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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 A S 
 
 ESSAY 
 
 ON THE 
 
 IMPOLICY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 
 
 IN TWO PARTS. 
 
 b y 
 The Rev. T. CLARKSON, M. A. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed and Sold by J. Phillips, George-Yard, 
 Lombard-street* 
 
 9 8 2 "'*?*W?fC .
 
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 ^ WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, Efq. 
 
 ONE OP THE 
 
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 MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT 
 
 FOR THE 
 COUNTY OF YORK. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 *THO a Gentleman, like you, whofe publick and private 
 adlions are founded on principle, and who are con- 
 tent with doing your duty without the tribute of popular 
 applaufe, I fear that the perufal of this page may be 
 rather diftreffing : nor am I Aire that I fhall not, in fome 
 degree, incur your cenfure, for having printed it without 
 either your permiffion or your knowledge. You will 
 conflder, however, how difficult it is for me, who am ac- 
 quainted with your exertions in the caufe of humanity and 
 freedom, to pafs them over on fuch an occafion as this. 
 I truft, therefore, that in addreffing this little book to 
 you, as a zealous advocate in behalf of the opprefled 
 
 Africans, 
 
 301073
 
 ( ii ) 
 
 Africans, you will excufe the liberty I have taken, under 
 the circumftance now explained ; and I muft intreat 
 you to believe, that no encomium fhould ever have 
 been paid you by me, unlefs I had believed it to have 
 been previoufly earned. 
 
 I have the Honour to be, Sir, 
 
 Your fincere, 
 
 And obedient Servant, 
 
 THOMAS CLARKSON, 
 
 PREFACE.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 FT may be expected, that, in offering fo many articles of 
 information to the pubjick, and fuch as will materially 
 affect the policy of the flave trade, fomething mould, be 
 faid of their authenticity, or the aflurance the publick 
 may have, that they are true. 
 
 The productions of Africa are the firft objects of con- 
 fideration in this work. Whatever I have faid relative to 
 the exiftence of thefe, has been collected from living 
 evidence, and of the greateft part of them I have now 
 Jpecimens in my poff'ejjion. 
 
 The cruelties, practifed by the officers of flave vefTels 
 on the perfons of their unfortunate crews, (which is 
 another object: of confideration) has been ftated from 
 various depofitions^ voluntarily made laft year. I have had 
 alfo ocular demonjlration, as far as a fight of their mangled 
 bodies will be admitted as a proof, that fuch cruelties 
 were exercifed upon them ; and I have had the fatisfaclion 
 of making fome of the perpetrators acknowledge them, by 
 the payment of a fine. 
 
 The lofs of feamen, both in the flave trade and other 
 trades, (which is a principal object of confideration in this 
 work) is fo exact, that, though it was necefTary to have 
 an account of no lefs than /even or eight thoufand of them 
 to afcertain the fact, yet the name of every individual can 
 be given. 
 
 The lift of plantations, that have been cited as having 
 fupported themfelves independently of the flave trade, has 
 been made up either from letters lately received on the 
 fubject, or from the oral ftatement of the proprietors 
 themfelves, or from thofe gentlemen who became ac- 
 quainted with, their fituation by living near them. 
 
 With
 
 ( iv ) 
 
 With refpe to other ftatements, which I may diftin- 
 guifh by the name of mifcellaneous, they are of equal 
 authority. I have always gone for them myfelf to the 
 fountain head ; and, with the afliftance of my worthy 
 aflbciates in the caufe, neither labour nor expenfe has 
 been fpared in obtaining them from that quarter. 
 
 Having faid a few words on the authenticity of the 
 pages now to be offered to the publick, I fhall only add, 
 that I fhall think myfelf fufficiently repaid for any trouble 
 I have taken, if they tend to throw any light on the 
 fubjecl: ; and to convince mankind, that Providence has 
 univerfally made the fcale to preponderate in favour of 
 humanity ; or that the African flave trade has not that 
 found policy for its bafis, which people have but too 
 generally imagined. 
 
 AN ESSAY
 
 C 3 ) 
 
 PART I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 TN a former EfTay, on the 4l Commerce of the Human 
 * Species," I particularly enlarged on the injuftice and 
 inhumanity of that, which is exhibited in the African 
 trade. In the prefent, I mall undertake to (hew (unlefs I 
 deceive myfelf greatly) that it is as impol'niciy as I have 
 proved it to be inhuman and unjuft. 
 
 There are many general arguments, that muft occur ta 
 every fenfible and difinterefted man who is atall acquainted 
 with the fubjedr., againft this commerce, independently of 
 its iniquity or its barbarous effects. 
 
 The firft connection, which the Europeans ever had 
 with the Africans, was for Slaves. This continued to be 
 for many years the only trafHck for which they had 
 intercourfe with each other. Some Britifh merchants, 
 however, finding by the reports of their agents, who had 
 vifited this coaft, that it abounded with gums, wax, amber- 
 gris, honey, ivory, and gold, held out to the natives the 
 profpe6r. of a new and additional trade. The Africans 
 were no fooner made acquainted with, than they embraced 
 the plan. They began to collect the different articles ac- 
 cordingly, and have -continued in the purfuit of them, though 
 not without hazard to their perfons, to the prefent day. 
 
 The commercial connection between the Europeans and 
 Africans became by thefe means more extenfive than be- 
 fore, and continued on this fcale, till it was difcovered that 
 the fame continent abounded with many valuable woods. 
 
 The merchants of that day, apprized of the difcovery, 
 immediately propofed their fchemes as their predeceffors 
 
 A z had
 
 4 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 had done before, but defpaired of fuccefs ; conceiving that 
 the Africans, who bore the character of an indolent peo- 
 ple, would never engage in fo laborious an employment as 
 that of cutting wood. 
 
 They were, however, agreeably difappointed. The 
 Africans embarked in this with as much alacrity as in the 
 former fcheme. They went more than two hundred 
 miles into the inland country, cut down wood fimilar to 
 that which had been pointed out, and in the rainy feafons 
 brought it in their canoes to the fhips, enabling the fame 
 merchants to gain a profit on the new article, though fold 
 at an eafy price. This trade was diftinguifhed by the name 
 of the wood trade, and is carried on more extenhvely now, 
 than at any former period ; though the whole of the trade 
 in the natural productions of the country bears no fort of 
 comparifon with that in flaves. 
 
 This narration of facts carries with it, firft, a proof of 
 the commercial fpirit of the Africans, who have no fooncr 
 had a new and additional line of intercourfe pointed out, 
 than they have embraced it. 
 
 Now, if we confider that the African foil is undoubt- 
 edly more fertile than that of any other quarter of the 
 globe ; if we confider that its natives are poflefTed of the 
 commercial fpirit defcribed ; that thev fpeak the European 
 languages; that they are adepts in arithmetical calcula- 
 tions, and capable of conducting trade, it muft furely be 
 the higheft impolicy that fuch a country, and poflefTed by 
 fuch inhabitants, fhould be fcarcely known but as a mart 
 for human /'hod. It muft, I repeat, be impolicy in the 
 higheft degree in the Europeans, becaufe, under the cir- 
 cumftances now defcribed, much higher advantages might 
 be derived in another line of trade. 
 
 It fhews, fecondly, that the difficulty of engaging the 
 Africans in any new line of commerce would not be fo 
 great, as has been generally imagined. 
 
 It is certainly much to be feared, that, while (I 
 continue to be the grand defideratum of our African inter- 
 courfe, very little can be expected from any additional 
 trade in the natural productions of the country. Not but 
 that more of the natives would be found to embark in it 
 than there axe at prefent, but that thefe would be fo few 
 
 for
 
 African Slave Trade. 5 
 
 for the purpofe, while the chief part of our attention was 
 directed to the other, that it could hardly be carried to that 
 extent, which would render it of much national importance* 
 
 But fuppofe that the flave trade were abolifhed ; fuppofe 
 that we now entered into the one with as much zeal and 
 alacrity, as we had done formerly in the other ; would it 
 not be reafonable to prefume, that, under fuch encourage- 
 ments, we mould foon have a valuable and an extenfive 
 trade ? If the Africans could go two hundred miles into 
 the inland country, and engage in the laborious employ- 
 ment of cutting wood, it is reafonable to think, that they 
 could be brought to become the cultivators of their own 
 lands. I prefume alfo, that free labour could be introdu- 
 ced among them : it being no more difficult to introduce 
 cultivation, or any fyjiem of cultivation there, than it was, 
 fince the beginning of the flave trade, to have given birth 
 to the various offices of brokers upon the coaft, to have 
 communicated to them the European languages, to have 
 introduced the different media of exchange, and to have 
 eftablifhed the whole of that regular fyftem of trade, which 
 fubfifts at the prefent day. 
 
 Thefe obfervations being made> I fhall lay down two 
 pofltions : firft, that the Africans, by proper encourage- 
 ment, can be brought into habits of labour : and fecondly, 
 thatyW* labour can be made the medium, through which 
 the productions of their country may be collected, or 
 brought to maturity and ufe. 
 
 Thefe are the only data, which I fhall require j and, 
 having laid them down, I mall proceed immediately to the 
 point, making a replication to all the arguments, which I 
 have ever yet found to be advanced in defence of the 
 policy of the trade in Daves, 
 
 CHAP. I.
 
 6 Otf the Impolicy of the 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 The Patrons of the trade have been long accuflomed to 
 advance, that it is a trade of great value to the nation. 
 
 I confefs that I have never been able to comprehend 
 their meaning. I mall therefore, before I attempt to 
 make a reply, canvafs the expreflion. 
 
 Do they mean that the flaves taken from Africa become 
 labourers in the colonies ? that thefc labourers make fugar ? 
 that this fugar produces a revenue, and that the trade there- 
 fore is of great national importance ? If this be their 
 meaning, I reply, that it is fugar that produces the reve- 
 nue, and not the flave. That the cane can be cultivated 
 by free men, and farther, that it can be cultivated, under 
 certain regulations, without the importation of another 
 African from the coaft. 
 
 To fuppofe then that they afcribc to the inftrument 
 which may be varied, what is due only to the fixed object 
 of cultivation, or, at any rate, to a concatenation of cir- 
 cumftances, is to fuppofe them to be incapable of difcri- 
 mination, and is therefore a fuppofition, which I am not 
 at liberty to make. 
 
 Do they mean again, that flaves employ fhips to trans- 
 port them ? that thefe (hips employ feamen, and that thefc 
 fcamen are the pillars of the ftate ? But thefe are but 
 appendages of the trade. Rice, cotton, indigo, tobacco, 
 and other productions of the African foil, would, in this 
 point of view, be equally beneficial. I prefume then they 
 muft mean that flaves, confidered of themfelves as a com- 
 modity, and without any of the appendages defcribed, 
 conftitute an article of commerce, that is highly benefi- 
 cial to the (late. 
 
 This being prefumed, I fhall ftate the qucftion in the 
 following manner. 
 
 Africa has two forts of commodities to offer us, her 
 natural productions, and her flaves. The qucftion is, 
 in which of the two, confidered abftra&edly by themfelves, 
 it is moft politick to deal. If in confcqucnce of fuch a 
 
 comparifon
 
 African Slave Trade. *p 
 
 Comparifon it mould appear, that a traffick in the one 
 would be of much more national importance than in the 
 bther, I prefume that the other, inafmuch as it engrofTes 
 the principal part of our attention, and diverts it from 
 one that would be more beneficial, will be allowed to be 
 impolitic!:. 
 
 To reply to the argument advanced* I fhall firft tura 
 my attention to the woods of Africa. 
 
 In the preceding chapter it was obferved there were two 
 trades eftablifhed upon the coaft, independent of, and 
 having no connection with, the trade in flaves. The firft 
 eftablifhed was that in gums, wax* ambergris, honey, 
 ivory, and gold. The fecond was that in woods. Thefe 
 trades are now united. The" merchant, who fits out a 
 vefTel for wood, fits it out alfo for as many of the other 
 commodities as he can procure. However, the great 
 bulk of his cargo* and object of his voyage, being that of 
 wood, his veflel is termed a wood vejfel. I make this dis- 
 tinction, not only becaufe the merchant makes it himfelf^ 
 but becaufe I fhall have occafion to ufe the expreflion in, 
 many parts of the work. 
 
 The firft African woods, that were known to be objects 
 of commercial importance, were Camwood and Barwood. 
 Thefe were imported by themfelves for fome years. In 
 procefs of time, however, it was found that Ebony was a 
 native of the coaft : arid foon afterwards Lignum Vita: 
 was difcovered. 
 
 Thefe are the only African woods, that are brought 
 home as commercial articles at the prefent day. But as 
 we already import, or fhall import in a little time as much, 
 of thefe as can poflibly be confumed, no new profpects are 
 to be formed from thence. I fhall therefore pafs them 
 over, and advert to fuch, as being now in embryo, would, 
 if called forth by the abolition of the trade in flaves, afford 
 a fubftitute for it of greater benefit to the nation. 
 
 That Africa abounds with hidden treafures, may be 
 collected from thofe, which accident has already difcover- 
 ed. It is certain, however, that this extenfive continent 
 is as yet unexplored. The Vegetable productions are but 
 little known, and the foffils lefs. The barks, woods, 
 roots, fruits, and leaves, have been hardly noticed by any 
 A 4 naturaliftf
 
 fc On* the Impolicy of the 
 
 naturalift ; and the ftones, earths, bitumens, and oret, 
 have not been fo much as fccn by the eye of a chemical 
 obferver. 
 
 Nor is this ignorance of the natural productions of 
 Africa to excite our wonder or furprife. The Africans, 
 moftly in an unimproved ftate, and at bcft ignorant of the 
 various mechanical arts that are pra<5tifed in Europe, and 
 of the various commodities that are the objects of European 
 commerce, cannot be fuppofed to be capable of pointing 
 out, of themfelves, fuch of their own productions as would 
 be valuable in trade. 
 
 The Europeans, on the other hand, that is, nine in ten, 
 who vifit this extenfive continent, vifit it (or Jlaves. This 
 is the grand object, of their voyage. It engrofles all their 
 thoughts, and occafions them to overlook even the com- 
 mon productions of the place. And fo true is this obfer- 
 vation, that many, who have vifited this coaft for years, 
 can give no better account of it in this refpct, than thole 
 who have never feen it at all. I muft add too, that little 
 leifure, and ftill lefs opportunity would be afforded them, 
 in the prefent pofture of affairs there, of gratifying therr 
 wifhcs, even had they a turn for botanical or chemical 
 purfuits. 
 
 To thefe circumftanccs then, but ultimately to the 
 trade in Jlaves, is to be afcribed the ignorance before 
 mentioned. Under thefe difadvantages, the reader will 
 hardly expect that I fhall be able to fay much of the 
 woods of Africa. Such, however, as accident has dis- 
 covered within the laft three years, fhall immediately be 
 pointed out. 
 
 Within the period now affigned it has been fully fub- 
 Hantiatcd, that mahogany grows upon the coaft. About 
 eighteen tons of it were collected there, and imported into 
 this country in the year 1786. 
 
 Not long after this, a vefTel, having delivered her flaves 
 in the Weft Indies, returned home. In difcharging fome 
 firewood, which had been taken in upon the coaft, a fmall 
 billet was difcovercd of a different appearance from the 
 reft. This excited the attention of the difcoverer, who 
 fent it to be polifhcd. It proved, in confequencc of this 
 trial, to be the tulip wood, fo called from its rcfemblancc 
 
 t
 
 African Slave Trade. y 
 
 to that flower, the ground of it being of a flrraw colour, 
 and inlaid with crimfon veins. This wood would be of 
 the greateft importance to cabinet workers and inlayers, 
 and fo valuable, that they would be glad to purchafe it at 
 the rate of three (hillings per pound. 
 
 The next fpecies of wood, that excited the attention of 
 the importer, was a fmall log brought home in one of the 
 wood veflels before defcribed. It was of a pale ftraw 
 colour. The veins of it were yellow, and had a beautiful 
 appearance. It was remarkably light, and yet clofe 
 grained, and feemed peculiarly adapted for mufical inftru- 
 ments. It would have made, however, elegant light fur- 
 niture, and would have been in great requeft with the 
 artifts of the former defcription. 
 
 About the fame time, in which this log was difcovered, 
 another wood veflel, belonging to the fame port, brought 
 home a fpecimen of the bark of a tree, that produced a 
 very valuable yellow dye, and far beyond any other ever 
 in ufe in this country. 
 
 The virtues of it were difcovered in the following man- 
 ner. A gentleman, refident upon the coaft, ordered fome 
 wood to be cut down to erect an hut. While the people 
 were felling it, he was ftanding by. During the opera- 
 tion, fome juice flew from the bark of it, and ftained one 
 of the ruffles of his fhirt. He thought that the ftain 
 would have warned out, but on wearing it again, found 
 that the yellow fpot was much more bright and beautiful 
 than before, and that it gained in luftre every fubfequent 
 time of wafhing. Pleafed with the difcovery, which he 
 knew to be of fo much importance to the manufacturers 
 of Great Britain, and for which a confiderable premium 
 had been offered, he fent home the bark now mentioned 
 as a fpecimen. He is fince unfortunately dead ; and little 
 hopes are to be entertained of falling in with this tree again, 
 unlefs fimilar accidents fliould difcover it, or a change 
 fhould take place in our commercial concerns with Africa. 
 
 I mall now mention another valuable wood, which, 
 like all thofe that have been pointed out, was difcovered 
 by accident in the fame year. Another wood veflel, be- 
 longing to the fame port, was difcharging her cargo. 
 Among the barwood a fmall billet was difcovered, the 
 
 colour
 
 io On the Impolicy of the 
 
 colour of which was fo fuperior to that of the reft, as td 
 lead the obferver to fufpedt, that it was of a very different 
 fpecies ; though it is clear that the natives, by cutting it 
 of the fame ftzc and dimenfions, and by bringing it on 
 board at the fame time, had, on account of its red colour, 
 miftalcen it for the other. One half of this billet was cut 
 away in experiments. It was found to produce a colour 
 that emulated the carmine, and was deemed to be fo va- 
 luable in the dying trade, that an offer was immediately 
 made of fixty guineas per ton for any quantity that could 
 be procured. The other half has been fince fent back to 
 the coaft, as a guide to collect more of the fame fort ; 
 though it is a matter of doubt, whether, under the cir- 
 cumftances that have been related, the fame tree can be 
 afcertained again. 
 
 I could mention here feveral other woods, which would 
 perhaps be new to the reader, and which would form a 
 valuable branch of trade ; but thofe which I have men- 
 tioned already, are fo important of themfelves, as to 
 preclude the neceflity of a longer lift. I fhall therefore 
 confine my obfervations to thefe. 
 
 If the flave trade were abolifhed, and the two pofitions, 
 mentioned in the former feclion, realized, it is evident 
 that a trade might be ftruclc out in the preceding articles 
 to great advantage and extent. The demand for maho- 
 gany is increafmg not only in this country, but in Ger- 
 many, to a confiderable amount. Suppofe then that the 
 new trade were eftablifhed, what advantages would refult 
 from the importation of this article in particular from 
 the coaft ? 
 
 Thefe advantages, I reply, will be beft feen by compa- 
 rifon. The principal part of the mahogany, which we 
 import, comes from the Bay of Honduras, and is cut by 
 Jlaves. In Africa, according to the pofition laid down, it 
 would be cut by free men ; a circumftance of the higheft 
 importance ; as the exertions offree t compared with thofe 
 of fervile labour, are at leaft in the proportion of three 
 to two. The infurance alfo from the Bay of Honduras to 
 the Britifh ports is from five to ten, while that from Africa 
 to the fame place is but two and a half per cent. The 
 raw article, therefore, from thefe circumftances, and 
 
 additionally
 
 African Slave Trad*. tt 
 
 additionally that of lower freightage, would be brought 
 into the hands of the merchant and manufacturer, cheaper 
 by more than a third than it comes to them at prefent. 
 
 I mull add too> that the voyage in the latter cafe is 
 much lefs dangerous than in the former. That the infurer 
 would be benefited bv the change j and that as it is a 
 maxim long eftablifhed, that the cheaper the material the 
 greater the demand for it, a confiderable increafe would 
 be made to the exportation of this article ; a circumftance,. 
 in every point of view beneficial to the nation. 
 
 With refpedr. to the other woods, thofe for cabinet work 
 and dyinp^ no advantages can refult from com pari fon, be- 
 eaufe there is no other place upon the globe, from whence 
 fuch treafures could be derived. 
 
 The former, however, would certainly be of great 
 confequence. We already excel all the artifts of the 
 world in this particular department, and export largely. 
 But what an additional fcope would the many and 
 variegated woods of Africa afford to the tafte and 
 ingenuity of our countrymen ! It is to this tafte and 
 ingenuity, confpicuous in the variety of patterns, and 
 beautiful and harmonious difpofition of things, that we 
 are to attribute our fuperiority in this Kne of mechanifm, 
 and that we become mechanics for the world. 
 
 But with refpecT: to the latter, they are certainly beyond 
 all valuation. It is well known, at leaft in particular 
 manufacturing towns, that the African dyes are fuperiour 
 to thofe of any other quarter of the globe. Our manu- 
 facturers have long viewed them with a jealous eye. They 
 have promifed themfelves prodigious fortunes, and their 
 country a lafting and extenfive benefit,, could they but 
 make themfelves mafters of the art or myftery of the 
 compofition of thefe invaluable dyes. It is certain, how- 
 ever, that almoft all the colours, which the Africans ufe, 
 except that of blue, are procured from their own trees, 
 either by friction or decoction ; and that though they have 
 merit in the preparation of them, yet the great myftery 
 would ceafe, if the flave trade were abolifhed, as fuch an 
 event would give us an opportunity of making the difco- 
 very,. and of introducing diem as articles of commerce. 
 
 I mail
 
 12 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 I (hall make no further obfervation on this head, than 
 that if accident has discovered fuch invaluable treafures as 
 thofe defcribed, what might not be expected, if this ex^ 
 tenfive continent were explored ? It at prefent afFords us, 
 comparatively fpeaking, fcarcely any thing elfe but flaves. 
 Will any perfon aflert, that the woods of Africa alone, 
 without reference to any of its other productions, would 
 not be more lucrative both to the merchant, the manufac- 
 turer, and the nation, than the whole trade xnJJaves? 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 But the woods, though uncommonly curious and va- 
 luable, are not the only articles that are to be put into the 
 fcale on this occafion. Another valuable commerce would 
 be opened to us in other commodities, fuch as drugs, 
 peppers, and fpices. 
 
 That Africa abounds with many valuable drugs, is not 
 only evident from the teftimony of thofe who have refided 
 there, but from our late and prefent importations. We 
 have already derived many valuable drugs from that quar- 
 ter : but thefe, like the woods, have been accidentally 
 difcovered, while others ftill more valuable, are yet in 
 embryo. 
 
 The fir ft, that were the objects of commerce, were 
 gum fenegal, fanguis draconis, almonds, and afterwards 
 palm oil. 
 
 In procefs of time the virtues of gum copal were dif- 
 covered by the French, who imported it into their own 
 country. We were not long unacquainted with this 
 event, or with the advantages, that refulted from the 
 difcovery. We endeavoured to obtain a defcription of 
 the tree that produced it, and, having fucccedcd in our 
 attempts, pointed it out to the natives, and brought its 
 produce home. 
 
 The next that were brought to light, were gum rubrum 
 aftringens, and gum euphorbium. Thefe continued to 
 be the laft on the lift, till the year 1786, when gum 
 yuaiacum made its appearance from the coaft. 
 
 All
 
 African Slave Trade. 13 
 
 t All thefe articles, or at leait fpecimens of them, have been 
 brought from thence into this country, and we have there- 
 fore a pofitive proof of their exiftence there. I cannot 
 fay, however, that they have been regularly brought. In 
 fome years not more than two or three, and in others little 
 more than fpecimens of them have been collected ; no 
 regular plan, as in other trades, having been yet eftablimed 
 there ; nor would any fuch plan be likely to be attended 
 with fuccefs, whilft thejlave trade engrolles our attention. 
 
 Without mentioning the variety of drugs that might be 
 brought from Africa, I fhall immediately point out the 
 advantages of having them from thence. 
 
 It is clear that all thofe, which we obtain from Spanifh 
 America and the Brazils, are clogged with an expenfe, 
 that would be avoided in having them from the other quar- 
 ter. In the firft place there is a double freightage, and in 
 the fecond, cbmmiflion, both of which would be faved 
 were we to import them immediately from the coaft. The 
 importer too would procure them at a lefs rate from hence, 
 than even from the Eaft Indies or Turkey, which are the 
 only remaining places, from which he collects them at 
 prelent. 
 
 I come now to the peppers of Africa. The firfr, that 
 was difcovered or imported, was malaguetta, or grains of 
 Paradife. This has now become an article of trade, and 
 is regularly brought to us, either by the wood or flave 
 veflels, every year. 
 
 The fecond was the long pepper. A few barrels of 
 this have been occafionally imported, but in fuch fmall 
 quantities, as fcarcely to deferve notice. . 
 
 The third was the black pepper. This was found to be 
 of a greater pungency, and of a finer flavour than the 
 Afiatick. Two cafks of it were brought to England 
 about fix years ago: and this, I believe, was the only 
 (pecimen from the coaft ever exhibited in this country. 
 
 The fourth was the cayenne. A captain of one of the 
 wood veflels procured a fmall quantity of it, and brought 
 it home in the year 1787. 
 
 I have hitherto mentioned fuch of the African peppers, 
 as being fimilar to thofe from other quarters now m ufe, 
 are known by name. There was one, however, d:f- 
 
 cov< d
 
 >4 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 ^covered about twenty years ago on the fame coaft, with 
 the name of which not any perfon, to whom it was 
 {hewn, was at all acquainted. It was brought to Liver- 
 pool in a flave veiiel, and preferved ; and was of fuch un- 
 common fragrance and flavour, as to have retained its 
 qualities to the prefent day. 
 
 This account of the preceding articles, but particularly 
 that of the latter, will give the reader an additional proof 
 of the riches to be found in the African foil. He will fee 
 the great advantages, which would refult from a trade in 
 thefe alone. But he will never be able to eftimate the lols 
 which ut fuftain by the trade in /laves, which hinders the 
 -country from being farther explored, and thofe inexhaufti- 
 ble treafures from .coming forth, which are now buried 
 ;and concealed. 
 
 The next article is that of fpices. 
 
 The only fpices, that have been yet found in Africa, 
 are the caffia or wild cinnamon, which is plentiful, and 
 the nutmeg, of which a few folitary plants have been dif- 
 cov^ed. Thcfe were rooftly in a wild and unimproved 
 (late ; but by proper care and attention, there is no doubt, 
 but that they might be brought to as great perfection, as 
 thofe in any other place. 
 
 The Dutch fupply us at prefent with thefe articles. 
 They have become of late very exorbitant in their de- 
 mandf, and, were they ftill to increafe their prices, we 
 fhould be obliged to fubmit, as they have a monopoly of 
 this trade. 
 
 Were our attention turned to the encouragement of 
 thefe articles upon the coaft, it is clear that we might be 
 the importers of our own fpices, and break the monopoly 
 of the Dutch. 
 
 The great advantages that would arife from having them 
 from this quarter, (hall immediately be pointed out. The 
 difference in a voyage only from England to Africa and 
 back, and from Holland to the Moluccas and back, is at 
 leaft fixtecn thoufand miles. The wages of feamen em* 
 ployed of courfe fb much longer in this voyage than in the 
 other, the greater confumption of provifions, and wear 
 and tear of fhips, clearly point out, that if the Dutch 
 were to lower their prefent prices to oac half, thcfe articles 
 
 would
 
 African Slave Trade. 15 
 
 would not come into our hands at fo cheap a rate from 
 thence, as thofe which would be imported from Africa. 
 Now if we add to this the considerations of double 
 freightage, infurance, and commiffion, and that the fpices 
 of Africa would be cultivated by free men, whereas in 
 the Moluccas they are cultivated by flaves, it is a matter 
 capable of proof, that we mould import them from that 
 continent for one fifth of their prefent price. 
 
 There is yet one circumftance, of great importance, 
 which ought never to be forgotten. We pay for the 
 greateft part of thefe articles at prefent in money. Were 
 the trade alluded to eftablifhed in Africa, we mould pay 
 for them in our manufaftures* 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Among the other articles, which the African continent 
 produces, are tobacco, rice, and indigo, each of which, 
 would form of itfelf a diftinc"l and valuable branch of 
 trade. 
 
 Tobacco is to be found in almoft every divifion of this 
 continent in the greateft luxuriance, and, from the pecu- 
 liar richnefs of the foil, is fuperiour in quality to that 
 which America produces. 
 
 Rice is to be found in mod parts of Africa, but grows 
 fo luxuriantly on the grain coaft in particular, that a 
 fupply might be drawn from thence fufficient for all the 
 markets of Europe. It is extraordinary, that this rice 
 mould be finer in flavour, of a greater fubftance, more 
 wholefome and capable of prefervation, than the rice of 
 any other country whatever, and that in every point of 
 view, it (hould be fuperiour to the reft. 
 
 Nor is the indigo of Africa, with which that continent 
 abounds, lefs confpicuous for its pre-eminence in colour. 
 The blue is fo much more beautiful and permanent than 
 that which is extracted from the fame plant in other 
 parts, that many have been led to doubt, whether the 
 African cloths, brought into this country, were dyed with 
 indigo or not. They apprehended that the colour in 
 (hefe, which became more beautiful upon wafhing, muft 
 
 have
 
 i6 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 have proceeded from another weed, or have been art 
 extraction from fome of the woods, which are celebrated 
 for dying there. The matter, however, has been clearly 
 afcertaincd. A gentleman procured two or three of the 
 balls which had been juft prepared by the Africans for 
 ufc. He brought them home, and, upon examination, 
 found them to be the leaves of indigo rolled up, and in a 
 very f;mp!e (rate. 
 
 The reader may imagine by my account of the produc- 
 tions of Africa hitherto named, and by my ftatcment of 
 their fuperiority to others, that I have been rather dealing 
 in fiction, than defcribing their real ftate. Uut it is well 
 known that Africa pofTeflcs the moft fertile foil of any in 
 the globe : and I appeal to thofe who have vifited this 
 coaft, and to iome of the manufacturing towns in this 
 kingdom, if my aflcitions are not ftric~tly true ; if the 
 rice of Africa is net beyond all others in point of flavour, 
 fubftance, and capacity of prefervation ; and if the indigo 
 is not of that beautiful, permanent nature, as to have 21 
 title to the pre-eminence afcribed. 
 
 I (hall now obferve, that the two firft articles are ob- 
 tained at prefent from America ; the laft in part from the 
 fame place, and in part from the Britifh colonies, and 
 thofe of foreign nations. 
 
 This being premifed, the advantages that would refu't 
 from having them from Africa, will eafily appear. 
 
 In the firft place it is clear by the obfervations made, 
 that all the three articles are at prefent produced by the 
 labour of flaves. In Africa they would be produced by 
 free men, a circumftance, which would bring them into 
 the hands of the merchant and manufacturer, cheaper by 
 one third. 
 
 There are alfo additional circumftanccs, peculiar to two 
 of them, which would have the fame tendency. 
 
 In America rice generally grows in fwampy places, 
 which are deftruftive to the health of the cultivators, all 
 which cultivators are to be fuccctdcd, if they perifh, at a 
 great expenfe. There are plantations, however, which 
 tualc! upon drier land; but thefe are contiguous to 
 inks of rivers, and require to be occafionally over- 
 flowed. For this purpoie flood-gates are conftrudtcd, 
 
 and,
 
 African Slave TrAde. ty 
 
 arid, below thefe, others of the fame kind, that the water 
 may be taken off at difcretion : otherwife the crops would 
 be inevitably deftroycd. The conftruction and repair of 
 thefe muft add confiderably to the expenfe. The African 
 rice, on the other hand, grows on the hilly parts, neither 
 endangering the health of the cultivator, nor requiring 
 any other moifture or overflowing than the ufual rain. 
 
 Indigo alfo is prejudicial to the health of thofe who 
 manufacture it. This is occafioned by the offenfivenefs 
 of the effluvia, which arife from it at that time. Now^ 
 as thefe manufacturers areJJaves, it is impoflible that the 
 proprietors of them can furnifh it at fo cheap a rate, as 
 thofe who would employ free men, and who, in the cafe 
 of the death of their labourers^ could renew them with- 
 out expenfe. 
 
 Another circumftance, worthy of eonfideration, is this^ 
 that a confiderable portion of human life would be faved^ 
 not only becaufe free men would have contrivances, which 
 are not fo much as thought of for flavesj but becaufe the 
 Africans have a method of preparing this article for ufe 
 with but little detriment to their health ; fo that whether it 
 were to be manufactured by flaves^ or free men, it would 
 tome with the higheft profpect of gain from this quarter. 
 
 I muft not forget to add, that where we obtain indigo 
 from the colonifts of foreign nations^ there is a double 
 freightage, infurance, and commifiion) all which would be 
 faved, Were the article to be brought to us from the coafr. 
 
 With thefe advantages then in particular, and addi- . 
 tionally with thofe of free labour which have been ftated, 
 it is clear^ that Africa would afford the cheapeft market 
 to the merchant and manufacturer, from whence they 
 could derive the three articles defcribed ; and that the 
 good effects of thus chahging the place of export would, 
 in procefs of time, be fo confpicuous, as to give us rea- 
 fon to hope, that the nation would foon be reimburfed for 
 the treafures expended in the lofs of America. 
 
 If there is any other advantage to be apprehended from 
 
 the change, it mwft be this- Our trade with America. 
 
 fince the late peace, has been rather a detriment than a 
 
 gain. In confequcnce of the unprincipled conduct of 
 
 B many
 
 l8 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 many of the Americans, the merchant here has been 
 ruined, the manufacturer has fhared his fate, and numbers 
 ock. Under thefe difadvantages, we mutt 
 {till continue to trade with them, becaufe we want their 
 commodities. From Africa we might derive the fame 
 articles, but in greater perfection, and with no rifk. The 
 merchant would receive for his goods a cargo, more va- 
 luable than that which he fent there, and would of courfe 
 have no necellity to give credit, or to be uneafy, as in 
 the preient pofture of affairs, about remittances for his 
 debts. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Though I have already mentioned many valuable pro- 
 ductions of the coaft, others ftill remain to be fpoken of. 
 Upon thefe, however, I mall not expatiate, except upon 
 cotton, an article of too much importance to this country 
 to be mentioned in general terms. 
 
 That the reader may form a notion of this importance, 
 I {hall inform him that twenty millions of pounds were 
 brought into Ijreat Britain for the ufe of our manufacturers 
 in the year 1786. I fhall inform him alfo that two pounds 
 of cotton, which coft the manufacturer fix millings, arc 
 woith, when manufactured into mullin, about live pounds 
 in the grofs. What a prodigious advantage to this coun- 
 try, that fc> fmall a portion of this article fhould give birth 
 to lb much labour and profit as is equivalent to the fum 
 now fpecified ! 
 
 Cotton is to be found in almoft every divifion of the 
 coait of Africa. It is moltly in a wild and uncultivated 
 lives however collect it for their own ufe, 
 and work it up into thofe beautiful cloths, which are in 
 fuch eftimation for their foft and Alley appearance. A few 
 pounds of it have been occasionally brought into England 
 in the ftate defcribed. Ncverth.lefs, they have claimed 
 the preference at our markets, and have fetched their 
 price. 
 
 To (hew the value of this article from the coaft, I 
 fliall Hate the rank, which the cotton of different countries 
 holds with the manufacturers of the prefent day, who have 
 
 fcen
 
 African Slave Trade* i$ 
 
 teen fpecimens of it from almoft every place, where it can 
 be produced. 
 
 It is a curious circumftance, but it has been eftabliihed 
 by the experience of many years, that continents produce 
 the fineft cotton, and that the larger the iflands, and of 
 courfe the nearer they approximate to continents, the finer 
 is the cotton there. In the firft clafs is reckoned the 
 Perfian and African* In the fecond that from the Brazils, 
 Siam, and Surinam. In the third that from St. Domingo ; 
 and in the fourth that from the Br itifh Weft-India Iflands* 
 
 From this account, the advantage of having cotton 
 from Africa, from whence we derive little more than fpe- 
 cimens at prefent, muft appear. It is of the utmoft im- 
 portance to the manufacturers of muflin that their cotton 
 fhould be fine. Their complaint is* that the very fineft of 
 that, which they get from the prefent markets, is not 
 equal to their wimes. Could the Perfian or African be 
 obtained, they would efteem them an invaluable treafure. 
 
 But though the fine quality of the African cotton would 
 render the importation of it fo defirable to our manufac- 
 turers, yet the eafy rate at which it could be procured, 
 would be an object, of great magnitude. 
 
 As the chief part of the cotton brought to us at prefent, 
 comes from the colonies of other nations, I mail name one 
 of thefe to mew the difference of the expenfe at which it 
 could be brought from thence and from the other quarter. 
 
 The cottonj which we have from the Brazils, is firft 
 (hipped for Portugal, where it is unloaded, and kept for 
 fale. A part of it is then refhipped, on demand, and 
 brought here. 
 
 In. this cafe it is clear, that double freightage, double 
 infurance, and commiflion, are to be charged upon it. 
 
 In the fecond place it pays on exportation from Portugal 
 a duty of five per cent. 
 
 In the third it is cultivated by flaves. 
 
 Thefe circumftances are of fuch importance, thatj in 
 making the eftimate, it appears that the Britifh merchant 
 could obtain as much cotton from Africa for fifty-feven 
 pound?, as he procures at prefent for an hundred from 
 the colony now mentioned. 
 
 B 2 In
 
 so On the Impolicy cf this 
 
 In making this eftimate, it ' clear, that I have not 
 feledted a place that would be the molt favourable to my 
 defign : for the cotton that comes to us by the way of 
 France, is not only chargeable with the fame kind of 
 expenfe?, but, inftead of five^ pays twelve per cent, on 
 exportation. 
 
 I cannot clofe * my account of this article, without 
 mentioning that cotton, crimfon in the pod, is to be found 
 in Africa. It grows principally in the Eyeo country, and 
 is to be feen in many of the Whidah cloths. A fmall 
 fpecimen of it was brought home in the year 1786. 
 
 The value of this cotton would be great both to the 
 importer, and manufacturer of muflins. The former 
 would immediately receive eight (hillings for a pound of 
 it, and the latter wouki gain confiderably more by his in- 
 genuity and tafte. He might work it up into the white 
 cotton in delicate fpots and figures, and as both would he 
 of their natural colour, no inconvenience would arife 
 from warning. 
 
 The difcovcry of this article affords an additional proof 
 of the numberlefs treafures of the African foil, and gives 
 us reafon to expect, that, if that continent were explored, 
 we fhould find fuch curious and valuable productions, as, 
 if related at prefent, would almolf. be beyond our belief- 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 If the reader were to be afked, what he could collect 
 from the preceding fections, (allowing the different ftate- 
 ments to be true) he would fay, that Africa abounded 
 with manv valuable commodities ; that it would be much 
 more to our intercft to deal in thtfe, than in flaves ; that 
 the flave trade had been hitherto an infuperable impediment 
 to the introduction of a new commerce in the commodities 
 defcribed ; and that an opportunity would prefent itfelf of 
 
 * Befidei the natural productions already named, are to be reckoned 
 filver, wool, fltini, Vermillion, quickfil vcr, mufk, fill* graft, capficurn, 
 the (agar cane, the doom-wood, (which the worm never enters) and a 
 Variety of other article*, upon which 1 have no tiiac to expatiate. 
 
 repaying
 
 African Slave Trade*. 21 
 
 jntpaying us for the lofs of America, were it once aboli(hed. 
 Thefe with other inferences he would immediately deduce. 
 
 Though thefe conclufions are fo ftridtly to be drawn 
 /rom the facts laid down, yet it would be unpardonable to 
 withhold the fentiments of a perfon on this occafion, from 
 whom they muft receive fuch additional weight. 
 
 It is remarkable, that the late Mr. PoftTethwayt, the 
 celebrated author of the dictionary on trade and commerce, 
 Ihould, in a pamphlet which he publifhed in the year 1748, 
 not only endeavour to fhew the policy of the flave trade, 
 but attempt its jujlification ; and that the fame perfon 
 having afterwards made commerce his peculiar frudy, and 
 being enabled to judge better of the nature of this trade, 
 from having been a member of the African Committee, 
 fliould totally alter his fentiments both with refpect to the 
 policy and juftice of it. 
 
 In his dictionary, which was a fubfequent publication 
 to that before mentioned, he ftates, that in Africa are to be 
 procured gold, fllver, copper, corn, rice, gums, ivory, 
 cotton, wax, civet, oftrich feathers, dying woods, and 
 other valuable commodities. 
 
 Among the queftions, wh?ch he afterwards ftates, I 
 felect the following. 
 
 " Whether it would not be more to the interejl of all 
 * l the European nations, concerned in the trade to Africa, 
 u rather to endeavour to cultivate a friendly, humane, and 
 ** civilized commerce with thofe people into the very 
 " centre of their extended country, than to content them- 
 w felves only with fkimming a trifling portion of trade on 
 ** the fea coafts." 
 
 ** Whether the greateft hindrance *nd objlruclion to the 
 *' Europeans cultivating an humane and chriftian-like 
 " commerce with thofe populous countries has not wholly 
 " proceeded from that unjuji, inhuman, and unchrijlian-likt 
 " trajfick^ called the Jlave trade, which is carried on by the 
 " Europeans." 
 
 There are fcarce any productions, he adds, " in all 
 
 <c our Britifh American pofleffions, but might be culti- 
 
 *' vated on the continent of Africa ; and if ever we 
 
 f< fhould be unhappy enough to be difpojfejfed of them, 
 
 B 1 "our
 
 22 On the Impolicy or the 
 
 " our trade in this part of the world might contribute tO 
 u make us compenfation." 
 
 Having ftated thefe circumftances, only by way of con- 
 firmation, I (hall immediately recur to the queftion, as 
 ftated in the early part of the prcfent chapter, and deadc 
 upon it accordingly. 
 
 It was faid there, that Africa had two forts of com- 
 modities to offer us, her natural productions and her 
 flaves ; and that the queftion was in which of the two, 
 confidcred abftra&edly by themfelves, it would be moft 
 politic* to deal. 
 
 The former have already been ftated, and it appears 
 that, viewed as they have been in this abftradted light, 
 they would afford an inexhauftible mine of wealth to our 
 dyers and artificers in wood ; that they would enable us 
 to break the monopoly of the Dutch ; would repay us for 
 the lofs of America ; be the cheapeft market for all forts 
 of raw materials for our manufacturers ; and abound with 
 Other national advantages. 
 
 The latter are now to be balanced againft thefe, as 
 articles of commerce : Will any perfon come forward and 
 fay, that, confidered in the lame abftratcd light, they are 
 productive of one national advantage ? The moft that he 
 can fay, will be, that they are of benefit but to a few 
 individuals, and thofe fo infinitely few, when compared 
 with thofe who would be benefited and enriched by the 
 former, that he would be afharned of the comparifon. 
 
 if the Have trade then, when (tripped of its appenda 
 is attended with no emolument to the publick ; if, more- 
 over, it binders the introduction of one, to which, if it 
 were compared in the fame light, it would be like an 
 ijland to a continent, or a rivtr to a fea, it is finely, of ali 
 others, the moft impbiiiick trade that this country can 
 carry on. 
 
 CHAP. If.
 
 African Slave Trade. 23 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Having made an inquiry in the preceding chapter, 
 whether it would be more to the benefit of the publick to 
 trade in the natural productions of the country, or in 
 /laves, I (hall now inquire which of the two would be of 
 greater emolument to individuals j for this argument has 
 been alfo ftarted, and the policy has been inferred from the 
 profits of the trade. 
 
 There are two or three criterions, by which a valuable 
 trade may be afcertained. Thefe are little rifque, quick 
 returns, and a large profit. To this ftandard then I mail 
 refer the trade in flaves. 
 
 There was never, perhaps, a trade more difadvanta- 
 geous, in the firft inftance, than that which I am now 
 confidering. The competition upon the coaft is at prefent 
 great, and the goods which a veflel takes for the purchafe 
 of a certain number of Have?, may not, from this circum- 
 ftance, be adequate to the purchafe of three-fourths of the 
 rated number : fo that the merchant, in the firft place, 
 may buy them dearer than his calculations, and find an 
 immediate and confiderable diminution of his profit, if 
 not the certainty of a lofs. 
 
 Another circumftance, and the moft important of all 
 that renders this commerce peculiarly hazardous, is the 
 mortality that may arife among the Haves, both during 
 their flay upon the coaft, and the middle paflage. If they 
 are treated ever fo well, if every attention is paid to their 
 convenience, or their wants, it is often impoflible to pre- 
 vent it, or to fay, when it begins, where it is likely to 
 end, or in what proportion they will be loft : and that 
 fome vefTels have loft more than two-thirds of their flaves, 
 the annals of Liverpool will evince, 
 
 A third circumftance is this, that when they arrive in 
 the Weft-Indies, the markets may have been glutted, or 
 fuch a number of mips may be there at the fame time, 
 that they muft either beat about to the different iflands, 
 and lofe more of them by ficknefs, or fell them lower 
 B 4 than
 
 14 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 than the average rate, calculated at the beginning of the 
 voyage. 
 
 A fourth is the length of the date, before the bills, in 
 which they are paid for, become due. Thefe bills are 
 drawn at twelve, eighteen, twenty-four, and thirty-fix 
 months after fight. They give time of courfe for many 
 difagreeable circumftances to intervene. Add to this, 
 that they are fometimes returned for want of payment, 
 even when this period has elapfed. 
 
 This being the cafe, it is clear, that there are four 
 circumftances, concomitant on this trade, that confpirc 
 Co render it of all others the mod hazardous. Thefe have 
 occafioned it to be juftly diftinguifhed by the appellation 
 of a lottery. Upon this principle, moft of its promoters 
 have embarked in it ; fome to be rich on a fudden, others, 
 on their laft legs, to retrieve their affairs by one fortunate 
 voyage. This is the only light, in which it is to be 
 viewed with propriety ; for they who embark in it are 
 as much adventurers as thofe, who, to anfwer the fame 
 end, have recourfe to the games of chance. 
 
 With refpect to a quick return, which is the very life of 
 commerce, no trade was ever fo difadvantageous, as that 
 in flaves. The average time of a voyage is one 
 At the expiration of this period, the veflel returns. On 
 infpec"ting the bills, which arc brought home, and which 
 have been received for the flaves, it appears, that they are 
 not payable, on an average, till two years after fight. 
 The merchant, therefore, cannot enjoy the profits of his 
 voyage till three years after he has fent his veflel to the 
 coaft. 
 
 In the interim he is called upon to pay for the goods, 
 which he has (hipped, In fix months his bill for fpirits 
 is brought him, though, in one of our ports, it muft be 
 paid for on delivery. In fourteen he muft account for his 
 taft-Indian aflbrtments, and in eighteen for thofe of Man- 
 chefter and Birmingham ; fo that he muft pay for the 
 whole of his cargo a year and an half before he can de- 
 rive any benefit from his returns. This occafions him 
 oft.n to be fo diftrefled, that the manufacturer is put off", 
 A credit of fix months longer is folicitcd. To hear the 
 
 pitiful
 
 African Slave Trade. 15 
 
 pitiful tales he tells, and the wretched excufes he makes, 
 on thefe occafions, is truly difgufting. This is furely not 
 a trade for the manufacturers of Great Britain ; and that 
 I have been defcribing the real fituation of things, is but 
 too well known to thole who have felt it. 
 
 With refpect to the real profit of the trade, I might 
 appeal to thole particular Ihips, with an account of whofe 
 voyages I have been favoured. Two of them, after hav- 
 ing made three voyages each, which took up the fpace of 
 five years, left their owners in debt, and obliged them to 
 relinquifh the trade. Another cleared the fum of four 
 thoufand pounds ; but the fame fhip, in her next voyage, 
 loft more than Ihe had gained in the preceding. Another 
 gained fifty per cent, but her fuccefs was undone by a 
 iecond, which went out at the fame time and in the fame 
 employ, and loft in the fame proportion. Thefe inftances, 
 however, being few, I fhall lay no ftrefs upon them, but 
 recur to general fadts. 
 
 The great African company, which was vefted with 
 extraordinary powers, and which had every opportunity 
 of feeling the emoluments of the trade, failed twice. 
 
 From the year 1763 to the year 1772 the London mer- 
 chants avoided all kind of connection with thofe of Liver- 
 pool in this trade, from a conviction that, during that 
 time, it had not been profecuted but with lofs. 
 
 The fame caution continued till the year 1778; for 
 within that fmall fpace of time, comprizing only the term 
 of fix years, the flave merchants there failed for the fum 
 of feven hundred and ten thoufand pounds,znd the confequent 
 bankruptcies were many. 
 
 During the American war, while the price of a flave 
 was as low as (aven pounds on the coaft, and as high, on 
 an average, as forty-five in the colonies, the adventurer, 
 who efcaped the mips of the enemy, made his fortune. 
 But fince the peace, the trade has returned to its former 
 ftate j and it is conlidered as a fact, at the ports where it 
 is carried on, that it is a lofing trade at the prefent day : 
 that is, if the difburfements and returns of all the vefTels, 
 that go out in one year, were to be confolidated on their 
 arrival home, and compared, the former would be greater 
 
 than
 
 26 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 than the latter, and there would of courfe be a deficiency, 
 or balance againft the fum total of the adventurers in 
 this trade. 
 
 But it will be faid, if it be an unprofitable trade, why 
 do people embark in it, or how does it happen, that many 
 can be pointed out, who have made their fortunes there ? 
 
 I reply, that the flave trade is a lottery, as I ob- 
 ferved before, and that upon this principle the phenome- 
 non may be fatisfactorily explained. 
 
 It is evident firft, that if a perfon were to become the 
 proprietor of all the tickets in the wheel, the balance 
 would be greatly againft him. So alfo, were he to be 
 the proprietor of all the fhips in the flave trade, he would 
 experience a confiderable lofs, as his difburfements would 
 be then greater than his returns. 
 
 It is clear alfo, that there are many valuable prizes in 
 the lottery, but more blanks. So it is with this trade. 
 A few merchants have made their fortunes, but more have 
 been lofers by it. A few will ftill continue to make them, 
 but many will be ruined. 
 
 But. how come they to engage in it ? I reply, why do 
 people engage in the games of chance ? In fhort, in no 
 other light can the flave trade be viewed, than in that de- 
 fcribed : and, the things compared being both of the fame 
 kind, any difficulty that occurs in the one, may be folved 
 by referring it to the other. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Having taken a general view of the value of the flave 
 trade, by referring it to the three characterifticks, which 
 may be called a ftandard for commercial eftimation, I 
 (hall put the commerce in the productions of the coaft 
 under the fame trial. 
 
 It is clear, in the firft place, that this commerce would 
 not be equally hazardous with the former ; rice, indigo, 
 tobacco, fptcet, and other productions of Africa not being 
 pertlhable commodities, like flaves. 
 
 In the fecpnd place, the merchant would receive his 
 returns in five months, inftcad of three years, from the 
 
 (ailing
 
 African Slave Trade. 47 
 
 failing of his veflel ; and he would be able to turn them 
 into fpecie before he had advanced a (hilling to, or had 
 had a demand from, the manufacturer whom he had em- 
 ployed. Nor would the latter be lefs benefited by the 
 change, as no longer credit would be necefTary, than that 
 of eight months. Thus a quick circulation of money 
 would take place, and the countenance, inftead of ex- 
 hibiting marks of uneafinefs and diftrefs, would be cheered 
 with joy. 
 
 In the third place, the merchant in this trade would fet 
 out with two advantages over the merchant in the other. 
 His infurance would be confiderably lefs, and, requiring 
 from the manufacturer a credit only of eight months, he 
 would fave five per cent, on all the goods, which he 
 {hipped ; or in other words, on account of the difcount 
 allowed him, he would carry the fame quantity of goods 
 for ninety-five pounds to the fame coaft, which the flave 
 merchant cannot carry, in the prefent fituation of things, 
 but for an hundred. 
 
 As to the real profit which he would have on the articles 
 brought home, fome hints have been given in the preced- 
 ing chapter. For bringing them to a market, where, 
 thofe of the fame kind, which come, are chargeable with 
 a double freightage, commiflion, and the labour of flaves, 
 his profits muft be immenfe. 
 
 If the comparifon is to be extended farther, I may add, 
 that while the vefTel of the flave merchant is performing one 
 voyage, that of the other would perform two : fo that if 
 the flave trade were highly profitable, and one voyage in 
 that line were twice more advantageous than one in the 
 other, they would be reduced to an equality by this cir- 
 cumftance alone. 
 
 If then it appears, by referring the two trades to the 
 fame ftandard, that the trade in the natural productions of 
 the country would be more valuable to individuals, (and 
 its benefits more extenfively felt) than the trade in flaves, 
 an additional argument prefents itfelf againft the policy of 
 the latter, fince it is not only hazardous, flow in its re- 
 turns, and in the aggregate unprofitable, but hinders the 
 introduction of one, which would be attended with the 
 pppofite effeSU, 
 
 CHAP. III.
 
 28 On the Impolicy op the 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Before I proceed, I muft paufc for a little time, to tako 
 notice of an argument, which may have already fugnrfted 
 itfelf to the reader, and which, if it does not meet with a 
 replication here, may be conftdered as rendering the whole 
 of my former obfervations of no effeft. 
 
 It is faid, and it is ftrongly infifted upon by the advo- 
 cates for the trade in flaves, that it is politick, becaufe it 
 engrofTes the attention of the Africans, and hinders them 
 from cultivating fuch of the productions of their own foil, 
 as would interfere with thofe of our oivn colonies. 
 
 Now, if this would actually be the cafe, if the produc- 
 tions of Africa, mentioned in the fir ft chapter, would 
 clafh with thofe of our kindred ftates, it would be highly 
 improper, in the eye of the politician, to introduce the 
 other trade, however valuable it might appear. I fay /';; 
 the eye of the politician, becaufe his argument with tho 
 moralifl is exactly this : " I have a field fown with a 
 particular grain, which yields me fome advantages. 
 Another perfon has unfortunately the fame kind of grain 
 in his pofleflion. If he fows it, his productions will clafh 
 with mine. I muft therefore procure him to be kidnap- 
 ped, or I muft excite difTenfions in his family, that will 
 keep him engaged, or fend him out of the way." 
 
 However, as it is termed a good political argument, 
 and as it might tend to (et afide the obfervations made in 
 the preceding chapters, I feel myfelf called upon to reply 
 to it in the prefent jjlace. 
 
 With refpedt. to the woods of Africa, it is probable that the 
 article of mahogany, if imported from that quarter, would 
 clafh in fome meafure with that which would be brought 
 from the Bay of Honduras. When I have allowed this, 
 I may take upon me to fay, that thert is no other article 
 from the coaft, which would interfere with thoic produced 
 in our own colonics. 
 
 It is certain that thofe for dyin<r, and moft of thofe 
 for cabinet and other work, would not be- liable to the 
 objection, becaufe there are no woods, as yet difcovered 
 
 on
 
 African Slave Trade. ag 
 
 on the face of the globe, that are of the fame properties 
 or kind. 
 
 The drugs, which we procure at prefent, are imported 
 from the following places, viz. the Britifh Eaft Indies, 
 Turkey, the Brazils through the medium of Portugal, 
 and South America, through that of Spain. 
 
 It is unneceflary to make any farther ftatement than 
 this, as there are three places out of four, from whence 
 we derive them that are foreign. 
 
 The next article of the new commerce would be that 
 of Spices. All thefe are at prefent monopolized by the 
 Dutch. 
 
 The tobacco, which we import, is principally obtained 
 from two places, Virginia and Maryland. Thefe, by the 
 late revolution, are foreign ftates. A fmall quantity is, 
 however, cultivated in the Britifh Weft Indian iflands, 
 but this is generally for plantation ufe, and if we except a 
 few hogfheads brought to us from St. Vincents, it may 
 be faid that this article, if produced in Africa, would not 
 at all interfere with the productions of our prefent 
 colonies. 
 
 With refpect to rice a few words will be fufficient. It 
 is brought to us from Carolina and Georgia, and in fuch 
 a proportion, that ninety-nine parts in an hundred come 
 to us from thofe ftates. 
 
 The Indigo, which is imported into this country, is 
 procured from the Britifh Eaft Indies, the Britifh Weft 
 Indies, Carolina, and Georgia, the French Weft Indies 
 by the way of France, the Brazils by the way of Portugal, 
 and South America by the way of Spain. The quantity 
 annually imported from them all is about 1,350,000 
 pounds, of which about 1,000,000 or more than five- 
 fevenths are the produce of foreign ftates. 
 
 The cotton, which we have obtained for fome time, 
 has been cultivated in the Britifh and French Weft Indies, 
 the Dutch Eaft Indian fettlements, Turkey, and the 
 Brazils. The whole quantity imported in the year 1786, 
 was 20,000,000 pounds. That from the Britifh colonies 
 5,157,698. So that we are under the neceflity of pro- 
 curing 14,842,302 pounds, or nearly three-fourths annu- 
 ally from foreigners* 
 
 This
 
 3 
 
 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 This ftatement, which is as accurate as any that can 
 be obtained, mews to us the fallacy of the argument; and 
 that we are fo far from being likely to interfere with the 
 colonifts of our own, as in fact to give a blow to thofe of 
 our rival ftates. Indeed, the argument is of an early 
 date, and firft made its appearance while America was 
 our own. It was certain, at that period, that by keeping 
 the Africans engaged in the trade in flaves, we hindered 
 them from producing fuch of their own commodities, as 
 would have greatly interfered with thofe of our then colo- 
 nies. The inconfiderate, however, who have not attended 
 to the late revolution there, have been bold enough to 
 retain it, though nothing is more certain than that (the 
 Americans being now aliens, and other circumftances being 
 taken into confideration) it becomes a matter of policy to 
 have them from another quarter. 
 
 Indeed, among the various events, that feem for fome 
 time to have been haftening on, and working together 
 for the abolition of the flave trade, none appears to be of 
 greater importance in this rcfpeft than the revolution be- 
 fore mentioned. As long as America was our own, there 
 was no chance that a minifter would have attended to the 
 groans of the fons and daughters of Africa, however he 
 might have felt for their diitrefs. From the fame fpot, 
 which was thus once the means of creating an infu- 
 perable impediment to the relief of thefe unfortunate peo- 
 ple, our affection, by a wonderful concatenation of events, 
 has been taken off, and a profpedt has been prefented to our 
 view, which ihews it to be policy to remove their pain. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Having now provided againft an obftacle which might 
 have been thrown into my way, I fhall proceed. 
 
 In the firft and fecood chapters I confidered the trade 
 t-s in an abftracted light, that I might balance it 
 both nationally and individually ', againft that in the pro- 
 ductions of the coaft, as well as anfwer certain arguments 
 
 ufually
 
 African Slave Trade. 31 
 
 iifually advanced in its defence. But as this trade has 
 fome appendages, and as thefe appendages are faid to be of 
 the higheft importance to the liate, I mould be an unjuffc 
 arbiter of the cafe, if I did not take them into coniidera- 
 tion. 
 
 The advocates for the flave trade earneftly contend, 
 that it is a nurfetyfor our feamen. Upon no one argument 
 have they declaimed with greater exultation than upon 
 this ; well knowing that our feamen are the pillars of the 
 iiate, and that every trade, which conduces to rear and 
 fupport them, it rauft be highly politic to continue, and 
 highly dangerous to fupprefs. 
 
 Before I enter into the important argument advanced, 
 it will be neceiTary to give the reader a hiftory of the fea- 
 men employed in this trade ; not only becaufe fuch an hif- 
 tory ought to be prefented to his view, but becaufe it will 
 enable him to judge of the truth of certain pofitions, to be 
 mentioned in a future chapter. 
 
 To begin : The wages, which able feamen receive in 
 this trade, are from thirty to forty millings per month. 
 They have alfo two months advance-money, and their 
 employers do not ftand upon character. 
 
 In other trades they receive from thirty to thirty- five 
 {hillings per month, have but one month's advance-money, 
 and will feldom, like other fervants, be taken but with a 
 character from their former mailers. 
 
 The firft idea, that muft fuggeft itfelf to the reader from 
 this comparative view, will be this, that it muft be a 
 difficult matter to procure feamen for this trade, or fuch 
 extraordinary temptations would not be held out to them 
 to embark. This is literally the facl: : for thefeare as cer- 
 tain criterions of the difficulty which I intended fhould be 
 furmifed, as the price of iniurance of the hazard of a voy- 
 age, or as any other eftablifhed marks of difcrimination, 
 in any other cafe. 
 
 The difficulty of procuring feamen for the flave trade is 
 well known at the ports where it is carried on, though 
 the advocates for it have afTerted the contrary to thole, 
 whom they knew to have had no opportunity of inquiring 
 into the fadt. 
 
 At
 
 3* On ^he Impolicy of rut 
 
 At one port in particular they have gone fo far as to ad- 
 vance, that they have as many offers for making up the 
 complements of their fhips, as they can accept. But they 
 conceal the time and occafton of thefe proffered fervices. 
 When the fhips from Greenland and the Weft-Indies ar- 
 rive and difcharge their crews, the former of which put 
 twelve hundred feamen adrift nearly at the fame time, the 
 flave vefTels, then in port, find but little difficulty in pro- 
 curing hands. But what inference can be drawn from 
 hence ? Not furely a partiality for the trade, but that many 
 are thrown out of employ, whom neceflity compels to 
 embark. 
 
 On the other hand, when the fame fhips ate refitting 
 in the fpring of the year, the matter is totally reverted; 
 The flave-merchant is in the greateft diftrefs for a crew; 
 He offers even three months advance -money ; but this has 
 but little weight ; and few feamen would ever voluntarily 
 embark with him on any term?, fo long as a fhip 
 of any other defcription was fitting out, and was in want 
 of hands. 
 
 This is the true criterion, by which a judgment is to be 
 formed in the prefent cafe, and if added to the three cir- 
 cumftances before mentioned, which are eftablifhed rules 
 of commercial regulation, will prove an infuperable ar- 
 gument againft the affertions ufually advanced by the pa- 
 trons of this trade. 
 
 The feamen then, now under confidcration, except 
 at the time fpecified, are obtained in the following 
 ways. 
 
 It has been cuftomary to allure them into the fervice 
 under the promife of making them mates. When they 
 come on board, they act as officers of the fhip ; but foon 
 after they have been at fea, they are degraded on a pre- 
 tended charge of neglect. By thefe inlidious means fe- 
 veral foremaft men have been annually obtained for the 
 voyage. 
 
 But the great bulk of them are procured thus. There 
 are certain landlords, who, allured by the high wages 
 given them in this trade, the advance-money of two 
 months, and the promifes of the merchant, open 
 houfes for their reception. Thefe, having a general 
 
 knowledge
 
 African Slave Trade. 
 
 33 
 
 knowledge of the mips and feamen in the port, and being 
 always on the look out, intice fuch as are more unwary 
 or in greater diftrefs than the relr into their houfes. They 
 entertain them with mufick and dancing, and keep them 
 in an intoxicated ftate for fome time. In the interim the 
 Have merchant comes, and makes his application. The 
 unfortunate men are fingled out ; are perhaps taken from a 
 dance. Their bill is immediately brought them. They 
 are (aid to be more in debt, than even two months ad- 
 vance-money will difcharge. They have therefore an 
 offer made them, a jlavc-veffel or a goal. </?& /J 
 
 The former being accepted, the landlord, bendes a gra- 
 tuity, receives a promiflbry note for the fum equal to their 
 advance-money from the merchant, and, like flaves, 
 delivers them to the vefiel. 
 
 Thus put on board, and fenfible of the mean and un- 
 generous advantages that have been taken of their unwari- 
 nefs and neceffity, their * diflike to the fervice. is onlv 
 heightened, and they do, not fail to exhibit proofs of it in 
 the following manner : 
 
 In a certain month of the lair, year, four flave vefTels 
 were waiting for their men. The firft, in confequence 
 of the exertions before mentioned, had received a certain 
 number ; but they no fooner found an opportunity of 
 efcaping, than all of them left her, and on the fame day. 
 
 In the fecond were feven, that had been procured in 
 the fame manner. Thefe, foon afterwards, in fpite of all 
 oppofition, forced themfelves into the boat, and came on 
 ill ore. 
 
 The third had fcarcely completed her complement, 
 when twenty-five of the people left her at once, and 
 twenty followed them on the next day. 
 
 By this time the firft had again completed her crew : 
 but fo fearful was the merchant that thefe alfo would make 
 
 * I do not mean any diflike to the trade, becaufe they confider it to 
 be iniquitous, but becaufe the cruel treatment of feamen in this trade 
 is notorious, of which the reader will fee fome fpecimens hereafter. 
 I have known a landlord, who opened his houfe for the reception of Weft 
 India feamen, on an application from a flave merchant for men, refufe 
 him folely from the motive that he fhould affront all thofe who lodged 
 with him, were he barely to propofe it to their conlideration. 
 
 C their
 
 34. On the Impolicy of the 
 
 their efcape, that the ftiip was immediately hurried to Tea, 
 though the weather was much againft her. How they 
 bore (o fudden and lb abrupt a departure, I cannot pofi- 
 tively affirm ; but, if the pilot is to be credited, there was 
 nothing but diflatis faction and murmur on board, while 
 he was taking them cut of the channel. 
 
 From the fourth two of the crew, feeing no other op- 
 portunity of getting away, leapt overboard in the night, 
 though the fhip was at that time more than a mile from 
 the more. 
 
 It is unneceflary to make any comments upon thefe 
 inftances. I fhall therefore only add, that they feldom 
 or ever happen, and that feamen offer their fcrviccs, in 
 other trades. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 "While the crew are collecting in the manner above def- 
 cribed, the articles of agreement are prepared. Thefe 
 articles ftate the nature and circumftances of the en- 
 gagements of the feamen on board the vcfTel, and are to 
 be figncd by them before their departure from their native 
 fliore. 
 
 Some of thefe articles are too iniquitous to be omitted, 
 I fhall therefore give the reader an extract of one of them 
 in my pofleflion. 
 
 The firft claufe is, " That the crew fhall conform and 
 " demean themfelves in every refpe& according to the late 
 ** at of parliament for the better regulation of feamen in 
 <l his Majcjiys fervicc." This artful fubftitution of the 
 word Majeflys for Merchant' 'x, when fubferibed to, gives 
 the officers, in their own opinion, a power of inflicting 
 fevere punifhment upon their men, and of gratifying their 
 favage difpofition. 
 
 The fecond is, " That one half of their wages is to be 
 u paid them in the Weft-Indies or America, in the cur- 
 " ren~y or proclamation money there." This claufe is 
 equally artful with the former : for though the merchant 
 holds out to them the bait of greater wages nominally, he 
 gives them intrinfically lefs than in other trades. 
 
 In
 
 African Slave Trade. 35 
 
 In the third it is ftipulated, " that if they fhould die 
 Upon the coaft, their executors mall receive the wages due 
 to them at that time, in the current money of the place, 
 at which the (hip difpofes of her flaves. 
 
 The fourth is, " That if they fliall commence any action 
 either at common law or at a court of admiralty, either on 
 account of any thing in thefe prefents contained, or on 
 account of any other matter whatsoever that may happen 
 during the voyage, without firft referring it to the arbitra- 
 tion of the officers or owners within twenty days after 
 their arrival at the port of difcharge, they fhall forfeit 
 fifty pounds." 
 
 This, added to the firft claufe, arms the officers com- 
 pleatly, and gives them fcope, as they imagine, to practice 
 any barbarities, which they may pleafe to inflict upon 
 their crew. 
 
 Thefe articles being prepared for their fignature, they 
 are called up. This is generally done when the fhip is 
 weighing her anchor, or at fome rime when they are about 
 to be bufily employed. A neceffity for expedition is 
 pleaded : and they lign without ever feeing, or being per- 
 mitted to fee, the nature of the engagements which they 
 are making. The articles are folded up in a curious 
 manner for this purpofe ; and fome, who have been more 
 wary than the reft, and have perfifted in the refolution of 
 feeing, before they figned them, have been known* to be 
 put on fhore. 
 
 If I am to fhew the iniquity of thefe meafures in a 
 flronger light, it muft be by comparing them with the 
 practice in other trades. 
 
 The articles, now the objects of comparifon, are 
 * printed. They are either read, or left open to the in- 
 spection of the feamen before they fign. The crews, that 
 embark to the very fame coajt for wood, know nothing of 
 current money, nor of the claufes before mentioned. The 
 Weft-India feamen, who meet at the fame port with thofe 
 in the flave veiTels, and where currency is in force, are not 
 obliged to take the half of their wages there. In fliort, 
 
 * I muft do juftice to fome of the merchants of Liverpool, who make 
 ufe of printed articles, and omit the firft and fourth claufes. 
 
 C 2 whether
 
 36 On the Impolicy op the 
 
 whether we view the arts and practices in this trade, either 
 independently of themfelves, or by comparifon, they equally 
 excite our deteftation and difguft. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 The articles of agreement being figned, they proceed 
 to fea. From the port of Briftol, as foon as they have 
 pafled the I (land of Lundy, and from the port of Liver- 
 pool, as foon as they have cleared the Black Rock, the 
 officers generally order an inftrument to be made, called a 
 cat, which is alledged to be prepared for the punifhment 
 of the flaves. The handle of it is a rope of three inches 
 and a half in circumference, and it has nine tails attached 
 to it of knotted cord. This inftrument cannot legally 
 be ufed on board any other but one of his Majefty's (hips, 
 and in other trades, except the Eajl Indian, is unknown. 
 
 From this period till their arrival upon the coaft, they 
 begin to ufe it upon the feamen, though at firft with mo- 
 deration, or only fo, as to prepare the way for the feve- 
 ritics that are to follow. In a certain time, however, they 
 apply it without rcferve. But here a tragedy commences, 
 of which the reader can have no conception, but which 
 however muft be fubmitted to his view. 
 
 I am fenfible, that if I were to talk in general terms of 
 the cruelties excrcifed upon the feamen in this trade, I 
 (hould have but little attention paid to my narration by 
 the publick, nor would they have that idea of them, which 
 it is the duty of every pcrfon, acquainted with the fafts, 
 to communicate. I mall there fire wave all general afTer- 
 tions, and confine myfelf for the prefent to the occurrences 
 in one fhip. 
 
 A
 
 African Slave Trade. 
 
 37 
 
 *A Muster Roll for the Ship 
 
 -, from Africa 
 
 and the Weft-Indies. 
 
 Men's names. 
 
 When and where 
 entered into pay. 
 
 When ana wtie.c Oil 
 charged, killed, dead 
 defertcd, &c. 
 
 I 
 Time each 
 man ferved. 
 
 I. 
 
 
 
 
 
 _ 
 
 2. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3- 
 
 
 
 
 
 "~" 
 
 4-^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5' l 
 
 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 6.1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.[ 
 
 . 
 
 , 
 
 "" 
 
 9-> ~ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 io. [ 
 ii. I 
 
 * 
 
 m lm 
 
 
 12. 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r 3- I ~ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14. J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 is.-* - 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 16. ( - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17. J - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19. J 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 20. ~% 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21. - 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~ * 
 
 22. J 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 23. 
 
 __ 
 
 __ 
 
 , , 
 
 24. 
 
 25. &C. &C. 
 
 mmm 
 
 "~ 
 
 
 
 * The three contained in the laft bracket, do not (land as in the ori- 
 ginal mufter roll, but are put together for the fike of elucidating the 
 cafe. 
 
 C3 
 
 301073 
 
 The
 
 $8 On the Impolicy of th 
 
 The captain of this veflel began, as ufual, to pra&ife 
 his barbarities a little before his arrival upon the eoafh 
 He took the opportunity of beating his crew repeatedly, 
 and for imaginary faults. He had alfo on board a large 
 dog, which he was accuftomcd to fet upon the men for 
 his diverfion ; at the fame time fwearing, that if any of 
 the crew mould attempt to take off the dog on any fuch 
 occafion, he would moot him for the attempt. 
 
 The treatment, which was thus begun, was continued 
 upon the coaft, and in fuch a licentious degree, as to be- 
 come infupportable, and to alarm the feamen for the fafety 
 of their lives. 
 
 The eleven contained in the firft bracket having been 
 cruelly ufed, and feeing no hopes of a termination to their 
 fufferings fo long as they ftaid there, came to the refolu- 
 tion of deferting ; chufing rather to truft to an inhofpita- 
 ble climate, and an uncivilized people upon the fhore, 
 than to fray on board their own veflel. They accordingly 
 cut their way through the netting in the night. They 
 feized the long boat, eredled an oar for a maft, and a 
 hammock for a fail ; and, thus provided, they took their 
 final departure from the fhip. 
 
 It was but a fhort time before they dropped down the 
 river, where the vefTel lay. They then coafted along to 
 make for a certain place, but were driven beyond it before 
 they could get to land. To cut their ftory fhort : Eight 
 of them, after experiencing many hardfhips, died. The 
 other three were taken in by a veflel bound to the colonies 
 with flaves. One of them died on the middle paflage. 
 The remaining two, in procefs of time, came home, but 
 in (o weak and impaired a ftate, that their recovery was 
 long doubtful ; for one had additionally to ftrugt'le with 
 two large holes in his moulder, which the dog, before 
 mentioned, had torn at the inftigation of his mail 
 
 This was the firft effedt of the barbarous ufagc on 
 board the veflal, whofe muftcr roll has been cited. 1 fhall 
 now continue my account. 
 
 The three, inclofed in the next bracket, were a part of 
 the complement of a flave veflel, which had upfct upon 
 the coaft, and who had efcaped to this fhip. They had 
 
 been
 
 African Slave Trade. 39 
 
 Wn but a (hort time on board, before they experienced 
 the fame treatment as the reft of the crew. 
 
 The firft of them was ufed in the following manner. 
 In lowering down the awning one evening, the captain 
 fwore that he had fuffered it to touch a boat, which he 
 had amufed himfelf in painting the fame day ; though no 
 mark was vifible, by which it could be traced that the 
 awning had ever touched it all. For this imaginary fault 
 he knocked him down, and then jumped upon his breaft. 
 He afterwards beat him in a moft inhuman manner with 
 a rope of three inches and a half in circumference. The 
 poor man, in confequence of this treatment, became ill, 
 and complained to the furgeon and furgeon's mate of the 
 pain which he then felt. The captain, however, hap- 
 pened to overhear his complaint, when he immediately 
 ordered him to go forward, or he would repeat his for- 
 mer treatment, commanding the furgeon's mate, at the 
 fame time, not to adminifter to him any relief, under the 
 penalty of being ferved in the fame manner. 
 
 The furgeon, however, and his mate, privately vifited 
 the fick man in the night, by means of a dark lanthorn, 
 and gave him every affiftance in their power. They found 
 ieveral contufions on his neck, back, breafr, and armsj 
 which were fo bad as to occafion him to fpit blood, and 
 to void the fame by ftool. This afterwards turned into a 
 dyfentery or flux, and on the feventh of the month of 
 the unfortunate man died. 
 
 It may not be amifs to add, that the dying man repeat- 
 edly thanked the furgeon for his tendernefs and care, and 
 that he repeatedly told him, that the captain had been the 
 occafion of his death, generally adding, at the fame time, 
 that " he could not puniih him, but that God would." 
 
 The other two were alfo treated in an unmerciful man- 
 her. One of them, on his arrival in the Weft Indies, 
 died. The other had the good fortune to get to his na- 
 tive home. 
 
 The firft of the two, contained in the third bracket, 
 was the furgeon's mate of the vefiel. On a certain day, 
 being on more with fome fick flaves, he was beaten fo 
 unmercifully by the captain, as to be taken up infenfible. 
 The brute, not fatisfied with this, pufhed the ftick of his 
 
 C 4 umbrella
 
 40 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 umbrella againft his belly as he was lying upon the ground, 
 and with fuch force, as to caufe a molt violent pain for 
 fomc d ys : the only reafon alledgei for this treatment 
 was, that four flaves had died of the flux the preceding 
 
 On the uxfeenth day of the next month, he vented his 
 fury again on tne fame j.erfon, and with as little caufe ; 
 for coming out of his cabin, and finding a girl Have dead, 
 whole death had not been reported to him before dinner, 
 he immediately feized him, and knocked him down. He- 
 then jumped upon his breaft. H# afterwards beat him in 
 a cruel manner with the but end of the cat, which I men- 
 tioned before to be a rope of three inches and an half in 
 circumference, fo that on the next day his head was found 
 to be much fwelled, and feveral contufions on his neck, 
 back, and arms. 
 
 He was alfo beaten in a barbarous manner on the four- 
 teenth and eighteenth days of the fame month, and for no 
 other reafon than becaufe the captain was in a paflion 
 with others. 
 
 The fecond perfon, and whofe cafe is now to be con- 
 fidered, was knocked down two or three times in a day, 
 
 lout any juft caufe. At one time in particular, when 
 the captain came upon deck, and found that the people, 
 who were then warning the decks, had not moved the 
 hen-coops as before, he immediately fei?ed this perfon who 
 was Handing by, and having felled him down to the fl 
 (lamped upon his body as he was lying there. Then 
 feizing him, with an intention as he fworc, of throwing 
 him overboard, he dragged him to the Item of the velTel. 
 The unhappy man, to lave himfejf, caught hold of the 
 Item rails, by which he held fall till he was relieved by 
 two of the (hip's crew. In confequence of this treat- 
 ment, he had feveral contufions on his breaft, back, and 
 ot!v r pnrt.s of his body, and alio a black eye, with a 
 
 'led f; .ce, which deprived him of the fight of one of 
 his eyes for about a fortnight. 
 
 At another time, when the fhip arrived in the Weft 
 
 he was beaten, without the commimon of a fault, 
 
 in an inhuman manner. The captain ftruck him here fo 
 
 -rely over his face, as to occalion his mouth to bleed
 
 African Slave Trade. 41 
 
 for fome time. He kicked him afterwards over his 
 bowels, and with fuch violence, as to^ccafion him to fall 
 down, when he jumped upon his breaft as before, and 
 otherwife cruelly treated him. The unfortunate victim, 
 when he went on fhore, complained to the magiftrate of 
 the place, to whom the vefTel being configned, he received 
 no other fatisfaction than his difcharge ; though he carried 
 with him his fhirt, ftained with the blood which had then 
 iflued from his wounds. He was accompanied, on his 
 application to this magiftrate, by the perfon mentioned 
 before him, who preferred his complaint likewife, and 
 obtained equal redrefs. 
 
 It would be a tedious and a painful talk to defcribe the 
 treatment which every individual received on board this 
 veflel. I ihall therefore fubmit to the reader but three 
 more cafes for his perufal. 
 
 The firft in the fourth bracket was a very fenfible old 
 feaman, and formerly in his Majefty's fervice. He had 
 had fome words on the forecaftle with an officer, on ac- 
 count of complaining that he had no water to drink. 
 The officer told the captain of the feaman's behaviour, 
 and of his infolence in complaining. The latter inftantly 
 feized him, and beat out feveral of his teeth with his fift.' 
 He then ordered a pump-bolt to be put into his mouth, 
 which was confined there by means of fome rope-yarn tied 
 behind his head. The poor old man was almoft choaked, 
 being unable to fpit out the great quantity of blood which 
 was then running down and collecting in his throat. 
 He was then tied for two hours to the rail of the quarter 
 deck, as he had previously declared his intention of leaping 
 overboard, to avoid the farther perfecution of his oppreffor. 
 When the two hours were expired, he was ordered under 
 the half deck, tied to the grating companion of the 
 fteerage, and kept there all night with a centinel 'over 
 him. In about a month afterwards he was feized with a 
 fever, and died. 
 
 The fecond, a lad of about feventeen years of age, was 
 repeatedly knocked and kicked about, and otherwife cruelly 
 treated by the. fame perfon for imaginary faults. The faid 
 lad had received from one of the other officers a wound in 
 his toe. The captain was fo far from favouring him in 
 
 this
 
 42 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 this fituation, that he endeavoured to diftrefs him thd 
 more, and therefore compelled him to aft as a centinel 
 over the flaves ; an office, which requires much walking 
 about. This cruel ufage foon produced a fever ; nor did 
 he ever feel for his fituation at this time, for he obliged 
 him to fit on the gratings during his illncfs, as a centinel 
 over the room of the women flaves. 
 
 Overpowered now by illncfs and fatigue, he fell afleep 
 on the gratings. The captain coming on the quarter 
 deck at the fame time, and finding him in the fituation 
 defcribed, began, with oaths and imprecations, to beat 
 him in an unmerciful manner. The poor lad, kicked at 
 length from the gratings, and terribly bruifed befides, 
 crawled with much difficulty to the furgeon's mate. He 
 there complained, in the anguifli of his heart, of the bitter 
 treatment he had received. He then folicited a little of 
 the barley water, which is ufuallv kept for the flaves ; but 
 while he was drinking it, he feli down at the feet of the 
 furgcon's mate, and expired. 
 
 The third, and laft whom I mall mention, was a black 
 feaman, who had fhipped himfelf in England as cook of 
 the above veflel. The captain feems to have fingled out 
 this unfortunate man, as an object in which all his different 
 modes of perfecution were to centre. He knocked him 
 down almoft daily. He flogged him repeatedly on his 
 naked back with his own hands, for fo much pleafure did 
 he receive from the exercife of cruelty and oppreflion, that 
 he became the executioner on thefe occafions. He put a 
 large chain about his neck, at the end of which was 
 faftencd a log of wood. In this chain he compelled him 
 to do his duty as cook of the veflel, beating him feverely 
 in the interim, and kicking him about for his diverfion. 
 
 At one time he ordered him to be tied up for no fault 
 whatever, and he flogged him in fuch an unmerciful man- 
 ner, that it was apprehended his arm would mortify, and 
 nothing but the fkill and affiduity of the furgeon faved it 
 at laft. 
 
 At another time he was ordered by the captain into his 
 cabin. 'The pretence was this, that he had not roafted 
 the yams properly, (which is a luncheon at twelve o'clock). 
 As foon as he entered the cabin door, the inhuman wretch 
 
 for
 
 African Slave Trade. 43 
 
 for his diverfion darted a knife and fork at him. The 
 poor man fled in conftemation from the cabin. The 
 captain purfued him, and, to complete his cruelty, fet his 
 dog upon him as ufual. The animal immediately obeyed, 
 tore off" his frock, and bit him in feveral places. I muft 
 add, that it was almoft the daily practice of this barbarian 
 to fend for the above black feaman into his cabin, and to 
 divert himfelf with darting at him the inftruments before 
 mentioned, whenever he could get, what he termed, a fair 
 mark. 
 
 At another time he darted at him an inflrument which 
 "was commonly ufed for ftriking fifh. It confiited of a 
 large thick flick, with a quantity of lead at one end of it, 
 and three or four prongs or javelins at the other. This 
 inflrument was thrown at him with great force, and, 
 unlefs be had fortunately ftooped, he muft have been 
 killed, as it went juft over his head, and ftuck into the 
 boards of the barricado of the vefTel. The breaking of a 
 plate was the grand crime that had been imputed to him 
 on this occafion. 
 
 At another time he was flogged as before, and fo fe- 
 verely, that he was cut from the neck to the fmall of the 
 back in a mocking manner. When the operation was 
 over, the captain called for a bucket, in which he mixed 
 pepper and fait water, and then anointed his back, with a 
 view to increafe his pain. In fhort, fo barbarous was his 
 conduct to this poor fellow, that he became infenfible at 
 !aft, and, full of fears, and unable to walk upright, he 
 frequently crawled in his chain, like a dog, upon all fours ; 
 the captain, by his ill ufage, having reduced him both in 
 form and mind to a level with the brute creation. 
 
 Thefe are fome of the inftances of cruelty, that were 
 praftifed on the feamen of this veflel. I find it impofiible, 
 for want of time, to infert them all. I fhall therefore 
 clofe my account here, and with this obfervation, that out 
 of a crew, confifting of fifty-one perfons, there were only 
 three that efcaped the barbarity of this monfter in human 
 fhape. 
 
 The reader will probably think, from the difmal hiftory 
 now offered to his perufal, that I have at leaft Tingled out 
 a fhip, where the treatment was more unfavourable than 
 
 in
 
 44 Ok the Impolicy of the 
 
 in any other in the fame line. But I pofitively deny any 
 charge that may be brought againft me in this particular. 
 I can fpecify inftances of deliberate barbarity exercifed on 
 the bodies of Britifh feamen in this trade, that exceed any 
 I have yet defcribed ; and I aflert further, that out of the 
 captains of twenty mips, taken promifcuoufly in it, I 
 cannot find, upon a minute inveftigation, more than 
 three, whatever may be their appearance at home, that 
 are men of common humanity on their refpeitive voyages. 
 To thefe three individuals then, who, trufted with un- 
 limited power, furrounded by bad example, and placed 
 on the brink of vice from the very nature of the trade, 
 to thefe, I fay, who, in this fituation have fwerved 
 from the common practice, I take this opportutunity of 
 paying that juft tribute, which their behaviour deferves ; 
 but I prefume, that they will derive more pleafure from 
 the peace and Satisfaction in their own breads, than from 
 any publick commendation. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Before I investigate the argument adduced in the firfr. 
 fection, that theflave trade is a nurjery for our feamen^ I 
 {hall anfwur two queitions which may be Started here. 
 
 The firlt may be delivered in the following terms. 
 " Are not the fame cruelties practifed in other trades ?" 
 I make the following reply. 
 
 A certain perfon, totally unconnected with the law, had 
 no lefs than fixty-three applications made to him in three 
 months, to obtain redrefs for fuch feamen, as had ex- 
 perienced the fury of the officers of their refpective fhips. 
 Upon examination of their different cafes, it appeared, 
 that one of them had been cruelly treated on board a 
 Weft-Indiaman, and that another had been knocked down 
 and fevcrely bruifed on board an Iriflb trader. The re- 
 mainingyZv/y-3/7? were victims to the tyranny of the officers 
 before defcribed. 
 
 The firft cafe, that came to his knowledge, was that of 
 an unfortunate perfon, who had been landed from a flave- 
 veflel in a f.ckly ftate but the preceding day. He had 
 been repeatedly knocked down with the but-end of the 
 
 cat.
 
 African Slave Trade. 45 
 
 cat. His life had been rendered fo. uncomfortable, that 
 he had made three efforts to leap overboard, and deftroy 
 it. When he was taken up the laft time, he had jult 
 been faved from the jaws of a (hark that had been making 
 after him. The unfortunate man had been alfo repeatedly 
 chained to the deck of the fhip, and in that fituation had 
 been infulted and beaten by his oppreflbr. When the 
 application was made, he was in bed, and delirious. I 
 fhall obferve here, that the reft of the fame crew had been 
 treated in a barbarous manner. 
 
 In the feeond, feveral of the party prefent came to in- 
 form of a murder that had been committed on the body 
 of a Britifh feaman upon the coaft. 
 
 A third feaman had had his arm broken without any 
 provocation by the but end of a cat, an inflrument before 
 defcribed. 
 
 A fourth being ordered to catch hold of the main-top- 
 fail brace, and miftaking it for the main-top-bowling, had 
 been knocked down with a handfpike, and his arm broken 
 in two places. 
 
 A fifth received fuch treatment as the reader will hardly 
 believe ; but I muft inform him that this, as well as moil 
 of the other tranfaftions, is upon oath, and that his per- 
 fecutor has acknowledged it by the payment of a fine. 
 This unfortunate man, for a fuppofed want of care in a 
 moft trifling inftance, was ftripped naked, and chorded 
 down with his belly upon the deck. The barbarian and 
 tyrant of the fhip ftreaked his back, coolly and deliberate- 
 ly, with the end of a poker that had been heated for the 
 purpofe. I need not fay that the poor man was in the 
 greateft agonies on the occafion. 
 
 At another time, and on a like charge, while his wounds 
 were yet frefh, a large lump of pitch was melted hot upon 
 his back, and he was made to fuffer the moft excruciating 
 pain. 
 
 A fixth was treated in the following manner, as col- 
 lected from a depofition, made for the purpofe of corro- 
 borating the fact 
 
 A certain fhip was lying in the month of , and 
 
 in the river , on the coaft of Africa, for flaves. 
 
 The captain had been on fhore, but on the evening came 
 
 on
 
 4& On the Impolicy of the 
 
 on board. On being informed of a circumftance, which 
 a favourite had devifed to have happened in his abfencc 
 from the (hip, he called for a certain feaman. Without 
 any kind of inquiry, and with that impetuofity and def- 
 potifm, which mark the principal agents in this trade, he 
 immediately knocked him down, tore his fhirt from his 
 back with his own hands, and ordered him to be tied up 
 for the purpofe of flogging him. 
 
 When the poor innocent man was fufficiently fecured, 
 the captain took up the cat, which was a rope of three 
 Inches and an half in circumference, with nine tails at 
 one end of it, and a double walled knot of nearly eight 
 inches in circumference at the other. He beat him 
 alternately with each end, and frequently on the back 
 part of the head with the knot dcfcribed. When his 
 right hand was tired, he curfed it for being unable to 
 perform its office compleatly, and had then recourfe to 
 his left. 
 
 Being too much wearied at length to continue the ope- 
 ration to his own mind, he applied to an officer of the 
 fhip, and ordered him to exert his ftrength, after the 
 example given him, on the back of this innocent and un- 
 offending man. The officer felt himfelf in a fituation to 
 be obliged to comply with his commands, but ftruck him 
 only with the tail end of the inftrument before defcribed. 
 
 A fecond officer, being afterwards applied to for the 
 fame purpofe, flogged him in the fame manner, till the 
 tails of the cat were worn into (hreds, and it became no 
 longer an inftrument of pain. 
 
 By this time the captain had refted himfelf fufficiently 
 to renew the taflc. He pulled off" his jacket, tucked up 
 the fleeves of his fhirt, ordered another cat of the 
 fame kind to be brought, and ufed it in the fame manner. 
 To abbreviate this tale of woe, I fhall fay at once, that 
 the punifhment, from the time of its commencement to 
 the time of its difcontinuance, laftcd for three hours. 
 
 The unhappy man, unable to fuftain this accumulated 
 perfecution, had feinted before the operation was over ; his 
 head had hung on his fhoulder ; and, when he was taken 
 down, he lay motionlefs on the deck. 
 
 The
 
 African Slave Trade. 47 
 
 The barbarian of the fhip, not yet fatisfied with his 
 diabolical treatment of the unfortunate victim, ordered his 
 hands and feet to be fattened together, his right hand to 
 his left foot, and his left hand to his right. When this 
 was done, a rope was made faft to the {hackled limbs, 
 and, like a cade, he was hoifted up from the deck. He 
 was afterwards let down, by means of the fame rope, into 
 a boat which was then lying by the fide of the veffel. In 
 this boat, and in this confined fituation, he was left for 
 the remainder of the night. 
 
 About five o'clock on the next morning, a feaman, 
 having found his way into the boat, came up again, and 
 reported that the unfortunate man was dead. In confe- 
 quence of this, his body was brought up, and laid in the 
 waift of the veflel. Another, who was his mefimate, 011 
 coming up and feeing him there, had the curiofity to 
 examine him. In feeling above his neck, three of his 
 fingers found their way into a hole in the fkull, which he, 
 one of the deponents, faid, had been made by the double 
 walled knot of the cat before defcribed, and which had 
 been applied to him there in a moft unmerciful man- 
 ner. In withdrawing them from the wound, a great 
 quantity of blood iflued out, and came profufely upon 
 the deck. 
 
 The tyrant of the (hip, when he rofe in the morning, 
 and faw the body in its bleeding ftate, expreffed no emo- 
 tions of pity or concern, but, in a rough and imperious 
 tone, only ordered it to be buried. 
 
 It may not be amifs to remark, that the unhappy victim 
 had been in full health and vigour but the preceding night. 
 He had been uncommonly cheerful, and had played on his 
 flute juft before the tranfaction happened, while the reft of 
 the feamen danced. In the morning, however, he was 
 no more. \ 
 
 Thefe are fome additional inftances of the behaviour 
 of the captains of flave vefTels to the unfortunate people, 
 who compofe their refpective crews. Shocking as they 
 are, they will hardly give the reader an adequate idea of 
 the various cruelties txercifed upon thofe, who embark in 
 this trade, AH on board is deliberate barbarity and op- 
 
 preflion.
 
 48 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 prcffion. An unfortunate failor cannot fpeak or complain, 
 but it is an offence againft discipline, and an offence, never 
 to be forgiven ; while a Britifh admiral, the higheft cha- 
 racter on the globe, does not think it below his dignity to 
 be folicitous for the happinefs of his people, or to attend 
 to their complaints. The paltry captain of a flave veffel, 
 the moft defpicable character upon earth, is the only 
 human being who looks upon a Britifh feaman as an infe- 
 riour animal, and worthy of oppreffion and contempt. 
 
 The other inftanccs are of a fimilar nature to the firfr. 
 four, but I fhould be as weary to communicate, as the 
 reader to perufe them. If any perfon fhould confider 
 thofe, that have been already mentioned, as fufficient to 
 corroborate the cruel treatment fo generally infifted upon 
 in this trade, I fhall have neither written nor have felt 
 in vain. 
 
 The fecond queftion, that may be flartcd, is the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 " If this be the real fituation of things, how happens 
 " it that the objects of fuch tyranny and oppreffion fhould 
 " not obtain redrefs, and that our courts of law fhould 
 " not have to decide upon more cafes of this kind, than 
 u they have at prefent ? " 
 
 I anfwer, becaufe thefe objects arc generally without 
 friends and money, without which the injured will feck 
 for jufticc but in vain , and becaufe the peculiarity of their 
 fituation is an impediment to their endeavours for redrefs. 
 
 But to be more particular . Where are thefe unfor- 
 tunate people to appeal ? 
 
 " In the Weft-Indies," you will fay, where they firft 
 
 land. But here one of the magiftrates is perhaps the 
 
 perfon to whom the veffel is configned, and will not 
 
 interfere. By another, when applied to, they are termed 
 
 riers, and unworthy cither of credit or relief. 
 
 But let us follow them home to their deftined port. 
 How are they to obtain re>lrefs, or to whom alfo are they 
 ike their application here ? 
 
 You will fay, " to a gentleman of the law." But this 
 man of the law has many flave merchants for his 
 elient?, and rcfufes to be emplo)cd. 
 
 Let
 
 AFRicAN Slave Trade. 49 
 
 u Let them apply then to another." But this other 
 refufes them from a different confideratlon. He reafons 
 thus : " It will, perhaps, be a long while, on account of 
 the forms of law, before the decifion can be made. The 
 witnefles muft be forth-coming at an appointed time. But 
 who are they ? People, whofe dependence is upon t\iz fea ; 
 who look up to it for their fupport ; who will not be a month 
 on fhore before their wages will be gone, and before they 
 mutt get employment again. If they get into employ, 
 they cannot appear. If they ftay^ who is to fupport 
 them ? " 
 
 This, and other confiderations, peculiar to the fituati- 
 on and character of feamen, have hindered many from 
 taking up their caufe ; and have deprived them of that 
 redrefs, which the laws of every country ought to afford 
 them as men ; but particularly of this, which is indebted 
 to their invincible perfeverance and intrepidity for its 
 prefent grandeur and fupport. 
 
 This account, though made as concife as poffible, (for 
 I had a volume of fats to offer on this head) will, I have 
 no doubt, give the reader a yet more horrid notion of this 
 execrable trade. It is begun in iniquity ; it is continued 
 in bafenefs : and whether we refer to the unhappy flavesj 
 or the unfortunate feamen employed in it ; in fhort, 
 whether we view it at home or abroad, or confider the 
 modes adopted in the practice of it, or its effecls, it 
 equally calls for the interpofition of the legiflature, being 
 equally enormous and bafe. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 I come now to the argument, upon which fo great a 
 ftrefs has been laid, that the jlave trade is a nurfery for our 
 feamen. 
 
 The truth of this argument I deny in the moft explicit 
 
 and unequivocal manner* I affert, on the other hand, 
 
 that it is a grave for our feamen, and that it deftroys more 
 
 D in
 
 50 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 in one year, than all the other trades of Great Britain, when 
 put together, deftroy in Hvo. 
 
 To fhew this in the clearer! manner, I mail divide the 
 lofs, which the ftate experiences in her feamen by the 
 profecution of the flave trade, into three parts. The firft 
 will contain fuch as arc actually on the dead lift, while on 
 pay, and in the fervice of their refpe&ive mips. This 
 mail be immediately explained. The other two (hall be 
 each of them canvafTed in a diftintSr. fetion. 
 
 I am aware, that in attempting to afcertain the firft to the 
 fatisfadtion of the reader, I muft avoid all general aflertion, 
 and produce many of thofe particular facls, which have 
 induced me to fpeak with fo much confidence on the fub- 
 jedl. I mail therefore fubmit to his infpedtion an account 
 of the lofs fuftained by the laft eighty-eight veflels in this 
 trade, that had returned to Liverpool from their refpe&ive 
 voyages in the September of the year 1787. I give him 
 fo great a number for three reafons, firft, becaufe it in- 
 cludes all veflels both great and fmall ; fecondly, becaufe 
 it includes deftinations to all parts of the coaft ; and, 
 thirdly, becaufe it is from a number only, that any infe- 
 rence can be juftly drawn. 
 
 lojl in each* 
 
 Ships Names. Number of Seamen * lojl 
 
 Sifters, 
 
 3 
 
 Hornet, 
 
 IX 
 
 Molly, 
 
 - _I- 
 
 Fair American, 
 
 - _to 
 
 Lyon, 
 
 15 
 
 Will, 
 
 -12- 
 
 Telemachus, 
 
 8 
 
 Peggy, 
 
 - 9 
 
 Pedros Valley, 
 
 3 
 
 Doe, 
 
 3 
 
 Matty and Betty, 
 
 3 
 
 G region, 
 
 12 
 
 * Under the term loft is included thofe that died, or were 
 killed, or were drowned. Neither the captains, nor any of thofe fea- 
 men that were taken in at the Weft Indict, are included in the 
 account. 
 
 Bloom.
 
 African Slave Trade. 51 
 
 Ships Names. Number of Sea 
 
 men loji in each. 
 
 Bloom, 
 
 5 
 
 "William, 
 
 8 
 
 Brooks, 
 
 9 
 
 Vulture, 
 
 5 . 
 
 Enterprize, 
 
 3 
 
 Venus, 
 
 1 
 
 Mermaid, 
 
 6 
 
 Chriftopher, 
 
 8 
 
 Thomas, - 
 
 2 
 
 Africa, - 
 
 2 
 
 Little Joe, 
 
 1 
 
 Prefident, - - 
 
 8 
 
 Mary Ann, - 
 
 IL 
 
 Madam Pookata, 
 
 3 
 
 Hinde, - 
 
 2 
 
 Mary, - 
 
 6 
 
 Brothers, 
 
 4 
 
 Chambers, 
 
 7 
 
 Vale, - - - 
 
 1 
 
 John, - - 
 Benfon, - - 
 
 12- 
 
 3 
 
 Mary, - 
 
 3 
 
 Gafcoyne, - 
 
 11 
 
 Bud, - 
 
 5 
 
 EfTex, - 
 
 8 
 
 Elliott, - - 
 
 7 
 
 KingPeppIe, - 
 
 5 
 
 Juba, - 
 
 9 
 
 Garland, 
 
 "I 
 
 Mofsley Hill, 
 
 Mary, - - 
 
 9 
 
 Cato, - 
 
 10 
 
 Darnal, 
 
 10 
 
 Tarleton, 
 
 5 
 
 Africa, - 
 
 JL2- 
 
 Quixote, 
 
 4 
 
 Hero, - - 
 
 8 
 
 Rofe, - 
 
 12 
 
 James, - 
 
 8 
 
 D 2 
 
 Oronooko,
 
 52 
 
 On the Impolicy or the 
 
 Ships Names. 
 
 Number of Seamen lojl in each. 
 
 Oronooko, - 
 
 6 
 
 
 Blaydes, 
 
 j| 
 
 Kitty, 
 
 5 
 
 Tartar, - 
 
 JS 
 
 Golden Age, - 
 
 IX 
 
 Fancy, - 
 
 7 
 
 Ally, - - - - 
 
 JU 
 
 Mungo, - 
 
 2 
 
 lane, - 
 George, 
 
 7 
 
 Hornet, ' - - 
 
 *3 
 
 Sarah," - - "- 
 
 
 
 Venus, - 
 
 2 
 
 
 Mary, - 
 
 G 
 
 
 Mary, 
 
 5 
 
 
 Jemmy, - 
 Lord Stanley, 
 
 2 
 
 
 5 
 
 Madam Pookata, 
 
 I 
 
 Mercer, 
 
 Hannah, 
 
 3 
 
 Fanny, - - 
 
 Z 
 
 Mary Ann, 
 
 6 
 
 Mofsley Hill, 
 
 5 
 
 Chambers, - 
 
 o 
 
 Will, - 
 
 % 
 
 Vulture, - 
 
 jk 
 
 Crefcent, - 
 
 "~o 
 
 Colonel, - - 
 
 7 
 
 Gregfon, " 
 
 6 
 
 Little Joe, - - 
 
 4 
 
 Favourite, 
 
 \i 
 
 Peggy, - 
 
 
 Maria, - 
 
 
 Enterprise, 
 
 5 
 
 Heart of Oak, 
 
 i 
 
 Bloom, 
 
 9 
 
 Ingram, - 
 
 If 
 
 Total loft 
 
 631 
 
 
 Employed 3082 
 
 The
 
 African Slave Trade. 53 
 
 The reader will fee, by cafting his eye on the preceding 
 lift, that the Jlave trade cannot pojjibly be a nurfcry for our 
 Jeamen, for it clearly appears from thence, that if we refer 
 the eftimate to the number of Jhips^ every veflel, that fails 
 from the port of Liverpool in this trade lofes more than 
 /even of her crew, and that if we refer it to the number 
 of feamen employed, more than a fifth perifh. 
 
 This has been the invariable proportion for the port of 
 Liverpool for many years ; and I mould have ftated it 
 to the reader without the preceding lift, but that I thought 
 it would be more fatisfa&ory to him to fee at leaft a part 
 of the foundation, on which it had been raifed. 
 
 The other ports alfo have had, in confequence of the 
 feme kind of inveftigation, their different proportions of 
 lofs afligned them, which are fo accurate, that if applied 
 to any number of (hips taken promifcuoufly, and exceed- 
 ing twenty, they wril be found to anfwer on almoft every 
 occafion. Thefe, with the former, I fhatt now ftate 
 without referve. 
 
 Firft : Every veflel that fails from the port of Liverpool 
 to the coaft of Africa, lofes on an average more than (even. 
 of her crew, or a fifth of the whole number employed. 
 
 Secondly : Every vefTel from the port of Briftol lofes 
 on an average nearly nine, or almoft a fourth of the whole 
 crew. 
 
 Thirdly : Every vefTel from the port of London lofes 
 more than eight, and between a fourth and a fifth of the 
 whole complement of her men. 
 
 By thefe ftatements it will appear, that if we compound 
 the lofs at the different ports of this kingdom, which are 
 ufed for the profecution of the flave trade, every veflel 
 may be faid to lofe more than eight of her crew and if 
 we refer the lofs to the number employed, between a fourth 
 and a fifth may be faid to perifh. To thefe obfervations 
 I fhall only add, that in the year 1786, eleven hundred 
 and twenty-five feamen will be found upon the dead l\ft % 
 in confequence of this execrable trade. 
 
 D 3 SECTION II.
 
 54 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 The feccnd part of the lofs, mentioned in the preceding 
 fection, is now to be confidcred. It will be found to con- 
 tain fuch, as are annually difllpated in the Wejl-Inates after 
 their difcharge from their refpe&ive fhips ; and of whom, 
 from this period, the mufter rolls give no farther 
 account. 
 
 Some of the flave veflels, which arrive in the Weft- 
 Indies, have perhaps experienced but little mortalitv m 
 their crews. It is clear, in this cafe, that many of the 
 fcamen on board become fupernumerary for the remainder 
 pf the voyage. 
 
 Others again bring them in, in fo weak and impaired a 
 Hate, that they are confidered as incapable of navigating 
 the veflels home. 
 
 Thefe circumftances therefore occafton many of them to 
 be difcharged there. The ficlc are fometimes forced on fhore 
 in the night previous to the departure of the veflel home, 
 and are left to fhift for themfelvcs, though the very a& of 
 difcharging them in the colonies, even in a reputable way, is 
 contrary to law : while others are fo tired of the vovagc, fo 
 difgufted at the treatment which they have received, and 
 fo much in want of reft and comfort, that they chufe 
 rather to forfeit the whole of their wages, and defert, than 
 to return home in the fame fhip. 
 
 It appears then, that many of the feamen, for the rea- 
 fons given, have left, or have been obliged to leave, their 
 refpe&ive veflels, either on the arrival of thefe in the Weft- 
 Indie?, or before their departure home. It will be now 
 proper to follow them, and to fee their fate. 
 
 Some of thefe, as opportunity offers, make application 
 to fuch fhips, either employed in this or another line, as 
 are returning to England, and procure a birth. But the 
 demand being not equal to the -employment of more than 
 half of thofc who are fet adrift, a considerable number are 
 annually Lft behind. Anvng thefe then, the refidue 
 that are unemployed, is to be traced the fecond part 
 of the lofs, which I mentioned to have originated in the 
 profecution of the trade. 
 
 To
 
 African Slave Trade. 55 
 
 To attempt to afccrtain it, (which I prefume will be 
 no difficult talk) I fhall confine myfelf to one particular 
 year. 
 
 In the year 1786 were employed in the 1 Seamen> 
 
 Slave trade, in round numbers j _ 
 
 Of this number came home with the vefTels 2320 
 Upon the dead lift were - 1 1 30 
 
 Difcharged in Africa, and not accounted 7 g 
 
 for by other vefTels - J 
 
 Difcharged and deferted in the Weft- 7 
 
 Indies 
 
 5000 
 
 Taken up in the place of thofe difcharged 1 , 
 or deferted . - 3 
 
 It will be now no difficult matter to afcertain the point 
 in queftion. It has been juft ftated, that fourteen hundred 
 andfeventy feamen were put adrift in the colonies in the 
 year 1786, and that only * fix hundred and ten were taken 
 up in their ftead. It remains therefore only to inquire of 
 whom this body confifted, that we.re thus taken up in the 
 year 1786, as fubftitutes for thofe, who were fet adrift 
 within the fame period. 
 
 * To fhew that this trade is perfectly fyftematick and produ&ive of the 
 fame effedls, I fhall fubjoin the ftate of four or five lots of fhips, taken 
 promifcuoufly for the purpofe. 
 
 D If charged or deferted in the IVefi-Indifs. 
 
 Taken up in their Jlcad, 
 
 In 24 fhips in the Slave-trade 334 
 In 24 others 1 211 
 
 140 
 88 
 
 In 24 others - 209 
 In 24 others - 20^ 
 In 16 others -. 155 
 
 86 
 73 
 
 7* 
 
 1114, 459 
 
 The reader will fee from hence, that there is a continual difgorge- 
 ment of feamen from thefe veflels into the iflands, and not a drawback. 
 of one-half by the fame. 
 
 D 4 Let
 
 56 On the Impolicy op the 
 
 Let us fuppofc firft, that thefe fix hundred and ten fub- 
 ftitutes were all of them Guinea feamen. Then it is 
 clear, that each of the flave veflels, which arrived laft in 
 the colonies, mult have taken up a part of thofe which 
 the preceding had left behind ; that thofe, who were thus 
 taken up, muft have been a part of the fame that were 
 difcharged ; and that eight hundred and ftxty remain to be 
 accounted for in that year. 
 
 Let us fuppofe fecondly, that they were Weft-India 
 feamen, who ran from their refpective (hips, and that none 
 of the fourteen hundred and feventy were taken up by the 
 flave veflels in the given time. Then it is clear, that the 
 Weft-Indiamen muft have wanted an equal number of 
 hands to fupply the places of thofe that had left them. 
 For this fupply fet off an equal number taken from the 
 fourteen hundred and feventy before mentioned. This 
 will be only changing hands, and the balance will remain 
 as before. 
 
 Let us fuppofe thirdly, (which is the real cafe) that they 
 confifted of both, that is, that a part of the fubftitutes 
 were taken from the Weft-Indiamen, and the remaining 
 part from the flave veflTels. Then it is equally evident, 
 that the refult will be the fame. So that, in whatever 
 point of view wc confider the cafe, it will appear, that 
 only fix hundred and ten feamen out of the whole number 
 deferting or difcharged have yet found their way out of 
 the colonies, and of courfe, that eight hundred and ftxty 
 yet remain to be accounted for in the expenditure of the 
 year 1786. 
 
 This being the cafe, I muft now inquire what became 
 of the latter, for they compofe a number too ferious to be 
 pafled over without a rigid inveftigation. 
 
 It will be faid, that they came home in the Weft-India- 
 men. But I reply, that the Weft-Indiamen have already 
 received a lufficient number to replace thofe of their own 
 feamen, who were taken up by the flave veflels in that 
 year, and th:it the balance is ftill the fame. If there- 
 fore any were wanted by the former veflels, it could be 
 only to fupply the places of fuch as died, or were loft on 
 board them. 
 
 This
 
 African Slave Trade. 57 
 
 This lofr, on a fuppofition that fix hundred fail of 
 veflels were employed in the Weft-Indies from Great 
 Britain in the year 1786, was not more than that of one 
 hundred andfixty feamen, fo that fevn hundred (admitting 
 the lofs to have been fo fupplied) rauft have been ftill left 
 in the colonics. 
 
 It will be now faid, that the remainder went into the 
 King's fervice. Shall I referve two hundred of them for 
 this purpofe, a much greater number than were ever wanted 
 annually as recruits in the time of peace ? What became of 
 the reft, fox five hundred ftill remain to be accounted for. 
 
 The truth is, that they were loft for ever to the ftate, 
 and that this number will ftill continue to be annually loft, 
 fo long as the trade is profecuted to its prefent extent. 
 
 In the following picture may be ken the fate of the 
 unemployed remains of thofe, who are thus annually fet 
 adrift in the colonies. 
 
 Some of thefe, in an infirm and debilitated ftate of 
 health, (the reafons of which will be given in a future 
 chapter) and rather (hadows in their appearance than men y 
 are foon carried to the hofpitals, and die there. 
 
 Others, to forget their fufferings, and to have a little 
 relaxation after the hardships and feverities they have 
 experienced, indulge themfelves on fhore. They drinlc new 
 rum. Their habit of body is unable to bear it, and they 
 fall victims, I will not fay to their intemperance, but to 
 the nature of the trade, which has brought them firft into 
 a debilitated ftate, and has then put them adrift to effect 
 their own cure. Thefe are feen in the ftreets * dying 
 daily in an ulcerated ftate, objects both of commiferation 
 and horror. Their fituation immediately points them out 
 as the remains of the crew of a flave vefTel : but they fall 
 without pity, without friends, without a look but of con- 
 tempt from the hardened multitude that pafTes by. 
 
 Others, without friends, and without money, wander 
 about in the different iflands, and beg from door to door, 
 till overpowered by heat, hunger, and fatigue, they fall 
 equally unpitied, and fhare the fate of their former 
 friends. 
 
 * Particularly in Jamaica. 
 
 Others,
 
 58 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 Others, upon feeing all thefe calamities, and addi- 
 tionally fo hurt on account of the brutal feverities exercifed 
 upon them, and the want of protection and redrefs, de- 
 termine to embark for America, there to fpend the re- 
 mainder of their days : and fo invincible has been the 
 refolution of many of them in this refpect, that, deftitute 
 of money, they have fuffered themfelves to die with hun- 
 ger, fooner than embark In any fhip that belonged to their 
 own country. 
 
 In thefe different ways are many of the brave but unfor- 
 tunate feamen, who are put adrift in the colonies from the 
 veflels before defcribed, loft additionally to the ftate, and 
 in fuch a proportion, that not lefs than five hundred 
 annually, in the time of the * peace eftablifhment, or 
 about four to every veffel, may be added, as loft in the 
 Wejl- Indies, to thofe upon the dead lift, that are martyr* 
 to this inhuman trade. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 I come now to the third part of the lofs, which the 
 ftate experiences. This may be traced in fuch of the 
 feamen as, having left the colonics either in their own or 
 in other fhips, have returned home. 
 
 Some of thefe, and not an inconsiderable number, when 
 we view them as feamen, go blind in confequencc of the 
 voyage, and become in future for ever dead as naval fub- 
 jeets to the ftate. 
 
 Others, worn out and landed from the fhips in a weak 
 and emaciated condition, are carried to the infirmaries, 
 and die there. 
 
 Others, labouring under the fcurvv, rheumatifm, and a 
 complication of diforders, contracted from the very nature 
 of the voyage, become incurable. Their whole habit is 
 fo broken down and relaxed, that oedematous (welling* Uf 
 the confequence in their legs, and they are cut oft' front 
 all chance or poflibility of purfuing a naval life. Others, 
 that have been maimed or ill treated, arc in the fame 
 
 * The peace efbbliflunent in this trade confifts of about one hundred 
 and thirty vcll'cU. 
 
 take
 
 African Slave Trade. 59 
 
 fituatlon. While others again, difgufted at the barbarous 
 treatment, excrcifed upon them, and perhaps in their firft 
 voyages, become disheartened, relinquifh the fea, and be- 
 take themfelves to thofe occupations which they left, or of 
 which they have moft knowledge. 
 
 Thefe are the different ways in which the third part 
 of the lofs is occafioned ; and if we include thofe who 
 become blind, and die in the infirmaries, and are 
 rendered by ill treatment and a complication of difor- 
 ders incapable of purfuing the fea, and who relinquifh it 
 from difgulr, it will be a very moderate ftatement to fay, 
 (-at leaft as far as my inquiries have yet reached) that three 
 naval fubjets are additionally loft to the ftate by every 
 veflel, even out of thofe who return home. 
 
 Thefe obfervations being put together, and the whole 
 lofs, including thofe that were upon the dead lift, and 
 thofe that were loft in the colonies, and thofe that died 
 and were rendered unferviceable at home, being eftimated, 
 it cannot be ftated, that lefs than fifteen feamen in every 
 veflel, or nineteen hundred and Jifty out of the whole 
 number employed, were loft to the fervice of this country 
 by the profecution of the flave trade in the year * 1786. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Having now ftated the aftual lofs, which the vefiels 
 experience in this trade, I come to the comparative ; for I 
 have faid that the flave trade was not only a grave for our 
 feamen, but thatfft deftroyed more in one year than all the 
 other trades of Great Britain, when put together, deftroy 
 in two.^\ 
 
 For this purpofe, I fhall exhibit the lofs fuftained in 
 feveral trades, confining myfelf to a certain number of 
 vefles taken promifcuoufly in each. 
 
 * The lofs, ftated in the year 17S6, will be nearly applicable to that of 
 the year J 787, or any other year of what may be called the peace eftab- 
 li/hment in this trade 5 for in any fuch years, nearly the fame number 
 will be found on the dead lift j the fame nnmber difcharged in the 
 colonics; the fame number taken up in their places; and the fame 
 number dead, and rendered unferviceable at homej -fo fyftematick (as I 
 cbftrved in a former note) is this trade. 
 
 An
 
 On the Impolicy or the 
 
 An Account of the LOSS fuftained in Twenty-four 
 Slave VefTels from the Port of Bristol. 
 
 Ships Names. Number of Seamen loji. 
 
 Africa 
 
 - 
 
 7 
 
 Pearl 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 - 
 
 11 
 
 Heaor 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Emilia 
 
 _ 
 
 8 
 
 Conftantine 
 
 . 
 
 ji 
 
 Alfred 
 
 m 
 
 6 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 - 
 
 H 
 
 Sally 
 
 - 
 
 7 
 
 Wafp 
 
 - 
 
 3 
 
 Little Hornet 
 
 w 
 
 6 
 
 Royal Charlotte 
 
 - 
 
 J 4 
 
 Tryal 
 
 - 
 
 6 
 
 Emilia 
 
 - 
 
 9 
 
 Alexander -r- 
 
 - 
 
 9 
 
 Little Pearl 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Mermaid 
 
 . 
 
 2 
 
 Wafp 
 
 - 
 
 6 
 
 Brothers 
 
 - 
 
 3* 
 
 Thomas 
 
 - 
 
 8 
 
 Emilia 
 
 - 
 
 3 
 
 Alert 
 
 . 
 
 4 
 
 Royal Charlotte 
 
 - 
 
 2 
 
 Alexander 
 
 - 
 
 15 
 
 216 
 
 An
 
 African Slave Trade. 6i 
 
 An Account of the LOSS fuftained in Twenty- four 
 East-Indiamen. 
 
 Ships Names, Number of Seamen lo/f. 
 
 Manfhip 7 
 
 William Pitt - 13 
 
 Duke of Montrofe - 10 
 
 Earl Cornwallis. - 4 
 
 Phoenix 23 
 
 Northumberland - - 6 
 Ranger 
 
 Southampton - 
 
 Chapman - - 4- 
 
 Kent - - IX 
 
 Stormont - - . 9 
 
 Royal Charlotte - 9 
 
 Contra&or - - 5 
 
 Bridgewater - - 2 
 
 Neptune *.',-" " 
 
 Vanfittart - - - -7 
 
 EarlTalhot -- - 20 
 
 Valentine - - - 
 
 Lord North - - 3 
 
 Ganges - - 1 3 
 
 Sulivan - - - . 7 
 
 Carnatic - -2 
 
 Pitt - - - - . 3 
 
 . Berrington - - 19 
 
 2or 
 
 An
 
 6z On the Impolicy or the 
 
 An Account of the LOSS fuftained in Twenty-four 
 West-Indiamen. 
 
 Ships Names. 
 
 Number of St 
 
 Good Hope 
 Exeter 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 Venus 
 
 o 
 
 Charles 
 
 o 
 
 Juno 
 
 o 
 
 Colin 
 
 o 
 
 Albion 
 
 o 
 
 Mercury 
 St. Thomas 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 Druid 
 
 3 
 
 Induftry 
 
 Apollo 
 
 Saville 
 
 o 
 
 -.: O 
 O 
 
 Fanny 
 Jarrett 
 Lord North 
 
 O 
 O 
 O 
 
 Triton 
 
 I 
 
 Fame 
 
 o 
 
 Union Ifland 
 
 o 
 
 Mercury 
 Generous Planter 
 
 o 
 I 
 
 Difpatch 
 Salter 
 
 I 
 
 o 
 
 Pilgrim 
 
 o 
 
 An
 
 African Slave Trade. 63 
 
 An Account of the LO S S fuftained in Twenty-four 
 Veflels in the Petersburgh Trade. 
 
 Ships Names* Number of Seamen lojf. 
 
 Exeter o 
 
 Nancy - o 
 
 Three Sifters o 
 
 Jofeph o 
 
 Exeter - - o 
 
 Baltick Merchant o 
 
 Three Sifters - - o 
 
 Three Sifters - o 
 
 Polly o 
 
 Sally o 
 
 Three Sifters o 
 
 Polly o 
 
 Three Sifters - o 
 
 Monmouth o 
 
 Baltick Merchant - o 
 
 Monmouth o 
 
 Baltick Merchant - 1 
 
 Monmouth o 
 
 Sally - o 
 
 Baltick Merchant 1 
 
 Sally - o 
 Monmouth - - - o 
 
 Sally o 
 
 Monmouth - o 
 
 * The PeteWburg trade, at Brlftol, where I collected forne of my 
 papers, being lmall, 1 have been obliged to take the faras fhip for threat 
 r four yoyages. 
 
 An
 
 64 OK the Impolicy of the 
 
 An Account of the LOSS fuftained in Twenty-four 
 veflels in the Newfoundland Trade. 
 
 Ships Names. Number of Seamen Ii/L 
 
 Surprife 
 
 o 
 
 Somerfet 
 
 o 
 
 Catherine 
 
 o 
 
 Jenny - 
 
 o 
 
 Little Robert 
 
 o 
 
 Unity - 
 
 o 
 
 Nancy - 
 
 I 
 
 Briftol Packet - 
 
 p 
 
 Friends - 
 
 o 
 
 Ripley - - 
 
 o 
 
 Harbourgrace Packet 
 
 o 
 
 AcYive - 
 
 o 
 
 Ann 
 
 o 
 
 Mermaid - 
 
 o 
 
 Surprife 
 
 I 
 
 Brothers 
 
 o 
 
 Fly 
 
 o 
 
 Catherine 
 
 o 
 
 Betfey - 
 
 o 
 
 Friendfliip 
 
 o 
 
 Jenny 
 Nancy 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 Sally - 
 
 o 
 
 Nancy - 
 
 o 
 
 An
 
 African Slave Trade; 65 
 
 Aft Account of the LOSS fuftained in Twenty -four 
 Greenlandmen. 
 
 Ships Names. Number of Seamen lojf, 
 
 William and John - o 
 
 Lyon - - o 
 
 Betty - - o 
 
 Peggy - - - o 
 
 Lyon - - 2 
 
 Philippa - o 
 
 William - o 
 
 Sarah o 
 
 Leviathan - o 
 
 Pilgrim - - o 
 
 John - o 
 
 Grampus o 
 
 Golden Lyon - o 
 
 Brilliant - - 1 
 
 James - - o 
 
 Anfdell - - - o 
 
 Whale - - o 
 
 Margaret - - 1 
 
 Peggy . - - o 
 
 Argus 6 
 
 Betty - - o 
 
 Swan o 
 
 Fifher 1 
 
 Seacome * - o 
 
 To
 
 66 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 To recapitulate, the account will ftand thus : 
 
 In twenty-four Slave veflels 216* 
 
 Eaft-Indh:i 201 
 
 Weft-Indiaa 6 
 
 . Greenland 5 
 
 Petcrfburg 2 
 
 Newfoundland 2 
 
 But this ftatement, though it exhibits the lofs fuftained 
 in an equal number of veflels in different trades, does not 
 yet give us that juft comparative view, which the cafe 
 requires. Some of thefe were confiderably longer on their 
 Voyage, and carried a much greater number of men, than 
 others. Thefe two circumftances, therefore, are to be 
 reduced to an equilibrium. We muft put an equal num- 
 ber of hands into the different trades. We muft make 
 them ferve for an equal time ; and the lofs, which 
 each would experience under thefe circumftances, will be 
 the true comparative lofs. 
 
 I will not trouble the reader to follow me through the 
 procefs of thefe calculations. I fhall therefore inform 
 him immediately, that in raifing the time and number in 
 fome, and reducing them in others, to a juft equilibrium,, 
 the account will ftand thus : 
 
 200 
 
 In 910 feamen employed in theBriftolflave-vefTcls 
 for one year, will be loft more than 
 
 In 910 in Eaft-Indiamen 37 
 
 In 910 in Weft-Indiamen 21 
 
 In 910 in the Petcrfburg trade 10 J- 87 
 
 In 910 in the Newfoundland trade 10 
 
 In 910 1 in the Greenland trade 9 
 
 } 
 
 ! 
 
 Having
 
 African Slave Trade. '67 
 
 Having now Furnifhed a comparative view of the lofs 
 fuftained in fome of the trades that are carried on by the 
 fubjeiSts of this country, I will venture to aflert, that if 
 we except the Have trade, all the reft of them put together 
 did not diflipate more than nine hundred feamen in the 
 year 1786. In the fame year were deftroyed by the flave 
 trade nineteen hundred and fifty. . So that the truth of my 
 former aflertion, " that this iniquitous trade deftroys 
 ** more, in one year, than all the other trades of Great y 
 kc Britain, when put together, deftroy in two," will but 
 too manifeftly appear. 
 
 The account, which I have now given, including many 
 particular facts, will, I doubt not, have fufficient weight 
 with the difinterefted Britifh reader to overturn the 
 argument, which has never been infilled upon but in 
 general terms, that the flave trade is a nurfery for our 
 feamen. The reverfe, I apprehend, will ftrike him in a 
 Very forcible light ; and, if I do not anticipate too haftily, 
 tannot but be productive of pain. That every fhip, fo 
 occupied and employed, fhould be attended with fuch a 
 lofs as has been fpecified, is a circumftance, fo melancholy . 
 in itfelf, and fo fatal in its confequences, that it muft fill 
 him with alarm and horror j and he will wait with painful 
 anxiety for the fuppreffion of a trade, which fo manifeftly 
 tends to wound his country in its vital parts. In vain will 
 its advocates plead with him, that the chain of com- 
 merce will be broken^ or that a part of the mercantile 
 Fabrick of the nation will be thrown down. Let them 
 remember, that it has been raifed at the expence of the 
 pillars of the ftate ; and that no emolument whatever, which 
 individuals can obtain from the trade, tan ever be thought a 
 fufficient compenfation for fo great and Jo national a lofs+ 
 
 E 7. CHAP. VI.
 
 68 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 I muft now inquire, whether the trade in the natural 
 
 produ&ions of the country would be equally detrimental 
 
 to the ftate ; for it will immediately be alleged, that the 
 
 veiTels, in which it is to be conducted, muft go to the 
 
 Jame coa/L 
 
 I fhall anfwer this objection in the mod explicit man- 
 ner, by endeavouring to prove, that if the fame fhips and 
 men were to go into the trade propofed, they would not 
 experience an equal lofs. 
 
 This I mall attempt to demonftrate by recurring to the 
 caufes of the lofs defcribed, and by (hewing thefe caufes 
 to be chiefly peculiar to the trade in flaves, or fuch as 
 would ceafe to exift, were the trade abolijked. 
 
 The firft will be found upon the coaft. 
 
 On the windward coaft a confiderabie part of the cargo 
 of flaves is procured by open boats. Thefe boats are 
 continually beating about, and watching the fignals made 
 upon the fliore. They proceed to the diftance of twenty 
 or thirty leagues, and are often abfent for three weeks 
 from the fhip. During this time, they are expofed to the 
 inclemency of the weather, night and day, which becomes 
 frequently the occafion of their death. Some of thefe 
 boats are upfet, and the feamen loft. 
 
 Others go up the rivers, and are abfent for an equal 
 time. The days are exceftively hot, and the dews are 
 exceflively cold and heavy. Thofc, who are fent upon 
 this fervice, are confidered as |devoted. Some never 
 return with the boats. The reft come on board, and 
 often die. 
 
 This mortality is to be attributed to two caufes ; partly 
 to the uncertainty of the trade, which makes the long and 
 conftant ufe of thefe boats fo neceflary j and partly to the 
 climate. 
 
 In the trade propofed, no fuch uncertainty would be 
 found. The feafons for the different crops, (not like the 
 feafons for human flefh) would be periodical and regular. 
 Storc-houfes would be built at convenient places. The 
 
 natives
 
 African Slave Trade. 69 
 
 natives up the river would bring down their produce in 
 their canoes. The ufe of open boats would in this refpect 
 be precluded, and one of the caufes of the prefent lofs 
 would be removed. 
 
 With refpet. to the climate, it requires but little know- 
 ledge or experience to fay, that it may be fubje&ed to 
 human art. Other countries, now civilized were for- 
 merly inhofpitable to ftrangers, but haye become habita- 
 ble by all. Such would be the cafe with the regions of 
 Africa in the new intercourfe pointed out. For if the 
 country, which is now a foreft, were cleared j if the 
 lands were put into cultivation, if the fwamps were 
 drained, and fuch other events were to take place, as 
 would be the certain effects of eftablifhing the trade 
 propofed, the caufes of this mortality to ftrangers would 
 gradually decreafe, the dews would be moderated, the rains 
 and tornadoes become lefs frequent and violent, and the 
 climate be as healthy as any other in any region of the 
 globe. 
 
 Other caufes of the lofs, which the ftate expe- 
 riences in her feamen by the profecution of the trade, 
 will be found both upon the coaft and on the middle 
 pafTage. 
 
 The firft of thefe may be traced in infurre&ions, in 
 confequence of which feveral of them have loft their lives. 
 
 The fecond in the communication of thofe diforders, 
 with which the flaves are attacked. Among thefe is prin- 
 cipally the flux, which is contagious, and which feveral 
 of the feamen, who are often obliged to be among them, 
 cannot poffiWy efcape. 
 
 The above two caufes, it is evident, could have no 
 exiftence in the trade propofed, as the commodities, which 
 the veffels would then carry, could neither rife up againft, 
 nor fpread an infection among their crews. 
 
 A third may be found in that barbarous and oppref- 
 five treatment, which has been defcribed. This treatment 
 occafions the death of fome, and renders others incapable 
 of purfuing the fame line of life on their return home. 
 This caufe would immediately be removed, as it is peculiar, 
 and wholly to be attributed to the nature of this execrable 
 E 3 t trade.
 
 70 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 trade. It is a fact, that men have embarked in it who 
 have been considered as men of humanity, and that the 
 fame people in a little time have been totally altered, and 
 aiftinguifhed by the appellation of brutes. Nor is the 
 change wonderful. The unbounded power, which the 
 captains of flave veflels poflefs, could be exercifed but 
 by few with propriety, and is in general too much for the 
 human mind to bear, without degenerating into tyranny 
 and oppreffion. The fcenes too, which they muft con- 
 ftantly be accuftomed to behold, harden the heart, rob it 
 of its finer feelings, and at length create a ferocity that, 
 accompanied with the other effe&s, renders them rather 
 monfters than men. 
 
 The fourth is to be traced in bad living. The crews 
 of thefe veflels have not only to ftruggle with the difad- 
 vantages defcribed, but additionally with thofc of hunger 
 and thirft, which render them emaciated and weak, and 
 confpire, with other caufes, to pull them down, and to 
 fubdue them. They are in general half ' jlarvd, and are 
 often reduced to the neceflity of begging their victuals of 
 the flaves. The latter, with a generofity and commifera- 
 tion, that muft ever be the fevereft cenfure on their 
 enflavers, convey to them privately through the gratings 
 the folicited relief. 
 
 Water too, in a quantity fufEcient to fatisfy their thirft, 
 is fcarcely to be obtained, A gun -barrel is carried to the 
 topmaft head, aud fufpended there. The failor, who wants 
 to drink, is obliged to fetch it down. He then puts it 
 into a caflc of water, and applying his mouth to the 
 muzzle, fucks the liquid up. When he has done with it, 
 he carries it to its former place. Manv, who are fick and 
 infirm, go without their water, or fufFer as long as they 
 can, fooner than attempt to fetch the inftrument for ob- 
 taining it in their feeble ftate. 
 
 This prohibition of a fufEcient quantity of water and 
 provifions, the want of which greatly impoverishes their 
 blood, and renders them more fufceptible of impreflion 
 from the various caufes of difeafe, is wholly to be afcribed 
 to the nature of the trade : for the time which a veflel 
 may ftay upon the coaft, or be upon the middle paiTage, 
 
 is
 
 African Slave Trade. 71 
 
 is fo uncertain^ and ffb number on board to be daily fup- 
 ported fo great, that the officers are under the neceffity of 
 acting with the parfimony defcribed. 
 
 The fifth originates in the following manner : When 
 the flaves are brought on board, the feamen, to make 
 room for them, are turned out of their apartments between 
 the decks. )uring their ftay in the rivers, a place of 
 retreat is made for them, but this, on their departure from 
 the coaft, is obliged to be taken down. From this period 
 they either fleep on the open deck, or in the tops of the 
 veflel. In fome vefTels they are permitted to fleep in the 
 boat, whichis fufpended under thebooms, with a tarpawling 
 oyer them ufuallv full of holes. But in general they are left 
 deftitute of a covering, and are expofed through the whole 
 of the middle pafTage to all the inclemency of the weather. 
 If it rains, they muft. unavoidably be wet, and in that 
 condition they muft unavoidably continue, as they have 
 jio place of fhelter, in which they can put their heads. 
 From this bad lodging, and this continual expofure to 
 colds and damps, and fuddenly afterwards to a burning 
 fun, fevers originate, which carry many of them off; and 
 as to fome of thofe who furvive, fuch confirmed rheuma- 
 tifms are the confequence, as to render them afterwards 
 burthenfome to themfelves, and unferviceable to the 
 ftate. 
 
 Nor is this the only effect, which this continual vicif- 
 fitude from heat to extreme dampnefs and cold, has upon 
 fome of the furviving crew. Inflammatory fevers, as I 
 obferved before, necefTarily attack them. Thefe fevers 
 affect the whole frame. The eye, from the tendernefs 
 and delicacy of its texture, and its fufceptibility beyond 
 that of any other organ, feels the inflammation moft. 
 This inflammation terminates either in difperfion or fup- 
 puration. In the firft mftance, the eyes are faved. In 
 the latter, they are loft. Thus many of thofe who fur- 
 vive, though they afterwards regain their health, are ren- 
 dered incapable, in confequence of the 1 lofs of their fight, 
 of purfuing a naval life. This caufe, as productive of 
 the two different effects now mentionedj is to be found 
 only in .the trade in flaves. 
 
 E 4 The
 
 7? Om the Impolicy of the 
 
 The fixth, and laft which I fhall r^ention, is the great 
 length of time in which they are made to live upon fak 
 provisions without any intermiflion, indulgencies being 
 feldom or ever given them, as in other trades. The 
 reafon of fuch a niggardly conduct in their employers is 
 this, that the Have trade is fo much more hazardous than 
 the reft, that every pitiful faving muft be made. Thefe 
 fait provifions, that are equally adminiftered to them in 
 health or ficknefs, vitiate the juices. Every fear, that is, 
 accidentally raifed upon their flefh, becomes an ulcer. 
 Thefe ulcers are hardly ever to be cured j and fo affected 
 have been the bones of many of them with thefe fcorbu- 
 tick diforders, that a probe has been put through them 
 with eafc ; and fo thin their blood, that it has difcharged 
 itfelf at the ulcerated places. In this unhappy ftate, many 
 of them, as I have obferved before, are difcharged in the 
 Weft Indies, and die there, while fome of thofe, who are 
 fo fortunate as to get home, become incurable. 
 
 It is clear, that if the trade prapofed were eftablifhed, 
 this caufe would be immediately removed. The whole 
 length of the voyage would be only five months. Frefb, 
 provifions could be afforded them on the coaft : and if a 
 feaman fell fick, he would foon be carried to fea, (not as 
 in a flave veffel, to encounter with new and fatal diforders 
 on the middle paffage) but in a wholefome fhip, foon to 
 experience the effects of his native air. 
 
 From the fcurvy then, as arifing from hence, and from 
 the flux, rhcumatifm, and other complaints, as arifing 
 from the caufes afligned, fuch a complication of diforders 
 is fixed upon fome of thofe that return, that it is a doubt 
 whether the flave trade does not.even render more unfer- 
 viceable, than it deftrays : and a perfon need only iee the 
 crews of the flave veffels land, and trace them to their 
 refpe&ive homes, or vifit the infirmaries of the place, to 
 be convinced of the melancholy truth of this affertion. 
 
 Thefe being caufes then, which are chiefly peculiar ta 
 the flave trade, or fuch as would be removed by its aboli- 
 tion, it is clear, that any veffels, going to the fame coaft 
 for different commodities, could not poflibly be liable to 
 an equal lofs. As a proof of this, (for in a cafe where 
 
 fuch
 
 African Slave Trade. 73. 
 
 fuch oppofition may be expected, I will not even hazard a 
 juft inference where a proof can be obtained) I mall fub- 
 mit to the infpe&ion of the reader the following lift of ten 
 wood veflels, taken promifcuoufly, as they returned home 
 to the fame port, from the year 1781 to the Auguft of the 
 year 1787. 
 
 Ships Names. Number of Men. 
 
 Number 
 
 of Mm Io/I, 
 
 Tryal 
 
 12 
 
 
 2 
 
 Lively 
 
 20 
 
 
 2 
 
 Rebecca 
 
 20 
 
 
 7 
 
 Lyon 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 Rebecca 
 
 16 
 
 
 2 
 
 Cleveland 
 
 8 
 
 
 2 
 
 African Queen 
 
 24 
 
 
 2 
 
 St. Andrew 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 Cleveland 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 Hedor 
 
 20 
 
 
 3 
 
 164 20 
 
 It is manifeft from hence, that as feveral of the caufes 
 have been taken away, fo feveral of the effe&s have been 
 rempved. The lofs in the flave vefTels from the fame 
 port is nearly a fourth of the whole number employed. 
 The lofs in thefe is not quite an eighth. In nine hundred 
 and ten feamen, employed in the former, * two hundred, 
 and fixteen were among the dead. In nine hundred and 
 ten, if employed in the latter, only one hundred and ten 
 would have perifhed. 
 
 But there are two or three obfervations, which I muft 
 yet make. The flave veflels were upon an average 
 fcarcely feven months upon the coaft. The wood veflels 
 were from five to fifteen, or on an average nearly ten. 
 The latter circumftance is of great importance, for if the 
 trade alluded to were eftablifhed, no veflel would have any 
 neceflity to be longer at the moft than three : and it furely 
 makes a confiderable difference, whether men, as in the 
 
 * This is the number actually on the dead lift, but it does not include 
 the maimed, the blind, the unferviceable, or fuch as died after their dif- 
 charge in the Weft-Indies or Great Britain, in conference of the trade. 
 
 prefent
 
 74 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 prefent cafe, are expofed to an unhealthy climate for ten 
 months without intermiflion, or whether, being employed 
 in the new trade, which would be regular, for the fame 
 period, they would go there and back twice in the time, 
 and have two different intervals of refrefhment on their 
 native fhore. 
 
 I muft obferve too? that the crews of the latter, on 
 account of the prefent uncertainty of the trade in the na- 
 tural productions of the country were obliged to be up 
 and down the rivers, to be much expofed, and to partake 
 of one of the caufes of the lofs fuftained in the former. 
 Now, if the trade propofed were eftablifhcd, it is clear, 
 that this caufe alfo would be removed ; and that the veflels 
 of the merchants would be then nearly in the fame circum- 
 ftances as thofe inhis Majefty's fervice, which areftationed 
 from three to five months only on this coaft, and have no 
 neceflity for beating up and down, or expofing their crews 
 continually to the inclemency of the weather. 
 
 The lofs which the crews of thcfe experience is but 
 trifling, and only fuch as they wouid have experienced, had 
 they ftaid at home, as will appear by the following account. 
 
 A LIST of fuch of His MAJESTY'S SHIPS 
 
 As have been ftationed on the Coaft of Africa 
 
 Since the laft Peace, 
 
 With the Lofs which they fuftained in their refpedlive 
 Voyages. 
 
 Ships Names. Number of Men. Number of Men lojl* 
 
 Race Horfe ioo o 
 
 Bull Dog ioo 5 
 
 Grampus * 
 
 Grampus 
 
 Grampus 
 
 Nautilus 
 
 Nautilus 
 
 I 
 
 1300 10 
 
 The Grampua ha* made three voyagei to the Coaft fince the peace, 
 and th: Nautilui two. 
 
 It 
 
 <i fi^tL AsKt** 43j%#i> yffy fhi* hsLMpy^
 
 African Slave Trade. 
 
 IS 
 
 It is clear from this account, that the lofs, which the 
 prews of his Majefty's {hips have fuftained upon this coaft, 
 is very inconfiderable. Notwithftanding this, they kept 
 their wztch, went into the country for wood and water, 
 cut down the former with their own hands, navigated the 
 veflel, and were frequently expofed. I would now afk 
 what the crew of a merchant's veflel, if this regular trade 
 were cftablifhed, would, if we exclude the reception and 
 difcharge of the cargo, have more to do ? 
 
 In fhort, it is clear from the facts and obfervations laid 
 down already, (and it will be ftill more evident, if we con- 
 sider that the lands of Africa could not be cleared and 
 cultivated without greatly improving the climate) that if 
 a regular trade were eftablifhed in the natural productions 
 of the place, and purfued with as much zeul and alacrity 
 as we have embarked in that of flaves, this country would 
 derive an ineftimable benefit from the change. The feamert 
 employed in it, would not only be cherifhed and preferved, 
 but would be returned to their native country in health 
 and vigour, in cafe of an emergency, in a few weeks : 
 whereas the flave trade not only cannot fupport itfelf by 
 any naval fubjedts, which it attempts to rear, but deftroys 
 thofe that have been reared and fupported in other trades. 
 To which it muft be added, that in cafe of an emergency, 
 but little benefit (comparatively fpeaking) is to be derived 
 from the fervices of thofe that furvive ; and that it con- 
 verts many of thofe, whom it returns, from the moft 
 ufeful to the moft unferviceable members oiljtfie ftate.^>V 
 
 hJ *. 4* **&> *" *?. 
 
 *vOV\^ 
 
 
 t*svioo\ rwf 
 
 m*
 
 /ti 6 A /^fcrfatfi,/ fir ^W 
 
 *)6 y On the Impolicy oi the . 
 
 t'Jto'n** ^^<- 0u*n-. fanni*^*^ 
 
 ' The advocates for the flave trade have never offered 
 
 but two of its appendages, as political arguments for its 
 
 mj/lA fl^ continuance. The firit of thefe, "that the Jlave trade 
 
 " is a nurfery for our feamen," has been canvafled in 
 
 // the preceding chapters. The fecond, therefore, upon 
 
 (' cAfat which an equal ftrefs has been laid, is the only one now 
 
 remaining for difcuflion. 
 
 This argument (hall be given in the moft diftinct and 
 / ^Ut t m advantageous manner in which I am able to convey it. 
 
 " There are two branches of the flave trade. By means 
 " of the firft we fupply the inhabitants of our own colonies 
 " with flaves, and by means of the fecond the colonifts of 
 " foreign nations. The latter generally pay for them in 
 " hard ^dollars. Thefe dollars are brought home, and de- 
 " pofited in our bank. Thus the nation becomes enriched, 
 " and the fecond branch of the trade now mentioned is 
 " peculiarly politick." 
 
 But I reply, if gold or filver be objects of fuch national 
 advantage, abolifli the flave trade. Open a trade to Africa 
 in the natural productions of the country. The gold, 
 which is now picked up in fuch fcanty fragments, might 
 be then found in abundance ; and you might receive 
 it in quantities, not only equivalent to the manufactures, 
 which would pay for fuch of the flaves as are carried to 
 the Spaniards or the French, but in a much greater 
 proportion. 
 
 This, I apprehend, would have been a fatisfactory 
 anfwer to the argument advanced ; but this branch of the 
 trade is really fo bad in its tendency, fo fatal in its con- 
 fequences, and fo truly impolitick, that I cannot pafs it 
 over without fomc farther remarks. 
 
 It is clear, that every lot of flaves which we additionally 
 import, or caufe to be imported into their colonies, enables 
 them to clear an additional piece of ground ; every piece 
 fo gained, fupplies additional produce. This produce 
 employs additional feamen ; and the great number of 
 naval fubjects, which we thus additionally raife for an 
 
 enemy,
 
 Africa; Slave Trade. 1^'^^^J 
 
 enemy, has a tendency (which is not to be put into com- 
 *^////<3 with the profits of the jlave trade) to diminish our 
 ^"naval importance. 
 
 But the evil does not ftop here. The French, from a 
 variety of caufes, have been able to underfell us in this /^ 
 produce at the different markets of Europe. This has 
 given birth to an additional fleet of fhips employed in the 
 exporting of it to other countries. Now, if we confider 
 that French fhips carry nearly double the number of fea- '%- 
 men which ours of the fame burthen do, we fhall find that 
 we are enabling our reputed enemies, by this branch of the 
 trade, to difpute with us the fovereignty of the feas. 
 
 It is well known, that both the Spaniards and the French 
 depend^ folely upon their American pofleflions for the re- 
 cruit of their marine. It is as much an eftablifhed maxim 
 among them, as that the fifheries, if properly encooraged, 
 would be the compleateft nurfery for our own. For this 
 purpofe, the former have opened their ports duty free for 
 the reception of flaves * for ten years. For this purpofe the 
 latter not only offer a bounty by the ton to the proprietors 
 of fuch vefTels as import them into the uncultivated parts 
 of St. Domingo, but even afterwards a bounty by the 
 head on every imported flave. To this politick conduct in 
 our enemies, and to this impohtick conduct in us, who 
 have fuffered our own fubje&s to fupply them at fo pub- 
 lick a difadvantage to ourfelves, is to be attributed one of 
 the caufes that rendered them fo formidable at fea during 
 the late war ; for the reader muft be informed, that fince 
 the year 176c, we have been aififting them with an 
 unaccountable infanity to add to the ftrength of their 
 marine. 
 
 This appendage then of the trade calls aloud for the 
 immediate interference of the legiflature. It is even more 
 detrimental than the former. For we not only increafe the 
 naval ftrength of our enemies, but at the fame time we 
 diminijh cur oven. This inverfe ratio of lofs and gain, 
 which in their fcale of naval importance is either way fo 
 much gain, and in ours either way fo much lofs, is of the 
 
 * Beginning in 1786. 
 
 raoft
 
 ? On the Impolicy of the 
 
 tnoft ferious concern, and the effc&s, which it may pro- 
 duce in a courfe of years, fo alarming, that they cann-jt 
 be anticipated but with pain. 
 
 Though I maybe thought to have faid fufficient on this 
 point, yet I cannot relinquifh it, imprefTed as I am with 
 a fenfc of its importance to this country, without fub- 
 mitting the following eftimate to the reader. 
 
 Let us fuppofe that we are the means of taking only 
 fifteen hundred flaves from the coaft of Africa for the ufe 
 of the French and Spanifh colonies in a given time. It 
 is certain, if we judge from the common rules, which are 
 too accurate to be inapplicable on this occafion, that fix 
 hundred of them will be loft in the voyage and feafoning 
 together. There will be left therefore nine hundred effec- 
 tive people for the purpofe of cultivation. Thefe will 
 raife one thoufand hogfheads of fugar every year, employ 
 one new fhip, and give birth to twenty-five feamen. This 
 * will be the gain on nine hundred effective flaves. 
 
 On the other hand we are to confider, that the average 
 number of flaves taken in a Britifli fhip being three hun- 
 dred and fixty, four vcflels will be employed in tranfport- 
 ing fifteen, or nine hundred effeclive flaves, for the ufe of 
 their plantations. The number of feamen loft in thefe^ 
 including the dead, and the unferviccable, will be fixty. 
 
 Thus in every importation of nine hundred effective 
 flaves, there is a gain to the reputed enemies of this 
 country of twenty-five feamen, and a lofs to us of fixty; 
 that is, a real gain to the former of eighty-five^ befides 
 the additional feamen employed in tranfporting the fugar 
 from the ports of France to other nation*. Now, if we 
 confider that we are the means of importing annually 
 feveral thoufand flaves into the French and Spanifh colo- 
 nies, we fhall more eafily fee the abfurdity, if not the 
 political wickednefs of our prefent conduct. 
 
 To fum up the whole. If we ferioufly confider the 
 appendages of the trade, which have been fall'cly held 
 out as political arguments for its continuance ; if we con- 
 fider that the trade propofed would have a different ten- 
 
 Thit fubjffi will be farther inreftigated in Chapter the 4th of the 
 fecund part of this work. 
 
 dency,
 
 African Slave Trade. 
 
 79 
 
 dency, and be followed with different effe&s ; if we con- 
 fider that it would not interfere with the productions of 
 our prefent colonies ; that it would be attended with 
 emolument to numerous individuals, and at the fame 
 time with fubftantial benefits to the ftate j and if we ad- 
 ditionally confider, that it might be the means of averting 
 thofe heavy judgments, which the blood of the murdered 
 Africans will undoubtedly bring upon us, it will appear, 
 that there is no one political argument yet adduced, why 
 the flave trade fhould be continued: There are many and 
 important ones why it fhould be fupprejjed. 
 
 End of the Flrjl Part.
 
 A N 
 
 E 
 
 ON THE 
 
 IMPOLICY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, 
 
 IN TWO PARTS. 
 PART II. 
 
 G H A P. I. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 ^TpHE arguments, which the patrons of the Slave trade 
 -* have Seen accuftomed to offer in its defence, may be 
 divided into two kinds. The firft comprehends the 
 pofitive advantages that refult from the profecution of this 
 trade ; the fecond the fatal confequences of its abolition. 
 The former have beeri examined already. The latter are 
 to become the fubieft of the remaining part of the work. 
 It is faid firft, that if the flave trade is abolifhed, the 
 planters will be in want of cultivators for their lands, and 
 that many other melancholy confequences will refult to 
 them, as well as to the Jlaves and the ijlands, from the 
 abolition of the trade, 
 
 F Ifoall
 
 82 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 I fhall (hew firft, that it is in the power of the planters, 
 if they pleafe, to do without frcfh fupplies from the coalt : 
 I fhall then fhcw, that if the importation of flaves is 
 prohibited, no fuch want will be found, but on the other 
 hand, that the number of cultivators will increafe : and, 
 liftlv, that both the planters, the flaves, and the iflands, 
 will be benefited by the change. 
 
 To (hew the truth of the firft pofition, I (hall have 
 recourfe to the following facts. 
 1 In the year 1771, a gentleman, now in England, be- 
 came the proprietor of an eftate y fituated near Montego 
 Bay, in the parifh of Hanover, Jamaica. The number 
 of flaves, at that time upon it, amounted to two hundred 
 and feventy-fix, all of whom had been born in the fame 
 ifland. In the year 1786, after fifteen years had elapfed, 
 the number was found the fame: nor had- any purchafe 
 whatever been made within that period, nor was any at 
 the end of it neceflary. 
 
 In the year 1754, another gentleman fucceeded to an 
 eftate in the fame parifh and ifland. It contained, at that 
 time, two hundred and thirty-three flaves. By his laft 
 account, dated in June 1786, the number appeared to 
 have increafed, without any fupplies from the coaft, to 
 three hundred and fourteen, though fourteen had been fent 
 to other eftates, or manumitted. 
 
 In the fame ifland are fix other cflates, which have 
 been in a fimilar fituation, and for the truth of which I 
 will become accountable, if required. 
 
 The firft of thefe has fupported itfclf, independently of 
 the flave trade, for twenty years, and from no other 
 caufe, than that the owner, having thought it more to 
 his intereft that his flaves fhould increafe by Virth than 
 by purchafe, made his arrangements accordingly. 
 
 The fecond and third, fituated in the parifh of Claren- 
 don, have had no occafion for a fingle recruit from Africa 
 for many years. 
 
 The fourth, in the parifh of St. James, found a 
 refource within itfclf, and by the following means. The 
 proprietor made it a rule to releafe every woman from all 
 obligation to labour, as foon as fhe had a certain number 
 
 of
 
 African Slave Trade. #3 
 
 of children, fit to be put to work. The confcquence of this 
 was, that his flaves were continually on the increafe. 
 
 The fifth and fixthj fituated in the parifh of St. John, 
 and vale of Guanaboa, on account of the humane difpo- 
 fition of the overfeer, and the moderate (hare of labour 
 which he impofes upon the flaves, have no necefiity for 
 fupplies; 
 
 The above is an account of filch plantations as can be 
 fpecified} and proved, beyond the poilibility of refutation, 
 to have fubfifted independently of the flave trade in the 
 ifland of "Jamaica. Many others are to be found there in 
 the fame predicament. But as fituation, climate, and a 
 variety of other circumftanCes (beyond thofe of gentle treat- 
 ment) may be faid to have contributed to bring them into fo 
 defirable a ftate, it will be proper to fee if in other iflands 
 fimilar inftances can be found. 
 
 In the year 1773, in the parifh of Nichola Town and 
 ifland of St. Chrijiopher^ was a plantation, which contained 
 at that time two hundred and ten flaves. The proportion 
 of females upon it was but very fmall, when compared 
 with that of the males. This circumftance was much 
 againft it in point of the increafe of its cultivators. It 
 had, however* two advantages. The manager of it was 
 an eafy humane man, and his wife a difcreet and tender 
 nurfe. From thefe circumftances alone, the number had 
 increafed in the year 1 779 to two hundred and twenty-eight, 
 and in the year 1781, when the gentleman, who under- 
 takes to authenticate the fact, quitted the ifland, it had 
 become, without any fupply from the coaft, two hundred 
 and thirty-four. 
 
 In the fame ifland, but in the adjoining parifh of 
 Cayon, is a plantation, that has fupported itfelf in the 
 fame manner* The flaves upon it have been worked 
 with method, and treated tolerably well. In the year 1765 
 they amounted to one hundred and fifty -eight : in the year 
 1766 to an hundred and Jixty : and in the year 1781, by 
 means of generation, to one hundred andfeventy-two. 
 
 In the ifland of Barbadoes is a plantation, the prefent 
 
 proprietor of which came into pofieflion of it in the year 
 
 1 774. At that time it contained one hundred and nineteen 
 
 Jlaves* Five have been purchafed fince. In the yeai 
 
 F % 1784
 
 84- On the Impolicy of the 
 
 1 784 tiventy-feven were added to it, by the bequeft of a 
 relation, who then died ; fo that the number, by extraor- 
 dinary means, amounted to one hundred and fifty one. By 
 a furvey in February 1788, it appeared, that they had 
 increafed, without purchafe, to one hundred and fixty-ne y 
 though three had been fold, three had been killed by the 
 hurricane in the year 1780, and three more had apparently 
 died in confequence of it. 
 
 On another plantation,, in the famaifland, were reckoned 
 in the December of the year 1774 one hundred and fifteen 
 flaves. In the year 1777 it received an addition, by 
 purchafe, of thirty-two. This raifed the number to one 
 hundred and forty-feven. Their prefent number, by 
 means of generation is one hundred and ' fixty -three y and it 
 had been ftill greater,, had not five been loft in the feme 
 hurricane as the former. 
 
 I muft not forget to obferve here, that the flaves upon- 
 thefe eftates were treated with great humanity, and that 
 much praife is due to the proprietor of the former, who 
 came forward, in the moft difinterefted manner, to fub- 
 ftantiate the facts. 
 
 There is a fmall eftate in the fame ifland, which has 
 alfo experienced an increafe by the fame means. In the 
 year 1764 it was let upon leafe with thirty flaves upon it. 
 The treatment which they have uniformly experienced 
 fince that period has been humane and mild : the confe- 
 quence has been this, that no recruit has been purchafed 
 for the purpofe of keeping ap their ftock, and that their 
 prefent number is forty- four. In the fame ifland are feveral 
 other eftates in a fimilar fituation. 
 
 In the parifli of Middle Ifland and Ifland of Antigua, the 
 proprietor of a confiderable eftate, in confequence of his 
 humane dire&ions,. and a determination not to make any 
 purchafes from the coaft, has had no fupply (if we except 
 a few flaves taken from a difmantled plantation) for 
 thirty years. 
 
 In the ifland of Dominique re an eftate y on which the 
 flaves have been fo much increafed by humane treatment, 
 as to have rendered any fupply unneceffary. 
 
 In the ifland ot St. Domingo is a plantation, belonging 
 to the refpectable houfe of Fouache, of Havre. Thefe 
 
 gentlemen
 
 African Slave Trade. 85 
 
 gentlemen came to the laudable refolution not to opprefs 
 their flaves. The quantity of work, which was accord- 
 ingly given to five hundred of them to perform, was only 
 iiich as three hundred and fifty would have been obliged to 
 execute on other eftates in the fame time. The effects of 
 this humane regulation are now vifible. The flaves mul-r 
 tiply, and the plantation profpers. 
 
 In each of the Danifh iflands of St. Thomas and St. 
 Croix, an eftate can be pointed out, which has fupported 
 rtfelf by natural means. That in the firft, when the 
 gentleman who communicated this intelligence left the 
 iflands, was in the pofleflion of Monfieur de Marv : that 
 in the fecond of Baron Shimmelman. Both thefe were 
 in a very fuperiour ftate of culture at that time, and had 
 received no fupplies whatever for many years. 
 
 In two of the Granadillas are two plantations, that are 
 now in the fame ftate. The proprietor of the firft, when, 
 he took poffeflion, found that feveral of the flaves upon it 
 were then old. Notwithftanding this, and that thefe foon 
 died, yet in confequence of the gentk dominion which he 
 held over them, and his prudent management, fo many 
 have been born and preferved, and the lives of the reft fo 
 prolonged, that he has always had a fufficient number for 
 the cultivation of the fame land, without the purchafe of 
 any recruit from the coaft. The other alfo, by the fame 
 means, has fupported itfelf independently of the flave 
 *rade. 
 
 I have now mentioned feveral * plantations, fituated 
 
 * To this lift I may add the following extract from a Letter to the 
 Dean of Middleham. " According to the beft of my remembrance (fays 
 " the writer) the following eftates for about twenty years, whilft under 
 ' the management of humane and merciful mett, kept up their ftock of 
 *' Negroes by the natural increafe. Sir William Fitzherbert's eftate in 
 " St. Andrews, during the life of Mr. Rolftone his manager j three 
 eftates of the late Colonel Newton in Chrift Church and St. James's; 
 *f the eftates of the late Mr. Haggat in St. George's and St. Peter's ; 
 ' the eftate of Mr. Graves in St. Lucy's ; - the eftate of the Honourable 
 " William Bilhop in St. Lucy's; the eftate of Colonel Maynard in St. 
 ** Michael's ; an eftate of Sir Philip Gibbes, whilft under his own di- 
 41 recYion ; the eftate of Mrs. Ferchufon in St. Peter's ; the eftates of 
 *' the late Thomas Alleyne, Ef<j. during the life of Mr. Rolftone j the 
 *' eftate of Mrs. Street during the life of Mr. Johnitone. Thefe are all 
 * that 1 can at prcfent recollcdt." 
 
 F 3 either
 
 86 On the Impolicy or the 
 
 either in the Britifh, French, or Danifh iflands, that have 
 fupporttd themfehes by natural means, and in which, during 
 the reign of their refpeclive proprietors either mentioned 
 or alluded to, no reverfe in the fcale of their population 
 has been experienced. It is my intention next to refer to 
 fuch, as in this refpefl have experienced a change, or to 
 fuch, as being contiguous to each other, but under 
 oppofite fyftems of adminiftration, have (hewn vifibly 
 their different effects. 
 
 In the parifh of Cayon and ifland of St. Chriftopher 
 was a certain plantation, which was under the manage- 
 ment of a ri^id and auftere man. He continually harraffcd 
 the flaves ; making them work with but little intermifEon 
 for fix days, and on the feventb obliging them to be em- 
 ployed in the cultivation of their little fpots. In confe- 
 quence of this continual obligation to labour, and want of 
 reft, the number of cultivators decreafed, and an annual 
 fupply was neceflary of about one in ten to keep up the 
 flock. In the year 1763 this difciplinarian left them, to 
 take upon him the management of a more confiderable 
 eftate. He was fucceeded by a man of an oppofite cha- 
 racter, who indulged the flaves with the free ufe of the 
 Sabbath, treated them well, and took care of them when 
 fick. Under his mild adminiftration (notwithstanding the 
 flaves were all of them native Africans, and notwithltand- 
 ing they were but fparingly fed) the face of things was fo 
 much altered on that eftate, that it had no neceflity, as 
 before, for any farther fupplies from the coaft. 
 
 In the fame parifti and ifland is a plantation, the fitua- 
 tion of which has been exactly the reverfe of the former. 
 In the year 1766, the proprietor, who refided upon it, was 
 in the pofleflion of an hundred and fifty-feven flaves. He 
 worked them judicioufly. He fed them well. He treated 
 them with tendernefs and care. In the year 1772 he 
 died ; when it was found, that he had raifed their number 
 only in fix years to one hundred and eighty, without anv 
 purchafes fiom the coaft. His fucceflbr, however, pur- 
 sued a different plan. Let us mark the confequence. 
 His flaves, in the year 1781, were reduced to on: hundred 
 and fifty (even, fo that in nine years all the efforts of his 
 preccccflbr were undone. 
 
 In
 
 African Slave Trade. 87 
 
 In the ifland of St. Domingo is an eftate which has 
 experienced a fimilar change. The owner cbnfidered 
 himfelf as the father of his flaves : he never harrafled 
 them with exceflive labour. He fed and treated them 
 well : and fo mild and gentle was his government, that it 
 became a proverb, w as happy as a (lave of Gallifet.** 
 Thus treated, their increafe was rapid. About fifteen 
 years ago he died. The prefent proprietor has fince 
 adopted a difFerent fyftem. His flaves continually de- 
 creafe, and he lofes by the change of management. 
 
 In the ifland of Antigua is another plantation, in which 
 a fimilar revolution has taken place. It was formerly ce- 
 lebrated for the judicious and indulgent treatment of the 
 flaves, that were then upon it. The owner refided on 
 the fpot. He faw his flaves happy. He fawthem increafe 
 without purchafe, and fo rapidly, that his eftate was 
 confidered as overftocked. Such was the fituation of 
 affairs under his gentle reign, when he was taken from 
 the world. A different mode of treatment has been fince 
 introduced. The golden age has been converted into the 
 iron. The flaves, nurtured by the foftering hand of their 
 "former proprietor, have fallen off, and the eftate is now 
 not only in want of an annual fupply, "but is involved in 
 debt. 
 
 In the fame ifland are two other plantations, which 
 border upon each other. The owner of one of them long 
 ago adopted the fyftem of immediate exertion. He pur- 
 chafed chiefly males. He worked them hard, and with 
 feverity. The ^proprietor of the fecond declared in favour 
 of the cppofrte plan. He proportioned the fexes accord- 
 ingly, and he treated them well. The effects of the two 
 different fyftems of administration will now be feen. The 
 firft has been in want of an annual fupply. The latter 
 lias fupported itfelf for more than forty years, and the 
 flaves upon it have become fo numerous, that they not 
 Only do the whole bufinefs of the eftate, but are let out at 
 talk -work, to the great emolument of the proprietor, or* 
 other plantations. 
 
 I have now given a fhort hiftory of no lefs than twenty- 
 
 fix plantations. From thefe, and oihers in a fimilar fitua- 
 
 tion, it will appear, that where there have keen any 
 
 F 4 favourable
 
 U8 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 favourable circumftances, fuch as the proper proportion 
 of the fexes in one, gentle treatment in a fecond, any 
 indulgence in point of labour in a third, and the like, 
 there the Haves have uniformly increafed: that where the 
 contrary have taken place, there they have decreafed, and 
 have been in want of fupplies. That the fame eftate, which 
 under a mild adminiftration has been overftocked, has, 
 under an oppofite fyftem, annually loft a part of its 
 labourers : that the fame, which during a reign of rigour 
 has been constantly requiring recruits, has in that of hu- 
 manity fupported itfelf for a while, and at length pre- 
 cluded the neceflity of a fupply : and that in certain 
 plantations contiguous to each other, fliaring the fame 
 climate, and fituated on the fame kind of foil, but under 
 oppofite forms of government, the one has been perpetu- 
 ally lofing its labourers, the other has been overftocked : 
 In fhort, that it is at the option of the planter, whether 
 fupplies are requifite or not ; certain regulations producing 
 the one, and the contrary the oppofite effects. 
 
 Indeed, the very idea, that the planters cannot proceed 
 without frefh fupplies from the coaft, is repugnant to 
 reafon. 
 
 For let us firft, for a moment, look upon the unfortunate 
 Africans in the light of cattle. Is it not in the power of 
 any farmer, who prefers breeding to purchafing, to fupply 
 himfelf with animals of labour from his own ftock ? 
 
 Let us now confider them as men. It is an invariable 
 law, that any fociety of people, under common advan- 
 tages, muft at leaft keep up their number, if not increafe ; 
 otherwifc Providence, in calling the human fpecies into 
 life, muft have defeated his own defign. What then 
 fhould hinder the Africans, peculiarly prolifick in their 
 nature, carried to a climate fimilar to that which they have 
 left, and treated with common humanity, from continuing 
 their own fpecies, and precluding the neceflity of a fupply? 
 In fhort, in whatever point of view we confider it, the 
 pofition is equally abfurd. 
 
 Mr. Long, the author of the Hiftory of Jamaica, who 
 more than once takes an apportunity of ridiculing the fame 
 notion, has even gone fo far, as to reduce the probability 
 of the increafe of the Africans in the colonies to ftated 
 
 rules.
 
 African Slave Trade. 89 
 
 rules. " If (fays he) the number of hogfheads, mad 
 M on a plantation, exceeds or even equals the wholo 
 " aggregate of negroes employed upon it, but few children 
 f* will be brought up on fuch an e/fate, whatever number 
 f* may be born ; for the mothers will not have fufficient 
 " time to take due care of them : and if they are put 
 tf under the charge of lome elderly woman or nurfe, as 
 *< the cuftom is in many places, it cannot be fuppofed that 
 <c they meet with the fame tendernefs, as might be ex- 
 " pc6ted from their parents. But where the proportion of 
 " annual produce is about half an hogfhead for every 
 *' negroe, there they will, in all likelihood, increafe very 
 * 4 rapidly j and not much le/sfo, where the ratio is of two 
 " hogfheads to every three negroes, which I take to be 
 " a good mean proportion : agreeably to which, an eftate, 
 " making communibus annis two hundred hogfheads, 
 11 ought to mufter on its lift (old and young) three hun- 
 V dred negroes ; and if it makes three hundred hogfheads, 
 f* four hundred and fifty fuch negroes, and fo on. An 
 "' eftate fo handed may not only, caeteris paribus, fave the 
 " expence of buying recruits^ but may every year afford 
 " fame addition to the firft number, of which I have 
 f* known inanteflible examples in 'Jamaica." * 
 
 But this, I apprehend, will be found fufficient. For 
 when the reader reflects on the number of eftates now 
 fpecified, that have fupported themfelves, independently 
 of the flaye trade ; when he confiders the uniform increafe 
 in fome, the revolutions that have happened in others, 
 and refers them to their proper caufes ; or when he con- 
 fults only his own unbiafled reafon, he cannot but fee the 
 inconfiftency of the argument, which but too generally 
 prevails, " that the planters cannot proceed without frefh 
 ^ fupplies from the coaft." 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Having now fhewn the truth of the firft pofition by 
 means of undeniable facts, I fhall inquire into the proba- 
 
 * Long. Vol. II. Page 437, 438, 
 
 bility
 
 90 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 tvility of the firft confequence, which, it is faid, will be 
 experienced in the iflands from the abolition of the trade 
 in flaves. 
 
 It is faid firft, that ** if the importation of flaves is 
 ** prohibited, the planters will be in want of cultivators 
 ** for their lands." 
 
 This firft effect will be befl: feen by tracing the different 
 caufes of the diminution of flaves in the colonies, and the 
 ejfedt which the abolition will have upon each of thefe. 
 
 It is well known, that many of the proprietors of poft- 
 horfes in this country adopt the following plan. They 
 purchafe a horfe at a certain price, and at a certain age. 
 They drive him through twice the work which he ought 
 to perform in a given time. If he lafts for a determined 
 period, thov coufider themfelves as repaid with profit. If, 
 after this, he has not a leg to Stand upon, they do not 
 care. 
 
 This mode of rcafonin^, which is execrable even when 
 applied to the brute creation, is in the colonies put into 
 execution on the human fpecies. It has been often calcu- 
 lated bv fome of the planters there, whether it is more to 
 their intereSt to work out a flave, by an uncommon impo- 
 sition of labour, in five or fix years, and fupply his place by a 
 new recruit from the coaft, to be worked up and Succeeded 
 in the fame manner, or to breed from their prefent Stock, 
 and to work them with moderation. Some have wifely 
 adopted the latter plan ; but the former has been but too 
 generally followed. 
 
 It is clear, that on all thofe plantations, where this 
 inhuman fyftcm prevails, it is impoSfible for the planter to 
 do without frefh fupplies. His whole plan is confefledly 
 againft it. He has made his calculations accordingly. 
 He has (rated the time, in which human nature is capable 
 of fuftaining itfelf under his tafk of drudgery and his 
 lam. This diabolical determination, to employ new gene- 
 rations of men from the coaft of Africa, and to work 
 them up in a Stated time, inftead of rearing them by 
 natural means, and working them with moderation, is 
 one grand fource of the neceflity for the prefent annual 
 Supplies. 
 
 The
 
 V 
 
 ArRicAN Slave Trade, $t 
 
 The firft effect, which the * abolition of the flave trade 
 muft have upon the unfeeling planters defcribed, would 
 be, that their execrable calculations would be ftopped. 
 }>Jo new generations of men would be then to be had, as 
 before. They muft immediately change their plan. 
 They muft breed. They muft find that refource within 
 themfelves, which their avarice has taught them to reject j 
 and they muft immediately turn a fyftem of calculated 
 oppreflion, and murder, into that of lenity, tendernefs, and 
 prefer vation. 
 
 Such is the effect which the abolition of the flave trade 
 muft have upon this caufe of the diminution of flaves in 
 the colonies. There are other eftates, however, where 
 thefe calculations are not made, which are yet in want o 
 fupplies. 
 
 In almoft all of them it will be found, that but little 
 care is taken, or can be taken, according to the prefent 
 fyftem of things in the colonies, of thofe infants that are 
 born. An incredible number of thefe annually perifh, 
 who, if preferved, would have been fuhftantial fupplies. 
 
 The diforder, which takes many of them off, is the 
 locked jaw. This arifes from various caufes, but is par- 
 ticularly chargeable upon the comfortlefs fituation of the 
 mother, who is deprived of necefTaries, and of the power 
 of paying that proper attention to her child, in preferving 
 it from cold and damps which its infant-fituation requires: 
 for it is a remarkable fact, that this diforder paffes by other 
 infants in the colonies, whether black or white, of whom 
 proper care has been taken. 
 
 It is ufual for them too, before they are weaned, to 
 accompany their mothers to the field, who tie them behind 
 their backs, and carry them through the labour of the 
 day, or leave them in a furrow. Thus expofed to a ver- 
 tical fun, and afterwards to the dews of the evening, or 
 to very heavy rains, and having received hitherto but a 
 {lender and unwholefome fupport from the breafts of their 
 overheated mothers, many of them are taken off. Thofe, 
 who furvive the weaning, are left neglected at home, or 
 
 * I mean not only the abolition of the Slave trade by the Britifh 
 nation, but a total prohibition of the importation of flaves into the 
 colonies from any other quarter. 
 
 are
 
 tfr. On the Impolicy of the 
 
 are put under the care of an old and infirm woman, who 
 cannot be fuppofed to have that affection for them, which 
 their parents have, and who is often incapable of per- 
 forming her alJottcd tafk. By thefe, and other means, 
 fome of thofe, who have efcaped for a little time, are added 
 to the infant dead. 
 
 The effect, which the abolition of the flave trade mud: 
 have on this fecond caufe, would be this. Every care and 
 attention would be paid to the rearing of the new gene- 
 ration. Convenient rooms would be built on each eftate 
 ibr the accommodation of the women in the laft ftage of 
 their pregnancy. The mother would have more time to 
 herfelf, and more indigencies. In fome eftates me would 
 J^ve, perhaps, a releafe from all future obligation to labour, 
 after me had reared her third child ; in others fhe might 
 receive a donation. Thefe regulations, if put into force, 
 would immediately endear the proprietor to the parents ; 
 would prove a conusant incitement to their emulation ; and 
 Would be the means of preferving a great number of 
 recruits, who would otherwife have annually perifhed. 
 
 A third caufe of the diminution of flaves in the colo- 
 nies is the very Jcanty allowance of provifion y which is 
 given them on many plantations. It is too general a 
 euftom to fpread almoft every acre, that is plantable, with 
 canes. But little land, and even that the word, is 
 allotted for provifions for the flaves. Thus the labourers, 
 whofe prefcrvation fhould have been the firft and greateft 
 object, are left deftitute of fufficient nutriment and 
 fupport. 
 
 A fourth is the incejfant and intolerable labour which 
 they are often obliged to undergo. Perhaps their pro- 
 prietor is extravagant, or involved. To fupport his 
 luxuries on the one hand, or to clear his incumbrances 
 r>n the other, he has recourfe to the fmews of his flaves. 
 Uncommon exertions are deemed neceflary for the pur- 
 pofe : and if his fituation fhould not be nmilar to that 
 which I have fuppofed, certain it is, that too often the 
 reputation of the manager, and his continuance in office, 
 depend more, in the eye of his employer, on the number 
 '/' hogjheadi of fugar annually made, than on the prefcr- 
 vation of the flaves. 
 
 A fifth
 
 African Slave Trade. 93 
 
 A fifth caufe is cruel and fever e ufage, fuch as the 
 conftant application of the lam, confinement, torture, 
 and other barbarous treatment, whether for real or 
 imaginary faults. This depends, in fome meafure, on 
 the difcipline of the colony, on the abfence of the pro- 
 prietor from his eftate, or on the unfeeling difpofition of 
 the manager, who has none but a temporary intereft, and 
 who of courfe cannot be concerned in any future advan- 
 tage, which might accrue to the proprietor by the prefer- 
 vation of his flaves. Under fuch managers, (fays a 
 fenfible writer) " an increafe is not more to be expected, 
 M than an increafe from a flock of fheep, if a wolf were 
 * to be thejhepherd" 
 
 In confequence then of the three caufes, that have been 
 mentioned laft, namely, a fcanty allowance of food, in- 
 ceflant and intolerable labour, and cruel and fevere ufage, 
 either exifting feparately or conjointly on an eftate, feveral 
 of the flaves, whofe lives have become a burthen to them, 
 deftroy themfelves. Others fly into the woods, where, 
 expofed to the cold of the night, attacked by the pangs of 
 hunger and third, and lacerated in their bodies by the 
 prickly teeth with which every fhrub is armed in that 
 country, they foon perifh : while thofe, who by vigilance, 
 terror, or other means are retained at home, are neceflarily 
 worn out in their prime, and their lives fhortened. Thefe 
 circumftances therefore occafion, and muft ever occafion, 
 as long as they exift, a neceflity for annual fupplies. 
 
 The efFedt, which the abolition of the flave trade muft: 
 neceflarily have upon thofe who feed, work, or treat their 
 flaves as above defcribed, is evident. Provifion, which 
 has hitherto been the laft, muft become the firft considera- 
 tion with the planter. A part of the land, occupied by 
 canes, muft be appropriated to the fupport of his flaves, 
 and a fufficient quantity of the neceflaries of life muft be 
 allowed them. Regular hours of reft, and machines of 
 labour muft be introduced. The lafh, that was formerly 
 lifted up for imaginary faults, or for the indulgence of 
 paflion and caprice, muft be kept down. Punifhmenfs. 
 muft be more commenfurate to the offence. A fyftem of 
 treatment more moderate and humane muft be adopted. 
 It muft immediately ftrike the proprietor, that if his flave 
 
 fliould
 
 94 On the Impolicy of t;^ 
 
 fhould fall by ill-judged fcverityor neglect, it will be long 
 before he can replace him. 
 
 There are various other caufes of the diminution of 
 flaves in the colonics, all of which muft be equally anni- 
 hilated in their turn. New regulations, adapted to the 
 fuppreffion of each, muft immediately take place. I fay 
 " mujl take place," becaufe the planter, unlefs he adopts 
 them, will have no other profpeet, than that of inevitable 
 ruin. And that he will madly throw himfelf from the 
 precipice, when he can avoid it with folid advantage to 
 himfelf, is a pofition too ridiculous to be admitted. 
 
 If thefe regulations then, or fimilar to thefe, fhould 
 take place, as they inevitably muft, when every profpet 
 of a future fupply is taken away ; if population fhould be 
 really encouraged ; if a lefs proportion of laboiu* mould 
 be required, food more plentifully fupplied, and a fyftem 
 of tendernefs be adopted in the place of that of calculated 
 feverity and oppreflion ; if, moreover, the progeny of the 
 then flaves mould have the fame attention beftowed upon 
 them, as others of the human race, it is not only felf- 
 evident, that, like other human beings, they will be able 
 to continue their fpecies, but, being endued with a more 
 prolifick nature than the reft, that they muft rapidly in- 
 creafe ; and that the planters will be fo far from being in 
 want of cultivators for their lands, that they will foon be 
 enabled to put new land into culture without any purchaftt 
 from the coajL 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 I have now confidered the abolition of the flavc trade 
 as far as it would have an influence on the prefent 
 or future number of the flaves : I come now to the fecond 
 point of inquiry, namely, to confider the immediate or 
 future effect which it would have upon the planters^ the 
 Jlaves themfelves, and the ijlandi: for it has been faid, 
 that many other melancholy confequcnccs would arife to 
 thefe by the abolition of the trade* 
 
 The
 
 African Slave Trade. 95 
 
 The firft effe&, that the planter would immediately 
 experience, would be this. He would fave the money 
 formerly expended in the purchafe of new flaves, and of 
 courfe avoid the inconceivable difficulties which he has 
 now necefTarily to encounter on this account. 
 
 That the reader may form a notion of the diftrefs 
 under which he frequently labours from this circumftance, 
 and of the advantages refulting from the change, I (hall 
 give him the fentiments of Mr. Long, who was too much 
 attached to the interefts of his friends in the iflands, to 
 deceive them in this particular. 
 
 * " The purchafe of new negroes (fays he) is the molt 
 " chargeable article attending thefe eftates, and the true 
 " fource of the diftreffes, under which their owners 
 " fuffer : for they involve themfelves fo deeply in debt 
 " to make thefe inconfiderate purchafes, and lofe fo many 
 " by difeafe or other means in the feafoning, that they 
 " become unable to make good their engagements, are 
 < plunged in law fu its and anxiety ; while for want of fome 
 <c prudent regulation in the right hufbanding of their 
 " ftock, and promoting its increafe by natural means, they 
 " intail upon themfelves a neceflity of drawing perpetual 
 " recruits of unfeafoned Africans, the expence of which 
 " forms only a new addition to their debts and difficulties.''* 
 
 To confirm this, I (hall ftate a few particular fails. 
 In the ifland of Jamaica four courts are annually held, 
 namely, in the months of February, May, Auguft, and 
 November. About three thoufand new actions are 
 ufually brought at each of thefe, chiefly on bonds ; and 
 of thefe bonds about nine-tenths are fuch as have been 
 given to the factors for new Jlaves. 
 
 In the fame ifland about five hundred thoufand pounds 
 pafled through the hands of a certain fheriff in three 
 years. This prodigious fum had been procured by the 
 (ale of goods, taken chiefly on execution on fuch bonds, 
 as had been given for the fame purpo/e as the former. 
 
 The principal part of thofe who were confined in the 
 goals of the fame ifland, during the fame period, confifted 
 of people whofe perfons had been feized, after the iiluing 
 
 * Long's Hiftory of Jamaica. Vol. I. Page 437. 
 
 out
 
 96 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 out of executions on judgment, to make up that defici- 
 ency in their payment for Jlaves y to which their goods had 
 not been found adequate. 
 
 It is eafy to fee from hence, and the foregoing quotati- 
 on from Mr. Long, that I have not been ftatinga vifionary 
 or chimerical advantage. The planter, in confequence 
 of the regulations, that would unavoidably follow the 
 abolition of the flave trade, would protract the lives of 
 his prefertt flaves. In the interim, the rifing generation 
 would be fhooting up. To fave therefore the purchafe- 
 money ufually expended in thefe, to be freed from a 
 lource of continual inquietude and diftrefs, and at the 
 fame time to experience no diminution in the returns o( 
 his eftate, is an advantage fo fubftantial and important at 
 the firft fight, as to need no farther illuftration. 
 
 There is a fecond, however, which he would alfo im- 
 mediately feel. His flaves would become more valuable. 
 Whatever may be his property in thefe at the prefent 
 moment, certain it is, that, on the moment of the 
 abolition of the flave trade, it would be confiderably 
 increafed. Is the value of it but barely adequate to the 
 difcharge of his debts ? He would be able to free him- 
 felf from thefe, and to have an overplus for himfelf. In 
 fhort, whatever may be his fituation in the iflands, he 
 would derive in this refpedt an immediate benefit from 
 the change. 
 
 But his future would be infinitely greater than his 
 prefent advantages. His flaves, which would become 
 immediately more valuable in confequence of the aboli- 
 tion, would, in procefs of time, become more valuable 
 from another confideration. Let us view them therefore 
 at a diftant period. Let us fee their fituation in about 
 twenty years, after this great event has taken place. 
 
 At this period, it is to be prefumed, that all the flaves 
 in the iflands would be Creoles. 
 
 In the firft place, they would have been inured from 
 their infancy, in a regular gradation of employment, to 
 labour. They would of courfc be more hardy, and ca- 
 pable of the plantation work, than any of their prede- 
 ceflbrs, who, having led, perhaps, a life of indolence in 
 their own country, have been but little capable of fuftain- 
 
 ing
 
 African SlavC Trade. qj 
 
 ing the fatigue which they have been fentenced to 
 undergo. 
 
 They would, fecondly* be fnore ready and expert; 
 Born on the iflands, thev would attain our language, and 
 understand us immediately : whereas, their predecefTors, 
 the imported Africans, have been unable) for a length of 
 time, to comprehend our meaning. 
 
 Tbefe circumftances would greatly increafe their price, 
 if expofed to falej and of Courfe the property of their 
 pofleflbrs : and as a proof of it) I appeal to the planter, 
 whether he does not confider a Creole^ at this moment, 
 of twice the value of an imported JIave. 
 
 This is one of the future advantages which the planter 
 would unavoidably experience in confequence of the abo- 
 lition of the trade. I (hall now proceed to enumerate 
 the reft. 
 
 His werk would be better done. This is evident from 
 the habit of labour, which his flaves would have 
 acquired from their infancy, and (if I may be allowed the 
 expreflion) their apprenticefiip to their work. 
 
 Mere of it would be done in the fame time. This may 
 appear a paradox to many. But the labour of thofe flave?) 
 who are ruled with a rod of iron, is inconceivably fmall. 
 Will a man work with alacrity for the mafter who ftarves* 
 tortures, and opprefles him ? Will he work with alacrity 
 where he has no intereft in his labour ? Where, if his 
 finews are worn out with exertion, he is not fuffexed to 
 partake, in any degree, the fruits of his pains ? But, 
 reverfe the fcene. Let him be treated with tendernefs. 
 Let his wants be fupplied. This will operate as an incite- 
 ment to his exertions : gratitude will demand a return ; 
 and his labour will carry with it) wherever it is traced* 
 diftinguiftiing marks of the change. This is not merely 
 a fpeculative pofition . It is founded on experience. Ma- 
 ny planters have been witnefTes of the fat. 
 
 A certain American refugee fled with his flaves, during 
 the late war, to the ifland of Jamaica. It was his con- 
 ftant cuftom to treat them well, to vifit them in their 
 ficknefs, to attend to their complaints, to confider them 
 rather as fervants for whom he had a regard, than as his 
 flaves. In confequence of this, their indulgencies were 
 
 G many,
 
 98 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 many. Thefc, however, were not loft upon them. 
 They brought their maftcr the firft fruits of their little 
 fpots, of their poultry, of their fwine. They behaved in 
 an orderly manner, and toiled for him with alacrity and 
 
 Thcfe indulgencies, however, did not fail to attract the 
 notice of the managers of the neighbouring plantations. 
 They looked upon them with a painful eye. They at 
 length waited upon the difpenfer of them, and afTured 
 him, that if he continued his mild adminiftration, he 
 would ruin the difcipline of his neighbour's flaves. His 
 reply was this : "I treat my flaves with lenity. They 
 u work lour hours in the day lefs than yours. Notwith- 
 u (landing thefe indulgencies they do more work than 
 * c yours, who are whipped through it from morning to 
 u night. The comparative advantages are fo great in my 
 " favour, from my prefent fyftem, that, if I paid no re- 
 *' gard to the calls of humanity, I mud continue to 
 " purfue it." 
 
 Such would be the cafe were the flavc trade abolifhed ; 
 for fuch humane treatment, and fuch indulgencies would 
 be the confequence of the abolition, as would prove an 
 incitement to the exertions of the flaves, more than the 
 ftimulus of the lafh, or the goad of avarice and op- 
 preflion. 
 
 To this advantage of having a greater quantity of work 
 performed in the fame time y which would increafe the 
 annual profit or returns of the planter, another would be 
 added. In confequence of the abolition of the flavc trade, 
 he would have been under the neceflity of appropriating a 
 certain portion of land to the fuftenance of his cattle, and 
 his flaves. We mould fee him, therefore, at the future 
 period afligned, in a comfortable fituation : not uneafy and 
 agitated as before, not depending upon a precarious fub- 
 fiftence from diftant parts, efpecially in the time of war, 
 but having every refource on his own cftatc, and in his 
 own power. 
 
 But if any future advantage, which he would experience 
 from the abolition, is to be eftimated higher than the reft, 
 it would be this, that he would fleep in peace, and be no 
 longer under apprehensions from thofe private cabals, and 
 
 open
 
 African SlaVe TkAbft. 99 
 
 open lnfurre&ions, which his former conduct had fo 
 defervedly occafioned. 
 
 Many of the unfortunate people, who are brought into 
 the colonies, have been kidnapped, have been forcibly 
 torn from their connections. The remembrance of theie 
 Is painful. It frequently excites the flghj and makes 
 them diflatisfied and rcftlefs. Others, if procured in a 
 fairer manner, have been yet Unufed to labour. The 
 fevere talk, impoled upon them in the colonies, is of 
 courfe only the more fenfibly felt. This, with cruel 
 ufage, confinement, torture, and other circumftances, 
 prevents an attachment to their mafters, makes them 
 revengeful, vigilant to gratify that revenge* and indulgent 
 of it, if occalion offers. 
 
 The flaves, on the other hand, at the period afligned, 
 would be all Creoles^ and in a different predicament. 
 They would not have been violently feparated, like their 
 predeceffors, from that country* and thofe connections, 
 which theyefteemed moll in life. They would have been 
 inured from their infancy to labour, and would find no 
 hardlhip in their allotted tafk. They would not be {o 
 keenly fenfible of the lofs of liberty, which is perhaps, of 
 all others, the greateft incitement to an infurre&ion. A 
 bird, that has been bred up in captivity, does not repine 
 like one, that has been taken from the woods, and con- 
 fined within the narrow limits of a cage* Such would be 
 the fituatiort of the flaves at this future period ; and fo 
 juftly (as the reader will fee) are thefe confequences to be 
 apprehended, that it is a matter of facl:, that " * the chief* 
 " actors in the feditions and mutinies* which at different 
 <c times have broken out in the i Hands, have been the 
 M imported Africans j" whereas fome of the Creole JIavet 
 have been intrufted with arms in their hands uu.tbout 
 abufe* 
 
 Thefe would be the chief advantages that Would refult 
 to the planter from the abolition of the trade in flaves. 
 A fource of continual embarraffment and diftrefs would 
 be immediately taken away. His property would be con- 
 fiderably increafed ; his annual returns larger : he would 
 
 * Long's Hifiory of Jamaica, Vel. II, p. 444. 
 
 G % feel
 
 ioo Ox the Impolicy of the 
 
 feel himfelf in an independent fituation, in point of fub- 
 fiftence, either in peace or war ; and he would have the 
 unfpeakable fatisfa&ion of going to his bed fearlefs of any 
 private machinations, and in full confidence that his pro- 
 perty as well as his perfon would be fecure. 
 
 Having confidered what would be the immediate or 
 future fituation of the planter in confequence of the 
 change, I come now to that of the Jlave. 
 
 If the flave trade were abolifhed, it is evident that 
 many mild and falutary regulations would immediately 
 take place ; that the flave would be better fed ; that his 
 hours of labour would be reduced to fewer in the day ; 
 that his perfon would be more fecure ; that he would have 
 the power of appeal ; and that every fpur, that could 
 promote population, would be adminiftered. Thefe 
 then, or fimilar regulations, unavoidably taking place, 
 we mould fee a material change in his fituation. We 
 fhould fee him in poficffion of a little time to him- 
 felf, and devoting it either to his own amufement, 
 or in the improvement of his little fpot, to his fu- 
 ture advantage and fupport. We fhould fee him, not 
 chilled with horror at the fight of his proprietor as 
 before, but fmiling with gratitude and joy. We fhould 
 fee him legally engaging in the bands of connubial happi- 
 nefs; while his wife would have time to nurfe and enjoy 
 her child, not regretting that fhe had brought it into the 
 world to inherit a life of perpetual mifery and woe, but to 
 be awitnefs of her new fituation, and to fhare the change. 
 Thus experiencing, on one hand, a diminution of their 
 former rigours, and raifed to pofitive advantages on the 
 other, they would both immediately be admitted to a cer- 
 tain portion of bappinejs, and their condition be confidera- 
 bly improved. 
 
 This change having once taken place, and great benefit 
 having neccfTarily arifen to the planter from the adoption 
 of it, there can be no difficulty in anticipating the future 
 fituation of the flave ; for it is natural to fuppofe, that if 
 advantages fhould have been found to accrue to the plan- 
 ter in proportion to his humanity, he would ftill proceed; 
 and when that fyftem, which was the confequence of the 
 abolition of the flave trade, had had its due operation, he 
 
 would
 
 African Slave Trade. ioi 
 
 would adopt a fecond frill more lenient and equal. Every 
 new indulgence of this kind would advance the flave in the 
 fcale of focial life, and improve his condition. Every 
 improvement of his condition would qualify him the more 
 for the reception of Chr'ijlianity and freedom ; and if ever 
 thefe glorious events were to be brought to pafs, then 
 would be the aera, in which happinefs would be the moft 
 extenfively diffufed in the colonies, and the eftate of the 
 planter be productive of the greateft * gain. 
 
 I come now to the conlequences which would refult to 
 the i/lands by the abolition of the flave trade. Thefe 
 confequences would be truly valuable, as the iflands would 
 be fafe and impregnable during the time of war. 
 
 It is well known that the planters, at this period, have 
 been in general in continual alarm. The fugitive flaves 
 have never failed to make their incurfions, and to be ready 
 to join the foe. Their own flaves on the plantations have 
 been peculiarly ripe for a revolt, and have only waited for 
 an opportunity of gratifying their revenge. In fhort, 
 they have been well allured, that if the enemy could only 
 have contrived to arm them, a general maflacre would 
 have taken place, and the iflands have been loft. 
 
 This will fhew, in a more confpicuous light, the great 
 importance of the change that would take place in confe- 
 quence of the abolition of the trade. In a few years all 
 the flaves upon the iflands would be Creoles, and as every 
 man has naturally an attachment to his native fpot, fo 
 the Creole would have a partiality for thefe. In thefe 
 iflands alfo would be his relatives and friends, his 
 little property, his fpot of nutrition, and his home. He 
 would fpeak the fame language as his mafter, contract the 
 fame habits, imbibe the fame prejudices. Thefe, and 
 
 * Attempts have been made in a certain French colony, for fome time 
 pair, to bring the (laves by degrees into the enjoyment of liberty and 
 property. And the progrefs of this eftabliihment tends to prove* that a 
 limilar fyfteru, if general, would be not only conducive to the prosperity 
 of the colony, but alfo to the private intereji of the prefer.t proprietors of 
 plantations. In America many flaves have been liberated. The confe- 
 quence has been, that the face of the\ country has been altered, the 
 lands in a higher ftate of cultivation, and the proprietor enriched. In 
 Cochin China the fugar, which is wholly made there by free men, caji 
 be afforded at one-feventb of the price, for which it is fold, when mad^e 
 by Jiaves. 
 
 G 3 other
 
 102 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 other circumftanccs, would excite his alacrity, his vigl. 
 lance, his courage, his exertions, and he would be found 
 to the iflands a fteady and faithful protector, and to the 
 invaders a bitter and a formidable foe. 
 
 To fhew that this is not merely ideal, or without 
 foundation, I fhall relate a fact, that happened during the 
 late war. In the ifland of Barbidoes the greateft part of 
 the flaves arc Creoles. They are ufed in general with 
 more humanity there than in the other iflands ; though their 
 treatment is by no means fuch as they would experience, 
 were the trade abolifhed. Notwithftanding this, fevcral 
 of them were fele&ed, and formed into a military corps. 
 They were found to be vigilant, and ready, on every 
 occafion : and no one inftance could be found on the 
 whole ifland where a flave had abufed the confidence 
 repofed in him, or had turned his arms to a bad purpofe. 
 
 I have now enumerated the principal confequences that 
 would unavoidably refult to the planters, the Jlaves them- 
 selves, and the ijlands, from the abolition of the flave 
 trade. I need not obferve, that they are fuch, as are 
 highly important in themfelves, truly pleafing in the 
 anticipation, and mod devoutly to be prayed for. 
 Indeed, there is no profpedr, that we are obliged to view 
 at a diftance, that is fo charming and delightful. For let 
 us fee the planter at a future period, not the tyrant and 
 deftroyer, but the fhepherd and the guardian of his flaves. 
 Let us fee them looking upon him in return as the 
 difpenfer of their blefllngs j gratefully acknowledging his 
 favours, endeared to him from the ties of principle and 
 gratitude. Let us fee them annually improving both in 
 their temporal and religious flate. Then fhall the chains 
 of defpotifm be broken. The Daemon torture fhall 
 throw her inftruments into the fea : commerce extend her 
 fwelling fails ; embarraflments be no more ; fecurity and 
 confidence eflablifhed ; a golden age, in fhort, reign in 
 the colonial plains ; and a fpot, that was once the fcene 
 of accumulated perfecution and murder, be the manfions 
 of peace, fecurity, happinefs, and joy. 
 
 If this defirable change then were to take place, as it 
 inevitably mud ; if all thefe bleflings were to follow ; 
 how additionally impolitick is the Jlave trad>, which is the 
 qnly impediment (o their realization ', which, by holding up 
 
 to
 
 African Slave Trade. 103 
 
 to the planter the profpect of an annual fupply, only 
 encourages him to wafte and diflipate human life, and to 
 be cruel ; and which, by furnifhing him with people 
 deprived of the natural rights of men, fills him frequently 
 with alarm, and obliges him often to adopt a fyftem of 
 difcipline and oppreffion, that will for ever hinder him 
 from experiencing the folid advantages defcribed. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 The patrons of the flave trade having founded an 
 argument, in fupport of their caufe, on the fatal confe- 
 quences of its abolition to the colonies, derive another 
 from the baneful effects which would refult from it to this 
 kingdom. 
 
 They afTert firft, that if fuch an event were to take 
 place, it would annihilate a confiderable branch of the 
 revenue. 
 
 No argument, perhaps, has been deemed of greater 
 importance by the opponents of the abolition, than this. 
 They have been affiduous, both in their converfation and in 
 their writings, to difleminate it. They have never failed to 
 mention it too with their wonted confidence, and but too 
 many have implicitly admitted it without an inveftigation 
 of the facl:. It will be proper therefore to examine into 
 the truth of their afTertion, and to fee how far the objec- 
 tion, advanced by them, is valid. 
 
 The lofs which the revenue might fuftain in confequence 
 of the abolition of the flave trade, could be effected only 
 in three ways. It might be fuppofed to fuffer, firft, by 
 the lofs of duty on fuch goods as are ufually exported to 
 Africa., and the exportation of which, on luch an event, 
 would ceafe. This point I fhall immediately confider. 
 The remaining two fhall be noticed in their proper place. 
 To inveftigate this, it will be proper to enumerate the 
 articles that are ufually exported from this country to the 
 
 G 4 coaft.
 
 104 
 
 On the Impolicy of thb 
 
 coaft. Thcfc may be divided into three clafTes, namely, 
 Britifh, Eaft-Indian, Eaft-Indian and Venetian con- 
 jointly. 
 
 In the firft clafs may be reckoned 
 
 Gunpowder 
 
 Shot 
 
 Guns 
 
 Gun-flints 
 
 Cutlafles 
 
 JCnives 
 
 Brafs-pans 
 
 Iron-bars 
 
 Lead-bars 
 
 Copper-rods 
 
 Pewter-ware 
 
 Earthen-ware 
 
 Glafs 
 
 Brandy 
 
 Manilloes 
 
 Neptunes 
 
 Cottons 
 
 Linens 
 
 Woollens 
 
 Fuftians. 
 
 In the fecond clafs may be reckoned 
 
 Blue cloths 
 
 Brawles 
 
 Bejutapants 
 
 Callicoes 
 
 Cufhtaes 
 
 Chintz 
 
 Chelloes 
 
 Nicamees 
 
 Negampants 
 
 Romalls 
 
 Photaes 
 
 In the third clafs may be reckoned 
 
 Coral 
 Great bugle 
 
 Arrangoes 
 Cowries 
 Amber beads 
 
 Small bugle 
 
 The articles mentioned in the firft clafs, being of the 
 production and manufacture of Great Britain, pay no 
 * duty on exportation, and of courfe, were they never 
 more to be carried to the coaft, the revenue could fuftain 
 no injury by the change. 
 
 Thofe in the fecond confift of fuch as arc either pro- 
 hibited, and neither pay duty nor receive drawback, or 
 of fuch as have the whole duty returned in cafe of 
 exportation to Africa. 
 
 Printed cottons pay excite, which is, however, drawn back on 
 exportation. 
 
 Thofc
 
 African Slave Trade". 105 
 
 Thofe in the third are all of them fubjer, to duty, but 
 the * drawback is fo great, that, after the receipt of it, 
 fcarcely fufEcient is left to pay for the proportion of falary 
 of thofe in office, under whofe cognizance they fall. 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that the revenue could not 
 fuffer at all by any lofs of duty on the goods exported from 
 hence to Africa, were the trade aboliihed. 
 
 The fecond way, in which the revenue might be fup- 
 pofed to fuftain a lofs, might be by a lofs of duty onfuch 
 of the productions of Africa, as are ufually imported from 
 thence irjo this kingdom, and the importation of which would 
 ceafe. 
 
 A few words only will be necefTary to afcertain this 
 point. The productions of Africa are brought to us by 
 two different means of conveyance, namely, of the wood 
 and of the flave vefTels. The greater fhare of them is 
 imported by the former, fo that whether the flave trade 
 were abolifhed or not, this proportion would ftill continue 
 to be brought. If it were abolifhed, that part of them, 
 which is now brought home by the latter, to the detriment 
 of the fair trader upon the coaft, would fall in their pro- 
 per channel. More wood vefTels would be immediately 
 fitted out, nor would any diminution whatever, either 
 immediately or in future, be experienced by the re- 
 venue in this in/lance, from the abolition of the trade 
 in flaves. 
 
 The third, and only remaining way in which it can be 
 fuppofed that the national purfe would fuffer, muft be by 
 a lofs of duty on rum and fugar, both of which being pro- 
 duced by the toil of flaves, might either decreafe in 
 quantity, or be annihilated in the iflands, were the trade 
 aboliihed. 
 
 * This will be feen from the following ftatement. 
 
 Duty. Drawback. 
 
 Arrangoes ? for everv 100 of the f _ re 
 
 Cowries, $ real value thereof \ ^' 3 4 A *9 * 
 
 Beads Amber, 1 ., 
 
 I Coral, f P er lb * " 4 5 o 4 * 
 
 Bugle Small, per lb. - - 027 o z 5 
 
 Bugle Great, per Ih. - - 017 016 
 
 To this ftatement I may add, that fo far is the revenue from being 
 benefited, that the bounties, paid out of it on goods exported to Africa, 
 amount to ten times more than any duties which it receives. 
 
 With
 
 jo6 On the Impolicy ot the 
 
 With refpecr, to a diminution of the ufual quantity of 
 thefe valuable articles, which would of courfc occafion a 
 diminution of revenue, I apprehend there is no perfon fo 
 extravagant as to fuppofe, that it could take place when 
 the rifing generation were grown up. It will he therefore 
 proper to enquire firfr, what would be the fituation of 
 things, from the moment of the abolition of the Have 
 trade, till the rifing generation could be brought into 
 employ. 
 
 The age at which the young Creoles are ufually put 
 into the field, is that of fifteen. This, therefore, is the 
 fpace of time in which I am to inquire whether there 
 would be any diminution of the articles of revenue before 
 fpecified. 
 
 The firft queftion that fcems naturally to occur on the 
 occafion is this, Whether the number of labourers would 
 be lefs in this than in any former period of an equal 
 length ? 
 
 It is very certain that there would be in the iflands, at 
 the moment of the abolition, Creoles of every age, from 
 one to fifteen, ready to fill up in fucceftion the places of 
 many of thofe who would unavoidably be taken off within 
 this period. It will be faid, however, that thefe would 
 not be numerous enough of themfelves to fupply the whole 
 deficiency by death. But I reply, that in confequence of 
 the regulations, both in point of labour, food, and treat- 
 ment, that would necefTarily follow the abolition of the 
 flave trade, the bills of mortality would be lefs crowded, 
 and that the lives of all thofe (laves, at that time upon the 
 iflands, would be confidcrably prolonged. By means, 
 therefore, of this protraction of human life on the one 
 hand, which would render perhaps only half the former 
 number of recruits neceflary in a given time, and by 
 means of this regular fucceffion of Creoles on the other, 
 more of whom would live to come to maturity than in 
 any former period of the fame length, there could be but 
 little diminution of thefe articles from the diminution of 
 effective labourers in the colonies. 
 
 But let us fuppofe, for a moment, that the number of 
 labourers would be lefs : ftill no diminution of thefe arti- 
 cles is neccfTary : for a lefs number, under tender regula- 
 tions,
 
 African Slave Trade. 107 
 
 tions, would do as much work as a greater, without them, 
 in the fame time. It is not on the number, hut on the 
 condition, the ability, die willingnefs of the labourer, that 
 the quantity of work depends. On eftates, where the lafh 
 has been inceflantly applied, the flaves have univerfally 
 done much lefs in proportion, than upon thofe where 
 they have met with indigencies, and been treated 
 like human beings. Such would be the cafe during this 
 period, and if the number of flaves were to become lefs, 
 by one-third, than before, it is not necefTary that any 
 diminution fhould take place, either in the quantity of 
 fugar and rum, or in the revenue, that may be expected 
 by the ftate. 
 
 Again. Let us fuppofe them to be reduced even to 
 one-half of their former number, till the rifing generation 
 were put into employ. Let the planters introduce ma- 
 chines of hufbandry, and one-half, or one-tenth, or even 
 onc-thirtuth, would do as much work in the fame time as 
 all of them together were able to do before, under 
 their then f, ftem of labour. 
 
 As a proof of this, (for it is not a bare conjecture,) I 
 fhall felect the two following paflages from *Mr. Long. 
 
 " It was found, fays he, that one plough, ufed on an 
 <c eftate in the parifh of Clarendon, turned up as much 
 " ground in one day, and in a much better manner than 
 u cm hundred negroes could perform with their hoes in 
 " the fame time." 
 
 " When the plant is made in the furrow, fdloxving the 
 *' pJtmgkf 1 think it demonstrable, that more ground can 
 " be turned up and planted in this wav in one day> than 
 '* can be holed and planted in the ufuai way in three y and 
 4< with a tenth lefs number of able negroes." 
 
 Such is the language of Mr. Long, and it mult be 
 evident, I think, to every impartial perfon, both from 
 thefe and the preceding obfervations, that the revenue 
 could not f poflibly fufFer by any diminution of the ufual 
 
 quantity 
 
 * Long's Hlflory of Jamaica. Vol. I. Page J49, 450. 
 
 f- Suppufe that the'r live; would not be pro traded, that lefs work 
 would be dor.;- in the fame time, that machines of labour would be ra- 
 ther an hindrance than a gain, <till the ceSciincy might be made up by 
 foreign fugar, (till the rifing generation were grown up) and the revenue be 
 
 imprmtd.
 
 108 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 quantity of rum and fugar, till the rifing generation were 
 capable of being put into employ. It has appeared before, 
 that it could not fuffer by any diminution of the exports to 
 Africa, or imports from thence into this kingdom : and if 
 it could fuftain no injury in either of the three ways now 
 mentioned, I do not fee how it is poflible that it could 
 fuffer at all . 
 
 Thus, in whatever point of view we confider the fub- 
 jeet, there could neceffarily be no diminution of the re- 
 venue. But, on the other hand, when we come to con- 
 fider the great prolongation of life, which muft refult 
 from thofe regulations that the abolition of the flave trade 
 muft introduce, the better condition of the flaves from 
 the fame caufe, their greater zeal and alacrity, the truth 
 of the maxim, that thofe, who are beft treated, univer- 
 sally work the beft, and the extraordinary advantages of 
 the introduction of machines of husbandry, by which 
 one-thirtieth only of the former ftrength would be requir- 
 ed, it is highly probable that the revenue would be increafed^ 
 and it is certain that it could be made, under proper regu- 
 lations, to receive a greater augmentation in this, than in 
 any former period of an equal length. 
 
 Having now inquired what would be the fituation of 
 the revenue, till the rifing generation were put into 
 emplov, I {hall inquire what its fituation would probably 
 be after this period : for the more remote, as well as the 
 lefs diftant confequences of the abolition of the flave trade, 
 ihould be had in view. 
 
 It is probable, that fome of the flaves, who were in 
 bondage at the time of the abolition, would be then alive ; 
 but as many of thefe would be paft their labour, and the 
 reft would be going off, I fhall content mvfelf with hav- 
 ing only mentioned them. The effective, or rifing 
 ftrength then on the iflands, would confift of Creoles. 
 Thefe would be found, in a regular fucceflion, from the 
 age of thirty to one. They would have been born too in 
 the order of nature, that is, the fexes would have been 
 properly proportioned by means of birth, which is not the 
 cafe in the colonies at the prefent day. 
 
 imprcvtJ. For thii, from its cheapnefs, would bear a heavier duty, and 
 yet come into our hands at a more reasonable rate than that from the 
 Britiflj colonic!. 
 
 Having
 
 African Slave Trade. 109 
 
 Having this advantage then ; having, moreover, the 
 advantages of a prolifick nature, of living in a climate to 
 which they have been habituated from their infancy, and of 
 being treated in an humane and tender manner, far beyond 
 any of their predeceflbrs, they would from this period 
 very rapidly increafe, and a much greater number of flaves 
 would be then found in the iflands, than at any former 
 time. This would evidently be the cafe. It is no fpecu- 
 lative conjecture. It is founded on the invariable rule of 
 nature, on the immutable decrees of the Deity, that every 
 fociety of people, among whom the fexes are properly 
 proportioned, and common advantages are enjoyed, muji 
 increafe. 
 
 Let us now confider the effects of this increafe. The 
 planter, having more hands than before, will feek for 
 employment for his fupernumeraries. He will feek for it, 
 becaufe he will not fupport them in idlenefs, and becaufe 
 his own intereft will be fo materially concerned. Two 
 profpe&s will then prefent themfelves, namely, the improve- 
 ment of the old land, and the clearing and cultivation of the 
 new. 
 
 There are few eftates in the colonies, or indeed in any 
 other part of the world, in which many more hands could 
 not be employed to advantage, than are employed in them 
 at prefent ; or which have arrived at that degree of culti- 
 vation, to which they are capable of being brought. It 
 is evident, therefore, in the firft cafe, that the fame fpot 
 that produced a certain number of hogftieads of fugar 
 annually, would be made to produce more, and that the 
 revenue would derive a proportionate benefit from the 
 change. This would be the firft natural confequence of 
 the increafe. 
 
 In the fecond cafe the advantages would be fimilar and 
 great. The planter would direct a part of his agricultural 
 ftrength to the clearing of new land, and the augmenta- 
 tion of his eftate. In this refpecl: he has been hitherto 
 confined : for the expence of pnrchafing new (laves has 
 been fo heavy, and fo many of them have conftantly died 
 in the arduous employment, arduous not only in itfelf, but 
 particularly to thofe who have been unufed to labour, that his 
 attempts have very rarely been made but with lofs, and have 
 
 often
 
 no On the Impolicy of the 
 
 often ruined him. The cafe, however, at the period nov* 
 in view, would be reverfed. His * Creoles, feafoncd to 
 the climate, and inured from their infancy to work, would 
 perform it without its former weight, and would be able 
 to realize his views without any of the difadvantages 
 defcribed. 
 
 Enabled then to put his plans into execution without 
 any detriment to himfelf, let us confider the fecond con- 
 fequence of the increafe. 
 
 Every new piece of land, which he would clear and put 
 into cultivation, would produce an additional quantitv of 
 fugar and rum. This additional quantity would pay its 
 proportionate duty to the ftate ; and how far the revenue 
 is capable of increafe, by thefe means, may be conceived, 
 in fome meafure, from the following account. 
 
 Acres of Land. 
 
 In Jamaica alone are contained about 3,500,000 
 
 * ^ - 
 
 There are already cleared, opened, and ap- 7 , 
 
 plied to cultivation or pafture \ "* 
 
 The Savannahs include - - 250,000 
 
 The rocky, unplantable parts, roads, river- 7 
 
 courfes, and gullies - j 3 ) 
 
 1,150,000 
 
 It appears from hence, that there remain in Jamaica 
 alone, capable of cultivation, about 2,350,000 acres of 
 land. Here then would be an ample field for fpeculation, 
 for the employment of fupernumerary flaves, and for an 
 addition to the revenue. 
 
 In fhort, if we confider the firft confequence of the 
 increafe, as vifible in the improvement of the old land, and 
 the fecond, as vifible in the charing and cultivation of the 
 new, and combine them, it will appear, that a prodigious 
 extenfion of revenue would unavoidably arife to this 
 kingdom ; and that the abolition, of the flave trade would 
 
 Native Africa ni, (fayt Mr. Long) unfeafoncd to the climate, and 
 left able than the C-eeltt to bear the toil of cutting down thick wcsJt, and 
 clearing frcjb land.' Long's Hiftory of Jamaica. Vol. 1. Page 5x6. 
 
 be
 
 African Slave Trade. hi 
 
 be the means, in the courfe of time, of confiderably aug- 
 menting its prefent opulence and power. 
 
 Such would be the fituation of things in the colonies, 
 were the trade abolifhed. Let us now, for a moment, 
 turn our eyes to Africa^ and let us look at the profpeft there. 
 
 In the interval of time, from the rearing of the rifing 
 generation to the putting of them into employ, we fhould 
 have been bufy in eftablifhing an honourable and civilizing 
 commerce among the natives there. We fhould have 
 been fuccefsful in our attempts, becaufe we mould have 
 given them encouragement, (of which they are not infen- 
 iible) and have embarked in it with emulation and zeal. 
 We fhould have imported many of their variegated and 
 valuable woods, their cotton, their rice, their indigo, their 
 fpices, and, perhaps, articles neither known at the prefent 
 day, nor to be credited were they known and mentioned. 
 Many of the productions of Africa would bear a duty in 
 a little time, and if fuch a duty were affixed to them on 
 importation, they would neverthelefs come cheaper into 
 our hands, than thofe of the fame kind, if duty free, from 
 another quarter. This improvement, therefore, which 
 the revenue would derive in time from the new trade, is 
 to be added to the account. 
 
 To fum up the whole. It Is evident, that the revenue 
 could not pombly be diminifhed, in confequence of the 
 abolition of the flave trade, till the rifing generation were 
 put into employ. It is probable that it would be in- 
 creafed : and it is certain that it could be made, under 
 proper regulations, to receive a greater augmentation in 
 this, than in any former period of an equal length. But 
 when the end of this period fhould have arrived, fuch an 
 additional quantity of fugar and rum would be annually 
 imported from the iflands, and fuch an additional number 
 of articles from the coaft, that the revenue would arrive 
 at a degree of extenfion, unknown in any former period, 
 and not to be known till the riches of Africa are explored, 
 or a fyftem of humanity and population be adopted in our 
 colonies. 
 
 Thefe riches can never be difcovered, this fyftem never 
 introduced, but by the abolition of the trade in flaves. 
 
 SECTION II.
 
 ii2 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 I have now examined one of the fatal confequences that 
 would, in the opinion of the patrons of the trade, unavoid- 
 ably arife to this kingdom from its abolition. A fecond is^ 
 that if fuch an event were to take place, it would annihi- 
 late a confulcrable branch of our manufaclures. 
 
 It is aftonifhing to hear the exaggerated accounts that 
 have been uniformly given of the exports of this country 
 to the coaft of Africa for flaves. One could fcarcely 
 conceive that people, who wifhed to fupport their caufe, 
 could have ventured to make aftertions, that but a little 
 knowledge of the African trade muft immediately refute y 
 but that their audacity is to be equalled only by their 
 ignorance, and that a bad caufe univerfally wants 
 fupport. 
 
 It has been afierted by a perfon, who afrc&s a confider- 
 able knowledge of this trade, that goods, to the amount of 
 two millions and an half, are annually (hipped to Africa ; 
 and it is aflerted with no lefs confidence by the fame, that 
 the cargo of every fhip is worth, on an average, twelve 
 thoufand pounds. Thefe, and other abfurdities, have been 
 daily obtruded into our ears. The publick prints have 
 had their (hare in proclaiming them ; and the importance 
 of the African trade has been founded from all quarters. 
 
 It is very fortunate, however, that but a few points, 
 well known, will be able to check thefe exaggerated 
 accounts. The average value of a flave upon the coaft, 
 the number that are annually purchafed, and the average- 
 number carried in one fhip, are fufficient documents for 
 the refutation of the whole. 
 
 On a fuppofition then that goods to the amount of two 
 millions and an half are annually (hipped to the coaft, and 
 that one flave with another, including men, women, and 
 boys, can be purchafed by manufactures of the value of 
 twenty pounds, (which is too high an allowance) even on 
 fuch a fuppofition, the Englifli muft annually purchafe one 
 hundred and twenty-five thoufand (laves ; that is, they muft 
 purchafe two-thirds more than they really do, or more 
 
 than
 
 African Slave TRAbE* 113 
 
 than all the Europeans together, including themfelves, from 
 the river Senegal to the utmoft limits of Angola. 
 
 Again, on a fuppofition that every cargo is worth 
 twelve thoufand pounds, it will appear from his own data, 
 that two hundred and eight veflfels muft be annually em- 
 ployed in this trade, and that each of thefe muft tranfport 
 fix hundred flaves. In other words, the Englifh muft 
 carry more by two hundred and forty in each (hip than 
 were ever known to be the average number carried by any 
 number of (hips in any year. 
 
 Such are the admirable arguments, and fuch is the 
 knowledge of the fupporters of this trade. If they believe 
 what they write, they muft be ignorant indeed. If they 
 are better informed, they muft write againft their own 
 conviction, and muft be confidered as impoftors, taking 
 an advantage of the ignorance of the world, to ferve an 
 execrable caufe. 
 
 The real value of the goods exported to Africa in the 
 year 1786, was about eight hundred thoufand pounds. I 
 fpeak from good authority ; I believe, as good as can be 
 obtained. The account too is confiftent with itfelf. It 
 may be checked either by the number of flaves purchafed 
 in that year, or by their value upon the coaft. It will 
 ftand either of thefe ordeals ; which is not the cafe with 
 any of the monftrous accounts delivered by the advocates 
 for the trade. 
 
 This being the whole amount of the exports, and more 
 than one -third of them being of Venetian and Eaft -Indian 
 manufacture conjointly, the real value of the Britifh ma- 
 nufactures fhipped to the coaft in that year may be called 
 five hundred thoufand pounds. This is the prodigious 
 branch, that would be annihilated by the abolition of the 
 flave trade, being only one-fifth of the fum its advocates 
 have reported, and fcattered in too many places to be felt> 
 and too inhgnificant to ftop the abolition for a moment^ 
 even were it wholly loft. 
 
 But I deny that the whole of it would be loft were the 
 flave trade immediately abolifhed. The flave veffels bring 
 home many of the productions of Africa annually, fuch 
 as ivory, palm-oil, long and malaguetta-pepperj part of 
 which is paid for out of the amount of the Britifh manu- 
 H fadtures
 
 114 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 failures juft mentioned. Whatever portion, therefore, of 
 the exported goods was before expended in the purchafe of 
 thefe, by means of the flave veflels now mentioned, would 
 ftill be expended by means of new wood-veflels, fitted out 
 for their reception. 
 
 I afl'ert farther, that if, on the abolition of the flave 
 trade, we were to embark with ardour in the new inter- 
 courfe that has been pointed out, and government would 
 aifift the plan, by encouraging the infant- fettlement at 
 Sierra Leon, by recalling the prefent African Gover- 
 nors, by appointing others on the coaft whofe princi- 
 ples and opinions would be favourable to the defign, 
 by directing the cultivation of every little fpot in the 
 vicinity of the forts, (which would fhew an example to 
 the natives) and by other means, the annual exports from 
 this country to Africa would foon reach their prefent 
 height, and a foundation be laid for fuch an extenfivc 
 commerce, as would take them off, at a future period, in 
 a quantity hitherto unknown. 
 
 That the Africans would foon engage in fuch a line of 
 connection, is evident for many reafons. Firft, becaufe 
 they have acquired fuch a tafte for our manufactures, that 
 they could not eafily relinquifh them ; and it is clear that 
 they could not obtain them, at leaft for a length of time, 
 to the extent of their prefent demands, by other means. 
 
 Secondly, becaufe they have readily embarked in any 
 new commercial plan that has been pointed out, and 
 we have a right to argue from what has once been to what 
 may again be. 
 
 Thirdly, becaufe the merchant in this line, requiring 
 lefs credit than the flave merchant, buying his goods five 
 per cent, cheaper, employing lefs hands in one veflel, and 
 knowing that his veflel would laft * twice the time of the 
 other, could afford the exported articles at a cheaper rate : 
 and the Africans, like other people, are too fcnfiblc of 
 their own intereft, not to choofe that fyftem of commerce 
 which would be moft advantageous, were it pointed out. 
 This kind of intercourfe then being once eitablifhed, 
 
 * It is aftonifhing what an effect the heat and ftench, arifing from 
 the flaves confined between the decks, have upon the timbers of the 
 veflels. This effeel is fo great, that a Dave veflel is considered at Liver- 
 fool as lading only half the time of another, 
 
 let
 
 African Slave Trade. 115 
 
 tet us mark the confequences. The flave trade takes 
 annually from Africa a prodigious number of its inhabi- 
 tants. By the abolition of it, a lefs number would be 
 taken away, or, which is the fame thing, a greater num- 
 ber would be added, fo that from this circumftance alone, 
 there would be an additional confumption of our manufac- 
 tures within the fame fpace. 
 
 The flave trade too has been hitherto an infuperable 
 impediment to the civilization of the Africans : but the 
 new commerce would have a contrary effect. It would 
 gradually change their laws, which are now moftly 
 adapted to the former. It would gradually alter their 
 opinions and habits. It would foften and polifh their 
 manners, and would bring them to a ftate of refinement, 
 though not immediately great in itfelf, yet great in com- 
 panion of their former ftate. This civilization would be 
 productive of the moft beneficial effects to ourfelves : for 
 in proportion as we civilize a people, we increafe their 
 wants, and we mould create therefore, from this circum- 
 ftance alone, another fource of additional confumption of 
 our manufactures, even within the fame fpace* 
 
 This being the cafe, ineftimable would be the advan- 
 tages which the kingdom would experience from the 
 abolition of the trade in flaves. But if to thefe confide- 
 raticns we add, that the new intercourfe, being eftablilhed 
 on a principle of greater gain, would extend itfelf every 
 year, would make its way into the interiour country, and 
 that in the very exercife of it, nation after nation would 
 be civilized, it is evident, that there would be a perpetually 
 growing demand for our manufactures, and that the con- 
 fumption of them in Africa would arrive at a degree of 
 extenfion, which none but the moft comprehenfive minds 
 can be capable of conceiving. 
 
 Such, in time, would be the fituation of the demand for 
 our manufactures on the coafl of Africa, were the flave 
 trade abolifhed : nor would that in the colonies be lefs 
 pleafing. The great increafe of cultivators, that would 
 unavoidably arife there in confequence of the abolition, 
 would of courfe occafion a great increafe of demand for 
 our manufactures. Their condition too being improved, 
 and their wants multiplied, they would demand them in 
 H 2 greater
 
 n6 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 greater abundance, and I need hardly add, that they would 
 demand them of a better fort. 
 
 Nor would necefTary or ornamental apparel, or domef- 
 tick utenfils, or articles of fancy, be the only Britifh 
 commodities for which the demand would increafe there. 
 When the wafte lands were put into cultivation, new 
 fcenes would be opened, and new wants created. The new 
 labourers muft have their bills, their axes, and their hoes. 
 There muft be new materials for building, new (tills and 
 mill-cafes, new locks and ftaples, new iron work for 
 machines, and many other articles, too numerous to be 
 particularly defcribed. All thefe muft be purchafed, kept 
 in repair, and renewed : and they would afford to the 
 Britifh manufacturer an additional and permanent employ. 
 
 In fhort, there are few fubjedh more pleafing in the 
 contemplation than this. And fo far would the abolition 
 of the flave trade be from annihilating a confiderable branch 
 of our manufactures, that it would open many additional 
 purees, both in Africa and the colonies, for their confump- 
 tion, and would procure a vent, in the courfe of time, for 
 fuch a quantity, as, if compared with the prefent branch 
 of them exported there, would render it infigniftcant and 
 mean. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 The patrons of the (lave trade have confidered the 
 annihilation of a branch of our revenue, and the annihi- 
 lation of a branch of our manufactures, as two of the 
 fatal confequences that would arife to this kingdom from 
 its abolition. There is yet a third. It is faid, that if 
 fuch an event were to take place, the different towns 
 concerned in this trade would, from the variety of diftrefs 
 that would be occafioned in them, receive a confiderable 
 Jhock. 
 
 To inveftigate this point, I {hall divide the cities, 
 towns, and villages, that have any connection with this 
 trade, into two kinds, namely, manufacturing and com- 
 mercial; and I fhall fuppofe for a moment the abolition of 
 the trade to have taken place. 
 
 With
 
 African Slate Trade. 117 
 
 With refpect to the manufafluring towns, there are 
 none, where the inhabitants work folely for the African 
 trade. The moft confp\cuous is Manchefter, which 
 fupplies it annually with goods, almoft to as great an 
 amount as all the reft of them put together. The next 
 is Birmingham. In each of thefe are diftinct houfes for 
 this trade, and which have no connection with any other. 
 
 That the town of Manchefter would receive a fhocJc 
 by the abolition of the flave trade, though the value of 
 the goods, annually furnifhed for it, is great, is too 
 abfurd not to be riduculed by thofe, who are acquainted 
 with the nature, fituation, or extent of the manufactures 
 of that important place. 
 
 It is certain, that if fome particular arts in this king- 
 dom were to be fuppreffed, thofe who have been brought 
 up to them would be deftitute for a time. They could 
 not become artifts directly in another line, and, till they 
 could turn their hands to fome other kind of employ, they 
 would fuffer. But this is not the cafe with the labouring 
 manufacturer of Manchefter for the African trade. The 
 fame perfon who works for this could immediately turn 
 his hand to the different branches of manufacture now 
 there. At this moment there are many infant arts to 
 receive them, and more than fufficient fcope to- employ 
 that capital, which is now in the African, in other foreign 
 markets. Nor need there be, nor is it likely that there would, 
 a fingle labouring manufacturer, who would fuffer by the 
 abolition of the flave trade, fo long as he was willing to 
 work. 
 
 With refpedt to Birmingham, the goods which arc 
 made there for the African trade, are unworthy of com- 
 panion in point of value with thofe which are made at 
 Manchefter for the fame. They confift principally of , 
 guns. But the whole branch of it is fo infigniftcant in 
 itfelf, and bears {o mean a proportion to the general ma- 
 nufactory of the place, that the change of fafhion only in 
 a button has occafioned, and will ftill occafion, greater 
 diftrefs to the labouring manufacturers there> than the 
 abolition of the whole trade in flaves. 
 
 If the reader wifhed to have thefe aflertions confirmed,. 
 
 I might ftate to him, that when the flave trade began- 
 
 H 3 uy
 
 n8 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 to excite the attention of the publiclc, a meeting of the 
 inhabitants was called by advertifement both at Manches- 
 ter and at Birmingham on this fibject. That thefe meet- 
 ings were numeroufly attended. That they confifted of 
 the moft refpectable perfons, in point of property and 
 character, in the two towns. That there was not a 
 diffentient voice in either of them on the occafion : but 
 that committees were formed, and ftill continue much to 
 their honour to exift, to effect the abolition of the trade. 
 
 In the reft of the manvfafturing towns the different 
 branches for the African market are very fmall, and bear 
 no kind of proportion to the different manufactories of the 
 place. The fame houfe too, which fupplies the African, 
 is connected with other trades ; fo that if the flave trade 
 were immediately abolifhed, no inconvenience could be 
 felt in thefe, except in the lofs of fale of fuch chains or 
 inftruments of torture, as are ready made : and it is only 
 to be lamented, that the fabricators of thefe would fuffer 
 fo little, as they would do, by the change. 
 
 It appears then from hence, that the manufacturing 
 towns of this kingdom that are concerned in the African 
 trade, would not receive that confiderable fhock, which 
 it is pretended would be occafioned by its abolition. On 
 the other hand we are to confider, that veflels would ftill 
 go to the coaft, and would go for fuch of its productions 
 as the flave veffels formerly took away; and if to this 
 confideration we add, that a new trade, fuch as I havo 
 defcribed in the firft part of my work, might be eftablifhed 
 there, fuch an additional number of manufacturers would 
 be foon employed, and fuch an extra accumulation of 
 wealth arife to the different towns, as would give them a 
 much greater fhare of importance, even than they poflefs 
 at the prefent day. By the people of Manchefter, how- 
 ever, the advantages would be particularly felt. Not to 
 mention a larger exportation of manufactures than before 
 to the fame coaft, the fingle circumftance of obtaining 
 their cotton from Africa would be ineftimably great, 
 This cotton, if we except the Perfun to which it is equal 
 in rank, is the fincft of any on the globe. It is this un- 
 common finenefs that would render it fo peculiarly valua- 
 ble : and of fuch importance would it be in the eye of the 
 
 Manchefter
 
 African Slave Trade. 119 
 
 Manchefter manufacturer to obtain it, that there Is no 
 event which he could wifh for, in point of interefr, 
 more than the abolition of the trade in flaves. 
 
 Having taken into confideration the tnanufaluring^ I 
 come now to the commercial towns that are concerned In 
 this trade. Thefe are only three, namely, London, Brif- 
 tol, and Liverpool. 
 
 The great cities of London and Briftol do not pofTefs 
 together in this employ fo many as forty veffels. To 
 fuppofe, therefore, that any kind of diftrefs could be felt 
 by the total feceffion of thefe, or any kind of ftagnation 
 take place, would be to expofe myfelf to derifion : for I 
 might as well fuppofe, that if forty drops of water were 
 to be taken from a bucket, they would be miffed. 
 
 That the town of Liverpool would be greatly affe&ed 
 by the blow, though it employs fo many veffels, and has 
 a greater lhare in the trade than London and Briftol to- 
 gether, is a pofition, the abfurdity of which may be foon 
 (hewn. 
 
 It has long been a miftake, that the town of Liverpool,, 
 which was formerly but a fifhing village, is indebted for 
 its prefent grandeur and opulence to the flave trade. No 
 opinion was ever more erroneous than this. I (hall there- 
 fore mention fome of the principal caufes that have con- 
 tributed to bring it into its prefent ftate. 
 
 The firft has been the free admijfton of ftrangers^ in 
 confequence of a politick exemption from many of thofe 
 dues, to which, as ftrangers, they would have been liable 
 in another place. 
 
 This has encouraged many to fettle there.. To fupply 
 thefe again, in all their refpedtive wants, others have ad- 
 ditionally come. Thus a conftant addition of new fami- 
 lies has been made to the original or the old. 
 
 Nor have lefs advantages been experienced in another 
 point of view, by the fame means. Each of the new 
 fettlers has brought with him his different purfuits and 
 fchemes ; has had his emulation; has fupported an home 
 or a foreign trade, according as his connections lay. 
 
 Tq this free admiflion then of ftrangers, which has 
 induced many to fettle, unfettered, with their different 
 purfuits, is to be attributed, on one hand> aa increafe of 
 
 H 4. the
 
 129 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 the population, and, on the other, of the mercantile inter- 
 course of the place. 
 
 A fecond caufe of the rife and grandeur of Liverpool 
 has been the fait trade. 
 
 Salt, which may be confidered as its ftaple commodity, 
 and which is collected from the neighbouring mines, is 
 brought there in fuch quantities as almoft exceed belief. 
 Many veflels are employed in the exportation of this 
 article. This has not failed to increafe the navigation of 
 the place. 
 
 But the increafe of the navigation and opulence of 
 Liverpool is to be attributed to it in another way, which 
 will be beft feen by the following account. 
 
 Some merchants of the north, hearing a few years back, 
 that this article could be purchafed cheaper at Liverpool 
 than at any other place, fent two or three of their veflels 
 for a fupply. The captains of thefe, on their return 
 home, reported, that all thofe nations of the north, who had 
 no falt-worlcs of their own, could not only lay in the 
 article in abundance and cheaper there, but could alfo lay 
 in their afibrtments of tobacco, fugar, and other American 
 produce, as well as at the London or other markets ; and 
 till this time they had, from their ignorance of the power 
 of Liverpool to fupply them in this refpeel, been confined 
 to thefe. 
 
 Confidering, therefore, that it was much more to their 
 advantage to go to Liverpool for one of the articles de^ 
 icribed, and that they fared as well in the reft, it was their 
 intereft upon the whole to declare in favour of the place. 
 Thefe and other veflels came afterwards pouring in for 
 their fait, and laid in their foreign aflbrtments at the fame 
 time. This immediately gave rife, or rather an addition 
 to two foreign tra,us, namely, the Wejl- Indian and Ame- 
 rican, to fupply them. 
 
 The fait trade therefore has had an important fhare in 
 the prefent grandeur of Liverpool. It has not only in- 
 creased its navigation by the exportation of that article, 
 its ftaple commodity, but alfo its navigation and opulence, 
 by inducing veflels, on account of its cheapnefs, to refort 
 there, which, but for this extraordinary cheapnefs, would 
 have gone to another place. Thefe veflels pay their 
 
 dockage.
 
 African Slave Trade. 121 
 
 dockage, are often in want of repairs, and by taking off 
 a part of the foreign imports of Liverpool, contribute 
 towards its opulence, and the fupport of a foreign trade. 
 
 It may, perhaps, be not amifs to introduce a circum- 
 ftance here, which may be confidered, in fome meafure, 
 as confirming what has been hitherto faid on this fubjedl. 
 Debating focieties were held in Liverpool, as in London, 
 in the winter of the year 1786, but with this difference, 
 that many more refpe&able people exercifed their oratory 
 in the former, than in the latter place. At one of thefe 
 the caufes of the prefent grandeur and opulence of the 
 town of Liverpool were the fubjecl: of difcuflion for the 
 night. Many merchants, and one or two of great refpec- 
 tability and commercial knowledge, joined in the debate ; 
 and though the flave trade was advanced by a perfon there 
 to have been the principal caufe, he was obliged to 
 relinquifh his pofition, as wholly falfe ; and it was deter- 
 mined, that other circumftances, but particularly the free 
 admijjion of Jlr angers, and the fait trade, had been the 
 means of the prefent grandeur and opulence of the town. 
 
 A third caufe of the wealth and importance of Liver- 
 pool has been the prodigious increafe of the population of 
 Lancashire. The great increafe of inhabitants there has 
 not failed to increafe the trade of the former place, to fup- 
 plythem with fugar,* wine, and other foreign commodities. 
 To fuch a degree of populoufnefs has this county already 
 arrived, that it is fuppofed to contain as many inhabitants 
 as Middlefex, though London is included in the compu- 
 tation. Such a body as this will ever command and fup- 
 port an extenfive foreign trade. 
 
 A fourth caufe has been the very rapid and great exten- 
 fion of the manufactures of Manchefter. The people 
 there, inftead of procuring their cotton as formerly, when 
 the demand for it was fmall, by the way of London, pro- 
 cure it now chiefly from Liverpool ; and inftead of fending 
 their manufactures as before to London for exportation, 
 export them to foreign parts through the fame medium. 
 
 * I am credibly informed, that aoout fifty years ago, the whole con- 
 fumption of Manchefter did not exceed (tua pipes of wine annually, which 
 were brought on horfes fromPrefton a quantity not equal to the individual 
 fonfumption of many of its prclcnc opulent and hofpitable manufacturers. 
 
 Thus
 
 122 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 Thus by procuring the article when raw, and exporting it 
 when manufactured, by means of Liverpool, they have 
 given birth to a new merchandize, have increased the 
 foreign trade, and contributed to the riches of the place. 
 
 A fifth is to be attributed to the various canals which 
 have been lately made, and with which that part of the 
 country is interfered. There is now a communication 
 from Liverpool by water to various parts inland, aud in- 
 deed to the very oppofite fea. Whole counties, and dif- 
 ftri&s of people, that were formerly fupplied with foreign 
 produce from other places, are now fupplied with it from 
 this. This new intcrcourfe, by the means now ftated, 
 has contributed, perhaps of all others the moft largely, 
 to increafe the trade and opulence of the town. 
 
 Thefe are fome of the principal caufes of that commer- 
 mercial importance which we fee in the town of Liver- 
 pool at the prefent day ; and I have made a digreflion in 
 relating them for the purpofe only of removing an opinion, 
 long prevalent, that this town, which was formerly a 
 fifhing village, is indebted for her prefent rank to the 
 profecution of the flave trade. 
 
 To return. That Liverpool would receive a con- 
 fiderable fhock by the abolition of the trade in flaves, 
 is improbable, when we confider thofe refources, that 
 have been now mentioned ; thofe natural refources, I 
 may fay, which are infeparably connected with it, and 
 which nothing but fome great and unexpected revolution 
 can take away. But as there are fome who would aflerr, 
 that the feceflion of eighty (hips from this trade would 
 occafion great embarranment and confufion in the place, 
 that the proprietors would not know how to employ them, 
 that fhipwrights, carpenters, and others, would want 
 work, and experience diftrefs, I {hall make a few obfer- 
 vations more on the fame fubjec~r. 
 
 When the flave mips have difcharged their cargoes in 
 the Weft-Indies, they prepare for returning home. Some 
 of them take in a fmall portion of Weft-Indian produce, 
 others not, according as they can get it, or have time ta 
 
 From hence it is manifeft, that the produce of the 
 Weft Indies comes to us by two means of conveyance : 
 firft, by means of thofe veflels that are employed in going 
 
 backward*
 
 African Slave Trade. 
 
 "3 
 
 backwards and forwards for this purpofe only, and which 
 I may diftinguifh by the name of veflels in the natural 
 trade : fecondly, by means of the {lave veflels. Thefe 
 carry the overplus, or fuch produce as remains over and 
 above that which the veflels in the natural trade take off 
 in the fame time. 
 
 This overplus is regular j that is, a certain number of 
 flave veflels will uniformly take away from the Weft-In- 
 dies a certain quantity of their produce in a given time. 
 To afcertain therefore how much this overplus is, will be 
 to afcertain the opening that would prefent itfelf, or the 
 number of Liverpool flave mips that would find immediate 
 employ, were the trade abolifhed. 
 
 The following is an account of fuch Weft-Indian pro- 
 duce as was brought home by fifty veflels of that defcrip- 
 tion, taken promifcuoufly, or as they returned after each 
 pther into port, 
 
 Sugar 758hog(heads 
 Rum 102 puncheons 
 Cotton 1364 bales 
 Indigo 4 tierces 
 Coffee 18 puncheons 
 Sarf.'parilla 126 bundles 
 Pimento 1 hogfliead 
 Ginger 3 puncheons 
 Pepper 77 puncheons 
 Tortoife-fliell II barrels 
 Logwood 511 tons 
 Mahogany 151 logs 
 Nicaragua wood 469 tons 
 Fuftick 557 tons 
 Lignum Vitx 50 tons 
 
 152 tierces 
 4 hhds. 
 1532 bags 
 4 calk. 
 601 hhds. 
 
 1042 planks 
 3480 pieces 
 
 8 barrels 
 
 
 
 951 pockets 1 
 
 82packs 
 
 8 boxes 
 
 9 bar. 
 
 15 tierces 
 
 136 bar. 
 
 2 barrels 
 
 7 bags 
 
 8988 pounds 
 
 
 
 = 
 
 keg 
 
 80 bag$ 
 
 I apprehend, that fifty flave veflels, the amount of whofc 
 cargoes on their return from the Weft Indies has been 
 fpecified as above, will be quite furficient, in point of 
 number, to ferve as a ground work for any calculation on 
 this fubjeft. This being fuppofed, I fhall ftate that the 
 produce above defcribed is fufficient to employ 4000 tons 
 of (hipping, that the number of veflels that failed from 
 Liverpool to the coaft of Africa in the year 1787 were 
 about eighty, that they meafured 14,012 tons, and that it 
 follows from thefe data, that there would be an immediate 
 opening in the Weft India trade for twenty-three fhips of 
 the fame average burthen as the flaye veffels : add to this, 
 
 that
 
 124 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 that as the produ&ions of the coaft, annually brought to 
 Liverpool by the latter, would make alfo an opening in 
 the wood trade for five more, there would be an imme- 
 diate employment for twenty-eight of thofe of its veflels 
 that are now employed in the flave trade. 
 
 With refpet to the reft, the growing refources of Li- 
 verpool, and the new trades that prefent themfelves, would 
 engage many, and it is probable, from the adventurous 
 fpirit of the people there, that there would not be, at the 
 end of twelve months from the abolition, ten veflels out 
 of employ j a number which has often been withdrawn 
 from this trade in one year, and the withdrawing of which 
 has been too infignificant to be felt. 
 
 It is evident therefore that the town of Liverpool could 
 not poflibly feel a (hock by the abolition of the flave trade. 
 This abolition, on the other hand, would prepare the way 
 for a new commercial eftablifhment on the coaft ; and if 
 fuch a trade, in all its various branches, were eftablifhed 
 there, as is capable of being introduced, not only the na- 
 vigation, but the opulence and importance of Liverpool 
 would be carried, by many degrees, beyond their prefent 
 extent ; nor is it eafy to fay at what diftance a line could 
 be drawn from their prefent bounds, to which they could 
 not be made, from the vaft and inexhauftible refources of 
 Africa, to arrive in time. 
 
 To fum up the contents of the three laft fe&ions. If 
 we confider that the revenue could not poflibly be dimi- 
 nished by the abolition of the flave trade, but that, in the 
 courfe of time, it would be inevitably increafed; if we 
 confider that the exportation of our mamifaclures to Africa 
 might be diminished for a year or two, but only to recover 
 its former height, and then to proceed to a degree of 
 extenfion, almort incredible, if compared with that at the 
 prefent day ; and if again we confider that the manufac- 
 turing and commercial towns of this kingdom would be fo 
 far from receiving a fhock, that they would derive in fu- 
 ture the moft important advantages from the change ; then 
 is the flave trade, additionally impolitic^ for as much as its 
 abolition could not be immediately injurious, but would be 
 attended, in a little time, in all the inftances now men- 
 tioned, with the happieft effects. 
 
 CHAP. III.
 
 African Slave Trade. 125 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 It is not improbable, but that fome of the advocates 
 for flavery may ftop here, and raife the following objection 
 to fome of the principal afTertions that have been made 
 in the fecond part of the work. 
 
 " You have faid, that if the flave trade were abolished, 
 the planters would breed from their prefent flock, that the 
 revenue could not poflibly be diminifhed, and that the 
 manufacturing and commercial towns would feel its anni- 
 hilation fo little, as to be almoft infenfible of the change. 
 But this is only a matter of fpeculation. Others, who 
 have thought on the fame fubjedt, have come to a different 
 conclufion. It is by facts alone that we ought to be guided 
 in a matter that is of fo much importance as the prefent 
 cafe." 
 
 To this I reply, that I will meet their objection, and 
 that I will reft thefe confequences of the abolition of the 
 flave trade, as far as a reference can be had, upon facts 
 alone. 
 
 There was a time, during the late war, when the flave 
 trade may be confidered as having been nearly abolifhed. 
 This is the proper time for a reference of this kind ; and 
 that fuch a time is to be found will be evident from the 
 following account. 
 
 In the year 1772 failed from the different "J 
 ports of Great Britain for the Coaft of [ 175 veffels, 
 Africa - - - J 
 
 1773 - - 151 
 
 1774 - 167 
 
 1775 - - 152 
 
 1776 - - 101 
 
 1777 - 58 
 
 1778 - 41 
 
 1779 - 28 
 
 It appears from this account, that in the year 1782, 
 the year preceding the war, one hundred and feventy-five 
 veffels were fitted out at the different ports of Great 
 
 Britain
 
 126 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 Britain for the coaft of Africa, and that in the year 1779 
 they were reduced to tiuenty-eight. The Have trade, 
 therefore, may be confidered as having been nearly abo- 
 lished in this period. Now, we may all of us know, if 
 we inquire, what were the effects of withdrawing, in the 
 courfe of fix years, one hundred and forty -f even veflels from 
 this trade. If it fhould appear that thefe effects were not 
 detrimental, that the planter bred from his flock, that the 
 revenue was not diminifhed, that the different towns be- 
 fore mentioned were in as flourifhing a condition in the 
 year 1779, when the African trade was leaft, as in the 
 year 1772, when it was at its greateft height, then it 
 may be concluded, that the reafoning in the preceding 
 chapters is true, and that faSJs, as well as reafoning, 
 evince, that none of thofe fatal effects, foreboded by the 
 advocates for flavery, are to be apprehended by the abo- 
 lition of the trade. 
 
 To begin with thefe effects. Nothing is more certain 
 than that the planters, at the beginning of the war, fore- 
 feeing that their ufual fupplies would be cut off, or, in 
 other words, the flave trade annihilated, changed the 
 fyftem of management on their plantations, and that they 
 bred from their then ftock. The effects of their conduct, 
 in the encouragement of population, are vifible at the 
 prefent day ; for out of 450,000 (laves, to be reckoned on 
 our iflands, 350,000 of thefe are Creoles. 
 
 It is clear alio, that a branch of the revenue was not 
 annihilated during that period of the war, of which I have 
 before fpoken. 
 
 1773 
 
 i>733>793 
 
 1774 
 
 I 93>57 
 
 177s 
 
 1,940,059 
 
 1776 
 
 1,069,07 1 
 
 1777 
 
 *>33>37 
 
 1778 - 
 
 1,404,995 
 
 1779 
 
 i>44W3 
 
 From hence we colled, that in the year 1772, when 
 the African trade was at its height, 1,766,422 cwt. of 
 
 fugar
 
 African Slave Trade. 127 
 
 fugar was imported into this country, and that 1,441,943 
 cwt. was imported, when the trade was nearly loft. A 
 branch therefore of the revenue ftill remained. But it 
 will be faid, that the quantity of fugar imported in the 
 year 1772, was certainly much greater than that in the 
 year 1779. I allow it. But I reply, that in this, and 
 the two preceding years, the enemy had collected their 
 ftrength, that the difference of importation is to be afcribed 
 to captures, and that lefs fugar was not made, though lefs 
 was brought to market by the chance of war in the year 
 1779 than in the year 1772, notwithftanding that one 
 hundred and forty-fiven veflels had been withdrawn from 
 the African trade. 
 
 I come now to confider the fituation of the manufac- 
 turing and commercial towns at the two periods afligned. 
 
 In the year 1772, the manufacturers of Manchefter 
 worked for an hundred and f eve nty -five veflels. In the 
 year 1779 they worked only for twenty-eight. Notwith- 
 standing this, there were none of them out of employ. 
 They had engaged themfelves in other branches of ma- 
 nufacture, and the trade of Manchefter was in a more 
 flourifhing fituation in the latter than in the former 
 period ; a fact, which many of its refpectable inhabitants 
 can teftify. 
 
 With refpect to Liverpool, * a few obfervations will 
 be fufficient. 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 In the year 1772 failed from Liverpool for 1 -, 
 
 the coaft of Africa - - J 100 veflels. 
 
 1773 - - 105 
 
 1774 - - Q2 
 
 1775 - - 8r 
 
 1776 57 
 
 *777 - - 31 
 
 1778 26 
 
 1779 - - 11 
 
 * I omit London and Brlrtol, as having had an InconiiJerable fhare ia 
 the trade, 
 
 TABLE II.
 
 128 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 TABLE II. 
 
 In the year 1772 the dock-duties of 7 y- 
 Liverpool amounted to - j a>* 455 2 
 
 1773 - - 4725 
 
 1774 - - 4580 
 
 *775 - - 5384 
 
 1776 - - 5064 
 
 1777 - - 4610 
 177K - - 4649 
 1 779 - - 4957 
 
 From thefe tables it appears, that when Liverpool had 
 cne hundred veflels in the African trade, the dock-duties 
 amounted to . 4552, and that when thefe veflels were 
 reduced to eleven^ the dock-duties rofe to jC . 4957. Other 
 facte, of a fimilar nature, might be added here, but that 
 it is too well known that Liverpool was in a more 
 flourifhing fituation in the year 1779, than in the year 
 1772 ; that there was no want of employ ; and that none 
 of thofe confequences were realized, which are foreboded 
 by the patrons of the trade. 
 
 It is manifeft from the general fketch now given, that 
 we have feen, during the late war, what would be the 
 effects of abolifliing the flave trade ; for no lefs than one 
 hundred and forty -f even veflels were taken out of it during 
 that period, whereas there are only one hundred and thv ty~ 
 jeven in employ at the prefent day ; and we have a right to 
 infer, that if the revenue, and manufacturing and com- 
 mercial towns, did not then fuffer by withdrawing fo great 
 a number from the trade, they would hardly now fuffer by 
 withdrawing a lefs. The reafoning, therefore, contained 
 in the three preceding chapters of the fecond part of the 
 work, will ftand good, till the fadts, mentioned in this, 
 (hall be difproved ; and I am too well fatisfied of their 
 authenticity not to know that they cannot be contradicted. 
 
 CHAP. IV.
 
 A'FktcAfc SLave TRAbfc. I19 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The confequences, that are confidered a* likely to refult 
 From the abolition of the flave trade, have been hitherto 
 canvafled undef two heads, namely, fuch as would fe- 
 rioufly affeft the colonies^ and fueh as would ferioufly af- 
 fect this kingdom. There is yet another to be examined* 
 but of a different complexion from the former. It is 
 faid, that " if the Englifh abolim the flave trade, the 
 " French will take it up, and that the latter (politically 
 " fpeaking) will derive great advantages from the 
 rt meafure." 
 
 That the French would take it up, if the Englifh 
 abolifhed it, is, like raoft of the afTertions of the advocates 
 for flayery, but a bare conjecture > notwithftanding that 
 it is aflumed and delivered with as much confidence as if 
 it were a raft. 
 
 There are many circumftances that warrant me in 
 aflerting, that the French would be unable to take it up* 
 were they fo inclined } but that they would even continue 
 it is improbable. 
 
 Firft, becaufe a fociety has been lately eftablifhed in 
 France, on the fame principle as that of London, for the 
 purpofe of effecting the abolition of the flave trade among 
 the French ; and I aflert with equal pleafure and con- 
 fidence, that fome of the firft people in France have fhewn 
 themfelves heartily difpofed to attend to the object of their 
 inftitution. 
 
 Secondly^ becaufe if no fuch humane motives impelled 
 the French, as are difcoverable among them, they would 
 hardly give us the credit of abolifhing the flave trade, how- 
 ever we might deferve it* upon the principle of humanity* 
 They are well aware that nations are guided by motives, 
 that are termed political ; that if we were to put a flop 
 to the trade, it would be probably from the confidera- 
 tion of its impolicy ; and that if it were politick in us to 
 abolifh it, it would be equally fo in them. 
 
 * That is, to fupply themfelves with that number of flaves with 
 which we* fupply them at prefent, and to become the carriers for the 
 Spaniards* 
 
 1 Thirdly,
 
 130 On the Impolicy of the 
 
 Thirdly, becaufe they would never fufFer us to pufli a 
 new trade in the natural productions of Africa, without 
 following our example ; and they have already purchafed a 
 confiderable tracl: of Land at Cape Verd, where they are 
 ready to begin, whenever we (hew them the way, if not 
 to be beforehand with us in the advantages refulting from 
 fuch a trade. 
 
 Thefe are reafons that have weighed fufficiently with 
 me, to induce me to fuppofe, that the French would at 
 any rate give up the flave trade, if we relinquifhed it, and 
 thefe reafons are much Itronger than any that I can find on 
 the other fide of the queftion. However, as this is only 
 a matter of conjecture, and as any opponent has a right, 
 if he is better informed, to argue the contrary, I will fup- 
 pofe, that when the Englifh relinquifh it, the French will 
 not only continue it as at prefent, but t.ike it up. 
 
 Let us then confider the confequences ; for it is faid, 
 that they will derive great advantages from the mcafure. 
 
 In the firfl place, we mail transfer to them a lofin* 
 trade ; in the fecond, one that will be th grave of tbtif 
 marine. The latter is too important a confidcration to be 
 pafled over without fome remarks. 
 
 The French are now paying uncommon attention, as 
 it is well known, to their marine, and look up to their 
 American pofleflions for its fupport. A great part of the 
 (laves that aflift in the cultivation of thefe, are lurnifhed 
 by our means. Every lot of them, which we import, or 
 caufe to be imported there, aflifts them in the completion 
 of their prefent views. But if we relinquifh the flave 
 trade, and if, on the other hand, they become the im- 
 porters of their own flaves, the fcene will be totally revcrfed. 
 For in the importation of every lot of * nine hundred 
 effective flaves into the uncultivated parts of St. Domin.ro, 
 they will make twenty-five, but lofe f ftxty feamen ; and in 
 every fuch importation into any of their old fettled planta- 
 tions, they will lofe fixty, and make none. Thus, by 
 
 See Page 79. 
 
 f Thit is what the Engli/h would lofe in fupplyirtf the French with 
 900 effective flaves ; and as the latter lofe more than the former, in 
 proportion to the tonnage of their fliips, the Aatemeut is much within 
 bounds)* 
 
 becoming
 
 African Slave Trade. 131 
 
 becoming the carriers of their own flaves, they will find, 
 in every cafe, a confiderable balance of lofs to their ma- 
 rine ; and, by becoming the carriers of flaves to the 
 Spanifh fcttlements, (which is included in the idea of 
 taking up the trade) this lofs will be fo increafed, as to 
 become, in the fcale of their naval importance, of the 
 moft ferious concern. 
 
 Thefe then are fome of the advantages that the French 
 would experience by taking up the flave trade ; let us 
 now, for a moment, advert to fome of thofe that would 
 refult to us, who relinquifhed it. 
 
 In the firft place we fhould be profecuting a new and 
 profitable commerce in the productions of Africa: and 
 to that nation, which firft made its eftablifhments there, 
 the moft advantages would accrue. ^ 
 
 In the fecond place we mould be adding to the ftrength <} t 
 
 of our marine: firft, by faving thofe feamen, who, to the* ^^^^ 
 amount of fome hundreds, now annually perifh ; and, jf^ *lh]/L 
 fecondly, by the lofs which the French w V>"M fftam \vl^ 
 the profecution of the trade : for whatever lofs is in this f^tojUCA. t 
 way incurred by thofe, whom at any future period we are 
 to meet upon the feas, fuch lofs is to be carried over to 'Vk^'K^ pu 
 our fide of the account, as fo much additional gain : nor 4 A 
 
 would any lot of nine hundred effective flaves be delivered ^**7 */u- % 
 into the uncultivated parts of St. Domingo, or the old u /g/^^/A 
 eftabliftied plantations among the French, but thirty-fivetO **r"Wl i 
 feamen in the firft inftance, and Jixty in the fecond, might^-^ / %^\^. 
 be confidered to be added to our marine. ^ 
 
 In the third place the flaves of the Britifh planters being {- f\A/hi ^ 
 attached to the foil by birth, being bound to their mafters 
 by gratitude, and living among their relatives and friends, ^ Usto+i A 
 would be a firm and faithful protection to the iflands in . I / 
 the time of war. A part of the naval and military force, /./l/&_ fa 
 formerly fent for their defence, could then act on the s 
 ofFenfive : whereas the French, on the other hand, would JjfaSb fl 
 not only be tied down in thefe particulars, but would have vy f 
 to defend their iflands, in conjunction with a people who J/yi/^/y^iAA 
 had been robbed of the natural rights of men, and whr 
 would feize the firft opportunity that offered of gratifying 
 their revenge. * - ,f 
 
 ^Ll. >?<i C^p-p
 
 Ij4 On the Impolicy, &c. 
 
 but that it hinders the introdutlion of one, to which if it 
 were compared in point of individual or national emolu- 
 ment, it would be like an ifland to a continent, or a river 
 to a fea ; and that it prevents the exi/lence of thofe im- 
 portant advantages both to the colonies and this kingdom 
 that have been defcribed above ; we may fafely fay, that 
 whatever arguments the moralijt is able to collect from 
 the light of reafon, or the man of humanity from his feel- 
 ings, the ftatefman is able to colleft others from the fourcc 
 of policy, that call equally aloud for its ABOLITION. 
 
 * I N I S. 
 
 
 
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