufficient members present to form the neces- sary quorum, and that it would be opposed both by the Pro- 254 PROGRESSISTS AND NATIONAL LIBERALS [Nov. 30 grcssists and National Liberals. The Chief observed : " So far as the Progressists are concerned, their conduct is consistent. They wish to return to the state of affairs which prevailed in 1849. But the National Liberals? If they will not have now what they were striving for with all their might at the begin- ning of the year, in February, and what it now depends upon them to secure, then we must dissolve. The new elections will weaken the Progressist party still more, and some of the Na- tional Liberals will also lose their seats. But in that case the Treaties would not be completed, Bavaria would reconsider the matter, Beust would put his finger in the pie, and we do not know what the result would be. I cannot well go to Berlin. It is a very uncomfortable journey and takes up a lot of time, and besides I am really wanted here." Proceeding from this point the Minister spoke of the posi- tion of affairs in 1848. " At that period the situation was for a long time very favourable for the unification of Germany under Prussia. The smaller Sovereigns were for the most part powerless and despondent. If they could only save their money, their domains, and their appropriations, they were pre- pared to consent to everything. The Austrians were engaged with Hungary and Italy. The Tsar Nicholas would not have intervened at that time. If they had only acted in a resolute way previous to May, 1849, an d come to terms with the smaller States, they would doubtless have carried the South with them, particularly if the Wurtemberg and Bavarian armies joined the Baden revolution, which was not impossible at that stage. Time was lost, however, through hesitation and half measures, and so the opportunity was thrown away." About 1 1 o'clock another telegram arrived from Verdy re- specting this morning's sortie, which was directed against La Ilaye. Five hundred red breeches were made prisoners. The Chief bitterly regretted that further prisoners should be taken, and that it was not possible to shoot them down on the spot. " We have more than enough of them, while the Parisians have the advantage of getting rid of so many mouths to feed, which must now be supplied by us, and for whom we can hardly find room." Wednesday, November 30///. — Wrote fully to Treitschke, giving him the reasons why the demands which he and those 1S70] THE NKUCIIATEL QUESTION 255 of his way of thinking consider absolutely necessary had not been made upon the Bavarians. Arranged to have a similar communication made to Schmidt. The Chief seems to be seriously considering the idea of ask- ing the King to relieve him of his office. According to Bucher, he is already on the point of resigning. "The Chief," he said, "informed me of something to-day which nobody else knows. He is seriously considering whether he will not break with the King." I said that in that case I should also take my leave. I did not wish to serve under any one else. Bucher : " Nor I either. I, too, would then resign." At dinner, at which Prince Putbus and Odo Russell were present, the Chief related that he had once tried to use his knowledge of State secrets for the purpose of speculating in stocks, but that his attempt was not successful. " I was com- missioned in Berlin," he said, " to speak to Napoleon on the question of Neuchatel. It must have been in the spring of 1857. I was to inquire as to his attitude towards that question. Now, I knew that his answer would be favourable, and that this would mean a war with Switzerland. Accordingly, on my way through Frankfort, where I lived at that time, I called upon Rothschild, whom I knew well, and told him I intended to sell certain stock which I held, and which showed no disposition to rise. ' I would not do that,' said Rothschild. ' That stock has good prospects. You will see.' ' Yes,' I said, ' but if you knew the object of my journey you would think otherwise.' He re- plied that, however that might be, he could not advise me to sell. But I knew better, sold out, and departed. In Paris, Napoleon was very pleasant and amiable. It was true he could not agree, as the King wanted to let us march through Alsace- Lorraine, which would create great excitement in France, but in every other respect he entirely approved of our plans. It could only be a matter of satisfaction to him ; f that nest of democrats were cleared out. I was, therefore, so far successful. But I had not reckoned with my King, who had in the meantime, be- hind my back, made different arrangements — probably out of consideration for Austria ; and so the affair was dropped. There was no war, and my stock rose steadily from that time forward, and I had reason to regret parting with it." 256 THE PRUSSIAN EMBASSIES ABROAD [Nov. 30 Villa Coublay and the bombardment were then referred to, and the alleged impossibility of bringing up at once the neces- sary supply of ammunition. The Chief said : " I have already informed the august gentlemen a couple of times that we have here a whole herd of horses that must be ridden out daily merely for exercise. Why should they not be employed for once to better purpose ? " It was mentioned that the Palazzo Caffarelli in Rome had been purchased for the German Embassy, and both Russell and Abeken said it was a very fine building. The Chancellor observed : " Well, we have also handsome houses elsewhere, in Paris and in London. According to Continental ideas, however, the London house is too small. Bernstorff has so little room that he has to give up his own apartments when he has a re- ception or any other function of the kind. His Secretary of Embassy is better off in that respect. The Embassy in Paris is handsome and well situated. Indeed, it is probably the best Embassy in Paris, and represents a considerable money value, so that it has already occurred to me whether it might not be well to sell it and give the interest on the capital to the Ambas- sador as an allowance for rent. The interest on two and a half million francs would be a considerable addition to his salary, which only amounts to one hundred thousand francs. But on thinking the matter over more, I found that it would not do. It is not becoming, not worthy of a great State, that its Ambassa- dor should live in a hired house, where he would be subject to notice to quit, and on leaving would have to remove the archives in a cart. We ought, and must have, our own houses every- where." ... " Our London house is an exceptional case. It belongs to the King, and everything depends on the way in which the Ambassador knows how to look after his own inter- ests. It may happen that the King receives no rent — that actually does occur sometimes." The Chief spoke very highly of Napier, the former English Ambassador in Berlin. " He was very easy to get on with. Buchanan was also a good man, rather dry, perhaps, but abso- lutely trustworthy. Now we have Loftus. The position of an English Ambassador in Berlin has its own special duties and difficulties, if only on account of the personal relations of the two Royal families. It demands a great deal of tact and care." 1870J THE CROWN PRINCE'S ENGLISH LETTERS 257 (Presumably a quiet hint that Loftus does not fulfil those re- quirements.) The Minister then led the conversation on to Grammont. He said: "Grammont and Ollivier strike me also as a pretty pair! If that had happened to me — if I had been the cause of such disasters, I would at least have joined a regiment, or, for the matter of that, have become a franctireur, even if I had had to swing for it. A tall, strong, coarse fellow like Grammont would be exactly suited for a soldier's life." Russell mentioned having once seen Grammont out shooting in Rome dressed in blue velvet. "Yes," added the Chief, "he is a good sportsman. He has the strength of muscle required for it. He would have made an excellent gamekeeper. But as a Minister for Foreign Affairs, one can hardly conceive how Napoleon came to select him." The Minister joined us at the tea-table about 10 o'clock, and referred again to the bombardment. He said : " I did not from the very beginning wish to have Paris invested. If what the general staff said at Ferrieres were correct, namely, that they could dispose of a couple of the forts in three days, and then attack the weak enceinte, it would have been all right. But it was a mistake to let 60,000 regulars keep an army of 200,000 men engaged in watching them." " One month up to Sedan, and here we have already spent three months, for to-morrow is the 1st of December. If we had telegraphed immediately after Sedan for siege guns we should be now in the city, and there would be no intervention on the part of the neutral Powers. If I had known that three months ago, I should have been ex- tremely anxious. The danger of intervention on the part of the neutral Powers increases daily. It begins in a friendly way, but it may end very badly." Keudell remarked : "The idea of not bombarding first arose here." "Yes," replied the Chief, "through the English letters to the Crown Prince." Thursday, December 1st. — We were joined at dinner by a first lieutenant, Von Saldern, who took part in the last engage- ment between the 10th Army Corps and the Loire army. Ac- cording to him, that corps was for a considerable time surrounded by the superior French force at Beaune la Rolande, the enemy endeavouring to force their way through one of our wings towards P'ontainebleau. Our soldiers defended themselves with the VOL. I. — S 25S THE BLACK SEA CONFERENCE [Dec. i greatest gallantry and determination for seven hours, Wedel's troops and the men of the 16th regiment specially distinguish- ing themselves. " We made over 1600 prisoners," said Saldern, " and the total loss of the French is estimated at four to five thousand." " I should have been better pleased," said the Chief, " if they had all been corpses. It is simply a disadvan- tage to us now to make prisoners." The Chief afterwards gave Abeken instructions respecting communications to be made to the King. The Chancellor looked through a number of despatches and reports with him. Pointing to one document he said: " Do not give him that with- out an explanation. Tell him how the matter arose, otherwise he will misunderstand it. That long despatch from Bernstorff — well, you can show him that also. But the newspaper article enclosed — the gentlemen of the Embassy take things very easy — I have already said frequently that such articles must be translated, or, better still, that they should be accompanied by a precis. And tell his Majesty also," said the Minister in conclu- sion, " that, properly speaking, we ought not to allow the French- man to join the Conference in London " (the approaching Con- ference on the revision of the Paris Treaty of 1856), "as he would represent a Government which is not recognised by the Powers, and which will have no legal existence for a long time to come. We can do it to please Russia in this question. At any rate, if he begins to speak of other matters he must at once be sent about his business." The Chief then related the following incident : " To-day, after calling upon Roon, I made a round which may prove to have been useful. I inspected Marie Antoinette's apartment in the palace, and then I thought I would see how the wounded were getting on. The servant who acted as my guide had a pass-key, so I decided not to go in by the main entrance, but by the back way. I asked one of the hospital attendants what food the people had. Not very much. A little soup, which was supposed to be bouillon, with broken bread and some grains of rice, which were not even boiled soft. There was hardly any meat fat in it. ' And how about wine, and do they get any beer ? ' I asked. They got about half a glass of wine dur- ing the day, he said. I inquired of another, who had had none, and then of a third, who had had some three days ago and none iSjv] BISMARCK VISITS THE HOSPITALS 259 since then. I then went on to question several of the men, in all about a dozen, down to the Poles, who could not understand me, but showed their pleasure at somebody taking an interest in them by smiling. So that our poor wounded soldiers do not get what they ought to, and suffer from cold besides, because the rooms must not be warmed for fear of injuring the pictures. As if the life of one of our soldiers was not worth more than all the trashy pictures in the palace ! The servant told me also that the oil lamps only remained alight until 1 1 o'clock, and that after that the men have to lie in the dark until morning. I had previously spoken to a non-commissioned officer, who was wounded in the foot. He said he did not want to complain, although things could be much better. Some consideration was paid to him, but as to the others ! A member of the Bavarian Ambulance Corps now plucked up courage, and said that wine and beer had been provided, but that half of it had probably been intercepted somewhere ; it was the same with hot food and other presents. I then made my way to the chief surgeon. 'How about provisions for the wounded?' I asked. ' Do they get enough to eat?' 'Here is the bill of fare,' he replied. 'That is no good to me,' I said; 'the people cannot eat paper. Do they get wine?' 'Half a litre daily.' 'Excuse me, but that is not true. I have questioned the men, and I cannot believe they were lying when they told me that they had not received any.' ' I call God to witness that everything here is done properly and according to instructions. Please come with me and I will question the men in your presence.' ' I will do nothing of the kind,' I answered; 'but measures shall be taken to have them questioned by the auditor as to whether they have received what has been ordered for them by the inspector.' He turned deadly pale — I see him now — an old wound showed up on his face. ' That would be a great reflec- tion upon me,' he said. ' Certainly,' I replied, ' and it ought to be. I shall take care that the affair is inquired into — and speedily.' 1 . . . What I should like best would be to induce the King to visit the wounded with me." He afterwards added : 1 These suspicions, though fully justified by appearances, were subsequently shown to be for the greater part unfounded, except that there was inadequate pro- vision for the requirements of the wounded. I reproduce the episode as evidence of the Minister's usual humane feeling and love of justice. 260 THE PRESS AND THE BAVARIAN TREATY [Dec. i " We have two classes in particular amongst whom frauds occur : the weevils that have to do with the commissariat and the officials in the public works department, especially in the water works. Then the doctors. I remember not long ago — it must be about a year and a half ago — there was a great inquiry into frauds connected with the passing of recruits for the army, in which, to my amazement, some thirty doctors were involved." About 10.30 p.m. the Chief joined us at tea. After a while he remarked : " The newspapers are dissatisfied with the Bava- rian Treaty. I expected as much from the beginning. They are displeased that certain officials are called Bavarian, although they will have to conform entirely to our laws. And the same with regard to the army. The beer tax is also not to their liking, as if we had not had it for years past in the Zollverein. And so on with a crowd of other objections, although after all the important point has been attained and properly secured." . . . ''They talk as if we had been waging war against Bavaria as we did in 1866 against Saxony, although this time we have Bavaria as an ally on our side." . . . "Before approving the treaty they want to wait and see whether the unity of Germany will be secured in the form they prefer. They can wait a long time for that. The course they are taking leads only to fresh delays, while speedy action is necessary. If we hesitate, the devil will find time to sow dissensions. The treaty gives us a great deal. Whoever wants to have everything runs the risk of getting nothing. They are not content with what has been achieved. They require more uniformity. If they would only remember the position of affairs five years ago, and what they would then have been satisfied with!" ... "A Constituent Assembly! But what if the King of Bavaria should not permit representa- tives to be elected to it ? The Bavarian people would not compel him, nor would I. It is easy to find fault when one has no proper idea of the conditions which govern the situation." The Minister then came to speak on another subject : " I have just read a report on the surprise of the Unna battalion. Some of the inhabitants of Chatillon took part in it — others, it is true, hid our people. It is a wonder that they did not burn down the town in their first outburst of anger. Afterwards, of course, in cold blood that would not do." 1870] WEIGHING UP THE WAR INDEMNITY 261 After a short pause, the Chief took some coins out of his pocket and played with them for a moment, remarking at the same time : " It is surprising how many respectably dressed beggars one meets with here. There were some at Reims, but it is much worse here." , . . " How seldom one now sees a gold piece with the head of Louis Philippe or Charles X. ! When I was young, between twenty and thirty, coins of Louis XVI. and of the fat Louis XVIII. were still to be seen. Even the expression ' louis d'or ' is no longer usual with us. In polite circles one speaks of a friedrich d'or." The Chancellor then balanced a napoleon on the tip of his middle finger, as if he were weighing it, and continued : " A hundred million double napoleons d'or would represent about the amount of the war indemnity up to the present — later on it will be more, four thousand million francs. Forty thousand thalers in gold would make a hundredweight, thirty hundredweight would make a load for a heavy two-horse waggon (I know that because I once had to convey fourteen thousand thalers in gold from Berlin to my own house. What a weight it was !) — that would be about 800 waggon loads." " It would not take so long to collect the carts for that purpose as it does for the ammunition for the bombardment," observed some one, who, like most of us, was losing patience at the slow progress of the preparations. " Yes," said the Chief ; " Roon, however, told me the other day he had several hundred carts at Nanteuil, which could be used for the transport of ammunition. Moreover, some of the waggons that are now drawn by six horses could do with four for a time, and the two spare horses thus could be used for bringing up ammunition. We have already 318 guns here, but they want forty more, and Roon says he could have them also brought up. The others, however, won't hear of it." Hatzfeld afterwards said : " It is only six or seven weeks since they altered their minds. At Ferrieres, while we were still on good terms with them, Bronsart and Verdy said we could level the forts of Issy and Vanvres to the ground in thirty-six hours, and then attack Paris itself. Later on it was suddenly found to be impossible." " Because of the letters received from London," exclaimed Bismarck-Bohlen. I asked what Moltke thought of the matter. " He does not trouble himself about 262 THE "ORIENTAL COLONY" AT VERSAILLES [Dec. 2 it ! " answered Hatzfeld. But Bucher declared that Moltke wanted the bombardment to take place. Friday, December 2nd. — I see Neininger in the morning and learn that he succeeded in obtaining an audience from the Chief by playing the informer. He hinted to a Dr. Schuster of Geneva that " there might possibly be collusion between the foreign settlement collected round headquarters, and the person- nel of the Government of National Defence," and also that there were " fresh symptoms of intimate relations being maintained across the German investing lines with the Oriental colony at Versailles." Schuster managed to convey these hints to the Minister. The "Oriental colony," however (a title which is intended to apply chiefly to Lowensohn, and after him to Bam- berger), appears to be innocent, and the intrigue to have been contrived merely for the purpose of providing a better position for Neininger on the Monitenr by securing the dismissal of the other two journalists. Subsequently wrote some letters and articles again setting forth the Chief's views in the matter of the Bavarian Treaty, and translated for the King the leading article in the Times on Gortchakoff's reply to Granville's despatch. Alten, Lchndorff, and a dragoon officer, Herr von Thadden, were the Chief's guests at dinner. The Chief said that he had taken measures for providing our sentries with more comfortable quarters. " Up to the present they occupied Madame Jesse's coach-house, which has no fire- place. That would not do any longer, so I ordered the gar- dener to clear out half of the greenhouse for them. ' But Madame's plants will be frozen,' said the gardener's wife. ' A great pity,' said I. ' I suppose it would be better if the soldiers froze.' " The Chief then referred to the danger of the Reichstag rejecting, or even merely amending, the treaty with Bavaria. "I am very anxious about it. People have no idea what the position is. We are balancing ourselves on the point of a light- ning conductor. If we lose the equilibrium, which at much pains I have succeeded in establishing, we fall to the ground. They want more than can be obtained without coercion, and more than they would have been very pleased to accept before 1866. If at that time they had got but half what they are getting 1870] PRINCE WITTGENSTEIN 263 today! No; they must needs improve upon it and introduce more unity, more uniformity ; but if they change so much as a comma, fresh negotiations must be undertaken. Where are they to take place ? Here in Versailles ? And if we cannot bring them to a close before the 1st of January — which many of the people in Munich would be glad of — then German unity is lost, probably for years, and the Austrians can set to work again in Munich." Mushrooms dressed in two ways were the first dish after the soup. "These must be eaten in a thoughtful spirit," said the Chief, "as they are a present from some soldiers who found them growing in a quarry or a cellar. The cook has made an excellent sauce for them. A still more welcome gift, and cer- tainly a rare one, was made to me the other day by the — -what a shame ! I have quite forgotten. What regiment was it sent me the roses?" "The 46th," replied Bohlen. "Yes; it was a bouquet of roses plucked under fire, probably in a garden near the outposts." " By the way, that reminds me that I met a Polish soldier in the hospital who cannot read German. He would very much like to have a Polish prayer book. Does any- body happen to have something of that kind ? " Alten said no, but he could give him some Polish newspapers. The Chief : " That won't do. He would not understand them, and besides they stir up the people against us. But perhaps Radziwill has something. A Polish novel would do — Pan Twardowski or something of that kind." Alten promised to see if he could get anything. Mention was made of Ducrot, who in all likelihood com- manded the French forces engaged in to-day's sortie, and it was suggested he had good reason not to allow himself to be made prisoner. " Certainly," said the Minister. " He will either get himself killed in action, or if he has not courage enough for that, which I am rather inclined to believe, he will make off in a balloon." Some one said Prince Wittgenstein (if I am not mistaken, a Russian aide-de-camp) would also be glad to leave Paris. Alten added : " Yes, in order that he might go in again. I fancy it is a kind of sport for him." The Chief : " That might be all very well for a person who inspired confidence. But I never trusted him, and when he 264 STOCK EXCHANGE SPECULATION [Dec. 2 wished to return to Paris recently, neither I nor the general staff wanted to let him through. He succeeded in obtaining permission surreptitiously through the good nature of the King. Never mind. Possibly things may yet be discovered about him that will ruin him in St. Petersburg." The subject of Stock Exchange speculation was again intro- duced, and the Chief once more denied the possibility of turn- ing to much account the always very limited knowledge which one may have of political events beforehand. Such events only affect the Bourse afterwards, and the day when that is going to happen cannot be foreseen. " Of course, if one could contrive things so as to produce a fall — but that is dishonourable! Grammont has done so, according to what Russell recently stated. He doubled his fortune in that way. One might al- most say that he brought about the war with that' object. Moustier also carried on that sort of business — not for him- self, but with the fortune of his mistress — and when it was on the point of being discovered, he poisoned himself. One might take advantage of one's position in a rather less dishonest way by arranging to have the Bourse quotations from all the Stock Exchanges sent off with the political despatches by obliging officials abroad. The political despatches take precedence of the Bourse telegrams, so that one would gain from twenty min- utes to half an hour. One would then want a quick-footed Jew to secure this advantage. I know people who have done it. In that way one might earn fifteen hundred to fifteen thousand thalers daily, and in a few years that makes a handsome fort- une. But, all the same, it remains ugly ; and my son shall not say of me that that was how I made him a rich man. He can become rich in some other way — through speculation with his own property, through the sale of timber, by marriage, or some- thing of the kind. I was much better off before I was made Chancellor than I am now. My grants have ruined me. My affairs have been embarrassed ever since. Previously I regarded myself as a simple country gentleman ; now that I, to a certain extent, belong to the peerage, my requirements are increasing and my estates bring me nothing. As Minister at Frankfort I always had a balance to my credit, and also in St. Petersburg, where I was not obliged to entertain, and did not." In the afternoon Friedlander called upon me with an invita- 1870J HOW LUXEMBURG OBSERVES NEUTRALITY 265 lion, which I was obliged to decline. Our fat friend knew ex- actly why the bombardment did not take place. " Blumenthal will not agree to it because the Crown Prince does not want it," he said; "and behind him are the two Victorias." So an artillery officer told him a few days ago. Addendum. — According to a pencil note which I have now laid hands on, Bohlen remarked yesterday at dinner that he understood many valuable pictures and manuscripts removed by the French from Germany had not been returned. Some one else observed that it would be difficult to put this right now. "Well," said the Chief, "we could take others of equal value in their stead. We could, for instance, pack up the best of the pictures out of the Gallery here." "Yes, and sell them to the Americans," added Bohlen ; " they would give us a good price for them." According to another note the Chancellor related (doubtless on the occasion when Holnstein dined with us) : " In Crehanges the Augustenburger again tricked me into shaking hands with him. A Bavarian colonel or general came over to me and held out his hand, which I took. I could not put a name to the face, and when I had, it was too late. If I could only come across him again, I would say to him, ' You treacherously purloined a hand from me at Crehanges ; will you please re- store it ? ' " I afterwards wrote an article on the neutrality of Luxem- burg, and the perfidious way in which people there are taking advantage of it to help the French in every sort of way. It ran as follows: — We declared at the commencement of the war that we would respect the neutrality of the Grand Duchy, the neutrality of its government and people being thereby assumed. That condition, however, has not been fulfilled, the Luxem- burgers having been guilty of flagrant breaches of neutrality, although we on our part have kept our promise in spite of the inconvenience to which we have often been put, especially in connection with the transport of our wounded. We have already had occasion to complain of the fortress of Thionville having been provisioned by trains despatched at night with the assist- ance of the railway officials and police authorities of the Grand Duchy. After the capitulation of Metz numbers of French soldiers passed through Luxemburg with the object of return- 266 "WE SHALL SPEND CHRISTMAS HERE" [Dec. 4 ing to France and rejoining the French army. The French Vice-Consul opened a regular office at the Luxemburg railway station, where soldiers were provided with money and passports for their journey. The Grand Ducal Government permitted all this to go on without making any attempt to prevent it. They cannot, therefore, complain if in future military operations we pay no regard to the neutrality of the country, of if we demand compensation for the injury done by breaches of neutrality due to such culpable negligence. Sunday, December 4///. — We were joined at dinner by Rog- genbach, a former Baden Minister, and von Niethammer, a member of the Bavarian Ambulance Corps, whose acquaintance the Chief made recently in the hospital. The Chief spoke at first of having again visited the wounded, and afterwards added : — " Leaving Frankfort and St. Peters- burg out of account, I have now been longer here than in any other foreign town during my whole life. We shall spend Christmas here, which we had not expected to do, and we may remain at Versailles till Easter and see the trees grow green again, whilst we wait for news of the Loire army. Had we only known we might have planted asparagus in the garden here." The Minister afterwards said, addressing Roggcnbach: — "I have just looked through the newspaper extracts. How they do abuse the treaties ! They simply tear them into shreds. The National Zeitung, the Koelnischc, — the Weser Zcitung is still the most reasonable, as it always is. Of course one must put up with criticism ; but then one is responsible if the negotia- tions come to nothing, while the critics have no responsibility. I am indifferent as to their censure so long as the thing gets through the Reichstag. History may say that the wretched Chancellor ought to have done better ; but I was responsible. If the Reichstag introduces amendments every German Diet can do the same, and then the thing will drag on and we shall not be able to secure the peace we desire and need. We can- not demand the cession of Alsace if no political entity is created, if there is no Germany to cede it to." The question of the peace negotiations to follow on the approaching capitulation of Paris was then discussed, and the difficulties which might arise. The Chief said : — " Favre and 1870] MAUDLIN SENTIMENTALITY 267 Trochu may say, ' We arc not the Government. We were part of it at one time, but now that we have surrendered we arc private persons. I am nothing more than Citizen Trochu.' But at that point I should try a little coercion on the Parisians. I should say to them : ' I hold you, two million people, responsi- ble in your own persons. I shall let you starve for twenty-four hours unless you agree to our demands.' Yes, and yet another four-and-twenty hours, come what might of it. "I would stick to my point — but the King, the Crown Prince, the women who force their sentimental views upon them, and certain secret European connections — I can deal with those in front of me — but those who stand behind me, behind my back, or rather who weigh upon me so that I can- not breathe ! — people for whom the German cause and Ger- man victories are not the main question, but, rather, their anxiety to be praised in English newspapers. Ah, if one were but the Landgrave ! — I could trust myself to be hard enough. But, unfortunately, one is not the Landgrave. 1 Quite recently, in their maudlin solicitude for the Parisians, they have again brought forward a thoroughly foolish scheme. Great stores of provisions from London and Belgium are to be collected for the Parisians. The storehouses are to be within our lines, and our soldiers are merely to look at them, but not to touch them, however much they may themselves suffer from scarcity and hunger. These supplies are to prevent the Parisians starving when they shall have capitulated. We, in this house, it is true, have enough, but the troops are on short commons ; yet they must suffer in order that the Parisians, when they learn that supplies have been collected for them, may postpone their capitulation till they have eaten their last loaf and slaughtered their last horse. I shall not be consulted, otherwise I'd rather be hanged than consent to it. But I am, nevertheless, respon- sible. I was imprudent enough to call attention to the famine that must ensue. It is true I mentioned it merely to the diplo- matists. But they have thus become aware of the fact. Other- wise it would not have occurred to them." Swiss cheese having been handed round, some one raised the question whether cheese and wine went well together. X A reference to the popular Thuringian ballad of "The Landgrave and the Smith." 268 THE GORTCHAKOEF NOTE [Dec. 4 " Some descriptions with certain wines," was the Minister's decision. " Not strong ones like Gorgonzola and Dutch cheese, but others are all right. I remember that at the time when people drank hard in Pomerania — two hundred years ago or more — the good folks of Rammin were the greatest topers in the country. One of them happened to get a supply of wine from Stettin, which was not quite to his liking. He com- plained accordingly to the merchant, who replied : ' Ect kecs to Wien, II err, von Rammin, denn smcckt dc Wicn %vie in Stettin 00k to Rammin.'" (Low German: "Eat cheese to your wine, good sir, from Rammin, then the wine will taste as good in Rammin as it does here in Stettin.") Abeken, who had been with the King, came in afterwards, and reported that his Majesty considered it would be well to write again to the Emperor of Russia, and give him the views held here respecting the Gortchakoff Note. The Chief said : " I think not. Enough has been already written and tele- graphed on the subject. They know in St. Petersburg what we think. At least we must not write discourteously, but rather in a friendly and amiable spirit. It is better, however, to say nothing. If it were England! But we shall still want Russia's good will in the immediate future. When that is no longer necessary, we can afford to be rude." Bohlen said: " They are quite beside themselves in Berlin. They will have tremendous rejoicings there to-morrow, about the Emperor. They are going to illuminate the town, and are making immense preparations — a regular scene from fairy- land!" "I fancy that will have a good effect on the Reichs- tag," observed the Chief. " It was really very nice of Rog- genbach to start off at once for Berlin " (in order to urge mod- eration upon the grumblers in the Reichstag). " They " (the members of Parliament, or the Berliners?) "attach much more importance to the title of Emperor than the thing really de- serves — although I do not mean to say it is of no value." "That was really funny," said Bohlen, "what Holnstein told us about his interview with the King of Bavaria while he had a toothache! " "And the way I wrote to him in order to bring him round," added the Chancellor. " I knew that he could not bear me, and did not trust me. So I wrote to him at last that one of 1S70J A LETTER TO THE KING OK HAVARIA 269 our estates had been granted to our family by Ludwig, the Bavarian, as Lord of Brandenburg, and that consequently we had had relations with his house for more than five centuries. That was true, in so far as the estates which we now hold were given to us in exchange for those which the Hohenzollerns extorted from us. Holnstein said the letter must have pleased the King very much, as he asked to read it again. " It was Holnstein who did most in this matter. He played his part very cleverly. Tell me (to Bohlen), what Order can we give him ? " Bohlen: "He got the first class of the red fowl (the Red Eagle) when the Crown Prince was in Munich." " Well then," said the Chief, " he has got the highest deco- ration that can be given to him." Bohlen: "Well, the King might give him the Imperial Ger- man Order, about which Stillfried is already meditating, or he can found a new Prussian Order, and thus supply a long-felt want." The Chief: "The Green Lion." Bohlen : " The German Order, with a black, white, and red ribbon." The Chief: "Or with the colours of the German Knights, a white ribbon with small black stripes. It looks very well. The King did not rightly know what it was all about when Holnstein requested an audience. He said to me, ' I observed to Holnstein, that I supposed he wished to see Versailles.' Of course, he (King William) could not have arranged that him- self " {i.e., he could not have arranged to acquire the Impe- rial dignity through the good offices of Bavaria). Werthern, our Minister at Munich, seems to have reported that it was intended there to commission Prince Luitpold with the proclamation of the Emperor. The Chancellor observed: " A singular idea ! Another example of the way in which Bray treats matters of business. How is he to do it? Step on to a balcony, and proclaim it ! — to whom ? That might do if all the Princes were here — but with the three or four now present! I had hoped that we should have made peace before German unity was secured." Bohlen: "How pleased the King will feel at being made Emperor! and still more so, the Crown Prince!" 270 THE GERMAN TREATIES [Dec. 5 The Chief: "Yes, and no doubt he is already thinking about the cut of the Imperial robes." Monday, December 5///. — The Chief sent for me, and gave me his instructions for a dementi with regard to the Bavarian Treaty, in which his ideas were to be somewhat differently expressed. It was to the following effect. The rumour that the Chancellor of the Confederation only concluded the treaties with the South German States in anticipation that they would be rejected, or at least amended in the Reichstag, is entirely without foundation. The debate on the treaties must be brought to a close during the month of December, and they must be adopted in their entirety, in order that they may come into force on the 1st of January. Otherwise, everything will remain uncertain. If the representatives of North Germany alter the treaties, the South German Diets will be entitled to make further amendments in a contrary sense, and there is no knowing how far that right might not be exercised. In such circumstances, the nation might have still to wait a long time for its political unity. (" Perhaps ten years," said the Chief, "and interim illiquid fit.") In that case, also, the Treaty of Peace might not be what we desire. The treaties may be deficient, but they can always be gradually improved by the Reichstag, in cooperation with the Bundesrath, and through the pressure of public opinion and national sentiment. There is no hurry about that. If public opinion brings no pressure to bear in that direction, it is obvious that the present arrange- ment meets the views of the majority of the nation. Men of national sentiment at Versailles are very anxious and uneasy at the prevailing dispositions in Berlin. They are, however, to some extent reassured by the fact that the Volkszeitung opposes the Bavarian Treaty, as people have gradually grown accustomed to find that all persons of political insight as a rule reject whatever that journal praises and recommends, and are disposed to adopt whatever it deprecates and censures. At dinner Bamberger, the member of the Reichstag, was on the Chief's left. He is also going to Berlin in order to plead for the adoption, without alteration, of the treaties with South German v. The conversation first turned on doctors and their knowledge, whereupon the Chief (I cannot now remember on what grounds) delivered the following weighty judgment: "Ah 1S70J THE RESPONSIBILITY OF PARLIAMENTS 271 yes, if doctors wore only sensible men ; but as it is, they are dolts." The question of the treaties was then discussed, and the attitude of the Princes in this matter was admitted to be correct. "Yes, but the Reichstag," said the Chancellor; "it reminds me of Kaiser lleinrich and his 'Gentlemen, you have spoiled my sport.' l In that instance it ultimately turned out all right, but in this ! All the members of the Reichstag might sacrifice themselves one after another upon the altar of the Fatherland — it would be all to no purpose." After reflecting for a moment, the Minister continued, with a smile: "Members of the Diet and the Reichstag should be made responsible, like Ministers, no more and no less, and placed on a footing of absolute equality. A Bill should provide for the impeachment for treason of members of Parliament when they reject important State treaties, or, as in Paris, approve of a war undertaken on frivolous pretexts. They were all in favour of the war, with the exception of Jules Favre. Perhaps I shall bring in some such measure one day." The conversation then turned upon the approaching capitu- lation of Paris, which must take place, at latest, within a month. " Ah ! " sighed the Chancellor, " it is then that my troubles will begin in earnest." . . . Bamberger was of opinion that they should not be allowed merely to capitulate, but should immedi- ately be called upon to conclude peace. "Quite so," said the Chief. " That is exactly my view, and they should be forced to do so by starvation. But there are people who want, above all else, to be extolled for their humane feelings, and they will spoil everything — altogether forgetting the fact that we must think of our own soldiers, and take care that they shall not suffer want and be shot down to no purpose. It is just the same with the bombardment. And then we are told to spare people who are searching for potatoes ; they should be shot too, if we want to reduce the city by starvation." After 8 o'clock I was called to the Chief several times, and wrote two paragraphs for the Spenersche Zeitung in accordance with his instructions. The first ran as follows: — "The Vienna newspapers recently stated that 'the German Austrians did not wish for war, and the majority of the Austrian Slavs just as 1 His greeting to those who brought him the news of his election as Emperor while he was netting birds in the forest. 272 THE DECAY OF AUSTRIA [Dec. 5 little.' But there is in Austria, and in Hungary, a not very numerous but influential party which does desire war. When inquiry is made as to their real motive for doing so, it is found to arise from pride and arrogance, from a kind of frivolous chivalry, from a real hunger for political luxuries, from the determination to play the Grand Seigneur before the world. The Austrians of this party, in which very distinguished person- ages are the moving spirits, seem to us to resemble the princely family of Esterhazy. It is an ancient house, of high rank, with great estates and a large fortune. Its members might well have been content to occupy so eminent a position. But the evil genius of the family continually drove them into extrava- gance, into making too great demands upon their resources, into squandering enormous sums on horses, diamonds, &c, with the object of displaying their wealth and importance; so that they fell into debt, and, finally, came to the verge of bank- ruptcy. The Esterhazy Lottery was then resorted to, and actually did tide them over their difficulties. The family was saved. But scarcely have they begun to breathe freely, and to regain their footing, when their evil genius once more inspires them, and the old game goes on again, until, at length, a time will come when even a lottery will no longer save them. The Austrian party to which we have already referred seems to us to present a close resemblance to the Esterhazys. The State is a fine property, with excellent natural advantages, a rich soil, and a great variety of valuable resources. But the policy of the proprietors is exactly the same as that of the Esterhazys. They must always overreach themselves, and try to be more than they really are. The evil genius of the State regards as a necessity what is in reality mere luxury, self-conceit, and the desire to cut a great figure in the world. In that way, the ancient and wealthy house has become a comparatively poor one, with a touch of the Quixotic, and a still stronger flavour of unfair dealing, which is very badly suited to our matter-of-fact age, when so much importance is attached to the ability to pay one's way. Every now and then, the State, like its prototype the Esterhazys, escapes out of its troubles by means of a lot- tery, or of some not particularly respectable financial manoeuvre; but then it suddenly puts forward fresh claims to a position beyond its means, presumes to play the part of a great Power, 1S70J THE IIAI'SBUKGS AND THE ORLEANS 273 squanders millions on mobilisation, as its prototype does on stables and diamonds, and thus sinks deeper and deeper into financial difficulties. Instead of being able to satisfy its cred- itors by good management and a modest bearing, it moves steadily forward, without pause or rest, towards that bank- ruptcy which for a considerable space has only been a ques- tion of time." The foregoing is an almost literal reproduction of the Chief's own words. I did not venture, however, to incorporate his con- cluding remarks, which were as follows: "The Hapsburgs have really become great through plundering old families — the Hun- garians, for instance. At bottom they are only a family of police spies {polizcilicJi-Spitzelfamilie) who lived upon and made their fortune by confiscations." The second paragraph, which referred to a statement in the Inddpcndance Beige, pointed out that the relationship between the Orleans and the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine through the Due d'Alencon could not induce us Germans to regard them with any special favour. The paragraph was to the following effect : It is known that Trochu declined the offer of the Princes of the House of Orleans to take part in the struggle against us. The Indepcndance Beige now states that the Due d'Alenc.on, second son of the Due de Nemours, who was at that time incapacitated by illness from joining his uncles and cousins in their offer of service, has now sought salvation by adopting a similar course. The Brussels organ adds the signifi- cant remark : " It will be remembered that the Due d'Alencon is married to a sister of the Empress of Austria." We under- stand that hint, and believe we shall be speaking in the spirit of German policy in replying to it as follows : — The Orleans are quite as hostile to us as the other dynasties that are fishing for the French throne. Their journals are filled with lies and abuse directed against us. We have not forgotten the hymn of praise which the Due de Joinville raised after the battle of Worth to the franctireurs, who had acted like assassins. The only French Government we care for is that which can do us the least harm, because it is most occupied with its own affairs, and with maintaining its own position against its rivals. Other- wise Orleanists, Legitimists, Imperialists, and Republicans are all of the same value or no value to us. And as for those who 274 A DULL EVENING WITH THE KING [Dec. 5 throw out hints about the Austrian relationship, they would do well to be on their guard, as we are on ours. There is in Austria-Hungary one party in favour of Germany and another hostile to her, — a party that wants to continue the policy of Kaunitz in the Seven Years' War, a policy of constant conspir- acy with France against German interests, and particularly against Prussia. That is the policy which has recently been connected with Metternich's name, and which was pursued from 18 1 5 to 1866. Since then more or less vigorous attempts have been made to continue it. It is the party of which the younger Metternich is regarded as the leader. He has for years past been looked upon as the most ardent advocate of a Franco-Austrian alliance against Germany, and one of the principal instigators of the present war. If the Orleans believe that their prospects are improved by their connection with Aus- tria, they ought also to know that for that very reason they have nothing to hope from us. After Bucher, Keudell, and myself had been for some time at tea, we were joined by the Chief, and afterwards by Hatz- feld, who had been with the King. He said it was intolerably dull there. "Grimm, the Russian Councillor of State, gave us a variety of wearisome particulars about Louis Ouatorze and Louis Quinze. The W. worried us, and me in particular, with silly questions." (He pouted his lips, assumed a killing smile, and bent his head to one side, imitating the Grand Duke's affecta- tions.) "lie informed us that the students at St. Cyr all re- ceived a portrait of Madame Maintenon, and that he himself had one also. The King, who had occasionally rubbed his eyes, observed somewhat pointedly, ' I suppose they were photo- graphs.' 'No, oh no, engravings.' 'Well, then, what did you do with yours?' the King asked. 'Why, nothing, I kept it.' The Grand Duke then asked me — he had obviously prepared the question in advance, and perhaps learnt it by heart — 'Is the Revue dcs J)cnx Mondcs still published ? An interesting newspaper.' I replied, ' I do not know, your Royal Highness.' ' Who is the editor ? ' 'I do not know that either.' ' So-0-0 ! ' The aides-de-cam p were cruelly bored, and one of them nudged Lehndorff, begging him in a whisper to give the old fool a rap on the head with his crutch. 1870J ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT 275 "Yes, he is a fearful bore," added the Chief. "What a miserable position it must be for a man whose father was a Court official to him or one like him, and who has to assume the same office himself — a chamberlain or something of that kind, who has to listen day after day to all that twaddle, and has no prospect of ever becoming anything else ! The Queen is just such another. She was educated in the same school. I remem- ber she once questioned me on a literary subject, I believe it was about some French book or other. ' I do not know, your Majesty,' I replied. 'Ah, I suppose that does not interest you.' ' No, your Majesty.' Radowitz was very strong on those sub- jects. He boldly gave every kind of information, and in that way secured a great deal of his success at Court. He was able to tell exactly what Maintenon or Pompadour wore on such and such a clay ; such and such a gewgaw on her neck, her head- dress trimmed with colibris or grapes, her gown pearl-grey or peacock-green with furbelows or lace of this or that description — exactly as if he had been there at the time. The ladies were all ears for these toilette lectures, which he poured forth with the utmost fluency." The conversation then turned upon Alexander von Hum- boldt, who appears to have been a courtier too, but not of the amusing variety. The Chief said: "Under the late King I was the sole victim when Humboldt chose to entertain the com- pany in his own style. He usually read, often for hours at a time, the biography of some French savant or architect in whom nobody in the world except himself took the slightest interest. He stood by the lamp holding the paper close to the light, and occasionally paused for the purpose of making some learned observation. Although nobody listened to him, he had the ear of the house. The Queen was all the time at work on a piece of tapestry, and certainly did not understand a word of what he said. The King looked through his portfolios of engravings, turning them over as noisily as possible, evidently with the intention of not hearing him. The young people on both sides and in the background enjoyed themselves without the least restraint, so that their cackling and giggling actually drowned his reading, which, however, rippled on without break or stop like a brook. Gerlach, who was usually present, sat on his small round chair, which could barely accommodate his volumi- 276 "ON THE PEAK OE POPOCATAPETL " [Dec. 5 nous person, and slept so soundly that he snored. The King was once obliged to wake him, and said, ' Pray, Gerlach, don't snore so loud ! ' I was Humboldt's only patient listener, that is to say I sat silent and pretended to listen, at the same time follow- ing my own thoughts, until at length cold cake and white wine were served. It put the old gentleman in very bad humour not to be allowed to have the talk all to himself. I remember once there was somebody there who managed to monopolise the conversation — quite naturally, it is true, as he was a clever raconteur and spoke about things that interested everybody. Humboldt was beside himself. In a peevish surly temper he piled his plate so high (pointing with his hand) with pati de foie gras, fat eels, lobsters' tails, and other indigestible stuff, — a real mountain, — it was astounding that an old man could put it all away. At last his patience was exhausted, and he could not stand it any longer. So he tried to interrupt the speaker. 'On the peak of Popocatapetl,' he began, — but the other went on with his story. ' On the peak of Popocatapetl, seven thousand fathoms above ' — but he again failed to make any impression, and the narrative maintained its easy flow. ' On the peak of Popocatapetl, seven thousand fathoms above the level of the sea,' he exclaimed in a loud and excited tone, — but with as lit- tle success as before. The talker talked on, and the company had no ears for anybody else. That was something unheard of, outrageous ! Humboldt threw himself back in morose medita- tion over the ingratitude of mankind, and shortly afterwards left. The Liberals made a great deal of him, and counted him as one of themselves. He was, however, a sycophant who aspired to the favour of Princes and who was only happy when basking in the sunshine of royalty. That did not prevent him, however, from criticising the Court afterwards to Varnhagen, and repeating all sorts of discreditable stories about it. Varn- hagen worked these up into books, which I also bought. They are fearfully dear when one thinks how few lines in large type go to the page." Keudell observed that they were nevertheless indispensable for historical purposes. " Yes, in a certain sense," replied the Chief. " Taken individually the stories are not worth much, but as a whole they are an expression of the sourness of Berlin at a period when nothing of importance was happening. At that time everybody talked in that maliciously impotent way. 1870] MLTTERNICH 277 It was a society which it would be hardly possible to realise to- day without the assistance of such books, unless one had per- sonal experience of it. A great deal of outward show with nothing genuine behind it. I remember, although I was a very little fellow at the time, it must have been in 1821 or '22. Min- isters were still like strange animals, regarded with wonder as something mysterious. There was once a large party, which was at that time called an assemble, given at Schuckmann's — what a monstrous huge beast he was as a Minister ! My mother also went there. I remember it as if it were to-day. She wore long gloves that went up to here." (He pointed to the upper part of his arm.) " A dress with a short waist, her hair puffed out on both sides, and a big ostrich feather on her head." (The Chief left this anecdote unfinished, if indeed there was any con- clusion to it, and returned to his former subject.) "Humboldt, however," he continued, " had a great many interesting things to tell when one was alone with him, about the times of Fred- erick William III., and in particular about his own first sojourn in Paris. As he liked me, owing to the attention with which I listened to him, he told me a number of pretty anecdotes. It was the same with old Metternich, with whom I spent a few days at Johannisburg. Thun afterwards said to me, ' I do not know how you have managed to get round the old Prince, but he has indeed looked into you as if you were a golden goblet, as he told me. If you do not come to an understanding with him, then I really don't know what to say.' ' I can explain that to you,' I replied. ' I listened to all his stories, and often prompted him to continue them. That pleases the garrulous old people.' " Hatzfeld said that Moltke had written to Trochu telling him how affairs stood at Orleans, and expressing his readiness to allow one of Trochu's officers to satisfy himself of the truth of his statement. He would be furnished with a safe conduct to Orleans. The Chief said : " I know that. But he should not have done so. They ought to find that out for themselves. Our lines are now thin at various points, and they have also a pigeon post. They will only imagine we are in a hurry to get them to capitulate." Htcsday, December 6th. — In the morning I telegraphed to Berlin and London more detailed particulars of the victory at 278 GRAMMONT'S "BRAZEN IMPUDENCE" [Dec. 6, 1870 Orleans. Then wrote articles for the Moniteur and the German papers on the way in which French officers interned in Ger- many are breaking their parole. So long as this unworthy con- duct receives approval and encouragement from the Government of National Defence, it is impossible for us to carry on any negotiations with it. Dr. Lauer and Odo Russell dined with us to-day. The con- versation was not of particular interest. We had, however, a delicious Palatine wine — Deidesheimer Hofstiick and Forster Kirchenstuck, a noble juice, rich in all virtues, fragrant, and fiery. Aus Fenerward dcr Geist erschaffen. Even Bucher, who usually drinks only red wine, did justice to this heavenly dew from the Haardt Hills. I afterwards wrote an article in which I politely expressed surprise at the brazen impudence with which Grammont reminds the world of his existence in the Brussels Gaulois. He who, through his unparalleled ineptitude, has brought so much misery upon France, should, like his colleague Ollivier, have hidden himself in silence and been glad to be forgotten. Or, inspired by his ancient name, he should have joined the army and fought for his country, so as in some degree to ex- piate the wrong he has done it. Instead of doing anything of the kind, however, he dares to remind the world that he still lives, and once conducted the foreign policy of France. " A blockhead, a coward, an impudent fellow ! " said the Chief, when he instructed me to write this article. "You can use the strongest expressions in dealing with him." CHAPTER XIV THE PROSPECTS OUTSIDE PARIS IMPROVE Wednesday, December 'jtJi. — At dinner the Chief related some of his Frankfort reminiscences. " It was possible to get on with Thun," he said. " He was a respectable man. Taken altogether, Rechberg 1 was also not bad. He was at least honourable from a personal standpoint, although violent and irascible — one of those passionate, fiery blonds ! It is true that as an Austrian diplomat of those days he was not able to pay too strict a regard to truth. I remember his once receiving a despatch in which he was instructed to maintain the best relations with us, a second despatch being sent to him at the same time enjoining him to follow an exactly opposite course. I happened to call upon him, and he inadvertently gave me the second despatch to read. I saw immediately how matters stood and read it through. Then handing it back to him I said : ' I beg your pardon, but you have given me the wrong one.' He was fearfully embarrassed, but I consoled him, saying I would take no advantage of his mistake, using it merely for my personal information." " The third, however, — Prokesch, — was not at all to my liking. In the East he had learnt the basest forms of intrigue and had no sense of honour or truth. A thorough- paced liar. I remember being once in a large company where some Austrian assertion which was not in accordance with the truth was being discussed. Prokesch, raising his voice in order that I might hear him, said : ' If that be not true, then the Imperial and Royal Cabinet has commissioned me to commit an act of perfidy; indeed, his Imperial and Apostolic Majesty has lied to me ! ' and he emphasised the word lied. He looked at me whilst he was speaking, and, when he had finished, I replied quietly : ' Quite so, Excellency ! ' He was obviously 1 Thun, Rechberg, and Prokesch held in succession the position of Austrian Min- ister to the Bundestag. 279 28o ENGLISH IDIOMS [Dec. 8 aghast, and as he looked round and found all eyes cast down and a deep silence which showed approval of what I had said, he turned away without a word and went into the dining-room where the table was laid. He had recovered himself, however, after dinner, and came over to me with a full glass in his hand — but for that I should have thought he was going to challenge me — and said, 'Well, let us make peace.' 'Certainly,' I replied, ' but what I said in the other room was true, and the protocol must be altered.' The protocol was altered, an ad- mission that it had contained an untruth. A rascally fellow ! " Thursday, December Sth. — Some one asked at dinner how the question of Emperor and Empire now stood. The Chief replied inter alia : " We have had a great deal of trouble with it in the way of telegrams and letters. But after all Holnstein has done the greater part of the work. He is a clever fellow, and not in the least spoilt by or prepossessed in favour of Court manners." Putbus asked what position he held. " Master of the Horse. He showed himself very willing and energetic, making the journey to Munich and back in six days. In the present condition of the railways that requires a great deal of good will. Of course he has the necessary physique. Indeed, not merely to Munich, but to Hohenschwangau, — and there saw the King, who had just been operated under chloroform for a tumour in the gum. But King Lewis also greatly contributed to the speedy settlement of the matter. He received the letter immediately, and at once gave a definite answer. He might easily have said that he must first take some fresh air in the mountains, and would answer in three or four days. The Count has certainly done us a very good service in the affair ; but I really do not know how we can reward him." I forget how the conversation came to deal with the terms "swell," "snob," and "cockney," which were the subject of much discussion. The Chief mentioned a certain diplomat as a "swell," and observed: " It is really a capital word, but we cannot translate it into Ger- man. ' Stutzer,' perhaps, but that conveys at the same time pompousness and self-importance. 'Snob' is something quite different, while it is also very difficult for us to render properly. It denotes a variety of attributes, but principally onc-sidedness, narrowness, slavery to local or class prejudices, philistinism. A ' snob ' is something like our ' Pfalburgcr,' yet not quite. It 1870J VARIETIES OF "SNOBS" 28 1 includes also a petty conception of family interests, political narrow-mindedness, rigid adherence to ideas and habits that have become a second nature. There are also female snobs and very distinguished ones. The feminine half of our Court are snobs. Our two most exalted ladies are snobs. The male element is not snobbish. One may also talk of party snobs — those who in larger political issues cannot emancipate them- selves from the rules that govern private conduct — the ' Pro- gressist snob.' The cockney again is quite another person. That term applies more particularly to Londoners. There are people there who have never been outside their own walls and streets, never got away from the brick and mortar, who have never seen life anywhere else nor travelled beyond the sound of Bow Bells. We have also Berliners who have never left their city. But Berlin is a small place compared to London, or even Paris, which has also its cockneys, although they are known by another name there. There are hundreds of thou- sands in London who have never seen anything but London. In such great cities conceptions are formed which permeate the whole community, and harden into the most inveterate prejudices. Such narrow and silly ideas arise in every great centre of popu- lation where the people have no experience, and often not the faintest notion of how things look elsewhere. Silliness without conceit is endurable, but to be silly and unpractical, and at the same time conceited, is intolerable. Country life brings people into much closer contact with realities. They may be less educated there, but what they know they know thoroughly. There are, however, snobs in the country also. (Turning to Putbus.) Just take a really clever shot. He is convinced that he is the first man in the world, and that sport is everything, and that those who do not understand it are worth nothing. And then a man who lives on his estate in a remote district, where he is everything, and all the people depend upon him ; when he comes to the wool market and finds that he is not of the same importance with the townspeople as he is at home, he gets into a bad temper, sits sulking on his sack of wool, and takes no notice of anything else." At tea, Keudell said that I ought really to see, not merely those political despatches, reports, and drafts which I received from the Minister, but everything that came in and went out. 282 CARLYLE'S LETTER TO THE TIMES [Dec. 12 He would speak on the subject to Abeken, who acts here as Secretary of State. I accepted his proposal with many thanks. Bucher informed me that the Minister had made some very interesting remarks in the drawing-room while they were taking coffee. Prince Putbus mentioned his desire to travel in far-dis- tant lands. " It might be possible to manage that for you," said the Chief. "You might be commissioned to notify the foundation of the German Empire to the Emperor of China and the Tycoon of Japan." The Minister then discussed at length the duties of the German aristocracy, of course with special reference to his guest. The King was faithful to his duty, but he was born in the last century, and thus he regarded many things from a point of view which was no longer suitable to the times. He would allow himself to be cut to pieces in the interests of the State, as he understood them, if he knew that his family would be provided for. The future king was quite different. He had not this strong sense of duty. When he found himself in good case, had plenty of money at his disposal, and was praised by the newspapers, he was quite satisfied. He would choose his Ministers in the English fashion from the Liberal or from other parties just as things happened in the Diet, in order to avoid trouble. In that way, however, he would ruin everything, or at least produce a condition of constant instability. The great nobles ought then to intervene. They must have a sense of the necessities of the State and recognise their mission, which is to preserve the State from vacillation and uncertainty in the struggles of parties, to give it a firm support, &c. There was no objection to their associating with a Strousberg, but they would do better to become bankers straight away. Monday, December 12th. — The Chief's indisposition seems to have again grown worse, and it is said that he is in a par- ticularly bad humour. Dr. Lauer has been to see him. The Times contains the following communication, which it would be impossible for us to improve upon. 1 1 The communication referred to is a letter by Thomas Carlyle published in the Times of November 18, in which it occupied two and a half columns. The passages quoted by Dr. Iiusch are here reproduced from the original : — "The question for the Germans, in this crisis, is not one of ' magnanimity,' of 'heroic pity and forgiveness to a fallen foe,' but of solid prudence and practical 1870] ENGLISH PRESS OPINIONS 283 An excellent letter, which we must submit to the Versailles people in the Monitenr. Busily engaged all the evening. Translated for the King articles published by the Times and Daily Telegraph warmly ap- proving of the restoration of the German Empire and the Impe- rial dignity. The Times article, after stating that not merely the fact of the restoration of the German Empire but also the manner in which it had been brought about could only be regarded with the liveliest satisfaction, proceeds as follows : — " The political significance of this change cannot be placed too high. A mighty revolution has been accomplished in Eu- rope, and all our traditions have suddenly become antiquated. No one can pretend to predict the relations of the Great Pow- ers ; but it is not very difficult to forecast in a general way the political tendencies of the time on which we are about to enter. There will be a powerful united Germany, presided over by a family which represents not only its interests, but its military fame. On the one side will be Russia, strong and watchful as consideration what the fallen foe will, in all likelihood, do when once on his feet again. Written on her memory, in a distinctly instructive manner, Germany has an experience of 400 years on this point; of which on the English memory, if it ever was recorded there, there is now little or no trace visible. . . . No nation ever had so bad a neighbour as Germany has had in France for the last 400 years; bad in all manner of ways; insolent, rapacious, insatiable, unappeasable, continually aggres- sive. . . . Germany, I do clearly believe, would be a foolish nation not to think of raising up some secure boundary fence between herself and such a neighbour now that she has the chance. There is no law of nature that I know of, no Heavens Act of Parliament whereby France, alone of terrestrial beings, shall not restore any por- tion of her plundered goods when the owners they were wrenched from have an opportunity upon them. . . . The French complain dreadfully of threatened 'loss of honour'; and lamentable bystanders plead earnestly, ' Oon't dishonour France; leave poor France's honour bright.' But will it save the honour of France to refuse paying for the glass she has voluntarily broken in her neighbour's windows? The attack upon the windows was her dishonour. Signally disgraceful to any nation was her late assault on Germany; equally signal has been the ignominy of its execution on the part of France. The honour of France can be saved only by the deep repentance of France, and by the serious determination never to do so again — to do the reverse of so forever henceforth. . . . For the present, I must say, France looks more and more delirious, miserable, blamable, pitiable, and even contemptible. She refuses to see the facts that are lying palpably before her face, and the penalties she has brought upon herself. A France scattered into anarchic ruin, without recog- nisable head; head, or chief, indistinguishable from feet, or rabble; Ministers flying up in balloons ballasted with nothing but outrageous public lies, proclamations of 2S4 THE COSMOPOLITAN REPUBLICANS [Dec. 12 ever ; but on the other side will be France, which, whether patient under her reverses or burning for revenge, will be for a time incapable of playing that great part in Europe which belonged to her even under the feebleness of the Restoration. Thus, whereas we had formerly two strong centralised military em- pires, with a distracted, unready nation between them, which might be ground to powder whenever the two closed to crush it, there is now a firm barrier erected in Central Europe, and the fabric is correspondingly strengthened. In this the policy of past generations of English statesmen is fulfilled. They all desired the creation of a strong Central Power, and laboured for it in peace and war by negotiations and alliances, now with the Empire, now with the new State which had arisen in the North." On the instructions of the Chief, I also wrote a paragraph for the press to the effect that we are no longer opposed by France, but rather by the cosmopolitan Red Republicans, Gari- baldi and Mazzini (who are with Gambetta, and act as his coun- sellors), and Polish, Spanish, and Danish adherents of that party. The aims of these good people are indicated in a letter from the son of the Prefect Ordinaire, who describes himself as victories that were creatures of the fancy; a Government subsisting altogether on mendacity, willing that horrid bloodshed should continue and increase rather than that they, beautiful Republican creatures, should cease to have the guidance of it; I know not when and where there was seen a nation so covering itself with dis- honour. . . , The quantity of conscious mendacity that France, official and other, has perpetrated latterly, especially since July last, is something wonderful and fearful. And, alas ! perhaps even that is small compared to the self-delusion and //^conscious mendacity long prevalent among the French. ... To me at times the mournfullest symptom in France is the figure its ' men of genius,' its highest literary speakers, who should be prophets and seers to it, make at present, and, indeed, for a generation back have been making. It is evidently their belief that new celestial wisdom is radiating out of France upon all the other overshadowed nations; that France is the new Mount Zion of the universe; and that all this sad, sordid, semi-delirious, and, in good part, infernal stuff which French literature has been preaching to us for the last fifty years is a veritable new Gospel out of Heaven, pregnant with blessedness for all the sons of men. ... I believe Bismarck (sic) will get his Alsace and what he wants of Lorraine; and likewise that it will do him, and us, and all the world, and even France itself by and by, a great deal of good. . . . (Bismarck) in fact seems to me to be striving with strong faculty, by patient, grand, and successful steps, towards an object beneficial to Germans and to all other men. That noble, patient, deep, and solid Germany should be at length welded into a nation and become Queen of the Continent, instead of vapouring, vainglorious, gesticulating, quarrelsome, restless, and over-sensitive France, seems to me the hopefullest public fact that has occurred in my time. " — The Translator. 1S70J FRENCH RAVINGS 285 an officer in Garibaldi's General Staff. This letter, which is dated from Autun on the 16th of November, and addressed to the editor of the newspaper Droits dc V Homme, contains the fol- lowing passage : — " You will see from the postmark where we are now sta- tioned — in one of the most priest-ridden towns of France. It is the centre of monarchical reaction. It looks less like a town than an enormous monastery, huge black walls and barred windows, behind which monks of all colours intrigue and pray in darkness and silence for the success of the good cause. In the streets our red shirts are constantly brushing against the black cassock of the priest. The whole population, from the tradespeople downwards, present a mystic aspect, and appear as if they had been all drenched in holy water. We are re- garded here as if we had been inscribed upon the Index, and the calumnies that are rained upon us rival the deluge. A breach of discipline (which is unavoidable in the case of a volunteer army) is immediately exaggerated into a great crime. Trifles are transformed into outrages that deserve to be punished by death. The mountain frequently gives birth to a mere mouse, but the bad impression produced upon the public mind remains. " Would you believe it ? The officials themselves put diffi- culties in our way ! They echo, I hope unwittingly, the calum- nies that are circulated against us, and regard us with evident ill will. Indeed, our fellow-citizens are almost inclined to look upon our army as a band of brigands. Can you imagine that the monarchists have not in the least renounced their mischiev- ous endeavours, and hate us because we have sworn never to permit the reerection of those mountebank stages from which kings and emperors have ordered nations as the humour took them ? Yes, we proclaim the fact aloud that we are soldiers of the Revolution, and I would add not of the French Revolution alone, but of the cosmopolitan revolution. Italians, Spaniards, Poles, and Hungarians, in gathering under the French flag, clearly understand that they are defending the Universal Republic. The real nature of the struggle is now evident. It is a war between the principle of the divine right of kings and of force, and that of popular sovereignty, civilisation, and free- dom. The fatherland disappears before the Republic. 286 "CITIZENS OF THE WORLD" [Dec. 13 " We are citizens of the world, and whatever may happen we will fight to the death for the realisation of that noble ideal of the United States of Europe, that is to say, the fraternisation of all free peoples. The monarchical reactionaries know that, and so they reinforce the Prussian forces with their own legions. We have the enemies' bayonets in front, and treason behind us,. Why is not every old official sent about his business ? Why are not all the old generals of the Empire ruthlessly cashiered? Cannot the Government of National Defence see that they are being betrayed, and that these people, with their hypocritical manoeuvres, shameful capitulations, and inexplicable retreats are preparing for a Bonapartist restoration, or, at least, for the accession of an Orleans or a Bourbon? " But the Government which has undertaken the task of delivering the contaminated soil of France from foreign hordes should take care. In times like the present, and under the fearful conditions in which we find ourselves, it is not enough to be honest. It is also necessary to show energy, to keep a cool head, and not to allow one's self to be drowned in a glass of water. Let the Cremieuxs, the Glais-Bizoins, and the Fourichons remember the manner in which the men of 1792 and '93 acted ! To-day we need a Danton, a Robespierre, the men of the Convention ! Away with you, gentlemen ! Make room for the Revolution ! That alone can save us. Great crises demand great measures ! " The fatherland disappears before the Republic ! Resort to the great measures adopted by Danton and Robespierre ! Be- head every one who differs from us in religious and political affairs, and establish the guillotine as a permanent institution. Dismiss Generals Chancy and Bourbaki, Faidherbe and Vinoy, Ducrot and Trochu, and appoint private soldiers in their place. That is the gospel preached by the son of a Prefect in the de- partment of Doubs, an officer of Garibaldi's General Staff. I wonder whether these proposals will commend themselves to many of the Versailles people when they see this letter in the Moniteur one of these clays ? Tuesday, December \yh. — In the morning wrote another artiele on the confession of faith of the cosmopolitan Repub- licans. The Chief's health is somewhat better, only he feels very exhausted. . . . 1870] CAN BISMARCK RESIGN ? 287 At lunch Buchcr, Hatzfeld, and Keudell declared in all seri- ousness that they thought the Chancellor would resign. It was jestingly suggested that he would be followed by a Ministry under Lasker, who would be "a kind of Ollivier," and then half in joke, half in earnest, the possibility was discussed of our having for a Chancellor Delbruck, — "a very clever man, but no politician." I regarded it as absolutely inconceivable that the Chief could ever be allowed to resign, even if he requested to be relieved from office. They thought, nevertheless, that it was possible. I said that in such circumstances they would be obliged to re- call him in less than a month. Bucher questioned whether he would come back, and said positively that so far as he knew him, if the Count once retired he would never take office again. He enjoyed himself far too well at Varzin, free from business and worry of every kind. He liked best of all to be in the woods and fields. The Countess had once said to him : " Be- lieve me, a turnip interests him (Bismarck) more than all your politics." That statement, however, must not be too hastily ac- cepted, and must be limited to a temporary state of feeling. About 1.30 p.m. I was summoned to the Chancellor. He wished me to call attention to the difficulties of the King of Holland with regard to a new Ministry, and to point to this as the result of a purely Parliamentary system under which the advisers of the Crown must retire, whatever the condition of affairs may be, when a majority of the representatives is op- posed to them on any question. He observed : " I remember when I became Minister that there had been twenty or twenty- one Ministries since the introduction of the constitutional sys- tem. If the principle of Ministers retiring before a hostile majority be too strictly enforced, far too many politicians will be used up. Then mediocrities will have to be taken for the post, and finally there will be no one left who will care to de- vote himself to such a trade. The moral is that either the advantages of a Minister's position must be increased, or the Parliamentary system must be applied less stringently." The Chief went out for a drive at 3 o'clock, after Russell had again called upon him. He talked after dinner about his negotiations with Russell and the demands of Gortchakoff. He said amongst other 288 GERMANY AND RUSSIA [Dec. 14 things : " They do not want in London to give an unqualified approval to the proposal that the Black Sea shall be again given up to Russia and the Turks with full sovereignty over its coast. They are afraid of public opinion in England, and Russell returns again and again to the idea that some equivalent might possibly be found. He asked, for instance, whether it would not be possible for us to join in the agreement of the 16th of April, 1856. I replied that Germany had no real interest in the matter. Or whether we would bind ourselves to observe neutrality in case of a conflict some day breaking out there. I told him I was not in favour of a conjectural policy, such as his suggestion involved. It would depend altogether on circum- stances. For the present we saw no reason why we should take any part in the matter. That ought to suffice for him. Besides, I did not believe that gratitude had no place in politics. The present Tsar had always acted in a friendly and benevo- lent manner towards us. Austria, on the other hand, was up to the present little to be trusted and took up at times a very dubious attitude. Of course he knew himself how far we were indebted to England. The friendship of the Tsar was the legacy of old relations, based partly on family connections, but partly also on the recognition that our interests are not op- posed to his. We did not know what those relations would be in future, and therefore it was impossible to speak about them. . . . Our position would now be different to what it was formerly. We should be the only Power that had reason to be satisfied ; we had no call to oblige any one of whose willingness to reciprocate our services we could not altogether feel sure. . . . He returned again and again to the suggestion as to an equivalent, and at length asked me if I could not propose something. I spoke of making the Dardanelles and the Black Sea free to all. That would please Russia, as she could then pass from the Black Sea into the Mediterranean, and Turkey also, as she could have her friends, including the Americans, near her. It would remove one of the reasons why the Ameri- cans held with the Russians, namely, their desire for free navigation in all seas. He seemed to recognise the truth of that." The Chancellor added : "Asa matter of fact, the Rus- sians should not have been so modest in their demands. They ought to have asked for more, and then the matter of the Black 1870 J DISSATISFACTION WITH THE BAVARIAN TREATY 289 Sea would have been granted to them without any difficulty." Turning to Abeken the Minister said : " Write that to Bcrn- storff and also to Reuss lor his information. In writing to the latter, suggest that in St. Petersburg they should try to find something harmless that would look like an equivalent." The conversation then turned upon the four new points of international law respecting navigation — that no privateers should be fitted out, that goods should not be seized so far as they were not contraband of war, and that a blockade was only valid when effective, &c. The Chief remarked that one of these was flagrantly violated by the French in burning a Ger- man ship. He concluded the conversation on this head by saying, " We must see how we are to get rid of this rub- bish." Wednesday, December i^tJi. — The German party of centrali- sation are still dissatisfied with the Bavarian Treaty. Trei- tschke writes me from Heidelberg on the subject in an almost despairing tone: "I quite understand that Count Bismarck could not have acted otherwise, but it remains a very regret- table affair all the same. Bavaria has once more clogged our feet as she did in 1813 in the Treaty of Ried. So long as we have our leading statesman we can manage to move in spite of that. But how will it be later on ? I cannot feel that unquestioning confidence in the vitality of the new Empire which I had in that of the North German Confederation. I only hope that the nation will prosper, owing to its own healthy vigour, in spite of constitutional deficiencies." The Chief and Count Holnstein dined with us. Politics were not discussed. The Minister was very cheerful and com- municative, and spoke on a variety of subjects. He said, amongst other things, that as a young man he was a swift runner and a good jumper. His sons, on the other hand, are unusually strong in the arms. He should not care to try a fall with either of them. The Minister then sent for the gold pen that had been pre- sented to him by Bissinger, the jeweller, and mentioned that the Countess had written to him asking about it, remarking that "doubtless it was a lie, like the story of the baby at Meaux." We now heard for the first time that a new-born baby, the child of one of the French soldiers who had fallen in one of the 29O THE DEPUTATION FROM THE REICHSTAG [Dec. 15 recent battles, was supposed to have been smuggled into the Chief's bed. This was, of course, a mere newspaper invention. The conversation afterwards turned on the deputation from the Reichstag, which was already at Strasburg, and would arrive here to-morrow. The Chancellor said : " We must begin to think what we are to reply to their address. The speech- making will be a real pleasure to Simson. He has been already engaged in several affairs of the kind — in the first deputation to the Hohenzollernburg respecting the imperial dignity. He makes a good speech, loves to talk, and thor- oughly enjoys himself on such occasions." Abeken observed that Loewe, the member of the Reichstag, said that he also had taken part in such a function, but had afterwards plenty of opportunity to think over the matter in a foreign country. " Ah ! Was he also engaged in the 1849 affair ? " asked the Chief. "Yes," said Bucher; " he was President of the Reichstag." " But," said the Chief, " he need not have left his country on account of the part he took in the proposal as to the Emperor. It must have been because of his journey to Stuttgart, which was quite a different story." The Minister then spoke of the Hohenzollernburg, where each branch of the family had a special suite of apartments ; of an old castle in Pomcrania, where all members of the family of Dewitz had a right to lodgings, — it was now reduced to a picturesque ruin, after having long served as a stone quarry for the inhabitants of the neighbouring country town ; and after- wards of a landed proprietor who had a singular way of raising money. " He was always hard up, and on one occasion, when he was in desperate straits, his woods were attacked by cater- pillars, then a fire broke out, and finally a number of trees were blown down by a gale. He was miserable, and thought he was bankrupt. So the timber had to be sold, and he sud- denly found himself in possession of a lot of money, fifty or sixty thousand thalers, which set him on his legs again. It had never occurred to him that he could have his trees cut down." This story led the Chief to speak of another extraordinary gentleman, a neighbour of his. (Query, in Varzin.) " He had ten or twelve estates, but was always short of ready money, and 1870J BISMARCK'S "YOUNGSTERS" 291 frequently felt a desire to spend some. When he wished to invite some people to a decent lunch he usually sold an estate, so that at length he had only one or two left. Some of his own tenants bought one of the former lot from him for 35,000 thalers, paying him 5,000 thalers down. They then sold a quantity of timber for shipbuilding purposes for 22,000 thalers, an idea which, of course, had never occurred to him." The Minister then referred to the Hartschiere (big tall men, chosen for the Royal Body-Guard on account of their size) in Munich, who made a great impression upon him owing to their bulk and general character, and who are understood to be ex- cellent connoisseurs of beer. Finally, it was mentioned that Count Bill was the first Ger- man to ride into Rouen. Somebody remarked that his appear- ance would have convinced the inhabitants of that city that our troops had not up to the present been put on short rations. This led the Chancellor to speak again of the strength of his "youngsters." "They are unusually strong for their age," he said, "although they have not learnt gymnastics — very much against my desire, but it is not considered the proper thing for the sons of a diplomatist." While enjoying his after-dinner cigar the Chief asked if the members of his staff were smokers. Yes, every one of them, Abeken replied. "Well, then," said the Minister, "Engel must divide the Hamburg cigars between them. I have received so many that if the war were to last for twelve months I should still bring some home with me." Thursday, December i$th. — Count Frankenberg and Count Lehndorff joined us at dinner, Prince Pless coming in half an hour later. The Chief was in high spirits and very talkative. The conversation at first turned on the question of the day, that is to say, the commencement of the bombardment. The Minis- ter said it might be expected within the next eight or ten days. It would possibly not be very successful during the first weeks, as the Parisians had had time to take precautions against it. Frankenberg said that in Berlin, and particularly in the Reichs- tag, no subject was so much discussed as the reasons why the bombardment had been postponed up to the present. Every- thing else gave way to that. The Chief replied : " Yes, but now that Roon has taken the matter in hand, something will be 292 BAD STAGE MANAGEMENT [Dec. 15 done. A thousand ammunition waggons with the necessary- teams are on their way here, and it is said that some of the new mortars have arrived. Now that Roon has taken it up, something will at last be done." The manner in which the restoration of the imperial dignity in Germany had been brought before the Reichstag was then discussed, and Frankenberg as well as Prince Pless were of opinion that it might have been better managed. The Con- servatives had not been informed beforehand, and the state- ment was actually made when they were sitting at lunch. To all appearance Windthorst was not wrong when, with his usual dexterity in seizing his opportunities, he remarked that he had expected more sympathy from the Assembly. " Yes," said the Chief, " there ought to have been a better stage manager for the farce. It should have had a more effective misc-cn-sctuc, — but Delbriick does not understand that sort of thing. Some one should have got up to express his dissatisfaction with the Bavarian Treaties, which lacked this, that, and the other. Then he should have said : ' If, however, an equivalent were found to compensate for these defects, something in which the unity of the nation would find expression, that would be different,' — and then the Emperor should have been brought forward." ... " Moreover, the Emperor is more important than many people think. I could not tell them (that is to say, the Princes) what it all means — if I .had, I certainly should not have succeeded. ... I admit that the Bavarian Treaty has defects and deficiencies. That is, however, easily said when one is not responsible. How would it have been, then, if I had refused to make concessions and no treaty had been concluded ? It is impossible to conceive all the difficulties that would have resulted from such a failure, and for that reason I was in mortal anxiety over the easy un- concern of centralising gentlemen in the Diet." . . . "Last night, after a long interval, I had again a couple of hours of good deep sleep. At first I could not get off to sleep, worrying and pondering over all sorts of things. Then suddenly I saw Varzin before me, quite distinctly to the smallest detail, like a big picture, with all the colours even — green trees, the sunshine on the stems, and a blue sky above it all. I saw each single tree. I tried to get rid of it, but it came back and tormented 1S70] Di:i.i:Ki '( k, nii: "I.H'.kral minister " 293 me, and at length when it faded away it was replaced by other pictures, documents, notes, despatches, until at last towards morning I fell asleep." Whilst Bucher and myself were alone at tea, he told me that Delbriick, who is the " Liberal Minister," holds with the Liberals and is "thinking of the future." "At an early stage of his career the Chief offered him the Ministry of Commerce. Del- briick declined it, saying : ' Yes, Lxcellency, but you may not remain long yourself, and I should prefer not to accept it. What should I do if you retired ? I should be obliged to go too and renounce official life, and of course that would not do.' " CHAPTER XV CHAUDORDY AND THE TRUTH OFFICERS OF BAD FAITH — FRENCH GARBLING — THE CROWN PRINCE DINES WITH THE CHIEF Friday, December \6th. — In the morning I wrote several articles on M. de Chaudordy's circular as to the barbarity with which we are alleged to conduct the war. They were to the following effect : In addition to the calumnies that have been circulated for months past by the French press with the object of exciting public opinion against us, a document has now been issued by the Provisional Government itself for the purpose of prejudicing foreign Courts and Cabinets by means of garbled and exaggerated accounts of our conduct in the present war. An official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Tours, M. de Chaudordy, impeaches us in a circular to the neutral Powers. Let us consider the main points in his statement and see how the matter stands in reality, and who can be justly charged with barbarous methods of warfare, ourselves or the French. He asserts that we make excessive requisitions, and abuse our power in the occupied towns and districts, to extort impos- sible contributions. We are further stated to have seized pri- vate property, and to have cruelly burnt down towns and villages, whose inhabitants have offered resistance, or have in any way assisted in the defence of their country. Our accuser says : " Commanding officers have ordered a town to be plundered and burnt down as a punishment for the acts of individual citizens whose sole crime consisted in resisting the invaders, thus misusing the inexorable discipline imposed upon their troops. Every house in which a franctireur had been con- cealed, or received a meal, has been burnt down. How can this be reconciled with respect for private property ? " The circular states that in firing upon open towns we have introduced a pro- cedure hitherto unexampled in war. Finally, in addition to all 294 Dec. 16, 1870] FRENCH BARBARITY 295 our other cruelties, we take hostages with us on railway journeys to secure ourselves against the removal of the rails and other injuries and dangers. In reply to these charges we offer the following observations : If M. de Chaudordy understood anything about war, he would not complain of the sacrifices which our operations have imposed upon the French people, but would, on the contrary, be surprised at our relative moderation. Moreover, the German troops re- spect private property everywhere, although they can certainly not be expected, after long marches and severe fighting, and after enduring cold and hunger, to refrain from securing as comfortable quarters as possible, or from demanding, or, if the inhabitants have fled, helping themselves to absolute necessaries such as food, drink, firing, &c. Moreover, instead of seizing private property, as M. de Chaudordy asserts, our soldiers have frequently done the reverse, and at the risk of their own lives rescued for the owners works of art and other valuables which were endangered by the fire of the French guns. We have burnt down villages, but does our accuser know nothing of our reasons for doing so ? Is he not aware that in those villages franctireurs have treacherously fired upon our people, and that the inhabitants have given every possible assistance to the murderers ? Has he heard nothing of the franctireurs who recently left Fontaines, and who boldly stated that the object of their march was to inspect the houses in the neighbourhood which were worth pillaging ? Can he bring forward a single well-established case of outrage committed by our soldiers such as those of which the Turcos and French guerillas have been guilty ? Have our troops cut off the noses or ears of their wounded or dead opponents, as the French did at Coulours on the 30th of November? On the nth of December, when 800 German prisoners should have been brought into Lille, only 200 of them actually arrived. Many of these were severely wounded, yet instead of affording them succour, the people of the town pelted them with snowballs, and shouted to the soldiers to bay- onet them. The frequency with which the French have fired at the bearers of flags of truce is something unheard of. There is good evidence for the truth of the following incident, however incredible it may appear. On the 2nd of December, a German sergeant named Steinmetz, at the express desire of an officer 296 FRANCTIREURS AND HOSTAGES [Dec. 16 of the Garibaldian troops, wrote a letter to his lieutenant in Mirecourt, stating that if our side took reprisals against Vittel or other places in the neighbourhood, the ears of fourteen Prus- sian prisoners, who had fallen into the hands of the guerillas in a surprise attack, would be cut off. In many instances we have not treated those volunteers as soldiers, but that was only in cases where they did not act as soldiers, but, on the contrary, followed the principles recom- mended by the Prefect, Luce Villiard, in the address issued by him through the Maires to the peasants of the Cote d'Or de- partment. M. Villiard said: "The country does not demand that you should collect in large masses and openly oppose the enemy. It expects that every mornfng three or four resolute men amongst you shall leave your villages and select some good natural position from which you can fire upon the Prussians without risk. You must above all direct your fire against the enemy's cavalry, and bring their horses in to the chief district towns. I will distribute premiums amongst you, and your heroic deeds shall be published in all the newspapers of the Provinces as well as in the Official Journal." We have bombarded open cities, such as Orleans, but is M. de Chaudordy not aware that they were occupied by the enemy ? And has he forgotten that the French bombarded the open towns of Saarbriicken and Kehl ? Finally, as to the hostages who were obliged to accompany the railway trains, they were taken not to serve as a hindrance to French heroism, but as a precaution against treacherous crime. The railway does not convey merely soldiers, arms, ammunition, and other war mate- rial, against which it may be allowable to use violent measures : it also conveys great numbers of wounded, doctors, hospital attendants, and other perfectly harmless persons. Is a peasant or a franctireur to be allowed to endanger hundreds of those lives by removing a rail or laying a stone upon the line? Let the French see that the security of the railway trains is no longer threatened and the journeys made by those hostages will be merely outings, or our people may even be able to forego such precautionary measures. We forbear to deal any further with the charges of M. de Chaudordy. The Furopean cabinets are aware of the humane sentiments which inspire German methods of warfare, and they will easily be able to form a just 1S70] PARTICULARISTS IN BAVARIA 297 estimate of the value of these charges. War, moreover, is and remains war, and it cannot be waged with velvet gloves. We should perhaps less frequently employ the iron gloves if the Government of National Defence had not declared a people's war, which invariably leads to greater harshness than a conflict between regular armies. Bohlen, who is still unwell, Hatzfeld, who is indisposed, and Keudell, who received a command to dine with the King, were absent from dinner. Count Holnstein and Prince Putbus were present as guests. The first subject to be touched upon was the Bavarian Treaty, which Holnstein expected would be ap- proved of by the second Bavarian Chamber, in which a two- thirds majority was necessary. It was already known that there were only some forty members opposed to it. It was also practically certain that it would not be rejected by the Upper House. " Thuengen will doubtless be in favour of it," observed the Chief. " I believe so," replied Holnstein, " as he also voted in favour of joining in the war." "Yes," said the Minister, "he is one of the honest Particu- larists ; but there are some who are not honest and who have other objects in view." " Certainly," added Holnstein. " Some of the patriots showed that quite clearly. They omitted the words, ' For King and Country,' retaining only ' Mit Gott.' " Putbus then referred to the approaching holidays, and said it would be a good idea to give the people in the hospital a Christmas tree. A collection had been started for that pur- pose, and 2500 francs had already been received. " Pless and I put down our names," he said. "The subscription list was then laid before the Grand Duke of Weimar, and he gave 300 francs ; and the Coburger, who was then attacked, gave 200. He would certainly have been glad to get out of it. He should at least have contrived not to give more than Weimar or less than Pless." "It must certainly have been very disagreeable to him," said the Minister. Putbus: " But why ? He is a rich man!" The Chief : "Very rich!" Putbus: " Why, certainly, he has come in for an enormous forest which is worth over a million." The Chief: "The Crown Princess secured that for 298 THE NEW FRENCH LOAN [Dec. 16 him through all sorts of stratagems, which she also tried on with me. But I have done with him. He shall never get my signature again." Putbus : "Besides, 200 francs! He ought not to feel it so much. It is not much more than fifty thalers. But it is just like him ! " Putbus then said they intended to submit the list of subscriptions to his Majesty, whereupon the Chief remarked: "Then you will also allow me to join." Put- bus afterwards added that Weimar had " not shown himself over-generous in other matters. He established an ambulance for his regiment, where a couple of officers are now being cared for. He demanded payment for their keep from the Comman- dant, which of course only the doctors are entitled to do." " But surely they have not given it to him," said the Chief. Putbus : " Oh, yes ; they have though, but not without making some remarks on the subject that led to a great deal of bad language on his part." It was then mentioned that a French balloon had fallen down near Wetzlar and that Ducrot was said to be in it. " I suppose he will be shot then," said Putbus. " No," replied the Chief. "The common jail. Ten years' penal servitude. If he is brought before a court-martial nothing will happen to him. But a Council of Honour would certainly condemn him. So I have been told by officers." " Any other news on military matters ? " asked Putbus. " Perhaps at the General Staff," replied the Minister, "but we know nothing here. We only get such information as can be obtained by dint of begging, and that is little enough." Later on it was stated that the Government of National Defence was thinking of contracting a new loan. Turning to me, the Minister said : " It may be useful to call attention in the press to the danger investors run in lending money to this Government. It would be well to say that the loans made to the present Government might possibly not be recognised by that with which we concluded peace, and that we might even make that one of the conditions of the peace. That should be sent to the English and Belgian press in particular." Lowinsohn mentioned to me in the evening that a Conserva- tive of high position, from whom he sometimes obtained in- formation, had said to him that his friends were anxious to know what the King was going to say to the deputation from 1 870] A WARNING TO INVESTORS 299 the Reichstag. It was understood that he was not pleased at their coming, as only the first Reichstag which would represent all Germany, and not the North German Reichstag, could tender him the imperial crown. (Doubtless the King is think- ing less of the Reichstag, which cannot proffer him the impe- rial dignity independently, but only in concert with the Princes in the name of the whole people, than of the Princes them- selves, all of whom will not as yet have replied to the proposal of the King of Bavaria.) Furthermore, this Conservative of high position would prefer to see the King become Emperor of Prussia. (A matter of taste.) Under the other arrangement Prussia will be lost in Germany, and that arouses scruples in his mind. Lowinsohn also reported that the Crown Prince is very indignant at certain correspondents who compared Cha- teaudun to Pompeii and drew lively pictures of the devastation of the country owing to the war. I suggested to Lowinsohn that he should deal with the subject of the new French loan and that of " Chaudordy and Garibaldi's ear-clippers " in the Indfyendance Beige, with which he is connected. He promised to do this to-morrow. An article for the Kolnische Zeitung on the new French loan was accordingly despatched in the following form : — " Yet another loan ! With wicked unconcern the gentlemen who now preside over the fortunes of France, and who are plunging her deeper and deeper into moral and material ruin, are also trying to exploit foreign countries. This was to be anticipated for some time past, and we are therefore not sur- prised at it. We would, however, call the attention of the financial world to the very obvious dangers accompanying the advantages which will be offered to them. We will indicate them in a few words, in order to make the matter clear. High interest and a low rate of issue may be very tempting. But, on the other hand, the Government which makes this loan is recognised neither by the whole of France nor by a single European Power. Moreover, it should be remembered that we have already stated our intention that measures would be taken to prevent the repayment of certain loans which French munici- palities tried to raise for the purposes of the war. We imagine that is a sufficient hint that the same principle might be applied on a larger scale. The French Government which concludes 30O THE REICHSTAG DEPUTATION [Dec. 17 peace with Prussia and her allies (and that will presumably not be the present Government) will in all probability be bound, among other conditions of peace, not to recognise as binding the engagements for payment of interest and redemption of loans made by MM. Gambetta and Favre. The Government referred to will unquestionably have the right to do this, as those gentlemen, although it is true they speak in the name of France, have received no mission and no authority from the country. People should therefore be on their guard." Wollmann came up to me after 10 o'clock, and said that the deputation from the Reichstag had arrived. Their chairman, Simson, was now with the Chief, who would doubtless inform him of the King's disinclination to receive them before all the Princes had sent letters declaring their approval. These letters would go first to the King of Bavaria, who would afterwards send them to our King. All the Princes had already tele- graphed their approval — only Lippe still appeared to enter- tain scruples. Probably in consequence of this postponement it will be necessary for a few members of the deputation to fall ill. Saturday, December \jtJi. — In the course of the forenoon I wrote a second paragraph on the new French loan. In the afternoon wrote another article on the ever-increas- ing instances of French officers breaking their parole and absconding from the places where they were interned, and returning to France to take service against us again. Over fifty of these cases have occurred up to the present. They include officers of all ranks, and even three generals — namely, Ducrot, Cambriel, and Barral. After the battle of Sedan we could have rendered the army that was shut up in that fortress harmless by destroying it. Humanity, however, and faith in their pledged word induced us to forego that measure. The capitulation was granted, and we were justified in considering that all the officers had agreed to its terms and were prepared to fulfil the conditions which it imposed. If that was not the case, we ought to have been informed of the fact. We should then have treated those exceptions in an exceptional way, that is to say, not accorded to the officers in question the same treatment that was granted to the others. In other words, they would not have been allowed the liberty which they have 1S70J THE CROWN PRINCE AND THE BOMBARDMENT 301 now abused in such a disgraceful manner. It is true that the great majority of the captive officers have kept their word, and one might therefore have dismissed the matter with a shrug of the shoulders. But the affair assumes another aspect when the French Provisional Government approves this breach of their pledged word by reappointing such officers to the regi- ments that are opposing us in the field. Has there been a single case in which one of these deserters was refused read- mission to the ranks of the French army ? Or have any French officers protested against the readmission of such com- rades into their corps? It is, therefore, not the Government alone, but also the officers of France, who consider this dis- graceful conduct to be correct. The consequence, however, will be that the German Governments will feel bound in duty to consider whether the alleviation of their imprisonment hitherto accorded to French officers is consistent with the in- terests of Germany. And further, we must ask ourselves the question whether we shall be justified in placing confidence in any of the promises of the present French Government when it wants to treat with Germany, without material guarantees and pledges. We were joined at dinner by Herr Arnim-Krochlendorff, a brother-in-law of the Chief, a gentleman of energetic aspect, and apparently a little over fifty. The Minister was in very good humour, but the conversation this time was not particularly interesting. It chiefly turned upon the bombardment, and the attitude assumed towards that question by a certain party at headquarters. Arnim related that when Gravenitz spoke to the Crown Prince on the matter, the latter exclaimed : " Impossible ! nothing to be done; it would be to no purpose," and when Gravenitz ventured to argue the point, the Prince declared : " Well, then, if you know better, do it! Bombard it yourself ! " To which Gravenitz replied : " Your Royal Highness, I can only fire a feu de joie {ich kann nur Victoria sc/iiesscu)." The Chief remarked : " That sounds very equivocal. The Crown Prince told me the same thing, viz., if I thought the bombard- ment would be successful, I had better take over the command. I replied that I should like to very much — for twenty-four hours, but not longer." He then added in French, doubtless on account of the servants : " For I do not understand anything 302 THE REICHSTAG'S ADDRESS TO THE KING [Dec. 19 about it, although I believe I know as much as he does, for he has no great knowledge of these matters." Sunday, December iSth. — At 2 o'clock the Chief drove off to the Prefecture for the purpose of introducing the deputation of the Reichstag to the King. The Princes residing in Ver- sailles were in attendance upon his Majesty. After 2 o'clock the King, accompanied by the Heir Apparent and Princes Charles and Adalbert, entered the reception room where the other Princes, the Chancellor of the Confederation, and the Generals grouped themselves around him. Among those present were the Grand Dukes of Baden, Oldenburg, and Weimar, the Dukes of Coburg and Mciningen, the three Hereditary Grand Dukes, Prince William of Wurtemberg, and a number of other princely personages. Simson delivered his address to the King, who answered very much in the sense that had been anticipated. A dinner of eighty covers, which was given at 5 o'clock, brought the ceremony to a close. On our way back from the park Wollmann told me that the Chief had recently written to the King requesting to be per- mitted to take part in the councils of war. The answer, how- ever, was that he had always been called to join in councils of a political nature, as in 1866, that a similar course would also be followed in future, and that he ought to be satisfied with that. (This story is probably not quite correct, for Woll- mann is incapable of being absolutely accurate.) Monday, December igt/i. — I again wrote calling attention to the international revolution which arrays its guerilla bands and heroes of the barricades against us. The article was to the following effect : We understood at first that we were only fighting with France, and that was actually the case up to Sedan. After the 4th of September another power rose up against us, namely the universal Republic, an international asso- ciation of cosmopolitan enthusiasts who dream of the United States of Europe, &c. In the afternoon I took a walk in the park, in the course of which I twice met the Chief driving with Simson, the President of the Reichstag. The Minister was invited to dine with the Crown Prince at 7 o'clock, but first joined our table for half an hour. He spoke of his drive with Simson: "The last time he was here was after the July Revolution in 1830. I thought 1870J THE EMS DESPATCH 303 he would be interested in the park and the beautiful views, but he showed no sign of it. It would appear that he has no feel- ing for landscape beauty. There are many people of that kind. So far as I am aware, there are no Jewish landscape paint- ers, indeed no Jewish painters at all." Some one mentioned the names of Meyerheim and Bendemann. "Yes," the Chief replied, " Meyerheim : but Bendemann had only Jewish grand- parents. There are plenty of Jewish composers — Mendels- sohn, Halevy — but painters! It is true that the Jew paints, but only when he is not obliged to earn his bread thereby." Abeken alluded to the sermon which Rogge preached yester- day in the palace church, and said that he had made too much of the Reichstag deputation. He then added some slighting remarks about the Reichstag in general. The Chief replied : " I am not at all of that opinion — not in the least. They have just voted us another hundred millions, and in spite of their doctrinaire views they have adopted the Versailles treaties, which must have cost many of them a hard struggle. We ought to place that, at least, to their credit." Abeken then talked about the events at Ems which preceded the outbreak of the war, and related that on one occasion, after a certain despatch had been sent off, the King said, "Well, he " (Bismarck) " will be satisfied with us now ! " And Abeken added, "I believe you were." "Well," replied the Chancellor, laughing, "you may easily be mistaken. That is to say, I was quite satisfied with you. But not quite as much with our Most Gracious, or rather not at all. He ought to have acted in a more dignified way — and more resolutely." "I remem- ber," he continued, "how I received the news at Varzin. I had gone out, and on my return the first telegram had been deliv- ered. As I started on my journey I had to pass our pastor's house at Wussow. He was standing at his gate and saluted me. I said nothing, but made a thrust in the air — thus" (as if he were making a thrust with a sword). " He understood me, and I drove on." The Minister then gave some particulars of the wavering and hesitation that went on up to a certain inci- dent, which altered the complexion of things and was followed by the declaration of war. " I expected to find another tele- gram in Berlin answering mine, but it had not arrived. In the meantime I invited Moltke and Roon to dine with me that even- 304 EDITING THE KING'S TELEGRAM [Dec. 20 ing, and to talk over the situation, which seemed to me to be growing more and more unsatisfactory. Whilst we were din- ing, another long telegram was brought in. As I read it to them — it must have been about two hundred words — they were both actually terrified, and Moltke's whole being suddenly changed. He seemed to be quite old and infirm. It looked as if our Most Gracious might knuckle under after all. I asked him (Moltke) if, as things stood, we might hope to be victorious. On his replying in the affirmative, I said, ' Wait a minute ! ' and seating myself at a small table I boiled down those two hundred words to about twenty, but without otherwise altering or adding anything. It was Abeken's telegram, yet something different — shorter, more determined, less dubious. I then handed it over to them, and asked, ' Well, how does that do now ? ' ' Yes,' they said, ' it will do in that form.' And Moltke immediately became quite young and fresh again. He had got his war, his trade. And the thing really succeeded. The French were fearfully angry at the condensed telegram as it appeared in the newspapers, and a couple of days later they declared war against us." The conversation then wandered back to Pomerania, and if I am not mistaken to Varzin, where the Chief had, he said, taken much interest in a Piedmontese who had remained be- hind after the great French wars. This man had raised him- self to a position of consequence, and although originally a Catholic, had actually become a vestryman. The Minister mentioned other people who had settled and prospered in places where they had been accidentally left behind. There were also Italians taken as prisoners of war to a district in Further Pomerania, where they remained and founded fami- lies whose marked features still distinguish them from their neighbours. The Minister did not return from the Crown Prince's until past ten o'clock, and we then heard that the Crown Prince was coming to dine with us on the following evening. Tuesday, December 20th. — On the instructions of the Chief I wrote two articles for circulation in Germany. The first was as follows: "We have already found it neces- sary on several occasions to correct a misunderstanding or an intentional garbling of the words addressed bv King William 1S70J M. D'HAUSSONVILLE'S PAMPHLET 305 to the French people on the nth of August last. We are now once more confronted with the same attempt to falsify history, and to our surprise in a publication by an otherwise respect- able French historian. In a pamphlet entitled La France et la Prussc devant I Europe, M. d'Haussonville puts forward an assertion which docs little credit to his love of truth, or let us say his scientific accuracy. The whole pamphlet is shallow and superficial. It is full of exaggerations and errors, and of asser- tions that have no more value than mere baseless rumours. Of the gross blunders of the writer, who is obviously blinded by patriotic passion, we will only mention that, according to him, King William was on the throne during the Crimean War. But apart from this and other mistakes, we have here only to deal with his attempt to garble the proclamation issued to the French in August last, which, it may be observed, was written in French as well as in German, so that a misunderstanding would appear to be out of the question. According to M. d'Haussonville the King said: 'I am only waging war against the Emperor and not at all against France.' (Je nc fais la guerre qu'd I'Empe- rcur, et nullement a la France.) As a matter of fact, however, the document in question says: 'The German nation, which desired and still desires to live in peace with France, having been attacked at sea and on land by the Emperor Napoleon, I have taken the command of the German armies for the purpose of repelling this aggression. Owing to the course taken by the military operations, I have been led to cross the French frontier. I wage war against the soldiers and not against the citizens of France.' (L'empercur NapoUon ay ant attaque" par tcrre et par mcr la nation allemande, qui dc'sirait et desire encore vivre en paix avee la peuple francais, j'ai pris le conwiandement des amices allcmandcs pour rcpousser F agression, et fai e'te' anient par les e'v cue incuts militaires a passer les frontieres de la France. Jc fais la guerre aux soldats et non aux citoy ens francais?) The next sentence excludes all possibility of mistake as to the mean- ing of the foregoing statement : ' They (the French citizens) will accordingly continue to enjoy complete security of person and property so long as they themselves do not deprive me of the right to accord them my protection by acts of hostility against the German troops.' (Ccux-ci coutinueront, par conse- quent, ajouir d'une complete sccurite' pour leur personnes et leur 306 TROCHU AND THE ORLEANS [Dtc. 20 bicns, aussi longtcmps qiiils ne me priveront eux-memcs par des entreprises Jwstiles contre les troupes allcmandes du droit dc lair accordcr ma protection^) There is, in our opinion, a very obvi- ous difference between d'Haussonville's quotation and the origi- nal proclamation, and no obscurity can possibly be discovered in the latter to excuse a mistake." The second item ran thus : " The Delegation from the Gov- ernment of National Defence, which is at present in Bordeaux, has satisfied itself that further resistance to the German forces is useless, and it would, with the approval even of M. Gambetta, be prepared to conclude peace on the basis of the demands put forward by Germany. It is understood, however, that General Trochu has decided to continue the war. The Delegation en- tered into an engagement from Tours with General Trochu not to negotiate for peace without his consent. According to other reports, General Trochu has had provisions for several months stored in the fortress of Mont Valerien, so that he may fall back upon that position after Paris has had to capitulate with a sufficient force to exercise influence upon the fate of France after the conclusion of peace. His object, it is believed, is to promote the interests of the Orleans family, of which General Trochu is understood to be an adherent." On my taking these paragraphs into the office to have them sent off, Keudell told me the Chief had agreed that henceforth all State papers received and despatched should be shown to me if I asked for them. The Crown Prince and his aide-de-camp arrived shortly after six o'clock. The former had on his shoulder-straps the badges of his new military rank as field-marshal. He sat at the head of the table, with the Chief on his right and Abeken on his left. After the soup the conversation first turned on the subject which I had this morning worked up for the press, namely, that according to a communication from Israel, the secretary of Laurier, who acts as agent for the Provisional Government in London, Gambetta no longer believed in the possibility of successful resistance, and was disposed to con- clude peace on the basis of our demands. Trochu was the only member of the Government who wished to continue the struggle, but on his undertaking the defence of Paris, the others had bound themselves to act in concert with him in this respect. 1870J THE KING OF BAVARIA 307 The Chancellor observed : " He is understood to have had Mont Valerien provisioned for two months, so that he may fall back upon that position with the regular troops when it becomes necessary to surrender the city — probably in order to influence the conclusion of peace." He then continued : " Indeed, I be- lieve that France will break up into several pieces — the coun- try is already split up into parties. There are great differences of opinion between the different districts. Legitimists in Brit- tany, Red Republicans in the south, and Moderate Republicans elsewhere, while the regular army is still for the Emperor, or at least the majority of the officers are. It is possible that each section will follow its own convictions, one being Republican, another Bourbon, and a third Orleanist, according to the party that happens to have the most adherents, and then Napoleon's people — tetrarchies of Judea, Galilee, &c." The Crown Prince said it was believed that Paris must have a subterranean communication with the outer world. The Chief thought so too, and added : " But they cannot get pro- visions in that way, although, of course, they can receive news. I have been thinking whether it might not be possible to flood the catacombs from the Seine, and thus inundate the lower parts of the city. Of course the catacombs go under the Seine." The Chief then said that if Paris could be taken now it would produce a good effect upon public opinion in Bavaria, whence the reports were again unsatisfactory. Bray was not to be trusted, had not the interests of Germany at heart, in- clined to the Ultramontanes, had a Neapolitan wife, felt hap- piest in his memories of Vienna, where he lived for a long time, and seemed disposed to tack about again. " The King is, after all, the best of them all in the upper circles," said the Chan- cellor, " but he seems to be in bad health and eccentric, and nobody knows what may yet happen." " Yes, indeed," said the Crown Prince. " How bright and handsome he was formerly — a little too slight, but otherwise the very ideal of a young man. Now his complexion is yellow, and he looks old. I was quite shocked when I saw him." "The last time I saw him," said the Chancellor, " was at his mother's at Nymphenburg, in 1863, when the Congress of Princes was being held. Even at that time he had a strange look in his eyes. I remember that, 308 A COMPLIMENT FOR THE DIPLOMATS! [Dec. 20 when dining, he on one occasion drank no wine, and on another took eight or ten glasses — not at intervals, but hastily, one glass after another, at one draught, so that the servant scarcely liked to keep on filling his glass." The conversation then turned on the Bavarian Prince Charles, who was said to be strongly anti-Prussian, but too old and feeble to be very dangerous to the cause of German unity. Some one remarked : " Nature has very little to do with him as it is." "That reminds me of old Count Adlerberg," said the Minister, "who was also mostly artificial — hair, teeth, calves, and one eye. When he wanted to get up in the morning all his best parts lay on chairs and tables near the bed. You remem- ber the newly married man in the Fliegcndc Blatter who watched his bride take herself to pieces, lay her hair on the toilet table, her teeth on the chimney-piece, and other fragments elsewhere, and then exclaimed, ' But what remains for me ? ' " Moreover, Adlerberg, he went on to say, was a terrible bore, and it was owing to him that Countess Bismarck once fainted at a diplomatic dinner where she was seated between him and Stieg- litz. " She always faints when she is exceptionally bored, and for that reason I never take her with me to diplomatic dinners." " That is a pretty compliment for the diplomats," observed the Crown Prince. The Chief then related that one evening, not long ago, the sentry on guard at the Crown Prince's quarters did not want to let him go in, and only agreed to do so on his addressing him in Polish. " A few days ago I also tried to talk Polish with the soldiers in the hospital, and they brightened up wonderfully on hearing a gentleman speak their mother tongue. It is a pity that my vocabulary was exhausted. It would, perhaps, be a good thing if their commander-in-chief could speak to them." "There you are, Bismarck, coming back to the old story," said the Crown Prince, smiling. " No, I don't like Polish and I won't learn it. I do not like the people." " But, your Royal Highness, they are, after all, good soldiers and honest fellows when they have been taught to wash themselves and not to pil- fer." The Crown Prince : " Yes, but when they cast off the soldier's tunic they are just what they were before, and at bot- tom they are and still remain hostile to us." The Chief: "As to their hostility, that only applies to the nobles and their 1870] THE CROWN PRINCE UNCONVINCED 309 labourers, and all that class. A noble, who has nothing him- self, feeds a crowd of people, servants of all sorts, who also belong to the minor nobility, although they act as his domestics, overseers, and clerks. These stand by him when he rises in rebellion, and also the Komorniks, or day labourers. . . . The independent peasantry does not join them, however, even when egged on by the priests, who are always against us. We have seen that in Posen, when the Polish regiments had to be re- moved merely because they were too cruel to their own fellow- countrymen. ... I remember at our place in Pomerania there was a market, attended, on one occasion, by a number of Kas- subes (Pomeranian Poles). A quarrel broke out between one of them and a German, who refused to sell him a cow because he was a Pole. The Kassube was mortally offended, and shouted out: 'You say I'm a Polack. No, I'm just as much a Prussack as yourself ; ' and then, as other Germans and Poles joined in, it soon developed into a beautiful free fight." The Chief then added that the Great Elector spoke Polish as well as German, and that his successors also understood that language. Frederick the Great was the first who did not learn it, but then he also spoke better French than German. " That may be," said the Crown Prince, "but I am not going to learn Polish. I do not like it. They must learn German." With this remark the subject was allowed to drop. At dessert the Crown Prince, after asking if he might smoke a pipe, pulled out a short one with a porcelain bowl, on which an eagle was painted, while the rest of us lit our cigars. After dinner the Crown Prince and the Minister retired with the Councillors to the drawing-room, where they took coffee. Later on we were all sent for, and formally presented to the future Emperor by the Chief. We had to wait for about a quarter of an hour while the Chancellor was deep in conversa- tion with the Crown Prince. His august guest stood in the corner near one of the windows. The Chief spoke to him in a low tone, with his eyes mostly cast down, while the Crown Prince listened with a serious and almost sullen look. After the presentation I returned to the bureau, where I read the diplomatic reports and drafts of the last few days, amongst others the draft of the King's reply to the Reichstag deputation. This had been prepared by Abeken, and greatly 310 BISMARCK'S GREAT-GRANDFATHER [Dec. 21 altered by the Chief. Then an instruction from the Minister to the Foreign Office to the effect that if the Provincial Corre- spondent should again contain a commendation of Gambetta's energy or anything of that kind, every possible means should be immediately employed to prevent the publication. Also a report from Prince Reuss to the effect that Gortchakoff had replied in a negative sense to a sentimental communication of Gabriac's, adding that all the Russian Cabinet could do for the French at present was to act as letter-carrier in conveying their wishes to the Prussian Government. At tea Hatzfeld told me had been trying to decipher a Dutch report from Van Zuylen, which had come out with Wash- burne's budget, and had succeeded, though there were still a few doubtful points. He then showed it to me, and together we contrived to puzzle out some more of it. The despatch seems to be based throughout on good information, and to give a faithful account of the situation. At 10.30 p.m. summoned to the Chief, who wants the Moniteur to mention Gambetta's inclination to forego further resistance and Trochu's plan respecting Mont Valerien. Wednesday, December 2\st. — At dinner the Chief spoke of his great-grandfather, who, if I rightly understood him, fell at Czaslau. " The old people at our place often described him to my father. He was a mighty hunter before the Lord, and a great toper. Once in a single year he shot 154 red deer, a feat which Prince Frederick Charles will scarcely emulate, although the Duke of Dessau might. I remember being told that when he was stationed at Gollnow, the officers messed together, the Colonel presiding over the kitchen. It was the custom there for five or six dragoons to march in and fire a volley from their carbines at each toast. Altogether they had very curious cus- toms. For instance, instead of a plank bed they had as a punishment a so-called wooden donkey with sharp edges, upon which the men who had been guilty of any breach of discipline were obliged to sit, often for a couple of hours — a very painful punishment. On the birthday of the Colonel or of other officers, the soldiers always carried this donkey to the bridge and threw it into the river. But a new one was invariably provided. The Burgomaster's wife told my father that it must have been renewed a hundred times. I have a portrait of this great-grand- iS 7 o] A PRUSSIAN HINT TO ST. PETERSBURG 3 1 I father in Berlin. I am the very image of him, that is to say, I was when I was young — when I saw myself in the looking-glass." The Minister then related that it was owing to a relative of his, Finanzrath Kerl, that he was sent to Gottingen University. He was consigned to Professor Hausmann, and was to study mineralogy. "They were thinking, no doubt, of Leopold von Buch, and fancied it would be fine for me to go through the world like him, hammer in hand, chipping pieces off the rocks. Things, however, turned out differently. It would have been better if I had been sent to Bonn, where I should have met countrymen of my own. At Gottingen I had no one from my own part of the country, and so I met none of my Univer- sity acquaintances again until I saw a few of them in the Reichstag." Abeken said that after a brisk fire from the forts this morn- ing there had been a sortie of the Paris garrison, which was principally directed against the positions occupied by the Guards. It was, however, scarcely more than an artillery engagement, as the attack was known beforehand and preparations had been made to meet it. Hatzfeld said he should like to know how they were able to discover that a sortie was going to take place. It was suggested that in the open country movements of trans- ports and guns could not escape detection, as large masses of troops could not be concentrated on the point of attack in one night. "That was quite true," observed the Chief, with a laugh; " but often a hundred louis d'ors also form an important part of this military prescience." After dinner I read drafts and despatches, from which I ascertained, amongst other things, that as early as the 1st of September, Prussia had intimated in St. Petersburg that she would put no difficulties in the way of such action in the matter of the Black Sea as has now been taken. Later on I arranged that Lowinsohn should deal with the Gambetta-Trochu question in the Indepcndance Bclgc. Also informed him that Delbriick would be here again on the 28th inst. Thursday, December 22nd. — This time there were no stran- gers at dinner. The Chief was in excellent spirits, but the con- versation was of no special importance. A reference was made to yesterday's sortie, and the Chief 312 CARDINAL ANTONELLI [Dec. 22 remarked : "The French came out yesterday with three divisions, and we had only fifteen companies, not even four battalions, and yet we made nearly a thousand prisoners. The Parisians, with their attacks now here and now there, remind me of a French dancing master conducting a quadrille. " Ma commere, quand je danse Mon cotillon, va-t-il bien? II va de ci, il va de la, Comme la queue de notre chat." Later on the Chief remarked : " Our august master is not at all pleased at the idea of Antonelli at length deciding to come here. He is uneasy about it. I am not." Abeken said: "The newspapers express very different opinions about Antonelli. At one time he is described as a man of great intelligence and acumen; then again as a sly intriguer, and shortly after- wards as a stupid fellow and a blockhead." The Chief replied : " It is not in the press alone that you meet with such contra- dictions. It is the same with many diplomats. Goltz and our Harry (von Arnim). We will leave Goltz out of the question — that was different. But Harry — to-day this way and to-morrow that! When I used to read a number of his reports together at Varzin, I found his opinion of people change entirely a couple of times every week, according as he had met with a friendly or unfriendly reception. As a matter of fact, he sent different opinions by every post, and often by the same post." Afterwards read reports from Rome, London, and Con- stantinople, and the replies sent to them. According to Ar- nim's despatch, Monsignor Franchi informed him that the Pope and Antonelli wished to send a mission to Versailles to congratulate the King on his accession to the imperial dignity, and at the same time to induce the French clergy to promote the liberation of the country from Gambetta, and the negotia- tion of peace with us on the basis of a cession of territory. In certain circumstances Antonelli himself would undertake the task, in which the Archbishop of Tours had failed, of securing an acceptable peace. In reply to this communication Arnim was informed that it was still uncertain whether Bavaria would agree to the scheme of Fmperor and Empire. We should, nevertheless, carry it through. But, in that case, its chief iS 7 o) OVERTURES FROM THE EMPRESS EUGENIE 313 support having been found in public opinion, the (mainly Ultra- montane) elements of resistance would be in still more marked opposition to the new Germany. Bernstorff reports that the former Imperial Minister, Duvernois, had called upon him at Eugenie's instance and suggested a cession of territory to us equal in extent to that acquired by the Empire in Nice and Savoy. The Empress wished to issue a proclamation. Per- signy was of a different opinion, as he considered the Empress's to be impossible. Bonnechose, the Archbishop of Rouen, ex- pressed a similar opinion to Manteuffel. The reply sent to Bernstorff was that we could not negotiate with the Empress (who, moreover, does not appear to be reliable or politically capable), unless Persigny was in agreement with her, and that Duvernois' overture was unpractical. Ali Pasha is prepared to agree to the abolition of the neutrality of the Black Sea, but demands in compensation the full sovereignty of the Porte over the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. This was telegraphed by us to St. Petersburg, and there agreed to ; whereupon Brunnow (the Russian Ambassador in London) received the necessary instructions in the matter. Friday, December 23rd. — It was mentioned at dinner that General von Voigts-Rhetz was outside Tours, the inhabitants having offered so much resistance that it was found necessary to shell the town. The Chief added: " He ought not to have stopped firing when they hoisted the white flag. I would have continued to shell them until they sent out four hundred host- ages." He again condemned the leniency of the officers tow- ards civilians who offer resistance. Even notorious treachery was scarcely punished as it ought to be, and so the French imagined that they could do what they liked against us. " Here is, for instance, this Colonel Krohn," he continued. " He first has a lawyer tried for aiding and abetting franctireurs, and then, when he sees him condemned, he sends in first one and then another petition for mercy, instead of letting the man be shot, and finally despatches the wife to me with a safe conduct. Yet he is generally supposed to be an energetic officer and a strict disciplinarian, but he can hardly be quite right in his head." From the discussion of this foolish leniency the conversation turned on General von Unger, Chief of the Staff to the 7th 3 14 GERMAN WEAKNESSES [Dec. 23 Army Corps, who had gone out of his mind, and had to be sent home. He is, it seems, generally moody and silent, but occa- sionally breaks out into loud weeping. " Yes," sighed the Chief, " officers in that position are terribly harassed. Con- stantly at work, always responsible, and yet unable to get things done, and hampered by intrigue. Almost as bad as a Minister. I know that sort of crying myself. It is over-excitement of the nerves, hysterical weeping. I, too, had it at Nikolsburg and badly. A Minister is just as badly treated — all sorts of wor- ries — an incessant plague of midges. Other things can be borne, but one must be properly treated. I cannot endure shabby treatment. If I were not treated with courtesy, I should be inclined to throw my ribbon of the Black Eagle into the dust-bin." The Versailles Moniteur having been mentioned, the Chief observed : " Last week they published a novel by Heyse, the scene of which is laid in Meran. Such sentimental twaddle is quite out of place in a paper published at the cost of the King, which after all this one is. The Versailles people do not want that either. They look for political news and military intelligence from France, from England, or, if you like, from Italy, but not such namby-pamby trash. I have also a touch of poetry in my nature, but the first few sentences of that stuff were enough for me." Abeken, at whose instance the novel was published, stood up for the editor, and said the story had been taken from the Revue dcs Deux Mondes, an admittedly high-class periodical. The Chief, however, stuck to his own opinion. Somebody remarked that the Moniteur was now written in better French. "It may be," said the Minister, "but that is a minor point. However, we are Germans, and as such we always ask ourselves, even in the most exalted regions, if we please our neighbours and if what we do is to their satisfac- tion. If they do not understand, let them learn German. It is a matter of indifference whether a proclamation is written in a good French style or not, so long as it is otherwise adequate and intelligible. Moreover, we cannot expect to be masters of a foreign language. A person who has only used it occasionally for some two and a half years cannot possibly express himself as well as one who has used it for fifty-four years." Steinmetz's proclamation then received some ironical praise, and a couple 1870] NAFOLEON III. 315 of extraordinary expressions were quoted from it. Lehndorff said : " It was not first-class French, but it was, at any rate, intelligible." The Chief : " Yes, it is their business to under- stand it. If they cannot, let them find some one to translate it for them. Those people who fancy themselves merely be- cause they speak good French are of no use to us. But that is our misfortune. Whoever cannot speak decent German is a made man, especially if he can murder English. Old (I understood, Meyendorff ) once said to me : ' Don't trust any Englishman who speaks French with a correct accent.' I have generally found that true. But I must make an exception in favour of Odo Russell." The name of Napoleon III. then came up. The Chief regarded him as a man of limited intelligence. " He is much more good-natured and much less acute than is usually be- lieved." "Why," interrupted Lehndorff, "that is just what some one said of Napoleon I. : ' A good honest fellow, but a fool.' " " But seriously," continued the Chief, " whatever one may think of the coup d'etat he is really good-natured, sensitive, even sentimental, while his intellect is not brilliant and his knowledge limited. He is a specially poor hand at geography, although he was educated in Germany, even going to school there, — and he entertains all sorts of visionary ideas. In July last he spent three days shilly-shallying without being able to come to a decision, and even now he does not know what he wants. People would not believe me when I told them so a long time ago. Already in 1854-55 I told the King, Napoleon has no notion of what we are. When I became Minister I had a conversation with him in Paris. He believed there would cer- tainly be a rising in Berlin before long and a revolution all over the country, and in a plebiscite the King would have the whole people against him. I told him then that our people do not throw up barricades, and that revolutions in Prussia are only made by the Kings. If the King could only bear the strain for three or four years, he would carry his point. Of course the alienation of public sympathy was unpleasant and inconvenient. But if the King did not grow tired and leave me in the lurch, I should not fall. If an appeal were made to the population, and a plebiscite were taken, nine-tenths of them would vote for the King. At that time the Emperor 316 OFFICIAL BYZANTINISM [Dec. 24 said of me: 'CV 11 est pas un homme se'rieux.' Of course I did not remind him of that in the weaver's house at Don- chery." Somebody then mentioned that letters to Favre began "Monsieur le Ministre," whereupon the Chief said : " The next time I write to him I shall begin HochwoJdgeborncr Herr!" This led to a Byzantine discussion of titles and forms of address, Excellent, Hochwohlgcborcn, and WoJilgeboren. The Chancellor entertained decidedly anti-Byzantine views. "All that should be dropped," he said. " I do not use those ex- pressions any longer in private letters, and officially I address councillors down to the third class as Hochwohlgeboren." Abeken, a Byzantine of the purest water, declared that dip- lomats had already resented the occasional omission of portions of their titles, and that only councillors of the second class were entitled to Hochwolrfgeboren. "Well," said the Chief, "I want to see all that kind of thing done away with as far as we are concerned. In that way we waste an ocean of ink in the course of the year, and the taxpayer has good reason to com- plain of extravagance. I am quite satisfied to be addressed simply as ' Minister President Count von Bismarck.' " Saturday, December 24th. — Bucher told us at lunch he had heard from Berlin that the Queen and the Crown Princess had become very unpopular, owing to their intervention on behalf of Paris ; and that the Princess, in the course of a conversation with Putbus, struck the table and exclaimed : " For all that, Paris shall not be bombarded ! " We are joined at dinner by Lieutenant-Colonel von Becke- dorff, an old and intimate friend of the Chief, who said to him : " If I had been an officer — I wish I were — I should now have an army and we should not be here outside Paris." He pro- ceeded to give reasons for believing that it was a mistake to have waited and invested Paris. With regard to the operations of the last few weeks, he criticised the advance of the army so far to the north and south-west and the intention of advancing still further. "If it should become necessary to retire from Rouen and Tours, the French will think they have beaten us. It is an unpractical course to march on every place where a mob has been collected. We ought to remain within a certain line. It may be urged that in that case the French would be i« 7 oJ HOW BATTLES ARE FOUGHT 317 able to carry on their organisation beyond that line. But they will always be able to do that even if we advance, and we may be obliged ultimately to follow them to the Pyrenees and the Mediterranean." " When we were still at Mayence, I thought that the best plan would be for us to take what we wanted to keep and occupy some five other departments as a pledge for the payment of the cost of the war, and then let the French try to drive us out of our positions." A further discussion of the conduct of the war followed, in the course of which the Chief remarked: "With us it occasion- ally happens that it is not so much the generals who begin and direct the course of battles as the troops themselves. Just as it was with the Greeks and Trojans. A couple of men jeer at each other and come to blows, lances are flourished, others rush in with their spears, and so it finally comes to a pitched battle. First the outposts fire without any necessity, then if all goes well others press forward after them; at the start a non-com- missioned officer commands a batch of men, then a lieutenant advances with more men, after him comes the regiment, and finally the general must follow with all the troops that are left. It was in that way that the battle of Spicheren began, and also that of Gravelotte, which properly speaking should not have taken place until the 19th. It was different at Vionville. There our people had to spring at the French like bulldogs and hold them fast. At St. Privat the Guards made a foolish attack merely out of professional jealousy of the Saxons, and then when it failed threw the blame on the Saxon troops, who could not have come a minute sooner with the long march they had had to make, and who afterwards rescued them with wonderful gallantry." Later on I was summoned to see the Chief. Various articles are to be written on the barbarous manner in which the French are conducting the war — and not merely the f ranctireurs, but also the regulars, who are almost daily guilty of breaches of the Geneva Convention. The French appear only to know, and appeal to, those clauses that are advantageous to themselves. In this connection should be mentioned the firing at flags of truce, the ill-treatment and plundering of doctors and hospital bearers and attendants, the murder of wounded soldiers, the misuse of the Geneva Cross by franctireurs, the employment of 318 BISMARCK'S "GEWGAWS" [Dec. 26 explosive bullets, and the treatment of German ships and crews by French cruisers in breach of the law of nations. The con- clusion to be as follows : — The present French Government is greatly to blame for all this. It has instigated a popular war and can no longer check the passions it has let loose, which disregard international law and the rules of war. They are responsible for all the severity which we are obliged to employ against our own inclinations and contrary to our nature and habits, as shown in the conduct of the Schleswig and Austrian campaigns. At 10 p.m. the Chief received the first class of the Iron Cross. At tea Hatzfeld informs me that he is instructed to collect all the particulars published by the newspapers respecting the cruelties of the French, and asks whether I would not prefer to undertake that task. After I promised to do so, he continued : " Moreover, I believe the Chief only sent for me in order to tell me his opinion of the new decoration." He said to Hatzfeld : " I have already enough of these gewgaws, and here is the good King sending me the first class of the Iron Cross. I shall be thoroughly ridiculous with it, and look as if I had won a great battle. If I could at least send my son the second class which I no longer want ! " Sunday, December 2$th. — Cardinal Bonnechose of Rouen is said to be coming here. He and Persigny want to convoke the old Legislative Assembly, and still more the Senate, which is composed of calmer and riper elements, in order to discuss the question of peace. The Chief is believed to have made representations to the King respecting the expediency, on po- litical grounds, of greater concentration in the military opera- tions. We had no guests at dinner, and the conversation was, for the most part, not worth repeating. The following may, how- ever, be noted. Abeken said he had observed that I was keep- ing a very complete diary, and Bohlen added in his own lively style : " Yes, he writes down : ' At 45 minutes past 3 o'clock Count or Baron So-and-so said this or that,' as if he were going to swear to it at some future time." Abeken said: "That will one day be material for history. If one could only live to read it ! " I replied that it would certainly furnish material for 1S70J MY "MATERIAL FOR HISTORY" 319 history, and very trustworthy material, but not for thirty years to come. The Chief smiled and said : " Yes, and the reference will then be : ' Conferas Buschii, cap. 3, p. 20.' " After dinner I read State documents and ascertained from them that an extension of the German frontier towards the west was first officially submitted to the King, at Herny, on the 14th of August. It was only on the 2nd of September that the Baden Government sent in a memorial in the same sense. Monday, December 26th. — Waldersee dined with us. The conversation was almost entirely on military subjects. With respect to the further conduct of the war, the Chief said that the wisest course would be to concentrate our forces in Alsace- Lorraine, the department of the Meuse, and another neighbour- ing department, which would amount to a strip of territory with about 2,600,000 inhabitants. If one took in a few other depart- ments in addition, without Paris, it would amount to about seven millions, or with Paris to about nine million inhabitants. In any case the operations should be limited to a smaller area than that occupied by our armies at present. People's ability to carry liquor was then discussed, and the Chief observed : " Formerly drink did not affect me in the least. When I think of my performances in that line ! The strong wines, particularly Burgundy ! " The conversation afterwards turned for a while on card-playing, and the Minister remarked that he had also done a good deal in that way formerly. He had once played twenty-one rubbers of whist, for instance, one after the other — "which amounts to seven hours' time." He could only feel an interest in cards when playing for high stakes, and then it was not a proper thing for the father of a family. This subject had been introduced by a remark of the Chief's that somebody was a " Riemchenstecher." He asked if we understood what the word meant, and then proceeded to explain it. " Riemchenstechen " is an old soldiers' game, and a " Riem- chenstecher " is not exactly a scamp, but rather a sly, sharp fellow. The Minister then related how he had seen a father do his own son at cards out of a sum of twelve thousand thalers. " I saw him cheat, and made a sign to the son, who understood 320 A CHRISTMAS CUTTING FOR THE KING [Dec. 26, 1870 me. He lost the game and paid, although it cost him two years' income. But he never played again." After dinner wrote another article on the barbarity with which the French wage war, and cut out for the King an article from the Staatsbuergerzcitung, recommending a less considerate treatment of the enemy. CHAPTER XVI FIRST WEEK OF THE BOMBARDMENT Ox Tuesday, the 27th of December, the long-wished-for bombardment of Paris at length began, commencing on the east side. As the following particulars show, we at first knew nothing of it, and afterwards also it was only for a few days that the firing gave an impression of being particularly violent. We very soon grew accustomed to it, and it never entirely diverted our attention even from trifles, nor caused any lengthy interruption of our work or of the flow of thought. The French forts had been prepared for it. The diary may now resume its narrative. From early morning on Tuesday until far into the day there was a heavy fall of snow and rather severe cold. In the morn- ing Theiss, who serves Abeken as well as myself, and who seems to consider that our old Geheimrath is a Catholic, told me : — "He always reads his prayers in the morning. I believe it is Latin. He speaks very loud, so that he can sometimes be heard in the antechamber. Probably it's a mass." He then added that Abeken supposed the heavy firing that was heard from 7 a.m. was the commencement of the bombardment. Wrote several letters to Berlin with instructions as to articles. Bray is to be sharply attacked by our newspapers. After 12 o'clock I telegraph to London on the instructions of the Chief that the bombardment of the outer fortifications began this morning. Our artillery has commenced with an attack upon Mont Avron, a redoubt near Bondy, and it appears that the Saxons had the honour to fire the first shot. The Minister remained in bed the whole day, not because he was particularly unwell, but, as he told me, to maintain an equable warmth. He was also absent from dinner, at which we were joined by Count Solms. The only point of note in the VOL. T. Y ^21 322 BONArARTIST ACTIVITY [Dec. 29 conversation was Abcken's mention of a very pretty poem in the Kladderadatsch, on the Duke of Coburg — probably a panegyric. The Bonapartists seem to have become very active, and to entertain great plans. According to Bernstorff's despatches Persigny and Palikao intend to get us to grant neutrality to Orleans, and to convoke there the Corps Legislatif to decide whether the country is to have a republic or a monarchy, and if the latter which dynasty is to reign. It is intended, however, to wait for a while, until greater discouragement shall have made the people more accommodating. Bonnechose proposes to attempt a negotiation for peace between Germany and France. This prelate was formerly a lawyer, and only entered holy orders subsequently. He is considered to be intelligent, is con- nected with the Jesuits, and, although in politics he is really a Legitimist, he has a high opinion of Eugenie because of her piety. He was an ardent supporter of the doctrine of infalli- bility, and expects to be elected Pope, which position he has indeed some prospect of attaining. The Archbishop told Pro- fessor Wagener, who had been sent to see him by Manteuffel respecting the hospital arrangements, that he could induce Trochu, with whom he is acquainted, to surrender Paris in case we did not insist upon a cession of territory. The Arch- bishop suggested that instead of a cession of territory we might demand the return of Nice and Savoy to Victor Emmanuel, and then oblige the latter to restore their territories to the Pope and to the Sovereigns of Tuscany and Naples. In that way we should win renown as the protectors of order and the restorers of justice in Europe. A strange idea indeed ! The Chief has given directions to adopt the severest meas- ures against Noquet le Roi, where a surprise by franctireurs was assisted by the inhabitants. He has also rejected the appeal of the mayor and municipality of Chatillon to be relieved from a contribution of a million francs imposed upon the town as a penalty for similar conduct. In both cases he was guided by the principle that the population must be made to suffer by the war in order to render them more disposed to peace. At 1 1 p.m. called to the Chief, who gave me several news- paper articles from Berlin "for the collection " (of examples of French barbarity in the conduct of the war which I have begun iS 7 o] AN AMERICAN LADY'S LETTER 323 under his instructions), as well as two other articles that arc to be sent to the King. Wednesday, December 2%tJi. — Snowfall and moderately cold. The Chief again kept to his room to-day. He handed me a letter in French, dated the 25th instant, which he had received from " Une Americaine." I am to make what use I like of it. It runs as follows : — " Graf von Bismarck. Jouissez autant que possible, Herr Graf, du climat frais de Versailles, car, un jour, vous aurez a supporter des chaleurs infernales pour tous les malheurs que vous avez causes a la France et a l'Allemagne." That is all! His Excellency Herr Delbriick again lunches with us. He is convinced that the Second Bavarian Chamber will ultimately approve the Versailles treaties just as the North German Diet did, respecting whose decision he had been really uneasy for some days. Thursday, December 29///. —The Minister still remains in bed, but works there, and does not seem to be particularly unwell. In the afternoon I translated for the King Granville's de- spatch to Loftus respecting Bismarck's circular on the Luxem- burg affair. Afterwards studied documents. In the middle of October the Chief received a memorial from Coburg with pro- posals as to a reorganisation of Germany. These also included the restoration of the imperial dignity, and finally the substitu- tion for the Bundesrath of a Federal Ministry, and the creation of a Reichsrath to consist of representatives of the Govern- ments and delegates from the Diets. The Chief replied to this memorial that some of the ideas brought forward were already for some time past in process of realisation. He could not agree to the proposals as to a Federal Ministry and the Reichs- rath, as he considered them calculated to hamper the new organisation, and, if necessary, he would openly declare against them. It is reported from Brussels that the King of the Bel- gians is well disposed towards us, but has no means of controll- ing the anti-German press of the country. The Grand Duke of Hesse has stated that Alsace and Lorraine must become Prus- sian provinces. Dalwigk (his Minister), who is as opposed to us as ever, wishes to see the territory to be ceded by France incorporated with Baden. The Grand Duchy would then cede 324 THE BAVARIAN COURT [Dec. 30 the district near Heidelberg and Mannheim to Bavaria, whose connection with the Palatinate on the left bank of the Rhine would be thus reestablished. In Rome the Pope wishes to undertake " mediation " between ourselves and France. The expression quoted was objected to by Arnim as inappropriate. The following particulars relating to the King of Bavaria are contained in a report from Munich : " His kingdom is not of this world. It has been further observed that Major Sauer has no longer any influence upon him, while that of Privy Councillor Eisenhart has increased, as indeed also that of Count Holnstein. He is not coming to Versailles, in the first place because he would be obliged to ride, which he can no longer do with comfort, and in the next place because he does not like to play second fiddle. All that Bray thinks of is to keep his own position in Vienna warm, if only for the sake of his livelihood." Lutz is "the tite forte in the Ministry, and is very ambitious." The Princes Karl and Ludwig are strongly anti-Prussian. The Nuncio's secretary exercises a great influence with his chief. — Read a letter from King Lewis to our Crown Prince. It was written at the commencement of the war. The handwriting is coarse and ugly and the lines are not straight. It expresses a hope that the independence of Bavaria will be respected. Otherwise the tone of the epistle is soundly patriotic. In the evening I handed Bucher, as material for an article, all the newspaper reports I have collected on the barbarous conduct of the war by the French, contrary to the law of nations. At 10 o'clock I was called to the Chief, who was lying be- fore the fire on a sofa, wrapt in a blanket. He said : " Well, we've got him ! " " Whom, your Excellency ? " " Mont Avron." He then showed me a letter from Count Waldersee, reporting that this redoubt was occupied by the troops of the 1 2th Army Corps this afternoon. " It is to be hoped that they have laid no mine and that the poor Saxons will not be blown up." I telegraphed the news of this first success in the bom- bardment to London, but in cipher, "as otherwise the general staff might be angry." Subsequently the Chancellor sent for me once more to show me an outburst of the Vienna Tagcblatt which has been repro- duced bv the KohiisrJtc Zcitnnr. It declares that Bismarck has 1870J IRK.Vll DEMORALISATION 325 been thoroughly deceived as to the power of resistance of Paris, and in his overhaste, which has already cost the lives of hun- dreds of thousands (why not at once say millions ?), has put for- ward excessive demands in connection with the peace. We reply, through the SpcncrscJic Zeitung, that up to the present no one knows what the Chancellor's conditions are, as he has not yet had any opportunity of stating them officially, but they do not in any case go so far as German public opinion, which almost unanimously demands the cession of , all Lorraine. No one can say either what his views were respecting the power of resistance of Paris, as he has never had to give official expres- sion to them. Friday, December 50th. — The bitter cold of the last few days still continues. In consequence of his indisposition the Chief still keeps to his room, and is indeed mostly in bed. In the morning, on his instructions, I telegraphed particulars of the occupation of Mont Avron, and of the disgraceful conduct of the French authorities, who, according to the official ac- knowledgment of the delegation at Tours, have offered a pre- mium to imprisoned officers to return to France, in breach of their word of honour. On the suggestion of the Chief I write paragraphs on this subject for the German press as well as for the local Moniteur to the following effect : — "We have frequently had occasion to direct attention to the profound demoralisation manifested by French statesmen and officers in the matter of military honour. A communication, which reaches us from a trustworthy source, proves that we had not up to the present realised how deep and widespread that evil is. We have now before us an official order issued by the French Ministry of War, the 5th Bureau of the 6th Depart- ment, which bears the title ' Solde et revues.' It is dated from Tours on the 13th of November, and is signed by Lieutenant- Colonel Alfred Jerald, and by Colonel Tissier of the general staff of the 17th Army Corps. This order, which is based upon another dated the 10th of November, assures all French officers imprisoned in Germany, without distinction, a money payment in case they escape from custody. We repeat, all the French officers without distinction ; that is to say also those who have given their word of honour not to escape. The premium offered for such dishonourable conduct amounts to 326 BISMARCK AND BF.UST [Jan. 3 750 francs. A measure of this description needs no comment. Honour (which is the dearest treasure of every German officer and — -duty and justice demand that we should add — formerly also of all French officers) is regarded by the men who came to power on the 4th of September as a commodity to be bought and sold, and indeed very cheaply. In this way officers of the French army will come to believe that France is no longer administered by a Government, but is on the contrary exploited by a trading firm, and one with lax principles of honesty and decency, under the title of ' Gambetta and Co.' 'Who'll buy gods ? ' ' Who'll sell his word of honour ? ' " Afterwards I write another short article on an error fre- quently committed by the Kolnisc/ic Zcitung and recently re- peated in connection with the Chancellor's despatch to Vienna. The great Rhenish newspaper writes: "Ever since 1866 we have been amongst those who have persistently warned both Vienna and Berlin to dismiss their idle jealousies and to come to the best understanding possible in the circumstances. We have often regretted the personal irritation between Bismarck and Beust which appears to stand in the way of such a rapprochement, &c." The reply is to the following effect: — " It has been observed that the Kolnischc Zcitung has already frequently sought to explain political acts and omissions of the Chancellor of the Confederation by personal motives, personal likes and dislikes, personal disposition and ill humour; and we have here a further instance of this unjustifiable course. We cannot imagine why such suspicions are time after time brought forward. We only know that absolutely no feeling of personal irritation exists between the Chancellor of the North German Confederation and the Chancellor of the Austria-Hungarian Monarchy, and indeed that, previous to 1866, when they often came into personal contact, they were on excellent terms, as Count Bismarck himself declared in the North German Reichs- tag. Since then nothing has happened between them as private persons calculated to create bitterness, if for no other reason than because they have had no personal intercourse. If they have taken up a position more or less antagonistic to each other, the reasons are obvious. Up to the present they were the representatives of different political systems, and acted upon different political principles which it was difficult, al- kS 7 i] treatment oe the alsacians 327 though not quite impossible, to reconcile. This, and this alone, is the sole explanation of what the Kblnische Zcitiing ascribes to personal motives, from which the thoughts and acts of no statesman of the present day are farther removed than those of the Chancellor of the Confederation. It may also be remarked incidentally that not only has Count Bismarck not been ' thoroughly ' deceived as to the power of resistance of Paris, but he has not been deceived at all. His opinion has never been asked on the subject; but we know on the best authority that months ago he regarded the capture of the city as difficult, and was decidedly opposed to the investment even before the fall of Metz." In reading documents in the evening I find that the Chief has had a letter sent to General Bismarck-Bohlen stating that he does not agree with the general in thinking that his main task should be to alleviate the misery caused by the war, and to render the Alsacians well disposed towards the future masters of the country. For the moment his first business must be to promote the objects of the war and to secure the safety of the troops. He should therefore expel such French officials as will not take service under us, including the magis- trates who will not discharge the duties of their office; and he should also withhold the payment of pensions directing the pensioners to apply to the Government at Tours. Under such conditions the people would be more disposed to call for peace. Saturday, December 51st. — All our people are ailing. I also begin to feel exhausted. It will be well to shorten the night work which my diary entails, or to interrupt it altogether for a few days. Tuesday, January yrd. — I observe that the opinion already expressed by the Chief on several occasions, that the dispersion of the German forces towards the north and south-west is dangerous, and that more concentration is desirable, is also held elsewhere. A military authority has written on this sub- ject in the Vienna Prcsse ; and the National Zeititng of the 31st of December publishes an article w r hich is even more in harmony with the Chief's views. It says, inter alia: — "The withdrawal of our troops from Dijon and the non-occupation of Tours, to the gates of which a division of the 10th Army 328 A NATIONAL ASSEMBLY FOR FRANCE [Jan. 6 Corps had advanced, give perhaps an indication of the views entertained generally on the German side, and which will govern the continuation of the campaign. It may possibly be expected that France will forego further resistance after the fall of Paris, and will agree to the German conditions of peace. That, however, is not certain, and it is necessary to be prepared for an opposite contingency. In any case the fall of Paris will not be immediately followed by the establishment of a Govern- ment generally recognised and supported by a National Assem- bly, with which we could enter into negotiations for peace. Then if hostilities are to be continued they cannot aim at con- quering the whole of such an extensive country as France. Our army, as hitherto, might indeed be everywhere victorious and disperse the hostile forces. That, however, would not be sufficient. It would be necessary to organise a new civil admin- istration in all the conquered districts and to subject the popu- lation to its rule. liven in the country lying between the Channel and the Loire our forces would not be sufficient to completely secure the safety of communications and to main- tain the authority of a foreign administration in each town and village, to prevent treacherous attacks and to collect the taxes as well as the contributions and supplies that are indispensable for the purposes of the war. To extend the area of occupation indefinitely would not only be to overtax our military power, however highly we may rate it, but to unduly drain our home ser- vices for the necessary supply of civil administrators. There- fore, if peace is not attainable within a very short time our military authorities must set clear and distinct limits to the task which they propose to themselves. They must select a fixed portion of French territory, which they can occupy so com- pletely that we shall have full command over it, and can retain it as long as may be desired. This portion should include the capital and the best provinces, with the finest and most war- like population, and it would have, of course, to bear the whole burden and cost of the war until a peace party had grown up throughout the country strong enough to force its views upon the government of the day. The occupied territory should be so limited as to make its defence as easy as possible from a military point of view. Of course further offensive operations for temporary purposes might be undertaken beyond those iS 7 i| BISMARCK UNWELL 329 lines, but there should from the beginning be no intention of going permanently beyond them. In the meantime the work of annexation should be proeeeded with in those districts which Germany requires for the security of her frontier without await- ing the conclusion of peace." Friday, January 6t/i. — Up to yesterday the cold was very severe. The Chief has been unwell nearly the whole week. Yesterday for the first time he went out for a short drive, and again this afternoon. The Bureau has been reinforced by two officials, namely Oberregierungsrath Wagener and Baron von Holstein, a secretary of embassy. Amongst the articles which I have written within the last few days was one concerning the withdrawal of a number of railway waggons from home traffic, and consequently from the use of German industry, solely for the purpose of collecting provisions here in anticipation of the time when famine shall at length compel Paris to surrender. I described this as humane, but unpractical and impolitic, as the Parisians, when they hear that we have made preparations for that event, will continue their resistance to the last crust of bread and the last joint of horseflesh. We shall, therefore, ourselves be contributing through such acts of humanity to a prolongation of the siege. It is not for us to provide against the threatened danger of famine by establishing storehouses or collecting the means of transport for reprovisioning the city, but rather for the Parisians themselves by means of a timely capitulation. I yesterday translated for the use of the King two English docu- ments respecting the sinking of English coal ships near Rouen by our troops, who considered the measure necessary. After dinner I read despatches and drafts. A demand has been addressed to the German railways to supply a number of waggons ( " 2,800 axles " ) for the purpose of transporting provisions to Paris. The Chief entered an energetic protest against this measure, which would be prejudicial to us from a political standpoint, as the knowledge of those provisions would enable the holders of power in Paris to exhaust all their sup- plies before finally yielding, without any fear of famine at the last moment. A telegram was sent to Itzenplitz on the 3rd of January suggesting that he should not deliver a single waggon for this purpose, and asking him to reply by wire whether he would decline such requisitions. If not, the Chief " would 330 A LETTER FROM THE KING OF SWEDEN [Jan. 8 request his Majesty to relieve him from all responsibility." Itzenplitz telegraphed back that he agreed with the views of the Chancellor of the Confederation, and would act accordingly. A letter trom the King of Sweden, addressed to a Commandant Verrier in Erfurt, is to be returned through the Dead Letter Office. His Swedish Majesty, whom we know not to be par- ticularly well disposed towards us, says in this epistle, which, by the way, is written in bad French, with many orthographi- cal errors, that he regrets to have to watch the struggle with "folded arms," and to be obliged to "eat his bread in peace." " lYous nous armotis tardivement, he'las ! mats avcc vigucur, et fespbre que Ic jour de vengeance arrivcra ! " Vengeance ? What have the Swedes to avenge upon us ? It would seem as if Prince Charles of Rumania were no longer able to manage the local extremists, and were thinking of abdicating and leaving the country. "We have no political interests in Rumania." The Chief has made representations to the King suggesting a limitation of the scat of war for political reasons, namely on the ground that only thus shall we be able to maintain our po- sition in the occupied portions of France and take full advan- tage of our occupation ; and he has further proposed that we should give notice to withdraw from the Geneva Convention, which is unpractical. Bonncchose has, at the instance of the Pope, addressed a letter to King William in favour of peace, but of an "honourable" peace, that is to say, one that would not involve a cession of territory. That we could have had twelve weeks ago from Monsieur Favre, if the Chief had not preferred a useful peace. For this reason the Minister recom- mended that the letter should be left unanswered. According to an intimation from Persigny, Prince Napoleon wishes to come to Versailles in order to act as intermediary. He is a highly intelligent and amiable gentleman, but enjoys little con- sideration in France, and therefore the Chancellor declined to negotiate with him. In the London Conference on the Black Sea question we are to give every possible support to Russia's demands. The Dowager Queen at Dresden has suggested to Fichmann (the Prussian Minister) that it would be an indica- tion of confidence in Saxony if we were to allow them to garri- son Konigstcin with Saxon troops alone. Saturday, January yth. — Haber suggested that possibly i X 7 1 ] THE PLEASURES OF THE TABLE 331 some political documents of importance for us might be found in Odillon Barrot's house at Bougival. I asked the Minister's permission to go over therewith Buchcr. He replied: "That is all very well, but is it a private library ? I must preserve the things for M. Odillon Barrot. But you can see if there is anything political amongst them." It proved on examination to be a well-chosen library, containing historical and political works, as well as polite literature. It included also a number of English books, but contained nothing of the character sus- pected by Haber. This evening the Minister dines with us again. We hear at tea that the bombardment of the forts on the north side of Paris has also begun, and shows good results. Fires have broken out in Vaugirard and Grenelles — whence probably the smoke arose which we saw yesterday from the hills between Ville d'Avray and Sevres. Keudell thinks I ought to tell the Chief. I go up to him at a quarter to 11. He thanks me, and then asks, " What time is it?" I answer, "Nearly n, Excellency." "Well, then, tell Keudell to prepare the communication for the King." I ascertain downstairs that this is a complaint that by 1 1 o'clock at night the military authorities have not communicated to the Minister matters of which civilians were informed at 2 p.m. Sunday, January 8t/i. — At dinner the Chief gave some further reminiscences of his youth. He spent the time from his sixth to his twelfth year at the Plahmann Institute in Berlin, an educational establishment worked on the principles of Pesta- lozzi and Jahn. It was a period he could not think of with pleasure. The regime was artificially Spartan. While there he never fully satisfied his hunger, except when he was invited out. " The meat was like india-rubber, not exactly hard, but too much for one's teeth. And carrots — I liked them raw, — but cooked, and with hard potatoes, square junks ! " This led up to the pleasures of the table, the Chief giving his views chiefly of certain varieties of fish. He had a pleasant recollection of fresh-river lampreys, of which he could eat eight or ten ; he then praised schnapel, a kind of whiting, and the Elbe salmon, the latter being " a happy mean between the Bal- tic salmon and that of the Rhine, which is too rich for me." With regard to bankers' dinners, " nothing is considered good 332 BISMARCK'S FIRST NEWSPAPER ARTICLE [Jan. 9 unless it is dear, — no carp because it is comparatively cheap in Berlin, but zander (a kind of perch-pike) because it is difficult to carry. As a matter of fact, I do not care for these, and just as little for lampreys, of which the flesh is too soft for me. But I could eat marena every day of the week. I almost prefer them to trout, of which I only like those of a medium size, weighing about half a pound. The large ones that are usually served at dinners in Frankfort, and which mostly come from the Wolfsbriinnen near Heidelberg, are not worth much. They are expensive, and so one must have them. That's also the way at Court with oysters. They don't eat any in England when the Queen is present, as they are too cheap there." The conversation then turned on the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, which was compared with the Brandenburg Gate. The Chief said of the latter: "It is really beautiful in its way — particularly without the two pillared porticos. I have advised the King to let it stand free, and have the guardhouses removed. It would be much more effective, as it would no longer be squeezed in and partly concealed as it is now." Wagener having mentioned his former journalistic work, the Minister said : " I know my first newspaper article was about shooting. At that time I was still a wild junker. Some one had written a spiteful article on sport, which set my blood boil- ing, so that I sat down and wrote a reply, which I handed to Altvater, the editor, but without success. He answered very politely, but said it would not do, he could not accept it. I was beside myself with indignation that any one should be at liberty to attack sportsmen without being obliged to listen to their reply ; but so it was at that time." The defence put forward by the Luxemburg Government in reply to our complaints respecting breaches of neutrality is in- sufficient. It perhaps shows the good will of that Government, but certainly the facts prove that they are not able to maintain their own neutrality. They have been again warned, further evidence being given in support of our charges. If this does not prove effective, we shall be obliged to occupy the Grand Duchy, and hand over his passports to the Grand Ducal Minister in Berlin. A communication to the same effect has been made to the Powers that signed the Treaty of 1867. According to a memorandum in which the Chief proposed to the King that the 1871J PRINCE NAPOLEON HAS A PLAN 333 statesmen who concluded the treaties providing for the acces- sion of Baden and Wiirtemberg to the North German Confed- eration should receive decorations, an exception was to be made in the case of Dalwigk, because he had constantly intrigued and worked against Prussia and the cause of German unity, and only finally gave way on the compulsion of necessity ; and his decora- tion would, therefore, have a bad effect upon public opinion, which had frequently urged the exercise of Prussian influence to secure his dismissal. Monday, January gt/i. — It is reported from London that Prince Napoleon has a plan under consideration for conclud- ing on his own authority a peace satisfactory to us, and then after the capitulation of Paris convoking the two Chambers to ratify the treaty, and to decide upon the future form of gov- ernment, and eventually upon the future dynasty. This plan would be supported by Vinoy and Ducrot. The Orleanists are also active, and hope to win over Thiers to their side. Bernstorff reports that it has been ascertained from a servant of Dr. Reitlinger, Favre's secretary, that he has endeavoured to hatch a democratic conspiracy in South Germany. Gladstone has received Reitlinger, and promised to support him in every possible way. In the afternoon I drafted a telegram as to the further suc- cessful progress of the bombardment. On submitting it to the Chief, he struck out a passage in which it was mentioned that our shells had fallen in the Luxembourg Gardens, as being "impolitic." He also instructed me to telegraph to the Foreign Office in Berlin to omit this passage from the report of the general staff. The following pretty story is making the round of the news- papers. It is taken from the private letter of a German officer, and was first published in the Leipsigcr Tagcblatt. " One day the aide-de-camp, Count Lehndorff, visited Captain von Strantz at one of the outposts at Ville d'Avray, near Paris. In reply to the Count's question as to how he was getting on, the Cap- tain said : ' Oh, very well ; I have just been dining for the sixty-seventh time off roast mutton.' The Count laughed, and after a while drove off again. Next day a policeman called upon the Captain with the following message : ' It having come to the knowledge of his Excellency Count Bismarck. Chancellor 334 T1IE IRON CROSS [Jan. 9 of the Confederation, that Captain von Strantz would doubtless be dining to-day off his sixty-eighth joint of roast mutton, his Excellency sends him herewith four ducks as a change of menu.' " This anecdote has the advantage over most of those appearing in the press, that it is in the main correct. But the policeman did not call on the next day. Count Lehndorff dined with us a few days before Christmas. The Chief was shaved as usual on coming to dinner to-day. He first mentioned that Count Bill had received the Iron Cross, and seemed to think that it should more properly have been given to his elder son, as he was wounded in the cavalry charge at Mars la Tour. " The wound was an accident," he went on, " and others who were not wounded may have been equally brave. But it is, after all, a distinction, a kind of compensa- tion for the wounded." " I remember when I was a young man that one Herr von Reuss went about Berlin also wearing the Cross. I thought to myself what wonders he must have done ; but I afterwards ascertained that he had an uncle who was a Minister, and he had been attached to the general staff as a kind of private aide-de-camp." The Chancellor suddenly remarked: "It must be three weeks since I saw Serenissimus. 1 It is not so long since I saw Serenior. 2 I cut the Sereni." The Chancellor then continued, obviously with reference to the Sereni, that is the Princes at the Hotel des Reservoirs, or one of them, but without any con- necting sentence : " I remember at Gottingen I once called a student a silly youngster. (Dummer Junge, the recognised form of offence when it is intended to provoke a duel.) On his sending me his challenge I said I had not wished to offend him by the remark that he was a silly youngster, but merely to express my conviction." While we were discussing pheasant and sauer-kraut, some one remarked that the Minister had not been out shooting for a long time, although the woods between Versailles and Paris were full of game. "Yes," he replied, "something has always happened to prevent me. The last time was at Ferrieres; the King was away and he had forbidden shooting, that is to say, in the park, just as he has now given orders that Ferrieres must 1 The King. 2 The Crown Prince. 1871] BISMARCK AND ROTHSCHILD 335 be spared, merely because it belongs to a rich Jew. We did not go into the park, and there was plenty of game, but not much of it was shot, as the cartridges were bad." Holstein, who, by the way, turns out to be exceedingly amiable, hard-working, and helpful, remarked: "This is the account given of the affair, Excellency. You were aware of his Majesty's orders, and of course desired to obey them. But it unfortunately happened as you were taking a walk on one occasion you were suddenly set upon by three or four pheasants and were obliged to shoot them down in self-defence." The French Rothschild recalled the German one, of whom the Chief related a very amusing story. He said : " When the members of the Reichstag were here recently, I was seated next to Rothschild at the Crown Prince's. The Prince sat next to me, and on his other side was Simson. Rothschild smokes a great deal, and smelt of that and other things, and so I thought I would play a little practical joke before we sat down. But it did not succeed. It is only after dinner that stewards of the household begin to be sensible and listen to a body. I had my revenge, however, by letting my neighbour have the benefit of my remarks. I said to him, ' You should have a house in Berlin, and invite people to see you and so on.' 'What do you mean ? ' he asked, in a loud and almost angry voice. ' Am I to give dinners in a restaurant?' 'Well, you might do that too,' I replied, ' but to other people, not to me. In my opinion you owe it to the credit of your house. But the best thing would be to have a place of your own in Berlin. You know there is nothing to be expected any longer from the Paris and London Rothschilds, and so you ought to do something in Berlin. People are constantly surprised that you have not yet got into the Almanach de Gotha. Of course, what has not been done up to now may yet happen, but I am afraid you are not going the right way to work." Finally polite literature came to be discussed, and Spiel- hagen's " Problematische Naturen" was mentioned. The Chan- cellor had read it, and did not think badly of it, but he said : " I shall certainly not read it a second time. One has abso- lutely no time here. Otherwise a much-occupied Minister might well take up such a book and forget his despatches over it for a couple of hours." Freytag's "Soil und Haben " was 336 THE CHANCELLOR ON GOETHE [Jan. io also mentioned, and his description of the Polish riots, as well as the story of the bread-and-butter Miss and the ball, were praised, while his heroes were considered insipid. One said they had no passion, and another no souls. Abeken, who took an active part in the conversation, observed that he could not read any of these things twice, and that most of the well-known modern authors had only produced one good book apiece. " Well," said the Chief, " I could also make you a present of three-fourths of Goethe — the remainder, certainly — I should like to live for a long spell on a desert island with seven or eight volumes out of the forty." Fritz Reuter was then re- ferred to, and the Minister remarked, '"Uit de Franzosentid,' very pretty but not a novel." " Stromtid " was also mentioned. "H'm," said the Chief, " l Dat is as dat Icddcr is' (That's just how it is, a favourite expression of one of the characters in the book) — that, it is true, is a novel, and it contains many good and others indifferent, but all through the peasants are de- scribed exactly as they are." In the evening I translated for the King a long article from the Times on the situation in Paris. Afterwards at tea Keudell spoke very well and sensibly of certain qualities of the Chancel- lor, who reminded him of Achilles, his great gifts, the youth- fulness of his character, his quickness of temper, his tendency to Weltschmerz, his inclination to withdraw from great affairs, and his invariably victorious action. Our times could boast a Troy, and also an Agamemnon, shepherd of the nations. Tuesday, January \oth. — Earth and sky are full of snow. A shot is only to be heard now and again from our batteries, or from the forts. Count Bill is here, and General von Manteuffel calls at i o'clock. They are passing through on their way to the army that is to operate against Bourbaki in the south-east under Manteuffel. During the afternoon I telegraph twice to London reporting the retreat of Chanzy at Le Mans, with the loss of a thousand men who were made prisoners, and Wcrder's victorious resistance at Villersexel to a superior French force advancing to the relief of Belfort. The first subject mentioned at dinner is the bombardment. The Chief holds that most of the Paris forts are of little impor- tance, except perhaps Mont Valericn — " Not much more than the redoubts at Diippel." That is to say the moats are not very 1 87 1 J BISMARCK'S ANCESTORS 337 deep, and formerly the walls were also weak. The conversation then turns on the International League of Peace and its connec- tion with social democracy as shown by the fact that Karl Marx, who is now living in London, has been appointed President of the German branch. Bucher describes Marx as an intelligent man with a good scientific education and the real leader of the international labour movement. With reference to the League of Peace the Chief says that its efforts are all of an equivocal character, and that its aims are something very different to peace. It is a cloak for communism. " But," he concludes, " certain august personages have even now no idea of that. Foreign countries and peace ! " In this connection he referred to the influence and attitude of Queen Augusta. Count Bill, according to the Chief, "looks from a distance like an old staff officer, he is so stout. He was very lucky in being selected to accompany Manteuffel. Of course, it would be only a temporary billet, but he would see a great deal of the war. For his age he has a good opportunity to learn some- thing. That was impossible for one of us at eighteen. I should have been born in 1795 to have taken part in the campaign of 18 1 3." " Nevertheless since the battle of (I could not catch the name, but he referred apparently to an engagement in the Huguenot war) there was not one of my ancestors who did not draw the sword against France. My father and three of his brothers were engaged against Napoleon I. Then my grand- father fought at Rossbach ; my great-grandfather against Louis XIV., and his father against the same King in the little war on the Rhine in 1672 or 1673. Then several of us fought on the imperial side in the Thirty Years' War, others, it is true, joining the Swedes. And finally still another was amongst the Ger- mans who fought as mercenaries on the Huguenot side. One — there is a picture of him at Schonhausen with his children — was an original character. I still have a letter from him to his brother-in-law in which he says, ' The cask of Rhine wine costs me eighty reichsthalers. If my worthy brother-in-law considers that too dear I will, so God spares me, drink it myself.' And another time : ' If my worthy brother-in-law maintains so-and- so, I hope, so God preserves me, to come into closer contact with his person than will be pleasant to him.' And again in another place: 'I have spent 12,000 reichsthalers on the regi- VOI.. I. — z 338 OFFICERS' PERQUISITES IN RUSSIA [Jan. 10 mcnt, but I hope, if God spares me, to make as much out of it in time.' The economies referred to consisted probably in draw- ing pay for men who were on furlough or who only existed on paper. Certainly the commander of a regiment was better off at that time than now." Some one observed that was also the rule at a later period, so long as regiments were recruited, paid, and clad by the colonels and hired by the Princes, and possibly the same thing still happened in other countries. The Chief : " Yes, in Russia for instance, in the great cavalry regiments in the Southern provinces which often have as many as sixteen squadrons. There the colonel had, and doubtless yet has, other sources of income. A German once told me, for instance, that on a new colonel taking over the command of a regiment, — I believe it was in Kursk or Woronesch, — the peasants of this wealthy district came to him with waggons full of straw and hay, and begged the ' little father ' to be gracious enough to accept them. ' I did not know what they wanted,' said the colonel, and so I told them to be off and leave me in peace. But the ' little father ' ought to be fair, they urged; his predeces- sor had been satisfied with that much, and they could not give more, as they were poor people. At length I got tired of it, particularly as they became very pressing and went down on their knees entreating me to accept it, and I had them bundled out of doors. But then others came with loads of wheat and oats. Then I understood what was meant, and took everything as my predecessor had done, and when the first lot returned with more hay I told them that what they had brought before was enough and they could take back the rest. And thus I secured an annual sum of 20,(XX) roubles, as I charged the Gov- ernment for the hay and oats required by the regiment.' He related that quite frankly and unabashed in a drawing-room in St. Petersburg, and I was the only one who was surprised at it." " But what could he have done to the peasants ? " asked Del- briick. " He himself could have done nothing," replied the Chief, "but he might have ruined them in another way. He only required not to forbid the soldiers to take what they liked from them." Man ten ff el was again spoken of, and somebody mentioned that he had broken his leg at Met/., and had to be carried on the battlefield. Manteuffel was greatly surprised that we had 1871] DIPLOMATIC GAMBLING 339 not known this, and the Minister remarked that he must cer- tainly have thought us very badly informed as to the incidents of the war. Later on the Chief said : " I remember how I sat with him and (I did not catch the name) on the stones out- side the Church at Blekstein. The King came up, and I pro- posed that we should greet him like the three witches in Macbeth: ' Hail, Thane of Lauenburg ! Hail, Thane of Kiel ! Hail, Thane of Schleswig ! ' It was when I was negotiating the Treaty of Gastein with Blome. I then played quinze for the last time in my life. Although I had not played then for a long time, I gambled recklessly, so that the others were astounded. But I knew what I was at. Blome had heard that quinze gave the best opportunity of testing a man's character, and he was anxious to try the experiment on me. I thought to myself, I'll teach him. I lost a few hundred thalers, for which I might well have claimed reimbursement from the State as having been expended on his Majesty's service. But I got round Blome in that way, and made him do what I wanted. He took me to be reckless, and yielded." The conversation then turned upon Berlin, some one having remarked that it was from year to year assuming more the appearance of a great capital, also in its sentiments and way of thinking, a circumstance which to some extent reacted on its Parliamentary representatives. " They have greatly altered during the last five years," said Delbriick. "That is true," said the Chief; "but in 1862, when I first had to deal with those gentlemen, they recognised what a hearty contempt I enter- tained for them, and they have never become friends with me again." The Jews then came to be discussed, and the Minister wished to know how it was that the name Meier was so common amongst them. That name was after all of German origin, and in Westphalia it meant a landed proprietor, yet formerly the Jews owned no land. I submitted that the word was of Hebrew origin and occurred in the Old Testament and also in the Tal- mud, being properly Mei'r and akin to " Or," i.e., light, brilliance, whence the signification of Enlightened, Brilliant, Radiant. The Chief then inquired the meaning of Kohn, a name very common amongst them also. I said it signified Priest, and was originally Kohen. From Kohen it became Kohn, Kuhn, Cahen, 340 INTERMARRIAGE WITH JEWS [Jan. io and Kahn. Kohn and Kahn were also occasionally transformed into Hahn, a remark which caused some amusement, as it prob- ably reminded the company of the " Presshahn," who is at the head of the Berlin Literary Bureau. " I am of opinion," con- tinued the Minister, " that to prevent mischief, the Jews will have to be rendered innocuous by cross-breeding. The results are not bad." He then mentioned some noble houses, Lynars, Stirums, Gusserows : "All very clever, decent people." He then reflected for a while and, omitting one link from the chain of thought, probably the marriage of distinguished Christian ladies to rich or talented Israelites, he proceeded : " It is better the other way on. One ought to put a Jewish mare to a Chris- tian stallion of German breed. The money must be brought into circulation again, and the race is not at all bad. I do not know what I shall one day advise my sons to do." I spent the whole time after dinner at work, principally reading despatches. The Rumanian (Prince Charles) has sent the Chancellor a letter, written in his own hand, requesting advice in his difficulties. He seems to be in the greatest per- plexity, and the Powers will not help him. England and Austria are at least indifferent, the Porte is inclined to look upon the unification of the Principalities as to its interests, France is now of no account, the Tsar Alexander is, it is true, well disposed to Prince Charles but will not interfere, and intervention on the part of Germany, who has no practical interests in Rumania, is not to be expected. Therefore, if the Prince cannot help himself out of his difficulties, he had better retire before he is obliged to. Such was the counsel addressed to him by the Chief through Keudell. Beust has been informed of this. It would appear that Beust's despatch in reply to the announce- ment of the approaching union of South Germany with the North shows a new departure in his political views, and it is possible that even under him satisfactory relations may be developed and maintained between the two newly organised Powers, Germany and Austria-Hungary. He reported that a new comic paper, Dcr Bismarck, was being founded in Vienna, and that he would do everything in his power to prevent this abuse of the name. The Chief has recently addressed a com- munication to the King in which he requests: (i) That the telegrams of the General Staff before being despatched to Ber- 1S71J MR. COCKERELL'S MISADVENTURES 341 lin should be submitted to him and his approval obtained, as they might have political bearings — as, for example, in the case of the shells that fell in the Luxembourg Gardens. (2) That he should receive full information of the course of military operations, instead of being indebted for detailed particulars to the newspapers and private persons. Subalterns and members of the Ambulance Corps were kept better informed than he. At 10.30 p.m. the Chief comes down to tea, at which Count Bill also joins us. Abeken returns from Court and brings the news that the fortress of Peronne, with a garrison of 3,000 men, has capitulated. The Chief, who was just looking through the Illustrirtc Zeitung, sighed and exclaimed : " Another 3,000 ! If one could only drown them in the Seine — or at least their Commander, who has broken his word of honour ! " This led the conversation to the subject of the numerous prisoners in Germany, and Holstein said it would be a good idea to hire them out to work on the Stroussberg railway. "Or," said the Chief, "if the Tsar could be induced to settle them in military colonies beyond the Caucasus. It is said to be a very fine country. This mass of prisoners will really form a difficulty for us after the peace. The French will thus have an army at once, and one fresh from a long rest. But there will really be no alternative. We shall have to give them back to Napoleon, and he will require 200,000 men as a Pretorian Guard to maintain himself." " Does he then really expect to restore the Empire?" asked Holstein. "Oh, very much," re- plied the Chief, " extremely, quite enormously much. He thinks of it day and night, and the people in England also." Holstein then related how certain people belonging to the English Embassy had behaved very unbecomingly outside the place where the French prisoners are confined in Spandau, and had fared badly in consequence. Cockerell was knocked down and beaten black and blue, so that he afterwards looked " quite as if he had been painted." Loftus did not at first want to intervene, but was ultimately induced by the other diplomats to enter a complaint. " Did they give this Cockerell a sound hiding?" asked Count Bill. "Oh, certainly," replied Holstein, " and Miss (name escaped me), who tried to interfere on his behalf, also received a few blows." "Well, I am glad Cockerell got a proper dressing," said the Chief, " it will do 342 M. CLEMENT DUVERNOIS [Jan. 12 him good. I am sorry for the lady. But it is a pity that Loftus himself did not get thrashed on the occasion, as we should then be rid of him." Wednesday, January nth. — Bernstorff reports that Clement Duvernois, a former Minister of Napoleon, wishes to come here in order to negotiate for peace in the name of the Empress. She will agree in principle to the cession of territory and the new frontier demanded by us, and also to the payment of a war indemnity and the occupation of a certain portion of France by our troops until it is paid, and will promise not to enter into negotiations respecting peace with any other Power than Ger- many. Duvernois is of opinion that although the Empress is not popular, yet she would act energetically, and as a legal ruler would have more authority and offer us a better security than any person elected by and dependent upon the representa- tives of the country. Duvernois assisted in provisioning Paris and accordingly knows that it must surrender shortly, and therefore as time presses, he is anxious to hurry on negotiations. Will he be received if he comes ? Perhaps, if only in order to make the members of the Government in Paris and Bordeaux more yielding. During dinner the bombardment was discussed, as is now usually the case. Paris was said to be on fire, and some one had clearly seen thick columns of smoke rising over the city. "That is not enough," said the Chief. "We must first smell it here. When Hamburg was burning the smell could be distinguished five German miles off." The opposition offered by the " Patriots " in the Bavarian Chamber to the Versailles Treaty was then referred to. The Chief said : " I wish I could go there and speak to them. They have obviously got into a false position and can neither advance nor retire. I have already been doing my best to bring them into the right way. But one is so badly wanted here in order to prevent absurdities and to preach sense." Thursday, January \2tJ1. — At dinner the conversation again turned on the bombardment. On somebody observing that the French complain of our aiming at their hospitals, the Chief said: "That is certainly not done intentionally. They have hospitals near the Pantheon and the Val de Grace, and it is possible that a few shells may have fallen there accidentally. iS 7 i] THE IMPERIAL TITLE 343 I I'm, Pantheon, Pandemonium?" Abeken had heard that the Bavarians intended to storm one of the south-eastern forts that had returned our fire in a weak way. The Chief commended the Bavarians, adding: "If I were only in Munich now, I would bring that home to their members of Parliament in such a way that I should immediately win them over to our side." The Chancellor then told us that the King preferred the title "Emperor of Germany " to that of "German Emperor." " I gave him to understand that I did not care a brass far- thing. He was of a different opinion. Rather the country than the people. I then explained to him that the first would be a new title and would at least have no historical basis. There had never been an Emperor of Germany, and though it was true there had also been no German Emperor, there had been a German King." Bucher confirmed that statement and re- marked that Charlemagne assumed the title of " Imperator Romanorum." Subsequently the Emperor was called "Impera- tor Romanus, semper augustus, and German King." At 1 1 p.m. the King sent the Chief a pencil note in his own handwriting on a half sheet of letter paper, informing him that we had just won a great victory at Le Mans. The Minister, who was visibly pleased and touched at this attention, said as he handed me the slip of paper in order that I should telegraph the news : " He thinks the General Staff will not let me know, and so he writes himself." Friday, January i^th. — Arnim sends a florid account from Rome of the visit paid by Victor Emmanuel to the Eternal City. He mentions a report received from the Nuncio at Bordeaux respecting an attempt by the Government Delegation in that city to secure the intervention of the Pope for the purpose of negotiating a peace. The Cardinal in communicating this to the Minister added that the French are now disposed to make greater concessions than at Ferrieres, and asked if in principle the Pope's mediation would be agreeable to us. Arnim replied that the French Government knew our conditions and could conclude peace at any time on that basis. Arnim states that the efforts made by the Curia on behalf of peace are sincere, but are based on interested motives. The Cardinal asked if it was not intended to grant France any compensation for the proposed cession of territory, whereupon Arnim replied that we 344 TIIE KING AND HIS NEW TITLE [Jan. 13 had no right to dispose of the territory of other States. The Cardinal obviously had Italy in view, and meant that France should indemnify herself by annexing Piedmont and reinstating the Pope in Rome. The despatch concludes as follows : " My presence here complicates our position, as it awakens hopes that cannot be realised, and maintains intimate relations that clog our footsteps without making the ground upon which we stand any firmer." Thile reports that Queen Augusta told him the sinking of the English coal ships near Rouen had made more bad blood in England than was believed here. The Crown Princess knew from the letters of her mother that sym- pathy for our cause was daily decreasing there. Thile replied that he was surprised to hear it, as Bernstorff made no mention of it. We are joined at dinner by Regierungsprasident von Ernst- hausen, a portly gentleman, still young, and by the Chief, who is to dine with the Crown Prince, and only remains until the Varzin ham comes to table, of which he partakes " for the sake of home memories." Turning to Ernsthausen, he says : " I am invited to the Crown Prince's, but before going there I have another important interview for which I must strengthen my- self." " Wednesday will be the 18th, and the Festival of the Orders, so we can publish the proclamation to the German peo- ple on that day." (The Proclamation of Emperor and Empire, upon which Bucher is now at work.) (To Ernsthausen : ) "The King is still in doubt about 'German Emperor' or ' Emperor of Germany.' He inclines to the latter. But it does not appear to me that there is much difference between the two titles. It is like the Homousios or Homoiousios in the Councils of the Church." Abeken corrected: "Homousios." The Chief: "We pronounce it oi. In Saxony they have the Iotacism. I remem- ber in our school there was a pupil from Chemnitz who read that way" (and he then quoted a Greek sentence), "but the teacher said to him 'Stop! That won't do! We don't hail here from Saxony.' " After dinner I read the latest despatches and some older drafts. Those of special interest were instructions from the Chief to the Minister of Commerce that the amount expended for the provisioning of Paris could not be included in the Bud- get, and a memorandum in which Moltke defended the supply i S 7 1 ] TRANSPORTATION DIFFICULTIES 345 of provisions for the Parisians. The 2,800 waggons with pro- visions were, he says, not intended solely tor, the Parisians, but also for our own troops — for the former seven million rations of two pounds each for three days — -and it would be well if there were still more waggons in France. The Chief returned from the Crown Prince's at 9.30 p.m., and shortly afterwards he instructed me to telegraph that we had made 8,000 prisoners at Le Mans, and captured twelve guns, and that Gambetta, who wished to be present at the battle, nearly fell into our hands, but just made his escape in time. Afterwards I cut out Unruh's speech dealing with the scarcity of locomotives on the Ger- man railways, for submission to the King. CHAPTER XVII LAST WEEKS BEFORE THE CAPITULATION OF PARIS Saturday, January 14th. — Count Lehndorff dined with us to-day. The Chief mentions that Jules Favre has written to him. He wishes to go to the Conference in London, and asserts that he only ascertained on the 10th inst. that a safe conduct was held in readiness for him. He desires to take with him an unmarried and a married daughter, together with her husband — who has a Spanish name — and a secretary. "He would doubtless prefer a pass for M. le Ministre et suite. He has the longing of a vagabond for a passport." But he is not to receive one at all, the soldiers being simply instructed to let him through. Bucher is to write that it will be best for him to go by way of Corbeil, as he will not then have to leave the car- riage which he brings from Paris and to walk for some way on foot, afterwards taking another carriage. His best route will also be by Lagny and Metz, and not by Amiens. If he does not wish to go by way of Corbeil he is to say so, and then the military authorities will be instructed accordingly. " One would be inclined to think," added the Chief, "from his desire to take his family with him, that he wants to get out of harm's, way." In the further course of conversation the Minister observed: " Versailles is really the most unsuitable place that could have been chosen from the point of view of communications. We ought to have remained at Lagny or Ferrieres. But I know well why it was selected. All our princely personages would have found it too dull there. It is true they are bored here too, and doubtless everywhere else." The Chief then went on to talk of German Princes in gen- eral, and said : " Originally they were all Counts, that is to say, officials of the Empire. The Zehringers, it is true, are an old Princely family — apart from any fresh blood that has been infused into the stock. The Austrian Princes and Counts have Jan. i 4) 1871] BISMARCK AND MANTEUIFKL 347 only become rich and powerful through grants of confiscated estates. The Schwarzenbergs, for instance, through the prop- erty of a gentleman with a very unappetising name — Schmicr- sicki." The Chancellor then went into further particulars, and continued: " They (the Hapsburgs) were grateful for services rendered to them, and rewarded their people with rich grants. It was different with us. Our nobles were squeezed. Any one who had large estates was forced to give them up or to make a bad exchange." The Chancellor afterwards spoke about Manteuffel, and said: "He is now heaping up coals of fire on my head by taking Bill with him. We were on bad terms during the last few years. One of the reasons was his extravagance in Schleswig. He kept a regular Court there, and gave great dinners of forty to fifty covers, spending three to four thousand thalers a month. That was all very well before the war, but later on, when I had to account for it to the Treasury Committee, it could not go on, and when I had to tell him so, he was angry." After dinner I wrote an article for the Mouitcur, under instructions from the Chief, respecting the difficulty of pro- visioning Paris when it surrenders. It ran thus : " We find the following paragraph on the provisioning of Paris in the Journal Officicl : 'According to a despatch from Bordeaux, dated Janu- ary 3rd, the Government of National Defence has collected a large quantity of necessaries in view of furnishing Paris with a fresh supply of provisions. In addition to the markets now in course of erection there is already collected, near the means of transport and beyond the range of the enemy's operation, a mass of supplies that only wait the first signal to be despatched.' When this question of reprovisioning Paris is considered from a practical point of view, it will be seen that it bristles with serious difficulties. If the statement of the Journal Officiel that the stores are beyond the range of the German sphere of action be correct, it must be taken that they are some 200 miles away from Paris. Now the condition to which the railways lead- ing to Paris have been reduced by the French themselves is such that it would require several weeks at least to transport such a quantity of provisions to Paris. There is another consideration which must also not be overlooked, namely, that in addition to the famishing population of Paris, the German army has a right 348 COUNT ANDRASSY [Jan. 15 to see that its supplies are replenished by the railways, and that consequently the German officials with the best will in the world can only spare a portion of the rolling stock to be em- ployed in reprovisioning Paris. It follows that if the Parisians put off the surrender of the city until they have eaten their last mouthful of bread, believing that large supplies are within easy reach, a fatal blunder may be committed. We trust that the Government of National Defence will very seriously consider the circumstances, and weigh well the heavy responsibility it incurs in adopting the principle of resistance to the bitter end. Every day increases instead of lessening the distance between the capital and the provincial armies, whose approach is awaited with so much impatience in Paris, which is closely invested and entirely cut off from the outer world. Paris can- not be rescued by fictitious reports. To suppose that it can wait till the last moment, for the simple reason that neither the provinces nor the enemy could allow a city of two and a half million inhabitants to starve, might prove to be a terrible mis- calculation, owing to the absolute impossibility of preventing it. The capitulation of Paris at the very last hour might — which God forbid! — be the commencement of a really great calamity." Sunday, January \^tJi. — Rather bright, cold weather. The firing is less vigorous than during the last few days. The Chief slept badly last night, and had Wollmann called up at 4 a.m. in order to telegraph to London respecting Favre. In the morn- ing read despatches. Andrassy, the Hungarian Premier, de- clared to our Ambassador in Vienna that he not only approved of Beust's despatch of December 26th and shared the views therein expressed respecting the new Germany, but had desired and recommended such a policy all along. He had " always said we should reach out our hand to Germany and shake our fist at Russia." The reservation at the commencement of the document in question might have been omitted, as the reor- ganisation of Germany does not affect the Treaty of Prague. The letters in which the German Princes declare their ap- proval of the King of Bavaria's proposal for the restoration of the imperial dignity all express practically the same views. Only the elder line of the Reuss family was moved to base its consent upon different grounds. It regards the imperial title as "an onrimcntal badge of the dignity of the Federal Com- 1871J LETTERS FROM THE GERMAN PRINCES 349 mander-in-Chief, and of the right of Presidency." The letter then continues, literally: "I do this" (that is, approve), "fully confident that the bestowal of this dignity upon his Majesty the King of Prussia will not affect the newly established relations of the Confederation." Oberregierungsrath Wagner drafted the answers to these letters of approval, as also the proclama- tion to the German people concerning the Emperor and the Empire, which is to be published shortly. I hear that he some- times draws up the speech from the throne, as he has a certain loftiness of style which the Chief likes. Read a letter from King William to the Chancellor written in his own hand. Contents: On the 10th of January Prince Luitpold requested an audience of our Majesty. This was granted to him before dinner. The Prince then delivered a message from the King of Bavaria, suggesting that the Bavarian army should be relieved from taking the military oath of obedience to the Federal Com- mander-in-Chief, and that the stipulation to that effect should be struck out of the treaty with Bavaria. The Prince urged, as an argument in support of this proposal, that such a stipulation as that in question limited the sovereignty of the King of Ba- varia. No such obligation had been imposed upon the South German States during the present war, and the obedience and loyalty of the Bavarian army might be taken as a matter of course in the united Germany of the future. He also observed incidentally that the reason why the dissatisfaction in Bavaria was so great was because it had been hoped that the imperial dignity would be held alternately by Bavaria and Prussia. The King replied that he could not give an immediate answer to this unforeseen demand ; he must first look through the treaties. For the moment he could only say that by yielding in the matter of the military oath he would offend the other Princes, and that they might put forward a similar demand, which would loosen the ties that were to bind the new Germany together. That would necessarily damage the King of Bavaria's position in particular, as the concessions made to Bavaria were already regarded with great disfavour by public opinion. King William writes that he said nothing whatever about the alternation of the imperial dignity. The Chief telegraphed to Werther (Minister at Munich) that the proposal respecting the military oath could not be entertained. 350 TROCHU'S LETTER TO MOLTKE [Jan. 16 The Chief dined with the King to-day. Nothing worthy of note was said at our table. After dinner I again read drafts and despatches. Amongst the latter was a letter from King Lewis to the Chancellor, in which he thanks the Minister for his good wishes for the new year, and reciprocates them. He then claims an extension of territory on the ground of the im- portance of Bavaria and the gallant cooperation of her troops. From the construction of the sentence it is not quite clear whether this extension of territory is intended for Bavaria her- self, but very probably it is. Called to the Chief at 9 p.m. I am to write an article, based upon official documents, on our position towards American ships conveying contraband of war. In doing so I am to be guided by the 13th article of the Treaty of 1799. We cannot seize such vessels, but only detain them, or seize the contraband goods, for which a receipt must be given, and in both cases we must make fair compensation. Monday, January \6th. — Thawing. A dull sky, with a strong south-west wind. It is again impossible to see far, but no further shots are heard since yesterday afternoon. Has the bombardment stopped ? Or does the wind prevent the sound from reaching us ? In the morning I read Trochu's letter to Moltke, in which he complains that our projectiles have struck the hospitals in the south of Paris, although flags were hung out indicating their character. He is of opinion that this cannot have been by accident, and calls attention to the international treaties according to which such institutions are to be held inviolable. Moltke strongly resented the idea of its having been in any way intentional. The humane manner in which we have conducted the war, " so far as the character which was given to it by the French since the 4th of September permitted," secured us against any such suspicion. As soon as a clearer atmosphere and greater proximity to Paris enabled us to recognise the Geneva flag on the buildings in question, it might be possible to avoid even accidental injury. Treitschke writes requesting me to ask the Chief if, in view of his deafness, he should allow himself to be elected for the Reichstag. I lay the letter before the Minister, who says : "He must know from experience how far his infirmity is a hindrance. For my part, I should be ex- 1871J FAVKK ASKS FOR A PASS 35 1 trcmcly pleased if he were elected. Write him to that effect. Only he should not speak too much." Prince Pless and Maltzahn dine with us. We learn that the proclamation to the German people is to be read the day after to-morrow, at the Festival of the Orders, which will be held in the Galerie des Glaces at the Palace. There, in the midst of a brilliant assembly, the King will be proclaimed Emperor. Detachments of troops with their flags, the generals, the Chan- cellor of the Confederation, and a number of princely person- ages will attend. The Chief has altered his mind as to letting Favre pass through our lines, and has written him a letter which amounts to a refusal. " Favre," he said, " with his demand to be allowed to attend the Conference in London, reminds me of the way children play the game of Fox in the Hole. They ' touch ' and then run off to a place where they cannot be caught. But he must swallow the potion he has brewed. His honour requires it, and so I wrote him." This change of view was due to Favre's circular of the 12th of January. Later on, the Chief said he believed he was going to have an attack of gout. Altogether he was not in good humour. While he was reckoning up the fortresses taken by us, Holstein addressed a remark to him. The Chief looked straight at him with his large grey eyes, and said in a dry cutting tone : "One should not be interrupted when engaged in counting. I have now lost count altogether. What you want to say might be said later." I here introduce a survey of this incident, with particulars of documents which afterwards came to my knowledge. Favre, as Minister for Foreign Affairs, was informed on the 17th of November (in a despatch from Chaudordy, dated from Tours, on the 1 ith of the month), that it had been reported from Vienna, that the Russian Government no longer considered itself bound by the stipulations of the Treaty of 1856. Favre replied immediately. While recommending the strictest reserve, until the receipt of official information, he said that no oppor- tunity should be neglected of emphasising the right of France to take part in such international deliberations as the Russian declaration might provoke. Negotiations were then conducted, both verbally and in writing, between the various Powers and the French Provisional Government, in which the French en- 352 FRANCE AND THE LONDON CONFERENCE [Jan. 16 deavoured to induce the representatives of those Powers to admit the justice of their contention, that the representatives of France " would be bound in duty to bring up at the same time for dis- cussion another matter of entirely different import." The Dele- gation at Tours, while giving expression to these views, was of opinion that any invitation given by Europe should be accepted, even should no promise be obtained beforehand, nor even an armistice. On the 31st of December, Gambctta wrote to Favre : " You must be prepared to leave Paris, to attend the London Conference, if, as is stated, England has succeeded in obtaining a passport." Before this communication arrived, Favre had announced to Chaudordy that the Government had decided that France, "if called upon in regular form" would send a representative to the London Conference, provided its Parisian representatives, who were verbally invited by England, were supplied with the necessary passport. To this the Eng- lish Cabinet agreed, and Chaudordy informed Favre in a de- spatch which arrived in Paris on the 8th of January, and also contained the announcement that he, Favre, had been appointed by the Government to represent France at the Conference. This communication was confirmed in a letter from Lord Gran- ville to Favre, dated the 29th of December, and received in Paris on the 10th of January, which ran as follows : — " M. de Chaudordy has informed Lord Lyons that your Excellency has been proposed as the representative of France at the Conference. He has at the same time requested that I should procure a passport permitting your Excellency to go through the Prussian lines. I immediately requested Count Bernstorff to ask for such a passport, and to send it to you by a German officer with a flag of truce. I was informed yesterday by Count Bernstorff that a passport will be at your Excel- lency's disposal on its being demanded at the German head- quarters by an officer despatched from Paris for the purpose. He added that it cannot be delivered by a German officer, so long as satisfaction is not given to the officer who was fired at while acting as the bearer of a flag of truce. I am informed by M. Tissot that much time would be lost before this commu- nication could be forwarded to you by the delegation at Bor- deaux, and I have accordingly proposed to Count Bernstorff another way in which it may be transmitted to you. Request- 1871] THK FRENCH CIRCULAR 353 ing your Excellency to permit me to take this opportunity of expressing my satisfaction at entering into personal communica- tion with you," &c. Favre regarded the last sentence in this letter as a recogni- tion of the present French Government, and an invitation that he might take advantage of to address the Powers in London on French affairs. In the circular of the 12th of January which he addressed to the French Ministers, he says: — " The Government, directly invited in this despatch, cannot, without surrendering the rights of France, refuse the invitation thus conveyed to her. It may certainly be objected that the time for a discussion concerning the neutralisation of the Black Sea has not been happily chosen. But the very fact that the European Powers should thus have entered into relations with the French Republic at the present decisive moment when France is fighting single-handed for her honour and existence, lends it an exceptional significance. It is the commencement of a tardy exercise of justice, an obligation which cannot again be renounced. It endues the change of Government with the authority of international law, and leaves a nation which is free notwithstanding its wounds to appear in an independent posi- tion upon the stage of the world's history, face to face with the ruler who led it to its ruin, and the Pretenders who desire to reduce it into subjection to themselves. Furthermore, who does not feel that France, admitted to a place amongst the repre- sentatives of Europe, has an unquestionable right to raise her voice in that council ? Who can prevent her, supported by the eternal laws of justice, from defending the principles that secure her independence and dignity ? She will surrender none of those principles. Our programme remains unaltered, and Europe, who has invited the man who promulgated that pro- gramme, knows very well that it is his determination and duty to maintain it. There should, therefore, be no hesitation, and the Government would have committed a grave error if it had declined the overtures made to it. " While recognising that fact, however, the Government consider, as I do, that the Minister for Foreign Affairs should not leave Paris during the bombardment of the city by the enemy, unless greater interests were at stake." (Then follows a long sentimental lamentation as to the damage caused by the VOL. 1. — 2 A 354 FAVRE'S REPLY TO LORD GRANVILLE [Jan. 10 " rage of the aggressor " in throwing bombs into churches, hospitals, nurseries, &c, with the intention of " spreading terror." The document then proceeds :) " Our brave Parisian population feels its courage rise as the danger increases. Thus exasperated and indignant, but animated by a firm resolve, it will not yield. The people are more determined than ever to fight and conquer, and we also. / cannot think of separating myself from them during this crisis. Perhaps it will soon be brought to a close by the protests addressed to Europe and to the members of the Corps Diplomatique present in Paris. England will understand that until tlicn my place is in the midst of my fcllo zv-citizens. Favre made the same declaration, or rather the first half of it, two days before in the reply sent to Granville's despatch, in which he says : " I cannot assume the right to leave my fellow- citizens at a moment when they are subjected to such acts of violence " (against "an unarmed population," as — in the line immediately preceding — he describes a strong fortress with a garrison of about 200,000 soldiers and militia). He then con- tinues : " Communications between Paris and London, thanks to those in command of the besieging forces" (what naivete!) " are so slow and uncertain that with the best will I cannot act in accordance with the terms of the invitation contained in your despatch. You have given me to understand that the Con- ference will meet on the 3rd of February, and will then probably adjourn for a week. Having received this information on the evening of the 10th of January, I should not be able to avail myself in time of your invitation. Besides, M. de Bismarck, in forwarding the despatch, did not enclose the passport, which, nevertheless, is absolutely essential. He demands that a French officer shall proceed to the German headquarters to receive it, on the plea of a complaint addressed to the Governor of Paris, with regard to the treatment of the bearer of a flag of truce, an incident which occurred on the 23rd of December. M. de Bismarck adds that the Prussian Commander-in-Chief has for- bidden all communication under flags of truce until satisfaction is given for the incident in question. 1 do not inquire whether such a decision, contrary to the laws of war, is not an absolute denial of a higher right, always hitherto maintained in the con- duct of hostilities, which recognises the exigencies of a situation 1S71J A FRENCH PROTEST 355 and the claims of humane feeling. I confine myself to inform- ing your Excellency that the Governor of Paris hastened to order an inquiry into the incident referred to by M. de Bismarck, and that this inquiry brought to his knowledge much more numerous instances of similar conduct on the part of Prussian sentries which had never been made a pretext for interrupting the usual exchange of communications. M. de Bismarck appears to have acknowledged the accuracy of these remarks, at least in part, as he has to-day commissioned the United States Minister to inform me that, with the reservation of inquiries on both sides, he to-day reestablishes communications under flags of truce. There is, therefore, no necessity for a French officer to go to the Prussian headquarters. I will put myself in communication with the Minister of the United States for the purpose of receiving the passport which you have obtained for me. As soon as it reaches my hands, and the situation in Paris permits me, I shall proceed to London, confident that I shall not appeal in vain in the name of my Government to the principles of justice and morality, in securing due regard for which Europe has such a great interest." So far M. Favre. The condition of Paris had not altered, the protests addressed to Europe had not put an end to the crisis, nor could they have done so, when Favre, on January 13th, that is, three days after the letter to Granville, and on the day of the issue of his circular to the representatives of France abroad, sent the following despatch to the Chancellor of the Confederation : — " M. le Comte, — Lord Granville informs me in his despatch of December 29th, which I received on the evening of January 10th, that your Excellency, at the request of the English Cabi- net, holds a passport at my disposal which is necessary to enable the French Plenipotentiary to the London Conference to pass through the Prussian lines. As I have been appointed to that office, I have the honour to request your Excellency to give instructions to have this passport, made out in my name, sent to me as speedily as possible." I reproduce all these solely with the object of illustrating the great difference between the character and capacity of Favre and of Bismarck. Compare the foregoing documents with those which the Chancellor drafted. In the former, in- 356 BISMARCK'S REPLY TO FAVRE [Jan. 17 decision, equivocation, affectation, and fine phrases, ending in the very opposite of what had been emphatically laid down a few lines or a few days previously. In the latter, on the con- trary, decision, simplicity, and a natural and purely business- like manner. On January 16th the Chancellor replied to Favre as follows (omitting the introductory phrases): — " Your Excellency understands that, at the suggestion of the Government of Great Britain, I hold a passport at your disposal for the purpose of enabling you to take part in the London Conference. That supposition is, however, not correct. I could not enter into official negotiations, which would be based on the presupposition that the Government of National Defence is, according to international law, in a position to act in the name of France, so long at least as it has not been recognised by the French nation itself. " I presume that the officer in command of our outposts would have granted your Excellency permission to pass through the German lines if your Excellency had applied for the same at the headquarters of the besieging forces. The latter would have had no reason to take your Excellency's political position and the object of your journey into consideration, and the au- thorisation granted by the military authorities to pass through our lines, which, from their standpoint, they need not have hesitated to grant, would have left the Ambassador of his Majesty the King in London a free hand to deal without prejudice with the question whether, according to international law, your Excellency's declarations could be accepted as the declarations of France. Your Excellency has rendered the adoption of such a course impossible by officially communi- cating to me the object of your journey, and the official request for a passport for the purpose of representing France at the Conference. The above-mentioned political considerations, in support of which I must adduce the declaration which your Excellency has published, forbid me to accede to your request for such a document. "In addressing this communication to you, I must leave it to yourself and your Government to consider whether it is possible to find another way in which the scruples above mentioned may be overcome, and all prejudice arising from your presence in London may be avoided. i S 7 1 J A SHARP RKPROOF 357 " But even if some such way should be discovered, I take the liberty to question whether it is advisable for your Excel- lency at the present moment to leave Paris and your post as a member of the Government there, in order to take part in a Conference on the question of the Black Sea, at a time when interests of much greater importance to France and Germany than Article XI. of the Treaty of 1856 are at stake in Paris. Your Excellency would also leave behind you in Paris the agents of neutral States and the members of their staffs who have remained there, or rather been kept there, notwithstand- ing the fact that they have long since obtained permission to pass through the German lines, and are therefore the more spe- cially committed to the protection and care of your Excellency as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the de facto Govern- ment. I can hardly believe that in a critical situation, to the crea- tion of which you have so largely contributed, your Excellency will deprive yourself of the possibility of cooperating towards that solution, for which you are equally responsible." I now let the diary resume its narrative. Tuesday, January iyth. — We were joined at dinner by the Saxon Count Nostiz-Wallwitz, who, it is understood, is to take up an administrative appointment here, and a Herr Winter, or von Winter, who is to be Prefect at Chartres. On some one referring to the future military operations, the Chief observed : " I think that when, with God's help, we have taken Paris, we shall not occupy it with our troops. That work may be left to the National Guard in the city. Also a French commandant. We shall occupy merely the forts and walls. Everybody will be permitted to enter, but nobody to leave. It will, therefore, be a great prison until they consent to make peace." The Minister then spoke to Nostiz about the French Con- seils Generaux, and said we should try to come to an under- standing with them. They would form a good field here for further political operations. " So far as the military side of the affair is concerned," he continued, " I am in favour of greater concentration. We should not go beyond a certain line, but deal with that portion thoroughly, making the administra- 358 THE LANGUAGE OF DIPLOMACY [Jan. 18 tion effectual, and in particular collect the taxes. The military authorities are always for advancing. They have a centrifugal plan of operations and I a centripetal. It is a question whether we ought to hold Orleans, and even whether it would not be better to retire also from Rouen and Amiens. In the south- east — I do not know — they want to go as far as Dijon. And if we cannot supply garrisons for every place within our sphere of occupation, we should from time to time send a flying col- umn wherever they show themselves recalcitrant, and shoot, hang, and burn. When that has been done a couple of times they will learn sense." Winter was of opinion that the mere appearance of a detachment of troops entrusted with the task of restoring order would be sufficient in such districts. The Chief : " I am not so sure. A little hanging would certainly have a better effect, and a few shells thrown in and a couple of houses burned down. That reminds me of the Bavarian who said to a Prussian officer of artillery : ' What do you think, comrade, shall we set that little village on fire, or only knock it about a little ? ' but they decided after all to set it on fire." I do not now remember how it was that the Chief came to speak again of his letter he wrote yesterday to Favre. " I have given him clearly to understand that it would not do, and that I could not believe that he who had taken part in the affair of the 4th of September would fail to await the issue. I wrote the letter in French, first because I do not regard the corre- spondence as official but rather as private, and then in order that every .one may be able to read it in the French lines until it reaches him." Nostiz asked how diplomatic correspondence in general was now conducted. The Chief : " In German. Formerly it was in French. But I have introduced German — only, however, with Cabinets whose language is understood in our own Foreign Office. England, Italy, and also Spain - even Spanish can be read in case of need. Not with Russia, as I am the only one in the Foreign Office who understands Russian. Also not with Holland, Denmark, and Sweden — - people do not learn those languages as a rule. They write in French and we reply in the same language." "At Ferrieres I spoke to Thiers " (he meant Favre) ''in French. But I told him that was only because I was not treating with him offi- 1871J PROCLAMATION OF THE EMPIRE 359 cially. He laughed, whereupon I said to him : ' You will sec that we shall talk plain German to you in the negotiations for peace.' " At tea we hear from Holstcin that the bombardment on the south side has been stopped, Blumenthal, who was always against it, having got his way. It is hoped, however, that the Crown Prince of Saxony will proceed vigorously with the bom- bardment on the north side. One would like to tell this to our own Crown Prince, and to ask him what would be said when it was known that the Saxons had forced Paris to capitulate. "Unless you are quite certain of that," said Wagener, "and have it on absolutely trustworthy authority, do not let the Chief hear of it. I should not like to guarantee that in that case he would not be off to-morrow. He is a volcano whose action is incalculable, and he does not stand jokes in such matters." Holstcin, however, appears to have been misinformed. At least Count Donhoff, who came in afterwards, declared that our siege guns in the south were also at work, but that owing to the south-west wind we did not hear the firing, and, more- over, it was not so heavy as during the preceding days. Fire would probably be opened to-morrow from St. Denis upon the city, a pleasant surprise for the inhabitants of the northern quarters. Wednesday ; January i8t/i. — In the morning read despatches and newspapers. Wollmann tells me that an order has been issued promoting our Chief to the rank of Lieutenant-General. When Wollmann took the order up to him and congratulated him, the Chancellor threw it angrily on the bed and said : " What is the good of that to me ? " (" Wat ik mich davor koofe? " — Low German dialect.) Doubtless imagination, but it appears to be correct that the Minister is to-day in very bad humour and exceptionally irritable. The festival of the Orders and the Proclamation of the German Empire and Emperor took place in the great hall of the Palace between 12 and 1.30 p.m. It was held with much military pomp and ceremony, and is said to have been a very magnificent and imposing spectacle. In the meantime I took a long walk with Wollmann. The Chief did not dine with us, as he was bidden to the Emperor's table. On his return I was called to him twice to 360 FOREIGN DIPLOMATS IN PARIS [Jan. 19 receive instructions. His voice was an unusually weak voice, and he looked very tired and worn out. The Chief has received a communication from a number of diplomats who have remained behind in Paris. Kern, the Swiss Minister, who is their spokesman, requests the Chancellor to use his influence in order to obtain permission for the persons committed to their protection to leave the city. At the same time our right to bombard Paris is questioned, and it is insinu- ated that we intentionally fire at buildings that ought to be respected. The reply is to point out that we have already re- peatedly, through their diplomatic representatives, called the attention of the citizens of neutral states living in Paris to the consequences of the city's prolonged resistance. This was done as early as the end of September, and again several times in October. Furthermore, we have for months past allowed every citizen of a neutral state, who was able to give evidence of his nationality, to pass through our lines without any diffi- culty. At the present time, for military reasons, we can only extend that permission to members of the Corps Diplomatique. It is not our fault if subjects of neutral states have not hitherto availed themselves of the permission to seek a place of safety for their persons and their property. Either they have not wished to leave, or they have not been allowed to do so by those who at present hold power in Paris. We are fully justi- fied by international law in bombarding Paris, as it is a fortress, the principal fortress of France — an entrenched camp which serves the enemy as a base of offensive and defensive action against our armies. Our generals cannot, therefore, be expected to refrain from attacking it, or to handle it with velvet gloves. Furthermore, the object of the bombardment is not to destroy the city, but to capture the fortress. If our fire renders resi- dence in Paris uncomfortable and dangerous, those who recog- nise that fact ought not to have gone to live in a fortified town, or should not have remained there. They may, therefore, ad- dress their complaints not to us, but to those who transformed Paris into a fortress, and who now use its fortifications as an instrument of war against us. Finally, our artillery docs not intentionally fire at private houses and benevolent institutions, such as hospitals, &c. That should be understood as a matter of course from the care with which we have observed the pro- iX 7 i) "EVIL-MINDED SHELLS!" 361 visions of the Geneva Convention. Such accidents as do occur are due to the great distance at which we are firing. It cannot, however, he tolerated that Paris, which has been and still is the chief centre of military resistance, should bring forward these cases as an argument for forbidding the vigorous bombardment which is intended to render the city untenable. Wrote articles to the above effect. Thursday, January 19///. — Dull weather. The post has not been delivered, and it is ascertained on inquiry that the railway line has been destroyed at a place called Vitry la Ville, near Chalons. From 10 a.m. we hear a rather vigorous can- nonade, in which field guns ultimately join. I write two articles on the sentimental report of the Journal des Dcbats, according to which our shells strike only ambulances, mothers with their daughters, and babies in swaddling clothes. What evil-minded shells ! Keudell tells us at lunch that to-day's cannonade was directed against a great sortie with twenty-four battalions and numerous guns in the direction of La Celle and Saint Cloud. In my room after lunch Wollmann treats me to a number of anecdotes of doubtful authenticity. According to him the Chief yesterday remarked to the King, when his Majesty changed the Minister's title to that of Chancellor of the Empire, that this new title brought him into bad company. To which the King replied that the bad company would be transformed into good company on his joining it. (From whom can Wollmann have heard that ?) My gossip also informs me that the King made a slip of the tongue yesterday at the palace, when in announcing his assumption of the title of Emperor he added the words " by the Grace of God." This requires to be confirmed by some more trustworthy authority. Another story of Wollmann's seems more probable, namely, that the Minister sends in a written request to the King, almost every day, to be supplied with the reports of the General Staff respecting the English coal ships sunk by our people near Rouen. He used in the snme way to telegraph day after day to Eulenburg, who has always been very dilatory : " What about Vil- liers ? " And before that in Berlin he had a request addressed to Eulenburg at least once every week : Would he kindly have the draft of the district regulations sent forward as early as possible ? 362 "THEY MUST LEARN WHAT WAR MEANS" [Jan. 20 Towards 2 o'clock, when the rattle of the mitrailleuse could be clearly distinguished, and the French artillery was at the outside only half a German mile in a straight line from Ver- sailles, the Chief rode out to the aqueduct at Marly, whither the King and the Crown Prince were understood to have gone. The affair must have caused some anxiety at Versailles in the meantime, as we see that the Bavarian troops have been called out. They are posted in large masses in the Place d'Armes and the Avenue de Paris. The French are camped, sixty thousand strong it is said, beneath Mont Valerien and in the fields to the east of it. They are understood to have capt- ured the Montretout redoubt, and the village of Garches to the west of Saint Cloud, which is not much more than three-quarters of an hour from here, is also in their hands. They may, it is feared, advance further to-morrow and oblige us to withdraw from Versailles, but this seems to be at least an exaggeration. At dinner there is scarcely any talk of immediate danger. Geheimrath von Loper, who is understood to be Under Secre- tary in the Ministry of the Royal Household, dines with us. We hear that there is no longer any danger for our communica- tions in the south-east, as Bourbaki, after pressing Werder very hard for three days without, however, being able to defeat him, has given up the attempt to relieve Belfort and is now in full retreat, probably owing to the approach of Manteuffel. The Chief then refers to a report that the taxes cannot be collected in various districts of the occupied territory. He says it is diffi- cult, indeed impossible, to garrison every place where the popu- lation must be made to pay the taxes. " Nor," he adds, " is it necessary to do so. Flying columns of infantry accompanied by a couple of guns are all that is needed. Without even enter- ing into the places, the people should be simply told, 'If you do not produce the taxes in arrear within two hours, we shall pitch some shells in amongst you.' If they see that we are in earnest, they will pay. If not, the place should be bombarded, and that would help in other cases. They must learn what war means." The conversation afterwards turned on the grants that were to be expected after the conclusion of peace, and alluding to those made in 1866, the Chief said, inter alia: "They should not be grants of money. I at least was reluctant for a long 1S71] BUCIIER AND THE SPANISH QUESTION 363 time to accept one, but at length I yielded to the temptation. Besides, it was worse still in my case, as I received it not from the King but from the Diet. I did not want to take any money from people with whom I had fought so bitterly for years. " Moreover, the King was to some extent in my debt, as I had sent him forty pounds of fine fresh caviare — a present for which he made me no return. It is true that perhaps he never received it. Probably that fat rascal Borck intercepted it." " These rewards ought to have taken the form of grants of land, as in 18 15; and there was a good opportunity of doing so, particularly in the corner of Bavaria which we acquired, and which consisted almost entirely of State property." While we were alone at tea, Bucher told me that " before the war he had a good deal to do with the Spanish affair." (This was not exactly news to me, as I remembered that long before that he suddenly ordered the Impartial, and commissioned various articles directed against Montpensier.) He had nego- tiated in the matter with the Hohenzollerns, father and son, and had also spoken to the King on the affair in an audience of one hour's duration which he had had with him at Ems. Friday, January 20th. — I am called to the Chief at 1 2 o'clock. He wishes to have his reply to Kern's communication, and the letter in which he declined to supply Favre with a pass- port, published in the Moniteur. Bohlen again came to dinner, at which we were also joined by Lauer and von Knobelsdorff. The Chief was very cheerful and talkative. He related, amongst other things, that while he was at Frankfort he frequently received and accepted invita- tions from the Grand Ducal Court at Darmstadt. They had excellent shooting there. " But," he added, " I have reason to believe that the Grand Duchess Mathilde did not like me. She said to some one at that time: 'He always stands there and looks as important as if he were the Grand Duke himself.' " While we were smoking our cigars, the Crown Prince's aide- de-camp suddenly appeared, and reported that Count (I could not catch the name) had come, ostensibly on behalf of, and under instructions from, Trochu, to ask for a two days' armistice in order to remove the wounded and bury those who fell in yesterday's engagement. The Chief replied that the request should be refused. A few hours would be sufficient 364 THE BAVARIAN TREATY CARRIED [Jan. 21 for the removal of the wounded and the burial of the dead; and, besides, the latter were just as well off lying on the ground as they would be under it. The Major returned shortly after- wards and announced that the King would come here; and, hardly a quarter of an hour later, his Majesty arrived with the Crown Prince. They went with the Chancellor into the drawing-room, where a negative answer was prepared for Tro- chu's messenger. About 9 p.m. Bucher sent me up a couple of lines in pencil to the effect that the letter to Kern should be published in the Moniteur to-morrow, but that the communication to Favre should be held over for the present. Saturday, January 21st. — At 9.30 a.m. the Moniteur is delivered, and contains the Chief's letter to Favre. Very dis- agreeable; but I suppose my letter to Bamberg only arrived after the paper was printed. At 10 o'clock I am called to the Minister, who says nothing about this mishap, although he has the newspaper before him. He is still in bed, and wishes the protest of the Comte de Chambord against the bombardment cut out for the King. I then write an article for the Kolnischc Zcitung, and a paragraph for the local journal. Voigts-Rhetz, Prince Putbus, and the Bavarian Count Berg- hem were the Chancellor's guests at dinner. The Bavarian brought the pleasant news that the Versailles treaties were carried in the second chamber at Munich by two votes over the necessary two-thirds majority. The German Empire was, therefore, complete in every respect. Thereupon the Chief invited the company to drink the health of the King of Bavaria, " who, after all, has really helped us through to a successful conclusion." " I always thought that it would be carried," he added, "if only by one vote — but I had not hoped for two. The last good news from the seat of war will doubtless have contributed to the result." It was then mentioned that in the engagement the day before yesterday the French brought a much larger force against us than was thought at first, probably over 80,000 men. The Montretout redoubt was actually in their hands for some hours, and also a portion of Garches and Saint Cloud. The French had lost enormously in storming the position — it was said 1,200 dead and 4,000 wounded. The Chancellor ob- 1S71] A SIIAKI' RKl'ARTKE 365 served: "The capitulation must follow soon. I imagine it may be even next week. After the capitulation we shall supply them with provisions as a matter of course. But before they deliver up 700,0x30 rifles and 4,000 guns they shall not get a single mouthful of bread — and then no one shall be allowed to leave. We shall occupy the forts and the walls and keep them on short commons until they accommodate themselves to a peace satisfactory to us. After all there are still many per- sons of intelligence and consideration in Paris with whom it must be possible to come to some arrangement." Then followed a learned discussion on the difference be- tween the titles "German Emperor" and "Emperor of Ger- many"; and that of "Emperor of the Germans" was also mooted. After this had gone on for a while the Chief, who had taken no part in it, asked : " Does any one know the Latin word for sausage (Wurscht)?" Abeken answered " Farcimen- tum," and I said " Farcimen." The Chief, smiling : " Farci- mentum or farcimen, it is all the same to me. Ncscio quid mihi magis Jarcimcntum esset" (" Es ist viir Wurst" is student's slang, and means, " It is a matter of the utmost indifference to me.") Sunday, January 22nd. — In the forenoon I wrote two para- graphs for the German newspapers, and one for the Moniteur, in connection with which I was twice called to see the Chief. Von Konneritz, a Saxon, General von Stosch, and Loper joined us at dinner. There was nothing worth noting in the conversation except that the Minister again insisted that it would be only fair to invest the wounded with the Iron Cross. "The Coburger," he went on, "said to me the other day, 'It would really be a satisfaction if the soldiers also got the Cross now.' I replied, ' Yes, but it is less satisfactory that we two should have received it.' " Monday, January 2yd. — I telegraph that the bombardment on the north side has made good progress, that the fort at Saint Denis has been silenced, and that an outbreak of fire has been observed in Saint Denis itself as well as in Paris. All our bat- teries are firing vigorously, although one cannot hear them. So we are told by Lieutenant von Uslar, of the Hussars, who brings a letter to the Chief from Favre. What can he want? Shortly after 7 p.m. Favre arrived, and the Chancellor had 366 FAVRE ARRIVES [Jan. 24 an interview with him, which lasted about two and a half hours. In the meantime Hatzfeld and Bismarck-Bohlen conversed down- stairs in the drawing-room with the gentleman who accompanied Favre, and who is understood to be his son-in-law, del Rio. He is a portrait painter by profession, but came with his father-in- law in the capacity of secretary. Both were treated to a hastily improvised meal, consisting of cutlets, scrambled eggs, ham, &c, which will doubtless have been welcome to these poor mar- tyrs to their own obstinacy. Shortly after 10 o'clock they drove off, accompanied by Hatzfeld, to the lodgings assigned to them in a house on the Boulevard du Roi, where Stieber and the mili- tary police also happen to have their quarters. Hatzfeld accom- panied the gentlemen there. Favre looked very depressed. The Chief drove off to see the King at 10.30 p.m., returning in about three-quarters of an hour. He looks exceedingly pleased as he enters the room where we are sitting at tea. He first asks me to pour him out a cup of tea, and he eats a few mouthfuls of bread with it. After a while he says to his cousin, " Do you know this ? " and then whistled a short tune, the signal of the hunter that he has brought down the deer. Bohlen re- plies, "Yes, in at the death." The Chief: "No, this way," and he whistled again. " A liallali" he adds. " I think the thing is finished." Bohlen remarked that Favre looked "awfully shabby." The Chief said: "I find he has grown much greyer than when I saw him at Ferrieres — also stouter, probably on horseflesh. Otherwise he looks like one who has been through a great deal of trouble and excitement lately, and to whom everything is now indifferent. Moreover, he was very frank, and confessed that things are not going on well in Paris. I also ascertained from him that Trochu has been superseded. Vinoy is now in command of the city." Bohlen then related that Mar- tinez del Rio was exceedingly reserved. They, for their part, had not tried to pump him ; but they once inquired how things were going on at the Villa Rothschild in the Bois de Boulogne, where Thiers said the General Staff of the Paris army was quartered. Del Rio answered curtly that he did not know. For the rest, they had talked solely about high-class restaurants in Paris, which, they acknowledged, was an unmannerly thing to do. Hatzfeld on his return, after conducting the two Parisians to their lodgings, reported that Favre was glad to have arrived 1S71J DIPLOMATIC TWADDLE 367 after dark, and that he does not wish to go out in the daytime in order not to create a sensation, and to avoid being pestered by the Versailles people. Tuesday, January 24/*//. — The Chief gets up before 9 o'clock and works with Abeken. Shortly before 10 he drives off to see the King, or, let us now say, the Emperor. It is nearly 1 o'clock when he returns. We are still at lunch, and he sits down and takes some roast ham and a glass of Tivoli beer. After a while he heaves a sigh and says : " Until now I always thought that Parliamentary negotiations were the slowest of all, but I no longer think so. There was at least one way of escape there — to move 'that the question should be now put.' But here everybody says whatever occurs to him, and when one im- agines the matter is finally settled, somebody brings forward an argument that has already been disposed of, and so the whole thing has to be gone over again, which is quite hopeless. That is stewing thought to rags — mere flatulence which people ought really to be able to restrain. Well, it's all the same to me ! I even prefer that nothing should have been yet decided or shall be decided till to-morrow. It is merely the waste of time in having to listen to them, but of course such people do not think of that." The Chief then said that he expected Favre to call upon him again, and that he had advised him to leave at 3 o'clock (Favre wishes to return to Paris) " on account of the soldiers who would challenge him after dark, and to whom he could not reply." Favre arrived at 1.30 p.m. and spent nearly two hours in negotiation with the Chancellor. He afterwards drove off towards Paris, being accompanied by Bismarck-Bohlen as far as the bridge at Sevres. These negotiations were not mentioned at dinner. It would appear, however, to be a matter of course that the preliminaries of the capitulation were discussed. The Chief spoke at first of Bernstorff, and said : " Anyhow, that is a thing I have never yet been able to manage — to fill page after page of foolscap with the most insignificant twaddle. A pile so high has come in again to-day " — he pointed with his hand — " and then the back references: 'As I had the honour to report in my de- spatch of January 3rd, 1863, No. So-and-so; as I announced most obediently in my telegram >, r o. 1666.' I send them to the 368 BISMARCK'S HUMOURS [Jan. 24 King, and he wants to know what Bernstorff means, and always writes in pencil on the margin, ' Don't understand this. This is awful ! ' ' Somebody observed that it was only Goltz who wrote as much as Bernstorff. "Yes," said the Chief, "and in addition he often sent me private letters that filled six to eight closely written sheets. He must have had a terrible amount of spare time. Fortunately I fell out with him, and then that blessing ceased." One of the company wondered what Goltz would say if he now heard that the Emperor was a prisoner, and the Empress in London, while Paris was being besieged and bombarded by us. " Well," replied the Chief, "he was not so desperately attached to the Emperor — but the Empress in London ! Nevertheless, in spite of his devotion to her, he would not have given himself away as Werther did." The death of a Belgian Princess having been mentioned, Abeken, as in duty bound, expressed his grief at the event. The Chief said : " How can that affect you so much ? To my knowledge, there is no Belgian here at table, nor even a cousin." The Minister then related that Favre complained of our firing at the sick and blind — that is to say, the blind asylum. " I said to him, ' I really do not see what you have to complain about. You yourselves do much worse, seeing that you shoot at our sound and healthy men.' He will have thought, What a barbarian ! " Hohenlohe's name was then mentioned, and it was said that much of the success of the bombardment was due to him. The Chief: "I shall propose for him the title of Poliorketes." The conversation then turned on the statues and paintings of the Restoration, and their artificiality and bad taste. "I remember," said the Chief, "that Schuckmann, the Minister, was painted by his wife, en coquillc I think it was called at that time, that is, in a rose-coloured shell, and wearing a kind of antique costume. He was naked down to the waist — I had never seen him like that." "That is one of my earliest remem- brances. They often gave what used to be called assemblies, and are now known as routs a ball without supper. My parents usually went there." Thereupon the Chief once more described his mother's costume, and then continued: "There was afterwards a Russian Minister in Berlin, Ribeaupierre, who also gave balls, when- people danced till 2 o'clock in the morn- ing, and there was nothing to eat. I know that, because I and iSyi| AN INHOSPITABLE HOUSE 369 a couple >me one referred to the speech made by Klaczko on the 1871J HOW BISMARCK CHEERED HIMSELF 409 30th of January in the Delegation of the Reichsrath against Austria's cooperation with Prussia, and to Giskra's revelation in the morning edition of the National Zeitung of the 2nd of February. Giskra said that Bismarck wished to send him from Briinn to Vienna with proposals for peace. These were, in effect : Apart from the maintenance in Venetia of the status quo before the war, the Main line was to be recognised as the limit of Prussian ascendancy, there was to be no war indemnity, but French mediation was to be excluded. Giskra sent Baron Herring to Vienna with these proposals. The latter was, how- ever, coolly received by Moritz Esterhazy, and after waiting for sixteen hours obtained only an evasive answer. On proceeding to Nikolsburg, Herring found Benedetti already there, and was told: "You come too late." As Giskra points out, the French mediation accordingly cost Austria a war indemnity of thirty millions. It was observed that Prussia could have extorted more from Austria at that time, and also a cession of territory, for instance, Austrian Silesia, and perhaps Bohemia. The Chief replied : " Possibly ; as for money, what more could the poor devils give ? Bohemia would have been something and there were people who entertained the thought. But we should have created difficulties for ourselves in that way, and Austrian Silesia was not of much value to us; for just there the devotion to the Imperial house and the Austrian connection was greater than elsewhere. In such cases one must ask for what one really wants, and not what one might be able to get." In this connection he related that on one occasion, as he was walking about in mufti at Nikolsburg, he met two police- men who wished to arrest a man. " I asked what he had done, but of course as a civilian I got no answer. I then inquired of the man himself, who told me that it was because he had spoken disrespectfully of Count Bismarck. They nearly took me along with him because I said that doubtless many others had done the same." " That reminds me that I was once obliged to join in a cheer for myself. It was in 1866, in the evening, after the entry of the troops. I was unwell just then, and my wife did not wish to let me go out. I went, however — on the sly — and as I was about to cross the street again near the palace of Prince Charles, there was a great crowd of people collected there, who desired 4IO A LETTER FROM FAVRE [Feb. 5 to give me an ovation. I was in plain clothes, and with my broad-brimmed hat pulled down over my eyes, I perhaps looked like a suspicious character — I don't know why. As some of them seemed inclined to be unpleasant, I thought the best thing to do was to join in their hurrah." From 8 p.m. on read drafts and despatches, including Favre's answer to the Chief in the matter of Gambetta's electioneering manoeuvre. It runs as follows : — "You are right in appealing to my sense of rectitude. You shall never find it fail me in my dealings with you. It is perfectly true that your Excellency strongly urged upon me as the sole way out of the difficulty to convoke the former legislative bodies. I declined to adopt that course for various reasons which it is needless to recall, but which you will doubt- less not have forgotten. In reply to your Excellency's objec- tions, I said I was convinced that my country only desired the free exercise of the suffrage, and that its sole resource lay in the popular sovereignty. That will make it clear to you that I cannot agree to the restrictions that have been imposed upon the franchise. I have not opposed the system of official candi- datures in order to revive it now for the benefit of the present Government. Your Excellency may therefore rest assured that if the decree mentioned in your letter to me has been issued by the Delegation at Bordeaux, it will be withdrawn by the Gov- ernment of National Defence. For this purpose I only require to obtain official evidence of the existence of the decree in question. This will be done by means of a telegram to be despatched to-day. There are, therefore, no differences of opinion between us, and we must both continue to cooperate in resolutely carrying into execution the Convention which we have signed." Called to the Chief at 9 p.m. He wants to have an article written pointing out that the entry of our troops into Paris is at present impracticable, but may be possible later on. This is in answer in the National Zdtung to an article criticising the terms of armistice. With regard to an article in the Cologne Volkszcitung show- ing that the Ultramontanes have offered a subsidy to the leaders of the General Association of German Workers on condition that they promote the election of clerical candidates, the 1S71] AN ARTICLE FOR THE MONITEUR 4II Minister says : " Look here. Please see that the newspapers speak of a ' Savigny-Bebel ' whenever an opportunity oecurs, and that must he repeated." And just as I am going out of the room he calls after me : " Or the ' Liebknecht-Savigny party.' ' We take note of that, and shall speak from time to time of this new party. Saturday, February ^tJt. — We are joined at dinner by Favre, d'Herisson, and the Director of the Western Railway, a man with a broad, comfortable, smiling face, apparently about thirty- six years of age. Favre, who sits next to the Chief, looks anxious, worried, and depressed. His head hangs on one side, and sometimes for a change sinks on to his breast, his under- lip following suit. When he is not eating, he lays his two hands on the tablecloth, one on the top of the other, in submission to the decrees of fate, or he crosses his arms in the style of Napoleon the First, a sign that, on closer consideration, he still feels confident in himself. During dinner the Chief speaks only French, and mostly in a low voice, and I am too tired to follow the conversation. The Chief instructs me to send the following short paragraph to one of our newspapers : The Kbhiisclie Zeitung has made itself the organ, it is true with some reservations, of those who complain of the alleged destruction of French forests by our officials. One would think it could have found some other occupation than to scrutinise our administration of the public forests of France. We act in accordance with the principles of forestry, even if we do not follow the French system. More- over, we should be within our rights if we exploited these re- sources of the enemy in the most ruthless manner, as that would render the French more disposed to conclude peace. He also warmly praised the active part taken by the Duke of Meiningen in the conduct of the war. He concluded : "I wish that to be mentioned in the press. The background is ready to hand in the princely loafing and palace looting of the rest of them." Monday, February 6th. — The Chief desires to have an article against Gambetta published in the Monitettr. I write the fol- lowing : — "The Convention of the 28th of January, concluded between Count von Bismarck and M. Jules Favre, has revived the hopes 412 GERMANY'S INTENTIONS [Feb. 6 of all sincere friends of peace. Since the events of the 4th of September the military honour of Germany has received sufficient satisfaction, so that it may now yield to the desire to enter into negotiations with a Government which truly represents the French nation for a peace that will guarantee the fruits of victory and secure our future. When the Governments repre- sented at Versailles and Paris finally succeeded in coming to an understanding, of which the conditions were prescribed by the force of circumstances, and France was restored to herself, they were justified in expecting that these preliminaries of a new era in the relations of the two countries would be generally re- spected. The decree issued by M. Gambetta disqualifying all former functionaries and dignitaries, senators, and official can- didates from election to the National Assembly was perhaps necessary to show France the abyss towards which it has been gravitating since the dictatorship, sacrificing the best blood of the country, refused to convoke the representatives of the nation in the regular way. " The second article of the Convention of the 28th of Janu- ary shows clearly and plainly that the freedom of the elections is one of the conditions of the Convention itself. In entering into such an arrangement for the elections, Germany only took into consideration the existing French laws, and not the good will and pleasure of this or that popular Tribune. It would be just as easy to call together a Rump Parliament in Bordeaux, and make it a tool for the subjection of the other half of France. We are convinced that all honourable and sincere French patriots will protest against the action of the Delegation at Bordeaux, which is entirely arbitrary and opposed to all sound reason. If there were any prospect that this action would be allowed to unite all the anarchical parties who tolerate the dicta- torship in so far as it represents their favourite ideas, the most serious complications would inevitably ensue. " Germany does not intend to interfere in any way in the domestic affairs of France. She has, however, through the agreement of the 28th of January, secured the right to see that a public authority is established which will possess the attributes necessary to enable it to negotiate peace in the name of France. If Germany is denied the right to negotiate for peace with the whole nation, if an attempt is made to substitute the representa- iS7»J LORD AUGUSTUS LOhTUS 413 tivcs of a faction for the representatives of the nation, the armis- tice convention would thereby become null and void. We read- ily acknowledge that the Government of National Defence has immediately recognised the justice of the complaints made by Count von Bismarck in his despatch of the 3rd of February. That Government has addressed itself to the French nation in language marked by nobility and elevation of feeling, setting forth the difficulties of the situation and the efforts made to relieve the country from the last consequences of an unfortu- nate campaign. At the same time, it has cancelled the decree of the Delegation at Bordeaux. Let us hope, therefore, that the action of M. Gambetta will receive no support in the coun- try, and that it will be possible to conduct the elections in perfect harmony with the spirit and letter of the Convention of the 28th of January." I am called to the Minister again at 1 1 o'clock, and in- structed to defend Favre against the rabid attacks of some French newspapers. The Chief says : " They actually take him to task for having dined with me. I had much trouble in getting him to do so. But it is unfair to expect that, after working with me for eight or ten hours, he should either starve as a staunch Republican, or go out to a hotel where the people would run after him and stare at him." The Frenchmen are again here between 2 and 4 p.m. They are six or seven in number, including Favre and, if I rightly heard the name, General Leflo. The Chief's eldest son and Count Donhoff join us at dinner. Subsequently I despatch a dimenti of a Berlin telegram published by the Times, according to which we propose to demand the surrender of twenty ironclads and the colony of Pondicherry, together with a war indemnity of ten milliards of francs. This I describe as a gross invention which cannot possibly have been credited in England, or have created any anxiety there. I then hint at the probable source, namely, the clumsy imagination of an unfriendly and intriguing diplomatist. " That comes from Loftus," says the Chief, as he gives me these instructions. " An ill-mannered fellow who was always seeking to make mischief with us." Tuesday, February "jtJi. — From Bucarest despatches it seems as if the reign of Prince Charles were really coming to a 414 BISMARCK'S OPINION OF COLONIES [Feb. 9, 1871 speedy end. With the retention of Dalwigk at Darmstadt, the old confederacy of opponents of German unity remains firmly entrenched, and the well-known intrigues continue unhindered. A telegram from Bordeaux brings the expected news. Gam- betta yesterday announced in a circular to the Prefects that his Parisian colleagues having annulled his decree with regard to the elections, he has informed them of his resignation. A good sign. He can hardly have a strong party behind him or he would scarcely have resigned. Wednesday, February 8t/i. — The Chief is up at an unusually early hour, and drives off at 9.45 to see the King. Favre arrives shortly before 1 o'clock, accompanied by a swarm of Frenchmen. There must be ten or twelve of them. He con- fers with the Minister after first lunching with us. In the evening the Chief and his son dined with the Crown Prince, but first remained for a while with us. He again observed with satisfaction that Favre had not taken offence at his " spiteful letter," but, on the contrary, had thanked him for it. The Chief had repeated to him verbally that it was his duty to share the dish which he had helped to cook. To-day they had discussed the way of raising the Paris war contribution ; the French wanted to pay the greater part of it in bank notes, and we might lose in that way. " I do not know the value of what they offer," he said ; " but in any case it is to their advan- tage. They must, however, pay the whole amount agreed upon. I will not remit a single franc." Thursday, February gt/i. — Speaking again of the Paris con- tribution, the Chancellor observed at dinner : " Stosch tells me he can dispose of fifty million francs in bank notes to pay for provisions, &c, in France. We must have proper security, however, for the remaining hundred and fifty millions." Then alluding to the foolish story about our wanting Pondicherry, he continued : " I do not want any colonies at all. Their only use is to provide sinecures. That is all England at present gets out of her colonies, and Spain too. And as for us Germans, colonies would be exactly like the silks and sables of the Polish nobleman who had no shirt to wear under them." CHAPTER XIX FROM GAMBETTA'S RESIGNATION TO THE CONCLUSION OF THE PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE Friday, February 10th. — Fresh complaints respecting the intrigues of Dalvvigk, and especially the measures for depriving the national constituencies in Hesse of their representatives and securing the victory of the Ultramontane and Democratic coali- tion. The Chief desires me to see that an " immediate and energetic campaign in the press " is organised against these and other mischievous proceedings inspired by Beust's friends. He also wishes the Moniteur to reprint the long list of French officers who have broken their parole and escaped from Ger- many. We were joined at dinner by the Duke of Ratibor and a Herr von Kotze, the husband of the Chief's niece. Stroussberg, a business friend of the Duke's, was mentioned, and the Chief observed that nearly all, or at least very many of the members of the Provisional Government were Jews : Simon, Cremieux, Magnin, also Picard, whose Semitic origin he would hardly have suspected, and " very probably Gambetta also, from his features." " For the same reason, I suspect even Favre," he added. Saturday, February I \tJi. — In the morning I read the news- papers, and particularly certain debates in the English Parlia- ment at the end of last month. It really looks as if our good friends across the Channel had a suspicious leaning towards France, and as if they were not at all disinclined to interfere once more — indeed, in certain circumstances, an Anglo-French alliance would appear quite possible. It is a question, however, whether they might not fall between two stools. A very differ- ent result might well ensue. From what one hears and reads in the newspapers, the feeling in this country is almost as hos- tile to the English as to ourselves, and in certain circles more so. 415 416 ENGLAND AND FRANCE [Feb. 22 It may well happen that if England adopts a threatening atti- tude towards us, we may surprise our cousins in London with the very reverse of a Franco-English alliance against Germany. We may even be obliged to seriously consider the forcible res- toration of Napoleon, which we have not hitherto contemplated. According to a telegram of the 2nd inst., Bernstorff is to see that these ideas are cautiously ventilated in the press. Count Henckel and Bleichroder dined with us. It seems that in the negotiations with the French financiers, Scheidt- mann described them to their faces in language more vigorous than flattering, talking of them as pigs, dogs, rabble, &c, in ignorance of the fact that some of them understood German. The Chief then spoke of the insolence of the Parisian press, which behaved as if the city were not in our power: "If that goes on we must tell them that we will no longer stand it. It must cease, or we shall answer their articles by a few shells from the forts." Henckel having alluded to the unsatisfactory state of public opinion in Alsace, the Chief said that, properly speaking, no elections ought to have been allowed there at all, and he had not intended to allow them. But inadvertently the same instructions were sent to the German officials there as else- where. The melancholy situation of the Prince of Rumania was then referred to, and from the Rumanian Radicals the conversation turned to Rumanian stocks. Bleichroder said that financiers always speculated on the ignorance of the masses, and upon their blind cupidity. This was confirmed by Henckel, who said: "I had a quantity of Rumanian secu- rities, but after I had made about 8 per cent. I got rid of them, as I knew they could not yield 15 per cent., and that alone could have saved them." The Chief then related that the French were committing all sorts of frauds in the revictualling of Paris. It was not out of pride that they refused our contributions, but merely because they could make no profit out of them. Even members of the Government were involved, and Magnin was understood to have recently made 700,000 francs on the pur- chase of sheep. "We must let them see that we know that," said the Chief, glancing at me; "it will be useful in the peace negotiations." This was done without delay. After dinner I wrote some paragraphs on the instructions of the Chief. The first was to the effect that we ought no 1S71J THE BORDEAUX ASSEMBLY 417 longer to tolerate the insolence of the Parisian journalists. However generous and patient we might be, it was past endur- ance that the French press should venture to deride and insult to his face the victor who stood before the walls of the capital which he had absolutely in his power. Moreover, such men- dacity and violence would prove an obstacle to the conclusion of peace, by producing bitterness on both sides and delaying the advent of a calmer spirit. This could not be foreseen when the armistice Convention was concluded, and in discussing any prolongation of the truce, effective means would have to be found for preventing further provocation of the kind. Un- doubtedly the best way would be the occupation of the city itself by our troops. We should thus relieve the French Gov- ernment of a source of grave anxiety, and avert the evil conse- quences of inflammatory articles in the press, which they are perhaps not in the position to repress. Sunday, February 1 2th. — It is announced in a telegram from Cassel that Napoleon has issued a proclamation to the French. The Minister handed it to me, saying: "Please have this pub- lished in our local paper. It is in order to lead them astray, so that they may not know where they stand. But for God's sake don't date it from Wilhelmshohe, or they will think that we are in communication with him. ' Le bureau Wolff telcgrafJu ; e.' " The Chief seems to be unwell. He does not come to dinner. Wednesday, February 15///. — I again draw attention in the Moniteur to the disgraceful tone of the Parisian press. I inti- mate that this agitation is delaying the conclusion of peace, and that the most certain way of putting an end to it would be the occupation of Paris. Wednesday, February 22nd. — During the last week I have written a number of articles and paragraphs, and despatched about a dozen telegrams. The Assembly at Bordeaux shows a proper appreciation of the position. It has declined to support Gambetta, and has elected Thiers as chief of the Executive and spokesman on behalf of France in the negotiations for peace which began here yesterday. At dinner yesterday, at which we were joined by Henckel, the Chief remarked, with reference to these nego- tiations, " If they were to give us another milliard we might perhaps leave them Metz, and build a fortress a few miles 41 S BISMARCK TALKS GERMAN WITH THIERS [Ekis. 22 further back, in the neighbourhood of Falkenberg or towards Saarbriicken — there must be some suitable position there. I do not want so many Frenchmen in our house. It is the same with Bel fort, which is entirely French. But the soldiers will not hear of giving up Metz, and perhaps they are right. Generals von Kameke and von Treskow dined with us to-day. The Chief spoke about his second meeting with Thiers to-day : " On my making that demand " (what the demand was escaped me), " he jumped up, although he is otherwise quite capable of controlling himself, and said ' Mais c'est une in- dignite ! ' I did not allow that to put me out, however, but began to speak to him in German. He listened for a while, and evidently did not know what to make of it. He then said in a querulous voice, ' Mais, Monsieur le Comte, vous savez bien que je ne sais point l'allemand.' I replied, speaking in French again, ' When you spoke just now of indignite I found that I did not know enough French, and so preferred to use German, in which I understand what I say and hear.' He immediately caught my meaning, and wrote down as a concession the demand which he had previously resented as an iiidignitt." The Chief continued : " Yesterday he spoke of Europe, which would intervene if we did not moderate our demands. But I replied, ' If you speak to me of Europe I shall speak to you of Napoleon.' He would not believe that they had any- thing to fear from him. I proved the contrary to him, however. He should remember the plebiscite and the peasantry, together with the officers and soldiers. It was only under the Emperor that the Guards could again have the position which they formerly occupied; and with a little cleverness it could not be difficult for Napoleon to win over 100,000 soldiers among the prisoners in Germany. We should then only have to arm them and let them cross the frontier, and France would be his once more. If they would concede good conditions of peace we might even put up with one of the Orleans, though we knew that that would mean another war within two or three years. If not, we should have to interfere, which we had avoided doing up to the present, and they would have to take Napoleon back again. That, after all, must have produced a certain effect upon him, as, to-day, just as he was going to talk about Europe again, he suddenly broke off and said, ' Excuse me.' For the iS 7 i] THE WAR INDEMNITY 419 rest, I like him very well. He is at least highly intelligent, has good manners, and is an excellent story-teller. Besides, I often pity him, tor he is in an extremely awkward position. But all that can't help him in the least." With regard to the war indemnity, the Chief said : " Thiers insisted that fifteen hundred million francs was the maximum, as it was incredible how much the war had cost them. And in addition to that everything supplied to them was of bad quality. If a soldier only slipped and fell down, his trousers went to pieces, the cloth was so wretched. It was the same with the shoes, which had pasteboard soles, and also with the rifles, particularly those from America." I replied : " But just im- agine, you are suddenly pounced upon by a man who wants to thrash you, and after defending yourself and getting the better of him, you demand compensation — what would you say if he asked you to bear in mind how much he had had to pay for the stick with which he had intended to beat you, and how worth- less the stick had proved to be ? However, there is a very wide margin between fifteen hundred and six thousand millions." The conversation then lost itself — I can no longer remem- ber how — in the depths of the Polish forests and marshes, turning for a while on the large solitary farmhouses in those districts and upon colonisation in the "backwoods of the east." The Chief said : " Formerly when so many things were going wrong — even in private affairs — I often thought that if the worst came to the worst I would take my last thousand thalers and buy one of those farms out there and set up as a farmer. But things turned out differently." Later on, diplomatic reports were again discussed, and the Chief, who seems in general to have a poor opinion of them, said: "For the most part, they are just paper smeared with ink. The worst of it is that they are so lengthy. In Bern- storff's case, for instance, when he sends a ream of paper filled with stale newspaper extracts — why, one gets accustomed to it ! But when some one else writes at interminable length, and as a rule there is nothing in it, one becomes exasperated. As for using them some day as material for history, nothing of any value will be found in them. I believe the archives are open to the public at the end of thirty years — but it might be done much sooner. Even the despatches which do contain informa- 420 THE RUSSIAN COUNT [Feb. 25 tion are scarcely intelligible to those who do not know the people and their relations to each other. In thirty years' time who will know what sort of a man the writer himself was, how he looked at things, and how his individuality affected the man- ner in which he presented them ? And who has really an inti- mate knowledge of the people mentioned in his reports ? One must know what Gortchakoff, or Gladstone, or Granville had in his own mind when making the statements reported in the despatch. It is easier to find out something from the news- papers, of which indeed governments also make use, and in which they frequently say much more clearly what they want. But that also requires a knowledge of the circumstances. The most important points, however, are always dealt with in private letters and confidential communications, also verbal ones, and these are not included in the archives. "The Emperor of Russia, for instance, is on the whole very friendly to us — from tradition, for family reasons, and so on — and also the Grand Duchesse Helene, who influences him and watches him on our behalf. The Empress, on the other hand, is not our friend. But that is only to be ascertained through confidential channels and not officially." Thursday, February 2yd. — We retain Metz, but not Belfort. It has been practically decided that a portion of our army shall enter Paris. And I write the following intimation for the Moniteur: — " The arrogance with which the Parisian press insults and abuses the victorious German army that stands outside the gates of the capital has been frequently stigmatised by us as it de- serves. We have likewise pointed out that the occupation of Paris by our troops would be the most effectual means of put- ting an end to this sort of insolence. At the present moment these lies and calumnies and provocations know no bounds. For instance, the Figaro of the 21st of February, in a fcuilleton entitled ' Les Prussiens en France,' and signed Alfred d'Aunay, charges German officers and the Germans in general with the most disgraceful conduct, such as theft and pillage. We learn that these proceedings, which we forbear to characterise, have entirely frustrated the efforts made by the Parisian negotiators to prevent the German army entering into Paris. We are positively assured that the entry of the German forces into the i.. 7 ' | STUPID BRUTALITY 42 I French capital will take place immediately after the expiration of the armistice." Friday, February 24///. — Thiers and Favre were here from 1 to 5.30 p.m. After they left, the Due de Mouchy and the Comte de Gobineau were announced. The object of their visit was to complain of the oppressive action of the German Prefect at Beauvais, who is apparently rather harsh, or at least not very conciliatory or indulgent. The Chief came to dinner in plain clothes for the first time during the war. Is this a sign that peace has been concluded ? He again complained that when he went to see the King, the Grand Dukes, " with their femi- nine curiosity, pestered him with questions." With regard to the deputation from Beauvais, Hatzfeld said that Mouchy and Gobineau were both sensible men and Conservatives, and that our Prefect, Schwarzkoppen, bullied them and the other nota- bles of the town and neighbourhood in an unpardonable way. Amongst other things, two days before the expiration of the term on which a contribution of two millions was to be paid they brought him a million and a half and said that the balance would follow shortly, whereupon he told them brutally that he was there for the purpose of ruining them and meant to do so, and he threatened to have them locked up in order to " coerce " them, which was not in the least necessary. The Chief was very angry and called Schwarzkoppen a "blockhead." Saturday, February 2$tk. — Unpleasant news has again been received from Bavaria. Werthern (who, it is true, is described by Bucher as unreliable and a visionary) writes that Count Holnstein regards the condition of King Lewis with very great anxiety. Prince Adalbert, who combines " the Wittelsbach haughtiness with Jesuitry," is inciting him against us. He as- serts that he signed the treaties under pressure. Before every Court dinner and even before every audience he drinks large quantities of the strongest wines, and then says the most ex- traordinary things to every one without distinction of persons. He wants to abdicate and leave the crown to his brother Otto, who, however, has no wish for it, and he is always inquiring about deadly poisons, etc. The Ultramontanes are aware of all this, and their candidate for the Reichstag, Prince Luitpold, is also their candidate for the throne, and they mean to get him chosen in spite of Prince Otto's claims. 422 PRINCELY OliTRUSIVENESS [March 6 Wednesday, March ist. — In the morning I crossed the bridge of boats at Suresnes to the Bois de Boulogne, where, from the half-ruined stand on the race course, I saw the Em- peror review the troops before they marched into Paris. We were joined at dinner by Mittnacht, and the Wiirtem- berg Minister, von Wachter, who was formerly attached to the Embassy in Paris and while there did his utmost against Prus- sia. The Chief said he had ridden into Paris, and was recog- nised by the populace, but there was no demonstration against him. He rode up to one man who looked particularly vicious, and asked him for a light, which he willingly gave. The Chancellor afterwards took occasion once more to speak his mind out on the obtrusiveness of certain princely person- ages. "They are like flies," he said, "there is no getting rid of them. But Weimar is the worst of the lot. He said to me to-day, ' Please tell me where did you disappear to so quickly yesterday ? I should have been glad to put some further ques- tions to you.' I replied, 'That was exactly it, your Royal High- ness. I had business to do, and could not enter into a lengthy conversation.' He fancies that the whole world has been created merely for his sake, for his amusement, the improve- ment of his education, and the satisfaction of his curiosity, which is insatiable, and he has absolutely no tact." Somebody observed that as a rule when he talks he does not think of what he says, but rather repeats phrases that he has learnt by rote. Mittnacht told another story about this august personage. " Some one was introduced to him : ' Ah, very pleased indeed, I have heard so much to your credit. Let me see, what was it I heard ? ' " Thursday, March 2nd. — Favre arrived this morning at 7.30 a.m., and wished to be shown in to the Chief. Wollmann de- clined to wake him, however, at which the Parisian Excellency was very indignant. Favre wanted to inform the Chancellor of the news he had received during the night that the National Assembly at Bordeaux had ratified the preliminaries of peace, and thereupon to ask that Paris and the forts on the left- bank of the Seine should be evacuated. This request was submitted in a letter which he left behind him. Sunday, March $th. — We leave to-morrow, first going to Lagny and thence to Mctz. The Chief is present at dinner. 1871J THE JOURNEY HOME 423 The conversation first turned upon our landlady, Madame Jesse, who put in an appearance either to-day or yesterday and made a variety of complaints to the Minister as to the damage we are supposed to have done to her property. He replied that was the way in war, particularly when people deserted their homes. Besides, she had reason to be thankful that she had got off so easily. The little table on which the Treaty of Peace was signed is to be taken with us to Germany. Taglioni, who is to remain behind a few days with the King, is instructed to have it replaced by an exactly similar piece of furniture. In speak- ing of the preparations for our departure the Chief says : " Kiihnel thinks we ought not to travel by night, as Lorraine will be haunted, and they might lay something on the rails." I replied, "Then I will travel incognito as the Duke of Coburg. Nobody owes him a grudge. He is regarded as perfectly innocent — and with justice." Monday, MarcJi 6th. — A lovely morning. Thrushes and finches warble the signal for our departure. At 1 o'clock the carriages get under way, and with light hearts we drive off towards the gate that we entered five months ago, and passed Villa Coublay, Villeneuve Saint Georges, Charenton, and La Fasanerie to Lagny, where we take up our quarters for the night. We leave here next day by a special train for Metz, where we arrive late at night. We put up at a hotel, while the Chief stays with Count Henckel at the Prefecture. Next morning we stroll through the town, visit the cathedral, and survey the neighbourhood from the bastions of the fortress. Shortly before I I o'clock we are again in the train, and travel by Saarbriicken and Kreuznach to Mayence, and thence to Frankfort. The Chief has an enthusiastic reception everywhere along the line and particularly at Saarbriicken and Mayence. Frank- fort is the only exception. We arrive there at a late hour, and start again in the night. At 7.30 on the following morning we reach Berlin, after exactly seven months' absence. All things considered, everything has been done during those seven months which it was possible to do. CHAPTER XX NO. 76 WILHELMSTRASSE THE CHANCELLOR'S RESIDENCE AND THE FOREIGN OFFICE — THE CHIEF'S OFFICIAL SURROUND- INGS AND HIS LIFE AT HOME — BUCHER AND ABEKEN Before resuming the extracts from my diary I beg to be allowed to present the reader with a picture of the house in which the Chancellor resided during his stay in Berlin at the time when I had the honour of working under his instructions, and to add a few words upon the life of which that house was the centre. I purpose to do this in some detail, not omitting even matters of secondary interest, and regardless of the question whether it may be to the taste of certain critics, as I hope the public will come to a very different conclusion, and will wel- come my description. In spite of the Radical newspapers of Berlin, and of the old women who write in the National Zeitung, and of the parlia- mentarian spirit which hovers over the turbid waters of the Press, No. j6 Wilhelmstrasse is, in the highest sense of the word, a house of historic interest. Under its roof and in its rooms, German history has been made, and — (as the new-born Germany, now raised to the position which is her due, may be regarded, without boastfulness, as one of the leading European Powers) — also a great, and perhaps the best part of the politi- cal history of the Continent. It has been the scene of great thoughts and deeds ; and to give as precise an account of such a place as discretion will permit, enabling the reader to form a distinct picture of it in his mind's eye, appears to me to be a praiseworthy undertaking, particularly when, as in the pres ent instance, the house in question has already undergone important changes, and will in time altogether disappear. What was the dwelling of the political regenerator of our people ? how did he live at the time when he began his work and 4-4 THE SCENE OF GREAT THOUGHTS AND DEEDS 425 carried the most important part of it into execution? and what were the instruments which he employed ? Our great-grand- children and their grandchildren will ask these questions, and so will the following generations, as we now do respecting the heroes of the two preceding periods of regeneration in the life of the German people, respecting Luther, who liberated and rejuvenated our spiritual life, and respecting Goethe and Schiller, the two central suns of the days when, in the literary sphere, clear morning rose upon a world of night and twilight. The cell in which Brother Martin, the Augustinian monk of Wittenberg, in October, 1 5 1 7, drew up the ninety-five Propo- sitions with which he delivered the first powerful blow against the Papacy ; the house and room where Faust and Gretchen and Wilhelm Meister's apprenticeship were completed, and that in which the powerful tragedy of the " Friedlaender " sprang from the poet's imagination, have been maintained by pious hands in the condition in which they were when occupied by those great spirits. That is also the case with Sans Souci, the chateau of the great Frederick. No. 76 Wilhelmstrasse does not stand under such favourable auspices. During the lifetime of the former occupant of this house, and immediately after his removal into the neighbouring palace which had been built for him, the inner apartments underwent considerable alterations, as the upper floor was also to be used for offices. Later, however, and perhaps at no very distant date, workmen will come with pick and shovel to tear down and cart away these historic walls. The stones and woodwork which, as a house, once sheltered the greatest statesman of our time, the window's through which he saw the sun shine upon his most important labours, will be applied to vulgar uses. The wall papers which witnessed momentous councils and interviews will be scattered to the winds, and after the rubbish heaps have been cleared away, a pretentious palatial building of two or three stories will rise on the site, and cause the old house to be forgotten. Reason says it must be so. The little house in which he lived may disappear, if only the great structure which he erected remains filled with his spirit. But for those to whom the house has become as closely identified with its occupants as the shell with its inlying mother-of-pearl, sentiment also has 426 NO. 76 WILHELMSTRASSE its claims, and if those claims are to be discharged, care must be taken that when destruction overtakes it, our hero's dwelling- place shall at least continue to live in the printed annals of our race. No. 76 Wilhelmstrasse, which, during the decade and a half spent by Bismarck under its roof has been the most distin- guished and finally the most influential Foreign Office in the world, was, both externally and internally, one of the most in- significant-looking and uncomfortable of buildings. The Pre- fecture of a French provincial town, such, for instance, as that of Versailles or Nancy, is, as a general rule, both more roomy and imposing than the narrow and old-fashioned tenement in which the Chancellor of the German Empire and the officials of the Political Department of the Foreign Office were housed for almost sixteen years. Chosen as the residence of the Min- ister at a time when Prussia was only occasionally reckoned among the effectually great Powers of Europe, it may not merely have sufficed for its purpose, so long as that period lasted, but have been, to some extent, an adequate symbol of her slight importance in the eyes of the outer world. After Prussia had taken a higher rank and compelled the world's attention, after her diplomacy had developed into fuller activity, it was, if not materially indispensable, at least fitting and ex- pedient that something better should be provided. The fact that this was only done at a late period is due mainly to the simple tastes of Prince Bismarck, who, as we have already seen, contented himself throughout his campaigns with scanty shelter, quite incommensurate with his rank. The former residence of the Imperial Chancellor was built in the first half of the last century, and in 18 19, when it was purchased by the Treasury, was in the possession of Alopaeus, the Russian Minister of that time. It is situated not far from the Wilhelmsplatz, and nearly opposite to the palace of Prince Charles. It is flanked on the one side by a palace which be- longed to Prince Radziwill until about four years ago, when, having passed into the possession of the German Empire, it was transformed into a residence for Prince Bismarck, and the Imperial Chanccllerie, while on the other side is the building formerly occupied by Deckner's printing establishment, which has also been for some time the property of the State. Behind THE ENTRANCE 427 the house is a spacious garden, which reaches as far as the Kcinig- graetzcr Strasse — the only beautiful feature of the whole resi- dence. Looked at from the front, No. 76 Wilhelmstrasse is a grey stucco house of moderate size. To the left on the ground floor is a carriage entrance, while to the right extends a row of eleven windows. On the first floor there are thirteen windows, and above a small flat gable projects from the tiled roof, beneath which are four pilasters in low relief, with Corinthian capitals rising between the middle windows. There is no other orna- mentation of any kind. Whoever wishes may add to the pict- ure, according to his own fancy, a few Chancery messengers with leather portfolios ; Leverstroem, the " Black Horseman " (who acts as the bearer of hurried messages, inquiries, and invitations) ; or one or other of the Ministers of foreign repre- sentatives stepping out of his carriage to pay the Chancellor a visit. If we pull the bell of the outer door it opens for us, only to close immediately behind our backs. We find ourselves in a gateway which opens on a small passage between two walls, behind which a portion of the garden is visible. On the right there is a window, behind the panes of which a watchful eye studies our appearance. Further on we come to the steps of a stone staircase, and a landing with a chessboard pattern in red and white ; then a yellow folding screen before a glass door between two grey Doric columns. On either side right and left of the staircase crouches a sphinx — mute, deep-gazing, and doubtless profoundly wise, which the stranger may regard as an intimation that he stands on the threshold of a mysterious region, inaccessible to most mortals. The watchful one awaits the visitor outside the small door, which opens on to the landing behind one of the sphinxes, scrutinises him closely, and inquires whom he wishes to see. This is Herr Linstedt, the Porter of the Foreign Office. Let us suppose that the stranger is in a position to satisfy this strict, though polite, janitor as to his right to visit all the mysterious chambers behind the screen (which, by the way, Prince Napoleon on his visit to Bismarck is understood not to have been able to do without some delay), and let us further suppose that our stroll through the building takes place in one of the three years from February, 1870, to March, 1873. These 428 THE FORECOURT OF THE GENTILES are among the most important years of the last decades ; and since then, as already indicated, alterations have been made both in the arrangement of the rooms and in the personnel employed there. Finally, it may perhaps be well to remember before entering, and to bear constantly in mind, that this is not the office of the Imperial Chancellor, — a misunderstanding which to my knowledge was formerly very frequent, and which may occur occasionally even now, — but the Foreign Office, or, to be still more precise, the first or political department of the Foreign Office, which works immediately under the control of the Imperial Chancellor. The Imperial Chancellerie, properly so called, is now located in the palatial building, Nos. I and 2 Wilhclmsplatz ; while during the period here referred to it was also rather poorly housed. The Imperial Chancellerie, which is to a certain extent the Ministry of the Interior for Germany, at that time under the control of Herr Delbriick, was, and is, both actually and for purposes of business, about as distinct from the Foreign Office as is the Ministry of War and the Admiralty. An ominous twilight prevails in the chambers behind the screens. A door to the right leads into the room occupied by the deciphering clerks. To the left a rather broad staircase, which receives its light from a small cupola decorated with green and gold arabesques, leads to the first floor, on which is situated the official residence of the Imperial Chancellor. For the present we pass by these carpeted stairs in order to continue our inspection of the lower regions. A few paces further on, and we find ourselves in a small dark passage, which is lighted with hanging lamps, even in the daytime. It ends at a folding door leading into a large chamber occu- pied by the Secretary of State, which looks out on to the back- yard and the garden. On the left-hand side of the passage n second door opens into the room of the Chancery attendants. Passing through this to a third door we enter a small dimly lighted antechamber, which might — if it were possible to compare the Foreign Office to the Temple at Jerusalem — correspond to the Forecourt of the Gentiles, or be described as the space where the Proselytes of the Gate collected to- gether. In other words, here the minor officials of the Min- istry receive and despatch business with outsiders, i.e., with AN OPPRESSIVE ATMOSPHERE 429 persons who do not belong to the Foreign Office. Behind the folding doors visible to the right and left of this ante- chamber is holy ground, unapproachable for the profane world, and only accessible to the Levites and priests. On the right Secretaries cipher, decipher, and copy despatches. To the left those who are initiated and have the right of entry find them- selves first in the Central Bureau, the headquarters of the Secretaries for confidential correspondence, and then in a small labyrinth of rooms, cells, and partitions, in which officials of various grades in the diplomatic hierarchy are engaged with the secrets of the house, mostly seated a few paces, and some- times hardly three feet, from each other. The impression left by this series of chambers is not at all a pleasant one, especially if the visitor has been previously in the Ministry of Commerce or the Imperial Chancellerie, and is able and disposed to make comparisons. In such circumstances one may perhaps think of Faust's " drangvoll fuerchterliche Enge ": — " Beschraenkt von diesem Buecherhauf, Mit Instrumenten voll gepfropft, Urvaeter Hausrath drein gestopft. 1 ' Such is the oppressive sultriness, particularly when the visit takes place in the evening, and the steam of a dozen oil lamps is added to the smell of documents, printer's ink, and the close air, revolting the nose and distressing the lungs, that one can- not help wondering how it is that lamps can possibly burn in such an atmosphere, and that such an accumulation of evil gases does not lead to explosions and accidents as in ill-ven- tilated mines. This is no exaggeration. Man becomes accustomed to everything upon this earth, even to eating arsenic and to the poisonous air of overcrowded rooms. Such rooms, however, do not on that account become any the pleasanter to live in. Another and almost equally serious inconvenience to which several of those engaged there have perforce to become recon- ciled is that of having to work so close together in small rooms, sometimes only divided by a papered partition, through which every conversation not conducted in a whisper interrupts 430 ANTIQUATED FURNITURE the course of their own thoughts, and (I refer of course to the period above specified, though I quote from my diary in the present tense) the inconvenience is not diminished by the cir- cumstance that some of the gentlemen employed there seem unable to speak in a low voice. The furniture, which includes some fossils from the prime- val Alopaeus period, is made of every kind of wood grown in our forests and gardens, and constructed in every fashion and style of cabinet-making, reaching back to the last century. Yellow plum-tree, dark mahogany, common deal, japanned, polished, and merely planed wood, writing-tables, standing and cylinder desks, document cupboards, open shelves for books, journals and papers, and, in the furthest chambers of the laby- rinth, a few sofas, each of which almost invariably differs in shape and material from its neighbour, are arranged along the walls in motley array. Several of these have the dignity of age. Not the most ancient of these grey and antique relics is a desk at which some official has, I believe for thirty years, always sharpened his pencil on the same spot, until at length his penknife has dug a hole right through the inch and a half thickness of the wood. These venerable survivals are calcu- lated to provoke many thoughts both serious and humorous ; but there is one in particular which they all suggested, at any rate to me. How it must have worried these ancient pieces of furniture, after so many years and decades of fruitless but com- fortable routine, to find themselves suddenly roused in 1862 by the new spirit that had entered and filled the house ! Can they ever have grown reconciled to that swift, exacting, imperious, and not very considerate genius, even when they saw the fruits, the immense success, of the organisation which he introduced ? One must assume that furniture has no interest in or under- standing of such matters. It would be a pleasant addition if I were at liberty to com- plete my description of these rooms with characteristic portraits of their occupants. They would be as statues and pictures in the house which I have built with words, and it is possible that a couple of original figures would be found among the number. There are, however, certain grounds for hesitation, of which I will only mention the following — that as a rule dignity will not suffer a jest; furthermore, that a member of the non-official A DELICATE POINT 43 1 world runs sonic risk of forming an incorrect or unfair opinion of an official ; and that the latter — if he is of the right sort wishes neither to be praised nor blamed by persons outside his own circle, nor indeed even mentioned oftener than is necessary. Such an one desires simply to do his duty, and contents himself with his own legitimate sense of personal worth, which in this instance is all the more praiseworthy, as those whose portraits I should here have to attempt are officials of rank and title. These considerations made me hesitate. Finally, however, others forced themselves upon me. The picture of the Chan- cellor's life must be made as complete as possible ; and the truth, which through machinations in the press has been in many instances seriously obscured and disfigured, must no longer suffer violence. I therefore adopt a middle course, and take from my diary, where they have been preserved till now for the purpose of private reference, certain of the above-men- tioned statues and pictures, the originals of which have in the meantime either died or been placed in an entirely false light in the public mind. These I exhibit partly here and partly in the later chapters. History, to which these fellow-workers of the Chancellor now belong, must know how they appear to an im- partial observer. To this necessity all other considerations must give way. Of the other gentlemen I only give the names, recall their titles, mention in general that they are more or less richly provided with the usual decorations, and indicate in a few words some of their principal features. We had remained in the first room to the left of the dusky antechamber already described, which I took the liberty of com- paring to the Forecourt of the Gentiles. Under the windows are the writing tables and desks of the secretaries of the Central Bureau, who, if I am rightly informed, occupy the first rank among the minor officials of the Empire. Geheimer Hofrath Roland, the Chief of the Bureau, has his place under the fur- thest window, in the region of the Councillors of Embassy. He is an elderly gentleman, who entered at a time when these posi- tions were mainly or exclusively occupied by members of the French colony, and when the principal business of the Central Bureau, namely the registration of all documents despatched and received, was conducted in the French language. He is a paragon of registrars, although just a little brusque, and he 432 THE CENTRAL BUREAU might perhaps also be described as a good calculator, in a cer- tain sense. Nine orders and medals decorate his meritorious breast, when on festive occasions he dons his uniform of a lieu- tenant of the Reserve. Thoroughly well versed in the etiquette of official intercourse, he would, in writing to the Minister, never subscribe himself other than "most obedient humble servant"; to the Secretary of State, " obedient " ; to an Ambassador, " most dutiful"; or to an Envoy, "most respectful." In writing to Bulow and Keudell, he signs himself "your most obedient," possibly because they are Kassenraethe, or perhaps because of their titles of nobility. To Bucher and the other Privy Coun- cillors he is only "your obedient," to officials of equal rank " most humble," and to inferiors " humble." The next in place and rank is " Hofrath " Hesse, formerly a theologian, and also advanced in years. Then come Herr Bolsing, also for some time past a " HofratJi" and the " Gehcim Sekretar" Wollmann, who has not yet been awarded the higher predicate. I wish again to call attention to the fact that these descrip- tions and names refer to the period of 1873. As already cursorily noted, the Central Bureau is the de- spatching and registering department of the Foreign Office. It is the centre from which all the ideas and orders of the Chan- cellor, as worked up by the Councillors in the form of notes, despatches, telegrams, instructions, &c, radiate out into the world, and it is the point at which all those coming in from out- side, such as documents, reports, and letters addressed to the Minister personally, or to the Ministry, are opened, registered according to their contents, communicated to the Chief, and, after use — so far as it is desirable to retain them — arranged in bundles and pigeon-holed in the presses which line the walls, until they ultimately find their way into the State archives. Adjoining the room occupied by the Gehcim Sckretdre, is a narrow, one-windowed cell, with book shelves, newspaper cupboards, and other furniture, including the patient writing- desk above mentioned, with its counterpart to the proverb that " Constant dropping wears the stone," which has made the clearest and most lasting impression upon my memory, as it was assigned to me as my place of work. Next to this little chamber, which at the same time served as a thoroughfare to the larger room of the Secretaries, was a still smaller one, not LOTHAK BUCHER 433 more than two good paces in breadth, which was divided from the former by a thin wooden partition papered over. Within these narrow confines two Rathe (Councillors), the antipodes of each other, Lothar lyncher and Aegidi, were from the sum- mer of 1 87 1 driven to seek, elbow-room and a few feet of space to move about in, and, what is still stranger, they managed to find it. A full account must be given of the first mentioned of these. One day, when the secret history of the Bismarckian era can be written, the name of this little unpretentious man in the modest cell will have to occupy a prominent, and perhaps, indeed, the first place among the Chancellor's fellow-labourers. And with justice ! I do not exaggerate when I assert that of the assistants who cooperated in the work of our political re- generator, Bucher was in every respect the most gifted and the best informed, while at the same time he was unquestionably the man of strongest character, conscientiousness, unselfishness, and loyalty among them. He was a man of genuine distinction, and with his clear and fine understanding, hib wealth of know- ledge, his skill in political affairs, and his great power of work, he was, v in short — to borrow the words in which our master once spoke of him to me — "a real pearl." Space fails me to show this at due length, and indications and outlines, with a few illustrations of his worth, must suffice in some degree to give an idea of this rare character. His name will recur repeatedly in the diary, which will, as far as possible, make up for what may be lacking here. Adolph Lothar Bucher was born at Neustettin, on the 25th of October, 18 17. When he was two years of age his family moved to Koeslin in Further Pomerania, where his father, a Saxon of the Electorate, and much respected as a philologian and geographer, was Professor and Pro-Rector of the Gymna- sium or High School. Here the boy received his earliest in- struction and his first conscious impressions of the world and life. The fact that his father was a friend of Ludwig Jahn's must have had some influence on his riper youth. The sub- jects for which he showed the greatest aptitude at school were mathematics and natural philosophy ; and as the time for choos- ing a profession drew near he first wished to become a sailor and afterwards an architect. His parents, on the other hand, preferred one of the learned professions; and he decided to 434 BUCHER'S EARLY CAREER adopt the study of the law, for which purpose he went to Ber- lin University. Here he found in progress the well-known conflict between the historical and philosophical schools, be- tween Savigny and Gans. He threw in his lot with the latter, and occupied himself diligently with the study of Hegel, their chief master. Subsequently, however, his inclination for phi- losophy cooled down, and he devoted himself exclusively to jurisprudence. From 1838 to 1843 he was engaged in the chief Provincial Court at Koeslin, and in the latter year was appointed Assessor in the Court at Stolp, which town returned him as its representative to the Prussian National Assembly in March, 1848, and a year later to the Parliament which had in the meantime been created. Up to 1840 there had practically been no public life in Prussia in the present sense of the words. The new representative from Further Pomerania was a jurist, whose education had been in the main confined to civil law, and who had had no experience whatever of affairs of State. Moreover, he had read Rotteck and Welcker in his leisure hours, and had with his inborn thoroughness assimilated their views on history and politics. It was therefore almost a matter of course, particularly when the revolutionary spirit is taken into account, which at that time swept like a stormy west wind through the German States, shaking all the trees and loosening every joint, that Bucher should have taken his seat upon the left benches and devoted his gifts as a jurist and as a speaker to the service of Radicalism. It should be observed, however, that he did not belong to the Waldeck party, which despised the rules of polite conduct, and just as little to those who de- lighted in the art of pathetic oratory. Speaking of him in his " Dcnkivucrdigkcitcn" General von Brandt says: "I have never heard any one speak with more talent and moderation than Bucher on this occasion (the debate in Committee on the so- called Habeas Corpus Act). His blond hair and dispassionate attitude reminded me strongly of pictures of St. Just. Bucher was a ruthless leveller of all existing institutions, rank, and property. He was one of the most consistent members of the National Assembly, and was determined to take every step which seemed to lead towards the attainment of his object, namely virtue as the principle, and fraternal affection in the conduct of affairs. With no knowledge of society and devoted AS A PARLIAMENTARIAN 435 to sterile legal abstractions, he was fully convinced that the salvation of the world could only be secured by the sudden and violent destruction of the existing State and social arrange- ments. He helped to organise the public opposition, and in particular to spur on the ambitious and turbulent fraction of the National Assembly to seize a Dictature. The ironical con- tempt with which he treated the existing authorities and evinced his hatred of the old constitution of the State, his dogma of the sovereignty of the people, whom he intoxicated with their own Radical chimeras, together with the ability which he displayed for the role of a demagogue, would have enabled him in time to surpass all the members of his party in his strictly logical endeavours." In Parliament Bucher was particularly active in promoting the various measures of reorganisation. He played an espe- cially important part as the reporter on the motion by Waldeck, calling upon the Ministry to raise the state of minor siege which had been declared against Berlin on the 12th of Novem- ber, 1848. He found no difficulty on this occasion, when he again spoke mainly as a jurist, in proving the illegality of the measure, as there could be no doubt that it was impossible to justify it by Article no of the Constitution which only came into force three weeks later, and the more so as this article only dealt with the suspension of certain fundamental rights in case of war or revolution. Neither the one nor the other existed in Berlin on the 12th of November, and the Minister had not only suspended the fundamental rights, but had subjected citizens to the jurisdiction of courts-martial, of which there was no men- tion in Article no, and for which older laws also contained no provision. The resolution passed by the House on that occasion led to its dissolution, followed on the 4th of February by the so-called Refusal of Taxes Trial. . . . The special hatred of Bucher in the higher circles, as evinced in the course of this trial, was due to his above-mentioned report on the illegality of the state of siege. The proceedings ended in the acquittal of most of the accused. Bucher and three others were, however, found guilty and sentenced to three months' confinement in a fortress, with the usual additions, namely loss of civic rights, and, for officials, dismissal from the service of the State. This turn of affairs, and still more the vexations with which 436 BUCIIER'S SOJOURN IN LONDON he was threatened by the police after the termination of his imprisonment, decided Bucher to go abroad. He settled per- manently in London. Here began for him a period of enlight- enment, which resulted in the gradual transformation of the juridical theorist and idealist into a practical politician. He occupied himself at first with the study of politics and political economy, and with the observation of English methods and customs, whereby he found himself in many respects disap- pointed with his former ideals, and filled with repugnance and contempt of things and persons which he, like other Liberals, had previously admired. Among the acquaintances which he made here were Urquhart, and afterwards Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and Hcrzen. The last three in particular contributed to his further transformation by openly speculating in his pres- ence on sundry strips of German territory in the South, West, and East, which were required in satisfaction of the doctrine of nationalities. This aroused a certain distrust in Bucher's mind, which in this respect did not suffer from the disease of " prin- ciple." His untainted patriotism warned him of the desirability of prudence. The experience and the convictions which he obtained in this way were, together with other material, utilised by him in the German press, and particularly in the National Zcitung, to which he for several years contributed political articles which attracted widespread attention by the thorough knowledge of the subjects dealt with, their wealth and depth of thought, and the highly original views of which they gave evi- dence. He also wrote for the same paper some excellent reports of the London Industrial Exhibition, on English house- hold arrangements worthy of imitation, and on other practical matters. He did eminent service in the enlightenment of such Liberal minds as were not closed to argument by his letters on English Parliamentarism, a brilliant criticism, which indi- rectly hit upon the weak points of Parliamentarism in general, and confuted the current heresy that the German popular rep- resentation should be modelled in every particular on the British system. He produced convincing arguments that the English Constitution was not a manufactured article, but a growth, the product of the English State and social life and character, and further that Constitutional arrangements cannot be everywhere the same, but must correspond with the fundamental character, BUCHER AND LASSALLE 437 history, and prevailing conditions of each separate country. To this was added evidence, which was then necessary, but is now no longer required by any sensible man, showing that the Eng- lish art of government, so far as foreign affairs are concerned — when the ornamental veil of fine phrases is torn off — is noth- ing more than a commercial policy of the most self-seeking kind, devoid of all ideal motives and historical breadth. In these letters the difficulties and the seamy side of English Parliamen- tary life and the weaknesses of their leaders, Palmcrston, Glad- stone, the " Doctor supernaturalis " Cobden, and the whole gang of hypocritical and egotistic apostles of English PYee Trade were illuminated by a light of truly electric brilliancy and clearness. It was a ruthless exposure of a kind that has rarely been witnessed. 1 In i860 Bucher, probably tired of working for the press, thought of emigrating to Central America, where he had ac- quired a piece of land (which was still in his possession twenty years later), in order to become a coffee planter under his own palms and mangrove bushes. Fate decided, however, that he belonged to growing Germany, and the amnesty of that year permitted his return to Berlin. Here he renewed his former friendship with Rodbertus, and made the acquaintance of Lassalle, to whom his intercourse soon became indispensable, while Bucher on his side felt attracted in many ways towards Lassalle. The Socialist agitator was a very different character to his heirs of to-day, a man of the highest ability, with whom Bismarck himself did not disdain to correspond, a respected savant who was highly esteemed by Bockh, and a resolute patriot who was only led into folly by his boundless ambition. As a follower of Hegel, he belonged to a different school of thought to Bucher, but was yet in agreement with the latter in his belief in the "iron law of wages," and like him convinced that the State alone could reform the evils from which the labouring classes suffered. Bucher's former political associates on the other hand belonged to the Manchester school, consider- ing that the true way of salvation lay in " laisser faire " and free 1 These articles formed the basis of the book Der Parlamentarisimts wie er ist, a second edition of which appeared in 1881, while others were utilised for a second volume, Bilder aus der Fremde, fiir die Heimath gezeichnet ( " Pictures from Abroad painted for those at Home "). 438 BUCHER ENTERS THE FOREIGN OFFICE competition, that is to say in the destruction of the weak by the strong. They further swore by the principle of the National- verein, and detesting the idea of war for this purpose, they wished to unite Germany under Prussia by " moral " means, by a " popular policy," speeches, and leading articles, and by athletic, singing, and prize-shooting festivals. In this respect also Bucher, as a practical politician and contemner of phrases, was of a decidedly different opinion to his friends of the Na- tional Zeitung, and the difference in their views led gradually to an estrangement which was accompanied by an inward approach to Bismarck's standpoint in the German question, resulting ultimately in the cooperation of the two. Bucher had severed his connection with the National Zeitung, and was by no means satisfied with the position which he afterwards took in Wolf's Telegraph Agency. He therefore thought of seeking work as a lawyer, and wrote to the Minister of Justice on the subject. Bismarck heard of his plans through the latter. He asked Bucher to see him, and offered him occupation at the Foreign Office, which was accepted after some little hesitation. Bucher, the whilom democrat, the former member of the Prus- sian party of the Mountain, who had hurled oratorical bomb- shells at the Minister, had been cured by a sound understanding, experience, and change of air; and, in 1864, he was already in full and fruitful activity at No. j6 Wilhelmstrasse, where he continued for two decades. He did excellent service to the new German world in the most various ways, as lawyer, diplomatist, and publicist, and fully justified the confidence of him who had chosen him as a fellow-worker. In the years 1865 to 1867 he was chiefly entrusted with the administration of Lauenburg, a difficult task, as this Duchy when it came into the possession of Prussia was two centuries behind the times, both in its legal institutions and in its methods of administration. During the same period, in 1866, he drew up for his Chief the Constitution of the North German Confederation (the principal articles of which agree in the main with that of the German Empire). Bismarck of course had given him the main lines for his task, which Bucher, by the way, completed within twenty hours. He was afterwards repeatedly engaged in the preparation and execution of important political work and regulations, and dis- charged with skill and success several diplomatic missions, in- BISMARCK'S CONFIDENCE 439 eluding two of universal historical importance. He became so indispensable to the Minister that the latter took him to Varzin for several summers while on holiday. During the war with France Buchcr was working with the Chancellor at headquarters from the end of September up to the preliminaries of peace, and also in 1S71 on the conclusion of the definitive treaty at Frank- fort. He kept the minutes of the Berlin Congress in 1878. lie wrote a great number of the most important despatches and memorials, as well as a pamphlet on the Cobden Club, for which he had collected material in England. The Chancellor very seldom made any alterations in his work. As a matter of fact, Bucher had from the beginning understood him, and easily assimilated his views of things in individual cases, while he had the further advantage of being able to take down verbal com- munications in shorthand. While in his official life Bucher enjoyed the high esteem and full confidence of the Chief, whose example was followed more or less willingly by others, he experienced in later years consid- erable bitterness and neglect, principally, but not exclusively, under the Secretaries of State, von Bulow and Hatzfeld. He finally asked for his discharge, not merely on account of age and illness, which were the ostensible motives. His request was acceded to. He declined the proposal of the Prince that he should retire into private life with the title of Excellency, because " he could not then have continued to stitch on his own buttons, or to stroll about the Jungfernhaide with a botanist's impedimenta on his back." Bucher, who was one of the truest of the true, paid several long visits to the Prince after the fatal 1 8th of March, 1890, and helped him to prepare his Memoirs, of which, so long as he was engaged upon them, his valuable assistance materially enhanced the trustworthiness. It may be added that Bucher remained unmarried, and that, considering his position, he had little intercourse during recent years with his fellows. His friends in diplomatic circles included Schloetzer, Limburg-Stirum, and Kusseroff ; and in the financial world, Hansemann and Werner Siemens. The bond between him, Victor Hehn, and myself was our common veneration for the Chancellor and our equally deep contempt for hypocrisy and place-hunting. His character in company was that of a sober, taciturn man, who was, nevertheless, by no means devoid of 440 ABEKEN poetic feeling and humour, who could tell many a good story in an effective manner, and who sometimes talked also in very pleasant fashion of his canaries and the Alpine flowers in his herbarium. His ideas and feelings were expressed in a low tone, without being wanting in energy. A cool head, but a warm heart ; still water, but clear and deep. I have given more time and space to his picture than I had intended at first, but I believe I shall have thereby compensated for the mischief done by others to his memory ; for I remember that Count Caprivi's menials, who had the preparation of the Reiclisanzei- gcr, thought it sufficient to devote three dry lines to his depart- ure when he passed into eternity at Glion, on the Lake of Geneva, on the 12th of October, 1892. I propose to deal with Keudell later. Of Biilow I will only remark that he is a man of routine, of moderate ability, and is understood to be not altogether free from an inclination to in- trigue. Geheimrath Hepke, a lean, wizened man in the fifties, is not a very pleasant personage. He has something in him of the Privy Councillor as he exists in the popular imagina- tion — great self-conceit, a consciousness that he knows prac- tically everything considerably better than the rest of the world, and doubtless also a high opinion of his own rank and title. Leaving the room where Geheimrath Hepke works, and proceeding to the right along the adjoining narrow passage, we reach the small room containing the reference library of the Ministry. Here at a window which opens on the court another Privy Councillor of Embassy, Count Hatzfeld (after- wards promoted to the position of Minister in Madrid, then rep- resentative of the Empire at the Porte, and in 1880 appointed Secretary of State under the Imperial Chancellor), spends a few hours daily. In the next room we hear the scratching of the ever-ready pen of his older colleague, Abeken, whose gifts and character must now be dealt with. While the Chancellor him- self selected Lothar Bucher as his fellow-worker, Abeken came to him by inheritance. Heinrich Abeken may be regarded in almost every respect as the type of the official of the old school. His whole being and inclinations belong to that epoch in our history which may be described as the literary-aesthetic era, a time when political affairs were of secondary interest to poetry, ECCLESIASTICAL TASTES 441 philosophy, philology treated from an artistic standpoint, and other scientific questions. He enjoyed himself most, and felt himself most at home, in a circle of ideas which, previous to the appearance of Bismarck, chiefly attracted the attention of the Court, the upper classes, the higher bourgeoisie, and persons of education. Indeed, he hardly ever for a single moment thoroughly threw himself into politics. Even at times when the welfare of his country appeared to be at stake he seemed to be more interested in some aesthetic question than in measures more closely connected with the sphere to which his office assigned him. It happened not infrequently that while others were anxiously awaiting the outcome of a political crisis his thoughts were occupied by an entirely different subject, so that for instance the verses of some old or new poet kept running through his head, and were usually recited by him with much pathos, although they had no visible connection with the situa- tion of the moment. Abeken, who hailed from Osnabriick, was born in 1809. His education was conducted by his uncle Bern- hard Rudolf Abeken, the philologist and writer on aesthetics, who lived at Weimar in Schiller's time, and who had assimilated the style of sentiment which then prevailed there. The nephew afterwards studied theology, and in 1834 held the position of Chaplain to the Prussian Embassy in Rome under Josias Bun- sen. He there married an Englishwoman, who was taken from him by death a few months later. A friend of Bun sen, whom he followed to London on his transfer to that post in 1841, and whose views and aspirations in ecclesiastical matters he shared, Abeken even at that time devoted himself so far to diplomacy that he drew up a memorandum on the creation of an evangeli- cal bishopric in Jerusalem. This idea was regarded with lively sympathy in the most exalted quarters in Berlin, although, later on, under William I., it would scarcely have occurred to any one, or have served as a recommendation for its originator. In this connection we meet Abeken again among those who ac- companied Professor Lepsius on his exploring tour through Upper Egypt in 1842, when he also visited the Holy Land. He entered the Foreign Office under Heinrich von Arnim, and there he remained until his death in August, 1872, notwithstand- ing the important changes that had occurred in the meantime, a model of loyalty and attachment, even though his virtues 442 COMPROMISING ACQUAINTANCES recalled in many ways those of the venerable old furniture to which I alluded just now. The extracts from the diary during the war have already given some instances of the exceptional and occasionally comic attraction which everything connected with the Court and other princely circles seemed to exercise upon Abeken, and the sub- sequent chapters will contain a few more. In this respect he was the very antitype of his colleague Bucher, as also in the fact that he was particularly sociable and talkative. It was to satisfy the longing which he felt for intercourse with persons of rank that he used to frequent the circles which made the Radziwill Palace their headquarters. He was unable to forego these visits even when the society that collected there formed the centre of the ultramontane opposition to the ecclesiastical policy of the Chancellor. Apart from such social gatherings as the above, the old gentleman must have felt himself most at home at the weekly meetings of the " Gracca," a society " con- sisting chiefly of former Romans" the rules of which excluded all political discussions, its sole object in addition to its social aims being of a philological and aesthetic character. With regard to Abeken's business capacity and the limita- tions of his usefulness I would first recall the circumstance that our Chief, at the time when he described Bucher to me as a " real pearl," is understood to have spoken of Abeken as a "true strawchopper " — a comparison which is less flattering than appropriate. Unquestionably Abeken was a very meri- torious worker in the routine of the Foreign Office, but he was by no means such a prominent one as many outsiders thought. Owing to his long service thoroughly acquainted with all the ins and outs of official business, he had become a virtuoso in red tape. Provided with an ample store of phrases which, when he received his instructions, ran from his fingers' ends without much thinking, and with a knowledge of several lan- guages just about sufficient for his task, it was as if he had been specially created for the purpose of putting into shape the ideas given to him by the Chief with the readiness of a sewing ma- chine. In addition to this he was an indefatigable worker, and would deliver in the course of the day astonishing quantities of well-written documents for the messengers and despatch bags. But when he had to deal with questions of importance, he was COUNT IUSMARCK-BOIILEN 443 scarcely in a position to draw for the material upon his own resources. It was not, however, at all necessary that he should do so. The ready writer with a good knowledge of traditional forms was sufficient. It was the Minister's genius and know- ledge of men and things that provided the substance for his work, and sometimes also improved the form. He is under- stood to have worked with more independence under Bismarck's predecessor, and among other things to have drafted the treaty of Olmiitz. I have heard it asserted that he drew up on his own initiative documents of great political importance under the First Imperial Chancellor, and prepared speeches from the throne — but this is a baseless legend. On many occasions, however, when the Minister was out of temper with the King, Abeken acted for weeks at a time, entrusted as the mouthpiece of his Chief, and, of course, under instructions from the latter, reported to his Majesty on current affairs. He also on various occasions accompanied the monarch, in an official capacity, to bathing resorts, as for instance to Ems in the early summer of 1870, where he made himself useful during the last days of his stay and earned the thanks of the Chancellor. In the adjoin- ing salon his Excellency the Secretary of State, von Thile, re- ceives the diplomatists whom the Chancellor himself is unable to see. He suddenly resigned, if I remember rightly, on the 2nd of October, 1872, and retired into private life. I will, later on, give some particulars of the motives for this step. He was opposed to the Kulturkanipf, and longed for the return of the peace of former times. He was exceptionally amiable as a superior. For a short time after his retirement his position was filled by von Balen, the German Minister at the Belgian Court. A definite successor was then appointed in the person of von Biilow of Mecklenburg, who (I am also writing for the lay public) as Minister of State and Excellency, must not be confounded with his namesake mentioned above. Count Bis- marck-Bohlen and Baron von Gundlach only put in an appear- ance here occasionally. The former, a cousin of the Chancellor's, was a lieutenant in the Dragoon Guards and a Councillor of Embassy, and had charge of all sorts of personal affairs of the Chief, principally such as were of little importance. He was also the medium for the Minister's communications with the Literary Bureau in the Ministry of State, and with Stieber, the 444 FOREIGN OFFICE DISCIPLINE chief of the Berlin detective force. Naturally good-natured he was addicted to bragging, played the heathen and the rout on a small scale, and indulged in jokes and puns which were not always bad ; but he never carried weight with any one, even the Secretaries upon whom he occasionally tried to shift some of his work shrugging their shoulders at him. All that is to be said of Gundlach, a lean and sickly gentleman, who afterwards died at Lisbon as Charge d' Affaires, is that he put in an appear- ance daily for half, or sometimes a whole, hour, glanced at the Journal ties Debuts, the Times, &c, chatted for a while, coughed a little, chatted again, and for these labours drew an allowance of six thalers a day. For some time after the war Count Wartensleben, a young and amiable nobleman, who was pre- paring himself for the diplomatic service, in which he died of cancer in 1880, and Count Solms-Sonnenwalde, who had pre- viously been attached to the Embassy in Paris, and who after- wards acted as Minister first in Brazil, then in Dresden, and finally in Madrid, 1 passed in and out amongst us for a time. It is hardly necessary to point out that notwithstanding the narrowness and discomfort of the Foreign Office there is plenty of hard and good work done there, particularly by Bucher and Abeken. The Chancellor demands it, and gives a good example of it in his own person. The strictest order prevails from top to bottom, unconditional obedience is the rule, and, as is right and proper, every one obeys without protest or contradiction, whatever his own opinion may be. At times one or other of the distinguished gentlemen who sit here kicks against the pricks, fancies he should do a little more or a little less, argues about some special instruction given to him, gnashing his teeth and clenching his fist — in his pocket. He prudently abstains, however, from giving expression to his dissatisfaction otherwise than in soliloquies within the walls of his own room. Every- thing downstairs moves at the bidding of one will, that which comes from upstairs, and every one works to the best of his ability. Whoever does not care to work within the broader or narrower sphere prescribed for him by the genius who rules here may take himself off. Discipline must be maintained, and absolute subordination, so that every wheel of the machine shall work readily and promptly and in its proper time and 1 He was subsequently Ambassador to the Italian Court. MINISTERIAL DESPOTISM 445 place. There must be no stoppage caused by this or that individuality. Acquiescence is the first and highest law. Formerly things were different, but no great harm was done. Those who are acquainted with the history of Prussia prior to Bismarck's entry into office know why. To-day when a fertile mind and an energetic will preside here, and matters of the greatest moment are at stake, there is nothing for it but to obey orders. The Councillors have no longer to offer counsel, but simply to regard themselves as instruments of the Chan- cellor's will, who, like other instruments, Charges d'Affaires, Ministers, and Ambassadors, have to use their knowledge and ability in carrying his ideas and intentions into execution. Strong self-consciousness is not compatible with the necessity of maintaining a continuous and homogeneous policy. This was called " Ministerial despotism," by Count Harry Arnim. I call it the maintenance of an absolutely essential devotion to duty under a great leader. Arnim was offended at the expression made use of on one occasion by the Chancellor: "My Ambassadors must wheel round like non-commissioned officers at the word of command without knowing why." I, on the contrary, consider it quite an excellent description of the relations which should always exist between the leading spirit of the Foreign Office and its branches at foreign Courts, especially when a man of highly original character and quite exceptional ideas and principles is in charge of the administra- tion. With the kind permission of the Excellencies and Grand Crosses in question I should not have objected even if in that expression of the Chancellor's they had been described as his senior clerks. The more they subordinate to him their own views, tastes, and wills, regarding themselves as his staff ser- geants, or clerks, and acting accordingly, the better services will they render, and the better will be their work. If, in addition thereto, they should prove to be impartial, clear-sighted observers and diligent reporters, with a sense of what is of im- portance, and a distaste for phrasemongering and smart writing (of these attributes, by the way, the only one with which Count Arnim could be credited was a desultory industry), they will have done pretty well everything that can be fairly expected of them. I ought now to conduct the reader upstairs under the green 446 THE CHANCELLOR'S ROOMS AND THE GARDEN and gold cupola to the first floor and there show him the rooms occupied by the Imperial Chancellor and his family. I prefer, however, first to pay a visit to the park behind the courtyards and the smaller outbuildings. It is a stately and pleasant frag- ment of the Thiergarten which formerly extended to this spot, and of which many fine groups of beautiful old shady trees are still preserved behind the Wilhelmstrasse, where the nightingales beneath their spreading branches celebrate the budding spring- time and the sunrise. The long avenue which runs in a straight line tc the left, shaded by elm trees or white beech, and which finishes not far from the further end of the garden, narrowing more and more in perspective, I always thought to be specially charming and indeed fairy-like. Exceptionally beautiful in the first days of summer with the green shadows falling athwart the branches in the foreground while the far end is bathed in a soft green light, it remains beautiful even in winter, when the fine lichens and mosses lend a greenish sheen to the stems of the trees. I believe the garden is one of the Chancellor's favourite walks, and I hope that this, at least, will be preserved when the house is pulled down. A further reason for hoping so is that many a deep plan was thought out, and many a de- cision of great moment taken here. The Minister had often strolled up and down here at a late hour of the evening await- ing news from the King at times when important measures were under consideration. Here on the night of the 14th and 15th of June, in the Year of Victory, 1866, the idea occurred to him of inducing Moltke to order the Prussian forces to cross the frontier, and thereby the Rubicon, twenty-four hours earlier than had been originally intended; and here, in 1870, about the time of the declaration of war, he was to be seen repeatedly pacing up and down that evergreen avenue in a meditative mood, swinging a big stick, and from time to time sending the messenger in waiting to summon one of his assistants in order to give instructions for despatches, telegrams, or news- paper articles. Returning from the garden behind No. y6 Wilhelmstrasse, we observe that the two wings in which the house ends at this side contain only work rooms, servants' apartments, stables, &c, and that the courtyard between them is shaded by a broad- branched nut-tree. THE DRAWING- ROOM 447 Proceeding up the stairs behind the screen in the main building, and passing through the glass door at the top, we enter a small antechamber. When the Chancellor is in Berlin, servants in livery and Chancery attendants in black swallow- tail coats await here the arrival of visitors and of those who are to be received in audience, or have to make verbal reports to the Chancellor. A door to the left leads into a second small antechamber, while another to the right brings us into a large oval drawing-room, which extends almost throughout the entire depth of the building. We are told that this was once the ball- room of the Minister Alopeaus, while it now serves as a dining- room when big dinners are given, and for the buffets at the well-known Parliamentary evenings. 1 From this room we pass into a somewhat smaller one, the four windows of which open on to the Wilhelmstrasse. . . . The whole room leaves a bright and pleasant impression. It is elegant, but by no means sumptuous, and indeed might be de- scribed as comparatively simple. The lack of pictures, and the entirely white ceiling, gives it a certain emptiness and loneli- ness, while the old-fashioned arrangements for lighting it are not quite in harmony with the remainder of the apartment. In this respect, also, the Chancellor is more unassuming and in- different to luxury and elegance than his colleagues of the diplomatic world. Not to speak of those who live nearer home, let us imagine how the French Minister for Foreign Affairs would have his residence furnished by the State ! This drawing-room is used for receptions, but sometimes the Chancellor also dines here with his family. This reminds me of a characteristic remark of his. On the 6th of April, 1878, I had the honour to be invited to dine with him. Having in the course of the conversation referred to himself as an " old man," the Princess remonstrated: "Why, you are only sixty- three!" He replied: "Yes, but I have always lived at high pressure, and paid hard cash for everything." (Ja, aber ich habe ivimcr schnell und baar gelcbt.) Then, turning to me, he added: "Hard cash — that means that I have always put my whole heart into my work: I have paid with my strength and my health for whatever has been achieved." The German 1 In the late autumn of 1878 I found the library of the Foreign Office installed here. 448 THE CHINESE SALON people should be grateful to him for this, instead of allowing themselves to be represented in the Reichstag by men who in their vanity and self-will vie with each other in ingratitude. The Chinese Salon is about twenty-two paces in length by twelve in breadth, and has three folding doors. One of these opens into the dining-room, another into the second ante- chamber mentioned above, and the third into the billiard-room, which also looks out on the Wilhelmstrasse. The latter is of the same depth as the room just described, and is about three paces less in length. This room is full of historic memories, the spirit of decisive conferences. The decisive interview with the "Duke of Schleswig-Holstein " took place here in 1864, at which he, with his tenacious self-seeking and narrow- mindedness, suddenly found himself transformed into a modest " Hereditary Prince of Augustenburg." In the last month pre- ceding the war of 1866 the walls of this chamber listened to a fateful exchange of views between Herr von Bismarck and the Austrian Minister. Some time afterwards Prince Napoleon was received here; and in the spring of 1870 the slight figure of Benedetti might be observed waiting in this room for the Minister with whom he was to enter into negotiations. If we now pass through the folding doors which open oppo- site those leading into the Chinese Salon, we find ourselves in the Chancellor's study, a room about eleven paces long by ten broad. There is no lack of pictures in this room. If we turn to the wall on the right of the door through which we have entered we observe over a sofa covered in dark red woollen stuff, a number of portraits in gilt frames. The uppermost of these is a portrait, either lithographed or in crayon, of the Emperor in plain clothes, then that of his sister, the Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and two small photographs of the Emperor in the uniform of a general. In front of this sofa there lay in 1870 the skin of a white lioness, in whose head gleamed two bright glass eyes. On the next wall, not far from the sofa, we find, again in a gilt frame, the portrait of the King of Bavaria in the dress of a civilian ; and under this, framed in black, is a small water-colour portrait of the King of Italy, as a permanent guest in the Chancellor's room. This picture has an interesting history, which will be given in a subsequent chapter on the Prince's own authority. Victor Emmanuel, who THE PICTURES 449 is represented in uniform, has written a dedication under it. Then follows a small mahogany table with books, a carved tobacco chest, a white earthenware stove and a fireplace, to- gether with a narrow door, papered over. Turning towards the third door we observe in a corner a carved pipe-rack, in which are a number of cherry-stick and jasmin stems and thick unmounted meerschaum heads, without mounts. Next to these is a cupboard with a mirror, and resting against it the full- length portrait of a lady, in a carved oak frame. This is the consort of Prince Charles, who died a few years ago. Behind this hang a plaster medallion, in a black frame, giving the bust of Moltke in profile, and above it the Great Elector and the Only Frederick look down upon us in life-size lithograph half- length portraits framed in gold. Further on we find a standing desk with maps, which, like all the furniture in this room, is made of mahogany, and a photograph of Princess Bismarck, also in a gilt frame. Near this a second papered door leads into the Chancellor's bedroom. On the wall to the left of the door through which we entered is the only oil painting in the room, a life-size portrait, in an oval gilt frame, of the Prince's daugh- ter, in a ball dress. Beneath it on a cylinder desk stand a deer and a wild boar in cast iron, and a thermometer in the form of an advertisement pillar, and on a smaller adjoining table lies a collection of gloves and white and red military caps. The Minister's writing-table, which our descendants will doubtless find in some historical museum, occupies nearly the middle of the room. It is about two and a half metres long by two in width, and is so placed that the person sitting at it has his face turned towards the wall with the oil painting which I have just described. Over it hangs a red woollen bell pull, which many a time and oft has called the Chancery attend- ant before the door, in order to summon me to make my appear- ance before the Chief. On such occasions one hurried upstairs instantly, leaving everything just as it happened to lie, stood before the Chief at attention like a lieutenant before his general, all ear and memory, and then rushed off again to his place to commit the orders received to paper as speedily as possible. It was not permissible to misunderstand ; and questions as to what had been said were, for the most part, also excluded, while the suggestion that something could not be done met with an angry VOL. I. 2 G 450 SOME LOOKS OF reference retort. It had to be done, and as a matter of fact was done in most eases. A severe school, but he who would enjoy the honour of having direct intercourse with a great man, of serving him and his country, and of learning from him, must be able to overlook a certain hardness in his nature. In the present in- stance this was all the easier, as the Chancellor never bore a grudge, and could be most amiable when off duty. Moreover, others, and some of very high position, fared no better. " I am always frightened when I am obliged to go up to him," said his Excellency von Thile to me one evening. Alongside the writing-desk and its belongings stand two chairs covered like the sofa, in one of which the Prince is accus- tomed to sit on the appearance of a visitor, while he invites his guest to occupy the other. At work he uses the oak armchair, with a low open back, which stands behind the writing-table. On his right-hand side is an tftagar, upon the top of which rests the bronze figure of a greyhound, and some writing paper and envelopes, lower down some leather portfolios with documents, and quite at the bottom four or five thick folio volumes. On the left of the writer is another stand, with some handbooks. On a visit which I paid to the room in 1873, I found among these books the thick volumes of the " List of Orders " from 1862 to 1868, a number of Petermann's " Mittheilungen," Marten's " Guide Diplomatique," a collection of Hymns, " Hymnarium, Bluethen lateinischer-Kirchenpoesie " (Halle, I.X6.S), Gottfried Cohn's "Constitution and Procedure of the British Parliament," Joel's " Lessons in the Russian Language according to Ollendorff's System," and Schmidt's " Small Rus- sian and German Dictionary." On the green baize cover of the writing-table usually lies a fold of red blotting paper on which the Chancellor writes. To the right of this under a glass shade we notice a gilt clock, on which a painter in Spanish cos- tume sits with a pencil and drawing board. We also observe on the green cloth a plain white porcelain writing-stand with a little gilding, four or five lead pencils of the largest variety, such as the Minister now principally uses, and half a dozen quill pens with the feathers cut short, which are prepared by the artistic hand of Hofrath Willisch, one of the decipherers, a paper knife, a seal, a couple of sticks of sealing wax, and a candlestick with two candles. A FEW KNICKKNACKS 45 I In 1873 various additions were made: a paperweight, with a piece ot the famous colossal zinc lion that stood up to 1864 in the churchyard of Flensburg as a monument of the Danish vic- tory at Idstcdt, and which has now been added to the trophies in the Berlin Zeughaus, and two other paper-weights made of thick metal discs, one of which had been cast from an Austrian cannon captured in 1 866, and the second from one of the French cannon taken in 1870; a pen-wiper in black, red, and white; two columnar cigar-cutters; an ash-tray, in the form of a large flower like a tulip, which, together with the two objects last mentioned, have now been removed, as the Prince has given up smoking for several years past on account of his health. Besides these, some old Roman bronze lamps with handles formed of green serpents, a terra-cotta pot with the figures of Massinissa and Sophonisba; and finally, at that time, a few books lay on the table : the red bound " Army List," Hirth's " Parlaments-almanach," the Gotha handbooks, a rail- way guide, and Henry Wheaton's " Commentaire du Droit international." What tales could be told by that writing-table if it had understanding, memory, and speech ! What secrets, what men- tal struggles, what inspiration and illumination, what slow development of ideas, what sudden energetic decisions ; what prayers, perhaps, may those pictures on the walls have wit- nessed ! How the eyes of old Fritz and of the Great Elector must have gleamed when they looked over the writer's shoulder as he drafted bold and far-reaching measures which were to recast the German world, and with it the entire relations of Europe ! The creative mind that ruled here has departed, never to return. To-day perhaps some unimportant but pretentious Herr von So-and-So, the possessor of three high-sounding titles and three times three exalted orders, makes himself at home in his old workshop, for this part of the house has also been altered, and what was formerly on the ground floor has now been shifted upstairs. In our thoughts, however, he still oc- cupies his old place. The Minister is now far away, but, as we feel, only for a time. We, at any rate, feel his invisible pres- ence. We cannot picture to ourselves this historic chamber without thinking of him as its occupant. We pass through it 452 THE BEDCHAMBER silently, and hold our breath as if we might disturb him. We seem to be standing within sacred precincts. And these must be the feelings of every one, even after years and tens of years, who brings with him a sense of greatness and of hero-worship. The house will one day disappear, and with it this chamber. Otherwise the visitor who might come here a hundred years hence would be still more deeply impressed than we are to-day, and an inner voice would whisper to him, " Hush, this place is sacred ground ! " Continuing our tour of inspection through the front rooms, which were occupied by Prince Bismarck up to 1878, we pass through the papered door into the bedchamber. Here the walls are covered with a white paper. There is but one win- dow with two curtains, one white and the other of woollen stuff, with a black and red arabesque pattern. The bed is shut in by a screen covered with red cloth, and on an adjoining shelf stand some cloth slippers and a pair of huge wooden shoes, with the colours of the Empire painted across the instep, a present from a simple-minded but skilful and patriotic patten-maker. A sofa in green stuff stands against the wall opposite the bed, and near it a table and a couple of cushioned armchairs. An old woodcut over the sofa, representing two knights with horses and hounds, and a white earthenware stove complete the fittings of the chamber. As we return to the study previous to paying a short visit to the back rooms of the residence, we may recall the circum- stance that in 1873 a large portrait of General Grant, in a hand- some carved oak frame, rested on a chair near the sofa in the former chamber, doubtless an indication of the Prince's liking for Americans. Their substantial qualities, their practical char- acter, which, however, neither excludes idealism nor the power of self-sacrifice in its pursuit, their youthful audacity combined with far-seeing shrewdness in all their public and private under- takings, inspired the Prince with a hearty admiration, to which he frequently gave expression in my presence. Of the rooms at the back of the house, the windows of which open on the courtyard with its nut-tree and on the garden, we need only inspect, and quite cursorily, those in the main build- ing. We enter first of all a small sitting-room used by the Princess, in which hangs an excellent picture of Bismarck in AN HISTORICAL TABLE 45 ^ his Frankfort days ; and then we pass into a larger room be- hind the billiard-room, which contains some oil paintings of the Prince's ancestors, amongst others his grandfather, to whom as a youth he is said to have borne a striking resemblance. The most interesting piece of furniture is a small mahogany table, which conveys a faint echo of the historic deeds and events that fill the stillness of the front rooms into the cosy comfort of these family apartments. We read on a metal plate that has been inserted into it : " The Preliminary Treaty of Peace between Germany and France was signed upon this table on the 26th of February, 1871, at No. 14 Rue de Provence, Versailles." I may add that the gold pen set with diamonds which the Chancellor received for the purpose from one of his admirers in the Grand Duchy of Baden was really used in sign- ing this instrument. If I am not mistaken the Treaty with Ba- varia, which was the keystone in the building of the German Empire, was not signed upon this table. Of course the owner of this otherwise comparatively worthless piece of furniture, to which the Chancellor had thus given value and importance, was provided with an exactly similar article. Adjoining the tea-room is the chamber in which the Prince is accustomed to take lunch, and where the family also occasion- ally dines. It lies behind one half of the Chinese Salon, and like the latter is furnished with a Turkish carpet, red-cushioned chairs and gilt mirrors, and decorated with a few oil paintings, including a picture of Frederick the Great and a portrait of Frederick William III. It may be mentioned that the rooms just described play a not unimportant part in the orders of the day for the official world below. Towards 10 o'clock in the morning, sometimes later, seldom earlier, one of the Chancery attendants comes into the Central Bureau and calls out, "The Prince is in the breakfast-room." That is the reveille, the first signal for action of the Chancellor's little army of assistants, to whom the departmental secretaries now hand all the despatches and documents received for him through the post or otherwise. Some time afterwards the second signal follows: "The Chancellor is in the study" — a sign that the higher officials who have communications to make may report themselves to the Chief, and that the others should hold themselves in readiness to be summoned to him. 454 A DAY'S WORK Finally, in busy seasons late at night, as a general rule about io p.m., those who have been kept at their desks by their work (while the Chancellor is in Berlin the faithful Lothar Bucher is always amongst the last of these) hear the retreat sounded : "The Chancellor is in the tea-room." That puts an end to the day's work, or to the obligation of sitting booted and spurred, awaiting orders. The workers put on their hats and leave, the shutters are closed, and the Chancery servant puts out the lights. CHAPTER XXI FROM OUR RETURN FROM THE WAR UP TO THE TEMPORARY DISCONTINUANCE OF MY PERSONAL INTERCOURSE WITH THE CHANCELLOR GLIMPSES OF THE DIPLOMATIC WORLD — COMMISSIONS FOR THE PRESS After a few days' rest we returned again to our former work at the office, accustoming ourselves to it once more, so that everything fell again into the old groove. The only difference for me was that I continued to enjoy the privilege accorded to me at Versailles, of access to all documents of a political character received by or despatched from the Foreign Office. Some of these were entrusted to my diary in the form of short summaries, or longer notices, together with many of my ex- periences and observations of that period, and an anthology of the tasks set to me by the Chief, which, as formerly, I noted down at once for future use. And now these faded leaves may themselves speak. March 2<\th, 1871. — To-day, as also during the last few days, read old and recent despatches and other correspondence. It is reported from Vienna that Beust has been " much affected " by the telegrams exchanged by the Emperors William and Alex- ander, as from these it would appear as if the forbearance shown by the Austrians up to the last hour were not voluntary. A wire has been sent informing him that the telegram of the Ger- man Emperor was a purely personal act, and was despatched without the knowledge of the Minister. M. in Cassel reported that Madame Guisolphe from Versailles had been with Napoleon at Wilhelmshohe; further, that Count Clary, passing as a M. Bertram, had, shortly before our departure, twice visited Ver- sailles at the instance of the ex-Emperor, and then returned to Wilhelmshohe ; and finally, that Count Meulan had also been there on a visit, and that his communications appeared to afford Napoleon great satisfaction. Horace Rumbold, the English 455 456 THE GRAM) DUKE OF WEIMAR [APRIL 10 Charge d'Affaires at St. Petersburg, is stated, in a report from that capital, to be vehemently hostile to Prussia as well as to Russia. According to a despatch sent to Bernstorff on the 17th of March, in which a desire is expressed that Loftus should be recalled, the latter had declared that England forbade the bombardment of Paris, and would know how to prevent it through the influence of the Crown Princess. A communica- tion from Stockholm states that the King of Sweden had also written to General Brincourt of the French Guards, who had formerly been in Metz, and was there made prisoner by the Germans, a letter in which he expressed sentiments of a strongly anti-German character. March 2gt/i. — A letter from St. Petersburg reports that Oubril has been selected for the Russian Embassy in Paris, and that the Grand Duchess Helene wishes him to be succeeded in Berlin by Walujeff, and not by the francophil Albedinski — also not by Orloff, who is very sensitive, and whose policy is governed by the treatment which he receives. The Emperor Alexander will nominate Walujeff if the Emperor William de- sires it, and she, the Grand Duchess, is prepared to communi- cate his wishes. Field Marshal von Berg, of Warsaw, is understood to be very well affected towards us. April 7 t!i. — Bucher told me this evening that "the vener- able " Abeken drafted the Treaty of Olmiitz, which is hardly calculated to add to our respect for the Herr Geheimrath, who passed through the room at the time, whistling as he went. April 8t/t. — It is reported from Weimar, with "satisfaction and pleasure," that for some time past there has been a marked change for the better in the political sentiments of the Grand Duke. " While his Royal Highness has never spoken to the writer on political subjects since the spring of 1866, and always carefully avoided touching upon them even at the most decisive moments, turning the conversation to private matters, he recently at a Court concert spoke to the writer on the internal affairs of the German limpire, and expressed his warm approval of the first parliamentary speech made by the Chancellor against the Ultramontanes. The report continues : The Grand Duke re- turned to the same subject yesterday at dinner, and spoke in high praise of the Chancellor, whom he had desired to thank personally the last time he was in Berlin, but had been unable iS 7 iJ SAVIGNY 457 to find at home. The communication concludes as follows : " It is to be hoped that the ice is now broken, and that our relations with the Grand Duke will improve." It was probably on one of the immediately preceding or fol- lowing days of April that the Chief gave me the ideas for an article for the press which I here reproduce : " On the forma- tion of the Centre Party, in which Savigny rendered considera- ble assistance, the public was inclined to believe that the latter, who had been a Government official up to 1866, wished to con- tinue to support the Government. In this view, however, the change which had taken place in his attitude was overlooked. After the first draft of the Constitution of the Confederation he was thought of for the post of Chancellor of the Confedera- tion, which, however, would then practically have had only the importance of a Presiding Minister, such as the Austrian rep- resentative had formerly been at Frankfort. But the Diet amended the Constitution so as to make the Chancellor of the Confederation a responsible Minister, and the position became entirely different. It gave the Chancellor complete control of the affairs and policy of the Confederation, and it had never been the intention of the King to appoint Herr von Savigny to such a post. To the latter, however, this was a severe disappoint- ment, aggravated further by physical discomforts, the worst of which was the necessity of again removing from the apart- ments in the Chancellerie of the Confederation, which he had already occupied and had arranged very comfortably." April \oth. — Wollmann told me to-day that recently an indignant communication with documentary enclosures had been received from Fabrice, reporting that , who had been acting as Prefect in a French provincial town, had been found guilty of serious misbehaviour. Fabrice had for a long time regarded him as unfit for the post. Now, on his departure, however, he was found in possession of 41,000 francs, which he had con- cealed in some old clothes, together with a number of silk cur- tains and chair covers, with which he wished to pack his boxes on leaving. Finally, when receiving money from the French, he allowed the latter less than 3 francs 75 centimes for the thaler, which was the rate at which he paid it over to the Treas- ury, and put the difference into his own pocket. Hardly credi- ble, yet W. says that he has himself seen the General's letter. 458 THE SECOND SIEGE OF PARIS [Arun. 17 April \AftJi. — The Chief wishes to have the sensational stories published by the Avenir dc Loire ct Cher and the Revue des Deux Mondcs contradicted in the press, and the real facts related — but "not in the Berlin papers." According to these romancers, we took away with us the silver and table linen from Madame Jesse's house, and the Chancellor tried to extort a valuable clock from the poor oppressed lady. The Minister at the same time gave me the necessary particulars. The article appeared in the Kolnische Zeitung of the 18th of April. April \6t/i. — Wrote the following article for the Kolnische Zcitung, on information received from the Chief : " Is there not a proverb to the effect, What is sauce for the goose is sauce also for the gander ? For some considerable time past, the west end of Paris has been bombarded, and, indeed, without previous notice. A hail of shells has fallen on the Turkish Legation, and there has been a similar downpour in the immediate vicinity of the American Legation, so that Mr. Washburne found himself obliged to remove to another part of the city. That is done on behalf of a government to whom these diplomatists are accredited, yet, lo and behold, they make no complaint. Nor apparently do any of their colleagues. If we Germans had no memory, we should consider this silent resignation quite proper, as no one who takes up his residence in a fortress is justified in protesting if he has to share its fate, a rule which applies to diplomatists as well as to all other mortals. But, having a memory, we may be permitted to ask why did the diplomats residing in Paris shriek and protest so loudly against our bombshells, when the majority of those gentlemen were no longer accredited to any one, and therefore had no official character. We refer to the declaration of eight- een foreign Ministers, Charges d'Affaires, and Consuls General, dated the 13th of January, in the present year, denouncing the bombardment of Paris by the German Army, and complaining that the citizens of neutral States were being wounded and exposed to constant danger. It was further urged that the bombardment had been begun without previous notice, thus depriving the diplomats in question of the opportunity of warn- ing their protege's. Feeling their responsibility, they joined in a resolution, which was unanimously adopted, in which they referred to the principles and usages of international law in r S 7 1 1 THE OLD AND THE NEW DIPLOMACY 459 support of their demand that measures should be taken to enable them to bring the persons and property of their coun- trymen into a place of safety. Nothing whatever of this kind has taken place now. Shall we try to solve the riddle by as- suming that personal partisanship was the motive of the com- plaint, partisanship against Germany and for France?" — I then quoted the names of the diplomats who had formerly protested and were now silent. April \7tJ1. — The Chancellor wishes to have the following inserted in the Krcnzzeitung, with reference to an article in the Standard, as reproduced by the National Zeitung: "The rumour as to a desire being felt here in Berlin that France and England should no longer be represented in the capital of the German Empire by Ambassadors, but only by simple Minis- ters, has afforded the Standard an opportunity of arguing in favour of such an alteration, as it ascribes the existing usage mainly to the love of pomp and magnificence peculiar to the Second Empire. We do not know what truth there is in the rumour in question, but the grounds which lead the English newspaper to regard it as probable seem to us very far fetched. Another consideration, however, lies much nearer to hand, namely, whether the old diplomacy, with its formalities and struggles for precedence, which have delayed many a congress for weeks, can under any circumstances maintain its position at the present stage of development of international intercourse. A speed is now required in the transaction of business which was not dreamt of in former times, and railways and telegraphs furnish the means of achieving it. The prerogative which is put forward in support of the maintenance of Ambassadors, namely, their personal access to the Sovereign, is to our think- ing largely outbalanced by the mediaeval pretensions in the matter of precedence, which a diplomatic representative cannot forego so long as he bears the title of Ambassador, but which nevertheless render him anything but welcome at the Court to which he is accredited, to his colleagues, and to the Government of the country." April 18 t/i. — Bucher brings me down the following sketch for an article for Brass (Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung): — " Revolutions usually proceed too slowly for the taste of the revolutionaries. Their aspirations fly far in advance of the 460 COQUETTING WITH THE REDS [April 18 sluggish reality, and many a soldier of liberty has already had to console himself with Lessing's observation, according to which there have been at all times men who had a just idea as to the future of the human race, but who made the mistake of think- ing that changes could be produced in months and years for which history required generations and centuries. One of the most remarkable features of the drama which is now being played in France is that the development of affairs proceeds too rapidly for most of the revolutionists, events outstripping the thoughts, wishes, hopes, and interests of individuals. On the 1 2th of March, a popular assembly was elected by universal suffrage throughout the whole country, and a government es- tablished by that body. On the 18th of March, the red flag was in all seriousness hoisted in Paris. Garibaldi, on whose appearance before a representative European mob at Geneva some years ago the Alps bowed down their heads in veneration, and who a few years previously had been fondled by the high- est circles of the British aristocracy, found himself obliged to decline the leading part for which he had been cast in the drama. It is now the turn of the Poles. The friends of the Poles in London, and the diplomatists of the Hotel Lambert in Paris, who have been working for that cause for forty years past, cannot bridge the gulf which separates them from Gen- eral Dombrowsky. According to a communication published yesterday, Count Ladislaus Plater will not hear of any solidarity between the Polish emigrants and the Paris Reds — each side must remain responsible for its own actions. Will this commu- nication, however, cause the world to forget that the bulk of these Poles in every country have stood on the side of those parties that fight against the State and undermine social order, and that the fact of their having done so has been proclaimed both by the Polish emigrants themselves and by others as one of their titles to fame ? On the contrary, we are convinced that in Count Plater's protest, the world will recognise an indirect acknowledgment that this has always been the case, and will see in the events on the Lower Danube a new proof that up to the present no change has taken place in this respect." livening. — Called to the Chief, who wishes to have the fol- lowing inserted in the NorddcutscJie Allgemcinc Zeitung : — "A meeting of Catholics of all ranks and professions, which has 1871J THE NEW CATHOLIC PARTY 461 been held at Munich, has passed a resolution begging King Lewis to use every legal means to avert the dangerous conse- quences of the dogma of infallibility, to prohibit its propaga- tion in public educational institutions, and to take speedy and energetic measures for regulating the relations between Church and State in harmony with the Constitution. The petition which was drawn up was signed on the spot by some two hun- dred persons, and is now being circulated in various places for the purpose of obtaining fresh signatures. Similar petitions are being prepared in most of the Bavarian towns. It was to be expected from the beginning that this movement would ex- tend from the learned classes and the clergy to the general public. The fact that this has occurred at the present moment may unquestionably be attributed to the course taken by that Party in the German Reichstag which claims to monopolise the name of Catholic. Its members have now had a proof that they made a mistake when at a political meeting, which was sum- moned on a purely sectarian basis, they formed themselves into a party which, dismissing all political considerations, assumes an attitude of aggression towards the other parties, and of de- fiance towards the Federal Government. The first lesson which these gentlemen received through their defeat in the Reichstag does not appear to have led them as yet to a recognition of their error, as instead of seeking for its cause in themselves, they, like all those who have a lust of power, try to make others responsible for it, and pronounce the allied Governments to be guilty of criminal neglect in not rushing to their assist- ance. Perhaps the movement in Bavaria will convince them. If not, future events will do so. The logic of facts, which wreaks vengeance upon them, will not cease with the present step. The effacement of all political character on the part of the Clericals must bring about an alliance against the latter between all other parties having political aims, whatever differ- ences may exist amongst them, and the attack which this non- political party has undertaken to make will lead the political groups to adopt the necessary means of defence against future assault." According to a report from Munich, the influential Cabinet Councillor, Eisenhardt, and the Ministers Von Lutz and Von Senior manifest a leaning towards the Dollinger movement, 462 THE "OLD CATHOLICS" [April 20 and if the latter should develop a tendency to form a community of " Old Catholics " — that is to say, of those who do not accept the dogma of Papal infallibility — the Government would be pre- pared to protect them in their rights of property. Read a letter from Switzerland, which has been sent to our Minister at Bern with the remark that it has come from a shrewd observer. The letter says that the Germans were themselves in fault for the disorders at the Peace Celebration in Zurich. They had bragged of successes for which they had not fought ; and, indeed, up to the present, they had been mere parasites. If the " respectable" Swiss press now confirm the reports of these Germans who put everything in a false light, that is due in the first place to the Liberal party, which wants to make capital out of the affair against the democratic element, and in the second place to the Gothard party, which is acting with the former, and which fears that for some reason Germany may withdraw from the pro- motion of the Tunnel project. April 20th. — We hear from Vienna that Beust is trying to draw nearer to the Hohenwart and Klerhalm Ministry, as there is now a power in the public life of Austria which is stronger than the Imperial Chancellor, and which, although it now spares him, could at a later moment bring about his fall. Many things which now happen probably have their origin in the Cabinet of the Emperor, and are therefore due to Herr von Braun, who is married to a Frankfort lady, and who is in regular intercourse with the ex-Senator Bernus, who, in turn, has frequent meetings with Frese. Among the drafts is an instruction to W. in Munich, dated the 18th instant, which runs as follows: " In my telegram of the 7th I referred to the attitude of the Clericals in the Reichstag, where their hostility to the Imperial Government is becoming more evident from day to day. At first it might have been expected that the party which was being formed, even if it had a strongly Catholic tendency, would not subordinate all political questions to sectarian differences, but would, to some extent, join with the Imperial Government upon the basis of Conservative principles and the honourable promotion of the common national interests, supporting it in the same way as the strictly orthodox wing of the Evangelical Church has done, with- out sacrificing their independence. In consequence of this expectation, the Government had observed a friendly attitude 1S71] THE CLERICALS IN THE REICHSTAG 463 towards the party, and in the debate on the Address had avoided any rejoinder to the plea openly put forward for German inter- vention in Italy, in order to leave free play to the expression of the various aspirations and views. That debate, and still more those that followed on the introduction of certain fundamental alterations in the constitution of the Empire, showed clearly that the Clerical party had developed into a close organisation on a purely sectarian basis, and were prepared to sacrifice all national and political interests to those of their creed. The result is that they have made opponents of all the other parties, and particu- larly of those Catholics who remain faithful to the national cause, finding no support on any side except among the Hano- verian Separatists and the Poles. I greatly regret these tactless and inept proceedings which aggravate the strain of sectarian differences. I learn that the Clerical party regards the failure of its efforts to find support in the Federal Council as a sort of declaration of war on the part of the Government. The allied Governments, on the other hand, find that the aggressive ten- dencies of this party, which is only a continuation of the attitude long since adopted, and, unfortunately, still maintained by the Clerical press, naturally affects their position, and must force them into taking defensive measures of a more effective char- acter, and oblige them on their side to assume the aggressive. The uncompromising attitude of the Clericals greatly promotes the Dollinger movement, and helps to win sympathy for it in circles which previously held aloof from it, where the course taken is regarded as confirmation of the assertion of Dollinger and his friends respecting the incompatibility of Clerical and Ultramontane tendencies with the demands of a national com- monweal." W. was to speak confidentially to Bray in this sense. I find from one of W.'s reports that this has been done. The Bavarian Minister has, indeed, expressed his agreement with the foregoing statement, but the chief cause of his regret is that the foolish course taken by the Clericals in the Reichstag has ren- dered it impossible for the Government to cooperate with them, a policy which would, in his opinion, have been desirable, and will now oblige it on principle to oppose them. Dollinger, in his opinion, had also gone too far. April 21st. — This morning the Chief wished to have an article written for the Kblnische Zeitung calling attention to the 464 "BARRICADE HEROES" [April 24 contrast between the intellectual impotence of the French and their self-conceit, and to the circumstance that in recent times they have always had to trust to foreigners for their salvation — a theme for which he gave me the ideas. The article ran as follows : — " The forces at the disposal of the insurgents num- ber about 120,000. In addition to these may be reckoned some 10,000 or 12,000 more or less convinced Republicans who have come from abroad, from the provinces, from Belgium, and from England ; and perhaps an equal number of criminals and mis- demeanants. A large proportion of the National Guards, who are only serving under compulsion, long for the moment when they shall be obliged to lay down their arms. The remainder consist of workmen who prefer the pay of the Commune, the daily excitement and amusement of chasing former gendarmes and policemen, to a peaceful return to their workshops. That cannot last long. It would be unnatural if, among these thou- sands of idle workmen and insurgents under duress, a disgust for such a life did not make itself felt, together with a surfeit of the hardships of the soldier's trade, and a loosening of disci- pline. For the moment, indeed, Dombrowsky, who enjoys a certain popularity, succeeds in holding them together. This is a new symptom of the extraordinary intellectual poverty and weakness of will which characterises the Frenchman of to-day, and particularly the Parisian. They boast of being the centre of civilisation, the focus of the intelligence of our time ; and yet, lo and behold, in the recent crises they have always selected foreigners for their leaders, and have sought their salvation abroad ! After the fall of the Empire they allowed themselves to be tyrannised by Gambetta. At the same time they placed their hopes in Garibaldi, another Italian, who would now be Dictator in Paris had he desired it. Instead of Garibaldi, they must now depend upon Poles of the notorious guild of ' barri- cade heroes ' — such as Dombrowsky, Okolowitch, &c. ; while, finally, there is an almost universal wish entertained by the party of order, who are dissatisfied with the lack of energy manifested at Versailles, that the Germans — again foreigners — should undertake the restoration of law and order." The following is an almost literal reproduction of the Chancellor's own words: — "Scarcely another people in the whole world would condescend in such a pitiful wny to borrow its heroes 1871J FRANCE'S OBLIGATIONS 465 from abroad. With the exception of these Parisians who boast of being the cream of civilisation, but who in reality are merely the redskins of the pavement, as empty-headed and weak-willed as savages, none would submit to be driven by energetic, although otherwise insignificant, foreigners towards ends that are in every respect opposed to their own interests. Truly a repulsive and most pitiable degeneracy! " April 247//. — Called to the Chief this evening, and received instructions and materials for an article in the Kolnische Zci- tungi which ran as follows : — "If the French ship which came to Gliickstadt to convey 40,000 French prisoners of war back to their country was obliged to return without having effected 1 its object, the reasons were very clearly indicated by the Impe- rial Chancellor in his last speech in the Reichstag. According to the Preliminary Peace, the prisoners were to be surrendered ; but, on the other hand, the French Government was not at liberty, until after the signature of the final treaty, to station any troops between the Seine and the Loire, with the excep- tion of 40,000 men in Paris. In consideration of the embar- rassment caused to the Government of M. Thiers by the Communist rising, no objection was raised on the part of Ger- many to the collection of a force of over 40,000 men near Versailles; and, indeed, this measure was for a time endorsed by the liberation of a large number of prisoners. The Ger- mans were, however, under no obligation to do this. On the contrary, their obligation ceased so long as the French Govern- ment was not in a position to fulfil its share of the undertaking to establish and maintain a neutral zone between the Seine and Loire. The concessions made on the German side in the mat- ter of the liberation of prisoners were voluntary concessions, mere acts of a complaisance dictated by our own interest, the continuance of which depended entirely upon circumstances, upon the good will manifested at Versailles, and upon the con- fidence which may be reposed in Berlin, in the loyalty to its treaty engagements, as well as the energy and capacity of the Versailles Government. But there was also another considera- tion. Notwithstanding the order issued by Favre, all the Ger- man prisoners in the hands of the French have not yet been sent back, although their liberation should have taken place immediately after the Convention of the 28th of January. This 466 THE PARIS COMMUNE [April 30 is doubtless due to the independent position of the French Minister of War, as well as of the Chief of the Admiralty, who have shown a reluctance to discharge strictly and speedily the engagements entered into by Favre and Thiers for the release of some fourteen hundred German officers and soldiers, who are still held as prisoners, as, amongst other matters, for the surrender of the merchant vessels that had not been con- demned before the conclusion of the Preliminary Peace. Can the Versailles Government fairly expect us to make further concessions when it has itself contumaciously neglected the fulfilment of its own obligations for fully three months ? " April 2gt/i. — The Minister wishes the following explanation of the "double face" of the Paris Commune inserted in the press: — "Many reports from Paris, and all those originating with persons who have access to the Government at Versailles, allude only to one of the tendencies which have contributed to the revolution in Paris and the foundation of the Commune. They represent it, namely, as the work of the cosmopolitan rev- olutionary spirit and as an attempt to realise socialistic and communistic chimeras. The truth of this is not to be denied. It is a cosmopolitan revolutionary spirit which united under the communistic flag MM. Dombrowski, Okolowitch, Stupny, Lan- duski, Burnaki, and other Polish ' heroes of the barricades,' to- gether with the Garibaldians and the crowd of Belgian and English members of the International, and which won for them the sympathies of Bebel and Schraps in the Imperial Diet. It is the grossest form of Communism that has united these cham- pions of revolt with fifteen to twenty thousand liberated crimi- nals and the rest of the dregs of modern civilisation. But in addition to the fantastic and criminal cravings of which these are the representatives and tools, there is another element involved in the present Revolution that should never be lost sight of. This movement, which is thoroughly well founded, and is supported by order-loving and sensible citizens, aims at a more reasonable municipal organisation by the curtailment of an unnecessary and burdensome State guardianship. This ten- dency is explained by the history of France. The tyrannous municipal policy of Hausmann, which had a highly prejudicial effect upon the interests of the Corporation of Paris, is a strik- ing example of the evils referred to. If the Parisians were i£>7«] OVERTURES FROM THE COMMUNE 4C7 given a municipal constitution approximating to that of the Prussian towns in the Hardenberg period, many thoughtful and practical men in Paris who are now opposed to the Versailles Government would be satisfied, and would be no longer inclined to encourage the Revolution by their passive support." April ydth. — Yesterday and to-day read a number of inter- esting documents treating of negotiations with Cluseret, the present General of the Commune, and took note of them for future use. In the first of these dated the 10th instant, Fabrice was instructed by telegraph to say in reply to Cluseret that he would listen to any overtures which the latter might desire to make to him, and bring them to the knowledge of the Chancel- lor. The telegram then continued: — "If he should then call upon you it might be possible, without actually negotiating, to lead him to say how the Commune would propose to raise the money for us. You might also be able to bring home to him the helplessness of the whole affair, and in that way form an opinion as to the prospects of an attempt at mediation between Paris and Versailles. In reply to a despatch of the 21st of April, in which Fabrice says that the Commune has no money, and that in order to raise some it has already seized upon the property of societies and individuals, the Chief said that the gen- eral should nevertheless sound them as to the surrender of Paris to us, but only for purposes of information and report. The idea that the Commune could be really considered solvent had been entirely foreign to the telegram of the 10th instant. It was only a reconnaissance for the purpose of ascertaining the inten- tions and resources of the holders of power in Paris. Fabrice reports from Soissy on the 27th instant that Holstein, who had remained behind with him, had had a meeting with Cluseret, and that the Commune was disposed to pay a sum of 500,000,000 francs, of which 300,000,000 was in hand, in the form of secu- rities belonging to the city, while the remaining 200,000,000 could be raised by the sale of the Octroi dues. In return for this the Germans would be required to abstain from taking any part in the stoppage of supplies, and not to deliver any of the forts occupied by them to the Versailles Government. A desire was also expressed that we should endeavour to bring about an understanding as to a modus vivendi between the two bel- ligerent parties. There was a twofold basis upon which this 468 BISMARCK'S REPLY [April 30 could be effected. One was that the city should be disarmed, but should not be occupied by the troops of the Versailles Gov- ernment, and that it should be granted a communal administra- tion, together with security against a recurrence of Hausmann or Pietri Budgets. The second was the dissolution of the pres- ent National Assembly, which had exhausted its mandate, and a fresh appeal to France, whose decision would be accepted by Paris. Cluseret had described the socialist and other excesses as a phase of this 'drole de mouvement ' which had now passed away. He treated the military siege of the city as an impossi- bility, but begged in the event of Versailles being, in spite of all human probability, victorious that they should not be permitted to destroy Paris. This, as well as the expectation that we might mediate, was only a desire on their part, and not one of the con- ditions of payment. The Frenchman then observed that nego- tiations with us would subject him to less suspicion in Paris than would negotiations with the Versailles Government. He further promised to release all German prisoners as soon as he was informed who and where they were, and also to move at once for the liberation of the Archbishop, whose imprisonment was an inheritance from the first phase of the movement. Finally, he repeated that the only important points were our neutrality and the abstention from interference with their supplies, as from a military standpoint the Versailles people caused him no anxiety." The Chief replied on the same day, that from this it ap- peared, if Cluseret's views could be accepted as authoritative in Paris, that mediation between the latter and Versailles was not hopeless, those views being more moderate than he had expected, particularly with regard to disarmament. Fabrice might try to ascertain what Favre thought of the first alterna- tive. In the meantime our attitude should be made to corre- spond with Cluseret's expectations by observing neutrality, and taking no part in the maintenance of the cordon round Paris. A despatch setting forth the reasons for this course would be sent to him, Fabrice, that day. The telegram concluded: — "The demands of the French nogotiators in Brussels with respect to the five milliards and the Eastern Railway show qiion sc vioquc dc nous." These telegrams were supplemented by a further communi- 1S71] GERMANY'S MEDIATION 469 cation dated the day before yesterday, which said that Fabrice should keep up the relations that had been established with Cluseret, and should try to ascertain whether he was of opinion that in case of the disarmament of the city and its non-occu- pation by the Versailles troops it could be garrisoned by our soldiers. If that were the case, it would be desirable to make a serious endeavour to mediate with Versailles. Communal inde- pendence, after the fashion of the Prussian municipal regula- tions, was not in itself an unreasonable demand, if no efforts were made to secure communistic adjuncts. Perhaps it would be possible to sever the reasonable communal movement from the international one. If in doing this we succeeded in occupy- ing Paris with the approval of the two parties, guaranteeing communal independence until the French had come to an un- derstanding among themselves, and intervening with a strong hand in restoring domestic peace in France, we should improve our own position and gain fresh securities against possible bad faith at Versailles. In these circumstances Fabrice was to avoid taking sides in any way against the Parisians. The despatch mentioned in the last telegram of the 27th of April, which was to be forwarded by courier on the same day, began by referring to a telegram from Fabrice, according to which Favre begged in a formal Note that the French troops might be permitted to pass through our lines over the Northern Railway and force their way into Paris ; further, that the Ger- man military authorities should call upon the insurgents to dis- arm the enceinte, in accordance with the Convention of the 28th of January ; and, finally, that the French army might be permitted to pass through the district and gate of St. Ouen. It runs as follows : — " The French Government requests us to permit the passage of their troops through St. Ouen. This lies within the neutral zone, where the presence of both armies is forbidden by the Convention of the 28th of January. In order to enable us to agree to this we should be convinced that any arrangements we may come to with the French Government would be carried out by the latter. This conviction has been shaken by the dilatoriness of the French in the fulfilment of previous obligations, and by certain indications of a tendency to place an arbitrary interpretation, contrary to their true sense, upon stipulations that are now in force. The French Govern- 470 FRENCH PRETENSIONS [April 30 ment is in arrears with the greater part of the money payable for the maintenance of our troops, with the release of German prisoners of war, and with the issue of clear and peremptory instructions to the Governors of the Colonies and the Com- manders of the naval stations in Eastern Asia for the suspen- sion of hostilities. The disposition to put a construction upon agreements which they never had, as well as to extend and over- ride them without an understanding with us, is betrayed by the collection of 140,000 troops, where they are only justified in having 100,000; in the attempt to reduce the war indemnity by making payments below par ; and in what, to my astonishment, appears to be the manifestation of a desire for the commence- ment of the evacuation of the districts occupied by us. If the French Government should really assert that we are bound, upon the payment of the first half milliard, and before the con- clusion of a definitive peace, to any sort of evacuation, that cir- cumstance would destroy all my confidence in its loyalty, as during the negotiations no other view was ever held than that a definitive peace must precede any evacuation by us of this side of the Seine. " It was then supposed that the conclusion of a definitive peace would take place previous to any payment by France. M. Thiers expressed his intention to commence his financial operations after a lapse of two months at the earliest, and con- sidered that the definitive treaty would be concluded in from four to six weeks. There was no question that the whole pres- ent occupation was regarded as a guarantee to us for the con- clusion of the definitive peace ; and the terms clearly show that all the evacuation yet to take place was subordinated to the final peace, and that the payments only affected the various stages of these evacuations. The sentence following these stipulations, according to which the evacuation is to take place after the conclusion of peace and after the payment of the first half milliard, was not contained in the original text. M. Thiers wished to have it concluded, and M. Favre considered it super- fluous. I declared myself in favour of its inclusion, as on the day before I had agreed that a comparatively large and impor- tant stage of the evacuation should be made dependent upon this first payment, which might be reckoned on the basis of the proportion between the entire territory occupied and the whole iS 7 i] CONSTRUCTION OF THE TREATY 47 1 five milliards. M. Thiers kept me to my word, which I ac- knowledged ; but there was never any question of the evacua- tion of this side of the Seine before the ratification of the definitive treaty of peace. " Should the French entertain any doubt on this point, your Excellency will explain to M. Favre that I would rather advise his Majesty to immediately renew hostilities than submit to such a falsification of the spirit in which the Versailles negotiations were conducted. " The decision of his Majesty with respect to our expected cooperation, direct or indirect, will depend, on the one hand, upon military considerations which are still under discussion, as well as upon the contents of the French official overtures announced in your Excellency's telegram No. 196. On the other hand, we must take advantage of the present situation with the object of removing every uncertainty which the French may endeavour to read into our agreements. Should your Ex- cellency really have occasion to suppose, as would appear to me from the contents of your reports of the 22nd and 23rd instant, that the French intend to interpret the treaty of peace as if the sentence in Article 3 — L 'Evacuation des departements — soph'era gradne I lenient apres la ratification du traite' de paix definitif — were modified by that which follows it, separated only by a semicolon: apres le versement — la rive droit c, in such a way that the words of the first sentence, from apres to definitif, would be rendered of no effect for the territory in question, your Excellency will please demand from the French Government, in the form of an ultimatum, a clear explanation upon this point. Were this to be refused I should lose all faith in its intention to honourably fulfil its treaty obligations, and it would then become desirable to renew the military operations as early as possible. We will not permit ourselves to be cozened out of our present position, but will, on the contrary, hold fast to it until the definitive peace has been concluded to our satis- faction. We have made these stipulations in order that we may be able to bring pressure to bear with this object. So long as the obligations undertaken, but not yet fulfilled, by France with respect to the indemnity and the prisoners of war remain unfulfilled, and so long as the above-mentioned doubt as to the intentions of the French Government respecting the in- 472 A CRITICAL SITUATION [May 2 terpretation of the preliminary peace and the conclusion of a definitive treaty is not removed, I must advise his Majesty against every form of support for the Versailles Government ; and instead of any such support, I must recommend that a demand be at once addressed to the French authorities to reduce the number of their troops in accordance with the terms of the treaty, or to be prepared for a renewal of hostilities." May \st. — According to a communication of yesterday's date, from Fabrice, Colonel de la Haye had said to him that probably a memorial from Thiers would be received, and not the Note from Favre, which had been announced, and that Favre had repeatedly declared that France was now fulfilling the obligations which she had undertaken, would continue to do so, and was prepared to conclude peace, and to recognise the preliminaries as merely intended to lead up to it. In return, he asked for permission to attack Paris by way of Epinay, and the Northern Railway line, through St. Denis, and that the Com- mune should be called upon, in accordance with the Convention, to withdraw its troops from the enceinte. The colonel requested Fabrice to inform the Chancellor of this. Should the latter decline, the French Government would be able to say, in the presence of Europe, that it had discharged its duty to the best of its ability, but that Germany had prevented it from offering an effective resistance to the insurrection. Favre declared that he had exhausted all his resources, and that it was now neces- sary to know whether Prussia wished to favour the Government or the Commune. De la Haye had expressed a strong desire that Fabrice should not communicate this statement to the Chief, before the receipt of Thiers' memorial. Fabrice, first of all, begged the Frenchman to hasten the despatch of the letter, but, also, before that was done, to explain to Favre the significance and consequences of the demand which he expected us to make upon the Commune for the disarmament of the enceinte, a point upon which Favre did not, at the moment, appear to be quite clear. To this the Prince replied immediately that we were not bound by any Convention to help the French Government, although we were justified in demanding from it the disarma- ment of the enceinte, and eventually enforcing the same, if we found it to be in our interest. The latter, however, was not the case. We had no interest in overthrowing the opponents of 1S71J GERMANY'S DISTRUST 473 the French Government at the cost of German blood, so long as that Government did not carry out the stipulations of the preliminary treaty, but sought, on the contrary, to alter them to our prej udice. With the object of dissipating the mistrust that had arisen in this way, by means of a personal discussion of stronger guarantees, or of a fixed term for the payment of the five milliards, the Chancellor finally proposed to Favre that they should meet at Frankfort or Mayence on any day he chose to select. As I saw later, Favre telegraphed that he would be in Frankfort on Friday, and the Chief replied that he would arrive there on Saturday — perhaps because he considers Friday unlucky. May 2nd. Evening. — On the instructions of the Prince, wrote an article for the Kolnische Zeitung, which was dated from Lagny, and was based on the foregoing despatch and other information. It was to be submitted for approbation up- stairs to-morrow, before being despatched. It ran as follows : — " The conduct of the French Government in the matter of the execution of the preliminaries of peace is quite enigmatic, not to use the stronger term of prevarication. In the position which it occupies towards the insurrection in the capital, which is growing more and more serious, it stands in urgent need of the good will of the Germans, of their indirect assistance, or, at least, of their neutrality. Yet up to the last few days it has shown itself extremely remiss in the fulfilment of the treaties concluded with us in January and March, quibbling in a very suspicious way over their most important stipulations, seeking in Brussels, as we hear, to enforce views which, if adopted in the definitive treaty, would bring about a change, by no means favourable to Germany, of the basis secured by us in the pre- liminary peace at Versailles. Moreover, it would appear that these unacceptable proposals are brought forward merely with the object of protracting the negotiations, and, in the interval thus gained, of securing, through the suppression of the insur- rection of the Paris Communists, a position which would perhaps permit them, with some hope of success, to demand easier terms from those who have the control of our policy. M. Thiers' Government only paid the maintenance money in a tardy way, and under the pressure of threats from the Germans. It tem- porised with the liberation of the German prisoners who still 474 TiIE FRENCH TO GIVE EXPLANATIONS [May 3 remain in France, and it shirked in like manner the just de- mands of the Germans for the surrender of the prize vessels that had not been condemned before the conclusion of the pre- liminary peace. There is reason to believe that it collected more troops near Versailles than had been agreed to in Berlin in view of so desperate a conflict with a powerful insurrection. It expressed an opinion that we were bound to evacuate the forts of St. Denis and Charenton — not after the ratification of the definitive peace, but after the receipt by us of the first half milliard. Finally, it caused proposals to be made in Brussels respecting the payment of the five milliards which were in no sense justified by the preliminary treaty, and which, if accepted — a thing utterly inconceivable — would delay the payment to a late period, and, besides, would leave Germany only four-fifths, and perhaps only three-fifths, of the war indem- nity guaranteed in the agreement of the 26th of February. It is not to be wondered at if these and other similar facts have shaken the confidence which was felt at first on the German side in the loyalty of the leading French statesmen, if suspicion has begun to be felt, and if some disinclination exists to con- tinue the favours which have already been extended to the French Government in dealing with the insurrection — favours which the latter sorely needed, and, it seems, formally asked for — -until mistrust has been dispelled by explanations of an unequivocal character, or, perhaps, entirely removed by fresh guarantees. It is reported that the Chief of the Executive has been left in no doubt upon this point, and it is now stated here that M. Favre, who is understood to have given least ground for want of confidence, will in a few days have a conference with Prince Bismarck, for the purpose of giving explanations and coming to an understanding. It will take place, as we hear, at Frankfort. It is to be hoped that this meeting will clear up the situation and hasten the conclusion of a defini- tive peace." May ^rd. — The foregoing article was returned to me un- altered from upstairs, and is now on its way to Cologne. Among the documents received, the following is of importance : F. reports from Soissy, on the 1st instant, that on the previous day Cahn, who is now attached to the Swiss Embassy, was authorised at the instance of Cluseret to go through the French 1871] THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER 475 prisons to find what Germans were detained there, in order that they may be set at liberty. Cluseret had also stated that he had proposed the liberation of the Archbishop. It was true that part of the Committee was opposed to this measure, but the life of his Eminence was nevertheless perfectly safe. A meeting with Cluseret was arranged for on the 1st instant. Cahn, however, came instead, and reported that Cluseret was now replaced by Captain Rossel as Minister of War for the Commune. Cahn was then instructed to see the latter, and ask him whether he maintained the decision of his predecessor as to the liberation of the German prisoners, and to seriously warn him against any ill-treatment of the Archbishop. The telegram adds that this will give the Commune an opportunity of entering into relations with us. If they do not avail them- selves of it, doubtless an anti-German intrigue will have had something to do with the fall of Cluseret. The supply of pro- visions for Paris is seriously retarded on the north side, owing to the exceptional vigilance of the French administration, which is very well informed. According to a report from St. Petersburg of the 26th of April, the King of Denmark has written to the Tsarevna, ask- ing her to beg the Emperor Alexander to bring up the question of North Schleswig in Berlin. The Grand Duchess did not give her father's letter to the Emperor himself, but applied to the Empress, who afterwards communicated its contents to him. Although the Emperor Alexander had said nothing on the subject to R., he nevertheless observed that he greatly desired to have a talk with the Emperor William, and hoped to see him in June either in Berlin or at Ems. The Grand Duchess Hellene informed R. of this, and asked what reply she should give to the Tsarevna, who had repeatedly inquired whether he had not said anything on this affair. The Grand Duchess was of opinion that our Government, whose German sentiments were doubted by no one, could now in its hour of triumph more easily make concessions than before. The matter might one day become unpleasant, and counter-concessions of a com- mercial character (?) could now be demanded from Denmark, which would secure the position of individual Germans in the territory to be ceded. R. replied that Germany would be pre- pared to make concessions, but that Denmark would not be 4/6 THE FRANKFORT CONFERENCE [May 6 satisfied with what could be granted. The reason of the Em- peror Alexander's great anxiety to see the affair settled is that he knows how eagerly the Danish Court stimulates the anti- German sentiments of the heir to the Russian throne. The same authority reports that the French Government, through the Marquis de Gabriac, their present representative in St. Petersburg, has complained to Gortchakoff that we are no longer as friendly as we were, and requested him to mediate between France and ourselves. This request was, however, declined, attention being called to the obligations undertaken in the preliminary peace, the fulfilment of which was the right means of securing the good will of Germany. At a Court ball the Emperor Alexander also observed to the marquis : "Rem- plissez d'abord loyalement vos engagements ct apres je serai voire avocat, si vons anrez des raisons de p/ainte. Aujoardhui ces raisons je ne les vois pas." May 4?/i. — The Chancellor, who leaves for Frankfort to- morrow, wishes the Kblnische Zeitung to write somewhat as follows on the object of the journey: — "The personal con- ference between Prince Bismarck and the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, the necessity of which has been felt for some considerable time past, will have begun by the time these lines go to press. To-morrow morning at 8 o'clock the Imperial Chancellor, accompanied by the Councillors of Embassy Bu- cher, Count Hatzfeld, and the Attache Count Wartensleben, will leave for Frankfort, where Jules Favre will probably have already arrived. Apparently the French have come to under- stand that their interests urgently require the removal of the suspicions which have arisen in regard to their good faith since the arrangement at Versailles. We ourselves must also know exactly where we stand with them. It is necessary to hasten the conclusion of a definitive peace. Some progress must finally be made in that matter, and France must cease to imagine that we will allow ourselves to be kept dangling in suspense, or to be imposed upon and manoeuvred into an un- favourable position. She must respect our rights and not endeavour by pettifogging subterfuges to whittle down or per- haps, indeed, disown the consequences of the preliminary peace. It may be taken for granted that the principal subjects to be dealt with at Frankfort will be the manner of payment of the 1S71] PRINCE PETER OLDENBURG 477 war indemnity of five milliards of francs, the surrender of the German merchant vessels which were not condemned by the Prize Courts before the signature of the preliminary treaty, the position of the Eastern Railway — which, after the Ver- sailles arrangement, can no longer be regarded as an open question, although it has been treated as such by the Govern- ment of M. Thiers — and finally the regulation of the frontier. On the German side, however, it will be sought first of all to clear up the situation, and hasten the negotiations for peace, which have been brought to a standstill through the unjustifi- able demands of the French. It is to be hoped that the Frank- fort negotiations will open the eyes of those members of the French Government who have not yet succeeded in thoroughly understanding the position of affairs and in recognising the legitimacy of the claims based upon it from the German stand- point, and their necessity from the French standpoint. In all probability they will not fail to receive a serious and unequivo- cal reminder of this necessity from our side." May 6th. — Again a few comic episodes to break the monot- ony of these grave affairs. Prince Peter of Oldenburg, who seems to be a very ancient gentleman, writing from St. Peters- burg, sent the Chief a memoir which he forwarded to the Em- peror on the 1st of April (not as a joke for All Fools' Day), in which, after proclaiming his strictly monarchical, legitimist, con- servative, and religious principles, he argues, in an extremely prolix and nebulous fashion, in favour of perpetual peace, and begs the Chancellor to summon a Conference for the Abolition of War. This magnum opus ought to be laid in its author's coffin. Wollmann says that Abeken is in the habit of keeping the envelopes of letters from the King in order, as he is re- ported to have said, "that the handwriting of his Imperial and Royal master should not be trampled upon by muddy shoes." He is said to have whole bundles of these relics in his posses- sion. Very touching ! Bucher afterwards confirmed the fact that Abeken had actually delivered himself of the above re- mark. He appears to have acquired this tender sentimentality during his stay in the East. He ought to have been Councillor of Embassy to the Dalai Lama. May 14th. — The Chief is again here. Count Wartensleben, who was with him at Frankfort, told me to-day that he had been 47^ AN OBLIGING NEGOTIATOR [May 17 out driving with the Chancellor several times outside the town, and while they were walking about in the woods the latter gave him numerous particulars of his negotiations with the French- men. " Once," said the Count, who by the way is a very pleas- ant young man, " in speaking of the German negotiators at Brussels, he remarked to me, ' It is very unlucky for those gentlemen that we cannot conclude our business there.' (Possi- bly on account of the gratuities in the way of orders.) ' I am particularly sorry for poor Balan. But what can one do ? The snipe must be shot where it rises.' Another time (it was after the first conference with Favre and Pouyer-Quertier) he looked very fagged and worried, and on my asking him about it he replied that the French had proved exceptionally obstinate. He told me then how he managed to secure himself an ally against them. He said, ' I proposed to Favre to bring M. Goulard to the Conference as he was a member of the National Assembly. Favre was at first greatly surprised at this suggestion, and would not hear of it. I pointed out to him, however, that it would be to his own advantage. Goulard would feel flattered and would be grateful to him, and would furthermore as one of the nego- tiators support him, Favre, in the National Assembly. Favre thereupon consented.' But it was also of great advantage for the Chief (continued Wartensleben), as when Favre finally con- sented, the little gentleman in the white necktie and high stand-up collar was also grateful to him for being admitted to the negotiations, and when the two others were inclined to refuse something, he always spoke in favour of giving way — it could be managed, he would himself take the responsibility for it, he thought that one really might agree to it. Eventually Favre thanked the Chief formally for his advice to include Goulard. May \^th. — On the instructions of the Chief, wrote to Brass respecting an article in No. 113 of the Norddcutsche AUgemcine Zeitung, that the Prince did not consider it proper for a journal which was praised in another paper to reproduce this praise, and he positively prohibited all such misconduct in future. May \yth. — -Yesterday and to-day again read a number of telegrams and other documents received and despatched, which threw light on the Frankfort negotiations and recent events in 1871J NEGOTIATIONS AT FRANKFORT 479 Paris. The Chief had from Frankfort addressed an inquiry to Fabrice as to whether he believed that progress had been made in the fusion between the Comte de Chambord and the Princes of the House of Orleans, and whether it had a prospect of success. Count Arnim thought it had. The Republican form of government in France was more to our advantage, and there- fore he would not oppose it unless he were compelled to. A telegram to Moltke on the 18th instant informed him that the Chief hoped to bring about the conclusion of a definitive peace at Frankfort. Some of the conditions would, however, be that we should assist as far as possible in promoting the speedy occupation of Paris, which would then be in our interest, with- out exposing our men to danger, and in particular that we should consider the question of the passage of the French troops through our lines, of calling upon the Commune to evacuate the enceinte, of cutting off the supply of provisions, and of immediately liberating 20,000 prisoners of war for use in Algeria and the larger towns of the south. In case it were possible to secure at Frankfort a peace which should receive the approbation of the Emperor, Moltke was requested to take the necessary preparatory measures for the above purposes. A short telegram of the same day, addressed to Thile and which was to be communicated to Delbriick, says that on the two pre- ceding days the Chief was engaged in negotiations for fifteen hours, and had sent Favre a "strong ultimatum." Another telegram reports to the Emperor that, according to the French Ministers, the stability of the present Government will in a great measure depend upon the speedy conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace. On the nth a further telegram was sent to Moltke saying that, from Fabrice's reports, the French generals, believing they could themselves dispose of the Com- munists, would endeavour so to arrange matters that they could dispense with our cooperation. But in that case also it would be desirable to mass our troops near Paris, as we could thus bring pressure to bear upon the French National Assembly in connection with the ratification of the treaty which would be discussed in about ten days, by exciting the apprehensions of that body as to the decision which we might take if the treaty were rejected. As:ain a comic interlude between the serious scenes of the 480 A STRANGE PROPOSAL [May 17 drama. Fabrice sends a report from Lieutenant von Mirbach, of the Guards, at St. Denis, which reached him through General von Pape, with the extremely naive marginal note: "Most obedi- ently submitted for kind consideration with the object of pro- moting the accession to the French throne of Prince Frederick Charles." The document in question was to the following effect : Persons of all ranks and conditions, and quite recently an Attache of the American Embassy, had inquired whether it was true that Prince Frederick Charles had been selected as the Regent of France. As far back as the winter a party had been formed with that object. Merchants, bankers, manufacturers, many citizens of standing and repute, " including even noble- men," wished to offer the throne to the Prince, and were sure of the support of their friends, their employees, and of a part of the press. " Influential agents and leaders of the National Guard, and even some important members of the Commune, are understood to be well disposed towards this plan. The American inquired whether a deputation from this ' Prussian ' party would be well received." The writer had been informed by the " rich M. Vincent," the Commandant of the National Guard in Versailles, and by M. de Bastide, that the same scheme had been discussed in that town. Obviously some one has been playing off a joke on the lieutenant, for, although we live in an age of miracles, it would be a miracle of miracles if a French party were now found to desire for their ruler a nephew of our old Master, after the efforts made by France to prevent the election as King of Spain of the Prince of Hohenzollern, who is only a remote relative of the Emperor William. The Commander-in-Chief of the Third Army Corps in Compiegne has been informed that a conference took place on the nth instant at Soissy between General von Schlotheim and General Borel, the chief of MacMahon's staff. " MacMahon desires to deliver the main attack on Paris on the west front of the enceinte, from the Bois de Boulogne or Billancourt against the bastion of the Point du Jour. In order to prevent the insurgents from continuing their resistance in the city from point to point, he wishes, at the same time — that is, during the same night — to endeavour to surprise the north front, and seize some positions in the north of Paris. Ten or twelve thousand men would be employed for this purpose, who i S 7 1 i M ACM AI ION'S PLANS 48 1 would start in the evening from Gemevilliers, and march by way of Villeneuve la Garonne and St. Denis, as also through Epinay, St. Denis, and Aubervilliers, towards the gates of La Chapelle and La Villette. With the assistance of some of the command- ants of the National Guard, with whom an understanding was being entered into, and by taking advantage of the railway, and of the numerous conveyances which still frequented the main roads, it was considered possible to bring small detachments of trustworthy troops right into the city. In case the attack were repulsed, MacMahon binds himself to withdraw all the troops employed by him along the same route, on the same day, behind the rayon on this side, that is to say, behind the left bank of the Seine. By this means the proximity of French and German troops for any length of time would be avoided. Permission could hardly be refused for the French troops to march through St. Denis, although they are on no account to be allowed to tarry or post reserves there. General Borel was obviously de- sirous of preventing all cooperation on the part of the German troops and of the forts occupied by us, and gave it clearly to be understood that he regarded such direct support as undesirable on political grounds. He did not believe the insurgents would venture to pursue the storming parties in case the latter did not succeed — an opinion which is also shared here — and he posi- tively denied that the French Commander-in-Chief intended to bombard the north front, or to proceed to a regular attack upon it if the surprise were to fail. As, according to these overtures, the French were prepared to forego our cooperation, and our own forces in and behind the forts are quite sufficient, I have, as already reported in a telegram of the 10th instant, given up the idea of a concentration of further troops outside Paris. In accordance with the wishes of the French Government, I con- sider it desirable in the first place to avoid everything that would attract the attention of the insurgents to the north front, and thereby endanger the success of the surprise. At the same time we consider it necessary to avert, as far as possible, all ac- cidental losses to our troops should the insurgents, after repel- ling an attack, open fire with their artillery on the retiring French columns. In the event of his Majesty the Emperor and King afterwards expressly ordering the German troops to co- operate in the attack on Paris, I venture to express the humble 482 AEGIDI ENTERS THE FOREIGN OFFICE [May 20 opinion that, in view of the situation at the present moment, when the resistance is already organised and the insurgents are accustomed to fire, a simple bombardment of the enceinte would scarcely secure our object. It might then be desirable to pro- ceed against the nearest gates and bastions with a battering train posted on the plateau of Romainville, and probably an oc- cupation of the enceinte would only be attended with decisive success after we had advanced as far as Buttes Chamont, as this position commands the greater part of the northern half of Paris." Bucher informed me this evening that Professor Aegidi of Bonn has entered the Foreign Office as Councillor in charge of press matters, and is to undertake the appointment of agents, journalists, and other such gentlemen. He added : " Some- thing has already been said in the newspapers on the subject. One newspaper contained a note which had doubtless been pro- vided by Aegidi himself to the effect that he would replace Abeken, who had begun to grow old and weak. That ruffled our friend very considerably, and he grew as red as a turkey- cock as he remarked : ' In such circumstances one can only wish to retire at once on his pension.' " Bucher further stated that Aegidi had been recommended by Keudell, whose cousin he had married, and who had previously secured him the position at Bonn after he had failed in Hamburg. In conclusion Bucher said : " Keudell has already appointed many useless people and expended large sums upon them. For example, some time ago he took up a Dane, whom he employed as an agent and richly remunerated, but who did absolutely nothing." I recalled the case of Rasch, and B. said that he too had advised against employing him, describing him as a conceited blockhead to Keudell, who nevertheless sent him to Garibaldi with 20,000 thalers. A telegram of the 15th instant from Fabrice states that the French had demanded in a despatch that the cordon drawn round Paris should be made complete so far as the German troops were concerned, as it was important that the leaders of this criminal undertaking (the Commune) should not escape the hands of justice. In reply to the French Government, Fabrice said that Borel had come to no understanding with the Third Army Corps respecting a blockade of the city. If the 1871 I HAVAK1A AND WURTEMHEKi; 483 cordon was to be drawn at an early date, it would have to be preceded by an arrangement of that kind. The Chief tele- graphed at once that, according to the understanding arrived at in Frankfort, we were bound to completely isolate Paris as soon as the French desired it, to permit the Versailles troops to march through our lines, and to call upon the Commune to withdraw from the enceinte. We were not bound, however, to emphasise this demand by force of arms. But the three points in question must be carried into effect by the Commander-in- Chief, as we should otherwise commit a breach of the agree- ment entered into with the French Government. It previously appeared from a pencil minute by Abeken on a report from Fabrice that we had offered, or that the French had demanded, something more than this, namely, in addition to the complete isolation of the city and the passage of the French troops through our lines, we should, in case the French Government asked for our support, give it in the shape of an artillery attack upon the enceinte, and, if the French storming parties were to fail, use all our forces to prevent a pursuit on the part of the Parisians. May 20th. — According to a report from Stuttgart of the 17th instant, von Wachter, the Wiirtemberg Minister for For- eign Affairs, had remarked that King Charles now considered Wiirtemberg not to have been properly treated in connection with the Frankfort treaty of peace (on the previous day he had known nothing about it), and he appeared to feel hurt at this. The Wiirtemberg Minister at Munich has reported that the treatment of Bavaria in connection with the conclusion of peace is greatly blamed in competent circles there, and that Count Ouadt has been instructed to give expression to this dissatis- faction. It is doubtless Bavaria, therefore, that has altered the sentiments of Wiirtemberg. Count von F., who has been in London, has informed Balan that the French Ambassador to the English Court as well as the Due de Grammont, have attracted a great deal of attention by their want of tact. The former had remarked to the Count in a reproachful tone that the Socialists in Paris had been prin- cipally recruited in Belgium. Grammont predicted the ap- proaching return of Napoleon to France, and added, "Et alors on va bientot mettre fin a ccttc ridicule chose qu on appclle la 484 THE INTERNATIONAL [May 24 Bclgiquc." Prince Napoleon, on the other hand, had observed to the Count that the neutrality of Belgium was an advantage to France during the last war. Baron Baude, the French Min- ister in Brussels, had stated in the presence of the English Minister d'Anethan that immediately after the Versailles troops had taken possession of Paris the National Assembly would proclaim the Comte de Chambord as King. May 24th. — To-day read and noted down the draft of a despatch by the Chief respecting the International, and joint action on the part of the Governments against this organisation of the Socialist party. This is to be utilised in the press. The despatch is dated the 7th instant, and is addressed to Schweinitz in Vienna. Drafted at first by Abeken, the Chancellor struck out all but eight or ten lines, and then completed it in his own hand. Thus transformed it read as follows : " The events that have occurred in Paris during the last few weeks and days have disclosed in the most unmistakable fashion the common organi- sation of the socialistic elements in European countries, and the dangers with which the State is threatened by that organisation. In Germany the influence of the communistic working-class association is evident in the large centres of industry in our western provinces, and particularly in the manufacturing dis- tricts of Saxony. Herr Bebel, a member of Parliament, who is said to receive pecuniary support for his agitation from the funds of the late King of Hanover, has in the Reichstag given open expression to the criminal intentions of his party. Cer- tain symptoms would go to show that in Austria, and indeed in Vienna itself, this agitation is making way among the workers. If your Excellency considers that the desire, and indeed the necessity, of opposing these movements of disaffection is felt by the Imperial Austro-Hungarian Government, please initi- ate a confidential discussion of ways and means. In my opinion, the first step would be an exchange of views respect- ing the extent and direction of the Socialist organisation, and the recognition of the principle that Socialist menaces to life and property, such as have been carried into execution in Paris, belong to the category of ordinary crime, and not to that of political offences." I here add the contents of some other documents on the same subject received and despatched later. iS 7 i 1 DIPLOMATIC ACTION 485 Writing on the 3rd of June, R. reported that the Emperor Alexander said to him that he intended to discuss with the Emperor William and the Chief the question of the means by which the European monarchies could be protected from the Socialist danger, and in particular from the International. In his opinion all the Governments of Europe should unite and assist one another in the struggle against this enemy. The Emperor will have a memorial on the subject drawn up by the Minister of Justice, in which, in particular, evidence will be adduced with the object of proving that the members of these socialistic associations should be treated, not as political of- fenders, but as ordinary criminals. During the second week of June, Bucher was much occupied in studying the International, and despatches drawn up by him were sent to Florence, Brussels, Vienna, and London. These were intended to pave the way for a joint intervention of the Governments against the agitation of the Communists. That addressed to Brassier St. Simon was dated the 9th of June, and that to Bernstorff the 14th. The following passage occurred in the former: "However much the ultimate aims of the revo- lutionary elements may differ in various countries, according to the conditions of the latter, yet their immediate purpose is in every instance the same, namely, the overthrow of the existing order in the State. It therefore follows that all existing Gov- ernments have a common interest in opposing them. When the State is defeated by the revolutionary movement in any one country, as was the case in Paris for two months, its power will be reduced in all other countries, and that of its opponents pro- portionately increased." On the 1 2th of June, the Chief's answer, in which he gave an account of the steps already taken, was despatched to R. He had first sent the enclosed despatch to General von Schwei- nitz, and afterwards caused the latter to speak to Count Andrassy, who (perhaps in consequence of a private request on the part of the Chief) had already mooted the subject confidentially, in the same way as he had done to Count Beust. He (the Chief) then had copies of the despatch sent to the representatives of the Empire in Brussels, Florence, Dresden, and London, with the addition in each instance of some further observations more applicable to the special conditions of the country in question. 486 BEUST'S SUGGESTION In Brussels he had had attention called to the fact that Belgium, on account of its geographical position and its condition in re- gard to languages and industry, was most exposed to danger ; that in the year 1868, on the occasion of the first International Congress of the Working Classes, Belgium was the scene of the first proclamation of Communism ; and that, according to the statement of the leaders of the Paris Commune, Belgium had been chosen as the next field for their practical operations. In Florence he pointed out that the great associations which kept up disturbances in Italy, if they did not follow the same ends as the Communists, were still at one with them in their immediate task, namely, the overthrow of the existing govern- ment and form of State, and were intimately associated with them, as was evident from the appearance of the Garibaldians in Paris. In Dresden it was pointed out that the industrial districts of Saxony furnished the largest contingent of Socialist members to the Reichstag. And, finally, in London it was shown that there the Communist associations, which had in the fifties given rise to criminal trials in Germany and France, together with the international union of the working classes, an offspring of that association, were founded in London, which was their official centre. Count Waldersee (at present interim representative of Ger- many at Versailles) has been instructed to inform M. Jules Favre, in connection with his circular of the 6th instant, of our readiness to cooperate. All these communications contained as an enclosure an article from the Ti)ncs, apparently based on official information. About the middle of June, Beust suggested that a "Note" should be sent asking for information respecting the Socialist organisation. The Chief believes that Beust's proposal con- templates "blue-book lucubrations, which would only hamper the attainment of the real object in view," as it would give warning to the Socialists and furnish the European press with a theme for denouncing new " Karlsbad resolutions," and, to judge from the bias displayed in other complicated compilations of a similar character, the Austrian Chancellor would not be above making capital out of it for the benefit of his own popu- larity. The Minister was therefore to inform him that we were prepared, without any official demand 011 his part, to fur- THE ATTITUDE OF ENGLAND 487 nish him with the results of our observations upon the connection between the communistic parties. A letter, dated the 26th of June, and addressed to S., contains the following further re- marks : " I find him (Baron von Gablenz) much more disposed to meet our views in the matter of joint action against this danger (the socialistic agitation) than has hitherto been the case in Vienna. He was of opinion that the Emperor Francis Joseph was very favourably inclined towards the understanding we had suggested. ... I have not concealed from him, how- ever, that Count Beust's desire to see this suggestion embodied in the form of a ' Note ' has, to some extent, cooled our zeal." B. reports, under date of the 1st of June, that Baron d'Ane- than is in perfect agreement with the proposal of the Chief for an exchange of communications on the extent and direction of the socialistic agitation, and also as to the recognition of the principle that socialistic threats against life and property should be included in the category of ordinary crimes. He further- more considers it absolutely necessary that the Governments should unite in establishing an international principle, and, act- ing on that basis, should proceed against the revolutionary agi- tation with inexorable rigour. The Belgian Minister strongly condemned the attitude of England, and expressed the appre- hension that it would be difficult to procure the adhesion of the English Government to a common understanding. There are grounds for believing that the motive for raising the whole subject was less the danger of the socialist organisa- tion (which, however, was strongly emphasised by me in the press under instructions from the Chief, and afterwards on my own account in the pamphlet Zur GcschicJite der Internationale, Leipzig, 1872) than the opportunity which would be thereby afforded of bringing all the Powers together for the considera- tion, in common, of one question ; and, in particular, of pro- ducing a rapprochement between two of them. In other words, the main object of the manoeuvre was to maintain the antago- nism between Russia and France — the land of the Commune, by exaggerating the danger of the International, and to win over Austria. I now return to the chronological order of my diary, observ- ing at the same time that some of the most important notes and instructions which I received from the Chief at that time can- 4S8 NEWSPAPER POLEMICS [June 5 not be reproduced, as the slips upon which they were written have been mislaid. May 30///. — The National Zcittmg, commenting in an ex- ceptionally violent and discourteous tone upon an article in Brass' paper, spoke of " the Mamelukes of the NorddeutscJie Allgemeine Zeitung" of a "coarseness and boorishness, that can only be explained by the habits of literary menials," and of the " tone of the Imperial Chancellor to which the anti- Parliamentary press, watching his every gesture, and exhibiting the zeal of a retriever, barks in eager response." The Chief wished to have a reply written to this article, somewhat to the following effect : It was not necessary to enter into the attacks made upon the newspaper. The specimens quoted from the organ of MM. Bamberger and Lasker would suffice to show that persons who gave vent to their own irritation in that style were hardly entitled to complain of the manner in which others expressed themselves. But when the article charges the Impe- rial Chancellor with adopting an unseemly attitude towards the Reichstag, whereas his attitude has been eminently prudent and patriotic, when it accuses him of " domineering over men," and of "demanding blind submission," it may well be asked what part of the verbatim reports has given rise to these invec- tives. (From this point on dictation.) "We, who have not left these reports unread, as the author of this philippic would appear to have done, fail to find anything in the expressions of the Imperial Chancellor, but a declaration, for which he gave his reasons, that the motion under discussion was inacceptable, and that if it were maintained he could not undertake the responsibility for the administration of Alsace-Lorraine, during the period of provisional government. If any one discovers, in what he said, anything which would appear to justify in any way the charges in question, we would ask him to remember that a tone of bitterness and violence was first adopted by the Reichstag, and exactly by that party which takes credit for prudence and patriotism — and in general not without justifi- cation. We at least fail to recognise as models of prudence and patriotism the sallies of Herr Bamberger in the last debate, in which he fell upon the Post Office officials. 'When all is said, we are curs,' and ' Look out for the whip,' were some of the flowers of rhetoric with which he presented the Govern- iS 7 i I THE ROMAN QUESTION 489 meat —and I loir von Hoverbeck's feats of eloquence on the same occasion leave us in the same difficulty." May list. — Wrote to Brass to-day on the instructions of the Chief respecting the leading article in No. 124 of the Nord- deutsche Allgemeinc Zeitung, which struck the Prince as too vehement in its attack upon the National Liberals. I recom- mended greater moderation and dignity. In reply, Brass ex- cuses himself on the ground that he received that article from an official source, and was, therefore, in a dilemma — which is very probable. A letter is to be sent to Vienna to-day, saying that Favre had stated at Frankfort that a proposal from Beust in favour of the Pope had been submitted to the Versailles Government. This was made in such a form as to give rise to the inference that it was in harmony with the intentions of the Emperor William, as it referred to intimations from Count Bray, and Bavaria would not, presumably, adopt a policy on that ques- tion which deviated from that of the German Empire. S. is then requested to make guarded inquiries as to whether the Bavarian Minister for Foreign Affairs has taken any, and if so, what, steps in that direction. Of course, there was no doubt as to Bray's personal views in the matter, but only a desire that, should he have actually taken such steps in Vienna, no room should have been left for misconception as to the per- sonal and individual character of his action. The German For- eign Office had had no share in it, and "we have," the letter concludes, " avoided, up to the present, expressing any opinion on the Roman question, or on the attitude of the German Empire towards it." June $th. — Wrote an article, dated from Darmstadt, for the Kohiische Zeitung. The Chief gave me the information. The article ran as follows : — " However much our new Ministers may adapt themselves to circumstances, it is nevertheless no secret that the feeling in the spheres above them still continues unfavourable to the new state of things in Germany, and that it is sought here to preserve as much as possible of the old arrangements without causing too great offence. Whatever the spontaneous initia- tive of the powers that be fails to do in this direction is sup- plied by the very considerable influence of Prince Alexander, 490 ' AUSTRIAN DIPLOMATS [June 7 who is still associated with those circles in Vienna which in German affairs have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing, and which now as formerly exercise a kind of co-regency that makes itself felt in many different ways. A case in point is the main- tenance of the Legation in Vienna, which has long since lost all importance, particularly since the foundation of the Ger- man Empire through the Versailles Treaties. We hear on good authority that the present holder of that office, Heinrich von Gagern, the whilom President of the Frankfort Parliament, requested several months ago to be allowed to retire from his post, at the same time recommending that it should be abol- ished, but he received a negative answer. He is now under- stood to have repeated his request and recommendation to the new Minister for Foreign Affairs, and — as we are informed — Herr von Lindelhof was not unfavourably disposed, particu- larly as there is no prospect of the representative body con- tinuing to vote supplies for this post, which has become purely ornamental, as a necessary item of expenditure. In the highest quarters, however, a different view prevails, which is evidently due to the Prince, and if Gagern is permitted to resign he will have a successor. It is understood that in these circumstances the prospective successor would be von Biegeleben, the Prince's intimate friend, a statesman as Ultramontane as could be found in the Episcopal Palace at Mayence, and as anti-Prussian as could be desired anywhere. I report this merely as a symp- tom of the sentiments prevailing in competent quarters here. Given adequate power, mischief can be wrought even without a Legation, but when that element is lacking, all diplomatic posts become merely ornamental, not to say ridiculous." June Jth. — According to a communication from Bernstorff of the 3rd instant, Brunnow reports that Napoleon has greatly aged and become very infirm. He speaks with gratitude of our Emperor and without hatred of Prussia ; while, on the other hand, he is strongly incensed against Thiers and Favre, who will be overtaken by the just vengeance of Heaven for having brought about the overthrow of the Empire. Their punish- ment has already commenced in the severe conditions to which they have been compelled to allow the country to be subjected. According to this report, the Emperor did not express any hope of his restoration. The Empress, however, is full of courage, 1871] TIIK BONAVAKTISTS 491 and has great expectations. The Bonapartists share her views. Some of them look forward to a restoration of Napoleon ; and others, though a minority, to the regency of the Empress. Mopes are entertained that although Germany might not give any direct assistance to a restoration, it would moderate the conditions of peace if Napoleon were reelected. In case of a plebiscite also, Germany might be helpful in the occupied prov- inces. Some are in favour of a national vote, as they feel sure of the rural population; while others are for violent measures, relying upon i«So,ooo soldiers. In their opinion, the main point is that neither the Comte de Chambord nor any one of the Orleans has any prospect of success. The following communication was sent to Fabrice on the 4th inst. : "As the Government of which M. Thiers is the head has concluded a definitive peace with us, it is in our interest, and in that of our international position, to recognise only the present Government in France, so long as no other government has been evolved out of it in a legal way which would secure for the future the execution of the Treaty of Peace, and the maintenance of the present relations between the two countries. The present Government is bound by its past, and by its entire position, to fulfil its obligations towards us, and it therefore finds a support in Germany. Any other Government which may seize power in an irregular way may possibly seek its salvation by sacrificing to popularity the Treaties concluded with us, and in that manner force us to renew the war. We have, therefore, not only an interest in the maintenance of the present Government, but also the right to withhold our recogni- tion from any violent change in the form of government, how- ever brought about, and to make our decision dependent upon the guarantees provided for our treaty interests. It must, furthermore, be remembered that everything calculated to dis- turb order, which is scarcely restored as yet, must prejudicially affect the power of France to meet its obligations towards us within the periods laid down in the Treaty, whoever may be at the head of affairs, and that we must therefore desire to avoid every crisis which would lead to a renewal of civil war. You will please express yourself in this sense to the French Govern- ment, and make it clear to them beyond all question that in those portions of the country which we occupy we shall recog- 492 MR. WASHBURNE'S VIEWS [June 19 nise no alteration in the form, and no change in the principal holders of power, which does not arise out of the existing situa- tion in the regular way, and in accordance with the laws now in force. We are giving evidence of the confidence which we repose in the present Government by rapidly reducing the Ger- man forces in the occupied districts. Should new movements in France force us to doubt the maintenance of the peace which has been concluded, your Excellency is aware that within four- teen days we could again put the same army in the field which we had in France last winter." June nth. — Fabrice telegraphed the day before yesterday to the Chief stating, inter alia, that the rapid withdrawal of our troops outside Paris and elsewhere before the payment of the first half milliard was obviously exercising an influence upon the temper and behaviour of the population, whose attitude would grow more and more confident, if not hostile, as the evacuation proceeded. Washburne had confidently advised prudence, and in speaking to Holstein had described the sentiments of the Parisians towards the Germans as doubtful, adding that the Government lacked the power, and perhaps the will, to counteract this tendency, and that the protection of the Germans in Paris depended solely upon the German garrisons still in the neighbourhood. No reliance could be placed upon the future development of affairs in France. The first two milliards would be paid in order to give Germany a sense of security. The balance of three milliards, however, would not be paid— as had been openly stated by personages in authority, not soldiers — while, on the other hand, there was a determina- tion to recover the ceded territories. The Chief thereupon telegraphed to the Saxon General yesterday that neither were we bound nor did we intend to reduce the zone of occupation, and that we should certainly not evacuate the forts before the date specified in the Treaty of Frankfort. If we reduced the number of our troops in the occupied districts, it was not that we trusted France, but only that we had confidence in our own rapidity of mobilisation. It was possible that the French would not carry out the treaty of peace in full, and even that they intended to attack us, but as soon as the mobilisation of the French forces rendered the latter eventuality probable, or if there were a wilful delay in the 1S71J FAVRE'S "IMPUDENCE" 493 payments to be made, a force of 600,000 could, within a fort- night, be put into the field between Metz and Paris. lie, Fabrice, should permit no doubt to exist upon this point. It was cheaper to strengthen our forces outside Paris as required than to leave them there for an indefinite period. There was no disposition to conceal the possibility of a renewal of the war, but on the other hand such a renewal was not feared. June igt/i. — This morning read a number of telegrams which have been exchanged between Waldersee and the Chief, from which it would almost seem as if it might come to hostili- ties if the French only had sufficient power. On the evening of the 15th instant their troops stationed near Lilas pushed forward their outposts to within twenty-five paces of ours, and on ground that belonged to us. The Chief, upon advices to this effect from Waldersee on the 16th instant, immediately instructed him to demand the punishment of the officers who had been guilty of this breach of existing arrangements, adding that our men had received instructions to attack the French troops posted within rifle range of them if the latter did not withdraw in the course of the day. He would also immediately advise the King to withdraw the orders for the recall of all our troops until satisfaction had been received. A telegram to the like effect was at the same time despatched to Favre. It con- cluded as follows : "Les protestations du commandant allemand contre cette violation des stipulations en vigueur sont reste'es in- fructcuscs. Je rcgrctte vivement tin incident qui trouble les rela- tions de confiance mutuelle qiri commencaient a uaitre." The Frenchmen were greatly frightened by this Quos ego, particu- larly MacMahon, who immediately ordered the withdrawal of the troops from a position in which they had no right to be. Favre has declared that Pouyer Quertier cannot pay the first half milliard before the 15th of July, as the Ministry of Finance has been destroyed (by the Communists). Moreover, the res- toration of order, mentioned in Article 7 of the treaty, has not yet been completed. In a telegram sent to Waldersee the day before yesterday the Chief described these observations as "impudent," and instructed Waldersee to tell Favre that if the money is not paid on the 1st of July, France will have failed to fulfil its obligations under the article in question. Waldersee further reported the day before yesterday that he 494 A RUSSIAN DIPLOMATIC REPORT [June 23 had presented his credentials to Favre, and was then received by Thiers. His reception by both gentlemen was exceedingly polite and amiable. A 6 per cent, voluntary loan of two mil- liards, with a 15 per cent, payment on account, was to be placed on the market on the 26th of June. With the money raised by this means, and with some other funds at the disposal of the Government, a payment of 375 million francs would be made. Thiers assured him that with the best will in the world he could not promise him the complete payment of the first half milliard before the 10th of July, as nobody could foresee at the present moment how the subscriptions would go. He, Walder- see, had, however, insisted upon the 1st of July, as otherwise we should be driven to question the good will of the French, and moreover — owing to certain financial arrangements — we re- quired the money at that date. Thiers replied that he both desired and hoped to be able to begin the payment on the 1st, but it was a physical impossibility for him to collect the whole sum before the 10th. Waldersee had not stated that the pro- posal would be accepted in Berlin. The Chief thereupon telegraphed the same day that the proposal of M. Thiers was incompatible with the 7th Article of the Frankfort Treaty of Peace, and could not, therefore, be accepted without counter-concessions. The telegram continues: "Besides, the understanding at first was that the occupation of Paris should be taken as the term for this payment, and it was only in consequence of a concession made by us out of com- plaisance that the expression ' rctablisscmcnt dc l'autoritt r was inserted in the French draft of the treaty. Furthermore, through an oversight, the payment of the following 125 mil- lions was fixed in the French draft at sixty days after the pay- ment of the 375 millions, instead of thirty days, or sixty days after the occupation of Paris, as M. Pouyer Quertier himself had proposed. In the presence of the unconciliatory attitude which the French negotiators now manifest, we see no occasion to show them any favour without counter-concessions. If, there- fore, the French Government does not make the payment pro- vided for by the treaty on the 1st of July, we must regard it as a failure to fulfil its obligations under Article 7. I beg your Excellency to leave M. Favre in no doubt upon this point." June 20th. — Again an amusing interlude provided by the 1871J A SAXON AGITATOR 4^5 diplomatic world. Von K., a Russian envoy abroad, has ad- dressed to the Kmperor Alexander a long memorial dated the 25th of May, or the 6th of June according to our calendar. This document, which deals with the Socialist parties and agitation in Germany, includes the following, among a number of other extraordinary whimsicalities : " Wuttke (our Leipzig Professor and puzzlehead), tin des pilicrs republicains en Saxe, a dit dcrnierement asses haut pour etrc entendu a Drcsdc : 'Dans cinq ans il riy aura plus dc princes. ' " Most wonderful and admirable knowledge of affairs and men ! Wuttke, a pillar and prophet of Saxon Republicanism ! And this is the sort of stuff which a diplomatist reports with a serious face ! June 22ud. — Under instructions from the Chief utilised in the press the main ideas of a memorial written by Bucher on the Paris Commune, and the reasons why it was not supported in the provinces. This document, which was dated the 17th instant, was forwarded to Vienna. . . . The following appears in the Volkszeitung to-day : "We have been requested to publish the following letter : ' Desir- ing an audience of his Serene Highness Prince Bismarck, I addressed him as he was passing in the street, for the pur- pose of obtaining permission to present myself. Hardly had I spoken to the Prince before two detectives laid hold of me by both arms and wanted to arrest me. In spite of my protest that I was under no obligation to accompany two civilians, and, moreover, that I had committed no offence, I was dragged through the streets to the police station in the Taubenstrasse. I was then taken in charge of a policeman to the Molkenmarkt, where I was kept in custody for the whole night, being liberated at 1 1 o'clock next morning, with the remark that my arrest was doubtless due to a misunderstanding. I leave the whole affair to the judgment of the public. H. L. Back.' " June 2yd. — Called this morning to the Chief, who showed me the above letter. He was in good humour, and while dress- ing he gave me the following account of the incident : " As I was leaving the Reichstag on my way home an exceptionally greasy individual, evidently a Jew, came up and said he wished to have an audience of me. I declined, but he remained at my side and kept on talking to me; I would surely not refuse a Ger- man writer such a request, as he had something of importance 496 M. DE VALLON'S "REVELATIONS" [June 23 to communicate to me. Yes, but I do though, I replied, I never give audiences to German authors. He continued to follow me, however (with the fly-like persistence, obtrusiveness, and fool- hardiness of the young Jew), and while he kept on talking he pressed so close to me that he trod on one of my spurs, breaking it off. I wheeled round and was about to chastise him physically, when the two policemen took him in charge. He really was exceptionally greasy ; one could have scraped the pot- house fat off him." Wrote a paragraph on the subject for the papers. Called again to the Minister later on, and received instruc- tions for an article on certain pretended revelations of a M. de Vallon in the Versailles Assembly, which had been commented upon in the National Zeitang. He read through and corrected this article before it was sent off. In giving me the information, he said : " Favre has here made several erroneous statements. He gave an inaccurate account of the facts in his speech of the 19th instant, in which he referred to Vallon's assertion that he, Favre, had told him I had been disposed at Ferrieres to con- clude peace on the cession of Strasburg and its environs. He declared that at that time there had been no negotiations re- specting peace, though M. de Bismarck had, indeed, told him that it would be possible to negotiate on the conditions indicated by M. de Vallon in the National Assembly. Say, with reference to that point, that the French Minister for Foreign Affairs had thereby given evidence of a defective memory. Or, better still, say : It is quite conceivable that all the details of several long interviews have not been retained with equal clearness by all those concerned in them. According to the reports now before us, the question of the armistice occupied the first place, as a means of preparing the way for peace through the convocation of a National Assembly; but the peace itself was also discussed. M. Favre himself says in his report of September last to the Government of National Defence, describing the occurrences at Haute Maison. There we read: 'After I had made known the intentions of the French Government by means of a circular, I desired to ascertain those of the Prussian Minister. It seemed to me out of the question that two nations, without first ascer- taining each other's views, should continue a war which, notwith- standing its advantages for the victor, would be a cause of great 1871J THE TREATMENT OF GERMANS IN FRANCE 497 suffering. Brought about by the will of one individual, this war had no longer any raisou d'etre when France had again become her own mistress. I vouched for her love of peace, and at the same time for her resolve not to accept any conditions which would transform this peace into a short and threatening armis- tice. M. de Bismarck replied that if he were convinced of the possibility of such a peace, he would sign it immediately.' " On this occasion M. Favre also ascertained the conditions put forward by Germany, and these were by no means restricted to the cession of Strasburg and its environs. M. Favre's above- mentioned report goes on to say : ' On my pressing him very strongly with respect to the conditions, he told me plainly that the security of his country imposed upon him the necessity of retaining the territory which would guarantee the same. He repeated several times : Strasburg is the key of the house. (I said our house.) I begged him to speak still more plainly. That is useless, he replied, as we cannot come to an understand- ing ; that is a matter that can be settled later. I requested him to do so immediately. (The following is given in italics in the article.) He then said to me that the departments of the Upper and Lower Rhine and a portion of the Moselle department, with Metz, Chateau Salins, and Soissons (incorrect, it was Saarge- mund which was mentioned) were indispensable to him, and that he could not forego them.' " About the same time, probably shortly before the above arti- cle was written, the following communique was prepared for the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung under the instructions from the Chief, who also saw and corrected it before it was sent to the press. He struck out the portions within brackets, although they were almost literally his own words : " Reports reach us daily of bad treatment and serious prejudice to their rights to which the Germans in France, and particularly those in Paris, are subjected. Bankers dismiss German clerks who have served them long and faithfully ; manufacturers announce that they will no longer employ German workpeople ; even acade- mies and institutions, centres of French learning (and, as one would wish to think, of French wisdom), indulge in anti-German demonstrations, and decline in future to elect any corresponding members from among the German citizens of the Universal Republic of Letters. All these, more or less petty expressions 498 RETALIATION THREATENED [June 30 of bitter resentment, may be merely regarded as symptoms of a feeling, which is of significance for the future, and against which we must secure ourselves. But the French, and particu- larly the Parisians, have gone further in the petty warfare, which they carry on in continuation of the great war now con- cluded. Incited by an unbridled press, they have permitted themselves to adopt towards those Germans who have returned to France, either to put their affairs in order, or to reopen busi- ness, an attitude which would be regarded by civilised nations as improper, even in time of war. They have prevented Ger- mans from opening their shops, and have wrecked German establishments. They have prohibited other Germans from attending the Bourse, and have arrested harmless German sub- jects, simply because they were German. That is not an affair of the future, but of the immediate present, and demands im- mediate redress. We have concluded peace, and we honestly and sincerely desire to maintain it, but of course, on the assump- tion that the French people preserve this peace, which was sought for and demanded by their Government. If the offences in question are not (speedily and thoroughly) checked, and if the French Government does not protect peaceful and law-abiding Germans, we must, in the interest of German sub- jects, and in view of the honour of Germany, decide upon the reprisals to be exercised. We should not be surprised if, then, for every German illegally arrested and not released immedi- ately upon representations being made, arrests of French citi- zens were ordered in those districts of France which we tem- porarily occupy. We should not consider it out of order, if the evacuation of certain departments were postponed until these passions had calmed down, and indeed, according to circum- stances, these regrettable occurrences might lead to fresh action against Paris, which is the seat of the evil." June 24///. — • Wrote the following article for Brass from materials supplied by the Chief, whose attention was called to the matter by an article in the SehlesiseJie ZeiUtng, on " Napo- leon and the Men of the 4th of September ": " Trochu's attempt to exculpate himself before the bar of public opinion has failed conclusively. His speech only confirmed the fact that he had betrayed the Emperor by using, in order to bring about his fall, the forces entrusted to him. It was principally 1871 J TROCHU'S APOLOGIA 499 through the men on the 4th of September that he came to the head of affairs. He was chiefly responsible for the continua- tion of the war from that date. And in addition to his treason came his incapacity. He was constantly giving assurances that he had plans which would infallibly succeed, and yet when they were carried out not one of them was really successful. When he finally, however, with brazen impudence, charges the Prussians with having supported the Commune and with com- plicity in the scenes of terror enacted since the outbreak of the Socialist conspiracy, it may be pointed out (1) that German policy would have incurred no reproach before Europe if it had shown a certain readiness to meet the Commune during the first weeks following the 18th of March, when it had not as yet disclosed its true nature, particularly as there appeared to be very little good will and very considerable equivocation on the other side; (2) that there has been no question of any kind of complaisance on the part of the Germans towards the Commune, to say nothing of an understanding or of support, and that on the contrary everything which was permissible in the circumstances was done to assist the Versailles Government in its preparations to suppress the rising, and during the fight- ing itself. It is therefore to be expected that the members of the French Government, who are better informed, will contra- dict the assertions of the General, which if not mendacious are at least utterly erroneous. We still await such a correction. If this disavowal were not made, we should consider it desirable that the matter should be taken up on the German side and that those diplomatic documents should be published which show that assistance was really given and in what manner, and that this was done at the wish and request of the Versailles Government." June 30///. — During the last few days again read a number of interesting documents despatched and received. Tauff- kirchen, the Bavarian representative at the Curia, reported from Rome on the 21st inst. that the Pope had spoken to him on the previous day of the danger by which society was threat- ened by the Communists. "They are," he said, as he drove away some flies from his table, " like these insects. It is no use to kill a few, still less to drive them away. General measures must be taken to prevent their entrance and propagation." 500 ITALY'S NEW CAPITAL [July 5 Respecting the removal of the Italian Government to Rome, a recent despatch says that if the King proceeds thither the for- eign representatives will follow him in accordance with diplo- matic custom. If the Minister for Foreign Affairs were to reside there without the sovereign, it would then depend upon the requirements of business whether, and for how long, an envoy would go to Rome for purposes of personal communica- tion. France and Austria had instructed their representatives to follow the Minister to Rome, irrespective of the circumstance whether Victor Emmanuel went there or not ; in that case, how- ever, they were to take leave of absence, leaving a substitute in charge. A despatch from Waldersee, dated the 25th instant, contains the following sentence : " It is not in the interest of the Empire that the different Federal States should maintain separate envoys abroad. We may, however, await their gradual disappearance as a work of time, and as the result of the Budget debates in the several States." According to a report from Tauffkirchen, Prince Lowenstein-Heubach, who has gone to Rome on behalf of the Clericals, threatened Cardinal Antonelli with the consequences of any disavowal of the Centre party in the Reichstag. July 2nd. — The Chief asked me yesterday if I had not, in accordance with his instructions, informed Brass 1 that he should cease his attacks upon the French Government. I replied : " Yes, several times, both by letter and verbally." He then said : " That must be put a stop to. But I believe he is paid by Napoleon." To-day he wished me to send Brass the follow- ing article, for which he gave me the ideas: "There has been much discussion of the question, whether the war indemnity imposed upon France by Germany is too high, and whether the former will be able to bear the burden of those five milliards. Some answer the question in the affirmative, some in the nega- tive, while others remain in doubt. Now, however, we may con- sider the point as settled, by the programme which M. Thiers has submitted to the National Assembly, first, as regards the loan, and the financial position of France, and then with respect to the future of the country in general. Undoubtedly France is obliged to exercise greater economy than she has hitherto done. She must increase the productiveness of her 1 The editor of the North German Gazette. 1S71J FRENCH ARMAMENTS 501 resources, and administer them with the utmost care. Notwith- standing this, M. Thiers has no idea whatever of reducing the army or the navy, which nevertheless offer the largest field for economies. On the contrary, he desires to bring both up to the highest figure they have yet reached, and to keep them at that point, and what is more, he wishes to have the army reinforced by a reserve of 900,000 men. This clearly proves to us that the idea of France being entitled to dominate Europe has by no means been given up in Government circles at Versailles, and that now, as formerly, they hold fast to the statement in which M. Thiers during his autumn tour expressed the hope and self-confidence of the French politician : l V Europe nc vent pas cliangcr de maitrc? Indeed, now that the French Govern- ment thinks of submitting the same military budget, and the French seem to consider that they can bear their old military burdens even under more unfavourable conditions than prevailed formerly, the indemnity demanded must be regarded rather as too low than too high. Moreover, France is nowhere endan- gered or threatened, and these formidable armaments can there- fore only betray aggressive aspirations, the expression of which must be looked upon as a direct threat to her neighbours. On both these grounds there ceases in our opinion to be any moral obligation to show indulgence in the matter of the indemnity." July $th. — This afternoon Keudell brought down from the Chief an article which appeared in the NorddcutscJie Allge- mcine Zeitung of the 2nd inst., which began with the words " Der Telegraph." The Chief had written on the margin : "This article is contrary to the instructions given. The Minis- ter of the Interior is to be written to respecting a warning to the editorial staff, or the withdrawal of all favours. Strict daily supervision necessary." Keudell said the Chancellor was furi- ous with Brass, and almost believed that he was paid by Napoleon to make mischief between ourselves and Versailles. He then begged me to write the necessary letter to the Minister of the Interior. The article of the 2nd of July was the last which I wrote for the Foreign Office from the direct personal instructions of the Chancellor. From that time forward the direct intercourse with the Chancellor, which I had hitherto enjoyed, was trans- ferred to the new "Press Councillor," Aegidi, who had been 502 AEGIDI [July 5 here for some weeks, but had not been received by the Prince until eight or ten days after his arrival, and who, even then, was not employed immediately. I did not know at the time what was the reason of the change, and Bucher also was unable to explain it. He was afterwards of opinion that Aegidi was introduced by Keudell, who intended to leave the Foreign Office and take an appoint- ment abroad, in order that he might be kept informed of what was going on here. It would be his business also to see that the press men should not cease to accord him that recognition which he, as Personal Councillor, Treasurer, and Administrator of Pensions, was accustomed to receive from time to time, but that it should, on the contrary, continue to flow in a stronger and deeper stream. I cannot say whether the former surmise was correct. I will show later on, when I come to deal with Herr von Keudell himself, that the other point did not remain any mere suspicion. For the present I will only remark that the censer, which used to be swung before the latter in the press, was much more frequently in use after the arrival of his protigi in Berlin, and that the smoke of the incense recalled in a very suspicious way Aegidi's own style. (...) James Ludwig Carl Aegidi, a Protestant, son of a doctor in Freienwalde, was born in 1825. He studied law at Konigsberg, Heidelberg, and Berlin, and was married to a Fraulein von Senden, a cousin of Keudell's. ... A few days after Aegidi's arrival Keudell, speaking of him to me, credited him with " exceptional scientific knowledge, relations with almost all literary circles, and the tact which was desirable for mediating between the Chief and the daily press." The following chapters will show the nature of those rela- tions and this tact. Let one proof suffice for the moment. Some months after the appointment of the new Councillor the following was to be read in the Spenersche Zeitung, with which he had exceptionally intimate relations: "A Berlin correspond- ent of the Pester Lloyd, recalling the circumstance that the Norddcutschc Allgemeine Zeitung, which is regarded as a semi- official organ, received some sharply worded dementis during the summer of the present year, draws attention to the fact that for a short time past the journal in question has again come to be considered as official in the highest sense. The corre- 1S71J SHOULD 1 RESIGN? 503 spondent writes that, ' Since Professor Aegidi, who is at the same time one of the most eminent and respected of German professors of law and a spirited publicist, has been in charge of the press department of the Foreign Office, much more atten- tion has again been paid to the newspapers. He has taken care, in particular, to maintain a certain continuity of views in the official press. The Norddentsche Allgetneine Zeitung has again become the principal official organ, and since the 1st of December all the leading articles published under the heading " Political News of the Day," dealing with foreign affairs, the affairs of the Empire, the relations of the Federal States to the President of the Council, as well as those on Church and State, may be considered as the direct expression of the views held by the highest officials of the Empire.' The correspondent states he is informed, on trustworthy authority, that for the most part Professor Aegidi himself edits the ' Political News of the Day,' utilising for the purpose the information which he receives direct from the Chancellor." The Chief was beside himself at this article. Aegidi was summoned before him, and returned — as a gentleman in the Central Bureau remarked — looking quite crestfallen and red in the face. He denied that he had prompted the communication in the Pester Lloyd. We soon ascertained, however, that it had emanated from one Julius L., a writer of the lowest rank and the most unenviable reputation, who had formerly served Keu- dell, and was now intimately associated with Aegidi. I ought, perhaps, to have now tendered my resignation. Certain considerations, however, prevented my doing so for some time. There was still something for me to learn, and I soon observed that I could yet do good service. It was also conceivable that my old relations with the Prince might be re- stored, as a man of Aegidi's character, with his self-seeking, mercurial exuberance of zeal, and his almost Jewish vanity, would sooner or later render himself impossible. I therefore remained, and fell in with the wish of the Councillor to " enter into friendly relations with him," so far as that was possible. Subsequently, however, when he attempted to give me instruc- tions, as a kind of superior, I once and for all entered an ener- getic protest against such presumption, and declared that I could only carry out such instructions as he could assure me 504 I DECIDE TO REMAIN [July 5, 1871 were the direct expression of the Chief's desire, thus taking up a position towards him not of subordination, but of equality. I did well in deciding to remain yet a while. I learnt a great deal more, as I still had access to the documents received and de- spatched, and became more and more intimate with Bucher. The hoped-for opportunities of serving the Chief at the same time as the representative of Keudell's interests, and without his knowledge, occurred more frequently than I had expected, although my personal intercourse with the Chief was not re- newed for the time being. END of vol. 1. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY, LOS ANGELES COLLEGE LIBRARY This book is due on the last date stamped below. JAN 7 '83 14 DAY ^14 83 RECCL IKN , BA \4DM 1 3 O '64 REC CL 1 L MAR '85 14 DAY MAR 2 7 1 MNR-65 REC CL HDAV m 1 5 '« REC'D CL MAR 2 '^8 Book Slip- Scries 42HO UCLA-CoM*©. Library DD 218 B96bE v.1 L 005 667 154 8 AA 000 149 550 6