UC-NRLF 
 
GIFT OF 
 
 v***"*-** - 
 
A HISTORY OF ROME FOR 
 BEGINNERS 
 
A History of Rome 
 
 For Beginners 
 
 From the Foundation of the City to the 
 Death of Augustus 
 
 By 
 
 Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, M.A. 
 
 Late Fellow of Emmanuel College, Cambridge 
 
 With Illustrations &> Maps 
 
 London 
 Macmillan and Co., Limited 
 
 New York : The Macmillan Company 
 1897 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
GLASGOW t PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE 1 AND CO. 
 
tt 
 
 HENRY JACKSON, LittD., 
 
 FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, 
 FROM 
 
 HIS FRIEND AND FORMER PUPIL. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THIS book is not a mere abbreviation of my larger his- 
 tory. It has been written for the most part entirely 
 afresh, and is intended to put the main events of Roman 
 history, both in regard to political development and 
 imperial extension, as simply and briefly as seemed possible. 
 Military events, as such, are given with a minimum of 
 detail, and the effects of campaigns have been dwelt upon 
 rather than their nature and circumstances. Whether I 
 have succeeded in hitting the mean between a Primer and 
 an advanced History I must leave to the judgment of my 
 readers : but that has been my aim. The book, such as 
 it is, owes a great deal to the kind criticisms and sug- 
 gestions of my friend and former colleague at Eton, Mr. 
 C. H. EVERARD, formerly Fellow of King's College, 
 Cambridge, whose patience in reading the proofs I am 
 glad to acknowledge with gratitude. 
 
 E. S. SHUCKBURGH. 
 
 June, 1897. 
 
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 GREAT DIVISIONS OF ITALY, 3 
 
 LATIUM, 6 
 
 TOGA AS WORN AT SACRIFICES, ... - 9 
 
 PLAN OF ROME, ... 14 
 
 AGGER OF SERVIUS,- ... 15 
 
 CLOACA MAXIMA, 17 
 
 TEMPLES OF VESTA AND CASTOR RESTORED, - - 24 
 
 AUGUR WITH LITUUS, .... - 27 
 
 GROTTA CAMPANA AT VEII, - 33 
 
 SHRINE OF THE PALLADIUM, - 42 
 
 SAMNITE WARRIOR, ... 48 
 
 APPIAN WAY, 51 
 
 MAP OF COLONIES IN ITALY, 56 
 
 TOMB OF SCIPIO, 58 
 
 MAGNA GRAECIA, - - - - - 62 
 
 ROMAN SOLDIERS, 69 
 
 SELLA CURULIS AND FASCES, 72 
 
 SICILY, 78 
 
 TOGA, .... 85 
 
 ROMAN COUNTRY HOUSE, ... - 91 
 
 SPAIN, ... 94 
 
 GALLIA CISALPINA, 99 
 
 ROMAN STANDARD BEARER AND SOLDIER, - - - - 103 
 
x MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 BUST OF SCIPIO, in 
 
 As WITH PROW OF SHIP, 115 
 
 ROUND DINING COUCH, 132 
 
 RUINS OF CARTHAGE, - ... . - -136 
 
 TRICLINIUM, - - - - ... - - - 140 
 
 A s WITH HEAD OF JANUS, - - - - - 154 
 
 REMAINS OF CAPITOLIUM, 173 
 
 ASIA MINOR, ---.*- 177 
 
 MlTHRIDATES EUPATOR, 178 
 
 GLADIATORS FIGHTING, - - - 199 
 
 STATUE OF POMPEY, 211 
 
 BUST OF CICERO, 229 
 
 TESTUDO, 245 
 
 BUST OF CAESAR, - - - - - - 246 
 
 CENTRAL ITALY, 256 
 
 HARBOUR OF BRUNDISIUM, .... - 258 
 
 MAP OF N. GREECE FOR CIVIL WAR, 263 
 
 NORTH AFRICA, 272 
 
 COIN OF IULIUS CAESAR AND AUGUSTUS, .... 273 
 
 COIN OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA, - - - - 302 
 
 ROMAN EMPIRE IN TIME OF AUGUSTUS, .... 308 
 
 M. VIPSANIUS AGRIPPA, 315 
 
 ROSTRA OF IULIUS, 326 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF PRINCIPAL 
 EVENTS. 
 
 I. 
 Regal Period, B.C. 753-509. 
 
 Institutions traditionally assigned to each reign. 
 
 CHAPTERS I.-II., pp. 1-27. 
 
 (1) ROMULUS. 
 
 Roman Senate of 200. Three Patrician Tribes Ramnes, Tities, 
 Luceres. Thirty wards or curlae, hence Comitia Curiata. Clients. 
 
 (2) NUMA POMPILIUS. 
 
 Religious Institutions Pontifices, Augures, Vestal Virgins, Saiii. 
 
 (3) TULLUS HOSTILIUS. 
 
 Destruction of Alba Longa. Plebs. Legend of Horatii and 
 Curiatii. 
 
 (4) ANGUS MARCIUS. 
 
 Pons sublicius. Conquest of Latin Towns. Mamertine Prison. 
 Settlement of Plebs on the Aventine. 
 
 (5) Lucius TARQUINIUS PRISCUS. 
 
 Farther conquest of Latium. Public works ; cloacae, Circus 
 Maximus. 100 new members of Senate ( ' patres minorum gentium j. 
 
 (6) SERVIUS TULLIUS. 
 
 Five classes according to census of income, subdivided into 
 centuriae, hence Comitia Centuriata. He includes the Quirinal, 
 Viminal, and Esquiline hills within the walls. Four city and seven- 
 teen country tribes, whence afterwards the Comitia Tributa. 
 
 (7) Lucius TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS. 
 
 Conquest of Gabii. Great temple of the Capitol. Expulsion of 
 the Tarquins. 
 
Xll 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF 
 
 II. 
 
 Early Republic. Struggles of Plebeians for Political and Social 
 Equality with Patricians, B.C. 509-286. Parallel with the 
 gradual subjugation of Italy by Rome, B.C. 509-266. 
 
 CHAPTERS III.-V., pp. 28-66. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY- 
 STRUGGLES OF THE PLEBEIANS. 
 B.C. 
 
 509. Two consuls first appointed. 
 Lex Valeria de provocatione. 
 507. 
 
 496. 
 495- 
 
 493- 
 
 488. 
 
 First secession of the Plebs. 
 Five Tribuni Plebis and two 
 Aediles. 
 
 486. Agrarian law. Spurius Cas- 
 sius put to death. 
 
 485-479. Seven consecutive consul- 
 ships of the Fabii. 
 
 479- 
 
 472. Lex Publilia. Tribunes and 
 
 Aediles to be elected by 
 
 Comitia Tributa. 
 
 458. 
 
 457. Ten Tribunes instead of five. 
 
 451. First Decemvirate. Ten 
 tables. 
 
 450. Second Decemvirate. Two 
 new tables (Appius Clau- 
 dius). 
 
 449. Second secession of the Plebs. 
 Valerian and Horatian laws. 
 Comitia Tributa of equal 
 authority with the Comitia 
 Centuriata ; persons of 
 the Plebeian magistrates 
 sacred. 
 
 445. Lex Canuleia. Conubium. 
 
 ROMAN CONQUEST OF ITALY. 
 
 Defection of Prisci Latini. 
 First treaty with Carthage. 
 
 Rome besieged by Etruscans 
 (Porsena). 
 
 Latin war. Battle of Lake Regillus . 
 
 Wars with Volscians, Sabines, and 
 Aurunci. 
 
 League with 30 Latin towns (Spurius 
 Cassius). 
 
 War with Aequians and Volscians 
 (Coriolanus). 
 
 War with Aequians and Veientines. 
 Legend of Fabii at the Cremera. 
 
 War with Aequians and Sabines. 
 Two battles of Mount Algidus. 
 Cincinnatus Dictator. 
 
 [Frequent border warfare 
 Volscians and Aequians.] 
 
 with 
 
PRINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 xni 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 
 STRUGGLES OF THE PLEBEIANS. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 444. Tribuni militares consulari 
 potestate, to which Plebei- 
 ans were eligible, instead 
 of Consuls. 
 Censorship. 
 
 439. Spurius Maelius killed. 
 
 434. Censorship restricted to 18 
 
 months. 
 421. Plebeians admitted to the 
 
 Quaestorship. 
 405-396. Pay first given to soldiers. 
 
 390. People much impoverished. 
 
 389-8. The restoration of the City 
 carried out unskilfully. 
 Commons much burdened 
 with debt. 
 
 387. 
 
 384. Manlius executed for treason, 
 
 owing to his support of 
 
 debtors. 
 376. Licinian rogations proposed 
 
 (i) Relief of debtors; 
 
 (2) Regulation of the Ager 
 
 publicus; (3) One Consul 
 
 to be Plebeian. 
 
 367. Licinian rogations passed. 
 366. First Plebeian Consul. Praetor 
 
 appointed, a patrician. 
 365-345. Death of Camillus. 
 
 ROMAN CONQUEST OF ITALY. 
 
 358. 
 
 351. First Plebeian Censor. 
 
 343-340. 
 
 339. Leges Publiliae(T.} Plebis- 
 cita to bind all citizens, 
 and to be confirmed before- 
 hand by the Senate; (2) 
 One Censor to be Plebeian. 
 
 340-338. 
 
 Siege of Veii taken by Camillus 
 as Dictator (396). 
 
 Battle of the Allia. Destruction of 
 Rome by Gauls. 
 
 Latins, Hernicans.Aequians, Etrus- 
 cans in arms. 
 
 Four new tribes (25). 
 Gauls conquered by Camillus near 
 Alba. 
 
 334- 
 332. 
 
 First Plebeian Praetor. 
 
 Wars with Faliscans, Tarquinii, 
 Etruscans, Cisalpine Gauls. 
 Stories of Curtius, T. Manlius 
 Torquatus, M. Valerius Corvus. 
 Treaty with Carthage. 
 
 Two new tribes ( 27 ). 
 
 First Samnite war : battles, Mt. 
 Gaurus, Suessula. 
 
 Latin war : battles, Veseris, Tifer- 
 num. Latin League dissolved. 
 
 Two new tribes (29). 
 
XIV 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 
 STRUGGLES OF THE PLEBEIANS. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 327-304. 
 
 326. Abolition of nexum by Lex 
 
 Poetilia. 
 312-308. Censorship of Appius 
 
 Claudius Caecus. 
 302. 
 296. Plebeians admitted to the 
 
 sacred colleges by Lex 
 
 Ogulnia. 
 298-290. 
 
 286. Third secession of Plebs. 
 Lex Hortensia . The auctor- 
 itas of the Senate not re- 
 quired for laws passed by 
 Comitia Tributa, which 
 thus becomes a sovereign 
 legislature. 
 
 283. 
 
 281-275. 
 
 275-266. Plebeian Aediles and Tri- 
 bunes obtain the entree of 
 the Senate. 
 
 [The only political distinction 
 between the orders remaining is 
 now in favour of the Plebeians, who 
 alone are eligible to the Tribunate.] 
 
 ROMAN CONQUEST OF ITALY. 
 
 Second Samnite war : battles, Cau- 
 dine Forks, Cinna, Bovianurn. 
 
 Aequians subjected. 
 
 Third Samnite war. Samnites joined 
 by Gauls, Umbrians, and Etrus- 
 cans : battles, Sentinum in Umbria 
 (295), P. Decius Mus and Q. 
 Fabius; Aquilonia (293). C. 
 Pontius is at length defeated and 
 captured by Q. Fabius. 
 
 Quarrel with Tarentum. 
 
 War with Pyrrhus : battles, Pan- 
 dosia or Heraclea (280), Asculum 
 (279), Beneventum (275). 
 
 Capture of Rhegium and Tarentum. 
 Gradual reduction of Samnium, 
 Lucania, Bruttium, and their 
 security by a system of civitates 
 foederatae and coloniae. 
 [All Italy south of the Rubicon 
 
 subject to Rome.] 
 
 III. 
 
 Contest with the Gauls, Carthage, and Macedonia, 
 of Empire beyond Italy, B.C. 264-133. 
 
 CHAPTERS VI.-X., pp. 67-140. 
 FOREIGN WARS. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 269. FIRST PUNIC WAR, to help 
 the Mamertines of Messana 
 against Hiero and Car- t 
 
 thage. 
 
 Formation 
 
PRINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 xv 
 
 FOREIGN WARS. 
 
 PROVINCES. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 269. 
 
 Victory of Claudius in Sicily. 
 Storm of Agrigentum. 
 Romans build a Fleet. 
 Victory of Duilius at My- 
 lae, B.C. 260 Of Regulus 
 at Ecnomus, B.C. 256, who 
 is defeated and captured 
 in B.C. 255. Victory at 
 Panormus over Hasdrubal. 
 Defeat of Claudius at Dre- 
 panum, B.C. 249. Victory 
 of Lutatius off the Aegates 
 insulae, B.C. 241. 
 
 241. Peace with Carthage. Car- 
 thaginians evacuate Sicily. 
 
 238. Carthage exhausted by three 
 years' war with her mer- 
 cenaries. 
 
 Romans demand from Car- 
 thage the cession of Corsica 
 and Sardinia. 
 
 235-225. Hamilcar in Spain. Han- 
 nibal's oath. 
 
 228. War withlllyrians under Queen 
 Teuta. 
 
 224-222. Defeat of Gauls near 
 Telamon in Etruria, and 
 at Clastidium (Marcellus). 
 
 221. Hannibal succeeds Hasdrubal 
 in Spain. 
 
 219. Hannibal takes Saguntum. 
 
 218-202. SECOND PUNIC WAR. 
 First Period. Roman Disasters. 
 
 218. Ticinus, Trebia. 
 
 217. Trasimenus Lacus (Flamin- 
 ius). 
 
 216. Cannae (Varro). 
 
 216-212. Revolt of Capua, Lucania, 
 Bruttium, Greek towns in 
 Italy and Sicily (Q. Fabius 
 Maximus Cunctator). 
 Hannibal takes Tarentum. 
 
 [213-205. War with Philip of 
 Macedon. ] 
 
 Second Period. Roman Successes. 
 212. Marcellus takes Leontini and 
 
 Syracuse. 
 
 Fall of Publius and Cn. 
 Scipio in Spain. 
 
 Sicily made a Roman Province, (i) 
 Six new tribes (35). 
 
 Corsica and Sardinia made a Roman 
 Province. (2) 
 
XVI 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF 
 
 FOREIGN WARS. 
 
 PROVINCES. 
 
 B.C. 
 211. 
 
 Recovery of Capua. 
 
 209. Recovery of Tarentum by 
 Fabius. 
 
 208. Fall of Marcellus. 
 
 207. Hasdrubal defeated on the 
 Metaurus (Claudius Nero, 
 M. Livius Salinator). 
 
 210-205. In Spain Publius Cor- 
 neliug Scipio gradually 
 expels Carthaginians, and 
 conquers the whole country. 
 
 Laevinus reduces Sicily. 
 
 Hannibal retires to Bruttium. 
 
 204. Scipio goes to Africa : block- 
 ades Utica. 
 
 203. Hannibal recalled to Car- 
 thage. 
 
 202. Battle of Zama. End of the 
 war. 
 
 200-197. Second Macedonian war. 
 Battle of Cynoscephalae (T. 
 
 Quinctius Flaraininus). 
 Proclamation of the freedom 
 of Greek cities from Mace- 
 donia. 
 200-191. War with Insubrian and 
 
 Boian Gauls. 
 197. 
 190. War with Antiochus, K. of 
 
 Syria. 
 
 Battle of Magnesia (L. Cor- 
 nelius Scipio Asiaticus). 
 
 183. Death of Hannibal and Scipio. 
 171-168. Third Macedonian war. 
 Battle of Pydna (Aemilius 
 Paulus). 
 
 155-150. Spanish war (Marcellus 
 and Lucullus). 
 
 149-146. War against pseudo- 
 Philip of Macedonia and 
 against the Achaeans. 
 Corinth destroyed (Mum- 
 mius). 
 
 149-146. THIRD PUNIC WAR. 
 Destruction of Carthage. 
 
 Gallia Cisalpina a Roman Province. 
 
 (3) 
 Two Provinces in Spain. (5) 
 
 Macedonia made a Roman Pro- 
 vince. (6) 
 
 Illyricum made a Roman Province. 
 (7) 
 
 Africa made a Roman Province. (8) 
 
PRINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 xvn 
 
 FOREIGN WARS. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 146-140. War against Viriathus in 
 Spain. 
 
 143-133. Numantine war (Scipio 
 Africanus the Younger). 
 
 PROVINCES. 
 
 Achaia (Peloponnesus) attached for 
 certain purposes to the province 
 of Macedonia. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Period of Civil Strife in Italy, and of Foreign Wars, ending in 
 Revolution, B.C. 134-30. 
 
 CHAPTERS XI.-XX., pp. 141-302. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 I34I3 2 . 
 133. 
 
 ITALY. 
 Servile war in Sicily. 
 
 133-131. Measures of Tiberius 
 Gracchus as to the Ager 
 Publicus. 
 
 129. 
 
 121. 
 
 Reforms of Gaius Gracchus 
 
 113-101. Cimbrian war. 
 
 Aquae Sextiae, B.C. 102. 
 Vercellae, B.C. 101. 
 111-106. lugurthine war (Marius). 
 90-88. Social war. Battle of As- 
 
 culum. 
 Admission of Italians to 
 
 citizenship. 
 
 88. Flight of Marius. 
 87-84. First Mithridatic war (Sulla). 
 87. Return of Marius, and mas- 
 sacres in Rome. 
 86. Death of Marius. 
 83-72. War with Sertorius in 
 
 Spain. 
 Sulla appointed Dictator. 
 
 82. 
 80. 
 79- 
 78. 
 
 74- 
 73-71- 
 
 Sulla abdicates. 
 
 Death of Sulla. Attempted re- 
 volution of Lepidus. 
 
 War with Spartacus and 
 his gladiators (Crassus and 
 Pompey). 
 
 THE PROVINCES. 
 
 The royal property and rights in 
 Pergamus bequeathed to Rome 
 by Attalus III. 
 
 Asia made a Roman Province. (9) 
 
 The Province of Transalpine Gaul 
 
 first formed about this time. (10) 
 
 Cilicia made a Roman Province.(n) 
 
 Bithynia made a Roman Province. 
 
 (12) 
 
xviii 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 70. Pompey and Crassus Consuls. 
 
 68-67. Pompey conquers the Pir- 
 ates. 
 
 63. Cicero Consul. Catiline's 
 conspiracy crushed. Birth 
 of Augustus. 
 
 61. Caesar pro-praetor in Spain. 
 
 60. First Triumvirate, informal 
 agreement between Gn. 
 Pompeius, C. lulius Caesar, 
 M. Licinius Crassus. 
 
 59. Caesar's Consulship. 
 
 58-51. Caesar's victories in Gaul. 
 
 56. Conference at Lucca. 
 
 53. Defeat and death of Crassus 
 at Carrhae. 
 
 52. Pompey sole Consul for six 
 months. 
 
 49. Caesar crosses the Rubicon. 
 Civil war. Pompey crosses 
 to Epirus. 
 
 48. Caesar defeated near Apol- 
 lonia, Pompey at Pharsalia. 
 Murder of Pompey in 
 Egypt. 
 
 46. Defeat of Pompeians at 
 
 Thapsus, Africa. 
 Caesar, perpetual Dictator 
 and Imperator, Consul for 
 ten years. 
 
 45. Battle of Munda, Spain. De- 
 feat of Gnaeus and Sextus 
 Pompeius. 
 
 44. Assassination of Caesar. 
 
 44-43. Octavian takes the field 
 against Antony at Mutina. 
 
 43. Defeat of Antony at Forum 
 Gallorum near Mutina 
 (i3th April). Death of 
 the Consuls C. Vibius 
 Pansa and A. Hirtius. 
 Formal appointment of 
 Octavian (now called Gaius 
 lulius Caesar Octavianus), 
 Antony, and Lepidus as 
 triumviri reipublicae con- 
 stituendae. 
 
 42. Battles of Philippi. Death of 
 C. Cassius and M. Brutus. 
 
 THE PROVINCES. 
 
 Syria made a Roman Province. (13) 
 Crete and Cyrenaica made a Roman 
 Province, though not fully organ- 
 ized till B.C. 27. (14) 
 
 The rest of Gaul added to the 
 Province. 
 
 Transalpine Gaul administered as 
 three Provinces Narbonensis, 
 Belgica, Celtica. (16) 
 
PRINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 xix 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 41-40. Perusian War. L. An- 
 tonius and Fulvia against 
 Octavian and Agrippa. 
 
 40. Peace of Brundisium between 
 Octavian and Antony. 
 
 39. Treaty of Misenum with 
 Sextus Pompeius. 
 
 38. Hostilities with Sext. Pom- 
 peius recommence. 
 Marriage of Octavian with 
 Livia. 
 
 36. Sextus Pompeius defeated at 
 
 Naulochus by Agrippa. 
 Lepidus expelled from the 
 
 Triumvirate. 
 
 Antony meets with disasters 
 in the Parthian war. 
 
 35. Sextus Pompeius killed in 
 Asia, 
 
 33. Antony returns to Greece 
 from unsuccessful Parthian 
 war. 
 
 31. Battle of Actium. 
 
 30. Death of Antony and Cleo- 
 patra. 
 
 THE PROVINCES. 
 
 Mauretania made 
 vince. (17) 
 
 a Roman Pro- 
 
 V. 
 Reign of Augustus. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI., pp. 303-326. 
 
 THE REIGN. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 30. Tribunicia potestas and other 
 honours voted to Caesar 
 Octavianus (Augustus). 
 
 29. Three triumphs 'over Illyri- 
 cum,' 'for the battle at 
 Actium, ' * over Cleopatra. ' 
 The temple of I anus closed. 
 
 27. Division of Provinces between 
 the Imperator and the 
 Senate. 
 
 The title of AUGUSTUS be- 
 stowed on Caesar. 
 
 26. Augustus conducts a cam- 
 paign against the Cantabri. 
 
 THE PROVINCES. 
 
 Egypt made a Province with special 
 regulations. (18) 
 
XX 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF 
 
 THE REIGN. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 25. The temple of lanus again 
 closed. 
 
 24. Expedition of Aelius Gallus 
 in Arabia. 
 
 23. The tribunicia potestas for 
 life, proconsulare imperium 
 for five years (always re- 
 newed) secured to Augus- 
 tus. Death of Marcellus, 
 nephew of Augustus. 
 
 21. Agrippa marries lulia, daugh- 
 ter of Augustus. 
 
 20. Return of the standards and 
 prisoners from Parthia. 
 Birth of Gaius Caesar, son 
 of Agrippa and lulia. 
 
 19. Can tabri subdued by Agrippa. 
 Death of Vergil. 
 
 1 8. Campaign of Drusus against 
 the Rhaeti. 
 
 17. Birth of Lucius Caesar, son 
 of Agrippa and lulia. 
 
 1 6. Defeat of M. Lollius by the 
 Sicambri. 
 
 16-14. Augustus in Gaul. 
 
 13-12. German wars of Drusus, 
 step-son of Augustus, 
 against the Frisii and 
 Chauci. Death of Lepidus. 
 
 12. Death of Agrippa. 
 
 n-io. Campaigns of Drusus in 
 Germany against the Cher- 
 usci and Chatti, and of 
 Tiberius in Dalmatia. 
 9. Death of Drusus. 
 
 8. Successes of Tiberius in Ger- 
 many. Death of Maecenas 
 and Horace. 
 
 7. Association of Tiberius in the 
 tribunicia potestas. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 2. Death of Lucius Caesar. 
 
 THE PROVINCES. 
 
 Galatia and Lycaonia made a 
 Roman Province, but Mauretania 
 restored to its king. (19) 
 
 Cisalpine Gaul organized as four 
 Provinces Narbonensis, Aqui- 
 tania, Lugdunensis, Belgica(with 
 Germania, Superior and Inferior) ; 
 and later two Alpine Provinces 
 Alpes Maritimae and Alpes 
 Cottiae. (22) 
 
 District between 
 occupied. 
 
 Rhine and Elbe 
 
 Moesia made a Roman Province 
 about this time. (23) 
 
PRINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 xxi 
 
 THE REIGN. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 4. Death of Gaius Caesar. 
 
 Tiberius adopted by Augustus, 
 
 receives tribunicia potestas 
 
 for ten years. 
 5-6. Campaigns of Tiberius in 
 
 Germany. 
 7-8. Wars in Pannonia and Dal- 
 
 matia. 
 9. Campaigns of Tiberius in Dal- 
 
 matia. Defeat and death 
 
 of Varus in Germany. 
 ii. Tiberius crosses the Rhine, 
 
 but fights no battle. 
 
 14. Death of Augustus 
 August). 
 
 THE PROVINCES. 
 
 Roman frontier pushed back to the 
 Rhine. 
 
 FAMILY OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 SCRIBONIA=AUGUSTUS = LiviA = Tib.Claudius Nero. 
 
 b. B.C. 39. 
 
 Ob. A.D. 19. 
 
 , = M. Agrippa, 
 ob. u.c. 12. 
 
 G. Caesar, L. Caesar, lulia, Agrippina, Agrippa 
 ob. A.D. 4. ob. A.D. 2. 03, A.D. 28. ob. A.D. 31. Postumius, 
 
 ob. A.D. 14. 
 
 I 
 
 TIBERIUS, 
 adopted by 
 Augustus. 
 Emperor 
 A.D. 14-37. 
 
 Drusus, 
 ob. B.C. 9. 
 
A HISTORY OF ROME FOR 
 BEGINNERS 
 
HISTORY OF ROME FOR 
 BEGINNERS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 I. The nature and importance of Roman History ; the influence of Rome 
 in consolidating Europe, 2. Italy at the time of the foundation of 
 Rome; the different extensions of the name; the inhabitants of the 
 Peninsula the Etrusci, the Umbrii ; the Sabellians, Lucani, 
 Apuli, Bruttii, Sabines, Samnites ; the Greeks in Italy. 3. Latium ; 
 the prisci Latini ; the surrounding tribes Aequi, Hernici, Volsci, 
 Aurunci ; the larger Latium and its division from Campania. 
 4. Beginnings of Rome ; Trojan legend and Alba Longa ; the excel- 
 lent site of Rome ; the colony from Alba on the Palatine. 5. Roma 
 Quadrata its foundation on tJie Palatine ; meaning of the term ; 
 other villages on neighbouring heights ; date of foundation ; the 
 
 ^. Romans' view of their own origin. 6. Extension of Roma Quad- 
 rata to Rome of the seven Mils during the reigns of the kings 
 (i) Romulus, (2) Numa Pompilius, (3) Tulhis Uostilius, (4) 
 Ancus Marcius, (5) Tarquinius Priscus, (6) Servius Tullius^ 
 (7) Tarquinius Super bus ; Colonies during the Regal period. 
 7. Summary of the position of Rome in 509 B.C. 
 
 i. What Roman History is. The history of Rome 
 is the history of one city in a district of Italy called 
 Latium, which, beginning as a small settlement of a pastoral 
 folk, with a territory round it stretching scarcely five miles 
 in any direction, gradually absorbed under its rule not only 
 all Italy, but all Spain, Gaul, Sicily, and other islands, 
 
 Illyricum and the provinces on the Danube, Greece 
 <K A 
 
3 IMPORTANCE OF ROMAN HISTORY. CH. 
 
 and Macedonia, Northern Africa and Egypt, Asia Minor 
 and Syria. Some of the countries thus conquered had 
 already an ancient civilization superior to her own; but 
 some were still rude and barbarous. The former retained 
 after their conquest much of their old civilization and 
 principles of internal government ; and largely modified the 
 Roman character and habits by the introduction of their 
 own. So that Greece, for instance, was said to have 'cap- 
 tured her captor.' In less civilized countries the Romans 
 impressed their ways of thought, and their methods of 
 government more completely. But in all alike they made 
 changes. They enforced obedience to law; they opened 
 up the countries by making roads, building bridges, and 
 establishing some sort of control over robbery and dis- 
 order; and, when they became a naval power, and by the 
 conquest of the great mercantile city of Carthage gained 
 the chief control of the Mediterranean Sea, their generals 
 after a time drove away the pirates which infested it, and 
 forced them to allow peaceful merchants to carry on their 
 trade safely. The general result was that in a large part 
 of Europe the nations began to be acquainted with each 
 other, to live in something of the same way, and to recognize 
 something of the same principles of law and government. 
 And this effect has never quite died away, though the great 
 Empire of Rome has been from various causes broken 
 up into separate countries. This is a great thing to have 
 done, and it makes the history of Rome of very great 
 importance in the history of the world. 
 
 2. Italy at the time that Rome began. The 
 name Italia was not originally applied* to the whole of the 
 peninsula which we call Italy. During the time of the 
 Republic it strictly only meant that part of it which was 
 south of the river Rubicon on the east and the river 
 Macra on the west, with the intervening range of the 
 Apennines.^ The district between this line and the Alps 
 
DIVISIONS OF ITALY. 
 
 was called Gallia Cisalpina, and that between the Maritime 
 
 Alps and the sea was called Liguria. But even the rest 
 of the peninsula south of the Rubicon had not always been 
 
4 ETRUSCANS AND SABELLIANS. CH. 
 
 called Italia. This name (derived by some from vitulus, a 
 steer, but which the Romans as usual traced to a king 
 I talus) was once confined to the south-western extremity 
 or toe of Italy, taking in the two districts of Lucania and 
 Bruttium, south of a line drawn from Metapontum to 
 Paestum. As late as the third century B.C. the word Italy 
 was not generally used for more than this. The districts 
 were each called by their separate names. Between the 
 Tiber and the Apennines lived the Etruscans, who were 
 a very ancient race, supposed to have come from Asia, 
 though we know nothing for certain about their origin. 
 They had once lived beyond the Apennines in the valley 
 of the Po, but had been driven southward by the Gauls. 
 They were a very powerful and enterprising people, famous 
 for their works in bronze and iron, and for their activity 
 at sea. They had some settlements farther south, in Cam- 
 pania, and in the early times of Rome they were trying to 
 get the mastery of still greater portions of Italy. We must 
 notice them particularly, for they had a great influence on 
 Rome at the beginning of her history; and many Roman 
 customs, especially as to the worship of the gods and the 
 taking of omens and auguries, were derived from them. 
 East of the Upper Tiber a great people called Umbrians 
 had settled, and given their name to the district of Umbria. 
 They were akin to the Latins, of whom we shall have to 
 speak by and bye. But though they were a brave and 
 hardy people, who long retained their independence, they 
 never became a real nation, and were afterwards absorbed 
 by Rome. A number of other tribes, sometimes classed 
 under the common title of Sabellians, had settled in the 
 central mountain district, and spread out into various dis- 
 tricts. Thus the Lucani, Apuli, and Bruttii, who gave their 
 names to the southern districts of Italy, were off-shoots from 
 them, as well as some smaller tribes in the east and centre. 1 
 1 Peligni, Picentes, Marsi, Marrucini, and Vestini. 
 
I. OLD LATIUM. 5 
 
 But the members of this stock, which are of most conse- 
 quence to note in relation to Rome, are (i) the Sabines, 
 who occupied the country on the right bank of the Tiber, 
 bounded on the north by its tributary the Nar. It is a 
 hilly district, and the Sabines were a hardy simple folk, who, 
 as we shall find, had a considerable share in creating Rome. 
 (2) The Samnites, who, occupying the mountainous district 
 of Central Italy, and spreading westward into Campania, 
 held out against Rome longer than almost any people in 
 Italy. Lastly, round the southern, south-western, and south- 
 eastern shores of Italy there were so many Greek colonies 
 that the whole district was sometimes called Magna Graecia ; 
 and though these towns were all at last conquered by Rome, 
 they had great influence on the habits, literature, and religion 
 of the Romans. 
 
 3. Latium when Rome began. The Latins, who 
 seem to have been kinsmen of the Umbrians, occupied a 
 small district south of the Tiber, as far down the coast as 
 Antium, and up the Tiber, on its left bank, as far as about 
 Crustumerium, where the Sabines begin. This is what is 
 meant by Vetus Latium, ( Old Latium.' Round them were 
 a number of other tribes, who were apparently of what is 
 called the Oscan race, branches of the Osci or Opid, who 
 had inhabited the country before the Latins came, though 
 they were originally of a kindred stock. The chief of these 
 were the Aequi, Hernia, Voted, and Aurund. The earl 
 history of Rome is much concerned with these peoples. 
 The Romans are always fighting with them, especially with 
 the Aequi and Volsci. And naturally so : for when Rome 
 was first established, she was looked upon as a dangerous 
 intruder even in Vetus Latium, and the towns of the Latin 
 League were glad of the help of these tribes in attacking her ; 
 and when she became mistress of Vetus Latium, these same 
 tribes hindered her extension southwards and eastwards into 
 Campania and Samnium, and, being on her frontiers, were 
 
CH. i. MYTHICAL ORIGIN OF ROME. 7 
 
 constantly quarrelling about mutual raids and robberies. 
 When Rome had conquered them, the name of Latium 
 was extended to the river Liris, the boundary between it 
 and Campania, and to the mountains on the East, where 
 the Marsi still shut them off from Samnium. 
 
 4. The Beginnings of Rome. So great was the 
 popularity and influence of the poems of Homer, that 
 wherever Greek was known we find legends of the found- 
 ation of towns by one or other of the heroes mentioned 
 in the Iliad. Thus the native legends as to the beginning 
 of Rome were soon embellished with Greek stories. The 
 Trojan Aeneas was said to have escaped from the burning 
 city, and with his companions, after many years of wan- 
 dering, landed in Latium, married the daughter of king 
 Latinus, and established a new kingdom at Lavinium, 
 which his son Ascanius transferred to Alba Longa. Many- 
 generations afterwards, Romulus and Remus, sons of Ilia 
 by Mars, being exposed by their usurping uncle, Amulius, 
 as infants to perish on the river side, where afterwards 
 Rome was built, and suckled by a she-wolf, were brought 
 up by a shepherd. Eventually they restored their grand- 
 father Numitor to his kingdom at Alba Longa, and founded 
 a new city for themselves on the Palatine Hill, where, 
 according to another legend, there had already been a 
 Greek settlement made by an Arcadian named Evander. 
 The sjte of Rome was a good one for a city in early days 
 for many reasons. There was a hill suitable for a citadel, 
 which was important among hostile neighbours ; the Tiber 
 formed a convenient highway to the sea, which was yet far 
 enough off (about 18 miles) to prevent the town from being 
 exposed to sudden attacks of pirates ; and there were 
 several hills of moderate elevation close by, where others 
 of the shepherd folk could fix their dwellings, which were 
 eventually to be enclosed within one wall and form a single 
 city. It is very likely that there is thus much truth in the 
 
8 THE CITY ON THE PALATINE. CH. 
 
 legend of Romulus, that those who first settled on the 
 Palatine came from Alba Longa, either attracted by the 
 greater convenience of the site, or driven away by earth- 
 quakes and volcanic eruptions, to which the natural features 
 of Alba show that at one time it has been subject. Alba 
 Longa was the head of the League of 30 Latin towns, 
 or at any rate the temple on the top of the Alban Mount 
 (now called Monte Cavo) was the place of joint worship 
 for the League. But soon after the rise of Rome Alba 
 Longa was destroyed ; and if many of its inhabitants had 
 already migrated to Rome, and it had also suffered from 
 volcanic eruptions, this destruction would not be difficult. 
 5. Roma Quadrata. A new city, then, was begun 
 upon the Mons Palatinus, a hill just west of a bend of the 
 Tiber, rising now 166 feet above the level of the sea, and 
 then considerably more. Perhaps it was only a village at 
 first : but fortifications would soon be needed, and the 
 fortification of old Italian towns was begun with certain 
 solemn rites, which were probably taught by the priests 
 of the Etruscans. A day having been selected when the 
 omens were favourable (auspicato) a hole was dug, into 
 which corn and other necessaries of life were thrown. 
 If the new inhabitants came from different lands, they 
 brought clods of earth from these to throw in also. The 
 hole was then filled up, an altar erected on the spot, and 
 an offering made upon it. This was called a Mundus, and 
 was to be the central hearth (focus) of the new city. Then 
 the founder, with his toga girt in what was called the 
 ' Gabine fashion ' (cinctu Gabino\ i.e. with one end covering 
 his head, traced the line of the new walls with a plough 
 drawn by a white ox and white cow, lifting the share at 
 the spots where the gates were to be. In some such way, 
 no doubt, the city on the Palatine was founded, and called 
 Rome. The term Roma Quadrata , 'Square Rome,' is pro- 
 perly applied only to the mundus made in its centre; but 
 
I. SQUARE ROME. 9 
 
 was used afterwards to describe this old original Rome, 
 which, as far as it can be traced, was of rectangular shape, 
 including the Palatine, part of the low ground between it 
 and the river, the Vallis Murtia on the west (where was 
 
 THE TOGA AS WORN AT SACRIFICES. 
 
 the Circus Maximus], the valley on the south between 
 the Palatine and Mons Coelius, and part of the depression 
 to the south-east where was afterwards the forum. There 
 were perhaps villages on the other hills, and tradition tells 
 us of Saturnia on the Mons Capitolinus, as well as of a 
 
10 FOUNDATION AND GROWTH OF THE CITY. CH. 
 
 town of some sort on the laniculum across the river ; but 
 this fortified village on the Palatine was always regarded 
 as the nucleus of the future Rome, and the date of its 
 foundation as that of the foundation of Rome. The 
 Roman antiquaries of a later time calculated this to be 
 the third year of the Sixth Olympiad, answering to 
 B.C. 753, and the day to be the 2ist of April, the first 
 day of the pastoral festival called Palilia. There is this his- 
 torical importance in the story of the new foundation from 
 Alba, and the foreign origin of Alba itself, that though 
 Rome was avowedly made up by a mixture of inhabitants, 
 some Sabine and some Latin, the Romans proper always 
 regarded themselves as something distinct in origin and 
 race, and the nomen Latinum^ that is, the inhabitants of 
 the cities in Vetus Latium, as belonging to a people origin- 
 ally different, though eventually absorbed by the stronger 
 stock. 
 
 6. Extension of Rome during the Kingly Period 
 to B.C. 510. At first this new city was governed by 
 kings ; and during their reigns Rome was not only ex- 
 tended so as to embrace the seven hills within a wider 
 ring of walls, but for a time at least extended her power 
 beyond the ager Romanus (originally, as I said, not more 
 than five miles in any direction from the walls) over some 
 of the other towns of Latium. We will trace this gradual 
 extension of city and territory through the periods tradi- 
 tionally assigned to the seven kings (though these dates 
 have no historical value), leaving for another chapter the 
 account of the people and their institutions. 
 
 (i) Romulus (? 753-716). To Romulus, the name- 
 hero and first king of the new city, is ascribed its first 
 extension, so as to embrace six other minor villages, not 
 apparently included within the wall, but joined on to it 
 by trenches or embankments, so that a national festival 
 called Septimontium was instituted to commemorate the 
 
I. THE SEVEN KINGS. TI 
 
 union. He is said also to have attracted settlers to his 
 new town by opening an asylum, a place of refuge for 
 those who were obliged to fly from their own towns, on 
 the eastern slope of the Mons Capitolinus, over which 
 therefore he must have had control. He also obtained 
 wives for his new citizens by the famous device of inviting 
 the neighbouring peoples, Latins and Sabines, to a great 
 festival, and detaining their unmarried women ; the result 
 of which was that the people of Antemnae, Caenina, and 
 Crustumerium, when they attempted to avenge their 
 wrong, were conquered and subjected to Rome ; while the 
 king of the Sabines took the Mons Capitolinus, but 
 eventually agreed to unite with Romulus, and jointly rule 
 an extended city. These legends accounted for the un- 
 doubted fact that there was a large Sabine element in the 
 inhabitants of Rome (illustrated by the name of Quirites, 
 used to late times for 'citizens,' from the Sabine quirts^ 
 'a spear'), and that in very early times the Mons 
 Capitolinus was united with the Palatine as one city. 
 But to Romulus still further extensions were attributed. 
 He conquered Fidenae, secured a district on the right 
 bank of the Tiber, repelling attacks from the Etruscan 
 Veii, fortified the Capitol and the Aventine, and included 
 in the limits of the city, though not of the walls, the 
 Caelian and Quirinal hills. 
 
 (2) Numa Pompilius (? 715-672). The next reign 
 was said to have been a peaceful one. Numa Pompilius 
 came from the Sabine town Cures, and introduced various 
 religious institutions and ceremonies, and, above all, was 
 believed to have taught a truer mode of calculating the 
 seasons. Though no extension of Rome or its territory 
 is directly attributed to him, yet, as one thing said of him 
 is that he introduced the habit of dividing lands of 
 conquered towns among citizens, the annalist seems to 
 conceive of his reign as one of increased dominion. 
 
12 THE SEVEN KINGS. CH. 
 
 (3) Tullus Hostilius (? 672-640). The next king, 
 Tullus Hostilius, conquered and destroyed Alba Longa, 
 removing its inhabitants to Rome, and settling them on 
 the Mons Coelius, thus doubling the number of the in- 
 habitants. He also warred with the Sabines to protect 
 Roman traders engaged at the fair at the temple of Feronia, 
 near Mount Soracte. The removal of the Albans to Rome, 
 and the control of the Alban mount by the Romans, with 
 its temples (which were left intact) as the central meeting 
 ground of the League of Latin cities, was a direct 
 bid on the part of Rome, not only for admission to the 
 Latin League, but also for supremacy in it. It is the first 
 step therefore of Roman expansion in the direction of 
 Latium. 
 
 (4) Ancus Marcius (? 640-61 6). The result of the 
 taking of Alba Longa was hostility on the part of the 
 Latins. Ancus Marcius, the next king, was thought to be 
 unwarlike, and the Latins at once invaded the Roman 
 territory. But not only was the attack repelled, but some 
 of the Latin towns were taken by him, and their inhabit- 
 ants transferred to Rome. This required a still farther 
 increase of the area of the city, protected by some kind 
 of defence. Accordingly to Ancus Marcius was attributed 
 a trench called the fossa Quiritium, which perhaps formed 
 a loop including the Aventine, and joining some entrench- 
 ments already existing on the Coelian hill with the Tiber. 
 To him is also attributed the construction of the ' Bridge 
 of Piles,' the Pans Sublidus^ the first bridge over the Tiber 
 at Rome, which appears to indicate that the Romans were 
 now strong enough to keep possession of the right bank 
 of the Tiber, in spite of the Etruscans. Lastly, he founded 
 the harbour town of Ostia, which shows that the commerce 
 of Rome was becoming important. 
 
 (5) L. Tarquinius Priscus (? 616-578). With the 
 reign of the elder Tarquinius we begin to have some 
 
I. THE TARQUINS AND SERVIUS TULLIUS. 13 
 
 clearer indications of history; and many of the things 
 attributed to this family are at any rate to be assigned to this 
 period. He was an Etruscan 'from Tarquinii, and as the 
 Etruscans were at this time very powerful it may be that 
 an Etruscan dynasty at Rome means that for a time at 
 least Etruscan influence was paramount there too. How- 
 ever this may be, he proved an able sovereign, and did 
 much to extend Roman power. He fought with the 
 Sabines, took Collatia, and gradually reduced most of the 
 Latin towns to own the supremacy of Rome. As a sign of 
 this supremacy he planned and began a great temple of 
 Jupiter on the Capitol, to be the central place of worship 
 for all those who were ruled by Rome. The enlargement 
 of the ground now considered to be within the city of 
 Rome is also shown by the laying out of the Circus 
 Maximus for races in the valley between the Palatine and 
 Aventine, and the construction of cloacae or sewers to drain the 
 valleys between the hills, and the wide meadow (300 acres) 
 called the Campus Martins. These cloacae, many of them 
 of astonishing size and structure, formed a network of drain- 
 age over the whole site of the enlarged Rome, and one 
 especially, the Cloaca Maxima, was always believed to have 
 been the work of Tarquinius Priscus. A considerable part 
 of it still remains, and justifies the description of Pliny 
 that it was 'large enough for a cart loaded with hay to 
 pass up.' 
 
 (6) Servius Tullius (? 5 78-534). The work of the 
 next king was to recognize and perpetuate this extension 
 and importance of the city. His constitutional changes 
 will be discussed in the next chapter; but here the chief 
 thing to notice is that in his time Rome had so outgrown 
 its old limits that it became necessary to plan a far greater 
 wall to enclose all that needed protection. This is said to 
 have been actually begun by Tarquin, but its completion 
 is always assigned to Servius Tullius. It enclosed the 
 
FALL OF THE KINGS. 
 
 CH. I. 
 
 seven hills the Mons Capitolinus, Palatinus, Aventinus, 
 Coelius, Esquilinus, and the Colles Viminalis and Quirinalis 
 in a circuit of about five miles, with nineteen gates, and 
 remained the boundary of the city for nearly seven hundred 
 years ; one part of this fortification, from the Porta Collina 
 to the Porta Esquilina, was formed by cutting through the 
 
 ROME 
 
 with the Walla of Servius. 
 
 ROMAN FEET 
 
 'he four regions. 
 
 Suburana 
 
 II. Esquiiina 
 
 III. Collina 
 
 IV. Palatina 
 
 Walker OrSoutett St. 
 
 spurs of the Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline hills with a 
 ditch, and piling up the earth into a lofty platform, which 
 was called the Agger Servii. Thus Rome, as we shall have 
 to think of it for the whole period of its history contained 
 in this book, was formed. The supremacy which she was 
 now exercising in Vetus Latium Servius maintained more 
 by diplomacy than wars; he induced the Latin cities to 
 
THE DITCH OF THE AGGER OF SERVIUS, 
 
1 6 FALL OF THE KINGS. CH. 
 
 join in building a temple of Diana at Rome to be a 
 common place of worship, and did something to confirm 
 peaceful relations with the Sabines. 
 
 (7) L. Tarquinius Superbus (? 534-510). The 
 next king, though his tyrannical rule brought an end to 
 royalty at Rome, and roused opposition in Latium, yet did 
 something while in power to maintain and extend the 
 prosperity of the city. One of the grievances against him 
 was that he compelled the people to work at his great public 
 buildings, which shows that he was beautifying or improving 
 Rome. The great temple of Capitoline Jove, begun by his 
 father, was all but completed when he was driven out ; 
 many of the cloacae are attributed to him ; and he forced 
 the Latin towns to submit to his orders, and the Latin 
 youths to enlist in his armies. He even began to push the 
 Roman arms beyond the limits of Vetus Latium^ and was 
 the first to fight the Volscians, and to prevent by negotia-' 
 tions the raids of the Aequians upon Latium. Colonists 
 now also were sent out to form outposts of defence at 
 Signia, near the borders of the Hernici, to Suessa Pometia, 
 on the borders of the Pomptine Marshes, and to Circeii, on 
 a promontory in the territory of the Volscians. To all 
 towns which showed signs of disliking the Roman yoke he 
 was ruthless, and he was besieging Ardea of the Rutulians 
 when the revolution occurred which expelled him from 
 Rome. 
 
 7. Rome at the beginning of the Republic, 
 B.C. 509. Thus at the beginning of the Republic we take up 
 the history of Rome with a city as wide in extent as it 
 was to the last day of the Republic and the first two 
 centuries of the Empire. Its ager or territory indeed was 
 quite insignificant; but it had already asserted itself as a 
 predominant member of the Latin League, and was beginning 
 to push its aims beyond and to found colonies. Moreover, 
 however small its territory, the wealth and activity of its 
 
1. FALL OF THE KINGS. 17 
 
 people was shown by the vast public works which had been 
 constructed; and this wealth could only have come from 
 foreign traffic, the importance of which is proved by the rise 
 of the harbour town of Ostia, conveniently situated (as its 
 name denotes) at the mouth of the Tiber. 
 
 
 THE "CLOACA MAXIMA" m ITS PRESENT STATE. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF ROME. 
 THEIR GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION. 
 
 I. The origin of the name ofRome. 2. The original settlers in Rome 
 shown to be a pastoral people by legends and their earliest festivals, 
 the Lupercalia and Palilia ; they early became also a mercantile 
 and warlike people. 3. The Populus Romanus, the gentes, the 
 three tribes, thirty curiae, and Comitia Curiata. 4. The kingship 
 not hereditary ; the king supreme; he forms and consults the 
 senate; is judge and lawgiver; the interregnum; the earliest 
 example of the administration of justice by a king, 5* The 
 Roman Flebs ; its probable origin ; its inferior position ; the 
 reform of Servius Tullius recognizes it as part of the populus. 
 6. Abolition of the life kingship and substitution of two yearly 
 officers. 7. The religion of Rome ; ceremonies introduced from 
 Etruria ; the country gods ; amalgamation with Greek divinities. 
 
 i. The Name of Rome. It was a common practice 
 among historians in ancient times to assume the name of a 
 city to be derived from that of its founder. This may 
 sometimes have been the case ; but where no exact in- 
 formation existed it was at least as possible that the name 
 given to the founder was invented from that of the city. 
 We can never be certain which of these two things 
 happened in regard to Rome. Some have regarded the 
 name as derived from 'Pw/^, ' strength,' others from an 
 Italic word rumon, 'a river,' as though the Alban settlers 
 
 coming from their city among the hills thought of it 
 
 18 
 
CH. ii. THE EARLY ROMANS. 19 
 
 chiefly as the 'river town.' To the ordinary Roman it 
 was the town of Romulus. 
 
 2. The Earliest Inhabitants. There is good reason 
 for believing that the earliest settlers on the Palatine and 
 other hills were a pastoral people. The most ancient 
 festivals were connected with pastoral life, the Luper- 
 calia on the Palatine were in honour of the Wolf-ward 
 god ; the Palilia in honour of Pales, a god or goddess of 
 shepherds, celebrated on the 2ist April, the day tradi- 
 tionally assigned to the foundation of the city. Moreover, 
 the forum Boarium, 'the cattle market,' was one of the 
 most ancient sites marked off for a special purpose, and 
 near it was the altar of Hercules, who, before he was 
 confused with the Greek Herakles, was himself perhaps a 
 Latin god of the sheep-fold. That the Romans very soon x * 
 became a mercantile people also was owing chiefly to the ) 
 conveniency of the river. Thus the earliest settlement 
 outside Rome was said to be Ostia, at the mouth of the 
 Tiber, attributed to Ancus Marcius ; and that Roman trade 
 before long became important is shown by the fact that 
 immediately after the fall of the kings a treaty was made 
 with the great commercial people of Carthage. That the 
 Romans became a nation of soldiers was again the result 
 
 of their position in the midst of hostile tribes. For a 
 long time there was no regular army ; all citizens were 
 liable to be enrolled when a fighting-force was required, and 
 were disbanded when the need was over, returning to their 
 farms and shops, from which they had been summoned. 
 At first then we must think of the Romans as mainly a 
 nation of farmers and shepherds, gradually adding to those 
 employments that of merchants and soldiers. 
 
 3. The Populus Romanus. Of course, as soon as 
 a regular community was formed there must have been 
 some plan of conducting its business and regulating the 
 conduct of its members. The populus Romanus consisted 
 
20 THE POPULUS ROMANUS. CH. 
 
 of the members of certain gentes or families who formed 
 the early settlers, and had perhaps certain definite portions 
 of land which they held in common. Attached to them 
 in very early times were certain clients or dependants, 
 the protection of whom was the concern of the heads of 
 the gentes. The earliest division of the populus of which 
 we hear is into three tribes Ramnes, Titii, and Luceres 
 who may perhaps have formed separate villages which 
 afterwards combined. But we know nothing for certain 
 about them ; only that all the early divisions are by 
 threes, whence the name 'tribe,' afterwards used of any 
 division. The first division of which we can give any 
 account is that into thirty curiae or wards, including both 
 the members of the gentes and their clients (gentiles and 
 gentilidi). When the people had to meet for any purpose, 
 such as the election of a king, the trial of a citizen, theA\ 
 making a law, or the proclaiming peace or war, they voted 
 according to these curiae, and the meeting was called 
 Comitia Curiata. 
 
 4. The King and the Interreges. The existence of 
 a king is assumed in the early legends of Roman history. 
 But there is no trace in the earliest of these legends of 
 an hereditary monarchy. Romulus is naturally the king 
 of his own city. He calls on the heads of the 100 gentes 
 to furnish him with a council or senate with which he may 
 consult; but it cannot control him by its advice, and he 
 alone can summon either it or the people to a meeting; 
 he alone acts as supreme judge and lawgiver. On his 
 death, however, there is no question of a son (if he had 
 one) to succeed him, and still less any question of doing 
 without a king. The only way of getting a king was for / 
 the people to elect one, and until they have done so the 
 Senate appointed an interrex to hold office for five days, 
 and then give place to another. The time which elapsed 
 between the two reigns was called an interregnum. The 
 

 ii. FIRST INSTANCE OF PROVOCATIO. 21 
 
 king was elected for life, and had absolute power ; acted 
 as judge, commanded armies, declared war, made peace. 
 A story is told of the third king (Tullus Hostilius) which 
 shows us the most primitive way in wKich the king ad- 
 ministered justice. In a war with the Albans it was 
 agreed that three champions on either side, the Horatii 
 for the Romans, the Curiatii for the Albans, should 
 decide the dispute. Two Horatii and two Curiatii fell, 
 and the surviving Horatius killed the last Curiatius. But 
 as Horatius was being conducted home, bearing the spoils 
 amidst a rejoicing people, he saw his sister weeping, for 
 she had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii. In a 
 passion of resentment he struck her dead. The king 
 summoned the curiae and named two men (duoviri) to 
 pronounce sentence on him. They sentenced him to be 
 flogged and beheaded. Then he ' appealed ' to the people, 
 and the appeal was allowed by the people on condition of 
 certain rites of purification being performed by him. This 
 is the earliest specimen of trial for what was called perduellw, 
 'act of war' or 'treason.' The king does not appoint 
 men to try the case : he decides on the guilt himself ; 
 they are only to pronounce the sentence according to the 
 laws or customs existing. Here, too, we have the * people ' 
 acting as a body, and voting by their curiae, and above 
 all we have the principle, which was of great value after- 
 wards, that against the sentence of a magistrate there was 
 an appeal to the people. Of these things we shall hear 
 again. The earliest known institutions therefore are, as 
 often, illustrated by a story or legend. 
 
 5. The Roman Plebs. We said that the Roman 
 populus consisted of the members of the gentes and their 
 clients. But there were other people living in Rome who 
 were neither of these. They had come there as settlers, 
 or traders, or perhaps sometimes as captives, who, though 
 forced to remain, were not made slaves. These people seem 
 
22 PLEBEIANS AND REFORMS OF SERVIUS TULLIUS. CH. 
 
 to have had no civil rights or duties. They did not vote in 
 the curiae, or serve in the army. They could not hold 
 any office or marry among the citizens. They could how- 
 ever trade, and perhaps farm the land under the citizens; 
 and gradually came to look upon themselves as citizens 
 with a claim to fuller rights. They were called the Plebs 
 or multitude. Now in the reign of the sixth king, Servius 
 Tullius, according to general tradition, a change was made 
 which recognized these Plebeians as part of the Roman 
 people, and imposed fresh duties upon them, though it 
 did not do much at first towards putting them on an 
 equality. First of all he divided all the people, that is, the 
 members of the old gentes (who now began to be called 
 Patricians) and the Plebeians alike, into twenty-one tribes, 
 according to where they lived, four being city tribes, 
 seventeen country tribes, in order that a census might be 
 taken of their property. Then the whole people were 
 again divided into five 'classes,' according to the amount 
 of property which they possessed. All who possessed 
 property valued at 100,000 asses were in the first class, 
 75,000 asses in the second, 50,000 asses in the third, 25,000 
 asses in the fourth, 12,500 asses in the fifth. Of course 
 the members of the first class were much smaller in 
 number than those in the other classes, and yet the first 
 class was subdivided into eighty centuries, as they were 
 called, while the second, third, and fourth were arranged 
 in forty each, and the fifth in thirty-two. 1 This division 
 into classes and centuries was originally for military 
 purposes, and at the head of the whole list were eighteen 
 centuries of knights or cavalry, which had always been 
 the most important part of the Roman army. All who had 
 less than 12,500 asses were grouped in one century and 
 
 1 Classis probably means a ' summoning ' ; Centuria, properly a group 
 of one hundred, afterwards used for a ' division ' of any number. The 
 as originally a pound of copper, but eventually reduced to half an ounce. 
 
II. THE COMITIA CENTURIATA. 23 
 
 were called capite censi, 'numbered by the head.' When the 
 army was called out, only those were summoned who were 
 in the five classes. Thus the whole people were in a way 
 recognized and organized, and were now all ' citizens,' 
 though not with equal rights ; and if it was necessary for 
 them to meet to vote on peace or war, or to make laws, 
 they voted in these centuries, the majority of each century 
 determining the vote of that century, and the majority of 
 centuries determining the whole vote. Such a meeting was 
 called Comitia Centuriata. We are not told of any such 
 meetings during the kingship; but directly the kings were 
 expelled we begin to hear of them. Notice that this 
 manner of voting gave a great advantage to rich men. 
 For the first class had eighty centuries, and the equites or 
 knights had eighteen, and the two together made up more 
 than half of the whole number (193), though they must have 
 contained much fewer individuals than the other centuries. 
 Again, though the whole people soon began to vote in this 
 assembly, the old distinction between the members of the 
 original gentes, now called Patricians, and the rest of the 
 multitude, or Plebs, was still maintained ; for the former 
 only were thought capable of holding offices, of making 
 valid marriages, or taking the auspices. The old Comitia 
 Curiata still existed for certain purposes, conferring imperium 
 on magistrates, and recording wills and adoptions, but had 
 none but formal powers. 
 
 6. The Kingship is abolished, and two yearly 
 Magistrates elected in its place, B.C. 510. Thus 
 there was a Roman people, though with a wide division of 
 ranks. Presently they had reason to wish for a new form 
 of government. The seventh king, Tarquinius, called the 
 Proud, proved to be a tyrant. He neglected or insulted 
 the Senate and oppressed the people by imposing heavy 
 labour upon them in his buildings and other works, 
 while members of his family began to show the vices 
 
CH. ii. CONSULS IN PLACE OF KINGS. 25 
 
 and licence which generally accompanied regal power. 
 Therefore for the time both classes of citizens were united 
 in a resolve to get rid of him. While he was encamped 
 opposite Ardea, which he was besieging, a party of dis- 
 contented nobles got possession of the city, and were able 
 to repel his efforts to regain it. The army which he had 
 with him at Ardea declared against him also ; and he was 
 obliged to seek safety in exile. Popular indignation is 
 said to have been specially roused at the time by the 
 wrong done by the king's son Sextus Tarquinius to Lucretia, 
 the wife of Collatinus, and it was decided by a vote of the 
 people that they would never more elect a king for life, or 
 call any man king again ; but would, in his place, elect 
 every year two magistrates to do the duties which the king 
 had been accustomed to perform. These magistrates seem 
 at first to have been called Praetores or ' leaders,' but later 
 on they were called Consules or 'colleagues.' This took 
 place in ?B.C. 510, and the first consuls were elected for 
 the year beginning in March B.C. 509. In times of 
 danger, however, when the rule of one man was necessary, 
 the kingly power was revived temporarily under another 
 name, by the consul naming a dictator who, while in office, 
 had absolute power over all citizens- -and over the consuls 
 themselves. 
 
 7. The Religion of the Romans. The Romans 
 were a very religious people, and were very particular as 
 to the proper manner of worshipping the gods. Early in 
 their history we hear of a great change in this matter. 
 Many religious ceremonies, the right way of learning the 
 will of the gods by observing the flight of birds, by the 
 flash of the lightning, by the feeding of sacred fowls, or by 
 inspecting the entrails of victims at sacrifices, were intro- 
 duced from Etruria. But before this there was a religion 
 existing among them, traces of which remained both in the 
 city and country, and especially in the country. The 
 
26 EARLY ROMAN RELIGION. CH. 
 
 / 
 
 chief feature of this religion was that it personified and 
 tried to appease the various forces of nature which affected 
 the cultivation of the land and thef safety or destruction 
 of crops and cattle. The chief deities were Saturnus, the 
 god of sowing ; lovis, the sky-god ; lanus, the two-headed 
 sun-god, facing east and west; Tellus, the earth-goddess, 
 mother of all living things ; Lupercus, ' the wolf-ward ' ; 
 Flora, the goddess of flowers ; Minerva, guardian of olives ; 
 Ceres and Liber, goddess of corn, and god of wine ; Lym- 
 pha, the source of water; and Bonus Eventus, the Good 
 Luck, on which the farmer depended for the reward of his 
 labours. These were all beneficent deities. But the powers 
 of evil were also propitiated : Mavers, the god of destruction 
 and murrain, and Robigus, god of blight. The worship of 
 these gods mostly took the form of cheerful village festivals 
 along with offerings of the first-fruits of field and fold. Very 
 early, however (from the south or through Etruria), Greek 
 theology found its way into Rome. New deities were wor- 
 shipped, or the old Latin deities were identified with the 
 Greek : lovis with Zeus ; Liber with Bacchus ; Ceres with 
 Demeter; Minerva with Pallas Athene; Diana (lana or 
 Luna) with Artemis ; Mavers (or Marmar) with Ares ; and 
 a temple- to Apollo, the sun-god, was very early built in 
 Rome. Whatever gods were worshipped, it was thought 
 so important that the worship should be conducted in the 
 right way, that a college of pontiffs, the head of which was 
 called Pontifex Maximus, was appointed to superintend all 
 matters connected with religious observances ; and another 
 college, of Augurs, to preserve and carry out the rules 
 which ought to be obeyed in taking auspices and inter- 
 preting omens. It was the fear of doing anything wrong 
 in religious worship also that caused the appointment 
 of the rex sacrificulus, 'sacrificial king'; for there were 
 some sacrifices^Tftat, according to tradition, could only be 
 offered by a 'king.' So when the life-kings were abol- 
 
II. 
 
 THE PRIESTS AND THE VESTAL VIRGINS. 
 
 ished it was thought right that jthere should be some one 
 with the title to perform them. Three of the chief deities 
 had priests specially attached to their service. Such a 
 priest was called a flamen. There was a flamen Dialis 
 (of Jupiter), a flamen Quirinalis (of Romulus or Quirinus), a 
 flamen Martialis (of Mars) ; and originally each Curia had a 
 separate priest of its own- called the flamen Curia/is, or 
 sometimes simply Curio. I As in each house near the hearth 
 was a shrine of the Lares, or deified spirits of the departed, 
 and of the Penates, the special gods of the family, so the most 
 sacred place in Rome was the temple of Vesta, the altar in 
 which was to the whole city what the hearth was to each 
 house, the centre of its life and worship. Six Vestal virgins 
 had the care of it, whose duty it was to keep the sacred fire ever 
 alight, and to preserve the Palladium and other sacred objects 
 on which the safety of the city was believed to depend. On 
 
 occasions of public 
 danger the Sibyl- 
 line verses, a col- 
 lection of Greek 
 oracles said to 
 have been given to 
 King Tarquin by a 
 wise woman from 
 Cumae, were sol- 
 emnly consulted. 
 No public business 
 was begun with- 
 out previous reli- 
 gious ceremonies, 
 
 AUGUR WITH LITUUS. 
 
 prayer or sac- 
 rifice, or taking of 
 omens, and this 
 was strictly main- 
 tained all through 
 the time of the Re- 
 public and far into 
 that of the Em-\ 
 pire, even when 
 a large propor- 
 tion of the people 
 had learnt to dis- 
 believe or doubt 
 their religion. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM THE EXPULSION OF THE KINGS TO THE 
 
 CAPTURE OF THE CITY BY THE GAULS. 
 
 B.C. 509-6.0. 389. 
 
 I. On the fall of the kings Rome loses its high position in the Latin 
 League. 2. The Etruscans, under Lars Porsena, attack Rome, 
 but do not restore the Tarquins ; story of Horatiiis Codes. 3. 
 Stories of Briitus, Caius Mucius, and Cloelia. 4. Rome again 
 admitted to the Latin League, aftir the battle of the Lake Regillus 
 (B.C. 498); the policy of Spurius Cassius ; a colony sent to 
 Signia. 5- Wars with the Volscians, Aequians, and Sabines ; 
 Roman power- expanding in Latium, and colonies sent to jive 
 towns. 6. The Wars with Veil, and its capture by Camillas ; 
 pay given to soldiers ; extension of Roman power in Etruria. 
 7. The struggles of the Plebs for equality ; harsh laws of debt j 
 first secession and appointment of Tribunes (B.C. 492); growth 
 of the Comitia Tributa. 8. Death of Spurius Cassius; the 
 Plebeians obtain the right of electing Tribunes in the Comitia 
 Tributa. 9. The Decemvirs ; the Laws of the Twelve Tables (B.C. 
 451-450) ; the Plebeians obtain conubium (B.C. 455) ; Tribuni 
 militates consular! potestate ; the Censorship ; the right of 
 making laws in Comitia Tributa (B.C. 449) ; death of Spurius 
 Moelius. 10. The capture and burning of Rome by the Gauls 
 B.C. 390. 
 
 i. The Latin League. We have seen that, by the 
 time the Roman people had become strong enough to 
 change its form of government, the city had also risen to 
 a high position among its neighbours. It had not only 
 
 been admitted as a member of the League of thirty Latin 
 
 28 
 
CH. in. LARS PORSENA. 29 
 
 towns, but had held a kind of commanding position in 
 the League. The last three kings, if they were oppressive 
 at home, had been powerful abroad. But the fall of the 
 kings was followed by the loss of this position. Rome 
 was again isolated, and reduced to its immediate territory, 
 or ager Romanus. The chief cause of this seems to have 
 been that the expulsion of the Etruscan dynasty brought 
 upon her the enmity of the Etruscans ; and thus, becoming 
 an object of attack on the north, she became a danger 
 rather than a protection to the Latin towns on the south. 
 The banished Tarquins may have helped to stir up this 
 feeling in Etruria; but, though the Etruscans conquered 
 Rome, they did not restore them. 
 
 2. The War with Veil and with Lars Porsena^ 
 B.C. 507. No sooner, however, had Tarquin gone into exile 
 at Caere, than attacks upon Rome by Etruscan cities began. 
 At first these came from Yeii, a town about sixteen miles 
 north of Rome, which had long been its rival for the 
 command of the right bank of the Tiber. But presently 
 Lars Pqrsena of Clusium, led an army drawn from the 
 several cities which formed the Etruscan League against 
 Rome. He seized the heights of laniculum, and was 
 only prevented from entering the city by the cutting of 
 the wooden bridge, the pons Sublicius. This is the occasion 
 of the famous story of HorajiusjCocles, who, with two com- 
 rades, defended the northern end of it until the Roman 
 troops that had been beaten on the laniculum got across 
 and the bridge had been cut. He then sprang into the 
 river, and swam safely to shore. But though Porsena did \ 
 not actually take Rome, he forced the Romans to submit \ 
 to humiliating terms, to give up all arms, to use no iron ) 
 except for ploughing, to give hostages, and by a present 
 of an ivory throne and sceptre to himself to acknowledge 
 his supremacy. But he did not restore the Tarquins or 
 in any way harm the city. 
 
30 BRUTUS, MUCIUS, AND CLOELIA. CH. 
 
 3. Stories connected with the Etruscan War. 
 
 The Romans cherished more than one tradition con- 
 nected with these early struggles. One of the consuls 
 elected in the first year of the Republic was M. lunius 
 Brutus, who had led the revolt against the Tarquins. 
 In that year a conspiracy among the partizans of the 
 fallen king was discovered, and among the conspirators 
 were two sons of Brutus. The father not only pro- 
 r nounced sentence upon them, but witnessed their punish- 
 ment and execution. Thus the Romans represented their 
 belief that duty to the State was above all other ties. 
 Again, when Porsena was besieging Rome, a young man 
 named Cams Mucius is said to have made his way to the 
 Etruscan camp with a dagger concealed in the folds of his 
 dress. He killed a man clad in purple, whom he believed 
 to be Porsena, but who was only his secretary or judge. 
 He was arrested and hurried before the king, and when 
 threatened with torture by fire if he would not betray the 
 names of his confederates, he thrust his hand into the 
 flame, and allowed it to be consumed, to prove how little 
 could be wrung from him by pain. But he warned the 
 king that three hundred youths had sworn like himself to 
 risk all dangers in order to slay him. A third story is 
 told of the heroic girl Cloelia, who, being given among the 
 hostages to PorsenaT-rseaped her guards, and, plunging 
 into the Tiber, swam back to Rome. The people, how- 
 ever, kept faith with Porsena, and returned the hostages; 
 and this honourable conduct, among other things, induced 
 Porsena to grant better terms to the city when at length he 
 resolved to break up his camp on the laniculum and 
 return home, leaving his son Aruns to attack some of the 
 other Latin towns. 
 
 4. Rome once more enters the Latin League, B.C. 
 496. For about twelve years after the Etruscan invasion 
 the Romans were engaged in frequent wars with the Sabines 
 
in. EARLIEST ENEMIES OF THE REPUBLIC. 31 
 
 or the Latins, till at length the latter are said to have 
 been defeated at the battle of the Lake Regillus (i5th July, 
 B.C. 498), when the Romans were commanded by the 
 Dictator Aulus Postumius Albus, and legends say that 
 they were assisted by the great twin brethren, Castor and 
 Pollux, who charged at the head of the Roman cavalry; 
 in celebration of which a solemn procession of Roman 
 knights was held every i5th of July, from the temple of 
 Mars outside the wall to that of Castor and Pollux, which 
 was erected after the battle by Aulus. After this, chiefly 
 by the influence of Spurius Cassius Viscellinus, Rome once 
 more became a leading member in the Latin League, and 
 showed that she was increasing in power and numbers by 
 again sending colonists to Signia, and by raising the number 
 of the rural tribes from seventeen to twenty-one. 
 
 5. The Volscians, Aequians, and Sabines. 
 But Rome now, as head of the Latin League, had continually 
 to guard against the attacks of two new enemies, the 
 Volscians and Aequians, as well as against those of the 
 Sabines in the north. Most of this warfare consisted of 
 \border raids. The smoke from burning homesteads and 
 the flight of rustics gave notice that the enemies were on 
 the march, and the citizens were hastily called to arms, 
 and having repulsed the foe returned to their business or 
 pleasure. If we had been living on the Scotch or Welsh 
 border four or five hundred years ago we should have had a 
 very clear idea of what such warfare was like. Every now 
 and then some battle rose in importance above the rest, 
 and some successful commander celebrated a triumph: that 
 is, he rode on a high chariot drawn by four horses through 
 the forum and up to the Capitol, along what was called 
 the 'Sacred Way,' followed or preceded by men bearing the 
 spoil he had secured, and by the captives whom he had 
 taken. Thus two battles were fought near Mt Algidus, a 
 little north of Alba, in B.C. 458 and 428 ; in the former 
 
32 SIEGE OF VEII. CH. in. 
 
 of which the famous Cincinnatus, who was appointed 
 Dictator whilst working on his farm, conquered the Aequians. 
 With the Volscians they were constantly engaged in a 
 struggle for the possession of Antium, on the Volscian 
 coast, which, with Circeii and Terracina, had in the later 
 kingly period been in some way under the supremacy of 
 Rome. The upshot was that Rome was steadily grow- 
 ing, sending out colonists (really advanced guards of her 
 dominions) to neighbouring towns, such as Velitrae, Norba, 
 Ardea, Labicum, and Circeii. If you will look at a map you 
 will see that this means that Rome is gradually pushing her 
 rule beyond the limits of the old Latium, taking in pieces of 
 the larger Latium, and securing herself against enemies on 
 her borders. It was in the war at Antium that the story 
 is told of Coriolanus, who having won great glory as a 
 soldier, was yet forced to leave Rome because he was 
 hated by the Plebs. He joined the Volscians, and was only 
 deterred from taking Rome by the tears of his mother. 
 
 6. The Fall of Veii, B.C. 395. But having thus secured 
 herself toward the south, Rome had next to fight for the full 
 and undisturbed command of the right bank of the Tiber. 
 Veii, about sixteen miles north of Rome, was the nearest 
 Etruscan city of any importance, and struggles between the 
 two towns for the possession of the intervening territory 
 were the natural result of their situation. Veii, while sup-' 
 ported by the rest of the Etruscan League, could hold its 
 own : and for a long while it had that support, because the 
 Etruscans had settlements in Campania, and wished to keep 
 the road open to them. For some years, however, the 
 Veientines had been quiet. But in B.C. 482 they began 
 again making raids on Roman territory : and finally a great 
 disaster occurred to the Roman arms. An attempt was made 
 to occupy permanently a strong post on the Cremera, the 
 river on which Veii stood. The force was composed of the 
 clan of the Fabii, and their dependents, headed by Kaeso 
 
THE GROTTA CAMPANA AT VEIL 
 
34 FALL OF VEIL CH. 
 
 Fabius, consul in B.C. 479, who, according to the story, 
 offered to maintain this post without calling out the usual 
 levy. After some months, however, the Veientines tempted 
 them down into the plain, by letting cattle loose in it, lying in 
 ambush themselves to take them at a disadvantage. Nearly 
 the whole clan of the Fabii are said to have been cut off in 
 this affair ; and it so encouraged the Veientines that they ven- 
 tured farther and farther into Roman territory, even occupy- 
 ing laniculum, and threatening the city. Throughout the 
 remaining part of the century the war went on, sometimes at 
 long intervals, sometimes year after year; sometimes the 
 Veientines acting alone, sometimes with the assistance of 
 other Etrurian towns, sometimes in alliance with the Sabines. 
 In one of these wars (B.C. 437), in which the Veientines were 
 in alliance with Fidenae, a certain Cornelius Cossus won the 
 Spolia Opima, by killing and stripping of his armour the 
 Veientine king or leader, Lar Tolumnius. At length after a 
 truce of twenty years (B.C. 425-450) the quarrel broke out 
 afresh, apparently on the old score of border raiding ; and 
 the Romans, now grown stronger from successful warfare 
 with the Aequians and Volscians, determined to put an end 
 to the trouble by the destruction of Veii. The siege lasted 
 nine years, to B.C. 395, and was at length brought to an end 
 by M. Furius Camillus, who is said to have restored dis- 
 cipline to the Roman armies engaged in it so long, and at 
 last to have taken the town by assault, when by means of a 
 mine or tunnel the citadel had been entered and secured. 
 The length to which the siege was protracted may perhaps 
 be accounted for by the Romans having at the same time to 
 resist fresh raids of the Volscians, and to divide their forces 
 in attacks upon other Etruscan towns, such as Falerii and 
 Capena, which were giving help to Veii. But whatever the 
 cause, it had one important effect on the Romans. For 
 the first time Roman soldiers remained in camp throughout 
 the winter, not returning as heretofore at the end of the 
 
in. ROMAN SOLDIERS RECEIVE PAY. 35 
 
 summer campaign to their homes and their work. This 
 was a step in the direction of making soldiership a pro- 
 fession, instead of an occasional duty falling on all citizens 
 in their turn; and this change was still farther promoted 
 when the soldiers began to receive pay for their services. 
 This last change had been begun, it seems, just before the 
 siege of Veii : but during the nine years' siege it must first 
 have become important, both from the length of time during 
 which some had been receiving pay, and from the burden 
 it must have imposed on the exchequer, which depended 
 principally on the tributum, or property tax, paid by the 
 citizens. Then again, the paying of the men made it 
 possible to enlist in the legions those whose property 
 was under the standard of the fifth class, 'and thus a fresh 
 claim was established on the part of the poorest citizens for 
 equality of rights. The immediate effect of the fall of Veii, 
 however, was the removal of a long-standing danger to 
 Rome. The inhabitants who survived were sold into slavery, 
 and, though the town was not destroyed, it stood a long 
 time empty, and eventually fell into total decay, its build- 
 ing materials being carted off for use elsewhere. It also 
 brought with it a great extension of Roman power in South 
 Etruria, for the capture of Falerii, Volsinii, and Sutrium, 
 which followed it, made the Romans masters of all Etruria 
 south of the Ciminian forest, and as at the same time Gauls 
 coming over the Alps were pressing the Etruscans on the 
 north, Rome had nothing to fear from them for a long time. 
 7. The Struggles of the Plebeians for Equality 
 and the Appointment of Tribunes, B.C. 492. But 
 while the Romans had been engaged in these external 
 wars and in pushing their power farther north and south, 
 there had been going on inside Rome itself another 
 struggle, which was often much influenced by the fact of 
 there being peace or war at the time. When there were 
 dangerous wars on foot then generally the civil dissensions 
 
36 GRIEVANCES OF THE PLEBEIANS. CH. 
 
 were suspended : when the wars were ended then the civil 
 dissensions broke out afresh. But sometimes the need for 
 soldiers gave the Plebeians just the opportunity they needed 
 to enforce their rights. The grievances under_.which the 
 people laboured were twofold: first, poverty, and second, 
 civil disabilities. As to the first, the Romans were still 
 mainly a nation of farmers, and the constant raids of 
 enemies reduced a great many of them to poverty, partly 
 by the actual loss inflicted when the enemy burnt farm- 
 steads and crops, or drove off cattle, and partly by having 
 themselves to quit their holdings to serve in arms against 
 the invader. They were often therefore heavily in debt, 
 and the law of debt made the defaulter practically the 
 property of his creditor. He became at once ' bound ' or 
 ' nexus ' : his creditor might arrest and load him with chains, 
 and after a certain period of time sell him as a slave. 
 Then, again, when Rome took a town a certain amount 
 of its territory was retained as public land (ager publicus), 
 which the State let out for a rent or kept open as public 
 pasture. But the rich men managed to monopolize this, 
 either by paying a small rent to the State and then treating 
 it as their own, or by feeding more .than their fair pro- 
 portion of cattle and sheep on the pastures. Many poor 
 citizens, therefore, who had no land of their own, or not 
 enough to support them, thought that this public land ought 
 to be divided among those who had now little or none, 
 or at any rate that the rich men should be restrained from 
 using it unfairly. These were the two material grievances. 
 But, as a rule, the richest men were the Patricians : the 
 bulk of the land still belonged to them : therefore this 
 division of rich and poor answered roughly to the division 
 between the privileged and unprivileged; and the Plebeians 
 thought that if this distinction was done away they would 
 get better terms as to the division of lands and the 
 burden of debt. Thus for the first hundred years of the 
 
in. SECESSION TO THE SACRED MOUNT. 37 
 
 Republic there were constant struggles between the two 
 orders. It began with resistance to the cruel treatment 
 of the nex^ or debtors. The only remedy in the hands 
 of the Plebeians was to refuse to give in their names 
 when the levy was needed in the Volscian and Aequian 
 wars. But this was a dangerous measure, for it might 
 expose the city to destruction ; and in B.C. 495, when they 
 had done so, they gave way on the promise of relief for the 
 debtors. But when they found themselves more than 
 once deceived as to this promise, the whole armed force, 
 instead of returning to their homes at the end of the 
 campaign, marched in good order to a hill beyond the 
 Anio, afterwards called the Sacred Mount, and there 
 encamped. They 'seceded' and refused to return to the 
 service of the State. The Patricians were alarmed, because 
 being surrounded by enemies they could not afford to be 
 without these men. As a compromise it was agreed 
 that certain Plebeian officers, called Tribunes, should be 
 elected, whose duty it should be to protect men from 
 unrighteous or harsh sentences of the consuls ; and a law 
 was passed making their persons sacred, and placing those 
 who violated them under a curse. At first there were 
 five and after B.C. 457 ten. They were not magistrates 
 with a fixed sphere of duty. Their primary business was 
 to give aid (auxilium) to all citizens who appealed for it 
 against the magistrates ; and in order that this aid might 
 always be at hand, they were bound to keep the doors of 
 their houses open and not to be more than one day 
 absent from Rome during their year of office. Gradually 
 they got more extensive powers, but at first their chief 
 function was negative: by their veto they could stay pro- 
 ceedings, and prevent a magistrate's sentence being carried 
 out or a law being passed. They must be Plebeians, though 
 at first they seem to have been elected by the Comitia 
 Curiata. At the same time new officers called Aediles 
 
38 PLEBEIANS ELECT THEIR TRIBUNES. CH. 
 
 were elected to take cognizance of legal matters which 
 concerned only the Plebs. 
 
 8. The Plebeians obtain other Privileges (B.C. 
 492-391). After the appointment of tribunes the Plebeians 
 gained step by step their civil rights. The points which 
 were in dispute were : (i) That a Plebeian could not 
 marry with a Patrician (ius conubii); (2) that a Plebeian 
 could not hold any magistracy, quaestorship or consulship 
 (ius honorum). The struggles of the Plebs to abolish 
 these disabilities were often mixed up with those caused 
 by poverty. Thus Spurius Cassius, of whose services we 
 have heard before in obtaining the readmission of Rome 
 to the Latin League, being consul in B.C. 486, wished to 
 relieve the poverty of some of the citizens by allotting 
 land taken from the Hernici among poor Romans and 
 Latins, as well as to distribute free some com that had 
 been sent by Gelo, tyrant of Syracuse. But the Patricians 
 raised a cry that he was attempting to obtain kingly power, 
 and when he ceased to be consul he was condemned and 
 executed. Still the Plebeians did gradually obtain fuller 
 rights. In B.C. 47 1 a law was passed allowing them to elect 
 the tribunes in their own assembly, which up to this time 
 had been an informal meeting for consultation (concilium 
 Plebis), but from henceforth is called Comitia Tributa, 
 because they voted by tribes and not by centuries. 1 
 
 9. The Decemvirs and the Laws of the Twelve 
 Tables (B.C. 451-0). The next advantage gained was that 
 the laws should be engraved on stone or bronze, and exposed 
 in some public place, so that all should know what they had 
 to obey, and what were the limits to the power of the 
 magistrates. This was only gained after a long contention. 
 
 J The Patricians were of course members of the tribes and so could 
 vote if they chose ; but they were numerically much inferior, and 
 would have little effect on the result, and they seem for a long time 
 at any rate to have abstained from voting. 
 
in. THE DECEMVIRS. 
 
 39 
 
 Commissioners having been sent to examine codes of law 
 at Athens and other places, in B.C. 451 ten men (decemviri) 
 were appointed for a year to draw up the laws, and 
 meanwhile to conduct the government without consuls or 
 tribunes. At the end of the year the work was not done, 
 and a new board of decemvirs was appointed, some of 
 whom had been in the board of the year before. The 
 most influential of them was Appius Claudius, and their 
 government in their second year is said to have been so 
 harsh and bad that they were forced to abdicate, and the 
 Senate having named interreges, the consuls and other 
 magistrates were elected for the next year. But whatever 
 they may have done as magistrates, as legislators they 
 produced a code of laws on twelve tables or slabs, which 
 was the foundation of all Roman law in the future. 
 
 Military Tribunes with Consular Power (3.0.445). 
 The laws of the twelve tables, however, did not alter the 
 relative position of Patricians and Plebeians. They, for 
 instance, confirmed the disability of the Plebeians to marry 
 with Patricians, and in regard to debt were no less harsh 
 than the customs hitherto prevailing. It was defmiteness 
 that was gained by a written code, not relief. This 
 relief had to be got by new laws. In B.C. 445 a tribune 
 named C. Canuleius carried a law granting conubium or 
 right of intermarriage to the Plebeians; and as a com- 
 promise to the demand of the Plebeians to be allowed to stand 
 for the consulship, it was arranged that instead of consuls 
 there should be Military Tribunes appointed each year with 
 consular power, the number varying from three to six. To 
 this office Plebeians might be elected, although no certain 
 instance of one being so elected occurs till B.C. 400. At 
 the same time, however, one important function of the 
 consuls, that of taking the census, and making up the list 
 of the Senate, was transferred to two new Patrician officers 
 called Censors, who were to be elected every fifth year for 
 
40 MORE PRIVILEGES TO THE PLEBEIANS. CM. 
 
 this special purpose and were to hold office for eighteen 
 months. In B.C. 449 again a law was passed recognizing 
 the Plebeian Assembly as having power to pass rules 
 (plebiscita) binding on the whole populus, though as 
 yet they were in some respects of inferior authority to 
 laws. In B.C. 421 the number of quaestors was doubled 
 and the office was thrown open to the Plebeians. The 
 Plebeians had gained something; but the Patricians had 
 managed to retain a good deal, and Patrician magis- 
 trates still ventured to regard advocates of popular rights 
 as traitors. Thus in B.C. 440, during a time of scarcity, 
 a rich knight named Spurius Maelius purchased corn 
 and distributed it to the people. The cry was at once 
 raised that he was aiming at kingly power ; and L. Quintius 
 Cincinnatus was named Dictator, with C. Servilius Ahala as 
 Master of the Horse. Ahala was sent to summon Sp. 
 Maelius to the judgment-seat of the Dictator, and when 
 Spurius tried to avoid obedience Ahala struck him dead. 
 10. The Burning of Rome by the Gauls (B.C. 390). 
 But now a great disaster befel Rome. Gauls from beyond 
 the Alps had for many generations been settling in Northern 
 Italy. The earliest immigrants dwelt on the upper parts 
 of the valley of the Po. The latest to arrive were the 
 Senones, who occupied a district on the shore of the 
 Adriatic, between the two streams Utens and Aesis. This 
 district was narrow (for the mountains there come close 
 down to the sea) and not very fertile. They therefore 
 presently tried to get better lands in Etruria. In B.C. 
 391 they had marched down the valley of the Clanis, and 
 were besieging Clusium, situated on an olive-crowned 
 eminence at the southern extremity of the valley. The 
 people of Clusium had in previous years made some terms 
 of friendship with Rome, and now sent to ask for help. 
 The Romans sent envoys to warn the Gauls 'not to 
 attack allies and friends of the Roman people.' But the 
 
HI. BATTLE OF THE ALLIA AND BURNING OF ROME. 4I 
 
 Gauls answered haughtily; and when a battle took place 
 the Roman envoys took part in it, and one of them slew 
 and spoiled a Gaul. The Gauls sent to Rome demanding 
 that these men should be surrendered to them for this 
 .breach of the law of nations. This was refused, and 
 the envoys were even elected consular tribunes. The 
 Senones, reinforced by another trite, the Lingones, next 
 year marched upon Rome, plundering the country as they 
 went, but not stopping to besiege walled towns. They 
 defeated a hastily enrolled Roman army on the Allia 
 (i8th July, B.C. 390), about eleven miles from Rome; and, 
 after halting for two days, entered the city itself. The 
 inhabitants had had time to escape, for the most part, to 
 the empty city of Veii, and the Vestals saved the Palladium 
 by burying it underground. But the army had retired to 
 the Capitol, which was fortified strongly enough to resist 
 an assault; and the Gauls, having plundered and partly 
 burnt the city, sat down to besiege the Capitol. But 
 after some weeks the Capitol still held out under M. 
 Manlius^though once nearly surprised by a scaling party, 
 who found the guards asleep. The cackling of the sacred 
 geese in the temple of Juno, however, roused Manlius, 
 who hurled back the leading Gaul, and saved the Capitol. 
 The Gauls were never good at besieging strong places. 
 They were impatient of the labour and hardship, and now 
 their provisions were running short, and their plundering 
 parties in the surrounding territory were sometimes cut off 
 by Camillus, who was living in voluntary exile at Ardea, 
 having been impeached in the matter of the division of the 
 Veientine spoils in the previous year; the season was 
 unhealthy, and they were suffering from pestilence ; finally, 
 news reached them that the Veneti were invading their 
 territories at home. They therefore made terms, received 
 a sum of gold, and departed. The Romans afterwards 
 liked to believe that Camillus, who had been summoned 
 
DEPARTURE OF THE GAULS. 
 
 CH. III. 
 
 home by the citizens at Veii, and named Dictator, arrived 
 in time to prevent the gold being paid to the Gauls, 
 and defeated and drove them away. But the most that 
 can have happened is that he harassed their rear as they 
 retired. At any rate they went away, and the citizens 
 returned to Rome, elected the magistrates for the next 
 year, and set about restoring the houses and temples 
 which had been burnt. They did not follow any fixed 
 plan in the restoration ; and the streets were therefore 
 irregular, and the old sewers often built over, which did 
 not add to the healthiness of Rome, where pestilences were 
 of frequent occurrence. The burning of the city had 
 involved the loss of many historical records, so that the 
 early history of Rome was rendered more uncertain than 
 ever; but otherwise this disaster made little difference in 
 the political situation. The poverty of the farmers, whose 
 homesteads had been burnt or plundered, made them more 
 inclined eventually to agitate for their rights; but no formal 
 change was made at once. The weakness caused by the 
 disaster induced some of their hostile neighbours Etrus- 
 cans, Volscians, and Aequians to attack Rome, and, as 
 usual, when there was war political disturbances stopped. 
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE SHRINK IN WHICH THE PALLADIUM WAS KEPT. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM THE CAPTURE OF ROME BY THE GAULS 
 
 TO THE END OF THE SAMNITE WARS. 
 
 B.C. 389-6.0. 290. 
 
 I. Roman conquests in Italy secured by Colonies; struggles with 
 Etruscans, Volscians, and Aequians. 2. Intermittent war with 
 the Gauls. 3. The Samnites in Central Italy. 4. First Samnite 
 War (B.C. 343-341). 5. The end of the Latin League (B.C. 
 340-338). 6. Stories of Manlius and Decius. 7. The Second 
 Samnite War (B.C. 326-304.) 8. The Third Samnite War (B.C. 
 298-290). 9. Civil history from B.C. 390 to B.C. 286; abolition 
 of nexum ; the Licinian rogations ; the increasing power of the 
 Plebs ; the Censorship of Appius Claudius (B.C. 312); Gn. 
 Flavius publishes legal formulae and the fasti. 
 
 i. Conquests from Etruscans, Volscians, and 
 
 Eequians secured by Colonies. The next century 
 w great changes in Rome, and a great extension of her 
 wer in Italy. This dominion, as it was bit by bit 
 obtained, she everywhere secured by planting colonies, that 
 is, by sending a number of citizens to li,ve in the towns 
 which she took or on their territories. / To induce them 
 to go, a third of the land belonging to the town was taken 
 from its owners and given to the new settlers. Some- 
 times the colonists retained their full rights- as Roman 
 citizens, and then the colony was called a ' Roman Colony.' 
 Sometimes they only retained some of those rights, such 
 as the right of intermarriage and trading, but could not 
 
 43 
 
44 COLONIES IN ITALY. CH. 
 
 vote at Rome or hold Roman magistracies ; and then the 
 colony was called a 'Latin Colony,' because it had the 
 same rights as certain of the Latin towns, which were 
 very early admitted to this partial citizenship. The govern- 
 ment of the colonies was modelled on that of Rome. 
 There were in each yearly magistrates elected and a 
 senate, 1 and they became as it were bits of Rome settled 
 in different parts of Italy, spreading Roman ideas and 
 maintaining Roman authority. They were liable to military \ 
 service, and formed outposts of the Roman dominions. By 
 observing where they were placed and when they were 
 formed, we may best see how the Roman power in Italy was 
 gradually expanding. This expansion was not effected easily 
 or^all at once. The Etruscans tried to turn the Romans out 
 of Etruria south of the Ciminian Forest ; the Volscians and 
 Aequians struggled to expel them from towns along the 
 coast of Latium. There was pretty constant fighting for\ 
 the thirty years following the sack of Rome by the Gauls. ' 
 But about B.C. 352 the difficulties with these peoples seem 
 mostly to have been overcome. The Roman territory was 
 permanently increased. Six rural tribes were added to the 
 twenty-one already existing, and Roman or Latin colonies 
 were planted at various points of importance to the control 
 of Latium and South Etruria. 2 The two most formidable 
 of the hostile cities of Etruria were Tarquinii and Falerii, 
 but they were about this time (B.C. 351) reduced to 
 accept a forty years' truce ; and Caere was deprived of 
 half of its lands, and forced to join Rome with very 
 inferior rights of citizenship. 
 
 2. The Gauls. Besides these enemies nearer home 
 Rome was much troubled during this period by fre- 
 quently recurring attacks of the tribes in Cisalpine Gaul, 
 
 J The two yearly magistrates were called duoviri, the senators 
 decuriones. 
 
 2 See Appendix to this chapter and map. 
 
IV. GAULS AND SAMNITES. 
 
 45 
 
 
 who were always restless and looking about for better 
 lands and new chances of plunder. In these wars M. 
 Furius Camillus gained still greater fame, and after his 
 death, in B.C. 365, his son Lucius also won victories over 
 the Gauls. Memorials of these struggles remained to late 
 times in the names borne by certain noble families. Thus 
 Titus Manlius was said to have earned the cognomen of 
 Torquatus by killing a gigantic Gaul, and stripping off his 
 gold bracelet or torques-, and M. Valerius was called 
 Corvus, because, when fighting in single combat with a 
 Gaul he was helped by a crow, which lighted on his 
 helmet, and attacked his adversary's face and eyes with 
 beak and claw. But as Rome grew stronger and tightened 
 her hold upon Etruria and Umbria, these Gallic raids 
 ceased. From about B.C. 335, for nearly sixty years, we 
 hear no more of them. 
 
 3. The Samnites. Now as the Romans became \ 
 powerful in Campania, they found their progress south- 
 ward hindered by an enemy more difficult to fight than 
 any they had yet encountered. These were the Samnites, / 
 who lived in the highlands of Central and Southern Italy. 
 Some of them, seeking better lands, had forced their way 
 into Campania, and, having driven out the Etruscan 
 settlers, had partly amalgamated with the original Oscans. 
 This mixed race called themselves Campani, and their 
 chief city was Capua. Those who remained in the high- 
 lands of Samnium presently quarrelled with their kinsfolk in 
 Campania, and tried to wrest from them the Campanian 
 lands and cities. In B.C. 343 they were besieging Teanum, 
 on the borders of Latium and Campania, belonging to an 
 independent tribe called Sidicini, who, failing to get 
 effectual help from the Campanians, sent envoys to Rome. 
 Nine years before the Romans had made some sort of an 
 alliance with the Samnites at their own request; but 
 they were afraid to allow them to possess a town so near 
 
46 FIRST SAMNITE WAR. CH. 
 
 the borders of Latium as Teanum, or to occupy Capua 
 and thus control Campania. They did not, however, go to 
 war at once. They first tried to save the Campanians by 
 sending an embassy to the Samnites, but when that was 
 treated by them with contempt they determined to have 
 recourse to arms. 
 
 4. First Samnite War, B.C. 343-341. The war 
 lasted nearly three years, and began with victories at 
 Mount Gaurus, Suessula, and Saticula. We know little 
 of its details; but when peace was concluded in B.C. 341 
 the general result was that Roman instead of Samnite 
 influence prevailed in Campania; and from this forward 
 step the Romans never receded. The constant fighting 
 rendered the army more important, and in the course of 
 this war we are told of a mutiny, in which the soldiers 
 claimed greater equality in the distribution of booty and 
 a fairer law as to the holding of military offices. 
 
 5. The End of the Latin League, B.C. 340-338. The 
 Campanians were dissatisfied at the result of the Samnite 
 war. They did not feel that it protected them from their 
 enemies, and they resolved, with the help of the Latins, 
 to go on fighting. The Romans held that their supremacy 
 in Campania entitled them to forbid this breach with 
 the Samnites on the part of the Campanians, but that 
 their connexion with the Latin League did not give them 
 the same authority as to the Latins. These last looked on 
 this as a sign of weakness, and resolved to assert their 
 claim either to complete independence or to a full share 
 in the Roman citizenship, demanding that one consul and 
 half of the Senate should be Latin, and that Latium and 
 Rome should form one Republic. The war that arose 
 from this quarrel lasted three years, and in it battles 
 were fought at Veseris and Tifernum (B.C. 341), Pedum 
 and Astura (B.C. 338); and when the last stronghold 
 of Pedum fell the Latins were forced to submit. The 
 
.iv. END OF THE LATIN LEAGUE. 47 
 
 Latin League ceased to exist as a political body, and 
 Rome made what terms she pleased with each city. 
 Some of them were allowed to have a partial citizenship, 
 called the Caerite, from its having been first given to 
 Caere, in Etruria ; in other words, they were compelled to 
 join the Roman system and bear the burden of military 
 service, without getting full civil rights. Some towns, 
 however, received better treatment, and were allowed full 
 citizenship. Some were mulcted of territory, but were 
 not otherwise disturbed ; but the senators at Velitrae were 
 deprived of their lands and obliged to live beyond the 
 Tiber. All alike had to furnish men to the army. Much 
 the same variety of treatment was meted out to the Cam- 
 panians who had helped the Latins. In these towns only 
 the 'knights,' or upper class of Samnite descent, were 
 allowed the Latin franchise ; while other towns had it for 
 all their citizens. The net result was that in Latium and 
 Campania there were a number of municipia, or towns 
 which owed services (military and fiscal) to the State, but 
 had only a limited share in civil privileges. But the con- 
 fiscation of part of their lands caused a large number of 
 Roman citizens to settle in them, till many of them, in 
 course of time, became almost an integral part of Rome. 
 
 6. Stories of Manlius and Decius. To this 
 campaign two famous stories belong. The first is the 
 execution of Titus Manlius, son of the consul, for leaving 
 the ranks contrary to orders, to fight the Tusculan Ger- 
 minius, who challenged the Roman knights to send a 
 champion against him. Manlius conquered and killed 
 Germinius, and carried the spoils to his father. The stern 
 answer, condemning his victorious son to death for a 
 breach of military discipline, rendered the Manliana im- 
 peria a proverb of terrible import for ever. The other is 
 the story of the devotion of Publius Decius Mus. He 
 and his colleague dreamed the same dream. A man of 
 
48 THE SECOND SAMNITE WAR. CH. 
 
 superhuman size and dignity warned them that on one 
 side the leader, on the other the army itself, must perish. 
 They offered sacrifice, and the inspection of entrails pointed 
 out Decius as the man. Thereupon in solemn form he 
 devoted himself to the " Manes and to Earth," and, mount- 
 ing his horse, rode into the midst of the enemy, and was 
 killed. A similar story is told of his son in B.C. 295, 
 and even, it appears, of his grandson. 
 
 SAMNITE WARRIOR. Relief from Durazzo. 
 
 7. The Second Samnite War, B.C. 326-304. For t 
 eleven years there was peace. Then the Romans once 
 more found themselves confronted by the Samnites, who 
 still stood in the way of the extension of their power to 
 the south. The war began from a quarrel with a Greek 
 town, Palaeopolis, standing near the modern Naples. The 
 
rv. DEFEAT AT THE CAUDINE FORKS. 49 
 
 inhabitants had, it was said, harried the lands of Roman 
 settlers in Campania, refused restitution, and were assisted 
 by a garrison of Samnites whose help they had asked. 
 Nor would the Samnites give in when Roman envoys 
 remonstrated with them for helping enemies of Rome in 
 spite of their treaty. So the Romans proclaimed war against 
 both the people of Palaepolis and the Samnites. The 
 former soon gave in and surrendered ; and the New Town, 
 or Neapolis, which took its place, made very favourable 
 terms with Rome as a civitas foederata^ that is, a town 
 which, keeping its internal freedom, was joined with Rome 
 on certain fixed terms (foedus). But the Samnites, 
 secure in their mountain fastnesses, held out for many 
 years, and inflicted more than one disaster on the Romans. 
 The most famous was when Caius Pontius compelled a 
 whole Roman army to surrender in a pass called the 
 Caudine Forks (B.C. 321). The Roman commander, Postu- 
 mius, attempting to march to the relief of Luceria, in 
 Apulia, had to pass through a narrow valley. But Pontius 
 had anticipated the movement, and had blocked up the pass 
 out of the defile, and had men in ambush ready to block 
 up the other end in their rear. When the Romans there- 
 fore attempted to return they found themselves again 
 stopped. They could get no provisions ; their attempt to 
 force the passage failed, and there was nothing for it but 
 to surrender. Pontius is represented as deliberating whether 
 he should put them all to the sword, or allow them to 
 depart unharmed. He eventually adopted a middle course. 
 The consul agreed to a treaty, whereby the Romans were 
 to withdraw from Samnite territory, and remove two colonies 
 founded in the disputed border lands, Fregellae and Cales, 
 and make a peace with the Samnites, leaving them indepen- 
 dent. But the whole army was to go under the ' yoke,' as 
 it was called. Two spears were fixed in the ground, with a 
 third laid across, and the men had to march underneath 
 
 D 
 
5 o THIRD SAMNITE WAR. CH. iv. 
 
 without their arms. This was the last disgrace to soldiers, 
 and they did not value lives granted on these terms. The 
 Roman government refused to ratify the convention, and 
 the war went on. The chief hero on the Roman side 
 was Papirius Cursor, a rough and cruel soldier, but a great 
 general ; and the struggle took two forms. When the 
 Romans were most successful, they attacked towns in 
 Apulia. When the Samnites were getting the upper hand, 
 they seized towns on or over the Latin border. But 
 though there were these variations, and though the 
 Romans were on several occasions worsted in the field, 
 on the whole they made great progress. They secured 
 a firm hold on Campania by occupying Nola and 
 Calatia; they made a great military road (the via Appia) 
 from Rome to Capua (B.C. 312); established colonies at 
 various cities in Apulia (B.C. 312); and were able to 
 advance into the heart of Samnium, and attack Bovianum ; 
 and, though in B.C. 311 the war was complicated by a 
 union between the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Samnites 
 Rome being thus threatened from the north and south 
 at once and though more disasters were sustained, 
 the energy and perseverance of the Romans in the end 
 proved too much for her enemies. The Etruscans were 
 defeated with great slaughter at the Vadimonian lake 
 (B.C. 309), and again, in union with the Umbrians, at 
 Mevania (B.C. 306) ; and in B.C. 304 the Samnites were 
 content to renew their old treaty, which left the Romans 
 in possession of the disputed colonies, supreme in Cam- 
 pania and Southern Etruria, and holding a kind of 
 protectorate in Apulia and Lucania, while the Samnites 
 only retained their own independence. 
 
 8. Third Samnite War, B.C. 298-290. The Sam- 
 nites however were not conquered.; nor, it seems, were 
 the Etruscans content that the Romans should con- 
 tinue masters in Etruria. The Samnites were a nation 
 
52 RESULTS OF THE SAMNITE WARS. CH. 
 
 of plunderers, and their neighbours were always suffering 
 from their raids. This brought on the next collision : for 
 the Lucanians complained to Rome, and the Romans were 
 glad of a pretext for once more making an effort to 
 master these dangerous highlanders. Such persistence is 
 the secret of Roman success. It was just in the same 
 way that they afterwards subdued the Ligurians in the 
 north. Year after year armies were sent out ; disasters were 
 repaired; small successes patiently improved; now this point 
 and now that was lost or won. In details they at times 
 went back, but on the whole they steadily progressed 
 towards ultimate success. So it was in the wars with 
 the Samnites and Etruscans. Though there was again 
 a coalition of Senonian Gauls, Umbrians and Etruscans, 
 in aid of the Samnites, and though more than one disaster 
 was sustained by the Roman arms, the coalition was in 
 the end broken up by a decisive victory of the Romans 
 at Sentinum (B.C. 295), and the Samnites left to themselves 
 had to bear invasions year after year. In the end, after 
 being defeated more than once by Curius Dentatus, they 
 sought and obtained peace. Of this Curius it is told that the 
 Samnite leaders tried to bribe him with gold. They found 
 him on his poor farm, cooking his own vegetables; but 
 he repulsed them, declaring that he did not value gold 
 but the ruling of those who had it. The history of this 
 war has for the most part been lost ; but if we remember 
 the conditions in which it was fought we can imagine it 
 almost as well as though we were told of this or that 
 battle. War with a race of mountaineers must always be 
 somewhat of the same type. They know the country 
 better than their assailants ; seize opportunities of way- 
 laying and defeating them; go from fastness to fastness; 
 sally out of strongholds ; make raids and drive off cattle. 
 But persistent civilization gets the better of them in the 
 end ; and military discipline and training finally triumph 
 
iv. THE LICINIAN ROGATIONS. 53 
 
 over wild warfare. At any rate, the result was that the 
 Romans established their position of paramount influence 
 in Campania, Apulia, and Lucania. The Greek cities 
 round the coasts of those districts were still free. But 
 the next movement in South Italy was to put them also 
 under the authority of Rome. 
 
 9. Civil History from B.C. 390 to 286. But there is 
 another side to Roman history during this period. The 
 Roman State was increasing in vigour and numbers; and 
 its constitution was developing. We find indeed the old 
 quarrel of rich and poor going on, and the old jealousy 
 of the Patricians active against those who promoted 
 measures of relief, as though they were trying to secure 
 undue influence for themselves. Thus, in B.C. 384, M. 
 Manlius, the defender of the Capitol, who championed 
 enslaved debtors, was declared guilty of treason and hurled 
 from the Tarpeian rock. But this martyr's death was not 
 without good fruit, and after many years of similar struggles 
 the unfair institution of the nexnm, whereby a debtor passed 
 at once into the hands of his creditor, was abolished. There 
 was also persistent attempts to obtain fair arrangements as 
 to the ager publicus, and for the admission of Plebeians to 
 the consulship. After ten years of agitation the Lidnian 
 Rogations (that is, bills proposed by C. Licinius Stolo and 
 L. Sextius) became law in B.C. 367. By these laws (i) the 
 debtors, who owed money on mortgages, were relieved by 
 being allowed to deduct the interests already paid from the 
 capital. (2) No one was to hold more than 500 jugera 
 (about 300 acres) of public land. (3) Consuls were again 
 to be elected instead of consular tribunes, but one of them 
 was to be a Plebeian. The effect of the first was neces- 
 sarily only temporary ; the second was soon evaded in 
 various ways. But the third was at once carried out. 
 Only, as a compromise, the judicial business of the consuls 
 was transferred to a third magistrate, who was to be called 
 
54 APPIUS CLAUDIUS CAECUS AND CN. FLAVIUS. CH. 
 
 Praetor, and was to be a Patrician; in alternate years 
 the aediles were to be elected from the Patricians, and 
 were Curule aediles, as opposed to the others, who were 
 now called Plebeian aediles. In return, of the ten com- 
 missioners who had control of certain sacred objects and 
 rites (decemviri sacroruni}, five were to be henceforth 
 Plebeians. This was valuable as, among other things, it 
 gave the control of the Sibylline oracles, which were often 
 used for political purposes. Moreover, the Plebeian 
 assembly (Comitia Tributa) became more and more import- 
 ant, and votes passed in them (plebiscite^ came gradually 
 to have the force of laws binding the whole State. Next 
 the censorship was opened to the Plebeians (B.C. 339) ; then 
 the praetorship (B.C. 336) ; then the colleges of Sacerdotes 
 and Augures (B.C. 296). And when by a law of the Dictator 
 Hortensius (B.C. 286), the rule as to the binding nature of 
 plebiscita was confirmed and made more distinct, all 
 inequality between the orders was done away. Yet the 
 distinction continued to exist; for the tribunes were still 
 obliged to be Plebeians, and if any Patrician wished to 
 be tribune he could only do so by being adopted into a 
 Plebeian gens. The social distinction also remained, and 
 the word plebs was long used for all under the degree of 
 knight. It was about this time also that Appius Claudius 
 Caecus, who as censor in B.C. 312-308 made the great 
 Appian Way, tried to render the constitution of the Senate 
 more popular by admitting men of low birth. Moreover 
 by allowing people living in the city to be enrolled if 
 they chose in country tribes he gave the populace of the 
 city much more influence in the Comitia Tributa : for they 
 were on the spot and always ready to vote, while the farmers 
 were often unwilling to come to the city; and thus they 
 determined the votes of many more tribes. These innova- 
 tions however were soon cancelled ; but Cn. Flavius (who 
 had been his secretary) having become aedile (B.C. 304) took 
 
iv. APPIUS CLAUDIUS CAECUS AND CN. FLAVIUS. 
 
 55 
 
 a step of which the effects were more lasting. He published 
 the formulae, or forms of pleadings in law suits, and posted 
 up the calendar in the Forum, showing which days were 
 fasti) i.e. days on which business might be done. These 
 things had been kept as a kind of mystery or secret by 
 the sacerdotes and magistrates, and their being made public 
 gave ordinary people an advantage in conducting their 
 business, and deprived the official class of a great hold 
 which they had had over them. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 COLONIES in Italy before and after the two first Punic Wars, in chrono- 
 logical order. Compare this list with the map, and see how in most cases 
 they command important districts, roads, or harbours, and follow the 
 course of the -Roman conquest of Italy. Those which had the full Roman 
 franchise are marked (R). The rest had only the Latin franchise. 
 
 \ 
 
 Ostia (R), - - - Latium, - 
 
 Signia, ,, -I Before 
 
 Circeii, - - I B.C. 510 
 
 Suessa Pometia and Cosa, ,, 
 
 Velitrae, - - - Latium, - - - - ,, 494 
 
 Norba, ... ?> ?? 492 
 
 Antium, ,, 467 
 
 Ardea, - ,, ,, 442 
 
 Satricum, - - - ,, . . . . }) 385 
 
 Sutrium, - - - Etrurk, - 
 
 Nepete, - - . - ,, 
 
 Setia, - - - Latium, - - - ,, 382 
 
 Antium (R), - - made a Roman Colony, - ,, 338 
 
 Cales, - - - Etruria, - - - - ,, 334 
 
 Anxur (R), - - Latium, - - - - ,, 329 
 
 Fregellae, ,, - - - - 328 
 
 Luceria, - - - Apulia, - - - - ,, 314 
 
 Saticula, - - - Campania, 
 
 Suessa Aurunca, Latium, - - - - ]- ,, 313 
 
 Pontiae, - - - off coast of Latium, 
 
 Casinum (R), - - Latium, - . . 
 
 Interamna Lirinas, 
 
COLONIES IN ITALY. 
 
 7 
 
 S 10 ILIA 
 
 Names underlined are those of Colonies founded before B.C. 510. 
 Names of "Roman Colonies" are printed in capitals. 
 Names of " Latin Colonies " are in small type. 
 
IV. 
 
 
 COLONIES. 
 
 
 Sora, 
 Alba Fucentia, - 
 
 - Latium, - 
 
 [ B.C. 303 
 
 Narnia, 
 
 - Umbria, - 
 
 11 299 
 
 Carseoli, - 
 
 - Latium, - 
 
 298 
 
 Minturnae (R), - 
 Sinuessa (R), - 
 
 - Campania, 
 
 [ 11 296 
 
 Venusia, 
 
 - Apulia, - 
 
 ,, 291 
 
 Hadria, - 
 
 Picenum, - 
 
 11 289 
 
 Castrum Novum (R) 
 Sena Gallica (R), 
 
 , Picenum, - 
 - Umbria, - 
 
 I 283 
 (fire.) 
 
 Cosa, 
 Paestum, - 
 
 - Etruria, - 
 - Lucania, - 
 
 \ >, 273 
 
 Ariminum, 
 Beneventum, 
 
 Umbria, - 
 - Samnium, 
 
 - 268 
 
 Firmum, - 
 
 - Picenum, - 
 
 11 264 
 
 Aesernia, 
 
 - Samnium, 
 
 *i 263 
 
 Aesium (R), 
 Alsium (R), 
 
 - Umbria, - 
 - Etruria, - - 
 
 > 247 
 
 Fregenae (R), - 
 
 a 
 
 ,i 245 
 
 AFTER 
 
 THE FIRST PUNIC WAR. 
 
 
 Brundisium, 
 
 - Calabria, - 
 
 11 244 
 
 Spoletium, 
 
 Umbria, - 
 
 11 241 
 
 Cremona, - 
 Placentia, - 
 
 - Gallia Cisalpina, 
 - -J 
 
 - 218 
 
 AFTER 
 
 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 
 
 
 Puteoli (R), 
 
 Campania, 
 
 
 Volternum (R), - 
 
 ,,---- 
 
 
 Liternum (R), - 
 
 !- 
 
 
 Salernum (R), - 
 
 
 
 Buxentum (R), - 
 
 - Lucania, .... 
 
 ' ,. 194 
 
 Sipontum (R), - 
 
 - Apulia, . ... 
 
 
 Tempsa (R), 
 
 - Bruttium, - 
 
 
 Croton (R), 
 
 >""> 
 
 
 Thurii (Copia), - 
 
 - Apulia, .... 
 
 11 193 
 
 Valentia (Vibo), 
 
 Bruttium, - 
 
 >i 192 
 
 Pyrgi(R),- - 
 
 Etruria, .... 
 
 ,, 191 
 
 Bononia, - 
 
 - Gallia Cisalpina, 
 
 11 189 
 
 Potentia (R), - 
 
 - Picenum, - 
 
 ,c. 
 
 Pisaurum (R), - 
 
 - Umbria, ---./" ^ 
 
 57 
 
COLONIES. 
 
 CH. IV. 
 
 Saturnia (R), - - Etruria, - 
 
 
 , 
 
 Parma (R), - - Gallia Cisalpina, 
 Mutina (R), - ,, 
 
 
 B.C. 183 
 
 Graviscae (R), - - Etruria, - 
 
 -^ 
 
 iSi 
 
 Aquileia, - - - Gallia Cisalpina, 
 
 - j 
 
 , , lol 
 
 Luna (R), - - - Etruria, - 
 Pisae,. - - , ,, . - 
 
 ;} 
 
 180 
 
 Luca (R), ... ... 
 
 , 
 
 177 
 
 Luna(R),- 
 
 
 177 
 
 Auximum (R), - - Picenum, - 
 
 - 
 
 157 
 
 Fabrateria, - - Latium, - 
 
 
 ,, 124 
 
 Minervia[Skylacium]( R), Bruttium, - 
 
 .A 
 
 
 Neptunia[Tarentum](R), Calabria, - 
 
 .] 
 
 i 22 
 
 Dertona (R), - - Liguria, - & 
 
 . 
 
 ? 
 
 Eporedia (R), - - Gallia Cisalpina, 
 
 -. 
 
 ,, 100 
 
 SARCOPHAGUS OF SCIFIO EARBATUS IN THE VATICAN. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 THE CONQUEST OF ITALY COMPLETED. 
 
 B.C. 289-271. 
 
 I. Magna Graecia ; the pretensions of Tarentum, and origin of its 
 quarrel with Rome. 2. The invasion by Pyrrhus and battles of 
 Heraclea and Asculum. 3. Pyrrhus in Sicily. 4. Return of 
 Pyrrhus to Italy and his defeat at Beneventum. 5. Means taken 
 to secure Southern Italy. 
 
 i. Magna Graecia. After the end of the third Sam- 
 nite war Rome still had some troubles to contend with in 
 Etruria, and with some of the Gallic tribes in the north, 
 especially with the Senones, whom they eventually cut to 
 pieces, expelling the survivors from their territories ; and 
 with the Boii, who invaded Etruria, and with whom more 
 than one desperate fight was fought. But it was in the south 
 that the events occurred which had now the most important 
 results on the extension of Roman sway. The Greek towns 
 that fringed the southern coasts had not yet become subject 
 to Rome, but they were so situated with regard to each 
 other and the surrounding peoples that they were certain to 
 become so, and already we find a party in most of them 
 who looked for support from Rome. They were often 
 threatened with attacks from the Lucanians and Apulians 
 or the Samnites ; and they were so jealous of each other 
 that they could seldom combine to resist these attacks. 
 The Tarentines tried to establish a kind of supremacy 
 
 59 
 
60 THE QUARREL WITH TARENTUM. CH. 
 
 among them, and the policy which was favoured by 
 Tarentum was to get help from Greece or Sicily. For 
 this purpose Alexander, king of the Molossi in Epirus, 
 Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, Cleonymus of Sparta, had 
 on various occasions come to South Italy. But these 
 princes had done little good. They had their own pur- 
 poses to serve, and the Tarentines were soon as anxious to 
 get rid of them as they had been to bring them in. When 
 Rome by her wars with the Samnites began to be the most 
 notable power in Southern, as she already was in Central 
 Italy, many of these towns began to look to her for pro- 
 tection. Tarentum, on the other hand, aimed at holding 
 a kind of primacy among them, and was jealous of the 
 interference of Rome. In the course of the second Samnite 
 war the Romans had found it advisable to concede some- 
 thing to this jealousy of the Tarentines. They had made a 
 treaty with them engaging not to sail in ships of war round 
 the Lacinian promontory into the Gulf of Tarentum. But 
 in B.C. 282 the Romans sent help to the Greek town 
 Thurii, which was being attacked by the Lucani, and among 
 other things ten ships were despatched under the command 
 of L. Valerius. These ships, in spite of the treaty, visited 
 several Greek towns on the coast, and eventually appeared 
 in the harbour of Tarentum itself. There was an outburst 
 of excitement among the Tarentines; they put to sea in 
 some of their war vessels, sunk four of the Roman ships, 
 and killed L. Valerius. Ambassadors were sent from Rome 
 to demand reparation, but they were insulted in the assembly, 
 and all compensation was refused. The Romans thereupon 
 declared war, and the anti-Roman party at Tarentum deter- 
 mined to invite the help of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. 
 
 2. The Invasion of Pyrrhus, B.C. 280-274. Pyrrhus 
 was king of Epirus, cousin and successor to the Alexander 
 who had, in former days, been also invited into Italy by 
 the Tarentines. The dynasty at first only ruled the Molossi, 
 
v. THE INVASION OF PYRRHUS. 6 1 
 
 a tribe in Epirus, but Alexander had called himself king of 
 Epirus upon extending his dominions beyond the lands of 
 the Molossi. Pyrrhus had at times been driven from his 
 kingdom, and at times been king of the larger realm of 
 Macedonia. He had led an adventurous life, fighting in all 
 directions and most often in other people's battles. He was 
 therefore an experienced soldier, and indeed had studied 
 tactics carefully, and even written a book on the subject. 
 Especially he is said to have introduced improvements in 
 the method of laying out and fortifying camps, from which 
 the Romans themselves took some hints. Moreover, in 
 character he was generous and placable, and the Romans 
 always remembered their struggle with him without rancour. 
 They were fond of contrasting him with Hannibal, to whom 
 they attributed every kind of treachery and cruelty. 
 
 He arrived at Tarentum early in B.C. 280 with a large 
 army and a troop of elephants, whose use he had learnt 
 in Africa, and which the Romans had never encountered 
 before. He endeavoured first of all to train and discipline 
 the idle luxurious Tarentines and to collect forces from 
 towns in Lucania, and from the Samnites. These con- 
 tingents did not come in as quickly as he hoped ; for 
 a Roman army under P. Valerius Laevinus, one of the 
 consuls, was already in Lucania, wasting the country, and 
 often preventing aid being sent to Pyrrhus. However, he 
 did get an army together and faced the Romans near 
 Heraclea, on the river Siris. He won the battle, though 
 with such heavy loss that he declared that another such 
 victory would be his ruin. The victory, however, brought 
 him large reinforcements from Lucania and Samnium, and 
 he determined to advance on Rome itself. But he failed 
 to take Capua or Naples, and when he got to Praeneste, only 
 twenty-three miles from Rome, taking Fregellae and Anagnia 
 on his way, he found none of the towns willing to yield 
 to him ; and, as the Roman armies were dogging his foot- 
 
MAGNA GRAECIA 
 
 STADIA 
 
 looc 
 
 East of 14 Greenwich 
 
 // 'alker & Botttall sc. 
 
CH. v. PYRRHUS IN SICILY. 63 
 
 steps wherever he went, he was in the end obliged to 
 retire and go into winter quarters at Tarentum. Negotia- 
 tions also were tried in vain. He sent his friend Cineas 
 to Rome to offer the Senate peace on the condition of 
 their leaving the Greek cities free, and restoring all they 
 had taken from the Lucanians, Bruttians, and Samnites. 
 But the Senate stood firm (greatly, it was said, owing to 
 the spirited speech of the aged Appius Claudius Caecus), 
 and would entertain no terms as long as Pyrrhus remained 
 in Italy. Nor when Fabricius was sent in the winter to 
 negotiate a return of Roman prisoners could the king get 
 from him any hint of concession. The war therefore 
 went on next year and Pyrrhus won another battle at 
 Asculum (B.C. 279), but was himself wounded and unable 
 to follow up his victory. He had to wait for reinforce- 
 ments from Epirus, and in the next spring (B.C. 278) 
 he was unable to do anything against the new consuls, 
 C. Fabricius Luscinus, and Q. Aemilius Papus. 
 
 3. Pyrrhus goes to Sicily (B.C. 278). This inaction 
 caused great discontent at Tarentum and defections among 
 his Italian allies. He was glad, therefore, to accept an 
 invitation from Syracuse and other Sicilian towns to 
 come to Sicily to relieve them of their tyrants, and 
 drive back the Carthaginians, who, having settlements 
 in the west of the island, were always trying to 
 extend their power in the east also. This was an expedi- 
 tion something like that on which he was engaged in 
 Italy. For Sicily, too, was fringed with Greek colonies, 
 often at variance with each other, and all of them the 
 object of Carthaginian attacks. There were other reasons 
 for the Sicilian towns wanting a deliverer from outside. 
 They had mostly, from internal dissensions, fallen into the 
 hands of military tyrants, who were at once oppressive 
 and incompetent ; and a few years before one of the towns 
 (Messana) had been captured by some mercenaries from 
 
64 PYRRHUS AGAIN IN ITALY. CH. 
 
 Campania who called themselves Mamertini (sons of 
 Mamers or Mars), and these men not only destroyed the 
 ancient inhabitants of Messana, but made themselves a terror 
 to the other Sicilians by raids and expeditions in search of 
 plunder. Pyrrhus had a special tie with Syracuse, for he 
 had married a daughter of its last great sovereign, Agath- 
 ocles. He was to go to Sicily, therefore, to put down the 
 tyrants, to suppress the Mamertines, and to drive back 
 the Carthaginians. He stayed there nearly two years, and 
 was at first very successful, and seemed likely to gratify 
 his utmost ambition. If he were lord of Sicily, he would 
 next pass over to Africa to subdue the Carthaginians, and 
 then return to Italy with irresistible forces. But the same 
 thing happened as in Italy. As soon as his tide of success 
 turned, he found himself losing popularity : and late in 
 B.C. 276 he resolved to return to Italy, where the Taren- 
 tines and Samnites were once more in great alarm at the 
 progress of the Roman arms, which were carrying all 
 before them in the lower parts of Samnium and in Lucania. 
 4. Pyrrhus returns to Italy (B.C. 276). His return 
 was not easy, for the Romans had made common cause 
 with the Carthaginians against one who was a danger to 
 both, and the Carthaginian fleets were on the watch for 
 him. Still he did land with the greater part of his men, 
 and his return checked the tide of the Roman successes. 
 The terror of him was so great that the consuls had 
 some difficulty in getting men to give in their names for 
 the legions. However, the consul M'. Curius Dentatus got 
 his legion ready in time, and intrenched himself near what 
 was then called Maleventum, but afterwards Beneventum 
 (B.C. 275). It commanded the road into Campania, and 
 if Pyrrhus was to do anything of importance against Rome 
 he must first beat Dentatus. But Pyrrhus was no longer in 
 such good case as he had been at Heraclea. His army had 
 now too great an admixture of Italians; his elephants 
 
V. BATTLE OF BENEVENTUM. 65 
 
 proved a weakness to him as they often did, for they fell 
 into disorder and did him more harm than good ; he 
 failed in an attempt to surprise Dentatus by a night 
 attack; and he found his enemy posted on rough ground 
 unsuitable for manoeuvring his phalanx, that is, men in long 
 line massed many deep. At any rate he was decisively 
 beaten ; and had to escape with a few cavalry back to 
 Tarentum, whence he crossed again to Epirus and never 
 returned (B.C. 274). He left a garrison in Tarentum under 
 one of his officers, which, however, was forced to surrender 
 little more than a year afterwards, being blockaded by the 
 Carthaginian fleet and besieged by the Roman consul, 
 L. Papirius Cursor (B.C. 272). 
 
 5. How the Romans secured Southern Italy, 
 B.C. 274-267. The fruits of the defeat of Pyrrhus, and 
 of the several campaigns carried on by the Romans during 
 his absence in Sicily, were now to be secured. After the 
 fall of Tarentum (B.C. 272) the Romans had first to capture 
 Rhegium, not because Rhegium had rebelled, but because 
 a garrison of Campanian soldiers, whom they had them- 
 selves placed there, had mutinied, seized the town, made 
 alliance with the Mamertines, and expelled Roman 
 garrisons from neighbouring towns. These men resisted 
 desperately, because they knew they had no mercy to 
 expect. But at last they were beaten, fighting savagely 
 to the last, and about 300 survivors were carried off to 
 Rome and executed. There was now nobody to dispute 
 their supremacy, and the Romans set about securing their 
 conquest. The method pursued was this. In the first place, 
 ' Latin ' colonies l were settled at various important places : 
 in Samnium at Beneventum and Aesernia; in Lucania 
 at Posidonia (Paestum); at Firmum in Picenum. The same 
 policy was extended in the north also, Cosa being estab- 
 lished about the same time in Etruria, and Ariminum in 
 1 See Appendix to Chapter iv. and Map. 
 
66 SOUTH ITALY AND MAGNA GRAECIA SECURED. CH. v. 
 
 the ager Gallicus. In the second place, a number of cities 
 with their territory, though not burdened by colonies, were 
 joined to Rome on special terms, which always included 
 military or naval service in some form or other ; these 
 were called civitates foederatae. We have already heard of 
 Naples being thus treated in B.C. 326, and earlier still 
 some towns in Latium had been placed in the same posi- 
 tion. Certain cities in Campania, Lucania, and Bruttium 
 had in the course of the last few years been added to 
 this category, and in central Italy the entire tribes of 
 Picentes, Marrucini, Marsi, Peligni, and Frentani were 
 placed in the like condition. These peoples were in fact 
 subject to Rome, but their internal government was left 
 mostly to themselves, and their obligations to the State 
 were regulated according to the particular foedus made in 
 each case. In one sense a general term applied to them 
 all municipium^ i.e. a town which had duties without full 
 privileges. Later on we shall find them striking for ad- 
 mission to the full citizenship, and trying in default of 
 that to found an Italian as opposed to a Roman State. 
 Tarentum itself was not, it seems, deprived of freedom or 
 admitted to the Roman military league. But a legion 
 was kept there permanently in garrison, which occupied 
 the citadel; and its prosperity gradually dwindled away. 
 Those of the Samnites who were not included in this 
 arrangement were for the present cowed into acquiescence, 
 and the general result of it all was that from that time 
 Rome was paramount from the Rubicon to the extreme 
 South of Italy. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION AND FORCES OF ROME AND 
 CARTHAGE IN THE THIRD CENTURY B.C. 
 
 I. Rivalry with Carthage takes Roman arms beyond the sea. 2. Rome 
 as a military power. 3. Rome as a naval power. 4. The nature 
 of the Roman government. 5. The Curule Magistrates. 6. The 
 other Magistrates. 7. The Senate. 8. Carthage: her origin and 
 greatness. 9. The Constitution of Carthage. 10. Rome and Car- 
 thage compared. 
 
 1. Rome extending her Power beyond Italy. 
 We have now seen how Rome, from being a single weak 
 city, with a small territory, rose to be mistress of Latium, 
 and then of all Italy. The next stage in her progress will 
 be when she begins to stretch her hands upon lands beyond 
 the sea, and becomes the chief power in the Mediterranean. 
 This was begun by her rivalry with the great commercial 
 city of Carthage, which for many years had been supreme 
 as a naval and mercantile power. Let us stop for a short 
 time to see what the two peoples were like in resources and 
 government when they thus began a duel for power and 
 dominion. 
 
 2. Rome as a Military Power. We must remem- 
 ber that the Roman government, however widely extended, 
 was the government of a city. The magistrates and Senate 
 must be citizens of Rome ; the legions must consist also 
 of citizens. The number of these of military age, according 
 
 67 
 
68 ROMAN MILITARY FORCES. CH. 
 
 to the census of B.C. 265, was 292,224. In ordinary 
 times four legions were raised each year, two for each 
 consul, which required (infantry and cavalry together) 
 about 22,000 men. After the conquest of Tarentum an- 
 other legion seems yearly to have been raised to garrison 
 it. But not only could the other citizens be called upon 
 in an emergency, but d rectly Rome had begun the system 
 of colonies and munieipia, she drew troops also from them, 
 which served with the legions, though officered and drawn 
 up separately; and when the conquest of all Italy south 
 of the Rubicon had been accomplished, the number thus 
 available was about 350 ooo. Each town had to make out 
 a list of its citizens fit for military service; and in time 
 of need conquisitores, or recruiting officers, were sent round 
 to see that the lists were correct and the men forthcoming. 
 When it was necessary to enrol a legion, the consul having 
 given notice of the day, all citizens liable to serve 1 had 
 to attend to answer to their names. First six military 
 tribunes for each legion were appointed partly by nomin- 
 ation of the consul, partly by election and these took 
 turns in selecting suitable men. The recruits were then 
 divided, according to age and wealth, into hastati^ 
 prinripeS) triarii, and rorarii. The first three were armed 
 with long shield, breastplate, helmet, and greaves, 2 and 
 all had a short straight sword made for cutting or thrusting 
 (gladius). The two first the hastatizn&principes had two 
 pila, stout javelins with long iron head, which were thrown 
 before charging. The third rank triarii had instead of 
 this a pike or spear (hasfa\ though afterwards all alike had 
 the pilum. The Rorarii were light-armed troops, who had a 
 smaller shield (parma) and a helmet without plume, with 
 the sword and light lance. 
 
 is, men between 17 and 46 who had not already served 
 twenty years in the infantry or ten in the cavalry. 
 2 Scutum, lorica, galea, ocreae. 
 
ROMAN MILITARY FORCES. 
 
 69 
 
 S < 
 
 ii 
 
7 o ROMAN SHIPS. CH. 
 
 3. Rome as a Naval Power. The discipline and 
 organization of her army, combined with the will and 
 faculty for governing, had made Rome the mistress of 
 Italy, but as yet she had done little towards the possession 
 of a navy. From very early times she seems to have used 
 the Tiber for merchant vessels ; and the colony of Ostia, 
 made during the period of the kings, was for the purpose 
 of supporting the sea traffic. But it was on the capture of 
 Antium (B c. 338) that she seems first to have possessed 
 war vessels, when the whole fleet of Antium was removed 
 to Ostia, though the ships seem to have been left there in 
 neglect. But about B.C. 314, when a colony was being sent 
 to the islands called Pontiae, it seems that the Romans first 
 began to feel the need of having vessels, capable of de- 
 fending themselves, for the transport of troops. In B.C. 312 
 duoviri navales, commissioners for superintending ships, 
 were for the first time appointed; in B.C. 311 an officer 
 was appointed with the title of ' praefect of the sea coast ' ; 
 and in B.C. 282, when help was sent to Thurii, it was 
 conveyed or accompanied by ten war-vessels (naves longae) 
 under the command of a duovir. Still there is no idea as 
 yet of possessing a fleet which could fight at sea. We shall 
 learn when we come to the Punic wars how Rome partially 
 remedied this defect. 
 
 4. The Roman Government. Rome was a republic. 
 There was no hereditary rank, no hereditary offices. To be 
 born in one of the Patrician gentes gave no legal privilege 
 of importance,; and though to become a tribune a man 
 must be a Plebeian, the tribuneship, like other offices, 
 was elective, and no man had a claim to it. But Roman 
 magistracies were 'honours' and carried no salary, and as 
 most of them involved great expense, only men of wealth 
 were as a rule candidates for them ; and there was always 
 also a presumption in favour of the members of the same 
 families appearing again and again in the lists of consuls. 
 
vi. ROMAN GOVERNMENT. 7 I 
 
 Therefore, though the Roman constitution was democratic 
 in the fact that its magistrates were elected by the people, 
 and the Senate to a great extent filled by ex-magistrates 
 who had been so elected; yet, in practice, it approached 
 nearer to what is called an oligarchy, or the rule of a few. 
 This was a source of strength in dealing with foreign 
 nations, so long as these men of the governing class were, 
 on the whole, loyal to the constitution. But corruption 
 gradually found its way in, and led to violent partisan 
 contests, which eventually brought revolution and a re- 
 turn to the rule of one man, though he was never again 
 called king. 
 
 5. The Curule Magistrates. At the head of the 
 State were the two consuls, who originally had all the 
 powers of the single king. They had authority over the 
 citizens at home, commanded the armies, acted as judges, 
 and had control of the treasury, and were preceded by 
 twelve lictors carrying bundles of rods or fasces, with an 
 axe, as symbols of supreme power (imperium). The checks 
 upon their power were (i) that they were two and not one, 
 and each acted as a restraint upon the other; (2) the 
 Senate could control them in various ways, and even force 
 them to name a Dictator to supersede them ; (3) the 
 tribunes of the people could veto their actions or judicial 
 decisions ; (4) persons sentenced by them as judges could 
 appeal to the people. Gradually also some of their func- 
 tions devolved on other magistrates. In B.C. 443 two 
 new magistrates, called Censors, were appointed, who took 
 over the duty of making up the list of the Senate and 
 the other 'orders' in the State, performed the lustrum or 
 official purification every fifth year, and had a general 
 superintendence over public works, buildings, and roads. 
 Again in B.C. 347, from which year consuls were again 
 always elected, another curule magistrate was appointed, 
 called Praetor, to preside in the law courts. 
 
ROMAN MAGISTRATES. 
 
 CH. 
 
 These five consuls, censors, and praetor now did what 
 the two consuls used to do by themselves. They, with the 
 curule aediles, formed something like what we call the 
 'government.' They became life members of the Senate, 
 and were called Curules, from the sellae curules, ornamented 
 chairs, set for them in the Senate house, as distinguished 
 from the benches on which other senators sat. 
 
 CIPPUS FROM AVIGNON, SHOWING SELLA CURULIS AND FASCES. 
 
 6. The other Magistrates. Besides these there were 
 the quaestors. Their duties were mainly financial. From 
 B.C. 421 there were four (instead of two); of whom two 
 remained in Rome in charge of the treasury, and one 
 accompanied each of the consuls on military service, had 
 charge of the military chest, and generally managed the 
 money affairs of the legions ; as new provinces were added 
 to the Empire their numbers were .increased. 
 
 When tribunes were first appointed (B.C. 494), two new 
 officers were also annually elected from the Plebeians, called 
 
vi. THE SENATE. 
 
 73 
 
 Aediles, who acted as magistrates in petty causes, and super- 
 intended the police of the city, the corn market, and the 
 games. However, when the praetorship was established 
 (B.C. 367), two new aediles were also appointed from the 
 Patricians, called aediles Curules. They did much the same 
 duties, and before long the curule aedileship also was 
 thrown open to Plebeians. But being curule magistrates 
 they obtained a life membership of the Senate, and so their 
 office was regarded as the first step in an official career. 
 
 The Dictatorship was an expedient in a time of diffi- 
 culty, temporarily reviving the single kingship. A Dictator 
 was supreme over all other magistrates, who continued 
 performing their functions, but under his direction. If he 
 was appointed for carrying on a war, he became at once 
 commander-in-chief. Sometimes, however, he was appointed 
 for some special purpose of a civil nature, such as holding an 
 election. In that case he abdicated as soon as he had done 
 what he was appointed to do. In any case he only held 
 office for six months. He was named by one of the consuls, 
 generally by order of the Senate, and himself nominated 
 a second in command, called Master of the Horse. 
 
 7. The Senate. For a long time, however, the most 
 powerful body in Rome was the Senate, the normal number 
 of which was 300. Under the kings it seems to have 
 been a mere council for advising the king, and he was 
 not bound to take its advice. Under the consuls it was 
 nominally the same, but it gradually acquired in practice a 
 number of powers, which, though they rested on no law, 
 and might be always overborne by a law, yet in reality 
 were undisputed. It controlled the treasury; assigned 
 to the magistrates their spheres of duty (though this 
 was also done in ordinary cases by drawing lots); voted or 
 withheld triumphs ; issued commissions to try and deter- 
 mine cases of difficulty in subject towns, or (in later times) 
 to arrange the constitution of new provinces ; authorized or 
 
74 
 
 ORIGIN AND CONSTITUTION OF CARTHAGE. CH. 
 
 forbade new laws; decided, in some cases, the validity of 
 disputed elections ; extended the command of generals in 
 charge of armies, or superseded them by others ; received 
 and answered foreign ambassadors, and frequently settled 
 questions of peace or war. No law gave the Senate these 
 powers, but it absorbed them by a kind of general assent, 
 and for a long time no one thought of disputing them. 
 Still it was certain that a decision of the Senate could be 
 overridden by a vote of the people, and every now and 
 then some magistrate did override it by this means. So 
 that the Senate was unable to push its authority too far. 
 8. Carthage. The rival with which Rome was now 
 to try her strength was Carthage. The Phoenicians, who 
 lived in Tyre and the country round, had from very early 
 times been great navigators and merchants. In various 
 places on the shores of the Mediterranean they had 
 erected factories, which had grown into towns. The most 
 important of these was Carthage (in Greek Kapx^wv, a 
 corrupted form of Kart-hadasat, ' New Town '), on the 
 coast of Africa where the shore first bends to the south 
 opposite Sicily. 1 Tradition assigned its foundation to Dido, 
 who fled from her native Tyre after the murder of her 
 husband, with a band of followers who established them- 
 selves round the Byrsa, or fortress, which they purchased 
 from the natives. As to the time at which this took 
 place tradition varied between about the epoch of the 
 foundation of Rome and two or three hundred years 
 earlier. At any rate, about the time of the expulsion of 
 the kings of Rome, we find Carthage a powerful com- 
 mercial State, supreme over her neighbours, and in pos- 
 session of settlements in Sicily and Spain, some of which 
 had been founded by earlier Phoenician settlers ; and 
 before the period of the Punic wars the city was said to 
 
 1 The Roman words Poeni and Punicus are corruptions of Phoenix 
 *oi 'Phoenician.' 
 
Vi. ROME AND CARTHAGE. 75 
 
 contain 700,000 inhabitants. Its territory in Libya em- 
 braced 300 cities ; it held two-thirds of Sicily, the Balearic 
 Islands, Corsica and Sardinia, and many settlements in 
 Spain south of a line joining the Tagus and Ebro. 
 
 9. The Constitution of Carthage. The constitution 
 of Carthage was not unlike that of Rome in externals, 
 there were two Suffetes or kings (Shofetim, ' judges'), a 
 Senate, and an Assembly. But in reality the chief power 
 had long been exercised by a small body called the 
 ' Hundred' (actually 104). This body, originally formed by 
 popular election, had by some means got into the hands 
 of a few rich families and formed an oligarchy like that 
 of Venice. But there was a democratic party also, headed 
 by the great family of Barca, and about the time of the 
 Punic wars this party was in the ascendant; and so the 
 historian Polybius looked upon Carthage as an instance of 
 mob-rule, not as a well-ordered state like that of Rome, 
 where each rank and order served as a check upon the 
 rest, but subject to irregular and sudden bursts of popular 
 excitement when things were going wrong. 
 
 10. Rome and Carthage compared. As compared 
 with Rome, Carthage was much the stronger as a naval 
 power. She had the best vessels, and the most experienced 
 pilots and sailors of any people ; and Rome (as we have 
 seen) can scarcely be said to have had any navy at all 
 as yet. Secondly, she was immensely wealthy, while Rome 
 at this time was only beginning to use silver coins, and 
 could have had but small store of money. But as a 
 military power it turned out that she was inferior to Rome. 
 To a great extent she depended on mercenary troops 
 which her wealth enabled her to hire from different countries. 
 These were often good troops in themselves, but they did 
 not prove equal in the end to the citizen soldiers of Rome. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE FIRST PUNIC WAR, B.C. 264-250. 
 
 I. The Carthaginians in Sicily. 2. Causes of the First Punic War. 
 3. The First Punic War: 1st period (B.C. 264-262) Fall of 
 Agrigentum; alliance with Hiero. 2nd period (B.C. 262-255) The 
 Romans build a fleet; battles of Mylae and Ecnomus; defeat 
 and capture of Regulus. 3rd period (B.C. 254-250) Capture of 
 Fanormus ; fruitless proposals for peace ; Carthaginians strengthen 
 Lilybaeum. 4th. period (B.C. 249-242) Blockade and siege of 
 Lilybaeum ; fighting at Eryx and Drepana ; Hamilcar on Mt. 
 Hercte ; victory of Duilius at the Aegusae Islands. 4. Sicily the 
 first Roman province. 5- The Mercenary War, and the reduction 
 of Sardinia. 
 
 i. Carthage and Sicily. The Carthaginians had 
 long been the enemies of the Greek cities in Sicily. 
 They had held without dispute the west of the island, as 
 far east as the River Halycus ; but they were always 
 trying to extend their dominions, and for this purpose had 
 engaged in several great wars, generally with Syracuse, 
 which, being the most powerful of the Greek cities, offered 
 the most strenuous resistance. Thus in 480 B.C. Gelo I., 
 tyrant of Syracuse, defeated a great Carthaginian invasion. 
 Dionysius (tyrant from B.C. 405-367) was constantly 
 engaged in a similar struggle. Timoleon of Corinth (being 
 invited to aid Syracuse) conquered the Carthaginians in a 
 great battle on the Crimisus (B.C. 340). Agathocles (tyrant 
 B.C. 317-278) not only drove them back to the west, but 
 
 76 
 
CH. vii. .CAUSES OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR. 
 
 77 
 
 even invaded their dominions in Africa. And Pyrrhus, 
 when invited in B.C. 278-276, also forced them to keep 
 to the west for a time, and took and besieged some 
 of their chief possessions in Sicily. But after his retire- 
 ment they had not only recovered their cities in western 
 Sicily, but were again struggling to spread their power to 
 the east. And now, as before, their chief opponent was 
 Syracuse, at this time under the rule of an able sovereign, 
 Hiero II. Some Sicilian states, however, were jealous of 
 Syracuse, and were willing to welcome even Carthaginian 
 aid against her, or to look elsewhere for support. There 
 was always therefore an opportunity for a foreign power to 
 interfere ; for the Greek states were often at enmity with 
 each other, and in the several cities there were opposing 
 parties, each ready to appeal to an outside power to crush 
 the other. Before long a circumstance happened which 
 brought on such an interference. 
 
 2. The Causes of the First Punic War. The 
 Campanian mercenaries, who called themselves Mamertines, 
 have been already mentioned (p. 63). They were in Sicily 
 at the time of the death of Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse 
 (B.C. 289). Left to themselves they seized on the town of 
 Messana, expelled or killed the men, and took possession 
 of the women, children, and property. They established 
 themselves as a regular state, but as they were a terror to 
 their neighbours by their constant freebooting expeditions, 
 it became one of the chief objects of the Syracusan 
 sovereigns to suppress them. When Hiero II. grew strong 
 and defeated them severely at Mylae (B.C. 270), they were in 
 great fear for their safety and looked out for help. Some 
 of them appealed to the Carthaginians, whose chief towns 
 in Sicily were Panormus (Palermo) and Agrigentum, and 
 others sent to Rome. The Carthaginians, however, were, 
 nearest, and while it was still uncertain what the Romans 
 would do, a Carthaginian general named Hanno arrived 
 
HELP TO THE MAMERTINES. 
 
 CH. 
 
 
 and occupied the citadel with a garrison. The Romans had 
 to consider what steps they should take. The cause of the 
 Mamertines was a bad one ; but the increase of Cartha- 
 ginian influence in Sicily they looked upon as a danger 
 to Italy, and as a perpetuation of their own exclusion 
 from the trade of Africa and Sardinia, from which they 
 had been barred by a treaty made about B.C. 306. They 
 determined therefore that they would undertake the cause 
 
 37 
 
 37 
 
 East of 14 Greenwich 
 
 Walker & Boutall sc 
 
 of the Mamertines, and refuse to let it be settled either 
 by the Syracusans or Carthaginians. They hired or 
 borrowed ships from the Greek maritime towns, Tarentum, 
 Locri, Elea, and Naples, and sent an army by sea to 
 Messana. Hanno by an act of imprudence allowed him- 
 self to be ousted from the citadel, and a Roman garrison 
 was introduced instead. And when the town thus guarded 
 was besieged by another Carthaginian army, and by Hiero 
 
vii. FIRST PUNIC WAR BEGINS. 79 
 
 of Syracuse, the Roman commander, Gaius Claudius, sallied 
 out and defeated both. When the consul Appius Claudius 
 arrived he even proceeded to besiege Syracuse ; and though 
 he did not succeed in taking it, Hiero was so much im- 
 pressed by the superior strength of the Romans that he 
 made a treaty with them, and remained a faithful ally to 
 the end of his life. This was the beginning of a war 
 which was to last nearly twenty-four years, and the object 
 of which was to decide whether Rome or Carthage was 
 to be paramount in Sicily. 
 
 3. The First Punic War, B.C. 264-242. 
 
 First Period, B.C. 264-262. The first two years of 
 / the war decided that Syracuse was to be the ally of 
 _ Rome and not of Carthage; and, secondly, drove the Cartha- 
 ginians back to the west of the Halycus by the fall of 
 Agrigentum after a seven months' siege (B.C. 262), which 
 was followed by the adherence of many other towns in 
 Sicily; and this was done in spite of the fact that 
 Carthage made great efforts to strengthen her hold, col- 
 lecting mercenary troops from the Ligurians, Gauls, and 
 Spain. 
 
 Second Period, B.C. 262-255. From this time the 
 Romans began to aim at more than they had first intended, 
 namely, to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily altogether. 
 But to do this they now learnt that they must possess a 
 fleet. They might conquer inland towns, but they could 
 not win those on the western and northern coasts ; for 
 they were dominated by the Carthaginian fleets, which not 
 only scoured the coasts of Sicily but made descents upon 
 Italy, and held Sardinia in a firm grasp. The Romans 
 therefore determined to build a fleet which should not 
 merely be capable of conveying troops, but should fight 
 the ships of Carthage at sea. It was a strangely daring 
 thing to do, for the Carthaginians had long been masters 
 of the sea, and their navy and crews were the best in the 
 
8o NAVAL VICTORY OFF MYLAE, B.C. 260. CH. 
 
 world; while the Romans had scarcely any ships of war, 
 and were obliged to go to the allied cities in southern Italy 
 for most of their crews. 1 The attempt was made however: 
 ships were built on the model of a Punic quinquereme 
 which had been stranded and captured, and rowers (it is 
 said) were trained on wooden platforms. By the spring 
 of B.C. 260 the fleet was ready and set sail for Sicily 
 under the command of Cn. Cornelius Scipio, one of the 
 consuls : the other consul, Gaius Duilius, going to Sicily in 
 the ordinary way to command the army which was to relieve 
 Segesta, then being besieged by the Carthaginians. Scipio, 
 however, was captured while attempting to take the island 
 Lipara. Duilius therefore took command of the fleet, 
 and defeated the Carthaginians near Mylae. The victory 
 was a triumph of force over skill. The Roman notion 
 of fighting at sea was to run their ships alongside the 
 enemy, hold them fast with a contrivance consisting of 
 a swinging gangway and iron grapples (which they called 
 corvi, or * crows '), and fight it out as though on land. 
 But the victory however obtained enabled Duilius to go 
 to the relief of Segesta, and to make descents at various 
 places on the coast. It naturally caused great exultation 
 at Rome, where for the first time a naval triumph was cele- 
 brated and a column adorned with beaks of captive ships 
 set up in the Forum (Columna rostrata). It encouraged 
 the Romans also to take the offensive. Corsica and 
 Sardinia were attacked in B.C. 259-8; and after an inde- 
 cisive battle off Tyndaris in B.C. 257 they resolved to 
 transfer the war to Africa, thus forcing Carthage to act 
 almost wholly on the defensive. The two consuls of B.C. 
 256 therefore were despatched to Africa with a large fleet 
 and army. They conquered a Carthaginian fleet which tried 
 to intercept them off Ecnomus in southern Sicily, and 
 
 1 Hence the name of socii navales, applied to sailors in the Roman 
 fleets. 
 
vii. DEFEAT OF REGULUS. 8 1 
 
 landed in Carthaginian territory. During the remainder of 
 the season they harried the country and repulsed Cartha- 
 ginian troops sent to withstand them. But in the winter 
 one consul went home, and the other (M. Atilius Regulus) 
 was next spring defeated and made prisoner, chiefly by 
 the means of a certain Xanthippus of Sparta, who had 
 taken service in the Carthaginian army (B.C. 255). The 
 remains of the Roman army still held Clupea, a town on 
 the coast, but were presently withdrawn and were being 
 conveyed home by a fleet sent to fetch them, after winning 
 another naval engagement off Hermaeum, when they were 
 caught in a storm off the coast of Sicily, in which nearly 
 all the ships were wrecked. 
 
 Third Period (B.C. 254-250). The Romans, undis- , 
 mayed by this double disaster, built and fitted out another 
 fleet, and went on patiently sending armies year after year 
 to Sicily. The fortunes of the war varied continually, and 
 neither side gave in. At one time, by the capture of 
 Panormus (B.C. 254), the Romans seemed to be getting 
 the upper hand ; for Panormus had the finest harbour in 
 Sicily, and the Carthaginians had used it as a starting- 
 point against Italy. They adopted Lilybaeum in its place 
 as their chief port and harbour, and this they made so 
 strong that it was practically impregnable. Still they failed 
 to dislodge the Romans from Panormus ; and, though in 
 B.C. 253 the Roman fleet suffered again so disastrous a 
 wreck that for a time Rome abandoned naval warfare, the 
 Carthaginians got so discouraged by constant failure on 
 shore that, in B.C. 251, they made a proposition for peace, 
 sending the captive Regulus as envoy under oath to return 
 if he failed to get it. Tradition said that he advised the ( 
 Senate against granting peace, and returned to meet a cruel 
 death at Carthage. 
 
 Fourth Period, B.C. 249-242. The interest of the 
 last eight years of the war centres round Lilybaeum, Mount 
 
 F 
 
82 THE LAST EIGHT YEARS' STRUGGLE. CH. 
 
 Eryx, and Mount Hercte. During the whole time Lily- 
 baeum held out in spite of every contrivance of blockade 
 and siege which the Romans could bring to bear upon it. 
 The summit of Mount Eryx and the town of Eryx, on its 
 slope, were seized by the Romans in B.C. 249 ; but the 
 latter was recovered the next year by the Carthaginians, 
 who also held Drepana, on the coast immediately below. 
 On Mount Hercte, overlooking Panormus, Hamilcar Barca 
 (father of Hannibal) posted himself in B.C. 247, keeping up 
 communication outside by sea from a bay and beach 
 below, which could not be approached except over the 
 mountain, while the Romans still held Panormus. At 
 these three points the war went on for six weary years, 
 which witnessed every kind of surprise, skirmish, and 
 assault, but no decisive battle. A defeat and destruction 
 of a Roman fleet at Drepana, under Publius Claudius, in 
 B.C. 249, followed by the loss of a still larger fleet in a 
 storm on the south of Sicily later in the year, had dis- 
 couraged the Romans from continuing a naval war on 
 which they had again ventured. Consequently they again 
 found that their attacks on coast towns were futile, for 
 they could be relieved and supplied by the Carthaginians 
 at will. In the seventh year, therefore, after their last 
 naval disaster, they again resolved to build a fleet. 
 Early in B.C. 242* a fleet of 250 quinqueremes was 
 ready, under the command of the consul, C. Lutatius 
 Catulus. In March he fell in with the Carthaginian 
 fleet, coming as usual with supplies and reinforcements 
 for the year; and on the loth of that month decisively 
 defeated it, off the Aegusae islands, capturing seventy 
 and sinking fifty ships. The effect of this was that the 
 Carthaginian garrisons at Lilybaeum and Eryx would be 
 left without supplies, and would be obliged to surrender. 
 It was necessary to make terms, and Hamilcar Barca, 
 with whom the government left the arrangement, agree4 
 
vii. SICILY THE FIRST ROMAN PROVINCE. 83 
 
 to evacuate Sicily, to pay a large war indemnity, and to 
 promise not to attack the king of Syracuse or his allies, 
 both sides undertaking not to molest each other or each 
 other's allies ; to which the Senate added the evacuation 
 of the Liparae islands (Corsica having been already 
 .occupied), and an increased amount of war indemnity, 
 3000 talents (about j 20,000) in ten years, instead of 
 2200 in twenty years. 
 
 4. The First Roman Province. The chief fruit of 
 the war was that all Sicily, except the kingdom of Syracuse, 
 became the property of the Romans. It was their first 
 possession outside Italy, and there was no precedent to 
 go upon as to the arrangement to be made. Ten com- 
 missioners were sent to decide what was to be done. 
 They decided that it should be permanently a 'province' 
 of a Roman magistrate. This word had been always em- 
 ployed for any sphere of duty of a Roman magistrate. 
 It was henceforth used specially (though the old use also 
 continued) for the governorship of a country outside Italy, 
 which had to be administered according to principles 
 and methods laid down by a decree of the Senate. This 
 decree was usually drawn up in accordance with the 
 arrangements made by the commissioners sent to the spot. 
 In the case of Sicily the plan was to take it over as 
 nearly as possible as it was before, substituting Roman 
 for Carthaginian supremacy. The States in it were to 
 retain their own laws and local institutions, but were to 
 pay a tenth of their yearly produce, and five per cent, on 
 exports and imports to Rome, as they had paid to Carthage, 
 or in some cases to Syracuse. Each year a praetor would 
 be sent out from Rome to whom there would be an 
 appeal in all cases of dispute, and a quaestor to ad- 
 minister the finances. But certain towns which had been 
 specially loyal to Rome were placed in a better position as 
 tivitates foederatae, being regarded as entirely independent 
 
84 THE PROVINCE OF SARDINIA AND CORSICA. CH. 
 
 except for the one obligation of supplying sailors for the 
 Roman navy. 
 
 Rome had thus begun the system of governing countries 
 outside Italy, which before long was to extend to a large 
 part of the known world. 
 
 5. Sardinia taken by Rome becomes a Roman 
 Province, B.C. 238. The reduction of Sicily to the form 
 of a Roman province was not the end of the changes 
 brought by the Punic war. Immediately after the peace 
 was effected, the Carthaginians withdrew their mercenary 
 troops from Sicily to Africa, intending to pay them, and 
 dismiss them to their several countries. But the treasury 
 was low, and they were tardy in producing the money. 
 The mercenaries mutinied, and were presently joined by 
 Libyan cities subject to Carthage. A terrible war was 
 the result, which taxed the resources of Carthage to the 
 utmost, and endangered her very existence; and it was 
 not till it had been going on for nearly two years that 
 the ringleaders, Spendius and Mathos, were killed, and the 
 country saved (B.C. 241-239). A similar disturbance broke 
 out in Sardinia, and the Romans, being appealed to, 
 undertook to restore order in the island. Now Sardinia 
 was a most cherished possession of Carthage, for, though 
 unhealthy, it was rich in corn. The Romans, by treaty, 
 were precluded from even trading there, much more from 
 interfering in its government. But they caught at this 
 opportunity, which the weakness of Carthage, after the 
 late long war and the mutiny of her mercenaries, gave them. 
 When the Carthaginian government therefore (having got 
 the better of their revolted mercenaries) made prepara- 
 tions for an expedition to Sardinia, the Romans treated 
 it as an act of hostility to themselves, demanded the 
 cession of the island, and an addition of 1200 talents 
 to the war indemnity. The Carthaginians felt this bitterly 
 as an ungenerous advantage taken of their weakness, but 
 
vii. THE PROVINCE OF SARDINIA AND CORSICA. 85 
 
 were obliged to comply. The native Sardinians, however, 
 were rebellious, and a Roman consul with an army was 
 sent there every year, till about B.C. 225, when, like Sicily, 
 it was with Corsica made a province, and thenceforth two 
 extra praetors were elected each year, one for Sicily and 
 one for Sardinia. 
 
 THE EARLIEST FORM OF THE TOGA. STATUE, DRESDEN. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 BETWEEN THE FIRST AND SECOND PUNIC WARS 
 
 B.C. 241-218. 
 
 I. Roman power consolidated in North Italy. 2. War with Queen Teuta 
 and the Illyrian Pirates. 3. Increase in the population of Rome ; 
 the new nobility / the ager publicus ; increased number of slaves ; 
 the spread of Greek influence. 4. Political changes ; decline of the 
 influence of the Senate; the Comitia Tributa ; change in the character 
 of the l^ribunate. 
 
 i. Struggles with the Gauls and Ligurians in 
 North Italy, B.C. 235-218. We have seen Rome become 
 mistress of Italy south of the Rubicon, and of Sicily, Sar- 
 dinia, Corsica, and other islands near the shores of Italy. For 
 a time there was peace, and the temple of lanus was closed 
 for only the second time in Roman history (B.C. 235). But 
 soon her great position involved her in other struggles. The 
 Gauls in the north and the Ligurians in the north-west were 
 both constant dangers to her quiet possession of Etruria, and 
 sometimes even threatened the city itself. The most rest- 
 less and dangerous tribe was now the Boii, and either with 
 them or the Ligurians Roman armies were engaged nearly 
 every year. The war with the Boii and their neighbours, 
 the Insubres, was dictated by a desire to protect the 
 northern frontier : and towards the end of the period (about 
 B.C. 220) it was resolved to secure this by establishing colonies 
 at Cremona and Placentia (on the Po), and to put garrisons 
 
 86 
 
CH. viii. QUEEN TEUTA IN ILLYRICUM. 87 
 
 in Bononia, Parma, and Mutina; while one of the great 
 routes to the north, from Rome to Ariminum, was made fit 
 for the passage of armies by Gaius Flaminius about the 
 same time and called the Via Flaminia. With the Ligurians 
 the object of the wars was primarily, no doubt, to prevent 
 their giving assistance to the Gauls ; but soon the Romans 
 had another object the securing of a safe and quiet route 
 to Spain by the coast road of the Riviera, between the mari- 
 time Alps and the sea. Neither of these objects had been 
 fully obtained before the beginning of the Second Punic 
 War, in spite of more than one hard-fought victory. 
 
 2. The Illyrians. At the same time the power of 
 Rome began to be known and respected in the East. The 
 Illyrians, living on the east coast of the Adriatic, were in a 
 great degree a nation of pirates. They not only plundered 
 the shores of Greece, but those of Italy too. Their long 
 Liburnian galleys threaded the maze of islands along the 
 Illyrian coast, and darted out to stop and plunder Italian 
 merchants. Rome's naval superiojtityLsin.ee Jier^victories over 
 the fleets of Carthage "caused her to be appealed to for pro- 
 tection on many sides. Her ambassadors to the Illyrian 
 Queen Teuta, who was engaged in blockading Issa, were 
 answered contemptuously, and one of them even murdered 
 on his way home by the order, it was believed, of the Queen 
 herself. A Roman army was accordingly sent, which 
 took possession of Corcyra (Corfu), admitted Epidamnus 
 (Durazzo) as a 'friend and ally,' and forced Queen Teuta 
 to submit (B.C. 229). She was allowed to retain a small 
 part of her dominions : the rest was given to her young 
 stepson, with a guardian named Demetrius of Pharos, who 
 had joined the Romans against the Queen, but afterwards 
 proved a traitor to the Romans also. The whole country, 
 though left nominally free, had to pay a fixed tribute, and 
 the Illyrians had to promise not to sail south of the pro- 
 montory Lissus in a ship of war. An interesting fact in 
 
88 FIRST DEALINGS WITH GREECE. CH. 
 
 regard to this war is that it first brought Rome into direct 
 communication with Greece. At that time the two most 
 powerful states in Greece were the Aetolian League in the 
 north-west, and the Achaean League in Peloponnesus. Their 
 territories had both suffered from Illyrian piracies; and 
 now the Roman government sent ambassadors to inform 
 them what terms they had imposed on the Illyrians, and 
 these ambassadors were received with great honour and 
 respect. At Corinth, for instance, they were admitted to 
 take part in the Isthmian games, as though of Hellenic 
 descent; and at Athens they were admitted to citizenship 
 and to initiation in the Eleusinian mysteries. This is to 
 be noted, because it meant that some Greeks were already 
 prepared to look to Rome for protection ; and all through, 
 Roman history that was only a preliminary to the Romans 
 exchanging such protection for absolute dominion. More- 
 over, the Romans were beginning about this time, since their 
 conquest of Magna Graecia, to know something more of 
 Greek customs, thought, and literature; and when they 
 became masters of the East, as of the West, they always 
 treated the Greeks in a somewhat different spirit to that in 
 which they treated the rest of the world. 
 
 3. Some Changes in Rome between the two 
 Punic Wars, (i) The great success of the Roman 
 arms and her increasing dominion was reflected in the city. 
 Large numbers of people came to live there who were not 
 citizens, but peregrini, l foreign residents.' They came for 
 trade or pleasure, and their transactions with the citizens 
 became so numerous that a new Praetor, called praetor 
 peregrinus, was appointed each year to judge cases between 
 citizens and foreigners. (2) The old quarrel between Patri- 
 cians and Plebeians had died out because the Plebeians 
 had got virtually everything they wanted : but a new 
 nobility was growing up, consisting of rich men who got 
 nearly all the offices and places of authority ; and a new 
 
viii. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL QUESTIONS. 89 
 
 set of questions had arisen between them and the lower 
 orders. The chief of these was the now often-recurring 
 question as to what was to be done with lands taken from 
 conquered peoples in Italy. The upper class wished them 
 to remain public land, let out to capitalists, who made 
 much by it and soon came to regard it as their own pro- 
 perty on which there was an easy rent or tax payable to 
 the State. The lower classes wished it to be allotted 
 to themselves in full ownership and in fixed propor- 
 tions. The settlement of citizens on lands at a distance 
 from Rome had a tendency to weaken the notion of the 
 supremacy of the city, and of the government as an urban 
 State, and the conservatives objected to it. (3) A sign of 
 growing wealth and success was the increased number of 
 slaves. This was in many ways a bad thing, for it tempted 
 people to leave the country, where farming could be carried 
 on most cheaply by slaves who were not liable to be taken 
 off to serve in the army, and to crowd into the city, where 
 there was more amusement and greater chances of success 
 in trade and commerce. It filled Rome with an idle and 
 often turbulent populace, which afterwards caused much 
 trouble. (4) Luxury and love of display were beginning to 
 take the place of the old simplicity of life, and several 
 sumptuary laws were passed to restrain it. \J^f Greek 
 influence was beginning to be felt in some of the habits 
 of life, but, above all, in education and literature. Greek 
 was the c common dialect ' of a great part of the world east 
 of Italy, and boys now began to learn it as part of an 
 elementary education, instead of, as before, the Etruscan 
 language. Schoolmasters and doctors were mostly Greeks ; 
 and, as the Romans as yet had very little literature of 
 their own, some men especially Livius Andronicus (about 
 B.C. 240) and Cn. Naevius (about B.C. 235) began the 
 fashion of translating Greek plays into Latin, to be acted 
 in Rome. And when, at length, some Roman writers were 
 
9 
 
 POLITICAL CHANGES AT ROME. CH. 
 
 found to compose regular histories, instead of mere dry 
 annals, they wrote in Greek, as though that were the only 
 language suited to such books. The earliest to write in 
 Latin, either poetry or speeches, of whom we know any- 
 thing was App. Claudius Caecus (about B.C. 312), but he 
 does not seem to have had any imitators for sixty or seventy 
 years. 
 
 4. Senate, Comitia, and Tribunes. There had been 
 no great constitutional change at Rome since the series 
 of laws which gave the Plebeians full rights and admission 
 to all the magistracies. But some of the effects of that 
 legislation were beginning to show themselves. The in- 
 fluence of the Senate was declining. The magistrates felt 
 themselves strong enough, with the support of the people, 
 to defy its orders if they seemed inconsistent with the 
 powers which they had received from the people. They 
 were no longer quite so much all members of a narrow 
 clique of families, and felt less the traditional authority 
 of the Senate ; and the old device whereby the Senate could 
 practically supersede the consul by forcing him to name ?. 
 Dictator fell into almost complete disuse. The dangers so 
 near home, which arose in the Second Punic War ; the 
 difficult questions, so often arising in its course, which 
 the magistrates were glad to refer to the Senate ; and, 
 above all, the government of the rapidly-increasing foreign 
 provinces, for which there were no constitutional provisions, 
 afterwards combined for a time to increase the Senate's 
 power and influence once more, but for the present they 
 were declining. Another change of importance was in 
 regard to the comitia. The will of the people was expressed 
 in two ways voting by centuries ,and voting by tribes. 
 But the legislation which gave the votes of the tribes 
 {plebiscite?) the force of law had had this result, that, while 
 in electing magistrates the people still voted by centuries, 
 in making laws they generally voted by tribes, that is, in the 
 
vin. THE TRIBUNES. 91 
 
 Comitia Tributa. There was no law making this distinction, 
 but it was becoming the prevailing custom. Now the 
 tribunes summoned and did business with the Comitia 
 Tributa, and it was often the habit of the consuls, when 
 proposing some law, to entrust it to a tribune to bring 
 forward. The tribunes for this reason, and because the cases 
 requiring their auxilium were rarer now that all citizens 
 had equal rights, became much more engaged in politics 
 than in their original business of protecting individuals 
 from magisterial oppression. They had gradually got 
 admission to the Senate, and the right of stopping business 
 there as elsewhere, and could therefore influence acts of 
 imperial policy. As trials ceased also to be held, except 
 on special occasions, by the consuls, and were decided by 
 the people themselves, they had few occasions for inter- 
 ference in the administration of the law. Still they were 
 regarded as the proper persons to champion popular griev- 
 ances, or to withstand the Senate, if necessary ; and it was 
 against the Senate, rather than against the consuls, that they 
 now most often exercised their powers. They became, in 
 fact, more and more political partisans. 
 
 ROMAN COUNTRY HOUSE. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR, B.C. 218-204. 
 
 I. The importance of the Second Punic War. 2. Events leading to 
 the war ; the Carthaginians in Spain; fall of Saguntum. 3. The 
 First Period of the War in Italy (B.C. 218-216) ; Hannibal 
 crosses the Alps ; battles of the Ticinus and the Trebia, Lake 
 Trasimene^ Cannae. 4. The Second Period of the War in 
 Italy (B.C. 216-207); siege and capture of Capua; loss and 
 recovery of Tarentum ; death of Marcellus ; battle of the 
 Metaurus. 5. The War in Sicily ; siege and capture of Syracuse 
 by Marcellus (B.C. 214-212). 6. The War in Spain ; campaigns 
 of Publitis and Gnaeus Scipio ; their death ; arrival of P. Cornelius 
 Scipio Afticanus (B.C. 210); capture of New Carthage; battle of 
 Ilipa ; Spain cleared of Carthaginian armies. 7- The last period 
 Of the Punic War (B.C. 207-202) ; Scipio Africanus in Sicily and 
 Africa; Hannibal recalled from Italy (B.C. 203); defeat of Hannibal 
 at the battle of Zama (B.C. 202). 8. The first war with Philip V. 
 of Macedonia (B.C. 214-205). 
 
 i. The object and importance of the Second 
 Punic War. The first Punic war had been fought for 
 the possession of Sicily ; the second was for that of Spain. 
 It did indeed leave the Romans supreme in Spain, but its 
 accidental results were still more important. It brought 
 Rome into collision with Macedonia, with the result that 
 she eventually became mistress not only of that country but 
 of Greece also. Her presence in Greece brought her into 
 conflict with the king of Syria, and into close relations 
 with other Asiatic princes and peoples. Lastly, the 
 
 92 
 
CH. ix. RESULTS AND CAUSES OF SECOND PUNIC WAR. 93 
 
 possession of Spain compelled her to secure the route 
 thither by occupying Gallia Narbonensis. That within a 
 century from the end of the second Punic war, therefore, 
 she became ruler of all Europe south of the Rhine and 
 Danube, of all islands in the Mediterranean, and of a 
 large tract of country on the coast of Africa, as well as 
 of Asia Minor and Syria, may be traced directly to this 
 great struggle with Carthage. Hardly any of these 
 countries to this day are without traces of the supremacy 
 once exercised over them by Rome. Judging by results, 
 therefore, this is one of the most important wars ever 
 waged. The Romans of course had no prophetic feeling 
 of the great things it was to do for them. To them it 
 seemed a fearful struggle for bare existence. They had 
 expected that it would be confined to Spain and Africa ; 
 but the most terrible and disastrous part of it was really 
 fought in Italy. This was due to the genius of one great 
 man, Hannibal, son of Hamilcar. 
 
 2. Immediate causes of the Second Punic War. 
 By the loss of Sardinia and Sicily the commerce of the 
 Carthaginians was much hampered, and their prestige 
 lowered. They looked out, therefore, for other means of 
 expansion. Spain was easily reached from Africa, and 
 they already had settlements and factories there. From 
 Spain too they were not debarred by any treaty with 
 Rome, for the Romans as yet had nothing to do with 
 Spain beyond having some trading connexions with Tarraco 
 in the North East. In B.C. 238, therefore, Hamilcar 
 Barca, who had made the great stand on Mt. Hercte in 
 the last war, was sent with an army to secure the African 
 coast as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and thence to 
 cross into Spain, with general orders to promote the 
 interests and extend the power of Carthage there. Taking 
 his young son Hannibal with him he crossed to Spain, and 
 there laboured patiently and successfully with this object 
 
CH. ix. CARTHAGINIANS IN SPAIN. 
 
 95 
 
 in view. At his death in B.C. 229, Southern Spain was 
 mostly Carthaginian as far as the Saltus Castulonensis 
 (Sierra Morena). He had administered the country well, 
 had encouraged his men to settle and marry among the 
 natives, and had done much to develop its wealth by 
 working the mines on an improved system. His son- 
 in-law Hasdrubal succeeded him (B.C. 229-221), and 
 founded New Carthage to be the capital of Carthaginian 
 Spain. At his death the army elected Hannibal (then 
 about twenty-seven years old), who had served under 
 his father and brother-in-law and become very popular 
 among the soldiers, and the home government was forced 
 to confirm the election. 
 
 But the progress of the Carthaginians had already roused 
 the jealous suspicions of the Romans, who feared that 
 their commercial relations in the North East at Emporiae 
 and Tarraco might soon be endangered or eclipsed by 
 their encroaching rivals. They were, however, at the time 
 engaged in war with the Illyrian pirates and the Boian 
 Gauls, and therefore were content to exact a treaty from 
 Hasdrubal, or perhaps a mere verbal declaration on his 
 part, that the Carthaginians would not go in arms north 
 of the Ebro. But about the same time they made terms 
 of 'friendship and alliance' with Saguntum, which was 
 considerably south of the Ebro, and was therefore in the 
 ' sphere of influence ' of Carthage. Such an agreement 
 was always held by the Romans to mean that they, 
 might proclaim war upon any people that attacked their, 
 ally. 
 
 Now Hannibal had inherited a passion for resisting, and 
 if possible, taking vengeance on the Romans. His father 
 had always cherished bitter resentment for the ungenerous 
 use they had made of the weakness of Carthage to wrest 
 Sardinia from her ; and when starting for Spain had con- 
 sented to take the young Hannibal (then nine years old) 
 
96 HANNIBAL TAKES SAGUNTUM. CH. 
 
 with him only after causing him to swear that he would never 
 be friends with Rome. Hannibal now had an excellent 
 army, devoted to him, and long trained in actual war ; and 
 the existence of a city in alliance with Rome in a country 
 which his arms and diplomacy were winning more and more 
 completely, seemed to him intolerable. Circumstances 
 gave him an excuse for interfering. There had been 
 violent party contests in Saguntum, and one of the 
 parties had called in the help of Rome. The Roman 
 commission sent in answer to this request had treated 
 the other party with great severity. Hannibal therefore 
 determined to take Saguntum, in spite of an embassy 
 from Rome ordering him not to attack it (B.C. 220). The 
 command, however, was not backed up by any military 
 aid sent to Saguntum (for the Romans were engaged again 
 in a war in Illyria) and by the late summer of B.C. 219 
 after a desperate resistance and a seven months' siege 
 Hannibal took Saguntum. The Romans at once sent an "\ 
 embassy to Carthage demanding redress, and the surrender 
 of Hannibal with his chief officers. The Carthaginians 
 argued that no treaty barred them from attacking Saguntum, 
 for though in B.C. 241 they had promised not to attack 
 the allies of Rome, that applied only to allies existing at , 
 the time. But the Roman ambassadors would listen to 
 no arguments. In a dramatic scene Q. Fabius Maximus 
 (afterwards called Cunctator) is represented as standing up 
 in the Carthaginian Senate with his toga folded across his 
 breast, and saying, as he pointed to the folds, that 'he 
 carried there peace and war, which would they have?' 
 The Senators shouted in answer that he might produce 
 whichever he chose. 'Then I give you war,' he said, 
 shaking out the folds of his toga. ' The majority of the 
 Carthaginian Senate cried out that they accepted it. 
 
 3. First Period of the Second Punic War. 
 Ticinus and Trebia, B.C. 218-216. War being now 
 
ix. HANNIBAL ON THE RHONE. 
 
 97 
 
 determined on, the Romans proceeded to make prepara- 
 tions for waging it in Spain and Africa, using Sicily as 
 a base of operations for the latter. But an unexpected 
 movement of Hannibal quite disconcerted this scheme. 
 He had during the winter of B.C. 219-218 laid his plans 
 carefully for a march into Gaul and thence over the 
 Alps into Italy. His object in following this route, 
 rather than going by sea to the south, was to rally the 
 Gauls of the Po valley to his side. He knew how hostile 
 they were to Rome, and had interchanged messages with 
 them and received promises of help. He felt that to 
 attack Rome unaided was hopeless : and though he intended 
 to work also on the hostility to Rome which he believed 
 to exist among the Italians generally (in which he found 
 himself to a great extent mistaken), he was not so sure 
 of that as he was of the feelings of the Gauls. The 
 passage of the Alps he knew to be difficult, but he knew 
 also that many Gallic tribes had already accomplished it, 
 and he probably underrated the real terrors of it. The 
 Romans apparently knew of his march up to the north 
 of Spain, but they did not fully grasp his plan and trusted 
 to stop him on his way. Accordingly one of the consuls 
 (P. Cornelius Scipio) was ordered to proceed to Spain, 
 while the other went to Sicily. But a sudden movement 
 of the Boii, who swooped down upon the new colonies 
 of Placentia and Cremona, while it warned them that 
 danger was to be looked for in the North, delayed the 
 march of Scipio. To confront this immediate danger 
 one of the praetors, Gaius Atilius, was sent with the 
 legions enrolled by Scipio to the relief of the Roman 
 colonists who had taken refuge at Tannetum, near 
 Parma; and Scipio had to wait till two more legions were 
 enrolled. Accordingly when he touched at the mouth 
 of the Rhone on his way to Spain he was surprised to 
 find that Hannibal had already passed the Pyrenees and 
 
98 BATTLES OF TICINUS AND TREBIA, B.C. 218. CH. ix. 
 
 had reached the Rhone higher 'up. He sent out a body 
 of cavalry to reconnoitre, who fell in with some of 
 Hannibal's Numidian horse sent out by him on a similar 
 errand. After a brush with these troops the Roman 
 cavalry got near enough to see Hannibal's camp, and 
 hastened back with the news to Scipio. Marching hastily 
 up the left bank of the Rhone, Scipio hoped to force 
 Hannibal to fight him there. But when he arrived at the 
 point at which Hannibal had crossed, he found that he 
 was three days in advance. He hurried back to the coast ; 
 sent his brother on to Spain with the greater part of the 
 fleet ; and returned himself to Italy. There he took over 
 the legions commanded by the praetor, and crossing the 
 Po awaited Hannibal on the Ticinus. Meanwhile Han- 
 nibal with terrible difficulties and losses had effected the 
 passage of the Alps. By which of the passes he came is 
 to this day uncertain : but whichever it wa, soon after 
 reaching the plains he had to engage with the Taurini and 
 take their chief city (Turin). He then advanced down the 
 Po along its left bank; defeated the Roman cavalry on 
 the Ticinus, wounding Scipio himself; and followed the 
 retreating Roman army to the right bank of the Po till 
 he found them entrenched on the upper Trebia, one of 
 the southern tributaries of the Po flowing from the 
 Apennines. Here Scipio was joined by his colleague 
 Sempronius, who had been recalled from Sicily when 
 Hannibal's arrival in Italy was known. Scipio wished to 
 avoid a battle, but Sempronius was anxious to fight, and 
 allowed himself to be tempted out by Hannibal. He 
 crossed the Trebia on a cold rainy day and brought his 
 men wet and hungry into collision with an enemy well 
 fed and unwearied. He was badly beaten, but a large 
 part of the army was got off to Placentia, and there 
 remained safely entrenched. For the rest of the year 
 only skirmishing went on between the two armies : and 
 
ioo ROMAN DEFEAT ON TRASIMENE LAKE. CH. 
 
 Hannibal had some difficulty in retaining the fidelity of 
 the Gauls who had joined his standard. 
 
 Battle of the Trasimene Lake, B.C. 217. In 
 the following Spring, as soon as the weather permitted, 
 Hannibal, with a large contingent of auxiliary Gauls, started 
 for the South, and marching past Faesulae (Florence) 
 arrived in the neighbourhood of the Trasimene Lake. 
 He had suffered greatly since he reached the Rhone in 
 the previous year. Nearly half his men had been lost in 
 the march into Italy, and now he lost a great number 
 more in the marshes near Faesulae, which were specially 
 dangerous from the unusually wet winter that had pre- 
 ceded. All but one of the elephants had perished; horses 
 and men were in a sad state of disease and emaciation ; 
 and he himself lost the sight of one eye by ophthalmia. 
 But the mismanagement or misfortune of the Consul 
 opposed to him (Gaius Flaminius) gave him a victory 
 which made up for these losses. He passed the camp of 
 Flaminius, wasting the country far and wide as he marched. 
 This Flaminius could not brook ; he had been sent into 
 Etruria to stop Hannibal's march upon Rome, and he felt 
 that he would be wanting in his duty if he allowed him 
 to push on while he hung idly on his rear. Without 
 waiting for his colleague who had been posted at Arimi- 
 num to block the coast road, but who had started to join 
 him on hearing that Hannibal was in Etruria, he broke up 
 his camp and followed. Hannibal had turned to the left and 
 was going along the north of the Trasimene Lake towards 
 Perusia (Perugia\ but finding the narrow road between the 
 lake and the mountains well fitted for an ambuscade, he 
 concealed his men at various points commanding the road. 
 Flaminius arrived soon afterwards, and without making 
 proper reconnaissances, started along the narrow road. Then 
 from every point in the surrounding mountains the enemy 
 rushed down, and the Romans found themselves attacked 
 
ix. FABIUS 'THE DELAYER. 101 
 
 on three sides at once. They fought desperately, but were, 
 for the most part, cut to pieces, or taken prisoners, though 
 about 10,000 in all managed to escape in various ways, 
 and straggling over the country found their way back to 
 Rome. Flaminius was killed, his army annihilated, and 
 the way to Rome lay open to Hannibal. There was no 
 chance of the other consul, Servilius, from Ariminum catch- 
 ing him up ; and, in fact, 4000 horsemen whom he sent in 
 advance were intercepted by Hannibal's cavalry and killed 
 or made prisoners. 
 
 Hannibal in South Italy, B.C. 217-216. But 
 though the Romans expected now to see Hannibal 
 under their walls, he turned from the road leading to 
 the capital and marched through Umbria and Picenum 
 to Arpi on the borders of Apulia. He did not feel 
 fit as yet to attempt the capture of a large city. His 
 plan was to raise the Italian states against Rome, and up 
 to this time not one had joined him. At Arpi he found 
 himself confronted with a new army under Q. Fabius 
 Maximus, who had been named Dictator on the news of 
 the battle of Trasimene. Fabius adopted, and persisted 
 in tactics which got him the name of Cunctator, 'the 
 Delayer.' The plan was to follow Hannibal at every move- 
 ment, cutting off stragglers and marauders, but keeping 
 himself on high and safe ground, and avoiding a pitched 
 battle. Hannibal tried to irritate him by marching in 
 every direction, plundering as he went : but nothing moved 
 Fabius from his policy of caution. He followed Hannibal 
 through Daunia, Samnium, and into Campania. There he 
 thought he had trapped him by blocking up the narrow 
 gorge between Mount Tifata and the river Volturnus. 
 But Hannibal, who had been misled by his guide, and 
 found himself in an unfavourable position, extricated him- 
 self by a ruse. Taking advantage of a dark night, he 
 ordered cattle with burning torches attached to their horns 
 
102 HANNIBAL TRICKS FABIUS. CH. 
 
 ' . - : : '. : 
 
 to be driven up the mountain, followed by some light- 
 armed troops, with instructions to make their way to the 
 ridge with all the commotion possible. This drew away 
 the 4000 who were guarding the gorge, through which 
 Hannibal promptly led his main army. This was distinctly 
 a failure on the part of Fabius, and it encouraged the 
 feeling growing against him in the army and at home. His 
 Master of the Horse, Minucius, presently obtained some 
 minor advantages against Hannibal in Apulia, whither they 
 had followed him ; and this induced the people to name 
 him also Dictator with powers equal to Fabius. His 
 rashness, however, put him at a disadvantage when he 
 ventured to offer Hannibal battle ; and he was only saved 
 by the timely interposition of Fabius, to whom he there- 
 upon surrendered his powers. 
 
 The Battle of Cannae, B.C. 216. But in the 
 following year it was determined that a great army 
 should be collected and that battle should be given 
 to Hannibal near his chosen quarters in Apulia. Naples 
 and Paestum, and Hiero of Syracuse, had offered gold 
 and other contributions ; but if Hannibal were left un- 
 disturbed, the Romans must expect a combination of 
 South Italian States against them, which would endanger 
 not only their supremacy in Italy, but their very exist- 
 ence. They had failed to effect a diversion of Hannibal's 
 Gallic auxiliaries by sending an army to the Po. The 
 summer was wearing away : Hannibal had captured the 
 Roman magazines at Cannae, and as harvest time had 
 come he was securing the corn supply of the whole 
 district. The consuls of the year B.C. 216, C. Terentius 
 Varro and L. Aemilius Paulus, were ordered to go as soon 
 as possible to the seat of war. But they differed as to 
 the plan to be followed : Paulus wished first to draw 
 Hannibal to ground less favourable to cavalry, in which 
 he was the stronger ; Varro wished to fight at once. The 
 
IX. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. 
 
 103 
 
 latter prevailed, and the disastrous battle of Cannae (2nd 
 August) was the result. The Roman heavy armed troops 
 charging the centre of the Carthaginian line broke triumph- 
 antly through it; but they pursued too far, and the two 
 
 CIPPUS OF PINTANIS, A STANDARD 
 BEARER. 
 
 CIPPUS OF L. PATILIUS, A LEGIONARY 
 SOLDIER. 
 
 wings of the enemy faced to left and right and charged 
 their flanks. They fought desperately, but the arrival of 
 the Numidian cavalry, which had been pursuing the Roman 
 light-armed troops routed at the beginning of the day, 
 
104 HANNIBAL IN CAMPANIA. CH. 
 
 decided the event of the battle. Of 70,000 infantry barely 
 10,000 escaped : about 3000 to some neighbouring towns, and 
 the rest in scattered groups wandering through the country, 
 till they were able to rejoin Varro who had made his way 
 to Venusia with 70 horsemen. Aemilius himself had fallen; 
 and though Varro was mainly responsible for the disaster, 
 he did much to redeem his error by the vigour and 
 spirit which he showed in collecting the scattered remains 
 of his army : so that, when later on he returned to Rome 
 he was met by a procession of senators and other citizens 
 and thanked for ' not having despaired of the republic.' 
 
 4. Second Period, from Cannae to Metaurus 
 (B.C. 216-207). Capua and Tarentum. Again the 
 way to Rome seemed open to Hannibal, and again he 
 declined to take it, in spite of the pressure of his officers, 
 and especially of his Captain of the Horse, Maharbal, 
 who promised that, if Hannibal would send him for- 
 ward, he should 'on the fifth day feast as conqueror 
 on the Capitol.' But Hannibal still waited for adhesions, 
 and preferred to advance slowly into Campania, and secure 
 possession of that district before venturing to undertake 
 the siege of Rome. We cannot tell what would have 
 been the result if he had taken Maharbal's advice : but we 
 can see that he never had another real chance, although 
 his victory at Cannae was followed, as he hoped it would 
 be, by the adhesion of nearly all southern Italy. He 
 entered Campania indeed, and received the submission of 
 its chief city Capua, but he found himself in the presence 
 of two Roman armies under M. Claudius Marcellus and 
 Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator. He did not succeed in 
 taking either Nola or Naples (thus failing to get what he 
 wanted a sea-port), and such successes as he had in the 
 capture of towns did not advance him on his way to 
 Latium ; while his winter quarters at Capua proved so 
 pleasant and seductive that the state of his army was 
 
ix. CAPUA BESIEGED. IO5 
 
 seriously impaired and its discipline relaxed. In the years 
 that followed Hannibal won many battles, and probably 
 lost none, though his generals did ; but he hardly made 
 any progress in his chief purpose of attacking Rome or 
 permanently alienating any great part of the country 
 from her. His attention was distracted between the East 
 and the West now hovering round Tarentum, now pro- 
 mising relief to Capua, to the siege of which the Romans 
 were directing all their energies. Tarentum fell into 
 his hands in B.C. 212, but the Roman commander 
 (M. Livius Macatus) maintained himself in the citadel, 
 and thereby prevented Hannibal from using the harbour. 
 The Roman siege of Capua went on during B.C. 212 and 
 211, and in the latter year Hannibal attempted a diver- 
 sion by making a sudden and rapid march on Rome. 
 He actually pitched a camp within three miles of the city, 
 and rode round part of its walls. But he was closely 
 followed or checked by two Roman armies, which he could 
 not bring to a pitched battle ; and, finding that the city 
 walls were impregnable with such materials as he had been 
 able to bring with him, he as suddenly resolved to retire, 
 and effected his retreat to the south, inflicting a severe 
 repulse on a pursuing army as he went. He did not, how- 
 ever, return to Capua, which, thus left to its fate, was forced 
 to surrender to the Roman consuls (B.C. 211). A farther 
 blow to his hopes was the recovery of Tarentum by Fabius 
 in B.C. 209 ; and, though in the course of the years B.C. 210- 
 208 he held his own in the field, and in three days' fighting 
 near Canusium (B.C. 210) reduced Marcellus to remain in- 
 active for the rest of the season at Venusia, and in B.C. 208 
 surprised and killed him near Bantia, yet he was steadily 
 losing his hold on the country and becoming more and 
 more confined to the Lacinian promontory, where he was 
 to stand at bay for four or five years. He had failed, 
 above all, to obtain a good port for troops arriving from 
 
106 BATTLE ON THE METAURUS. CH. 
 
 Africa to reinforce him : and now his one hope was that 
 supplies of men and money should be brought him from 
 Spain by his brother Hasdrubal, who in B.C. 209 had 
 crossed the Pyrenees with large supplies of gold, and had 
 spent B.C. 208 in Gaul collecting allies and hiring mer- 
 cenaries. 
 
 The Battle of the Metaurus. Early in the summer 
 of B.C. 207, Hasdrubal had crossed the Alps, and, having 
 spent some time in an attack upon Placentia, arrived at 
 Ariminum, intending to march down by the eastern coast 
 road and effect a junction with Hannibal, who was near 
 Venusia on the borders of Lucania and Apulia. Hannibal 
 was being watched by a Roman army under one consul C. 
 Claudius Nero, while the other, M. Livius, was encamped on 
 the river Sena, to bar the march of Hasdrubal. But some 
 horsemen sent by Hasdrubal to announce his arrival to 
 Hannibal, and to request him to advance to meet him, 
 fell into the hands of Nero, who resolved to go to 
 the assistance of Livius without Hannibal's knowledge. 
 Leaving enough men to defend his camp and keep up 
 appearances, he marched away by night. On the day after 
 his arrival the consuls determined to attack Hasdrubal, who 
 was encamped between the rivers Metaurus and Sena. Now 
 Hasdrubal had perceived that the one consul had been 
 reinforced by the other ; and thinking that this must mean 
 that Hannibal had fallen, resolved to retreat. But he 
 lost his way and could not hit the ford of the Metaurus, 
 and was at last forced to fight on unfavourable ground. 
 His army behaved with great gallantry, but was out- 
 numbered and out-manoeuvred; and seeing that all was 
 lost, he charged a Roman cohort and died sword in hand. 
 Nero carried his head back with ; him to Venusia, and 
 caused it to be thrown in front of the Carthaginian lines, 
 allowing two African prisoners at the same time to escape 
 and carry the news to Hannibal. This really ended the 
 
ix. MARCELLUS IN SICILY. 
 
 107 
 
 Hannibalian war in Italy. The news which those Gauls 
 and Ligurians who escaped from the Metaurus carried 
 back to their countrymen made it certain that no more 
 help would come to Hannibal from the North : and 
 Hannibal himself was obliged to retreat again to his 
 headquarters on the Lacinian promontory, from which he 
 no more made any effectual advance ; and though he held 
 his position there, and retained the loyalty of his army, 
 he was isolated, and hopeless of support from home, or 
 of any farther rising in his favour in Italy. It was natural, 
 therefore, that the victory of the Metaurus should be 
 hailed with transports of joy at Rome as the signal of 
 relief from a long agony of danger and suffering. 
 
 5. The War in Sicily. One of the side issues 
 raised by the Hannibalian invasion was fought out in 
 Sicily, with the result of putting that island entirely in the 
 hands of the Romans, and giving them a securer base of 
 operations against Africa. Hiero of Syracuse died at the 
 end of B.C. 216, and was succeeded by his grandson 
 Hieronymus, a young man of feeble character and in the 
 hands of advisers opposed to Rome. He was assassinated 
 in B.C. 214, but had had time to break the Roman alliance, 
 encouraged by the disasters sustained by the Romans in 
 Italy. After his death two Carthaginian agents sent 
 to Syracuse by Hannibal, Hippocrates and Epicydes, 
 contrived to be elected generals, and to commit the 
 republic of Syracuse to the same course of hostility to 
 Rome. The consul Marcellus (B.C. 214), who was in Sicily, 
 resolved to besiege that city. The siege lasted till B.C. 212, 
 the city being defended with engines contrived by the famous 
 mathematician Archimedes, and more than once relieved 
 by reinforcements and supplies sent from Carthage. At 
 length, however, it fell : the city was plundered of its 
 wealth and works of art, and the old kingdom of Syracuse 
 was added to the rest of the island as part of a Roman 
 
io8 THE SCIPIOS IN SPAIN. CH. 
 
 province, though a few places, especially Agrigentum, 
 held out for about two years longer. 
 
 6. The War in Spain, B.C. 218-206. While the Romans 
 in Italy were struggling for life against Hannibal, they had 
 been steadily keeping up another struggle in Spain, which 
 was destined to have a still more decisive influence on the 
 final result. The war with Hannibal is best known to us. 
 It impressed the imaginations of the Roman writers most 
 deeply, as no doubt it seemed to the men of the time the 
 most pressing and important. But it was in Spain where 
 it had been originally expected that the war would be 
 entirely waged that the future conqueror of Hannibal 
 gained his reputation and experience, as well as the material 
 resources which enabled him to transfer the war to Africa. 
 We saw that when Publius Scipio in B.C. 218 had to return 
 from the mouth of the Rhone to Italy to meet Hannibal, he 
 sent his brother Gnaeus on to Spain (p. 98). Gnaeus captured 
 Hanno and much of Hannibal's heavy baggage which he had 
 left behind in Spain ; and though Hasdrubal had done some 
 damage to his fleet, Scipio had firmly established himself in 
 the district north of the Ebro. In B.C. 217 he was joined 
 by his brother Publius with fresh ships and troops ; and for 
 four years the two brothers steadily pursued their object 
 of pushing the Carthaginians farther and farther south. 
 They were not invariably successful. If we divide Spain 
 roughly into three districts, first, that part of it which is 
 north of the Ebro ; second, the country between the Ebro 
 and the Saltus Castulonensis (Sierra Moreno) ; and, thirdly, 
 Baetica^ the country between these mountains and the sea, 
 and watered by the Baetis (Guadalquiver), we may look 
 upon the first as now almost entirely Roman, and the third 
 as almost entirely Carthaginian ; while the tribes of the 
 central district sometimes joined one and sometimes the other 
 according as they alternately prevailed, or in some cases 
 were equally hostile to both. When the Romans are most 
 
ix. P. CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 109 
 
 successful the fighting is on the Baetis, and the intervening 
 tribes mostly favour the Roman cause ; when the Romans 
 are unsuccessful the Punic arms compel the adhesion of these 
 central tribes and push the war up to the Ebro. Such was 
 the general course of events : but towards the end of 
 B.C. 213, though the Romans had a large auxiliary army of 
 Celtiberians, and had prevented Hasdrubal from making 
 his way to Italy, the Carthaginians seem to have been in 
 unusual force. Three Punic armies were threatening the 
 line of the Ebro ; and when the Scipio brothers attempted 
 to repel them, they perished separately within three weeks of 
 each other. It was a great blow to the Roman cause in 
 Spain, for the Scipios had been very influential there, and 
 now even the position north of the Ebro was in danger. 
 It was saved by the heroism of a young officer named L. 
 Marcius, who secured the camp and headquarters at Tarraco 
 until help could come from Rome. In B.C. 211 the praetor, 
 C. Claudius Nero, arrived with an army, but did little. It 
 was not found easy to get a successor to him, for the service 
 was difficult and dangerous, and seemed to promise little 
 credit. At last the son of the fallen Publius Scipio, who 
 was to be famous as P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, volun- 
 teered to .take the command. He was only twenty-four, 
 much below the age to which custom (though not as yet 
 law) limited the enjoyment of consular work or command. 
 But he had something about him which stirred enthusiasm 
 and won confidence, and the people elected him without 
 hesitation. He remained in Spain from B.C. 210 to B.C. 206, 
 and in those four years quite changed the aspect of affairs. 
 His first move was a sudden descent upon New Carthage, 
 the chief seat of Carthaginian power in the south. Its 
 capture gave him not only immense supplies of money and 
 provisions, a considerable fleet of war and merchant vessels, 
 with the use of many skilled artizans, but above all a base of 
 operations in the very heart of the enemy's country, their 
 
no REDUCTION OF SPAIN. CH. 
 
 best port and source of supplies. Its effects were im- 
 mediately seen in the movement of the Spanish tribes to 
 offer their submission to Rome. From this time forward 
 the Roman cause in Spain seems to have advanced almost 
 without interruption. But though Scipio, when he returned 
 in B.C. 206, could declare that, after defeating the last great 
 Punic army raised by Mago at the battle of Ilipa, he had 
 left no Carthaginian soldier in Spain, yet he had allowed 
 Hasdrubal to give him the slip in B.C. 209, and was only able 
 to warn the home government of his intended march upon 
 Italy. Still he had done more than merely win Spain : he 
 had secured a valuable ally in Africa, whither it was now 
 his object to transfer the war. Syphax, king of Western 
 Numidia, long wavered between the Carthaginian and Roman 
 alliance. To keep him quiet, the Carthaginians stirred up 
 Gala and his son Masannasa. This last-named prince 
 brought a body of Numidian horse over to Spain to support 
 the Carthaginians. Scipio's success and diplomatic skill 
 won both of them over. He even crossed to Africa to visit 
 Syphax, and journeyed right across Spain to have an inter- 
 view with Masannasa. The friendship with Syphax turned 
 out to be useless ; but Masannasa, his enemy and rival, 
 remained devoted to the Roman side, and a few years later 
 did valuable service. The last year of Scipio's command in 
 Spain was marked by his own serious illness, and by a 
 mutiny in the Roman army, leading to movements among 
 the natives. Still when he handed over the province to his 
 successor, the only chiefs who were formidable (Indibilis 
 and Mandonius) had submitted, though they afterwards 
 brought ruin upon themselves by renewing their rebellion. 
 7. The War finished in Africa (B.C. 207-202). 
 When Scipio returned to Rome in B.C. 206 he had 
 resolved to transfer the war to Africa, where he had already 
 secured allies. In spite of the opposition of the Senate, he 
 was elected consul for B.C. 205, and had the ' province ' of 
 
ix. SCIPIO TRANSFERS THE WAR TO AFRICA. IIT 
 
 Sicily assigned to him, with leave to extend his operations 
 to Africa. After spending a year in Sicily collecting war 
 material and strengthening and training his army, in B.C. 
 204 (with imperium extended as proconsul) he started 
 
 P. CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 
 
 from Lilybaeum. He was at once joined by Masannasa; 
 but Syphax had made terms with Carthage in the winter 
 of B.C. 204-203, and was encamped with Hasdrubal near 
 Utica, which Scipio now blockaded, after having plundered 
 the country between it and Carthage. He deluded 
 
H2 VICTORY OF ZAMA. CH. 
 
 Syphax by pretended negotiations, and then suddenly 
 attacked and destroyed his camp and that of Hasdrubal. 
 The Carthaginians in great alarm sent for Hannibal, who 
 was thus reluctantly obliged to leave Italy. Before he 
 arrived, Scipio had already defeated an army in the 
 ' Great Plains ' ; Syphax had been captured by Laelius ; 
 and the last Carthaginian effort in North Italy had failed 
 by the defeat of Mago in Gallia Cisalpina ; and an embassy 
 sent to Rome to propose peace on the basis of that made 
 at the end of the first war had returned unsuccessful. 
 /There had been a short truce to enable this embassy to 
 | go to Rome and return ; but the Carthaginians violated it 
 by seizing some ships laden with provisions from Sardinia, 
 which had been blown into the Bay of Carthage. The 
 war therefore recommenced, and before long (i8th October, 
 B.C. 202) Scipio met Hannibal some days' march from 
 Zama, and defeated him so decisively that the Cartha- 
 ginians, having no more troops, and not enough ships to 
 keep their harbours open in face of the Roman fleets, were 
 obliged to submit to any terms Scipio chose to dictate. 
 These terms were meant once for all to reduce Carthage to 
 dependence on Rome, and to prevent her from rivalling the 
 Romans in commerce or standing in the way of the ex- 
 tension of their foreign dominions. They were to retain 
 their territories in Africa, but were to give up all their 
 elephants, and all war vessels but twenty, with which they 
 were, if required, to assist the Roman fleet. They were to 
 wage no war outside Africa, and none within it without 
 the permission of Rome ; to pay 10,000 talents (about 
 ^2,400,000) in ten years, and meanwhile to give 100 
 hostages. Masannasa was to have all his dominions re- 
 stored, with a great part of those ' of Syphax. This was 
 really the hardest condition of all; for Masannasa would 
 be on their very frontier, and there would be constant 
 disputes as to the limits of the two dominions, in which 
 
ix. SUPREMACY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. II3 
 
 Masannasa would always be able to reckon on the support 
 of Rome. The surrender of the ships also must ruin 
 their commerce and destroy their wealth. Some of the 
 more desperate spirits in Carthage wished still to resist, 
 but were prevented by Hannibal. From this time Carthage 
 ceased to be important, and the Romans were masters of 
 the Mediterranean without a rival. In the period which 
 followed Rome extended her empire eastward without any 
 reason to fear opposition from Carthage. It was an 
 unreasonable jealousy which, fifty years afterwards, made 
 the Romans determine on her utter destruction. Scipio's 
 triumph, on his return to Rome, was the most splendid 
 that had ever been seen in the city; and the name of 
 Africanus, which he adopted by general consent, was 
 transmitted to his family. The exultation of the citizens 
 was natural. The long agony of Hannibal's invasion was 
 at an end. He had not only been driven to leave Italy, but 
 had been beaten in his own country. Italy was free ; 
 Spain was open to Roman trade and Roman arms ; the 
 islands of the Western Mediterranean were occupied by 
 Roman fleets and soldiers; and the question had been 
 settled for ever as to whether Western Europe was to be 
 Latin or Semitic. 
 
 8. The War with Macedonia (B.C. 214-205). It 
 must be remembered that, while the Romans were engaged 
 in their mortal struggle with Hannibal, and were main- 
 taining a difficult and expensive war in Spain, and a shorter 
 but still severe war in Sicily, they were also engaged in a 
 quarrel with the king of Macedonia, destined to be even 
 more important in its after results, though desultory and 
 unimportant in the immediate incidents accompanying it. 
 This king was Philip V., who was constantly seeking to 
 make himself master of Greece, and had, in fact, garrisons 
 in several of the strong places, such as Demetrias, Chalcis, 
 Acrocorinthus the three 'fetters of Greece.' The two 
 
II4 WAR WITH PHILIP OF MACEDONIA. CH. 
 
 chief powers in Greece at this time were the Aetolian 
 League, in the north-west, and the Achaean League in the 
 south. In Peloponnesus, Sparta and Elis, and north of the 
 Gulf of Corinth, Athens and Thebes maintained a nominal 
 independence, but they had much declined from their 
 ancient importance ; and Thessaly was almost entirely in 
 the hands of Macedonia. King Philip was usually inclined 
 to be on good terms with the Achaean League, and to act 
 as its protector against the Aetolians, whose desire of 
 extending their power in Acarnania and Epirus brought 
 them into collision with his interests. At the time of the 
 Hannibalian invasion Philip was in fact engaged in war 
 with the Aetolians ; and his success was such as apparently 
 to rouse his ambition, and make him look forward to the 
 time when he might improve his kingdom by securing 
 the coast line of Illyricum and the trade |Of the Adriatic, 
 and even extend his dominion into Italy. \When therefore 
 he heard of the battle of Trasimene, he ' determined to 
 negotiate a treaty with Hannibal, and take the first step 
 by seizing the ports of Illyricum and building a large 
 fleet./ By his treaty with Hannibal, made after the battle 
 of Cannae, he engaged to exclude the Romans from 
 Corcyra and Illyricum. But the Romans got information 
 about it by capturing Philip's envoys, and in spite of all 
 which they had on their hands they proclaimed war against 
 him also. It was not prosecuted with much vigour; but 
 a fleet was kept permanently at Brundisium to prevent 
 descents upon Italy, and some expeditions were made on the 
 Illyrian coast and on the north shore of the Gulf of Corinth ; 
 and what proved a durable friendship was made with king 
 Attalus of Pergamus, in Asia Minor, who had his own 
 reasons for dreading the expansion of Philip's power. 
 Philip was also hampered by new combinations against 
 him in Greece, and when peace was made at Phoenice 
 (B.C. 205) the chief result was that a considerable part of 
 
ix. THE ROMANS AND GREECE. II5 
 
 Greece had come to look to Rome for protection, 1 and 
 that she was therefore presently drawn into more decisive 
 interference in Greece, and ultimately to supreme power 
 there. 
 
 1 Sparta, Athens, Elis, Messene in Greece, Ilium and king Attalus 
 of Pergamus in Asia, are in this treaty reckoned as on the Roman 
 side. On the side of Macedonia are Achaia, Boeotia, Thessaly, 
 Acarnania, Epirus. 
 
 I'ROW OF SHIP. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 SETTLEMENT OF ITALY AND CONQUEST OF 
 
 MACEDONIA, GREECE, ASIA, AND CARTHAGE, 
 
 B.C. 202-146. 
 
 I. The settlement of Italy after the Second Punic War. 2. Political 
 changes in Rome. 3. The influence of Greece. 4. Depopulation of 
 the country. 5. The Second Macedonian War and battle of 
 Cynoscephalae (B.C. 200-195). 6. Greek towns declared independent. 
 7. War "with Antiochus III. of Syria and with the Aetolians ; 
 battles of Thermopylae and Magnesia (B.C. 193-188). 8. Settle- 
 ment of Asia after the war with Antiochus. 9. The destruction of 
 Aetolia. 10. Contests ivith the Gauls and Ligurians (B.C. 200-178), 
 II. Organization of the Spanish provinces. 12. War with Perseus 
 and subjection of Macedonia; battle of Pydna (B.C. 175-168). 
 13. Effects of her conquests on Rome. 14. Macedonia made a 
 Roman province (B.C. 147-146). 15. Destruction of Corinth and 
 subjection of Greece. 16. Destruction of Carthage (B.C. 146). 17. 
 Viriathus and the Numantine war in Spain (B.C. 153-133). 18. 
 The Roman Empire at the endof'B.C. 146. 
 
 i. Settlement of Italy after Second Punic War, 
 
 B.C. 202-194. Rome was now again supreme in Italy, but 
 her supremacy had to be secured and the traces of the 
 struggle wiped out. The Italian towns generally returned 
 to the same position which they occupied before. But 
 to this rule there were some exceptions. The Brutii, 
 who had set the example of revolt to Hannibal, were 
 treated no longer as allies, but as subjects, at any rate for 
 the present generation ; they were not enrolled in the army, 
 
 116 
 
CH. x. RESETTLEMENT OF ITALY. H 7 
 
 and the whole country was regarded as a province ruled 
 by one of the praetors. Campania suffered most; but the 
 treatment of each town was carefully apportioned according 
 to the loyalty or disloyalty it had shown during the in- 
 vasion of Hannibal. Some were treated somewhat as 
 Capua had been : that is to say, their inhabitants were 
 either removed or sold into slavery, their territory was 
 made 'public land,' in which Roman tenants, or aratores, 
 were to be settled, paying a tithe to the Roman exchequer. 
 They lost all independent or corporate existence, were 
 to have no local magistrates or assembly, and were to 
 depend for the administration of justice on a magistrate 
 sent from Rome. 
 
 But besides these penal measures others were taken more 
 calculated to fill Italy with communities loyal to Rome. 
 The civitates foederatae, towns connected with Rome on 
 fixed terms, generally preserved or resumed their former 
 rights; and the Greek towns round the coast seem to have 
 been treated with special indulgence. In the next place, 
 the confiscated lands in Samnium and Apulia were divided 
 among Roman citizens, who often settled on them and 
 spread Roman customs and ideas. And, lastly, a con- 
 siderable batch of colonies was sent out in B.C. 194, in 
 Apulia, Campania, and Bruttium. 1 The two Latin colonies 
 in the north, Placentia and Cremona, which had been 
 founded just before the war, had suffered much from 
 the Gauls while the Romans had been engaged in the 
 south with Hannibal. Even after the end of the war 
 Gauls and Ligurians ventured to attack them. But in 
 B.C. 195 they were restored and protected by the consul 
 at the head of an army, and after a time and some more 
 fighting the Romans obtained a firm hold of the valley 
 of the Po. 
 
 2. Changes in Roman Politics. Two or three 
 
 1 See list of Colonies on pp. 55~57- 
 
n8 NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN ROME. CH. 
 
 changes in the social and political state of Rome which 
 were coming into prominence during this period may be 
 noted here. In the first place the importance of the 
 Senate revived. The foreign wars, and still more the 
 foreign dominions secured by them, caused a great variety 
 of new business : provinces had to be assigned to a 
 larger number of magistrates ; commissioners had to be 
 named for settling their government, and constitutions to 
 be drawn out founded on their reports ; ambassadors had 
 to be received and answered; trials to be held in regard 
 to things happening in the Italian towns ; disputes to be 
 settled arising in the provinces. Now, though no law 
 gave the Senate the power of managing all this business, 
 and if a magistrate chose to appeal to the people he 
 could always override the Senate's decree, yet by general 
 consent it was usually left in the Senate's hands. There- .x 
 fore the Senate became the most important authority in 
 the Empire. It was generally filled by rich men who had 
 been magistrates and whose interests began to clash with 
 those of the poorer citizens, and therefore we shall soon see 
 coming into existence a party of nobles, or ^/zoftzfer, and 
 a party of the commons, or /<?/^/^^. The former were 
 for supporting the authority of the Senate, and giving it 
 the management of most business ; the latter wished the 
 magistrates to come to the people for directions, and take 
 their orders as to what was to be done. The existing 
 magistrates could do either, for from the aediles upward 
 they were members of the Senate, where they spoke but 
 did not vote ; while the consuls could bring measures 
 before the Comitia Centuriata, and the tribunes before the 
 Comitia Tributa. 
 
 3. Increase of Greek Influence. In the next place, 
 the war had filled Rome with works of Greek art, brought 
 from Syracuse, Tarentum, and other places ; and either 
 because Greeks were forcibly brought to Rome as slaves, 
 
x. MORE GREEK LITERATURE. II9 
 
 or were attracted by the greatness and wealth of the city, 
 Greek ideas, and Greek literature and philosophy, began to 
 be better known there. Schoolmasters, as we said, were 
 generally Greek, as well as doctors ; and the work begun 
 by Andronicus and Naevius (see p. 89) was farther continued 
 by Q. Ennius (B.C. 239-169) and T. Maccius Plautus 
 (B.C. 254-184), who not only translated more Greek plays, 
 but wrote Latin poetry also on the model of Greek poems. 
 All this, though it prevented originality, was an improvement 
 to Roman literature, and in many ways to Roman life ; but 
 not in all ways, for Greek life was more luxurious than that 
 of the old Romans, and many corruptions which had found 
 their way among the Greeks now appeared in Rome also. 
 
 4. Abandonment of Country Life. Lastly, the old 
 tendency to leave the country and crowd into the city was 
 rising to a still more alarming pitch. Farming on a small 
 scale did not pay, and the farmers were liable to be called 
 from their work to serve in the army, or during the war 
 often found their houses burnt and their cattle driven off. 
 The only way it was thought that farming could answer was 
 by having large estates (latifundta), and working them by 
 slaves. The war made slaves cheap, because vast numbers 
 of captives were sold, and they were not liable to be 
 enrolled in the army, and so withdrawn from their work. 
 Thus small properties were disappearing, and the city was 
 crowded with people, some of whom indeed were suc- 
 cessful in other ways, but many fell into great poverty, and 
 clamoured for grants of land, though, when they got them, 
 they often failed again to make them pay, and therefore 
 sold them to the large proprietors. 
 
 5. The Second Macedonian War, B.C. 200-195. 
 Scarcely had the Punic war closed when the Roman 
 government determined that they must begin another with 
 Philip, king of Macedonia. He had not observed the terms 
 of the treaty of Phoenice. He had allowed one of his 
 
120 PHILIP'S ENCROACHMENTS. CH. 
 
 nobles to take troops to Africa to help Hannibal at Zama; 
 he was constantly making aggressions in Greece; and had 
 made a bargain with Antiochus, king of Syria (B.C. 204), to 
 divide between them the dominions of the king of Egypt, 
 a boy named Ptolemy Epiphanes,who governed also at that 
 time the Cyclades and many Greek towns in Asia. This led 
 him into conflict with Attalus, king of Pergamus, and with 
 the republic of Rhodes, which was a strong naval state. He 
 won a battle over their combined fleets at Lade (B.C. 201), 
 and in B.C. 200 was besieging Abydos when he was visited 
 by legates from Rome demanding that he should abstain 
 from attacking Greece or Greek towns, or any place under 
 the authority of the king of Egypt. For the Romans had 
 learnt the value of the Egyptian cornfields, and had made 
 friends with the king of Egypt during the Punic wars, and 
 regarded themselves as entitled to prevent all attacks upon 
 him. Philip refused to listen to the Roman envoys, and 
 proceeded to take Abydos. But this, added to his other 
 aggressions in Greece, enabled the Romans to form a 
 confederacy against him. The Rhodians, King Attalus of 
 Pergamus, and the Athenians took the Roman side ; and 
 before the end of the year a Roman 'army was at Apollonia 
 in Epirus ready in the following spring to invade Macedonia, 
 and a detachment of it was sent forward to protect Athens. 
 In the next year (B.C. 199), however, though the Roman 
 fleet, joined with that of Attalus and Rhodes, took some 
 islands in the Aegean and some towns in Euboea, the 
 Roman army only approached the Macedonian frontier. 
 It engaged in nothing more serious than some skir- 
 mishes, which, however, were sufficiently in their favour 
 to induce the Aetolians to join the Roman alliance. 
 But in B.C. 198 the command was taken over by T. Quintius 
 Flamininus, the new consul, and before long the position 
 occupied by Philip, at what was called the 'Gorge of the 
 Aous' (Stena Aoi\ was turned, and the king retreated 
 
x. DEFEAT OF PHILIP AT CYNOSCEPHALAE. I2 i 
 
 through Thessaly, followed by Flamininus, and after 
 some hesitation finally stationed his army near Tempe, 
 to defend the entrance of Macedonia on the east. 
 Flamininus did not attack him this year, which he spent 
 in marching through Greece, and expelling Macedonian 
 garrisons from the towns. He was then joined by the 
 Achaean League, so that nearly all important States in 
 Greece, except Corinth, Argos, and Sparta, were allied 
 with Rome against Macedonia. The king thought it 
 prudent to attempt negotiation, and three months' truce 
 was arranged that Philip might send messengers to the 
 Senate : but as they had no authority to promise that 
 the king would give up the three 'fetters of Greece '- 
 Demetrias, Chalcis, and Acrocorinthus the Senate deter- 
 mined that the war should go on. In B.C. 197 the king 
 entered Thessaly, where Flamininus met and utterly de- 
 feated him in the autumn at the battle of Cynoscephalae 
 (Dog's Heads), so called from a low range of mountains 
 south of Larissa. About the same time the Roman 
 fleets, under the brother of Flamininus, subdued the 
 Acarnanians ; the Achaeans defeated the Macedonian 
 general at Corinth; and the Rhodians were recovering 
 territory which the Macedonian king had occupied. Philip's 
 cause, therefore, was depressed on all sides, and he was 
 obliged to submit to the Roman terms, to evacuate 
 all Greek towns, to give hostages, and pay a large war 
 indemnity. 
 
 6. Greek Towns declared Independent. The 
 only people in Greece dissatisfied were the Aetolians ; 
 for some of the Greek towns which Philip had occupied 
 had once belonged to their League, and they expected 
 to get them back again. But Flamininus meant that 
 the word of Rome should now decide all such matters : 
 and by and by at the Isthmian games (in July B.C. 196) 
 he caused a herald to proclaim that all the parts of 
 
122 GREECE FREE OF MACEDONIA. CH. 
 
 Greece which had been held by the Macedonians were 
 to be free and independent. This proclamation was received 
 with great enthusiasm by the crowd attending the festival : 
 and it was followed by a commission, sent by the Senate, 
 which determined on local inquiries the several claims of 
 the States as to territory and confederacies. In the next 
 year Flamininus completed his work by forcing Nabis, 
 tyrant of Sparta, to give up Argos, which had been assigned 
 to him by Philip as a bribe to secure his adhesion ; to sur- 
 render his fleet and all towns on the coast or outside 
 Laconia; and to restore all whom he had exiled. Then he 
 withdrew the Roman garrisons from Chalcis, Demetrias, 
 and Acrocorinthus, and having received a large number of 
 Roman prisoners, who had been ransomed as a compli- 
 ment to him by the various States, he returned to Rome 
 to celebrate his triumph. The general result of this war 
 was to confine the king of Macedonia to his own frontiers 
 (which underwent some rectification on the side of Illyria) 
 and to leave Greece free indeed from Macedonian influence, 
 but certain to look to Rome for the settlement of internal 
 disputes, and practically debarred from seeking help else- 
 where. 
 
 7. The Wars with Antiochus, King of Syria, and 
 
 . ( the Aetolians, B.C. 193-188. This peaceful state of 
 
 '- \ things did not last long. There were elements of disorder 
 
 working in Greece sure to provoke Roman interference. 
 
 The Boeotians preferred Macedonian to Roman supremacy ; 
 
 | the Aetolians were angry at losing some of the towns 
 
 once joined to their League ; Nabis of Sparta wanted to 
 
 get back his harbours and his fleet. Accordingly the 
 
 J Aetolians, who were the first to stir, invited the help of 
 
 Antiochus III., king of Syria, who had got the name of 
 
 the Great from his victories in Asia, and who had already 
 
 been in Europe to take possession of certain towns on 
 
 the Thracian Chersonese, once dependent on the king of 
 
KING ANTIOCHUS IN GREECE. 
 
 123 
 
 Egypt. He also governed a number of Greek cities in 
 Caria, in virtue of terms made with the king of Egypt. 
 His legates had visited Rome in B.C. 194, and had been 
 told that unless he abstained altogether from entering 
 Europe, the Romans would free the Greek cities in Asia 
 from his rule. Antiochus therefore was glad to show his 
 anger against Rome, and his previous successes gave him 
 an exaggerated notion of what that power was. While he 
 was taking measures to answer the invitation of the 
 Aetolians, he was joined by Hannibal, whom Roman 
 jealousy had forced to fly from Carthage. On his again 
 answering Roman envoys sent to him in B.C. 193-192, 
 in an unsatisfactory manner, the Romans determined on 
 war, and a fleet and army was ordered to be prepared. 
 War, however, was not yet actually declared, and it 
 was the Aetolians who finally brought it on by inviting 
 Antiochus to Greece, and by occupying Demetrias and 
 attempting to occupy Chalcis in Euboea. Thereupon 
 Antiochus crossed to Demetrias with an army of 10,000, 
 where he was received by the Aetolians as a liberator. But 
 though when he met a congress of his Greek partisans at 
 Lamia he received all kinds of promises, and was declared 
 'general' of the Aetolian League, practical support was 
 slow in coming in. The Boeotians hesitated, the Achaeans 
 declared for Rome, Philip of Macedonia was prepared to 
 stand by the Roman alliance : and although the troops of 
 Antiochus defeated a small detachment of Romans near 
 Delium, and Chalcis fell into his hands, he spent the 
 winter there in idleness, and in the spring of B.C. 191 
 found on going to Western Greece that, either from 
 fidelity to Rome or fear of her, he could get no hearty 
 support from any State. On the arrival of M'. Acilius 
 Glabrio with an army of 22,000 men in Thessaly, even 
 the places that had declared for Antiochus were quickly 
 subdued or gave in their submission. He then en- 
 
124 DEFEAT OF ANTIOCHUS. CH. 
 
 deavoured to block the famous pass of Thermopylae and 
 prevent the Roman army coming south; but he was 
 beaten, as Leonidas had been in the Persian war, by a 
 portion of the Roman army making its way over the 
 mountain and taking him in the rear. He fled to Chalcis 
 and thence to Asia, and never returned to Greece. 
 The Aetolians were still in arms, but the Romans felt 
 strong enough to neglect them for a time, while they 
 wreaked their vengeance on Antiochus. In B.C. 190 
 another large army under L. Scipio (accompanied by his 
 brother Africanus) arrived in Greece, marched to the 
 Hellespont, and, having crossed to Asia, utterly defeated 
 Antiochus late in the year at Magnesia ad Sipylum. 
 During the previous year the fleet of Antiochus, as well as 
 another which Hannibal had been sent to fetch from Tyre, 
 had been more than once defeated by the Roman ships. 
 The king therefore was obliged to submit to the Roman 
 terms. He was to abandon all territory west of Mount 
 Taurus, that is, all Asia Minor, and the Greek cities in it, 
 all his elephants, and as many ships of war as the Senate 
 should demand, give up all deserters, and above all 
 Hannibal, and pay a huge indemnity. 
 
 8. Settlement of Asia after the War with 
 Antiochus, B.C. 189. The result therefore of the\ 
 war was that the Romans destroyed a great protecting \ 
 power in Asia Minor, and were compelled to provide in / 
 some way for a substitute. They did not, however, wish 
 to undertake this themselves. Their plan was to put 
 most of it in the hands of king Eumenes of Pergamus, 
 who was a firm friend and ally, except certain parts 
 which were assigned to Rhodes, and some Greek cities 
 which were to remain independent. It was not a fair 
 proceeding, because (whatever his faults) Antiochus had 
 protected this country from surrounding barbarians and 
 robber tribes. If the Romans destroyed his power 
 
X. REARRANGEMENT OF ASIA. 12 $ 
 
 they were bound to take his place. But they did not 
 understand that as yet, and did not desire greater 
 responsibilities. They sent the usual ten commissioners to 
 carry out in detail the scheme which the Senate had deter- 
 mined upon, and they expected that the country would 
 maintain itself. The consul Cn. Manlius Vulso (B.C. 189) 
 did indeed carry out the duty of a protector of Asia by 
 subduing the Pisidians, who were a nation of robbers and 
 pirates, and the Gauls of Galatia, who were a constant 
 source of danger to their neighbours ; but his conduct 
 was not approved of at Rome, and he was even im- 
 peached after his consulship for quitting his province. 
 Yet it was certain that in Asia, as in Greece, every 
 difficulty would in future be referred to Rome; and, 
 whatever the ostensible arrangement as to government or 
 nominal freedom might be, a new province had practically 
 been added to the Roman Empire (though the Romans 
 at present refused to administer it), and the confidence 
 felt in that being the case, was shown by the country 
 being rapidly filled with Roman merchants and bankers, 
 who found a new and safe field for their enterprise. 
 
 9. The Aetolian War Concluded, B.C. 190-189. 
 While Asia was thus being settled, the truce accorded to 
 the Aetolians expired and the war was recommenced. It 
 was brought to an end by M. Fulvius Nobilior who 
 captured Ambracia, the old capital of Pyrrhus, now 
 garrisoned by Aetolians. The Aetolians were obliged to 
 submit, to surrender all towns they had taken since B.C. 
 192, and to bind themselves to follow Rome in war and 
 peace, and not to add any city to their League hence- 
 forth : that is, they lost the right of making external 
 alliances, and were obliged to become members of the 
 Roman military and foreign system. The country seems 
 after this to have rapidly lost all traces of unity or pros- 
 perity. Its inhabitants declined in number, and it became 
 
I2 6 GALLIA TOGATA. CH. 
 
 a haunt of lawlessness and piracy. Ambracia, which was 
 robbed of many of its works of art, was left free on the 
 condition that Roman ships should be exempt from tolls 
 or dues. 
 
 10. Wars in North Italy, B.C. 200-178. While Rome 
 was thus becoming more and more supreme in the East, 
 she was also consolidating her power in the West. In the 
 first place, from B.C. 200 to B.C. 181, she was constantly 
 engaged in contests with the Gauls living in the basin of 
 the Po, especially the Boii and Insubres ; and side by side 
 with this was an ever recurring struggle with the Ligurians, 
 who inhabited the country between the Maritime Alps 
 and the sea, and thus barred the way along the Riviera, 
 which the Romans wished to be open that they might 
 reach Spain. The consuls and their armies year after 
 year were sent to North Italy, and either attacked these 
 two enemies separately, or, if one of them was quiescent, 
 combined in attacking the other. At last in B.C. 191 P. 
 Cornelius Scipio Nasica finally subdued the Boii. The 
 whole tribe were forced to become Roman subjects, and 
 to see half their territory become domain land open to 
 Roman colonists. Thus within the next three years we find 
 colonies sent to various places of importance. Potentia 
 and Pisaurum secured the road along the north-east coast ; 
 Parma, Mutina, Bononia guarded the via Aemilia across 
 the North of Italy through the heart of the country of 
 the Boii; and Aquileia, in the territory of the Veneti, 
 proclaimed the intention of holding that district against 
 invading Gauls; Luna, Pisae, and Luca were advanced 
 posts against the Ligurians. All were intended to thoroughly 
 secure North Italy and Gallia Cisalpina, which in fact 
 became so far Romanized that it was popularly called 
 'toga'd Gaul' (Gallia Togata). Still it was not yet treated 
 as a part of Italy; it was a 'province' to which for some 
 years one of the consuls went with an army, until in B.C. 
 
THE LIGURIANS. 
 
 127 
 
 181 the practice of sending a praetor there, on the analogy 
 of Sicily and Sardinia, was begun, who sometimes stayed 
 on as propraetor : and a few years later (B.C. 177) it was 
 found necessary to send two praetors, who divided the 
 province between them. The Roman colonies in it had 
 the same rights as colonies elsewhere in Italy as to self- 
 government, and the same duties as to military service. 
 
 The Ligurian wars followed much the same course as 
 that with the Gauls. Sometimes there were expeditions every 
 year against them, sometimes there was a year or two 
 of quiet. Sometimes they threatened Pisae, which the 
 Romans used as a port, or even the colony Bononia ; 
 sometimes they were driven back ; but it was not till 
 B.C. 1 8 1, that L. Aemilius Paulus finally crushed the 
 Ingauni (on the Riviera near Albenga) in a bloody battle, 
 which was followed by the submission of most of the 
 Ligurian tribes. They surrendered their piratical vessels, 
 and in many cases were obliged to demolish the walls of 
 their towns; while one tribe (the Apuani) were in B.C. 188 
 transferred bodily to a vacant district in Samnium, where 
 they settled peaceably. It was to maintain the hold thus 
 gained over the Ligurians that Pisae and Luca were 
 occupied. Yet even after this some tribes held out, 
 and wars are often recorded up to B.C. 117. Liguria 
 cannot in fact be considered to have been thoroughly 
 pacified till the time of Augustus. Yet the Romans did 
 secure their passage through the district, and in B.C. 109 
 M. Aemilius Scaurus made a military road (via Aemilia 
 Scauri) from Pisae to Vada Sabbata ( Vado], afterwards ex- 
 tended along the coast into Gallia Transalpina, being united 
 to the via Aemilia Lepidi by way of Aquae Statiellae and 
 Dertona ; and some of the chief Ligurian towns were 
 gradually admitted to the position of municipia. 
 
 ii. Organization of Spain, B.C. 205-177. Contem- 
 poraneous with this settlement of North Italy was the 
 
128 THE SPANISH PROVINCES. CH. 
 
 gradual organization of Spain. From B.C. 205 (after Scipio's 
 departure) there was comparative quiet there. Some 
 rebellious chiefs had to be suppressed ; but on the whole 
 it was peaceful. Two Roman armies were in occupation 
 north and south of the Ebro, and the men when they 
 had served their time often settled in the country and 
 married native wives, thus gradually Romanizing parts of 
 Spain. But the central tribes, the Celtiberians, were not 
 subdued, and from time to time made raids on districts 
 under the care of Rome. From B.C. 197 a regular provision 
 began to be made for these two ' provinces ' of Spain, which 
 came to be called Hispania citerior and ulterior, one of the 
 six praetors (or ex-praetors) being sent to each. When the 
 outbreaks of the natives were more serious than usual, a 
 consul with a consular army was sent, as M. Porcius Cato 
 in B.C. 195, who compelled many of the restless tribes to 
 demolish the walls of their towns, which were little better 
 than nests of robbers. After Cato's departure, however, 
 outbreaks were again of frequent occurrence, and it was 
 not until B.C. 179-8, when Tib. Sempronius Gracchus was 
 praetor, that much impression on the rebellious tribes was 
 made. He won many victories, destroyed many robber 
 castles, and dismantled many towns, as Cato had done. 
 But he did something more. He inquired into the 
 grievances of the people, endeavoured to relieve their 
 poverty by a better division of the lands, and made with 
 the several communities a treaty, similar to that enjoyed 
 by Italian towns, whereby they enjoyed a local inde- 
 pendence on certain fixed terms as to tribute and military 
 service. This 'Gracchan settlement' was so just, that 
 during troubles in after times it was. often appealed to as 
 the best charter of their liberties. 
 
 12. Macedonia becomes Subject to Rome, 195-166. 
 Thus Rome was becoming undisputed mistress in the 
 West. She was soon to extend her rule in the -East as 
 
x. WAR WITH PERSEUS. I29 
 
 f well. There were many disputes between the States in 
 Greece after the settlement of Flamininus, and in Asia 
 after the settlement effected at the end of the war with 
 Antiochus. These were usually referred to Rome ; but 
 Philip of Macedonia was always on the look-out to 
 assert his own authority, and secretly plotted to recover 
 his old influence in Greece. At the time of his death 
 therefore, in B.C. 181, he was on the brink of a rupture 
 with Rome. His son and successor, Perseus (B.C. 179-168), 
 pursued or was believed to pursue the same policy. The 
 king of Pergamus (Eumenes) was his enemy, and de- 
 nounced his designs to the Roman Senate; and commis- 
 sion after commission was sent to Macedonia to find out 
 what was going on. This irritated Perseus ; and when he 
 had, as he thought, secured a sufficient army, he resolved 
 to risk a breach with Rome (B.C. 171). The Romans, 
 who had secured the adherence of most of the States 
 surrounding Macedonia, were ready ; and, though the 
 war which followed was protracted by the incompetence of 
 the generals sent out, which enabled Perseus to baffle and 
 even defeat the Roman arms for a time; yet in B.C. 168 
 an able man was consul, C. Aemilius Paulus, and on his 
 arrival at the seat of war in South-eastern Macedonia, he 
 restored discipline, and, having turned the position of 
 Perseus on the River Enipeus, between the range of Mount 
 Olympus and the sea, followed him to Pydna, and there 
 decisively defeated him. Perseus fled to Samothrace, but 
 was there made prisoner, and brought to Rome. No new 
 province, in the technical sense, was made in consequence 
 of this victory. But the whole of Macedonia, Greece, 
 Epirus, and Illyria were treated as conquered, and reduced 
 to a state of complete weakness and dependence on Rome, 
 though their internal freedom was nominally respected. 
 They all paid tribute in return for military protection, 
 and were not allowed to keep soldiers or make any 
 
I3 o REDUCTION OF MACEDONIA AND GREECE. CH. 
 
 leagues with each other or with other nations ; and though 
 Roman magistrates were not yet sent, as in provinces, to 
 administer justice, they were, in fact, subject countries 
 and liable to be occupied by Roman troops at any time. 
 Macedonia was still more effectually weakened. The 
 dynasty of its kings was ended. The country was divided 
 into four regions, each with a capital. These four regions 
 were to have a separate administration. The people living in 
 one district were not to own property or money in any of 
 the others. They were not to have soldiers except in a few 
 places on the border of barbarous tribes ; they were pro- 
 hibited from cutting timber for shipbuilding or working 
 mines, except copper, which paid the Roman treasury a 
 royalty ; and a fixed tribute (half the amount formerly paid 
 to the king) was to be paid to Rome. 
 
 The first step therefore towards turning these countries 
 into Roman provinces was taken ; they were subjected to 
 tribute, and in return were under the protection of the 
 Roman army, which therefore of course could be sent to 
 them at any time. 
 
 Greece and Egypt* Greece was in a way better 
 treated. The various States and Leagues were left as 
 they were; but as in each of them there had been 
 parties friendly or opposed to Rome, the members of 
 the latter were treated as guilty of treason, and were 
 ordered (to the number of over 1000) to come to Italy to 
 stand a trial. There they were detained in various towns, 
 without the trial being ever held, for sixteen years, when 
 the 300 who survived were contemptuously allowed to 
 return. Egypt was treated as a friendly State, and pro- 
 tected. When Antiochus Epiphanes (son of Antiochus 
 the Great) ventured to invade it, he was met by a Roman 
 legate, C. Popilius Laenas, who commanded him to with- 
 draw ; and when the king hesitated, Popilius drew a circle 
 in the dust round him with his vine staff, and bade him 
 
x. INCREASE OF WEALTH. ! 3 ! 
 
 give his answer before he stepped out of it. Even the 
 Jews, when attacked by this same Antiochus, looked to 
 Rome for help. Thus free states and sovereigns, as well as. 
 conquered countries, became the clients of Rome. 
 
 13. Effects of these Conquests on Rome. One 
 effect of these conquests was so greatly to enrich the 
 Roman treasury with tribute, spoil, and rents of State 
 domains, that Roman citizens were no longer required to 
 pay the property _tax or tributum, whicjj.:^was not again 
 collected for several centuries, exc^fJt once in the year 
 of Caesar's murder. This made the possession of the 
 citizenship valuable, and led afterwards to a determined 
 attempt of all Italians to obtain it. Another was that 
 a great many men became rich, and sought all kinds 
 of luxuries and works of art to adorn their houses ; and 
 as these were mostly got from the conquered countries 
 which became Roman provinces, a great deal of oppres- 
 sion and robbery of the provincials took place. Again, 
 as holding office at Rome led to the governorship 
 of provinces, men became very anxious to get office, for 
 the sake of the wealth they might get from the provinces. 
 Consequently bribery at elections began to be common, 
 and many laws were passed between B.C. 182 and B.C. 137 
 to punish bribery and to establish secret voting by ballot. 
 Cases of oppression and extortion in the provinces became 
 so common that a separate court was established to try 
 such cases (de repetundis) in B.C. 149 by a lex Calpurnia, 
 in which the praetor presided and the jury was to consist 
 of senators. It was hoped that they would be impartial 
 and above bribery or intimidation ; but that was not long 
 found to be the case. This was the first court established 
 permanently to try one particular kind of offence, and 
 was called a quaestio perpetua, as opposed to the quaestiones 
 (' commissions of inquiry ') which had been generally 
 appointed to try each crime committed against the laws 
 
I3 2 PROVINCE OF MACEDONIA. CH. 
 
 as it occurred. Another way of trying to stop the luxury 
 which led to these crimes, was by passing what were 
 called 'sumptuary laws,' which limited the amount which 
 it was lawful to spend on dress, ornaments, banquets, 
 and funerals. But such laws are always evaded, and do 
 little good. 
 
 ROUND DINING-COUCH (SIGMA OR STIBADIUM). POMPEIAN WALL-PAINTING. 
 
 14. Macedonia made a Roman Province, B.C. 
 147-6. The arrangement made as to Macedonia in B.C. 
 1 68 did not prove successful. Several pretenders to the 
 old crown of the whole country appeared : first Andriscus 
 pretending to be a son of Perseus (B.C. 152), and then 
 Alexander (B.C. 147) making the same pretence. Naturally 
 the Macedonians, who found that the fourfold division 
 weakened them very much, and was a very expensive way 
 of being governed, felt sympathy with any one who offered 
 to unite them and make them again a great nation. The 
 Romans, therefore, determined to abolish the division, and 
 make the whole country a province* adding to it parts of 
 Epirus and Thessaly, to be governed by a propraetor sent 
 annually from Rome. A great road suitable for the 
 passage of an army was made from one shore to the 
 other beginning at Dyrrhachium and ending at Thessalonica. 
 
x. THE BURNING OF CORINTH. I33 
 
 This was called the via Egnatia, and helped greatly the 
 commerce and prosperity of the country. At any rate, pro- 
 tected by Roman troops from surrounding barbarians, 
 Macedonia recovered much of its former wealth, though 
 it never became again an independent country. 
 
 15. Destruction of Corinth, and further Reduc- 
 tion of Greece, B.C. 146. The formation of the province 
 of Macedonia was followed by a great change in Greece. 
 There had been constant disturbances in the Achaean 
 League, because Sparta had against its will been forced to 
 become a member of it. These quarrels led to frequent 
 appeals to Rome, and the Roman Senate came to the 
 conclusion that it would be best to weaken if not dissolve 
 the Achaean League, and in B.C. 147 ordered that Sparta, 
 Argos, Corinth, and Orchomenus in Arcadia should be 
 separated from it. Irritated by this the partisans of the 
 League were guilty of riots at Corinth and elsewhere, and 
 the * General ' of the League for B.C. 147-6, named Critolaus, 
 even ventured to raise a combined army to resist the 
 authority of Rome. The Roman consul who was in 
 Macedonia, Q. Caecilius Metellus, therefore marched into 
 Greece, defeated Critolaus on the way near Thermo- 
 pylae, and shut up his successor, Diaeus, 1 in Corinth. 
 The consul for B.C. 146, L. Mummius, now arrived to take 
 over the command; defeated Diaeus in a battle under the 
 walls of Corinth, and then completely sacked and destroyed 
 the town. It was full of famous statues and pictures, and 
 such of them as were not destroyed were transported to 
 Rome, adding greatly to the art treasures there already. 
 It was said that the smelting of gold, silver, and copper 
 caused by the fire produced a peculiar bronze known 
 afterwards as aes Corinthiacum, which was much prized by 
 
 1 Critolaus perished after the battle near Themopylae, it was never 
 known how. Diaeus, the general of the previous year, according to 
 the Achaean constitution, became thereby ipso facto general. 
 
I 3 4 FINAL REDUCTION OF GREECE. CH. 
 
 Roman collectors. Corinth sank to the level of a village 
 and did not recover any importance till a hundred years 
 afterwards, when it was colonized by lulius Caesar. But 
 this was also the occasion of a great change affecting all 
 Greece. It was not made one province as Macedonia had 
 been ; but the Achaean League, and all lesser combinations, 
 were dissolved. Each State with a small territory was 
 treated separately; some, like Athens, Sparta, and Sicyon, 
 were left with a certain semblance of independence, and 
 Roman magistrates entering them did so without their 
 lictors. They were liberae civitates, and paid no tribute. 
 But they, no less than others, were really subject; and all 
 others were so in form as well as in reality. They had their 
 own institutions indeed and magistrates, such as the ten 
 commissioners sent as usual, laid down for them ; but they 
 paid tribute, were forced to serve, if called upon, in the 
 army, and were, in the last resort, under the authority of 
 the Roman governor of Macedonia. The lands of Corinth, 
 Euboea, and Boeotia became public land, the property of 
 the Roman people (as well as the lands of some other 
 cities which had resisted and had been taken by force), 
 and those who worked it paid a rent or vectigal to the 
 Roman treasury. Greece was not yet made formally a 
 province, but it was completely subject to Rome from 
 this time forth. 
 
 16. Destruction of Carthage, B.C. 146. In the 
 
 y same year as the burning of Corinth the Romans con- 
 firmed their hold on Africa by the cruel destruction of 
 Carthage. Since the end of the Second Punic War, 
 Carthage, though obliged by its treaty with Rome to remain 
 practically unarmed by land and sea, had recovered a great 
 
 1 deal of her wealth and commercial activity. The Romans 
 had established Masannasa in an extended Numidian 
 kingdom for the express purpose of keeping her in check, 
 and being a continual menace on her borders. In the 
 
DESTRUCTION OF CARTHAGE. 
 
 135 
 
 quarrels that rose between them, appeals were constantly 
 made to Rome, and always decided in favour of the king. 
 There was therefore naturally a patriotic party in Carthage 
 who looked on this as intolerable : and at length after 
 one of these decisions rather more iniquitous than the 
 rest, the Carthaginian Government refused to recognize 
 a Roman Commission, and resolutely continued to fight 
 Masannasa. The Romans therefore (most unjustly) re- 
 solved to make war on Carthage; and the famous Cato, 
 now at a great age, continually urged the Senate to do so, 
 ending (it is said) every speech he made in the Senate 
 house with the exclamation, " Carthage must be destroyed." 
 It was a purely selfish measure, instigated by downright 
 greed and the desire to monopolize the trade of Africa, 
 and nothing that Carthage had done justified it in the least. 
 It was carried out also with cold-blooded and deliberate 
 cruelty. First (B.C. 149), in view of the threatened invasion 
 they surrendered their city to the discretion of the Roman 
 people, per deditionem as it was called, trusting that the 
 Romans would not exercise the full rights which this gave. 
 Then they were ordered to give 300 boys as hostages, the 
 Roman army being at Lilybaeum in Sicily ready to cross. 
 After some hesitation they consented to do this. Yet the 
 army crossed all the same to Utica, and there the legates 
 of Carthage were told that they must give up all their arms 
 of every description. This was done. And then at last 
 they were told the full extent of their misery. They were 
 to abandon the city altogether, and settle somewhere else 
 ten miles from the sea. Driven into passionate despair 
 by this cruel decree they resolved at last to resist. The 
 whole city was turned into a workshop of arms, in which 
 men and women in relays laboured night and day ; and a 
 vast number of shields, swords, catapults, and missiles 
 were turned out each day, the women even cutting off their 
 hair to be twisted into cords for the engines. But all was 
 
CH. x. DIFFICULTIES IN SPAIN. I37 
 
 in vain ; after an heroic resistance lasting nearly three years, 
 protracted no doubt by the incompetence of some of the 
 Roman commanders, the city fell. Publius Scipio Africanus, 
 nephew and adoptive grandson of Africanus, the hero of 
 Zama, who took command as consul in B.C. 147, succeeded 
 in blocking up the mouth of the harbour, and thus cutting 
 the Carthaginians off from getting supplies by sea, and in 
 the spring of B.C. 146 delivered his final assault. Only about 
 50,000 people remained to surrender out of probably more 
 than half a million. The city was ordered to be burnt 
 and dismantled, and remained a scene of desolation and 
 ruin (in spite of an attempt about twenty-five years after- 
 wards to restore it) for a century. Having thus 
 deliberately destroyed her ancient rival, the Romans made 
 its territory a province, to be called Africa, of which the 
 capital and seat of government was to be Utica. 
 
 17. Wars in Spain, B.C. 155-137. Though the Roman 
 Empire was by B.C. 146 thus extended and organized, there 
 were parts of it in which much fighting had still to be 
 done. For some twenty years there was almost continuous 
 war in Spain, where the Lusitani, who inhabited part 
 of what is now Portugal, continually harassed the southern 
 part of the Roman province, and were at length (B.C. 150) 
 treacherously cut to pieces by the praetor, Sulpicius Galba. 
 But from this massacre a certain shepherd, named Viriathus, 
 escaped, who three years afterwards became a great leader 
 among the dispersed survivors of the tribe. He collected 
 them again from their mountain retreats, gained allies 
 from Spanish tribes in the centre of the country, and for 
 seven years, till his treacherous murder at the instigation 
 of the consul Q. Servilius Caepio (B.C. 179), defied the 
 Roman arms. Another enemy with whom the Romans 
 had to struggle in Spain were the Celtiberians in the 
 centre. The war was so fiercely contested that it was called 
 the 'fiery war.' It arose from the Roman government 
 
138 FALL OF NUMANTIA. ^ CH. 
 
 insisting that (in accordance with the arrangement of 
 Gracchus) they should not build walls round their towns, 
 which were the places of refuge for robbers and bandits. 
 So dangerous was the war that the consuls often found it 
 difficult to get officers or soldiers to enrol themselves in 
 the legions for it. It went on with varied results for six 
 years, from B.C. 153 to 148. Then it was renewed by the 
 Arevaci, and centred round the siege of Numantia, their 
 chief city. This siege lasted nearly ten years, and witnessed 
 the defeat of more than one Roman commander. At length 
 Africanus, the conqueror of Carthage, was elected consul for 
 the second time in B.C. 134 and sent to Spain. He found 
 the Roman army demoralized by this long and unsuccessful 
 siege ; discipline relaxed ; and the camp filled with all kinds 
 of loose characters, as well as traders making a profit of the 
 war. He first restored discipline ; expelled non-combatants 
 from the camp; and accustomed the soldiers to labour 
 and military activity. Numantia was then closely be- 
 leaguered, and, after horrible sufferings on the part of the 
 inhabitants, finally surrendered in the autumn of B.C. 133. 
 The survivors were sold as slaves, and the town entirely 
 demolished. After this there was a long period of compara- 
 tive peace in Spain, though several tribes still remained 
 hostile and caused trouble afterwards. Three men were 
 engaged in the Numantine war at different times who after- 
 wards became notable in Roman history Tib. Gracchus 
 was there as quaestor in B.C. 137-136; and in B.C. 134 C. 
 Marius was in the army of Scipio, where he may have met 
 lugurtha, grandson of Masannasa, whom, as king of 
 Numidia, he was afterwards to conquer. 
 
 1 8. The Roman Empire in B.C. 146. We have now 
 traced the rise of Rome from a small city with a narrow 
 territory in Latium till she has become supreme first in 
 Latium then in all Italy south of the Alps. Next we have 
 seen how she acquired one foreign possession after another 
 
x. CONSOLIDATION OF THE EMPIRE. I39 
 
 Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, Macedonia and Greece, Africa and 
 organized them as provinces. She has also exercised a kind 
 of protectorate in Asia and Egypt, which we shall see was 
 capable at the first provocation of being turned into a 
 similar dominion. It has taken many centuries to do all 
 this ; yet there has been on the whole steady progress all 
 the time. One thing led on to another, and it seemed 
 almost impossible for her when she had taken one step 
 not to take the next. Her career has been marked by 
 much bloodshed, and what we may often call crime. But 
 her people have shown great qualities, not only dogged 
 persistence and invincible perseverance in the face of 
 disaster and defeat, but, what better accounts for her 
 success, a real faculty of government and, on the whole, 
 an enlightened view as to the management and improve- 
 ment of her acquired dominions. Local customs and 
 local self-government have been generally respected and 
 fostered; but as yet little has been done to weld even 
 Italy into one State. It is still in theory and largely in 
 practice the people of one city governing others, that is, 
 between three and four hundred thousand controlling about 
 five millions. 1 But settlements of citizens forming part of 
 this governing body have been planted in various parts of 
 Italy, and this is to lead soon to larger ideas of nationality. 
 
 Internally we have seen an amalgamation of the inhabit- 
 ants of the city in regard to their civil rights. At first there 
 were two classes of such inhabitants : the original gentes 
 and the Plebeians, the former alone being full citizens. The 
 distinction has not been forgotten, but the inequality of 
 rights has disappeared. All have a share now in the 
 election of their magistrates, and theoretically in the 
 magistracies themselves. But prosperity has emphasized 
 the eternal distinction between riches and poverty. A new 
 
 1 The census from B.C. 142 to B.C. 115 varies between 328,342 and 
 394,336 citizens. 
 
140 
 
 THE NEW NOBILITY. 
 
 CH. X. 
 
 nobility has grown up, founded not on birth but on wealth. 
 High descent has still its reputation and influence, but 
 wealth has still greater power; and though in theory the 
 Roman government is democratic, in practice, office and 
 power, and the influence which they bring, are getting 
 more and more confined to a small section of the people. 
 The period to which we have now come sees the beginning 
 of the troubles caused by this difference between theory 
 and practice, leading up to the next great change whereby 
 both political parties, after fierce contests, fall under the 
 rule of one man as the only means of ending the strife. 
 
 "TRICLINIUM" CIPPUS AT ESTE. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF DISRUPTION, B.C. 150-120. 
 
 I. The position and hardships of slaves. 2. Slave rising in Sicily. 
 3. The miserable state of Italy (B.C. 140). 4. Reform proposed 
 by Tib. Sempronius Gracchus. 5. Tib. Gracchus wishes to be 
 re-elected tribune ; his death in a riot. 6. Results of the fall of 
 7'ib. Gracchus. 7. The new province of Asia. 8. The tribunate 
 of Gaius Sempronius Gracchus ; his laws as to the law courts ; the 
 province of Asia; 'he distribution of corn and the soldiers ; his 
 public works and colonies. 9. The ordo equester. 10. Other 
 measures of Gaius Gracchus. II. The proposal to enfranchise the 
 Italians ', and the murder of Gaius Gracchus. 12. General restdts of 
 the movements and fall of the Gracchi. 
 
 i. Position of Slaves. It has been already noticed 
 that one of the effects of the numerous wars and conquests 
 on the part of the Romans had been the increase of slaves, 
 their consequent cheapness, and the extensive use of them 
 in cultivating the land. This was an evil in itself, since it 
 tended to withdraw free men from the country and to 
 increase the pauper population of the towns, but it also 
 involved more direct and immediate dangers. The position 
 of a town slave, often in personal attendance upon his 
 master, enjoying his confidence, and frequently possessed of 
 useful accomplishments, was not intolerable, though it put 
 him at the mercy of caprice, anger, and cruelty. But 
 considerable comfort and profit might be, and often were, 
 enjoyed by him, and he had before him the hope of 
 
 141 
 
142 SLAVE WARS. CH. 
 
 emancipation by favour or purchase as by no means an 
 unlikely reward for skill and fidelity. But the position of 
 the country slaves in many parts of Italy and Sicily was 
 much harder. The worst and most unruly slaves were 
 generally reserved for this service. They worked in gangs, 
 often in chains, and at night were shut up in slave-barracks 
 or ergastula^- which were practically prisons, and in which 
 the overseer could exercise any tyranny he chose unchecked. 
 There were no doubt masters who lived on their estates 
 and treated their slaves with humanity, and in some parts 
 of Italy the practice of working slaves in fetters never 
 obtained ; but in others, especially the south, ergastula were 
 so common as to become a danger, not only by the con- 
 gregating of so many men rendered desperate by crime or 
 suffering, but as affording unscrupulous masters the power 
 of entrapping and withdrawing from freedom men over 
 whom they had no legal right. 
 
 2. Rising of Slaves in Sicily, B.C. 139 and B.C. 109. 
 The result was a number of outbreaks of slaves in various 
 parts of Italy and Greece about this time. But the most 
 serious of all was the rising in Sicily, where not only had a 
 large number of natives been reduced to slavery, but owing 
 to the profitable nature of the corn lands, often owned by 
 absentee Roman landlords, large importations of slaves 
 from the east had taken place. The conduct of their 
 owners, Roman and Sicilian, seemed to court danger. For 
 the slaves were left without proper supplies of food and 
 clothing, and encouraged to supply their necessities by open 
 brigandage. They were therefore prepared for violence, 
 and ready to exact vengeance for their sufferings. It began 
 in B.C. 139, under the leadership of a Syrian slave named 
 Eunus, who had gained influence among his fellows by 
 professing to have magic powers. Finding himself soon 
 
 1 Connected with e/rydfb/xcu, 'to work on a farm,' whence Mommsen 
 deduces that the use of the ergastulum came from the Greek Sicilians. 
 
xi, STATE OF ITALY. 143 
 
 at the head of a large force he seized Henna, and was 
 proclaimed king. Runaway slaves joined him from all 
 parts, and they scoured the country, plundering and slaying. 
 One praetor after another sustained defeat at their hands, 
 and even a consul with a regular consular army fared no 
 better. Finally they seized Tauromenium and fortified 
 themselves there (B.C. 132), but were eventually starved out 
 by P. Rupilius. A new constitution was provided for Sicily 
 under a lex Rupilia^ and some of those who had been 
 illegally enslaved were released. But the condition of 
 the slaves was not much improved, and thirty years later 
 there were outbreaks again in Campania and Sicily. In 
 the latter once more a slave, Tryphon, was proclaimed king, 
 and gathered a large army not only of other slaves, but of 
 poor men and fliers from justice, and doing great damage 
 on the Leontine plains, held out for three years. They 
 were at length subdued by M'. Aquillius in B.C. 101-100: 
 and were so strictly forbidden the use of arms that L. 
 Domitius Ahenobarbus, praetor in B.C. 96, crucified a 
 slave for killing a wild boar with a hunting spear. 
 
 3. Miserable State of Italy. The decrease of the 
 rural free population and the increase of poverty in Italy 
 by the side of great wealth and luxury had, as we have 
 seen, been for some time becoming serious. It is said to 
 have attracted the observation of Tiberius Sempronius 
 Gracchus as he was journeying through the country on 
 his way to Spain, where he served as quaestor in B.C. 137. 
 The country was cultivated by gangs of slaves, and 
 seemed bare of free inhabitants, while the towns, and 
 especially Rome itself, were crowded with citizens 
 struggling with poverty. As he afterwards expressed it, 
 / ' The wild beasts of Italy had lairs and sleeping places, 
 but those who fought and died for her had no share of 
 anything but air and light.' The problem is one which 
 has often recurred : how to get the people back to the 
 
I44 TIBERIUS GRACCHUS. CH. 
 
 land? Great estates had spread out in every direction, 
 but the small farmer or peasant proprietor had disappeared 
 or was rapidly disappearing. 
 
 4. Legislation of Tiberius Gracchus. Gracchus 
 was a young man of high family and his sympathies might 
 be expected to be with the rich. He was son of the 
 Sempronius Gracchus who had done so much to pacify 
 Spain in B.C. 179, and of Cornelia, daughter of the elder 
 Africanus, who was famous for her dignity of character 
 and literary accomplishments, and who had devoted her- 
 self to the education of her sons. Tiberius and Gaius 
 were the only survivors of a large family, and had already 
 shown that they possessed powers of eloquence and energy 
 of character worthy of their high descent. As Tiberius 
 reflected on the distress in Italy, and its causes, it occurred 
 to him that it might partly be remedied by means of 
 the public land (ager publicus) the land which in various 
 parts of conquered Italy had remained nominally in the 
 ownership of the State. According to the law the amount 
 of this land that any one man might hold was strictly 
 limited, as well as the number of cattle and sheep which 
 he might feed on the pastures. But such regulations had 
 been allowed to fall into abeyance. Sometimes the land 
 had been granted to the holders (pdssessores) on such easy 
 terms, that the idea of undisputed ownership naturally 
 grew up, and the small payment to the State came to be 
 regarded rather as a tax than a rent. It had often 
 changed hands by sale, had mortgages upon it, or was 
 the subject of marriage settlements. To disturb the holders 
 would raise deep resentment, and more than one attempt 
 to do so had failed. Yet this is <what Gracchus deter- 
 mined to do. He was elected tribune for B.C. 133, after 
 his return from Spain, where he had distinguished himself 
 in the Numantine war, and immediately brought forward 
 his scheme of legislation. He first proposed that holders 
 
xi. LAND MEASURES OF TIB. GRACCHUS. 145 
 
 of more than the legal amount of the public land (500 
 jugera, with 250 for each son) should surrender the surplus 
 and receive a fair compensation : a commission was to be 
 appointed to distribute the land, and the people who received 
 the allotments (for which they would pay a small rent) 
 were to be forbidden to sell them, lest they should again 
 be bought up by the rich. But the landholders were not 
 conciliated by the offer of compensation, and they per- 
 suaded one of his colleagues in the tribuneship, M. Octavius, 
 to veto the proposal being brought before the people. 
 Then Gracchus brought in another law without the com- 
 pensating clauses, and when Octavius again vetoed it, 
 Gracchus first retaliated by stopping all public business 
 by his veto, and finally caused Octavius to be deposed 
 by a vote of the people. This last measure was quite 
 unconstitutional ; for a tribune's authority could not law- 
 fully be resisted during his year of office, though he might 
 be impeached afterwards. However it was done. Gracchus 
 brought in his law and got it passed, and a commission 
 of three was named to decide what land was ' public land ' 
 and to divide it out. This was a novelty, which secured the 
 execution of the law, whereas other laws of the same sort 
 had not been really carried out. The men who got the 
 allotments were to have grants of money from the treas- 
 ures of king Attalus of Pergamus, who had died the year 
 before, leaving all his wealth to the Romans. 
 
 5. Fall of Tiberius Gracchus, B.C. 133. Gracchus 
 attempted to get people on his side by other proposals, such 
 as limiting the length of military service, and allowing the 
 equites, or rich middle class, to sit on juries that tried 
 governors of provinces accused of extortion. But in order 
 to carry these laws, and to see to the proper execution of 
 his agrarian laws, he "wished to be re-elected tribune for 
 the next year. It was doubtful whether this was lawful, 
 and the Senate determined to resist. Two of the tribes, 
 
 K 
 
146 MURDER OF TIB. GRACCHUS. CH. 
 
 had already voted, when the presiding tribune postponed 
 the election because of the Senate's protest. The next day- 
 there was great excitement and uproar, and the Senate 
 passed a vote authorizing the consuls to suppress the riot. 1 
 While this was passing in the Senate, a report was brought 
 that the followers of Gracchus, armed with clubs and 
 broken benches, were congregated on the Capitol, and that 
 -Gracchus, addressing them, had been seen to raise his 
 hand to his head. He had really meant by this, as he 
 could not make himself heard, to indicate that his life was 
 in danger. But his enemies explained it to mean that he was 
 asking for a crown. Thereupon one of the extreme party, 
 Scipio Nasica, called on the consul to put ' the tyrant ' to 
 death. The consul refused to execute a citizen uncon- 
 demned. ' Then,' shouted Scipio, ' since the consul deserts 
 the State, let the friends of the constitution follow me ! ' 
 Many senators, rolling their togas round their arms by way 
 of shields, rushed out to the area in front of the temple of 
 Jupiter, and in the general melee Gracchus was struck 
 down and killed. Popular feeling was so greatly in favour 
 of Gracchus, and Scipio Nasica was so hated for his share 
 in this riot, that, though he was Pontifex Maximus, he was 
 obliged to leave Rome. It was an evil example set by the 
 nobles, and recoiled on themselves afterwards ; but for the 
 moment the senatorial party triumphed. 
 
 6. Results of the Fall of Tiberius Gracchus. 
 The body of Gracchus was thrown into the Tiber, and 
 many of his followers were brought to trial by the consuls 
 of B.C. 132 and condemned. The land commission also, 
 
 a This was called senatus consultum ultiiiium, 'final decree of the 
 Senate.' It was in the form videant consules etc. ne quid detrimenti 
 respublica capiat, ' let the consuls [and other magistrates] see that the 
 Republic take no harm.' It was held to give the consuls absolute power 
 of life and death, like that of the Dictators in the old times, though 
 there was really no legal ground for this. 
 
xi. THE LAND COMMISSION SUSPENDED 147 
 
 which was still at work and on which a partisan of 
 Gracchus, M. Fulvius Flaccus, took his place, while that of 
 his father-in-law, Appius Claudius, who died in B.C. 132, 
 was filled by C. Papirius Carbo before long was brought 
 to a standstill. At first it had dealt only with public land 
 held by full citizens ; but a good deal was also held by Italians 
 from various causes, and when the commissioners began 
 to touch this, the Italians objected on the ground that, 
 not having the privileges of citizens, they should not be 
 involved in their disadvantages. Their cause was supported 
 by the younger Scipio Africanus, who carried an order in the 
 Senate transferring the decision in cases of dispute from 
 the commissioners to the consuls ; and this seems to have 
 practically put an end to their proceedings. Shortly after 
 this, Scipio Africanus, who had been on the day before 
 addressing the people, and had been enthusiastically 
 received, was found dead in his bed, not without grave 
 suspicion of an assassination to which Carbo was privy. 
 Nothing, however, was ever proved. His death (B.C. 129) 
 removed a moderating influence. The party which had 
 supported Tiberius Gracchus now formed a regular opposi- 
 tion to the nobles or Optimates, who kept power and office 
 to themselves as much as they could ; and the younger 
 Gracchus was soon to come forward as the leader of this 
 opposition. 
 
 \ 7, Asia a Province, B.C. 129. Meanwhile a new 
 province was added to the Roman empire, the management 
 of which gave a great field to the greed both of the senators 
 and equites, and caused much dissension between them 
 afterwards. The will of king Attalus of Pergamus (which 
 has been partly preserved) left the Romans his personal 
 wealth and estates, and also, it seems, the right to the tax 
 paid to him from his various dominions, most of which 
 had originally been given to the ruler of Pergamus by 
 the Romans after the defeat of Antiochus. The internal 
 
148 THE PROVINCE OF ASIA. CH. 
 
 ' government of Pergamus was to be free. At first the 
 Romans were content with this, and even lowered the tax. 
 But a pretender appeared Aristonicus, a natural son of 
 king Eumenes, the predecessor of Attalus, who claimed 
 the sovereignty and all its rights. The Romans took three 
 years to conquer him, and one at least of their generals 
 showed himself corrupt, and was beaten in a disgraceful 
 manner. At length he was defeated and brought to Rome, 
 and the Senate determined to form the dominions of 
 Attalus into a province to be called Asia. M'. Aquillius 
 was sent out to settle it, but behaved with such dishonesty 
 that he was impeached on his return, and only got off by 
 bribery. These acts of misconduct by nobles sent out to 
 fight or govern made the opposition more determined than 
 ever to bring about some change. Gaius Gracchus there- 
 fore had both an opportunity and a party ready to support 
 his reforms. 
 
 8. Gaius Sempronius Gracchus, B.C. 123-121. The 
 measures of Tiberius Gracchus had been chiefly directed 
 to the relief of poverty by means of the public land. 
 Though his deposition of his colleague and his attempt to 
 be re-elected tribune (which cost him his life) had been 
 somewhat revolutionary, he had no deliberate scheme for 
 changing the constitution or lowering the position of the 
 Senate. But Gaius Gracchus (tribune from December B.C. 
 123 to December B.C. 122) introduced measures which, 
 though not properly speaking revolutionary either, were of 
 much more far-reaching effect, and were intended to shift 
 power from the Senate, and the families who were getting 
 exclusive possession of office, to the middle class, the 
 equestrian order, as it now came to be called. 
 
 9. The Ordo Equester and the Judicia. The 
 'equites,' originally serving as cavalry in the Roman army, 
 and divided for voting purposes into eighteen centuries, had 
 always been the wealthiest men in the country. As the 
 
XL THE ORDO EQUESTER. I49 
 
 number of wealthy men increased there were many 
 possessed of the equestrian census (400,000 sesterces) 
 who could not get admission to the eighteen centuries, 
 and who, while cavalry service was still required of them, 
 served on their own horse (equo private] instead of the 
 * public horse ' supplied to those in the privileged centuries. 
 When they ceased to really form the cavalry, the custom 
 of having the equus publicus was still maintained ; and also 
 those rich men who wished to serve their ten campaigns 
 in order to qualify for office, but were not in the centuries, 
 still did so on their own horse. Thus in time all men 
 who had the required census, and were thus capable of 
 doing their military service either on a public or private 
 horse, were spoken of generally as the ordo equester. As 
 the senators and their sons were excluded from com- 
 mercial enterprises, the members of this order had 
 generally undertaken public contracts, collection of pay- 
 ments from mines, public land, and the like. Only those 
 however who had the equus publicus, or had served on 
 their own horse (privates), were legally recognized. Those 
 who had not had the horse or had not so served were 
 not legally equites at all. Yet all who had the equestrian 
 census (equal to that of the first ' class ') were conven- 
 tionally included under the general title of the ordo 
 equester. But the law of Gracchus gave them legal 
 recognition : for up to this time quaestiones ordered by the 
 people were formed by the Senate, and senators alone 
 sat on them as jurors or indices. There was only one 
 permanent quaestio as yet, the quaestio de repetundis, or 
 court for trying cases of malversation in the provinces. 
 This only applied to senators, because the governors, 
 being all ex-praetors or ex-consuls, were, with their 
 legati, members of the Senate. Gracchus and his party 
 thought it unfair that accused persons who were always 
 senators should be tried only by senators, most of whom 
 
I 5 o THE IUDICIA AND PUBLICANI. CH. 
 
 hoped some day to have similar chances of enriching 
 themselves. His lex iudidaria therefore ordered that 
 in making up the list of indices (album iudicuni] for 
 these trials the praetor should only enter names of 
 those of the first class who were not senators. This 
 included what was now reckoned as the ordo equester, 
 and so the only title to be reckoned in that order 
 henceforth was the census of the first class, or equestrian 
 census. When other quaestiones were established after- 
 wards, up to the time of Sulla, a similar clause was 
 inserted in the laws, so that the equites got entire control 
 of the courts. It did not turn out to be a good regulation, 
 for many of the equites held public contracts in the 
 provinces, and if the governor of the province tried to 
 control their extortions, their fellow equites at Rome were 
 apt to join them in their revenge by condemning the 
 governor when impeached at home. 
 
 10. Other Measures of Gaius Gracchus. Gracchus 
 also at once promoted the interests of this order by throwing 
 open the new province of Asia to their enterprise. At first 
 the taxes in Asia (at a reduced rate) were collected locally : 
 but he now made the reduction of the country after the 
 war with Aristonicus an excuse for selling the taxes, like 
 other contracts, to the highest bidders at Rome. That 
 is to say, certain companies of publicani paid the treasury 
 a fixed sum, trusting to make a great profit by collecting 
 the tenths of the produce, the rents of the public pastures, 
 and the customs. Farther, he carried a law which deprived 
 the Senate of another hold possessed by them over the 
 government of the provinces. The consuls and praetors 
 drew lots for the provinces which they were to hold during 
 or after their year of office ; but the Senate had been used 
 to settle which were to be drawn for by the consuls, and 
 which by the praetors. Thus if a consul were in office 
 whom the senators disliked, only the less important pro- 
 
xi. LEGISLATION OF GAIUS GRACCHUS. 151 
 
 vinces might by a vote of the Senate be assigned to the 
 consuls of that year. The law of Gracchus ordered that this 
 arrangement as to the provinces should be made before and 
 not after the consular elections, thus preventing the 
 Senate from so manipulating the governorships. Again his 
 law de provocatione prevented the Senate from doing again 
 what they had done in the time of his brother, i.e. arming 
 the consuls with the power of life and death, by passing 
 the senatus consultum ultimum (p. 146, note) ; the law gave 
 every one the right of appeal to the people (provocatio), 
 even after this decree had been passed. 
 
 This curtailment of the Senate's powers of course roused 
 its indignation and opposition. But Gracchus was able 
 to defy it by purchasing the support of the Equites and the 
 Plebs. He secured the favour of the latter (i) by his corn 
 law, which provided for the distribution of corn somewhat 
 below the market price to all residents in Rome ; (2) by 
 a law relieving the common soldiers from the expense of 
 purchasing their arms and clothing, and it seems also, by 
 allowing an appeal from sentence of death in the army; 
 (3) by providing work for many in building roads and 
 bridges, which also made easier the transport of farming 
 produce ; and (4) by proposing a number of new colonies 
 where landless men could get allotments of land, such 
 as Fregellae (under the name of Fabrateria), which had 
 been ruined in a recent rebellion; at Tarentum under 
 the name of Neptunia; at Capua; and at Carthage to be 
 called lunonia. 
 
 ii. Death of Gaius Gracchus, B.C. 121. Up to 
 this time Gracchus had carried all before him ; he had won 
 to his side the equites, and the common people, and was 
 influential even in the Senate. But of course the majority 
 of the Senate disliked his laws and himself; and were 
 only waiting to strike a blow at both. The opportunity 
 came when he made his next great proposal, to admit 
 
1 5 2 FALL OF GAIUS GRACCHUS. CH. 
 
 the Italians to citizenship. This was now desired by the 
 Italians, because it gave them protection against the sen- 
 tences of magistrates both at home and in the army; 
 the right of claiming a share in allotments of land, and 
 (if at Rome) in distributions of corn; and the right to 
 be candidates for Roman magistracies. But the pro- 
 posal was likely to arouse jealousy among the very classes 
 of citizens whom his other measures had won over. The 
 Senate therefore seized the opportunity. They set up 
 one of his fellow tribunes, M. Livius Drusus, to out- 
 bid him for popular favour. Drusus proposed twelve 
 colonies, the remission of the rent on lands allotted 
 in the ager publicus, with a revocation of the regulation 
 against their sale ; and, lastly, as a concession to Italians, 
 the protection of socii in the army from flogging on the 
 order of Roman officers. This was a compromise by 
 which the Senate hoped to avoid some of the worst evils 
 that they foresaw from the laws of Gracchus. The colonies 
 would be slow in forming, and, as a matter of fact, hardly 
 any of them were actually made. The permission to 
 alienate land would result in it again getting into few hands, 
 and the concession to the Italians would perhaps prevent 
 the question of their enfranchisement being brought forward 
 for some time. The manoeuvre was successful; the bill 
 was passed, and that of Gracchus for giving citizenship 
 to the Italians rejected. Gracchus ceased to be tribune 
 on the zoth Dec., B.C. 122, and early in the next year (B.C. 
 121), a tribune named Municius proposed that the founda- 
 tion of the new colony lunonia, on the site of Carthage, the 
 law for which had been carried by Gracchus, and which he 
 had personally superintended, should be stopped, on the 
 ground of the curse pronounced upon the rebuilding of 
 Carthage by Scipio, at the time of its destruction. The 
 project was offensive to many of those who otherwise 
 supported Gracchus, because Italians were invited to take 
 
xi. TRIUMPH OF THE ARISTOCRATS. 153 
 
 part in the colony : still the extreme partisans of Gracchus, 
 led by M. Fulvius Flaccus, determined to resist the passing 
 of this law. On the first day the Comitia were put off on 
 pretext of rain, after the two opposite mobs had come to 
 blows and one man had been killed. On the next day 
 the Senate declared that there was a riot, and passed the 
 usual decree (videant consules, etc. 1 ), and when the followers 
 of Gracchus, or rather of Fulvius Flaccus, occupied the 
 Aventine, the Senate declared both Gracchus and Fulvius 
 Flaccus public enemies (hostes\ and offered a reward for 
 their heads ; and the consul with a company of soldiers 
 and some Cretan archers went to attack them on the 
 Aventine. Gracchus tried to escape, but was overtaken 
 and killed in the Grove of the Furies on laniculum. 
 Fulvius took refuge in a bath, but was also dragged out 
 and killed. Many fell in the encounter, and 3000 were 
 afterwards condemned by a commission presided over by 
 the consul, L. Opimius. 
 
 12. Results of the Movement, and of the Murder 
 of the Gracchi. The aristocrats had triumphed for 
 the present, and used their triumph unmercifully. But 
 the death of Gracchus caused a revulsion in popular feeling, 
 and his opponents did not venture to repeal his laws. The 
 colonial schemes however came to almost nothing. Carthage 
 was not now made a colony, though citizens already there 
 retained their lands. None of Livius's proposed colonies 
 were made. Neptunia alone of those proposed by 
 Gracchus nourished on the site of Tarentum. Livius's 
 law allowing the sale of allotments was passed, and before 
 long these lands became free of rent, and in all respects 
 freehold property, though a ]arge tract of country in 
 Campania still remained ager publicus, and was let to 
 tenants. The defeat of the policy of Gaius Gracchus as 
 to the admission of Italians to the civitas led to the Social 
 1 See p. 146. 
 
I 54 DEFECTS IN THE POLICY OF G. GRACCHUS. CH. xi. 
 
 War of B.C. 90. The plan of extra-Italian colonies was 
 carried out many years afterwards with good results ; but 
 it cannot be said that his legislation on the whole was 
 favourable to internal peace or good government. The 
 Equites proved more venal as jurymen than the Senators; 
 the distribution of cheap corn exhausted the treasury 
 without adequately relieving the poor, and was extremely 
 mischievous in its effects; the arrangement as to the col- 
 lecting the taxes in Asia made the Romans hated there, 
 and did much to bring on the war with Mithridates ; and 
 a permanent quarrel or opposition was started between the 
 Senate and the Equites, which helped on the civil war, 
 ending in the rule of a single master. On the other 
 hand, the murder of the two brothers and many of their 
 followers in riots provoked by the nobles, and the judicial 
 murder of many more in the trials which took place 
 afterwards, set an example of violence and bloody party 
 contests which rebounded upon these nobles themselves 
 with disastrous results. Many therefore, with some reason, 
 regard the agitation of the Gracchi as the beginning of 
 the fall of the Republic. 
 
 HEAD OF JANUS. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE RISE OF MARIUS. 
 
 i . Formation of the Province in Gallia Transalpine. 2. The Cimbri 
 and Teuton.es appear on the northern frontier of Italy. 3. The war 
 with Jugurtha. 4. Effect of the Jugurthine war on Roman 
 politics. 5. Destruction of the Teutones and Cimbri. 6. Great 
 position of Marius. 
 
 i. Gallia Transalpina, B.C. 118. The struggles which 
 the Romans had maintained year after year with the Ligur- 
 ians in order to command North-west Italy and secure a safe 
 road to Spain, now brought them beyond the Alps, and 
 led to the formation of a province in Transalpine Gaul. 
 This embraced the greater part of south-eastern France, 
 from the Lake of Geneva on the north, to the Gulf of 
 Lyons and the Pyrenees on the south, and was bounded 
 on the east by the Alps, and on the west by the Cevennes 
 and the Upper Garonne. As opposed to the rest of 
 Gaul it was spoken of as 'the Province,' a name which 
 has survived in the modern Provence. Its acquisition was 
 brought about by help given to Massilia (long in alliance 
 with Rome) against the neighbouring barbarians, and it 
 began as usual with military occupation, and the founding 
 of towns to form military headquarters, such as Aquae 
 Sextiae (Aix) in B.C. 122-1 by C. Sextius Calvinus. When 
 the province was formed in B.C. 118, Narbo Martius 
 
156 THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONES. CH. 
 
 (Narbonne) was made a Roman colony to be its capital, 
 Massilia remaining a 'free state' in alliance with Rome. 
 
 2. The Cimbri, B.C. 113. But, while the Romans were 
 thus securing the north-west frontier of Italy and farther 
 extending their Empire and securing the sea from piracy, 
 by annexing the Balearic Islands (Majorca and Minor ca\ 
 and putting down risings in Dalmatia and among the 
 barbarous tribes round Macedonia, a new and terrible danger 
 threatened the Province of Gaul and the northern frontier of 
 Italy both on the west and east. This was the appearance of 
 the Cimbri, coming from the neighbourhood of Jutland, 
 and joined by a German tribe called the Teu tones. For 
 years they hung like a cloud on the northern frontiers of 
 Italy. They defeated one Roman army under Cn. Papirius 
 Carbo near Noreia (Neumarkt in Styria) in B.C. 113, and 
 another under M. Junius Silanus, in B.C. 109, and still 
 another under Q. Servilius Caepio near Tolosa (Toulouse] 
 in B.C. 1 06, their allies the Tigurini having defeated and 
 slain L. Cassius Longinus in the previous year. They 
 then separated into two great invading hosts, the Teutones 
 were to invade Italy by way of the province of Gaul, the 
 Cimbri were to go east into the Tyrol, and enter Italy 
 by the Brenner Pass along the Athesis (Adige), and the 
 two hosts were to unite again in the valley of the Po. 
 For a time the threatened invasion was postponed by the 
 Teutones making a fruitless expedition into Spain, but for 
 nearly ten years it was a danger ever present to the minds 
 of the Romans. 
 
 3. The Jugurthine War, B.C. 112-106. Contem- 
 poraneous with the threatened invasion of the Cimbri and 
 Teutones was a long and difficult ; struggle in Africa. 
 Masannasa died in B.C. 149, leaving his kingdom of 
 Numidia between three sons Micipsa, Gulussa, and Mas- 
 tanabal. The two latter died, and Micipsa reigned alone 
 till B.C. 1 1 8. On his death he left his dominions between 
 
xii. JUGURTHA. 157 
 
 two sons Adherbal and Hiempsal and Jugurtha, a 
 natural son of his brother Mastanabal. Jugurtha was 
 accomplished in all manly exercises, and had served with 
 credit with the Romans at Numantia, and made many 
 friends among the Roman nobles. He had the qualities 
 to win favour, and the cunning to conceal his unscrupulous 
 ambition till the time came for gratifying it. He had 
 learnt, it is said, from intercourse with Roman nobles that 
 anything could be got at Rome for money; and, trusting 
 to be able by this means to do anything he chose without 
 interference from the Senate, he resolved to destroy his 
 cousins and rule alone. He first got rid of Hiempsal by 
 assassination, and bribed the commissioners sent from Rome 
 to divide the kingdom between himself and his other cousin, 
 Adherbal ; and finally picked a quarrel with him also, be- 
 sieged him in Cirta, and, having forced him to surrender, 
 caused him to be murdered. All this was done in spite of N 
 several commissions sent from Rome with orders to force 
 Jugurtha to submit to their arbitration; and such great 
 indignation was caused at Rome by the idea that these 
 commissioners had been bribed, that the Senate was forced 
 for shame to order one of the consuls to enrol an army 
 and proceed to Numidia (B.C. in). But for the first two 
 years little was done, and the consuls and their legati so 
 notoriously took Jugurtha's gold, that a public investigation 
 was demanded, and Jugurtha brought to Rome with a safe 
 conduct to give evidence. There he pursued his course 
 of bribery ; but was eventually obliged to fly secretly from 
 the city when it became known that he had secured the 
 assassination of his cousin, Massiva, whom it was proposed 
 to set up in his stead. In B.C. 109-108 the war was pro- 
 secuted by Q. Caecilius Metellus with more success, and, at 
 any rate, without suspicion of corruption. But the chief 
 credit of this success fell to his legatus, C. Marius, a man of 
 obscure birth, but who had already distinguished himself at 
 
158 THE JUGURTHINE WAR AND RESULTS CH. 
 
 Numantia, and had been tribune, praetor, and propraetor in 
 Spain. He was married to lulia, aunt of Caesar, the future 
 Dictator, and was looked upon as a leader of the popular 
 party. Encouraged by the favour of the soldiers and by 
 predictions of fortune-tellers, whom he was fond of con- 
 sulting, he demanded leave to go to Rome and stand for 
 the consulship. Having taken care that it should be 
 known in Rome that he thought Metellus might have been 
 more energetic in the war, he was elected, and returned 
 in B.C. 107 to take command, with L. Sulla as his quaestor 
 to follow with the cavalry, who was afterwards destined to 
 be his great opponent and the leader in a political reaction 
 which was to undo much of the work of Gaius Gracchus. 
 Marius acted with great energy and success ; but, after all, 
 Jugurtha was not conquered, but was delivered into the 
 hands of Sulla by the treachery of his friend and ally, 
 Bocchus, king of Mauretania (B.C. 106). He was taken 
 to Rome to adorn the triumph of Marius, and afterwards, 
 with his two sons, thrust into the vault of the Mamertine 
 prison, and there left to starve. Numidia was handed over 
 to his cousin, Hiempsal II. 
 
 4. Effects of the Jugurthine War on Roman 
 Politics. Two results of this war it is necessary to note. 
 First, the corruption and mismanagement of several of the 
 consuls and their legati did a great deal to ruin the credit 
 of the aristocratic faction, and to bring into prominence 
 a popular party of opposition, which aimed at lowering the 
 prestige of the Senate and getting a fuller share of office 
 and the wealth that office now brought. Secondly, in 
 regard to the army. Though, since the introduction of 
 pay, men serving in the army had come more and more 
 to regard it as a profession instead of a duty to the State, 
 after performing which they had returned to their usual way 
 of life, yet military service was still in a sense a privilege 
 not open to every one. All whose property was below the 
 
xii. DESTRUCTION OF THE CIMBRI. 159 
 
 census of the fifth class were still excluded. But in form- 
 ing his army for the Jugurthine war, Marius neglected this 
 custom, and enrolled all freemen without distinction; and 
 thus made a military career more the profession of a man's 
 whole life, from which he looked to get support and main- 
 tenance after he had served his time. 
 
 5. Destruction of the Teutones and Cimbri, B.C. 
 104-101. By the time that Jugurtha had been taken, the 
 danger from the Cimbri and Teutones was becoming 
 imminent ; the defeat and destruction of Q. Servilius Caepio 
 in the Province took place in the next year (B.C. 105), 
 during which Marius was still in Africa as proconsul. In 
 great alarm the people resolved to elect Marius again consul 
 for B.C. 104, and send him against the Teutones in the 
 Province, whilst Q. Lutatius Catulus was sent to resist 
 the Cimbri in the east, who were about to enter Italy by 
 the Brenner Pass. During this year and the next nothing 
 was done, for the Teutones and Ambrones were engaged 
 in a fruitless expedition into Spain, and were not ready for 
 a forward movement. At length, late in B.C. 102, Marius 
 found them encamped near Aquae Sextiae (Aix) and deter- 
 mined to give them battle. There were two days' fighting ; 
 the first with the Ambrones was brought on by a struggle 
 for the possession of a stream, and ended in the capture 
 of their laager of wagons, which the women defended as 
 desperately as the men ; and a second with the Teutones. 
 Both were defeated with immense slaughter. More than 
 100,000 are said to have fallen, the plains on which 
 they lay produced extraordinary harvests for some seasons 
 afterwards, and the people of Massilia are said to have 
 used the bleeding bones to fence their vineyards. Even 
 now remnants of the battle are found, and the village of 
 Les Pourrieres (campi putridi) recalls the memory of the 
 slaughter. 
 
 Meanwhile the Cimbri had descended the Adige into 
 
160 GREAT POSITION OF MARIUS. CH. xn. 
 
 Italy, and forced Catulus to retreat south of the Po. In 
 B.C. 1 01 Marius, now consul for the fifth time, hastened to 
 meet Catulus as he marched up the right bank of the Po. 
 while the Cimbri were marching up the left bank to meet 
 as they thought their allies the Teutones, of whose destruc- 
 tion at Aquae Sextiae they were not fully informed. The 
 Romans, crossing the upper Po, met them in the Raudian 
 Plains near Vercellae, and again won a great victory. The 
 whole horde seems to have been destroyed, and the women 
 killed themselves with their children. 
 
 6. Great Position of Marius. Thus the danger 
 that had been overshadowing Italy for twelve years was 
 dispelled. Marius was the hero of the hour, and his 
 success as a soldier gave him for the moment immense 
 political power. For already scenes of violence at elections 
 and legislative assemblies were becoming common, and the 
 popular party were beginning to look to the army as 
 ultimately the means of enforcing their aims and of securing 
 the reforms which they desired. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CIVIL WARS (FIRST PERIOD, B.C. 100-83). 
 
 i. Political parties at Rome ; the Optimates and Popular es. 2. Policy 
 and death of Saiurninus. 3. The origin of the Marsic or Social 
 War. 4. The course and result of the Social War. 5. The 
 Sulpician laws ; rivalry of Marius and Sulla. 6. The flight of 
 Marius. *j. Return of Marius to Rome ; the massacre of the 
 Optimates. 8. Death of Marius and policy of Cinna. 9. The 
 Optimates take refuge in Sulla's camp. 
 
 i. Political Parties at Rome. We come now to a 
 period of Roman history in which the division of parties 
 became so bitter as to lead to civil war, and even, when 
 there was not actually civil war, to scenes of violence 
 and bloodshed. We may call the two parties the aristo- 
 cratic and the popular, or, as they presently began to be 
 called, the Optimates ('partisans of the best'), and the 
 Populares. The former wished to keep up the practical 
 monopoly of office enjoyed by certain families and to 
 strengthen the authority of the Senate. The Populares 
 wished to break down this monopoly and to bring all sorts 
 of details of government at home and in the provinces before 
 the popular assembly rather than leave them to the manage- 
 ment of the Senate. But the chief question which was now 
 in the front the admission of the Italians to citizenship 
 introduced a somewhat different division. The Optimates 
 were against it, as they were against any measure that 
 L 161 
 
1 62 THE ITALIANS AND THE CITIZENSHIP. CH. 
 
 tended to multiply voters at a distance from Rome ; but 
 the Populares were generally not in favour of it either, for 
 many of them were jealous of having their privileges shared 
 by others. So that the statesmen who usually led the Popu- 
 iares sometimes found that they were deserted by their own 
 followers on this point; and the Optimates used this 
 jealously to keep things as they were, and even to ruin 
 those who wanted to introduce changes too quickly. Thus 
 the Equites, who were constantly estranged from the 
 Senate on the question of the juries in trials for malversation, 
 sometimes acted with it in attacking a leader who desired 
 this measure. Marius was strongly in favour of the admis- 
 sion of the Italians, and in fact his reforms in the army 
 had made it almost inevitable. Not only had he, as we 
 have seen, admitted the lowest class of citizens (capite censi\ 
 and arranged them in the legions irrespective of their property 
 qualifications, but he had also done away with the distinction 
 of citizens and socii that is, he had allowed the Italians 
 to serve in the legions instead of under their own officers, 
 making the number in the legions 6000 instead of 3000 
 (plus an equal number of socii) as before. When these 
 men served side by side with citizens in the legions it 
 must have seemed intolerable to them that they should 
 not have the same rights. As a matter of fact service in 
 the army became one of the ways of obtaining citizenship, 
 which Marius, for instance, on one occasion bestowed as 
 a reward on 1000 men of Camerinum, excusing himself 
 by saying that in the midst of arms he could not hear 
 the laws. But though Marius possessed the confidence 
 of the army and therefore was looked up to as necessary 
 for the popular cause, he was in many ways unsuited to 
 be a political leader, and presently lost credit with both 
 sides. 
 
 2. Policy and Death of Saturninus, B.C. 101-100. 
 The first important outbreak was connected with L. 
 
xm. POLICY OF SATURNINUS. ^3 
 
 Appuleius Saturninus. He had once been of the party of 
 the Optimates, but had been, as he considered, injured 
 by them and had joined the Populares. He tried to make 
 a coalition of three to consist of himself, Marius, and 
 C. Servilius Glaucia, to get hold of the chief offices, and 
 thereby the control of legislation. After the murder of 
 his successful competitor for the tribuneship he was 
 elected tribune for B.C. 100, and immediately proposed laws 
 for the division of lands in Gallia Transalpina among 
 citizens, with a special clause forcing every senator to take 
 an oath of obedience to it. It was in regard to this that 
 Marius first lost men's confidence. As consul he told the 
 Senate that nothing would induce him to take such an oath, 
 but when the law was passed he immediately took it ; while 
 Metellus Numidicus, the most respected of the Optimates, 
 refused and went into exile. Saturninus proceeded to carry 
 laws for colonies in Sicily, Achaia, and Macedonia, in 
 which Italians were to share ; and, in order to reconcile the 
 Populares to this, he passed another law fixing the price of 
 distributed corn at one as for a modius, instead of allowing 
 it to vary with the market value. All these measures were 
 odious to the Senate, and were passed in spite of hostile 
 decrees in it. It was necessary to strain every nerve to 
 keep the coalition together if he was to push his legislation 
 farther. But Marius had incurred general contempt by his 
 vacillating conduct, and had no chance of being elected 
 a seventh time consul. Therefore Saturninus was all the 
 more anxious that the other member of the trio, Glaucia, 
 should obtain the consulship of B.C. 99. Accordingly his 
 most formidable rival, C. Memmius, was killed, and most 
 people believed that this was done at the instigation of 
 Saturninus. He and Glaucia and their followers found them- 
 selves in danger and took refuge on the Capitol. The 
 Senate voted them public enemies, and authorized Marius 
 as consul to arrest and punish them. Marius was thus in a 
 
T 64 ORIGIN OF THE SOCIAL WAR. CH. 
 
 difficulty; he did not wish to appear as a patron of murder 
 and disorder, and at the same time these men were his 
 friends and partisans. He tried to play a double game, 
 admitting emissaries of the Senate by one door and 
 members of the popular party by the other. But finally he 
 had to arrest them : and when he put them in the Curia for 
 safety a mob of Equites broke in and killed them a murder 
 expressly approved by the Senate. The whole policy of 
 Saturninus was disliked by the Senate; but it was his 
 proposal to give the Italians a share in the Gallic lands on 
 an equality with the citizens that armed the middle class 
 against him. 
 
 3. The Origin of the Marsic or Social War. But 
 though the policy of granting justice to the Italians was 
 thus checked, and though Marius had lost the credit 
 necessary for a party leader, the question was not dead. 
 It was brought into prominence again by the mistaken 
 zeal of the consuls for B.C. 95, L. Licinius Crassus and Q. 
 Mucius Scaevola, who, finding that many Italians had 
 obtained citizenship by doubtful means, or were exercising 
 its rights without legal authority, passed a law appointing a 
 commission of inquiry into such cases. This measure 
 showed the Italians that they were as far as ever from 
 getting the citizenship. Though no outbreak took place 
 immediately, secret communications were passing from city 
 to city, and preparations were being made for a combined 
 movement. In B.C. 91 one of the tribunes, M. Livius 
 Drusus, determined to bring about the enfranchisement of 
 the Italians. In order to get the necessary influence he 
 attempted to secure the favour of all parties, that of the 
 Senate and Equites, by proposing a compromise as to the 
 indicia, and that of the lower orders by proposing new 
 colonies in Italy and Sicily and new distributions of corn. 
 But he failed to please any of the orders, or to induce 
 them to stand by him. Jealousy of the Italians was too 
 
xin. THE SOCIAL OR MARSIC WAR. ^5 
 
 strong in all alike : and his sudden death (whether from 
 natural causes or assassination) left the question still 
 unsettled, and the city full of rumours of a secret conspiracy 
 organized in the Italian towns, in which certain Romans 
 of position were believed to be involved. Many were in 
 fact tried and condemned for treason (maiestas] under a 
 law proposed (B.C. 90) by the tribune, Q. Varius, but with 
 such violence and contempt of legal forms that a recall of 
 the 'Varian exiles' remained for some time a point in the 
 policy of the popular party. The actual war called some- 
 times the Social War, i.e. the war of the Italian socii, and 
 sometimes the Marsic War, because the Marsi took a 
 leading part in it was begun by an outbreak at Asculum in 
 Picenum. A Roman proconsul and his legate were there 
 murdered by the populace when he harangued them in 
 threatening terms as to their supposed complicity in a secret 
 conspiracy. This was followed by a massacre of Roman 
 citizens in the town ; and before long the old nationalities 
 which Rome had done its best to break up, divide, and 
 reduce to uniform subjection, showed that they still existed 
 and possessed a power of combination : the Vestini, Marsi, 
 Peligni, Marrucini, Samnites, and Lucani, all joined in the 
 movement, which spread like a conflagration from one end 
 of Italy to the other. 
 
 4. The Course and Result of the Social War, 
 B.C. 90-88. The war itself was a scattered one. But it 
 may be roughly divided into two departments of North- 
 Central Italy from Umbria to Picenum, and South Italy 
 from Picenum to Apulia. An attempt was made to form 
 an entirely new republic, with a new capital city at Cor- 
 finium, which was to be called Italica. A forum and 
 Senate house were planned, a Senate of 500 named, and 
 two consuls, with six legates apiece to conduct the war. 
 They were to attack Roman colonies wherever they were, 
 and such municipia as contained Roman garrisons or a large 
 
166 THE ITALIANS ENFRANCHISED. CH. 
 
 proportion of Roman citizens. The war is said to have 
 cost the lives of 300,000 men of military age in Italy. 
 One of the Roman consuls, L. lulius Caesar, was fre- 
 quently beaten in the south ; the other, P. Rutilius Lupus, 
 lost his life in battle in the country of the Marsi ; and, 
 though Marius, who was serving as Rutilius' legate, par- 
 tially retrieved the disaster, the first year's fighting was 
 generally in favour of the rebels, so much so that the 
 Umbrians and Etruscans, who had hitherto held aloof, 
 declared on their side. But the Umbrians were defeated, 
 and the timely concession of the lex lulia (carried by the 
 consul L. lulius Caesar in B.C. 90) pacified the Etruscans ; 
 for it gave the franchise to all Italian communities who 
 had not been in arms, and who would accept it. 1 
 
 The tide was turned in the next year (B.C. 89), mainly 
 by the victories of Sulla in the south, and of Gaius 
 Pompeius Strabo (father of Pompey the Great) in Central 
 Italy. Corfinium (Italica) was taken, and the seat of the 
 Italian government transferred to Bovianum, which Sulla 
 also took. The one town of importance that held out into 
 the year B.C. 88 was Asculum, the place where the war origin- 
 ated; and when it fell to Pompeius Strabo, little further 
 resistance was offered except by the Samnite forces at Nola, 
 in Campania. But the Romans were now wise enough to 
 remove completely the cause of the war. A vote of the 
 people, proposed by two tribunes C. Papirius Carbo and 
 Marcus Plautius Silvanus gave the full citizenship to 
 every member of a municipium or civitas foederata as far 
 north as the Po who, within two months, declared before 
 a praetor his desire to receive it; and another law, pro- 
 posed by Pompeius Strabo, gave the imperfect citizenship 
 (Latinitas) to all cities between the Po and the Alps. 
 From this time, though the government of the Empire 
 was still in theory that of a single city, where alone 
 
 1 These communities which accepted it were called Populi Fundi. 
 
xin. THE AGITATION OF SULPICIUS. 167 
 
 imperial magistrates could be elected, laws made, and 
 treaties confirmed, yet Rome and Italy are now one, or 
 rather Italy, as compared to the rest of the world, is an 
 extended Rome. 
 
 5. Rivalry of Sulla and Marius. The Sulpician 
 Laws, B.C. 88. The Social war had settled one difficulty, 
 and had united the whole of Italy in a common citizen- 
 ship ; but so far from lessening the differences between the 
 Optimates and the Populares, it had made them more 
 pronounced. For the Italian question had divided the 
 popular party, which could now once more unite and strive 
 for the objects at which it had always been aiming 
 the lowering the prestige of the Senate, and depriving the 
 noble families of the monopoly of office. In the very year 
 in which the war was ended (B.C. 88) one of the tribunes, 
 P. Sulpicius, brought in a series of measures, which the 
 Optimates regarded as revolutionary. The enfranchised 
 Italians were to be spread through all the thirty-five tribes, 
 and would thus influence an election much more than if, as 
 was at first proposed, they were confined to eight tribes; the 
 exiles condemned under the law of Varius (p. 165) were to 
 be recalled ; freedmen were also to be enrolled in any tribe, 
 and not, as before, in only the four urban tribes, thus 
 spreading their influence, and not concentrating it in the 
 city where the nobles had most power; bankruptcy was 
 to exclude a senator (thus weakening the influence of rich 
 senators, who controlled the poorer) ; and, lastly, Marius 
 instead of Sulla was to have command in the war with 
 Mithridates, king of Pontus, which was already begun. 
 This last order was a reversal of a decree of the Senate, 
 which had assigned the command to Sulla. To make such 
 appointments was a function usually left to the Senate, 
 but it could always be resumed by the people, and the 
 popular party aimed at doing so on every possible occa- 
 sion. The origin and course of this war must be left to 
 
168 FLIGHT OF MARIUS. CH. 
 
 another chapter. At present we must see how the quarrel 
 as to the chief command in it affected Roman politics. 
 The Senate resolved to resist the laws of Sulpicius; 
 but his followers appeared in arms, killed the son of one 
 of the consuls (Pompeius Rufus), and forced Sulla, the 
 other consul, to take refuge in the house of Marius, and 
 thence retire to the camp at Nola, where his army had been 
 stationed to complete the reduction of the Samnites, and 
 thence to go to Asia. The laws of Sulpicius were then 
 passed, but they were passed by violence, and Sulla was 
 determined that he would not submit to being superseded 
 by Marius in his command by such means. His army 
 was devoted to him, and ready to support his claim. The 
 tribunes sent by Marius to take over the command in his 
 name were murdered, and Sulla advanced on Rome, joined 
 by the other consul Pompeius Rufus. Sulpicius fled to 
 a villa outside the city, but was betrayed and put to death 
 by a slave, who was rewarded by emancipation, and then 
 hurled from the Tarpeian rock by Sulla's order. 
 
 6. Flight of Marius, B.C. 88-7. Marius escaped to Ostia, 
 where he found a ship and set sail. He was, however, forced 
 by a storm to land near Circeii, where he wandered help- 
 lessly, until, being warned by a peasant that horsemen were 
 scouring the country in search of him, he concealed himself 
 in the woods. Forced by hunger to descend to the beach, 
 he was again taken on board a vessel. The master of the 
 ship did not deliver him to the horsemen on the shore, 
 but, alarmed at the risk of what he was doing, insisted 
 on landing him near Minturnae. Making his way with 
 difficulty over the bogs and ditches of that marshy district, 
 he at last reached the hut of an old labourer, who concealed 
 him under a heap of reeds and wood. When the pursuers 
 arrived and threatened the old man, Marius in terror tried 
 to hide himself more completely in a pool of water, but 
 was dragged out covered with mud, and taken to Minturnae 
 
xiii. SULLA'S DEPARTURE FOR THE EAST. ^9 
 
 There the magistrates, after long deliberation, decided to 
 put him to death, and ordered a Gallic slave to do it. 
 But the slave remembered him in his glory during the 
 Cimbric War ; and when he entered the room, the well- 
 remembered form rose, the fierce eyes glared in the dim 
 light, and the stern voice of the old hero dismayed him. 
 He threw down the sword, and rushed from the room, 
 exclaiming, " I cannot kill Gaius Marius." The citizens of 
 Minturnae repented of their resolve, and decided to put 
 him again on board ship, and thus free themselves of the 
 difficulty. This time the wind was favourable, and he 
 touched at Aenaria (Ischid), where he found friends, and 
 thence crossed to Africa, whither his son had already made 
 his way in safety. He remained in the neighbourhood of 
 Carthage, and sent his son to ask the protection of 
 Hiempsal, king of Numidia, who owed his sovereignty to 
 Marius's victory over lugurtha. But that king, though 
 professing friendship, was secretly intending to gratify the 
 Sullan party by delivering up his suppliants ; while the 
 propraetor of the province of Africa insisted that they 
 should leave his province. They accordingly again took 
 ship and landed on the island Cercina, where they were 
 joined by other exiles of their party, and collected some 
 Mauritanian soldiers by promises of pay and future 
 rewards. 
 
 7. Marius returns to Rome, B.C. 87. Meanwhile at 
 Rome the course of affairs had made it possible for them to 
 think of returning and taking vengeance on their enemies. 
 Sulla and his colleagues on entering Rome from Nola at 
 the head of their troops, had at once proceeded to revoke 
 the laws of Sulpicius, to fill up and strengthen the Senate, 
 and to rearrange the centuries voting in the Comitia so as 
 to give those of the first class a preponderating influence ; 
 and to curb the power of the tribunes by renewing a 
 condition which had once been established by custom, 
 
I yo L. CORNELIUS CINNA. CH. 
 
 though not by law, that they should not propose bills in 
 the Comitia Tributa without previous sanction of the 
 Senate. This done, and the consuls elect for B.C. 87 
 being compelled to take an oath not to propose a reversal 
 of these regulations, he put the command of the troops 
 still employed near Nola in the hands of his two legati. 
 The army still on foot in Picenum remained under the 
 command of Pompeius Strabo : for Pompeius Rums, who 
 had been sent to supersede him, had been murdered by 
 the troops. Early in B.C. 87, therefore, Sulla left Italy for 
 Greece to carry on the war with Mithridates. No sooner 
 was he gone than the consul, L. Cornelius Cinna, proposed 
 to recall Marius and his friends, and at the same time to 
 complete the enfranchisement of the Italians by enrolling 
 them in the thirty-five tribes, as the law of Sulpicius had 
 done. His colleague, Gn. Octavius, resolved to resist. 
 Hearing that a crowd of armed Italians were in the Forum 
 to overawe the citizens into voting for Cinna's bill, and 
 were driving opposing tribunes from the rostra, he led an 
 armed force into the Forum, killed many of the rioters, 
 and drove the rest through the gates. Cinna fled, was 
 declared by the Senate a public enemy, and no longer 
 consul. But he found support in many Italian towns, 
 and was joined by a great part of the army at Nola, and 
 at Capua found himself at the head of considerable 
 forces. The news of these events determined Marius to 
 return to Italy; and as soon as he landed in Etruria, 
 Cinna, as consul, nominated him as his legate with pro- 
 consular power. Two other of Cinna's legates, Q. Sertorius 
 and Cn. Papirius Carbo, were also at the head of troops 
 from Campania. There were, therefore, four armies 
 advancing on Rome. The consul Octavius and the Senate 
 in alarm sent to Sulla's legates Metellus and Appius 
 Claudius from Nola, and Pompeius Strabo from Picenum, 
 to come to their defence. They came, but a great part 
 
xiii. RETURN OF MARIUS. I7I 
 
 of their forces joined Cinna ; Metellus, refusing to take 
 command at Rome, retired from Italy ; while Appius 
 Claudius submitted to the invaders. The walls were in a 
 dilapidated state, unfit to stand a siege. Pompeius Strabo 
 fought an indecisive battle near the Colline gate with 
 Sertorius, but was soon afterwards killed by lightning ; 
 and when Marius advancing along the Appian road (for 
 he had come to Ostia, thence to Antium, and then up the 
 Appian road to Arsia) joined Cinna on the laniculum, 
 the Senate humbled itself to invite Cinna and Marius 
 into the city, only begging that they would spare the lives 
 of the citizens. Cinna made fair professions, but Marius, 
 who stood by the consul's chair, said nothing, and his 
 grim look gave no promise of mercy. The first demand 
 of Cinna on entering the city was that Marius and other 
 exiles who had joined him should be formally recalled. 
 But Marius without waiting for this formality entered the 
 Forum surrounded by a band of ruffians, and the work of 
 blood began. The consul Octavius had already been killed 
 on his curule chair, and his head brought to Cinna ; and 
 now every one whom Marius pointed out, or as some 
 said, every one whose salutation he did not return, was 
 cut down by his attendants. Catulus, his former rival 
 and colleague in the Cimbrian war, in vain asked for 
 mercy; and the famous orator, M. Antonius, grandfather 
 of the Triumvir, who took refuge in the house of a humble 
 client, was betrayed and put to death. Everywhere the 
 trackers of blood were sent out in search of refugees, and 
 no man's life who had opposed Marius was safe. Cinna 
 soon got disgusted with these cruelties, and, with the help 
 of Sertorius, put to death some of Marius's ruffians who 
 were revelling in murder and robbery and every kind of 
 excess. 
 
 8. Death of Marius. The election of consuls for 
 B.C. 86 was then held, and Cinna and Marius were of course 
 
1 72 LAST DAYS OF MARIUS. CH. 
 
 returned. But the old man did not survive many days the 
 realization of his cherished hope of a seventh consulship. 
 The conqueror of lugurtha and the saviour of Italy had 
 lived too long for his fame, and the great services he had 
 done his country were forgotten in the horror of the last 
 weeks of his life. Worn out by fever and excitement he 
 died on the i3th of January (B.C. 86). His successor, L. 
 Valerius Flaccus, was sent out to supersede Sulla in the 
 command against Mithridates ; and Cinna meanwhile was 
 all-powerful at Rome, and getting himself and Carbo named 
 consuls for B.C. 85 and 84, proceeded to carry out a kind 
 of revolutionary programme, enrolment of Italians in the 
 thirty-five tribes, free distributions of corn, assignments of 
 land near Capua, abolition of three-quarters of private debts, 
 appointment of his partisans to the government of provinces. 
 Finally, he caused Sulla to be declared a hostis and his 
 town house to be pulled down. 
 
 9. The Optimates retire to Sulla's Camp. The 
 result of this was that many of the noble families retired 
 from Rome, and took refuge with Sulla in Macedonia and 
 Greece. He had with him so many senators that he could 
 almost consider himself as acting in the name of the Senate. 
 He let it be known that, when the war was over, he should 
 come back to Rome with his army to protect him, and 
 would ignore all Cinna's legislation except as to the Italian 
 voters. The consuls, Cinna and Carbo, therefore enrolled 
 troops and prepared to resist him. The rump of the Senate 
 still left at Rome tried to compromise by proposing that 
 Sulla should come to Rome under a safe-conduct. But 
 when he made it a first condition that noble exiles should 
 be recalled and authors of illegal massacres punished, the 
 consuls decided to go on with warlike preparations. Cn. 
 Papirius Carbo crossed to Epirus at the head of several 
 legions : but late in B.C. 84, as Cinna was preparing to 
 do the same, he was murdered in a mutiny of his soldiers, 
 
XIII. 
 
 POSITION OF SULLA. 
 
 173 
 
 who refused to cross to attack fellow citizens, and Carbo 
 thereupon returned and wintered at Ariminum. In the 
 spring of the next year Sulla returned to Italy, arriving at 
 Brundisium (Brindisi) with 40,000 men and 1200 ships. 
 To understand fully his position we must know something 
 of the war in which he had meanwhile been engaged. 
 
 REMAINS OF PLATFORM OF CAPITOLIUM IN THE GARDEN OF THE CAFFARELLI PALACE. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE MITHRIDATIC WAR AND THE 
 DICTATORSHIP AND LEGISLATION OF SULLA 
 
 I. Origin of the Mithridatic war. 2. The history of Mithridates and 
 his kingdom. 3. After long neglect the Romans became alarmed 
 at the proceedings of Mithridates. 4. Rising in Asia Minor, and 
 massacre of Romans. 5. Mithridates in European Greece. 6. 
 Sulla's campaigns and siege of Athens (B.C. 87-5). 7. Battles of 
 Chaeronea and Orcliomenus. 8. Fimbria murders Valerius, sent 
 to supersede Sulla, and is not recalled by the Senate. 9. Terms 
 made with Mithridates, death of Fimbria, and settlement of Asia. 
 10. Sulla's advance on Rome (B.C. 83-2). 1 1. The proscriptions. 
 12. The Dictatorship of Sulla, his legislation and reforms. 13. 
 Sulla's Criminal Code. 14. Sulla's retirement and death. 15. 
 The Roman empire at the death of Snlla. 16. Foreign dominions. 
 17. The number and names of the provinces. 
 
 i. Origin of the Mithridatic War (B.C. 88-84). 
 After the war with Antiochus (B.C. 189) the Romans had 
 established a kind of informal protectorate in Asia. No 
 province was made, and no tribute levied except for the 
 payment of the war indemnities. But they had rearranged 
 the territories in it. They had declared the Greek cities free, 
 and leaving the kingdoms of Cappadocia and Bithynia as 
 they were, had put the rest under the king of Pergamus. 
 In B.C. 133 the royal rights in this enlarged kingdom of 
 Pergamus had been left to the Roman people by the will 
 of Attalus III., and after a struggle with a pretender 
 
CH. xiv. TAXATION IN ASIA. 
 
 175 
 
 Aristonicus (131-129), it had been organized as a province, 
 officially styled Asia. Later still Cilicia on the south-east, 
 where the people were dangerous to the commerce and 
 peace of the Aegean from their piracies, had been con- 
 quered and also made a Roman province (B.C. 102). 
 Rome had therefore a preponderating influence and interest 
 in Asia Minor, and would be sure to interfere decisively 
 in any changes there which would affect her provinces or 
 give dangerous power to surrounding kings. Now the 
 province of Asia had a special grievance. Originally it 
 was proposed that it should be free from the tribute paid 
 to the king of Pergamus, the Roman government content- 
 ing itself with the profits of the Royal Domains and the 
 contributions invariably made even by * free ' States towards 
 the expenses of the governors. But after the war with 
 Aristonicus this promise was evaded. Henceforth farmers 
 paid a tenth of their produce (decumae), a rent was levied 
 on feeding cattle on public pastures (scripturd), and an 
 ad valorem duty of 2^ per cent, was paid on imports 
 (portoria). These duties proved a heavy burden to the 
 people, which was made worse by the method of their exac- 
 tion. We have seen that by a law of Gaius Gracchus in B.C. 
 123, instead of native taxgatherers, the collection of the 
 ' various duties was sold every fifth year by the censors to 
 companies of publicani. These men, having calculated the 
 amount which the taxes and duties would produce, paid a 
 fixed sum to the treasury and trusted for the margin over 
 that sum for their profit. This must always have been 
 somewhat speculative, for as the decumae were paid in 
 kind a bad harvest might bring down the total amount to a 
 ruinous figure ; and in the same way the amount of the port- 
 oria would vary with the seasons and other circumstances 
 affecting commerce. Therefore these publicani employed 
 every device to increase the amount payable to them, 
 exercised the most offensive kind of espionage, and set 
 
176 OUTBREAK IN ASIA. CH. xiv. 
 
 to work every engine of legal chicanery or personal violence. 
 If the provincials appealed to the proconsul, they generally 
 found that his interests or his fears were on the side of the 
 publicani, his interests because he might receive a percent- 
 age on the profits, and had besides exactions of his own to 
 be tolerated ; his fears, because, if accused of extortion (de 
 repetundis) on his return, he would have to stand a trial 
 before a jury of equites who had enjoyed or hoped to enjoy 
 the chance of similar profits (p. 150). A scandalous instance 
 of such a case had happened in B.C. 92, and had prompted 
 the proposal of Livius to deprive the equites of their 
 exclusive hold on the indicia. P. Rutilius Rufus had in B.C. 
 95 distinguished himself (as legatus of Q. Mucius Scaevola) 
 by repressing the extortions of the publicani, and had, in 
 spite of his entire innocence, been prosecuted at Rome 
 and condemned by an intrigue of the equites. It was 
 natural that such men should be detested in the province ; 
 that the Roman government should be unpopular ; and that 
 the Roman residents generally, merchants, bankers, and 
 money-lenders, should be the objects of dislike in towns and 
 harbours. For thirty-five years, however (B.C. 123-88), all 
 seemed going smoothly. The natives groaned and scowled, 
 but the publican and money-lender returned gorged with 
 wealth to plunge into the luxuries or vices of Rome. The 
 opportunity for revenge came when the king of Pontus 
 entered Roman Asia with an army, which had just defeated 
 a combined force of Italians and Bithynians, bringing with 
 him a Roman governor of Cilicia a prisoner, and a Roman 
 legatus of consular rank in chains and treated with every 
 kind of ignominy. This king was Mithridates, who suc- 
 ceeded to the kingdom of Pontus in B.C. 120 when twelve 
 years old. 
 
 2. Mithridates and his Kingdom. Cappadocia 
 Pontica was a district on the south shore of the Black Sea, 
 which had been extended by the predecessors of Mithridates, 
 
I7 8 KING MITHRIDATES. CH. 
 
 from the river Phasis in the east to the river Halys in the 
 west, separating it from Paphlagonia. Attempts had been 
 made to take in Paphlagonia also and the greater Phrygia, 
 which had been defeated by Roman interference ; and 
 when Mithridates took over the government, in B.C. in, 
 he had reason to feel that the Roman power in Asia was 
 the most formidable obstacle to the further extension of 
 his kingdom. He had spent a youth of hardship and 
 danger during his minority owing to the jealousy of his 
 
 KING MITHRIDATES EUPATOR. 
 
 mother, who was acting as regent, and he was now a man 
 of remarkable accomplishments and activity. He had 
 some tincture of Greek learning and tastes, having a 
 famous collection of engraved gems and other works of 
 art, and was gifted with such powers of acquisition and 
 memory that he was said to be able to converse in twenty- 
 five languages. As soon as he took over the government 
 he surrounded himself with Greek officers, paid great 
 attention to the organization of his army, and in B.C. no- 
 107, had on the invitation of the Greek cities in the 
 Tauric Chersonese (Crimea), established a protectorate 
 there, while in the east he had reached the Euphrates 
 by annexing the lesser Armenia. He was now the most 
 powerful king in Asia, and desired to annex other parts 
 of Asia Minor, and especially the Greek cities throughout, 
 
xiv. THE ROMANS CHECK MITHRIDATES. 
 
 179 
 
 3. The Romans begin to be alarmed at 
 Mithridates. In B.C. 104, in conjunction with the 
 king of Bithynia, he began by attacking Paphlagonia, 
 Galatia, and Cappadocia. The Romans had been engaged 
 meanwhile in the Cimbric war, and the political troubles 
 that followed it. The Senate as a rule cared little for 
 what was done in the East so long as the Roman pro- 
 vince was untouched and the revenues from it secure. 
 The nobles had no desire for a great war which might 
 mean additional power and influence for some leader 
 hostile to themselves (probably Marius). But at length 
 the proceedings of Mithridates alarmed them for the 
 safety of the province, and he was ordered to evacuate 
 the parts of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia which he had 
 occupied (B.C. 94). He obeyed for the time, as he did soon 
 afterwards in the case of the Greater Armenia, in which 
 he had set up a tool of his own as king. Sulla, pro- 
 praetor of Cilicia in B.C. 92, was specially commissioned 
 to restore the king of Cappadocia whom Mithridates had 
 expelled. At the same time he received an ambassador 
 from the Parthians, who desired the friendship and alliance 
 of Rome. The Romans were now the most influential 
 power in Asia, and when in B.C. 89, trusting to the 
 difficulties brought upon Rome by the Social war, 
 Mithridates again tried to interfere in the succession to 
 the thrones of Cappadocia and Bithynia, he was forced to 
 submit to the dictates of a Roman commission headed 
 by Manius Aquillius. But Aquillius seems to have 
 determined on forcing Mithridates to fight ; and he in- 
 stigated the restored kings of Bithynia and Cappadocia 
 to attack him. The result was a war begun in B.C. 88, 
 in which Mithridates not only defeated the Bithynians 
 but also the Roman forces under Aquillius, as well as 
 those under Q. Oppius, propraetor of Cilicia, and took 
 both prisoners. 
 
!8o MASSACRE IN ASIA. CH. 
 
 4. Rising in Asia Minor against the Romans, B.C. 
 88. This was followed by a general movement on the 
 part of the Greek towns in Asia Minor to quit the Roman 
 friendship and to attach themselves to the Pontic king. 
 At his command a general massacre of Italian residents 
 in these towns took place, and their confiscated property 
 enabled him to relieve the cities from tribute for five 
 years, thus making it their interest to stand by him. The 
 cities indeed, especially those in the province of Asia, 
 were glad to get rid of the Roman tax-gatherers, and were 
 quite ready to join Mithridates, who now, having secured 
 Asia, proceeded to extend his dominion over the islands 
 and European Greece itself. The one great island that 
 withstood him was Rhodes, which he therefore besieged 
 in person, sending an army under Archelaus, one of his 
 lieutenants, into Greece. 
 
 5. Revolt joined by European Greece. Athens was 
 persuaded or forced to join him, and was followed by almost 
 all the other States in Greece and the Aegean islands, 
 except Delos ; while an invasion of Thracians, instigated 
 by Mithridates, kept the governor of Macedonia too much 
 employed to interfere. Thus the whole Roman work of 
 the last century in the East seemed to be undone. The 
 Greek States indeed were nominally 'free,' but this 
 freedom was such that they were precluded from foreign 
 alliances ; and the presence of a foreign army with their 
 connivance or assent would seem to the Romans a just 
 cause of war. It was a revolt in Greece, in which presently 
 nearly the whole country joined, that Sulla with five 
 legions was sent to quell in the spring of B.C. 87. 
 
 6. Sulla's Campaigns, B.C. 87-85. Sulla landed in 
 Greece in the spring of B.C. 87, and found many of the 
 Greek cities already prepared to revoke their submission 
 to Mithridates, because his army had received a check at 
 Demetrias at the hands of the proquaestor of Macedonia. 
 
xiv. SULLA IN GREECE. 181 
 
 But Athens and the Peiraeus were strongly fortified and 
 were in the hands of Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, 
 and upon these places Sulla directed his full force. He 
 had no doubt of being able to subdue Greece ; but in order 
 to carry the war into Asia and attack Mithridates himself, 
 a fleet would be required capable of overpowering the 
 formidable fleets of the king. The Romans were as usual 
 ill supplied with ships, and the quaestor L. Lucullus was 
 sent to collect them in Egypt, Cyprus, Rhodes, and other 
 naval States. Meanwhile it was not till March, B.C. 86, 
 that Athens yielded to Sulla's siege, and it was some 
 weeks later still before the Peiraeus was forced to do 
 the same. The former, though the inhabitants suffered 
 greatly at the hands of the Roman soldiers, was not 
 seriously injured ; but the Peiraeus was dismantled and 
 burnt and never recovered from the effects. 
 
 7. Battles of Chaeronea and Orchomenus, B.C. 86. 
 Whilst the siege of Athens had been going on, another Pontic 
 army had been engaged in subduing Macedonia, where 
 there were very few Roman troops, and had in the spring 
 of B.C. 86 come south to the pass of Thermopylae, secured 
 it, and proceeded to besiege Elateia in Phocis. One of 
 Sulla's legates, Hortensius, was in the district with 8000 
 troops, but was unable to move. Sulla had every motive 
 for seeking a battle with this army. Attica could not 
 supply him with sufficient support for his troops, and if 
 Boeotia and Phocis remained in the enemy's hands he 
 would be in great peril. Moreover Cinna had become 
 all powerful at Rome; Sulla's party was being persecuted 
 and driven into exile. It was necessary therefore for him 
 to strike a blow which would secure his position. He 
 effected a junction with Hortensius in Phocis, and, 
 advancing towards Chaeronea, met the Pontic army com- 
 manded by Taxilus and Archelaus, who had come by 
 sea from Peiraeus, in the plain of the river Cephisus and 
 
182 OPPOSITION TO SULLA AT ROME. CH. 
 
 utterly defeated it, in the summer of B.C. 86. This was 
 followed Dy the submission of the greater part of Greece, 
 and it encouraged the Greek cities in Asia Minor to throw 
 off the rule of Mithridates, of which they had soon wearied. 
 For a time the king checked this movement by severities 
 or indulgences ; but when another of his armies had been 
 again defeated by Sulla at Orchomenus in Boeotia, the 
 defection both in Greece and Asia became irresistible. 
 
 8. Flaccus and Fimbria sent to supersede Sulla. 
 But Sulla was still in a difficult position in regard to the 
 Roman Government. His enemy Cinna in B.C. 86 had 
 secured that the consul L. Valerius Flaccus should be sent 
 to Greece with an army and authority to exercise a command 
 superior to that of Sulla. Flaccus had indeed withdrawn 
 his first plan of proceeding to Southern Greece and there 
 superseding Sulla, and had instead gone northward to the 
 Bosporus, and there had been assassinated by his second 
 in command, Fimbria, in the course of a mutiny stirred 
 up by him (B.C. 85). But Fimbria, in spite of this crime, 
 had not been recalled by the rump Senate unfavourable to 
 Sulla, and had in fact crossed to Bithynia and won several 
 successes against the officers of Mithridates. It was as 
 important to Sulla that Fimbria should be suppressed as 
 that Mithridates should be conquered ; and Mithridates 
 had to decide which of these two officers of the Republic 
 he had most to fear. Sulla had been by this time declared a 
 public enemy by the Senate, his town house had been 
 pulled down, his wife and children forced to fly to his 
 camp in Thessaly. But with them had come a large 
 number of senators opposed to Cinna ; and Lucullus had 
 also arrived on the coast with a powerful fleet, which he 
 had been collecting for a year and a half. Sulla was now 
 in a position to cross to Asia, and the king concluded that 
 he was the more formidable enemy of the two. 
 
 9. Sulla makes terms with Mithridates. Death 
 
xiv. PEACE WITH MITHRIDATES. 183 
 
 of Fimbria, and Settlement of Asia (B.C. 84). He 
 therefore opened negotiations with Sulla, and eventually 
 at a meeting at Philippi agreed to restore the deposed 
 kings of Bithynia and Cappadocia, and to re-establish places 
 that had been depopulated or destroyed by him in Greece 
 and the islands. Mithridates was in fact to be reduced 
 to his own kingdom, and as a 'friend' of Rome was to 
 furnish ships and men for her fleet. This done, Sulla 
 crossed to Asia to attack Fimbria in Lydia. But Fimbria's 
 soldiers deserted him, and he fled to Pergamus and put an 
 end to his own life. The rest of the year and the following 
 spring Sulla spent in regulating the affairs of Asia Minor, 
 capturing towns that still held out, and assessing the punish- 
 ment to be imposed on those who had been guilty of 
 acknowledging the supremacy of Mithridates and throwing 
 off allegiance to Rome. The whole country was so heavily 
 burdened by fines, and by the exaction of arrears of tribute, 
 that the various communities had to mortgage their public 
 buildings, and borrow on such usurious terms that Asia was 
 reduced to a state of financial ruin, from which it was long 
 in recovering. Nor for some time did the restored Roman 
 government secure the country from the depredations of 
 the pirate fleets which had grown to dangerous dimensions 
 during the late troubles, and had seized islands and coast 
 towns unchecked. Sulla now went to Greece, and in the 
 spring of the next year (B.C. 83) returned to Italy with his 
 army and a large fleet. 
 
 10. Sulla's Advance on Rome, B.C. 83-2. Sulla 
 had a veteran army of 40,000 men, but the forces opposed 
 to him were far superior ; and though he met and 
 defeated the consul C. Junius Norbanus, near Capua, 
 he did not venture to continue his march upon Rome. 
 Cn. Papirius Carbo, a third time consul in B.C. 82, 
 was the chief leader of his enemies, and had at his 
 command vast forces in several parts of Italy under his 
 
Z 8 4 SULLA'S ADVANCE ON ROME. CH. 
 
 legati. What favoured Sulla was, first, that these forces 
 were somewhat widely separated ; secondly, that the young 
 Cn. Pompeius (afterwards called Magnus) had enrolled 
 three legions, and, having declared for Sulla, was keeping a 
 considerable part of Carbo's forces in play in Picenum ; and, 
 thirdly, that as the cause of his enemies was supported by 
 the only half-obedient Italians, and especially by the 
 Samnites, who had never laid down their arms since the 
 Social war, Sulla was able to put himself forward as the 
 champion of Roman authority. Nevertheless, it was not till 
 after some very severe fighting, especially at the bloody battles 
 of Clusium and at the Colline gate, in both of which 
 Sulla was all but defeated, that he entered Rome. Carbo 
 fled to Africa, where one of his partisans was governor, 
 but was shortly afterwards caught on his way back to Sicily 
 and put to death by Pompey ; and the other consul, the 
 younger Marius, killed himself at Praeneste, where he was 
 besieged. Sulla entered Rome in November (he had been 
 there for a short time earlier in the year), and immediately 
 announced his intention of putting to death all whom he 
 considered guilty of treason in opposing him since he 
 entered Italy. The pretence was that they had broken a 
 compact which he had made with the consul Scipio 
 Asiaticus in the previous year (B.C. 83), but it soon became 
 evident that he intended to get rid of practically the whole 
 party of his opponents. 
 
 ii. The Proscriptions, B.C. 82. The names of forty 
 Senators and about sixteen hundred Equites were at once 
 announced as condemned, but he added that there were 
 others whom he could not remember. The uncertainty thus 
 left heightened the horror of the time. t And when he adopted 
 the suggestion of putting up a list in the Forum the uncer- 
 tainty still remained; for the first list was followed by at 
 least two others, and they were so carelessly supervised that 
 his followers and partisans were able to insert the names of 
 
xiv. PROSCRIPTIONS AND DICTATORSHIP. ^5 
 
 their private enemies and of those whose possessions they 
 coveted. For proscription involved confiscation of property, 
 and when the dead men's goods were sold, Sulla's partisans 
 were allowed to purchase for small sums estates which they 
 afterwards sold at great profit. Sometimes the murder was 
 first committed and the name afterwards put in the list, 
 as the notorious Catiline was said to have done in the 
 case of his own brother-in-law. These * proscription ' lists 
 avenged, but went infinitely beyond, the similar executions 
 ordered by Marius, and were imitated forty years later by 
 the Triumvirs, Antony, Lepidus, and Octavian. They have 
 blackened Sulla's reputation for ever, but they effected 
 their object. He was now all-powerful, and at his own 
 suggestion the obsequious Senate appointed an interrex 
 to hold an election of him as Dictator. 
 
 12. The Dictatorship of Sulla, B.C. 82-79. Th e title 
 was adopted as one known to the constitution, although the 
 habit of naming a Dictator had long been in abeyance, 
 for none had been appointed since B.C. 202. Moreover, 
 the Dictator had in old times been nominated by a 
 consul on the order of the Senate, not elected. His term 
 of office had been limited to six months, and in practice 
 had nearly always terminated in a much shorter time as 
 soon, that is, as the purpose for which he was appointed 
 had been accomplished, whether it was the holding of 
 an election, the suppressing of a sedition, or the command 
 in a campaign. The office to which Sulla was now elected 
 was unlimited in time, and its purpose was ' to settle 
 the constitution' (reipublicae constituendae causa). In virtue 
 of this he could make any laws he chose, and though 
 in order to be binding after his dictatorship they had to be 
 passed by the Comitia, his coercive powers were so great 
 that this was merely a form. He was in fact a complete 
 autocrat, and his measures were so important in their effect 
 that they must be carefully noticed. 
 
1 86 REFORMS OF SULLA. CH. 
 
 (1) First, he put an end to the remains of resistance 
 still existing in Italy. Certain towns which had been in 
 arms ever since the Social war were reduced by force 
 and punished by disfranchisement and confiscation of land. 
 Samnium, where rebellion was most obstinate, was almost 
 depopulated, and its towns quickly sank to mere villages. 
 In place of the old inhabitants Sulla established settlements 
 of his veteran soldiers with large grants of lands, and thus 
 Southern Italy became permanently Romanized, and no 
 resistance was ever afterwards experienced there. In the 
 north, as at Faesulae and its neighbourhood, the Sullan 
 settlers do not seem to have been so successful. The 
 country was not so stripped of its old inhabitants as 
 Samnium, and we shall hear hereafter of troubles caused 
 by the contests of the settlers with the dispossessed owners. 
 
 (2) Secondly, Sulla's object was to reinstate the Senate 
 in its old position of power and influence. He filled up 
 the vacancies caused by the civil war by admitting 300 
 Equites selected by himself and elected by the Comitia, and 
 provided for future vacancies by giving a seat for life in 
 it to every one who was elected among the twenty quaestors. 
 In principle this was not a novelty, for the higher magis- 
 trates had for a long time, if not always, become life 
 members. But this privilege was dropped one stage lower, 
 that is, to the quaestorship instead of the curule aedileship ; 
 and it worked automatically instead of waiting for the 
 next roll made up for the censors. The object was to keep 
 up the numbers of the Senate and to fill it with men of 
 position. So long as Sulla was supreme, the greater 
 number of those who obtained office, and so an entree to 
 the Senate, would be in favour of his policy ; and, even 
 if they were not so, they would almost certainly be men of 
 rank, members of the governing class, and it was with such 
 men that he desired to fill the chamber. 
 
 *> (3) The power of the Senate was increased also by the 
 
xiv. REFORMS OF SULLA. jgy 
 
 regulation (which was generally, though not always, ob- 
 served henceforth), whereby the consuls and praetors stayed 
 in Rome during their year of office, and only went to 
 provinces with imperium in the next year ; while the Senate 
 decided which should be consular and which should be 
 praetorian provinces, and could prolong a proconsul's or 
 propraetor's stay in a province by withdrawing it from 
 allotment. The governor was also forbidden to pass the 
 boundary of his province in arms without leave of the 
 Senate, and was to quit it within thirty days of the arrival 
 of his successor. 
 
 (4) The continuance of power, such as Marius had 
 obtained, was to be prevented by recurring to the old rule 
 of an interval of ten years between two consulships. And 
 though the ten years' service in the army before holding 
 office was to be no longer compulsory, yet the rules as to 
 age were to be enforced, and no one was to be consul until 
 he had been praetor, or praetor until he had been quaestor. 
 
 The result of these regulations was on the whole to 
 enhance the executive powers of the Senate and depress 
 those of the magistrates. The censorship, for instance, 
 was rendered almost objectless, as the list of the Senate 
 was now made up automatically, and the affixing a nota 
 to a man's name was no longer easy. It was one thing to 
 omit a name from a list which the censor had to make 
 up, especially as no one was technically a senator till the 
 censors had so entered his name : it was another thing to 
 strike out a name or affix a nota to one in a list for which 
 the censor was no longer responsible. 
 
 (5) Another popular institution which Sulla depressed 
 was the Comitia Tribute. We must understand that in the 
 Comitia Centuriata and the Comitia Tributa the same 
 persons voted or had the right to vote. It was only a 
 different arrangement of the voters. In the Tributa the 
 citizens were divided by tribes in such a way that the 
 
1 88 REFORMS OF SULLA. CH. 
 
 wealthy had no preponderance ; in the Comitia Centuriata 
 the voting was by centuries, and the centuries were so distri- 
 buted that the few wealthy could outvote the many poor. 
 Gradually legislation had fallen chiefly to the Tributa, 
 though both were competent by law ; but by Sulla's 
 arrangement nothing was left to the Tributa but the election 
 of tribunes and the lower magistrates. Laws were to be 
 brought before the Centuriata, while most prosecutions 
 which used to come before the Comitia were arranged for 
 in another way. 
 
 ^ (6) The Tribunate was weakened in two ways. The 
 tribunes were forbidden to summon and address the people, 
 or to propose legislation without previous sanction of the 
 Senate ; and the office was rendered unattractive to men of 
 ability by a rule which made tribunes ineligible to other 
 offices ; while their right of veto was restricted, though we 
 do not know exactly how. 
 
 (7) Lastly, the sacred Colleges recovered the right of 
 cooptatio; that is, vacancies were rilled up by the existing 
 members electing, not by the Comitia. These measures were 
 meant to be permanent modifications of practice, mostly 
 in the direction of a return to old customs, and all with 
 a view to prevent excessive power of the democracy or 
 abnormal influence of individuals. For the present the 
 assent of the people was attempted to be secured by wide 
 alterations among the voters themselves. The Italian 
 towns were in many cases almost repeopled by large 
 drafts of veterans; and the urban electorate (practically 
 much the most important) was leavened by the addition 
 of some 10,000 freedmen, whose masters had fallen in the 
 civil war. They were enrolled in the urban tribes under 
 the general name of Cornelii, following the usual practice 
 of slaves taking the gentile name of their emancipator. 
 
 13. Sulla's Criminal Code. Sulla's constitutional 
 arrangements, though they deeply affected subsequent 
 
xiv. SULLA'S CRIMINAL CODE !8 9 
 
 history, were not long fully maintained. But what he did as 
 to criminal trials proved more lasting. Up to this time, if a 
 crime had been committed, the Comitia either tried the case 
 itself, or ordered a committee (guaestio) to try it, generally 
 leaving the Senate to arrange the list of the jurors and 
 other conditions of the trial. In one case, that of an 
 accusation against a provincial governor for extortion or 
 improperly retaining money (res repetundae], a permanent 
 quaestio had been established by the lex Calpurnia (B.C. 
 149) ; that is to say, when such an accusation was brought 
 the praetor had standing directions how to select the jury, 
 how to conduct the case, and what sentence the court 
 could inflict. Sulla extended this system by establishing 
 similar standing committees to try a number of crimes of 
 common occurrence, such as treason (maiestas\ assassination, 
 poisoning, murder, peculation, bribery, coining, forgery, riot. 
 One common feature in all these quaestiones was that the 
 jurors were not to be Equites, but Senators. He no doubt 
 held that Senators were likely to be more impartial, and 
 this regulation, of course, was meant to enhance their im- 
 portance, and to depress that of the Equites. It was there- 
 fore the subject of constant struggles after his time between 
 the two orders, which resulted in various compromises. 
 
 14. Sulla's Retirement and Death, B.C. 79-78. Sulla 
 held his extraordinary office as Dictator only between two 
 and three years (81-79), l n g enough to see that his new 
 regulations were at any rate tried. Towards the end of 
 B.C. 79 he abdicated, and retired to a villa near Cumae, 
 where he spent the last year of his life in great luxury, 
 in the company of men of letters, artists, musicians, and 
 actors. He died calmly in B.C. 78, busying himself to 
 the last with the composition of his memoirs. He is a 
 rare instance of a man who, having obtained supreme 
 power with great cruelty, and exercised it with severity, 
 though also with wisdom and high policy, was able to 
 
I9 DEATH OF SULLA. CH. 
 
 lay down his authority with safety. Perhaps if he had 
 lived longer he would not have died so peacefully. It 
 is interesting to notice that the two men destined in the 
 next generation to be leaders in the civil war which brought 
 the Republic to an end were both brought into contact 
 with him and both defied him. Pompey had joined 
 him on his landing in Italy, and had been employed 
 after his success to secure the obedience of Africa and 
 Sicily, and had, in spite of his opposition, celebrated a 
 triumph for his African victories. lulius Caesar, six years 
 Pompey's junior, had been connected with the opposite 
 party, was a nephew of the wife of Marius, and had him- 
 self married a daughter of Cinna, whom he refused to 
 divorce at the Dictator's order. One of the earliest 
 speeches of Cicero also was delivered in defence of a client 
 accused of murder, in the course of which he ventured 
 to speak plainly on the Sullan despotism. 1 
 
 15. The Roman Empire at the Death of Sulla, \/ 
 B.C. 78. We shall now have to trace the course by which 
 the constitution thus settled by Sulla broke down, and 
 in between forty and fifty years gave place to a more 
 complete and more lasting despotism. Before doing so 
 it will be well to take stock of the progress made in 
 the extension and organization of the Empire. And first 
 let us notice that the whole of Italy from the Rubicon 
 to the extreme south has now become an extended Rome. 
 The various communities had long been joined to Rome 
 in terms differing according to their origin or their separate 
 agreement or foedus, and were called either municipia, 
 coloniae (Roman or Latin), praefecturae, civitates foederatae, 
 or mere fora and conciliabula (market towns). Some (as 
 Roman colonies, and certain towns in Latium) had had the \ 
 full franchise and a local government founded on the model 
 of Rome ; others had had governments of their own con- 
 1 Pro Sexto Roscio A merino, B.C. 80. 
 
xiv. THE EXTENT OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 191 
 
 trivance, and were only bound to Rome so far as related 
 to military service; some had had an imperfect citizenship 
 called Latinitas; others had a constitution of their own but 
 no jurisdiction, that is, the administration of justice was in 
 the hands of an officer appointed by the Roman praetor. 
 But as far as the full citizenship was concerned all these 
 differences were done away with at the end of the Social 
 war. All citizens in the various communities in Italy 
 became alike citizens of Rome, though the variation in 
 local and internal government remained as before. 1 It was 
 now Italy (not Rome only) that was the governing body ; 
 but it was Italy as an extended Rome, not Italy with a 
 capital city Rome. Therefore the name and official designa- 
 tion remained the same ; it was still Senatus Populusquc 
 Romanus that governed ; only the Populus Romanus 
 now included many who did not live in or near Rome. 
 It is necessary to keep this in mind, to understand why 
 it was in Rome alone that magistrates could be elected, 
 the Senate sit, and orders to the provinces go forth. Rome 
 was still mistress though she admitted Italians among 
 her citizens. One substantial advantage of the citizen- 
 ship was the freedom from the land tax or tributum 
 to which all provincials were liable ; and another was 
 the protection which it gave against arbitrary sentences 
 of the magistrates. 
 
 1 6. Foreign Dominions. We have seen from time 
 to time what countries external to Italy had been brought 
 under the rule of Rome, and were now being governed 
 by this enlarged city-state. They were called 'provinces,' 
 that is, spheres of authority for certain magistrates. When 
 Rome first began to have provinces (Sicily and Sardinia) 
 additional praetors were elected to go to them, and, if 
 they were in a disturbed state, one of the consuls often 
 
 1 Sulla disfranchised whole districts, but this disability was only 
 temporary. 
 
192 ADMINISTRATION OF THE PROVINCES. CH. 
 
 went with an army also. But as their number increased, 
 there were not enough praetors to govern them, and besides 
 the increasing law-business at Rome required the presence 
 of the praetors. Therefore it became the custom often 
 to keep a man a second year in his province as pro praetore 
 or pro consule, or to send him only when he had served 
 his year of office at Rome. Sulla made this latter plan 
 imperative, and after his time each consul and praetor 
 drew lots during his year of office for the province which 
 he was to govern in the next year. The Senate decided 
 which province should have a propraetor and which a 
 proconsul, but this was generally done according to a 
 regular precedent ; the easier provinces being praetorian, 
 the more difficult consular. All alike were sometimes 
 loosely spoken of as proconsuls. In their provinces these 
 governors were in command of the troops stationed there, 
 or of those they brought with them ; had power of life 
 and death over the provincials (who were not citizens) ; 
 controlled the collection of tribute, and administered 
 justice. The provinces consisted of certain defined terri- 
 tory containing a number of civitates or city-states, and the 
 terms on which they were held, taxed, and governed, differed 
 in each according to the original formula or charta drawn 
 up when they became provinces by commissioners sent 
 to settle their constitution (redigere in provinciam). The 
 Romans usually respected local customs and laws, though 
 in certain important points the principles of Roman law 
 were applied to all alike. Above all they lost the power 
 of making foreign alliances or wars, and were compelled 
 to keep peace among themselves. They all paid tribute 
 in one form or another, and in 'return were protected 
 from foreign invasion or damage to their commerce. 
 
 17. The Number of the Provinces. There were 
 now ten such provinces : I. Gallia Cisalpina, i.e. North 
 Italy from the Rubicon to the Alps, which contained 
 
xiv. PROVINCES AND DEPENDENCIES. 193 
 
 several colonies enjoying full civitas. As far as the Po, 
 indeed, the whole country had the civitas and north of it 
 an inferior citizenship, which was yet on a higher level 
 than that of other provinces. II. Gallia Transalpina, 
 sometimes called Narbonensis, from the colony Narbo 
 which was its capital, a district on the south-east of Gaul 
 answering roughly to the modern Provence. III. Sicily. 
 IV. Sardinia and Corsica. V. Hispania Citerior. VI. 
 Hispania Ulterior. VII. Macedonia, to which was joined 
 Thessaly, parts of Epirus, and, for certain purposes, the 
 rest of Greece. VIII. Africa, that is, the territories of 
 Carthage in Africa. IX. Asia, the old dominions of the 
 kings of Pergamus, Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, and Lydia. 
 X. Cilicia. 
 
 Other places were so much under the influence of Rome 
 that they were certain to become provinces in time. Thus 
 Illyricum or Dalmatia, the district on the east of the 
 Adriatic, paid tribute although it was not yet thoroughly 
 organized as a separate province, being sometimes put under 
 the governor of Cisalpine Gaul, sometimes under the 
 governor of Macedonia. Greece, though many States in 
 it were nominally free, was for practical purposes under 
 the governor of Macedonia. In Egypt the kings depended 
 on Roman support ; and the next district in Africa to the 
 west of Egypt called Cyrene, with Crete, had been 
 bequeathed to Rome, though the Romans had at present 
 refused to take it over formally. Thus the Roman Empire 
 or protectorate already extended right across Europe and 
 Asia Minor, and both the north and the south coasts of 
 the Mediterranean were in her hands. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE RISE OF POMPEY THE GREAT, B.C. 78-62. 
 
 I. Signs of dissolution after the strong government of Sulla. 2. The two 
 parties at Rome. 3. The revolt of Lepidus (B.C. 78-7). 4. 
 Sertorius in Spain (B.C. 83-72). 5. Spartacus and the gladiators 
 (B. C. 73-71). 6. Affairs in the East. 7. The second Mithridatic war. 
 8. The third Mithridatic war under Lucullus. 9. Pompey in the 
 Mediterranean and the East. 10. War with the Cilician pirates. 1 1 . 
 Pompey sent against Mithridates (B.C. 66). 12. Death of Mithri- 
 dates and settlement of Asia. 13. Pompey's return to Rome. 
 
 i. Signs of Dissolution. The settlement of Sulla 
 had been brought about with so much violence that a 
 reaction was certain to follow ; and the fierce passions 
 roused by these scenes of blood were sure to produce 
 others like them. We have now come therefore to 
 a period of civil wars which, with little intermission, 
 continued till the permanent peace secured by Augustus 
 after the battle of Actium in B.C. 31. These wars and 
 disturbances arose from different causes and in different 
 places, but were all of them the result of political discon- 
 tent or social grievances ; of overgrown wealth contrasted 
 with ruin and poverty ; of disloyal ambition or extravagant 
 partisanship. The legions serving at a distance from 
 Rome began to regard allegiance to a successful com- 
 mander as more binding than that to the State. The 
 
 oppressions in the provinces inflicted by some of the 
 
 194 
 
CH. xv. DANGEROUS DISORDERS. 195 
 
 governors and by the publicani^ or farmers of revenues, 
 not only caused restlessness in the provinces themselves, 
 but proved also the fruitful source of violent contests in 
 Rome when the question of punishing powerful and guilty 
 statesmen was mooted. The most notorious of these was 
 Gaius Verres, who plundered Cilicia as pro-quaestor in 
 B.C. 80-79, and was prosecuted by Cicero for extortions 
 in Sicily, where he was pro-praetor in B.C. 73-71. Though 
 obliged to go into exile to avoid condemnation, he was able 
 to- take most of his ill-gotten wealth with him, and lived in 
 luxury till B.C. 43. Other causes nearer home were of 
 dangerous omen, such as the shock to family life caused 
 by the growing facility of divorce, the multiplicity of slaves, 
 the large establishments of gladiators, the increased tendency 
 to leave the cultivation of land to slaves, and to crowd 
 into Rome, swelling the ranks of the needy citizens who 
 were ready to take part with ambitious or unscrupulous 
 nobles 
 
 2. The Two Parties at Rome. But even putting 
 aside the distinctly disloyal or ambitious, the Romans 
 were now sharply divided into two parties, the Optimates 
 and Populares. The Otimates, as we have already seen, 
 wished the republican forms maintained, but the offices to 
 be chiefly in the hands of the nobles and men of high 
 birth, and the magistrates to be thoroughly subordinate to 
 the Senate, which was to direct Rome's foreign policy and 
 the government of the provinces. The Populares wanted 
 the offices to be easily attainable by all, as by law they 
 were open to all ; and though they did not aim at destroy- 
 ing the Senate, they wished to restrict its functions and 
 bring as many details of government as possible directly 
 before Comitia. In particular they wished the juries, who 
 tried offending governors, to be composed of Equites 
 instead of Senators, or at least of a mixture of the two. 
 Both had some reason on their side. But the weak 
 
196 THE OPTIMATES AND POPULARES. CH. 
 
 point in the policy of the Optimates was that, though the 
 Senate was a better body than a popular assembly for 
 governing a foreign empire, yet experience had shown that 
 it was not able to control members of its own order who 
 were determined on enriching themselves at all risks ; and 
 that the family compacts which were made as to official 
 promotion had often resulted in putting inefficient and 
 corrupt men in positions of importance, and even in the 
 command of armies. The weak point in the policy of the 
 Populares was that not only were the Comitia unfit, as 
 popular assemblies always are, to decide details of adminis- 
 tration, but that the Roman Comitia were not even what 
 they professed to be assemblies of all citizens. A large 
 number of citizens lived at a distance from Rome, and 
 seldom came there. The voters were mostly the city 
 populace, among whom the ' men of the pavement,' or what 
 may be called the city rabble, formed a powerful element. 
 For voting at elections indeed, distant voters sometimes 
 were induced by leading men to come to Rome, but 
 seldom for legislation. Office was now become so valu- 
 able from the provincial governorships to which it led, 
 that it was fiercely contended for; and leading men on 
 either side did not hesitate to incite their followers to 
 riot and outrage in order to carry their election or their 
 laws, or to interrupt assemblies at which measures they 
 disliked were to be proposed or their political opponents 
 to be elected. Of the two parties Pompey and Caesar came 
 eventually to be heads respectively. Caesar had always 
 been connected with the Populares ; but it was only in 
 later life, and owing to a long chain of events, that 
 Pompey came to be regarded as chief of the Optimates. 
 We must see now how the next thirty years brought on 
 these changes, and, with them, the practical end of the 
 Republic. 
 
 3. The Revolt of Lepidus, B.C. 78-7 7. Sulla's death 
 
xv. LEPIDUS AND SERTORIUS. 197 
 
 was followed immediately by an attempt to upset most 
 of his legislation. This attempt was made by one of the 
 consuls for B.C. 78, M. Aemilius Lepidus. He passed 
 laws for cheap distribution of corn, and for recalling those 
 exiled by Sulla, and proposed others to undo much of his 
 legislation-; finally, in the year after his consulship, when 
 he was in command of troops in Etruria as proconsul 
 (B.C. 77), he actually marched at the head of these troops 
 to take Rome and enforce his views. He was, however, 
 defeated by his former colleague, Catulus, at the Milvian 
 Bridge, just outside the city, and retreated to Sardinia, 
 where he died ; whilst one of his chief legates, M. Brutus 
 (father of the assassin of Caesar), was captured and put 
 to death by Pompey at Mutina. This movement was no"t 
 of great or permanent importance, but it showed to what 
 lengths a party leader was prepared to go. 
 
 4. Sertorius in Spain, B.C. 83-72. Another move- 
 ment which proved more troublesome and protracted was 
 that of Sertorius in Spain. Q. Sertorius had been in the 
 party of Cinna, and had shared in the defeat inflicted on 
 the consul by Sulla near Capua in B.C. 83. He had not 
 remained in Rome to witness the triumph of Sulla. He 
 had been already named pro-praetor of Hispania Ulterior, 
 and went there towards the end of B.C. 83. He was much 
 above the average of his class in energy and uprightness, 
 but he too was prepared to resist in arms the dominant 
 pp.rty in the government at home. Knowing that Sulla 
 would recall him, he made arrangements to hold the 
 passes of the Pyrenees against his legates. When they 
 were forced, he retired gradually to Africa ; joined a 
 fleet of Cilician pirates ; landed in Spain at Gades (Cadiz) ; 
 crossed again to Africa ; and, finally, accepted an invitation 
 *of the Lusitani (Portugal) to lead them against the Roman 
 army. His character won him great influence both in 
 Lusitania and other parts of Spain. He was joined by 
 
I9 8 FALL OF SERTORIUS. CH. 
 
 other malcontents from Rome in such numbers that he 
 pretended to have the Senate with him; and from B.C. 79 
 to 72 maintained his ground against many Roman com- 
 manders and propraetors. He even negotiated with 
 Mithridates as though head of the State, and sent a 
 partisan to act as proconsul of Asia and assist the king. 
 Finally his power in Spain became so formidable that, 
 after he had defeated three Roman propraetors, Pompey 
 was sent with a large army and the rank of proconsul 
 to reinforce the Spanish governors (B.C. 76). But it 
 was not for nearly four years that Pompey succeeded 
 in putting down the insurrection, having in the course 
 of them been driven back beyond the Ebro and suffered 
 more than one defeat. The war dragged on, as wars 
 in Spain always seem to have done, and became a series 
 of assaults on isolated fortresses ; but, on the whole, 
 in this species of warfare Pompey and Metellus made 
 steady progress. Even in B.C. 72 however, though deserted 
 by many of his adherents, and losing popularity as he 
 became embittered by the wearisome struggle, Sertorius 
 was not defeated in battle, but was murdered by the 
 treacherous Perpenna, a legate of Lepidus, who had 
 joined Sertorius after the death of Lepidus, but was jealous 
 of him, and hoped to secure his own pardon by thus 
 destroying his leader. His treason was rewarded as it 
 deserved : for Pompey refused to see him, ordered him 
 to be executed, and some letters involving certain men 
 of position in Rome in the crime of treasonable corre- 
 spondence with Sertorius to be burnt unread. Few leaders 
 of rebellion have had a purer and nobler record than 
 Sertorius, or have made themselves more respected and 
 beloved by those whom they ruled. There is a certain 
 charm in the story of his intercourse with the simple ' 
 Lusitani and the manner in which he impressed them 
 with confidence. He was everywhere accompanied, it is 
 
XV. 
 
 SPARTACUS. 
 
 199 
 
 said, by a favourite fawn presented to him by some 
 hunters, but which he allowed them to believe came from 
 Diana herself, and was a pledge of her favour. In some 
 ways the history of Sertorius's rebellion foreshadowed the 
 civil war of Pompey and Caesar. He had so many 
 senators with him that he could pretend to have a Senate; 
 he was still technically endowed with Imperium and the 
 command of a province (for he had not laid down either); 
 he professed to be acting for the Republic against a 
 faction ; and had the secret sympathy of many leading men 
 at Rome. It showed the weak point in the senatorial govern- 
 ment, and how it was possible for a provincial magistrate 
 to defy it without being constitutionally quite in the wrong. 
 
 GLADIATORS FIGHTING. 
 
 5. Spartacus and the Gladiators, B.C. 73-71. If 
 the movement of Sertorius betrayed the weakness of the 
 constitution, that of Spartacus pointed to a danger nearer 
 home, and springing from the social habits of the age. 
 
200 DEFEAT OF SPARTACUS. CH. 
 
 Gladiatorial shows are first heard of in B.C. 264. Since 
 then they had become the most popular of amusements. 
 Wealthy men, wishing to secure public favour, vied with 
 each other in keeping gangs or ' schools ' (ludi) of them 
 in training. They were selected from the most powerful 
 barbarians, and their number was now so great that they 
 might easily become dangerous, like a caged lion, if ever 
 the bars were broken. A large school of this kind at 
 Capua was owned by one Lentulus, in which a number 
 of Gauls and Thracians were being trained. Two hun- 
 dred of them broke loose, obtained arms, and under the 
 leadership of a Thracian named Spartacus established 
 themselves on a spur of Mount Vesuvius (B.C. 73). 
 They were soon joined by other escaped gladiators and 
 slaves, and during the next three years defeated more 
 than one consular army, and traversed Italy at their 
 will, plundering in every direction. Spartacus does not 
 appear to have conducted his war with special cruelty 
 or needless outrage; the one act of severity recorded 
 is in B.C. 72, when, having defeated two consuls in 
 Picenum, he forced three hundred Roman prisoners to 
 fight as gladiators. But there was necessarily nothing 
 stable in such a raid, however long continued. Spar- 
 tacus himself wished to cross the Alps and make his 
 way to his native country; but his followers were 
 divided, and most preferred the life of plunder and 
 adventure in Italy; and in the winter of B.C. 72-71 they 
 were concentrated for the most part round Thurii, in the 
 south. There he was at length overcome by L. Licinius 
 Crassus, who had volunteered to take the command, when 
 every one else tried to avoid it. Spartacus was driven 
 to the extreme south at Rhegium, from which he tried to 
 bribe some Cilician pirate vessels to take him across to 
 Sicily, where he trusted to be able to again rouse the 
 slaves. But the Cilicians took his money and abandoned 
 
xv. SECOND MITHRIDATIC WAR. 201 
 
 him ; and he then found himself shut off to the north by 
 a deep trench and embankment which Crassus had thrown 
 out across the Bruttian Peninsula. He broke out indeed 
 in spite of this ; but a great body of his adherents had been 
 already cut to pieces by Crassus, and he himself fell after 
 a desperate battle near Petilia (B.C. 71). The survivors 
 of the revolted slaves, still numbering many thousands, 
 were scattered over the mountains, where Pompey, just 
 returned from his campaign against Sertorius in Spain, 
 pursued and cut them off in detail, boasting that though 
 Crassus had won battles, he had cut up the rebellion by 
 the roots. Six thousand of the slaves who were captured 
 were crucified along the Appian Road. Still isolated 
 bands were in existence in the neighbourhood of Thurii 
 as late as B.C. 60, living a life of brigandage, where they 
 were cut to pieces by Octavius, the father of Augustus. 
 
 6. Affairs in the East. Meanwhile some attempts 
 had been made to clear the sea of pirates, and P. Servilius 
 Vatia earned the cognomen of Isauricus by defeating the 
 people of Isauria beyond Mount Taurus in Asia, and 
 added parts of Pamphylia, Pisidia, Isauria, and Cappadocia 
 to the new province of Cilicia (B.C. 78-74). Other generals 
 were strengthening the north frontier of Macedonia, by 
 defeating bordering barbarians, and advancing the Roman 
 arms for the first time to the Danube. But what proved 
 the most important event for Rome was a renewed struggle 
 with Mithridates. This went through two phases, some- 
 times called the Second and Third Mithridatic wars. 
 
 7. Second Mithridatic War. When Sulla returned 
 home in B.C. 84, he left L. Licinius Muraena as propraetor 
 of Asia, with L. Lucullus as quaestor. Muraena was eager 
 to distinguish himself by a victory over Mithridates. There 
 was not yet complete peace in his province: some places, 
 such as the island of Mitylene, still held out against the 
 Romans, and as the settlement of Pergamus had been 
 
202 THIRD MITHRIDATIC WAR. CH. 
 
 verbal and not by a written treaty, there was sure to be 
 points of dispute that might be made an excuse for 
 attacking Mithridates. Muraena did in fact find such an 
 excuse in a dispute as to the possession of parts of 
 Cappadocia. He entered that country, pillaged villages 
 and temples, and refused to obey an order of recall sent 
 from the Senate. He sustained a defeat at the hands 
 of Mithridates near Sinope (capital of the Pontic kingdom), 
 and only desisted from the war when Sulla sent Gabinius 
 with positive orders for his return, and with directions to 
 make terms between the kings of Pontus and Cappadocia 
 (B.C. 81). 
 
 Mithridates had seemed glad to accept Sulla's orders 
 and to make peace; and till B.C. 74 he lived on fairly 
 good terms with the Roman governors of Asia, who were 
 forbidden by Sulla's law to cross the frontier to attack 
 him, though there was still an outstanding dispute about 
 parts of Cappadocia, and Mithridates was doing his best 
 to prepare for another war. 
 
 8. Third Mithridatic War under Lucullus. In 
 B.C. 74 a question as to the succession to the throne 
 of Bithynia brought matters to a crisis. Nicomedes, king 
 of Bithynia, died in that year and left his dominions to 
 the Roman people. Whether this was like the will of 
 Attalus, which left the royal property to the Romans, 
 hoping that they would be induced to respect the in- 
 dependence of his people, or not, the Romans determined 
 to treat the whole country as their own, and add it to the 
 province of Asia till further arrangements should be made. 
 As this gave them a district on the Pontus (Black Sea) and 
 Propontis, and would enable them by blockading the Bos- 
 porus and Hellespont to ruin the Pontic trade, Mithridates 
 was expected to espouse the cause of the son of Nicomedes. 
 His previous preparations were known at Rome, and it was 
 determined to anticipate all danger by at once sending a 
 
xv. CAMPAIGNS OF LUCULLUS. 203 
 
 fleet and army. The army was commanded by one consul 
 L. Licinius Lucullus, the navy by the other consul M. 
 Aurelius Cotta (B.C. 73). Thus began a war that lasted 
 seven years. It opened with a disaster to the Roman fleet 
 under Cotta at Chalcedon ; and with an attempt to rouse the 
 Greek cities in Asia to reassert their freedom from Roman 
 imposts under the leadership of M. Marius the One-eyed, 
 whom Sertorius had sent with the pretended authority of 
 proconsul of Asia. But on land Lucullus was much more 
 successful. The grand army of Mithridates, amounting to 
 150,000 men, was wasted in a siege of Cyzicus, and in 
 engagements with Lucullus who came to its relief; and at 
 the end of the year B.C. 73 the king could muster barely 
 20,000, while a succession of storms had much weakened 
 and damaged his fleet. Next year (B.C. 72) M. Marius 
 was captured ; the death of Sertorius deprived Mithridates of 
 the hope of a diversion in his favour by occupying Roman 
 forces in Spain ; and the king himself barely escaped from 
 a blockade of Nicomedia. One of his lieutenants also, who 
 had been sent to invade Roman Cilicia, had suffered similar 
 disasters at the hands of Julius Caesar, who, while studying 
 rhetoric at Rhodes, had raised a force of volunteers and 
 crossed to Asia to meet him. An attempt to send money 
 to bribe the islands of the Aegean Sea was also defeated, 
 and the treasure captured; and the king's garrisons in 
 Galatian towns were expelled by the tetrarch Deiotarus. 
 Altogether, except as to the first success against Cotta, the 
 two years (B.C. 73-72) were most disastrous to Mithridates, 
 and destroyed all his hopes of wresting the province of Asia 
 from the Romans. His only resource was a combination of 
 the great kingdoms of Central Asia Armenia and Parthia 
 against the Republic. Tigranes, king of Armenia, however, 
 had his own battles to fight in Syria, and gave him only 
 vain promises ; and he again sustained a great defeat at the 
 hands of Lucullus near Cabira (B.C. 71 spring), and flying 
 
204 
 
 DIFFICULTIES OF LUCULLUS. CH. 
 
 into Armenia was kept by the king practically a prisoner 
 till B.C. 69 ; during which time Lucullus carried all before 
 him, as did also the Roman fleet in the Aegean and the 
 Pontus. However, the war was not at an end. Lucullus 
 determined to demand of Tigranes, king of Armenia, that 
 he should hand over Mithridates; and when Tigranes, elated 
 by his victories in Syria, refused, Lucullus, after a year's 
 delay, in the course of which the Pontic capital Sinope was 
 reduced to surrender, advanced upon his new-built capital 
 (Tigranocerta), in the spring of B.C. 69. Thus the Romans 
 were for the first time approaching the country between 
 the Euphrates and Tigris, where they were destined to 
 maintain for so many centuries a struggle against the 
 Parthians. Tigranes was defeated near Tigranocerta, on 
 the 6th of October, B.C. 69, and Lucullus not only got 
 vast booty, but restored to the throne of Syria the expelled 
 Antiochus Asiaticus, who, on being driven out by Tigranes, 
 had appealed to Rome for help, and was now for a short time 
 again allowed to call himself king of Syria. Tigranes was not 
 yet, however, quite conquered. He summoned Mithridates 
 from his confinement, and under his vigorous guidance again 
 collected a large army, which, however, was again defeated 
 by Lucullus (Sept., B.C. 68), near Mount Arsanias, in the 
 Euphrates valley. But Lucullus was now on the high 
 steppes of Central Asia, where the winters were most severe, 
 and his army refused to remain there. He was obliged to 
 come south into Mesopotamia, and, for the winter of 
 B.C. 68-67, was reduced almost to impotence by the mutinous 
 temper of his troops, who were instigated by his legate and 
 brother-in-law P. Clodius to refuse to endure any farther 
 fatigues or expeditions. The result was that Mithridates 
 once more began a series of successful movements, and 
 seemed likely to recover all those parts of his dominions 
 which had been occupied by the Romans. Tigranes also 
 recovered Armenia, on Lucullus moving westward to relieve 
 
xv. POMPEIUS MAGNUS. 205 
 
 his lieutenant Triarius, who (like his predecessor Hadrianus) 
 had been defeated by the troops of Mithridates. Lucullus 
 had done great things, but he was now in danger of losing 
 all that he had gained ; and just at this juncture ten com- 
 missioners arrived, expecting to find a new province (Bithynia 
 and Pontus) ready to be organized, of which M'. Acilius 
 Glabrio, who came at the same time, was to be proconsul, 
 as well as commander against Mithridates. Lucullus there- 
 fore felt himself superseded, and his mutinous army acted 
 as though he were so, and for the most part left him. He 
 still, however, remained during the winter of B.C. 67-66 in 
 Galatia, at the head of some troops, which he did not hand 
 over till Pompey arrived in B.C. 66 to take up the command. 
 
 9. Pompey in the Mediterranean and the East, 
 B.C. 66-63. The rest of the war is intimately connected 
 with the rise of Pompeius Magnus to a high position in 
 the State. Pompey had been consul in B.C. 70 after his 
 return from Spain, in spite of the law of Sulla, since he 
 was neither of the consular age nor had he been quaestor 
 or praetor. In his year of office laws were passed undoing 
 some of Sulla's arrangements. The law preventing tribunes 
 afterwards holding other offices was repealed, and the juries 
 were no longer confined to Senators, but were to be one- 
 third Senators, one-third Equites, and one-third of the order 
 next to the Equites, called Tribuni aerarii. This made the 
 stricter Optimates suspect him, and they eagerly opposed a 
 bill brought forward in B.C. 67 by a tribune named A. 
 Gabinius, because they regarded it as certainly pointing to 
 Pompey, whose reputation had been steadily rising. 
 
 10. The Lex Gabinia, and War with Cilician 
 Pirates. The occasion was this. The Cicilian and other 
 pirates had become a serious danger throughout the Medi- 
 terranean. Their numbers and boldness had risen to such 
 a height that commerce was threatened with extinction, 
 and the sea was almost impassable except to large vessels 
 
206 THE PIRATIC WAR. CH. 
 
 with armed men on board. They had plundered the coasts 
 of Asia, Greece, Epirus, and Italy itself; had carried off 
 two propraetors with their train, many ladies of high rank, 
 and had even run into the harbours of Caieta and Ostia 
 and set fire to the ships. Every now and then they met 
 with retribution, as when they captured lulius Caesar on 
 his way to Rhodes and exacted a heavy ransom, which he 
 raised in Greek cities, and then obtained ships, pursued, 
 captured and put them to death at Pergamus. But, as 
 a rule, anything the Romans had done had been either 
 unsuccessful or insufficient. The Balearic Islands (Maiorca 
 and Minorca) had been taken over as offering them 
 harbourage; P. Servilius Isauricus had destroyed one 
 great nest of them, and, though C. Antonius had failed 
 in Crete, Q. Caecilius Metellus had been more successful 
 there (B.C. 68). Still these were only partial measures ; 
 no general plan of repression had ever been set on foot, 
 and the people were feeling the effects of the interrup- 
 tion of commerce in a serious rise in the price of 
 provisions. The law of Gabinius proposed that some one 
 should be appointed with absolute power for three years 
 all over the Mediterranean and fifty miles inland from 
 all coasts, with two hundred ships and unlimited credit 
 on the treasury, with the express purpose of clearing the 
 sea of these pests. All eyes turned at once to Pompey, 
 and, in spite of various methods of opposition, the bill 
 was not only passed, but Pompey was named with an even 
 greater equipment. He was to have twenty-four legates, 
 120,000 sailors and foot-soldiers, with 500 horse. Pompey 
 justified the confidence of the people. Within a sur- 
 prisingly small number of months he had accomplished 
 his task ; and, during the winter of B.C. 67-66 he resided 
 in a now pacified Cilicia, founding cities and settling 
 the best of the pirates in districts where they could live 
 honestly. 
 
XV. POMPEY AND MITHRIDATES. 207 
 
 n. Pompey sent against Mithridates, B.C. 66. 
 The relief to the Romans and all Italy was great ; Pompey's 
 reputation was at its height, and a law proposed by a 
 tribune, C. Manilius, to confer on him the command 
 against Mithridates was eagerly passed, in spite of the 
 opposition of the Optimates in the Senate (B.C. 66). 
 Pompey was again completely and rapidly successful. 
 Mithridates, indeed, when he arrived, was at a very low 
 ebb of his fortunes, in spite of his successes of the previous 
 two years. The loss of the piratical fleets was a severe 
 blow to him ; Tigranes, king of Armenia (his son-in-law), 
 was again alienated from him ; and his attempt to gain 
 the alliance of the Parthians was frustrated by Pompey 
 whose forces were vastly superior to the king's, while his 
 fleet was guarding all points on the coast from Phoenicia 
 to the Bosporus. Still Mithridates refused submission ; 
 and when his troops were cut to pieces in attempting a 
 night retreat, he himself escaped to Armenia, and, finding 
 no chance of support there, marched round the Black Sea 
 to Colchis, intending to enter the dominions of his son, 
 Machares, near the Crimea. Pompey followed him for 
 some distance, wintering on the Khur, and inflicting a 
 defeat on the Albani and Iberes, who commanded the 
 passage over the Caucasus. In the spring (B.C. 65) he pro- 
 ceeded as far as the Phasis ; but failing to come up with 
 Mithridates, he left him to be dealt with by the Roman fleet, 
 and returned southward to take over the district between 
 the Euphrates on the east and the Mediterranean on the 
 west, Mounts Amanus and Taurus on the north and the 
 desert of Arabia Petraea on the south, including Pales- 
 tine. This was now to be formed into a new province 
 under the name of Syria ; and Antiochus, whom the 
 Romans had restored to the territory taken from him by 
 Tigranes of Armenia, was to be deposed. It was in the 
 course of this business that Pompey found it necessary to 
 
208 DEATH OF MITHRIDATES. CH. 
 
 enter Palestine and capture Jerusalem, in consequence of 
 the disturbance created by the rivalry of the two kings, 
 Hyrcanus III. and Aristobulus, the former of whom had 
 called in the aid of Aretas, king of the Nabataei, in Arabia. 
 The city was delivered to Pompey without a blow ; but the 
 temple was obstinately defended, and was only taken after 
 more than two months' siege with much bloodshed on 
 both sides (December B.C. 63). 
 
 12. Death of Mithridates, B.C. 63, and Settlement 
 of Asia. While engaged in Palestine Pompey learnt that 
 Mithridates was dead. He had reached Panticapaeum 
 (Kertch), had forced his rebellious son Machares to commit 
 suicide, had again collected an army, and even meditated 
 an invasion of Italy by the valley of the Danube and 
 the Brenner. But he was closely blockaded by the Roman 
 fleet ; his people were suffering from their crippled trade ; 
 and an insurrection, instigated by his one remaining son 
 Pharnaces, compelled him to put an end to his life. After 
 his death there was no more resistance to the Roman arms 
 in Asia, and Pompey was able to make a settlement of 
 Asiatic affairs as he chose. It will be well to notice what 
 this settlement was. 
 
 (i) Two new "provinces " were formed : 
 
 (a) Bithynia and Pontus, sometimes spoken of by 
 either name, including the country left by the 
 Bithynian king Nicomedes (B.C. 74), with the 
 addition of most of the territory lately held by 
 Mithridates as king of Pontus. 
 
 (I)) Syria, the district from the upper Euphrates and 
 the Gulf of Issus to Egypt and the Arabian 
 desert, was made a province, the lately restored 
 king Antiochus Asiaticus being wholly deprived 
 of this territory. But the country was too vast 
 and diversified to be all under one administration, 
 The difficulty was got over by leaving numerous. 
 
xv. SETTLEMENT OF ASIA. 209 
 
 cities and their immediate territories "free," i.e. 
 not under a Roman magistrate, but with a local 
 government (royal or other) of their own, though 
 paying tribute to Rome. Thus Jerusalem and 
 the Jews generally, thus Tyre and Sidon, remained 
 autonomous though tributary, some of the coast 
 towns being taken from them and added to the 
 Province. Thus Aretas was heavily mulcted and 
 reduced to pay tribute, but was allowed to retain 
 his government in the same way as many other 
 petty princes retained their government, but 
 had to observe the Pax Romana. M. Aemilius 
 Scaurus was appointed by Pompey as first gover- 
 nor of this province. 
 
 (2) The rest of Asia was left independent indeed, and the 
 larger kingdoms re-established ; but their kings were set up 
 for the first time, or restored by Pompey's authority, and 
 really reigned by permission of Rome. 
 These kingdoms were : 
 
 (a) Tigranes was restored to Armenia. 
 
 (&) Cappadocia was secured to Ariobarzanes. 
 
 (c) Antiochus (not Asiaticus) was confirmed in the 
 kingdom of Seleucia and Commagene. 
 
 (rf) Attalus was made prince of the interior of Paph- 
 lagonia. 
 
 (e) Deiotarus, tetrarch of a large part of Galatia. 
 
 ( /) Aristarchus, king of Colchis. 
 
 (g) Archelaus, High Priest of Comana (equivalent to 
 king). 
 
 (h) Pharnaces (son of Mithridates), king of Bosporus : 
 but certain towns were declared free ; as Phana- 
 goria (on the Sea of Azov) and Mitylene in 
 Lesbos, which had held out for Mithridates, 
 and had been subdued in B.C. 81. 
 
 13. Pompey's Return to Rome, B.C. 62. These 
 
 o 
 
210 POMPEY'S RETURN. CH. xv. 
 
 arrangements constituted what was called an imperator's 
 acta. They held good as long as he had imperium, and pro- 
 visionally at any rate afterwards ; but to be put on a clearly 
 legal footing they had to be " confirmed " by a formal vote of 
 the Senate: and when Pompey returned to Rome in B.C. 62, 
 many thought that he would refuse to disband his army, 
 or lay down his imperium until these acta were confirmed ; 
 and there was some alarm on all sides as to what he might 
 do. He was coming home with great glory. The sea had 
 been cleared of pirates; two large provinces had been added 
 to the Empire ; Asia was pacified, and nearly all the kings 
 in it were reigning by his means or consent ; even the Par- 
 thians, who were on the Eastern frontier and were so much 
 dreaded, had been forced to surrender what they had taken 
 from Armenia, and had made terms. Pompey also was 
 bringing enormous wealth to enrich the exchequer, and a 
 great number of noble and princely captives to adorn his 
 triumph. With such prestige and such forces he might 
 perhaps play the part of Sulla or Marius, and both parties 
 were uneasy. But Pompey disappointed hopes and fears 
 alike. He disbanded his army as soon as he landed in 
 Italy, and came to Rome to claim his triumph. He did 
 not lay down his imperium, for, if he had done so, he could 
 not have had his triumph. He therefore could not actually 
 enter the city on his arrival late in B.C. 62, but he could 
 meet the Senate outside the Pomoerium in certain temples. 
 He did not triumph till the 28th September, B.C. 61; and 
 we shall find that the question of the confirmation of his 
 acta was the cause of much political trouble. 
 
STATUE OF POMPEY. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE BREAKDOWN OF THE 
 REPUBLIC. 
 
 i. The evils requiring reform in the last period of the Republic (i) De- 
 population of Italy and attempts to stop it ; (2) the misgovernment in 
 the provinces ; (3) violent party contests in Rome, and the points on 
 "which the parties ivere at variance j (4) hostility of 'the orders. 2. The 
 leading men in the state during the revolutionary period : Of the 
 Populares Caesar ; Pompey, Crassus. 3. Of the Optimatcs 
 Catulus, Lucullus, Cato. 4. Cicero, Catiline. 5. The conspiracy 
 of Catiline. 6. Consequences of the action of Cicero in putting 
 down the Catilinarian conspiracy. 
 
 i. The Evils requiring Reform in the last period 
 of the Republic, B.C. 63-31. We have now come to a 
 period in which events led quickly to the breakdown of the 
 Republic, and it will be well to see whether we can point 
 out some of the causes of it. No one cause is sufficient to 
 account for the revolution, and no one man. There were 
 many circumstances which combined to bring it about, and 
 the mistakes or crimes both of those who attacked and of 
 those who defended the constitution alike led up to the final 
 catastrophe. Let us see what the evils in various parts of 
 the empire were which required reform, and then we may 
 pass to the remedies which opposing parties in Rome pro- 
 posed for them. 
 
 (i) The Depopulation of Italy. Lands were for the most 
 part held by few men in large estates and worked by slaves. 
 
 212 
 
CH. xvi. SEEDS OF REVOLUTION. 213 
 
 The free country people had to a great extent migrated to 
 the towns, and especially to Rome, finding no chance of 
 prosperity in the country. Therefore Rome was becoming 
 crowded with a poor and discontented class. This tendency 
 had long existed, but, partly owing to the vicious practice of 
 distributing cheap corn, it had by this time come to a climax. 
 Various attempts had been made to remedy it by using the 
 ager publicus for allotments to poor citizens, and thus per- 
 suading them to settle in the country. There was still, 
 however, some ager publicus left, principally in Campania, 
 once forming the territory of Capua, which was rented to 
 farmers (aratores] ; and also considerable tracts in Etruria 
 confiscated by Sulla, in some of which he had put posses- 
 sores^ while in the case of others (for instance, at Volaterrae 
 and Arretium) the law had not been carried out, and the 
 original owners had remained in possession, always however 
 with the terror before them lest some new proposal should 
 be made for dividing it and displacing them. 
 
 Here there was one source of political division at Rome. 
 Various tribunes, belonging to the popular party, made pro- 
 posals from time to time for dealing with the ager publicus in 
 such a way as to induce farmers to settle on their properties 
 throughout Italy. But there were too many interests in- 
 volved. The Optimates looked upon those already in 
 possession as their best supporters and were unwilling to 
 do anything which might alienate them. The division of 
 the Campanian lands also among freeholders meant the 
 loss of the quit-rents (vectigat) to the treasury, and the more 
 complete dependence on the tribute of the provinces over 
 which the authority of the Senate was less secure. There 
 was also a great deal of ager publicus in the provinces. The 
 sale or enfranchisement of that also was proposed by Rullus 
 in B.C. 63, but was opposed by the Optimates on similar 
 grounds, fear for the revenue, and fear of disturbances 
 tending to put power in the hands of military leaders and 
 
214 
 
 DANGERS IN THE PROVINCES. CH. 
 
 weaken that of the Senate. The question was more acute 
 than usual just now, because Pompey wanted allotments for 
 his veterans and was therefore anxious for some solution 
 of it. We shall see presently that this helped to throw him 
 into the arms of Caesar, who carried a law in B.C. 59 that 
 settled the question of the greater part of the Campanian 
 land for a time. 
 
 (2) The Provinces. In the provinces there were many 
 grievances which threatened trouble heavy taxation, mal- 
 versation on the part of governors and publicani, and 
 insecurity of redress before the law courts. It was 
 commonly said that a provincial governor had to make 
 three fortunes : one to pay the cost of games, public 
 entertainments, and other modes of obtaining office, a 
 second to bribe the jury when tried for malversation, and 
 a third to live on. All these he looked to make out of his 
 province ; so that some said that it would be better for 
 the provincials if there was no such thing as trial for mal- 
 versation a man would have one less fortune to make. 
 Not only so, but either from the wording of the law or from 
 tradition, an eques could not be tried under the lex de 
 repetundiS) and the only persons liable were the proconsul, 
 the quaestor, and the legati, if Senators. This monstrous 
 privilege gave the publicani practical immunity at home. 
 Their only restraint came from the proconsul, and him 
 they found means to pacify or overawe. These things were 
 surely making for the dissolution of the Empire. Some 
 stringent reform was necessary; but the interests opposed 
 to such reform were so great, that it would hardly be effected 
 without a break-up of the present hold of the few upon 
 office and power. Yet it would be wrong to think that all 
 provincial governors were dishonest or oppressive. If it had 
 been so, a more wide-spread disaster could hardly have been 
 averted, such as that which overtook the Romans in Asia in 
 B.C. 88. The provinces were, in fact, on the whole peaceful 
 
xvi. TROUBLES IN ROME. 215 
 
 and fairly prosperous. In B.C. 63 (Pompey having subdued 
 and settled Asia) Cicero was able to say that the Empire 
 was at peace, threatened by no rising in the provinces or 
 acts of hostility from neighbouring princes. The evil effects 
 of the misgovernment were to be felt first of all at Rome 
 itself, where the eagerness for these profitable offices led to 
 fierce party warfare. 
 
 (3) Violent Party Contests at Rome. We may now turn 
 then to Rome with clearer ideas as to the dangers brewing 
 there. We may see that the two parties the Optimates 
 and Populares were sharply divided on many questions : 
 the manner of dealing with the ager publicus the reforms 
 of the law courts, necessary for giving the provinces security 
 for justice; the mode of dealing with the crowds of im- 
 poverished men who, living in Rome side by side with 
 immense wealth and luxury, were always ready to be led 
 into disorder ; the real opening of office so that it should be 
 within reach of all those legally entitled to it and yet not 
 fall into unworthy hands. At present the higher offices 
 were looked upon as all but the monopoly of a few noble 
 families ; and the eagerness for them, combined with the 
 difficulty of securing them, led to violence at elections, and 
 the hiring of regular bands of roughs to break up meetings or 
 keep other candidates and their supporters from appearing. 
 
 (4) Hostility of Equites and the Senate. Besides these 
 sources of difference there was a feud between the Senate 
 and the Equites. The Equites were the rich middle class, 
 not noble, as in a sense the Senators were, but always liable 
 to become so by election to office making them life-senators. 
 One great cause of jealousy between them was the question 
 of juries. It had been always the custom in quaestiones or 
 trials for the jury to consist of senators, till Gaius Gracchus 
 transferred that function to the equites (B.C. 122). Sulla 
 had restored the right to the senators in B.C. 81 ; but in 
 Pompey 's consulship (B.C. 70) a new law ordained that 
 
216 THE SENATE AND THE EQUITES. CH. 
 
 one-third of the jury should be Senators, one-third Equites, 
 and one-third tribuni aerarii men whose rateable property 
 came next below that of the Equites. But, though a settle- 
 ment had been thus made which roughly satisfied both 
 parties, there were other causes of dissension. The farming 
 of the taxes in Asia was in the hands of publicani, who were 
 all Equites. We have seen that the taxes were paid partly 
 in kind and partly in money, and that the companies of 
 publicani, estimating the amount that they would yield, 
 paid a certain sum to the exchequer and made what profit 
 they could. A bad harvest, or an interruption of traffic, 
 would bring them loss, and about this time they had made 
 so bad a bargain that they were threatened with bankruptcy. 
 The body who had the right to relieve them was the Senate ; 
 but the Senate hesitated, and consequently there was a 
 strained feeling between the orders. The Equites were 
 looking to the leaders of the Populares as their natural 
 supporters, because the policy of the Populares was to 
 depress the Senate, to consult it as little as possible, and 
 to pass measures through the Comitia over its head. 
 
 2. The Leaders in the State, B.C. 70-44. With these 
 elements of revolution working, the character and loyalty of 
 the leading men were of the first importance. Would 
 they avail themselves of these thorny questions in order 
 to push themselves forward and get above the law, or would 
 they use their influence to carry or resist reforms within 
 the lines of the constitution ? The leading men of whom we 
 ought to have some clear idea were : 
 
 (i) Gains lulius Caesar , B.C. 101-44. Caesar was born 
 in B.C. 100 (or 101) of one of the most illustrious patrician 
 families ; yet his aunt was wife to Marius, and from the first 
 he had been closely connected with the popular party. He 
 married a daughter of Cinna, and defied Sulla's order to 
 divorce her. He served his first campaign in operations 
 at Lesbos, which followed Sulla's return from Greece 
 
xvi. THE LEADERS. CAESAR. 217 
 
 (B.C. 8 1 -80), and after Sulla's death returned to Rome and 
 gained reputation as an orator by prosecuting some of the 
 opposite party for extortion (B.C. 75). This seems to have 
 directed his attention to oratory as the road by which 
 he was to advance in life; for he went in B.C. 75-74 to 
 study rhetoric in the famous schools of Rhodes. But 
 while he was there, the second Mithridatic war began with 
 another invasion of Asia Minor, and in B.C. 74 he col- 
 lected troops, crossed over to Asia, and defeated the king's 
 general. He also showed his spirit in dealing with some 
 pirates by whom he was captured on his way to Rhodes and 
 put to ransom (p. 206). But he does not seem as yet to 
 have discovered that his chief ability lay in the direction 
 of military command. He returned to Rome again in 
 B.C. 73, and, giving his support to all the measures of 
 the popular party, began his official career by seeking the 
 usual magistracies. Returning from his quaestorship in 
 farther Spain in B.C. 67, he found that the burning 
 question at Rome was the giving of extraordinary powers 
 to Pompey, first for the piratic, and then for the Mithri- 
 datic wars. Caesar had not yet obtained such a position 
 as to make him a rival of Pompey, and he cordially sup- 
 ported him, biding his time till he should have gone 
 through the regular grades of official promotion. As 
 commissioner of the Appian road in B.C. 67, and aedile in 
 B.C. 65, he expended such large sums of his own that he 
 became deeply in debt, and could only hope to stave off 
 bankruptcy by the profits of office. After being praetor in 
 B.C. 62, he was propraetor in farther Spain in B.C. 61-60, 
 and there first won a name as a general, and also (by means 
 that seem to have been oppressive) relieved himself of his 
 load of debt. On his return he claimed a triumph, but his 
 enemies in the Senate contrived to put off the decision as to 
 granting it until he had to choose between entering Rome 
 to make his profession for the consulship, and so giving up 
 
2i8 POMPEY AND CRASSUS. en. 
 
 his triumph, or waiting outside Rome and so giving up 
 the consulship. He chose the consulship and gave up 
 the triumph; but the Senate had made a deadly enemy 
 of him, just at the same time as they were estranging 
 Pompey by hesitating to confirm his acta in the East. It 
 was a dangerous thing to do ; for by this time Caesar had 
 shown of what metal he was made, and had by all his 
 political actions definitely taken the lead of the Populares 
 
 (2) Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, B.C. 106-48. Pompey was 
 older than Caesar, much less enterprising, and, though per- 
 haps as ambitious, yet much more scrupulous as to the 
 means of gratifying his ambition. He was, in fact, a man 
 to whom success had come so early, and remained so con- 
 stant, that self-confidence and a high degree of self-esteem 
 had become a second nature to him ; and he could not 
 rightly deal with opposition in Rome, because it seemed to 
 him unintelligible and incredible. He must have had great 
 energy and promptitude, for everything he undertook had 
 been done quickly and completely the crushing of the 
 opposition to Sulla in Sicily and Africa, the sweeping away 
 of the remnants of the gladiatorial rebellion, the clearance 
 of the pirates, the winding up of the Mithridatic war, and 
 the settlement of Asia and Syria. But it must be owned 
 that in the greater part of this work he had been supremely 
 fortunate in the time of his intervention : Crassus had 
 broken the back of the gladiatorial war, Lucullus of the 
 Mithridatic; and in the one instance in which he had to 
 deal with a formidable and unconquered adversary namely, 
 Sertorius in Spain he had met with disasters and defeats 
 as well as successes, and owed his final triumph to the 
 knife of the assassin. 
 
 (3) M. Licinius Crassus, B.C. 115-53. The two leaders, 
 however, strengthened their position by attaching to them- 
 selves the richest man of the day, M. Licinius Crassus. He 
 was about nine years older than Pompey, and, like him, had 
 
xvi. CRASSUS, POMPEY, AND CAESAR COMBINE. 219 
 
 been of the party of Sulla. He had done good service to 
 Sulla, and was personally brave, as he showed in the war of 
 Spartacus : but he had neither genius for war nor real interest 
 in politics. His life-long passion had been the accumulation 
 of an enormous fortune the foundation of which he had 
 laid during the Sullan confiscations. He had been Pompey's 
 colleague in his first consulship (B.C. 70), but had been on 
 bad terms with him throughout. Most of the senators owed 
 him money, and he expected the influence thus obtained 
 to be as great as that of Pompey, which was gained by 
 public services. Jealousy of Pompey made it easy perhaps 
 for Caesar to win him over, in spite of the difference in 
 their politics. At any rate, in B.C. 61, he enabled Caesar 
 to go to his province by being security for his debts ; and 
 when Caesar returned in B.C. 60 to stand for the consulship, 
 he was induced by him to become reconciled to Pompey : 
 and the three made a coalition, generally called the First 
 Triumvirate, which was not a legally established com- 
 mission, but a private understanding between the three 
 men to support each other. We shall see presently (p. 233) 
 what each of the three proposed to secure by this arrange- 
 ment. It was continually in danger of breaking up owing 
 to the mutual jealousies of Pompey and Crassus, and, after 
 the death of Crassus, the growing antagonism of Caesar and 
 Pompey soon brought it to an end. 
 
 3. The Leaders of the Optimates. The party of 
 the Optimates had less need of a leader than the Populares. 
 They were not attacking; they were simply defending 
 privileges and old institutions. They in fact were jealous of 
 any one who possessed superiority of character or genius; 
 for they were a true oligarchy, and dreaded above all things 
 the supremacy of one man who would put all citizens on an 
 equal footing. For a long time office had been almost a 
 matter of course for members of the great families in their 
 turn. It was a kind of birthright which they looked for as 
 
220 CATULUS AND LUCULLUS. cH. 
 
 natural and assured. Many of them cared above all 
 things for the ease and luxury which the great wealth thus 
 secured brought them, and could not be induced to take 
 any farther interest in politics, when once they had gone 
 through the routine of the duties which their birth and 
 position imposed on them. They did not understand the 
 times, nor see that a new generation had grown up deter- 
 mined to share in the spoils, or (in the case of the better 
 of them) resolved that power should no longer be so 
 exclusively in the hands of a class which had so often shown 
 itself corrupt or incompetent. They of course understood 
 that there was an opposition party ; but they either under- 
 rated its strength, or felt too confident in their own to take 
 active measures. The leaders therefore of the Optimates 
 had not, like the leaders of the Populares, a crowd of eager 
 followers at their back. The former had to rouse, the latter 
 to restrain their partisans. These men therefore were 
 neither so conspicuous nor so interesting as the others, 
 (i) Q. Lutatius Catulus (about B.C. 120-60) had held the 
 highest offices, had successfully opposed the revolutionary 
 proceedings of Lepidus (B.C. 78-77), had denounced bribers, 
 opposed the laws for giving Pompey extra-constitutional 
 powers, and had for years been the head of a commission 
 for restoring the Capitol. He enjoyed the highest character 
 for honesty, incorruptibility, and consistency. But he was 
 essentially a mediocre man, had no following, and evoked 
 no enthusiasm. (2) L. Lucullus (born about B.C. 120, died 
 B.C. 57) had made himself famous by his conduct of the 
 Mithridatic war (B.C. 74-64), had celebrated a triumph, and 
 possessed enormous wealth. But after his return to Rome, 
 he took little part in politics except in an opposition to 
 Pompey's demand for the confirmation of his acta, and the 
 personal feeling involved in that took away much of its 
 credit. For the last few years of his life he seems to have 
 withdrawn from public life to enjoy his wealth, or from 
 
xvi. CATO AND CICERO. 221 
 
 ill-health. (3) M. Porcius Cato (B.C. 95-46), afterwards 
 called Uticencis from the place of his death, was a good 
 deal younger than these two men, but had gained consider- 
 able influence in the Senate since his entrance into it as 
 quaestor in B.C. 65, and was the representative of the "stern 
 and unbending " Optimates, who opposed every demand of 
 the popular party, were against every concession, and would 
 listen to no compromise. He modelled himself on the 
 character of his great-grandfather the Censor, professed the 
 Stoic philosophy, and made his life and manners conform 
 to that ideal. His character for inflexible integrity no doubt 
 gave him influence in his own party, but could not atone 
 in the eyes of the other for his obstinate opposition. 
 
 There was nothing in these men to win that interest 
 and admiration from the other classes in the State which 
 make popular heroes. They might carry measures in the 
 Senate, but it was Pompey and Caesar to whom the people 
 looked as representing the governing class. Their interests, 
 however, were usually supposed to be antagonistic. Caesar 
 had always belonged to the popular party. Pompey had 
 never clearly shown to which he would attach himself. 
 What he would do when he came back with the prestige 
 of his great successes in the Mediterranean and the East 
 was a matter of much interest and conjecture. 
 
 4. M. Tullius Cicero, B.C. 106-43. There were two 
 men indeed who, in the absence of both these leaders, 
 occupied for a time an important position in Roman 
 politics. They were the great orator, M. Tullius Cicero 
 (B.C. 106-43) an d L. Sergius Catiline. Of the same age as 
 Pompey, Cicero had without any military achievements risen 
 steadily through the regular grades of office on the strength 
 of his talents. He was a " new man," that is, no ancestor of 
 his had held curule office; yet his influence in the law 
 courts was so great that he had gained the usual offices 
 without serious opposition. To the wrong-doing of the 
 
222 L. SERGIUS CATILINA. CH. 
 
 provincial governors he had shown his determination 
 to oppose the weight of his brilliant rhetoric by his 
 prosecution of Verres (p. 195). But the constitution 
 of Rome seemed in his eyes sacred it was the libertas^ 
 "the liberty," won by the heroes of the past. He 
 would equally oppose all who put that in danger, who- 
 ever they might be. His idea was that it might be 
 recovered and made a reality, if strenuous efforts were 
 made to purify the law courts, to treat the provinces with 
 equity, and induce the best of the nobles to leave their 
 sumptuous villas and fish-ponds and really throw them- 
 selves into the business of government. The disunion of 
 the orders (Senators and Equites) seemed to him to stand 
 most in the way of forming a steady phalanx of the " best " 
 men to oppose the forces of disorder and disruption. To 
 secure this union every effort was to be made, every plaus- 
 ible concession granted. But revolution must be resisted 
 at any cost. He therefore joined the Optimates, whom he 
 vainly hoped to rouse to the sense of their danger and the 
 right method of meeting it. But he spoke to deaf ears ; 
 nor was he himself sufficiently true to his principles. His 
 voice was often raised in defence of notorious wrongdoers ; 
 and the proud Optimates, though glad of his help, were often 
 stung by his speeches, and never quite looked on him as 
 one of themselves. 
 
 5. Catiline's Conspiracy, B.C. 63. The other man 
 who now gained a temporary prominence was L. Sergius 
 Catilina (about B.C. 108-62). Caesar in B.C. 63 had not 
 yet won his military triumphs in Spain, and as yet had 
 held no higher office than the quaestorship and aedileship. 
 He was to be the leader of the Populares; but he was 
 biding his time, and the hour was not yet come. The 
 extreme wing of the party, however, was not content to wait, 
 and Catiline now came forward as the leader of this section. 
 An aristocrat by birth, though without fortune, he had joined 
 
xvi. THE CONSPIRACIES OF' CATILINE. 223 
 
 the party of Sulla, and had, according to common report, 
 been guilty of the worst sort of excesses committed during 
 the proscriptions. The proscription of a brother or brother- 
 in-law, the murder of a wife and son, the corruption of a 
 vestal virgin were all attributed to him. Yet he was praetor 
 in B.C. 68, and propraetor in Africa in the following year, 
 and came back in B.C. 66 to stand for the consulship. But 
 whether it was from the scandals attaching to his name, 
 or because of his want of wealth, he found a strenuous 
 opposition to farther advancement. The consuls elected 
 in B.C. 66 were disqualified for bribery, and when he tried 
 to take their place the influence of the Senate secured 
 the election of the previously rejected candidates ; and 
 P. Clodius Pulcher (at that time in the party of the 
 Optimates) was set up to accuse him of extortion in 
 Africa, so as to prevent his being a candidate at the 
 Comitia of B.C. 65. Some other means were found to 
 prevent his candidature in B.C. 64 also, when Cicero and 
 C. Antonius were elected. He was thrown into violent 
 opposition by these measures. In B.C. 65 he was said to 
 have conspired to kill the consuls, although this so-called 
 "first conspiracy" was never investigated, far less proved. 
 But in B.C. 63, Cicero affirms that he was aware from 
 the beginning of his consulship, that a similar conspiracy 
 was again afoot. He declares that throughout the year 
 Catiline was gathering round him a band of desperadoes, 
 that their plan was if possible for Catiline to be elected 
 consul, and then to gratify his followers by offices and 
 every kind of revolutionary legislation abolition of debts, 
 confiscations, and plunder. The opportunity was thought 
 to be a good one : for one of the consuls, C. Antonius, 
 was believed to favour him; partisans of Catiline were 
 governing Spain and Africa ; there were disturbances in 
 Gaul; there were troubles in Etruria, because the "pos- 
 sessors " put in by Sulla had not prospered, and the owners 
 
224 TH E REBELLION OF C. MANLIUS. CH. 
 
 whom they had displaced were eager to get back their lands. 
 Nothing overt, however, seems to have been done until after 
 the elections of B.C. 63. When they were over, and Catiline 
 again defeated, he entered (it is said) on a deliberate plot. 
 The programme was to assassinate Cicero, to fire the city 
 in several places, assault the houses of leading senators, 
 and cause such confusion as to give an invading army 
 every opportunity of capturing Rome. Such an army was 
 now known to be collecting near Faesulae in Etruria (Florence) 
 under C. Manlius, an old officer of Sulla, who had been 
 joined by numerous malcontents, either from the city or the 
 ruined landowners on the Sullan allotments (2yth October). 
 The plans of Catiline however were even yet mere matters 
 of rumour, or had come to Cicero's ears by the doubtful 
 channel of Fulvia, the mistress of one of the conspirators. 
 However certain Cicero may have felt about them, he had 
 not yet sufficient grounds to justify an arrest. At a 
 meeting of the Senate on the 2ist September he had asked 
 Catiline for an explanation. The latter had already been 
 threatened with impeachment by Cato, but now deigned 
 no answer except that he proposed to give the larger 
 party in the State what it most wanted, a leader. Still this 
 did not amount to guilt. Though the Senate passed the 
 usual decree (p. 146) vesting the consul with supreme 
 power, it was in view of the threatened movement of 
 Manlius, against whom also extra military precautions were 
 taken. But on the 5th November a meeting was held at 
 the house of M. Porcius Laeca, at which (according to 
 Cicero's informant) the worst designs had been settled 
 upon in order to welcome and assist Manlius. Cicero 
 secured a guard for his own house, strengthened the city 
 watches, and on the 9th November delivered in the Senate 
 the first speech against Catiline, in which he charged him 
 with his designs and denounced his impudence in appear- 
 ing in the Senate. The manifest disfavour of the senators 
 
xvi. CATILINE JOINS MANLIUS. 225 
 
 so cowed Catiline that, with a brief appeal against a hasty 
 judgment, he quitted the house. That same night he 
 left Rome ostensibly for Marseilles, at which town a man 
 might escape the consequences of impeachment by living 
 in voluntary exile. If Cicero was sure of his guilt, why 
 did he allow him thus to escape? He felt the force of 
 this objection, and in a public speech next morning tried 
 to explain his motives, and promised the people protection. 
 
 But though Catiline was gone, the conspiracy was still 
 alive, as was shown by the fact (known at Rome in a few 
 days) that Catiline had not gone to Marseilles, but to the 
 camp of Manlius, and had taken command of it with the 
 usual ensigns of imperium. The Senate at once declared 
 him a public enemy (hostis) along with Manlius, ordered the 
 consuls to levy troops, and sent a message to the camp of 
 Manlius offering amnesty to all who should quit it within a 
 certain time. This seems, however, to have had no effect. 
 Adherents were flocking to Faesulae, and the alarm at Rome 
 rose high. 
 
 Cicero now struck his great blow. The duty of marching 
 against Manlius was left to his colleague, C. Antonius. His 
 own care was the treason within the city, which was to pre- 
 pare the way for the invasion. He had learnt (by means of 
 the same spy) the names of those involved, among whom 
 were a praetor and a tribune, Lentulus and L. Bestia. The 
 difficulty was to get proof. This was presently overcome by 
 a rash act of the conspirators themselves. The Allobroges 
 were the most troublesome tribe in the province of Trans- 
 alpine Gaul, and had frequently caused alarm by revolts, or 
 by threatening revolts. They no doubt had grievances, and 
 at this time their envoys were in Rome to plead for the 
 remission of a heavy money burden. The conspirators 
 were anxious to secure support from the Province, both in 
 the way of approval and in the more tangible shape of 
 auxiliary cavalry ; and they offered the envoys that, if they 
 
 p 
 
22 6 THE ALLOBROGES BETRAY THE CONSPIRACY. CH. 
 
 would get their tribe to furnish this support, they would 
 undertake in return to secure the objects for which they 
 were in Rome. The envoys (after some negotiation) con- 
 sented; prepared to leave Rome carrying despatches to 
 their Senate from the chief conspirators; and undertook 
 to visit Catiline on their way home, to deliver him a letter 
 from Lentulus, and to take his instructions. But reflection 
 caused the cunning barbarians to resolve upon betraying 
 the conspiracy. It was far from certain that, even if the 
 conspirators succeeded, they would be able to do as they 
 promised ; and their success was much less likely than their 
 failure. It would pay the Allobroges better to secure present 
 favour by turning informers, than to involve themselves in a 
 movement most likely to fail. They therefore employed 
 Fabius Sanga, their patronus, to inform Cicero of what had 
 been going on. This was exactly what Cicero wanted to 
 complete his case. There might be difference of feeling 
 as between himself and Catiline ; there would be no differ- 
 ence of feeling as to men who would use the forces of Gaul 
 against Rome. He bade the envoys keep up the semblance 
 of fidelity to their bargain, and prepare to leave Rome on 
 their way home, carrying the letters with them. They 
 accordingly started, and were promptly arrested on the 
 Milvian Bridge. Cicero (on his authority as consul) sum- 
 moned to his house all those who were named by the 
 Allobroges; asked them to acknowledge their handwriting 
 and seals ; and then handed over the letters unopened to 
 the praetor urbanus (2nd of December). There were four 
 men who had thus committed themselves by writing : P. 
 Cornelius Lentulus, C. Cornelius Cethegus, Statilius, and 
 Gabinius. They were kept under i surveillance during the 
 night ; and next morning (3rd December), at a meeting of 
 the Senate, the letters were opened and read by the praetor. 
 They were vague enough, and did not bear on their face 
 anything treasonable; that of Lentulus to Catiline being 
 
xvi. ARREST AND EXECUTION. 
 
 227 
 
 purposely obscure : " Who I am you will learn from the 
 bearer. See that you play the man and fully realize your 
 present position. Omit no necessary measures : avail your- 
 self of all auxiliaries, even the most humble.' 1 '' They were, 
 however, supplemented by the evidence of an informer 
 (Volturcius) and of the Allobroges ; and rightly or wrongly 
 the Senate was convinced of the guilt of the accused. They 
 were ordered into custody in the houses of senators, and 
 Lentulus was compelled to abdicate his praetorship. On 
 that evening Cicero delivered his third Catilinarian speech 
 to the people telling them of this treasonable league with 
 the Allobroges to raise a war in Gaul, and of a store of arms 
 found in the house of Cethegus. He found popular feeling 
 with him, and after spending the 4th in enrolling a guard of 
 Equites for the forum and temple of Concord, he brought 
 the question solemnly before the Senate there on the 5th. 
 It was not a question of guilt that the Senate was asked to 
 decide. That had been already decided. It was asked now 
 to advise the consul what he should do. By the decree 
 passed some time before, he was, according to custom, 
 invested with the power of life and death, if it seemed 
 necessary for the safety of the State. The Senate had no 
 right to order the execution of citizens : it was the consul, in 
 virtue of this decree, who had the right : but he desired to be 
 supported by a resolution of the Senate, and avowed that he 
 was able and willing to carry out whatever it decreed. 
 There was a division of opinion : some were for death, 
 others for lifelong imprisonment and confiscation, others for 
 postponing a decision till Catiline and Manlius had been 
 put down. The second of these proposals was earnestly 
 supported by Caesar, who almost carried the day, when the 
 speech of Cato turned the scale in favour of death. There- 
 upon Cicero at once had the four men strangled in the 
 Mamertine prison. 
 
 The movement at Rome, whatever it was, was crushed. 
 
22 8 FALL OF CATILINE. CH. 
 
 But the rebel camp of Manlius at Faesulae, with Catiline 
 now in command, was still existing, though the execution 
 of the conspirators at Rome seems to have caused large 
 numbers to withdraw, and Catiline, indeed, had never been 
 able to supply all with arms, There were as many as 20,000 
 men at one time in or near the camp; but when Catiline, 
 recognizing the extremity of his danger, tried to make his 
 way into Gaul, he seems to have had little more than 3000. 
 They were, however, all desperate men, and when they 
 found themselves debarred from the road to Gaul by the 
 legate and army of C. Antonius, they turned to bay near 
 Pistoria and fought fiercely till nearly all were killed. 
 Catiline himself rushed into the middle of his enemies, 
 and fell fighting furiously to the last. 
 
 6. Consequences of the Action of Cicero. Per- 
 haps the conspiracy of Catiline seems more important to us 
 than it did to contemporaries, because more than almost 
 any other event it is continually brought before us by Cicero 
 himself, who was extraordinarily proud of his action in thus 
 "saving the Republic," and never ceased to refer to it. 
 Still it was really important, as showing that there was a 
 considerable party in the State ready to go any lengths to 
 secure the reforms which they desired Great names were 
 freely mentioned in connexion with it : Caesar, Crassus, and 
 the consul C. Antonius were believed to have sympathized 
 if they did not join ; and we must remember that one of 
 those executed was a member of the government of the 
 year, Lentulus the praetor. Again, the manner of its sup- 
 pression was a dangerous precedent. The senatus consultum 
 ultimum had been passed before in other cases, and was 
 vaguely held to give the consuls and other magistrates the 
 power of inflicting death if necessary (p. 146). But this was 
 not supported by any law, and the use of it by Cicero was 
 pushing the claim to the extreme point. It would not 
 be forgiven, but might be imitated, by the other side; and at 
 
POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES. 
 
 229 
 
 any rate it was a lesson to the Populares as to the length to 
 which senatorial authority might be pushed. The personal 
 results to Cicero, such as overtook him a few years later, 
 were of little consequence except to himself. But it was 
 distinctly a move in the direction of violence and the 
 neglect of ordinary legal procedure, which were of evil 
 omen for the future. 
 
 BUST OF CICERO. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE TRIUMVIRATE. 
 
 I. The political position of Caesar in B.C. 60. 2. The political position 
 of Pompey. 3. The formation of the first so-called Triumvirate and 
 its purpose. 4. Caesar's provinces. 5. The province in Gaul beyond 
 the Alps. 6. Non- Roman Gaul. 7. Connexion of the Romans with 
 the larger Gaul. 8. Caesar's measures for protecting his interests 
 during his absence. 9. Cicero's exile and recall. P. Clodius, his 
 tribuneship and quarrel with Pompey. 10. Cato sent to Cyprus. 
 II. Caesars nine campaigns in Gaul y B.C. 58-50: (i) The Helvetii 
 and Germans ; (2) the Belgae and Nervii ; (3) the Vetteti ; (4) Ger- 
 man invaders of Gaul, first expedition to Britain ; (5) Second 
 expedition to Britain. Fall of Sabinus and Cotta ; (6) the Nervii 
 and Treveri. Invasion of Sicambri ; (7) Vercingetorix , chief of 
 the Arverni. Sieges of Gergovia and Alesia ; (8) minor rebellions 
 and measures of organization. 12. The end of Caesar 's government 
 of Gaul. 
 
 i. The Political Position of Caesar in B.C. 60. 
 One effect of the proceedings in the matter of Catiline was 
 to raise the position of Caesar, and cause him to be regarded 
 more distinctly as a leader of the Populares. He was elected 
 pontifex maximus in the March following. Being praetor 
 in B.C. 62, he on several occasions showed his determination 
 to resist any extension of the power of the Senate over the 
 magistrates; and when he went in B.C. 61 as propraetor to 
 Spain, he added to his influence by the military successes 
 which he gained there. When he returned in the summer 
 of B.C. 60, he found matters ripe for a new and more 
 
 230 
 
CH. xvii. POMPEY AND THE OPTIMATES. 
 
 231 
 
 decisive movement, and he promptly took advantage of the 
 opportunity. 
 
 2. The Political Position of Pompey. Pompey 
 returned from the East towards the end of B.C. 62. His 
 arrival in Italy had been looked forward to with anxiety by both 
 parties. Both hoped for his support, for he had not shown 
 decisively his adherence to either. He dismissed his army 
 as soon as he landed in Italy, though with promises to the 
 veterans that he would obtain them grants of land. He did 
 not therefore intend to play the part of Sulla or Marius and 
 support himself by arms. He seems indeed to have thought 
 that his services had been so great, that he could be denied 
 nothing. He soon found, however, that the Senate was jealous 
 of him, and that he had to face a determined opposition. 
 When he asked to have his acta (that is, his arrangements 
 made during his command in the East) confirmed by one 
 decree of the Senate, his demand was opposed by Lucullus 
 and a large party, who claimed that each particular 'act' 
 should be considered separately. This would take a long 
 time, and Pompey looked upon it as a humiliation and an 
 injury. As to grants of land for his veterans difficulties 
 also were made which would lower his influence with the 
 men. He was therefore on bad terms with the Optimates. 
 But he also failed to please the Populares. There were 
 two questions agitating the city when he returned or 
 shortly after. One was the trial of P. Clodius for sacrilege. 
 Clodius, a dissolute young noble (brother-in-law of Lucullus), 
 had made his way in woman's dress into the house of 
 Caesar (then pontifex maximus), whose wife Pompeia was 
 entertaining ladies engaged in celebrating the mysteries 
 of the Bona Dea, from which males were strictly excluded. 
 His trial was made an occasion of violent party conflict. 
 The bill for his impeachment contained a special clause as 
 to the selection of the jury by the praetor urbanus. This 
 was declared to be a device for tampering with the jury 
 
232 POMPEY PLEASES NEITHER PARTY. CH. 
 
 system, and was violently opposed. Clodius (raised to the 
 position of a kind of popular hero) riotously broke up the 
 assembly for passing the law, and eventually an amended 
 proposal was carried, leaving him a right of challenge, 
 whereby he obtained a jury that he was able to bribe. 
 
 The other question was one between the Equites and 
 Senate. The publicani (who were all Equites) had made 
 a bad bargain as to the collection of the taxes in Asia. It 
 was their own fault. The business was looked on as so 
 profitable, that the various companies bid eagerly against 
 each other. As it turned out, they had bidden too highly, 
 and were threatened with bankruptcy ; for the taxes fell far 
 short of the sum they had contracted to pay the treasury. 
 The only authority that could relieve them of their bargain 
 was the Senate, which, by a long established convention, 
 had the management of the revenue. Cicero was very 
 anxious that the concession should be made, not because 
 he thought it equitable, but because he thought any quarrel 
 between the orders tended to throw the rich middle class 
 (the Equites) on the side of the enemies of the Senate and 
 the Constitution. 
 
 Now in both these cases Pompey failed to conciliate 
 either side. In the case of Clodius he spoke so vaguely of 
 his deference to the Senate, that he offended the Populares 
 without pleasing the Optimates ; and in the case of the 
 publicani he held aloof altogether, disappointing the extreme 
 party in the Senate, headed by Cato, without winning the 
 support of the Equites. He therefore was as far off as 
 ever from getting the two measures which he did care for 
 the confirmation of his acta^ and the grant of land for his 
 veterans passed. 
 
 3. Caesar proposes to form a Triumvirate, 
 B.C. 60. Such was the state of things when Caesar returned 
 from Spain (B.C. 60). He too had a new grievance against 
 the Senate. He demanded a triumph, but if he was to have 
 
xvn. THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE. 233 
 
 one, he must stay outside the walls till the Senate voted it 
 to him ; and as he was a candidate for the consulship of 
 B.C. 59, he was obliged to appear in Rome seventeen days 
 before the election in order to make a declaration of his 
 candidature, which was called a professio. His enemies in 
 the Senate saw their way to embarrass him. They managed 
 to put off the decision as to the triumph so long, that he 
 was forced to give it up or give up being candidate for the 
 consulship. He decided to give up the triumph, entered 
 Rome, and was elected. But he was determined not to 
 submit to farther opposition. He proposed to Pompey to 
 join him and M. Licinius Crassus (the richest man in Rome) 
 in a sort of committee of three, whose united influence 
 would be sufficient to get all that they wanted from Senate 
 and people. Pompey and Crassus had been on bad terms, 
 and Pompey thought that to the influence of Crassus (to 
 whom a large number of senators were deeply indebted) 
 he owed much of the opposition which he had encountered. 
 Caesar managed however to reconcile them, and succeeded 
 in getting both to support him at his election. The effect 
 was immediately evident. When Caesar became consul 
 (ist Jan., B.C. 59), the measures which both desired were 
 quickly passed. Pompey's acta were confirmed, an agrarian 
 law was carried, which not only gave his veterans lands, but 
 settled a large number of needy citizens on the ager publicus 
 in Campania. The Equites were conciliated by the publicani 
 being allowed an abatement of a third in their contract for 
 the revenues of Asia, and the population of Rome by a 
 distribution of cheap corn. As his share of the advantages, 
 Caesar was to have a province at the end of his consulship 
 for the unusual period of five instead of one year. This 
 was to be given him by a law, and not (as usual) assigned 
 him by lot under the direction of the Senate. The im- 
 portance of this we shall see presently. It was also agreed 
 that before long Pompey and Crassus were on their part to 
 
234 CAESAR'S CONSULSHIP. CH. 
 
 hold the consulship again, and each of them also to have a 
 province for five years in the same way. This last was not 
 yet made a subject of legislation; but the other measures were, 
 and they were not passed without some show of force. Pom- 
 pey, who now married Caesar's daughter lulia, appeared at 
 the head of an armed force in the Campus, nominally to keep 
 order, but really to overawe the voters ; and in the Senate, 
 when Cato persisted in opposition, Caesar ordered his lictors 
 to arrest him, though he presently suggested to the tribunes 
 to release him. Moreover, the opposition of Caesar's col- 
 league Bibulus, who was a supporter of the Optimates, and 
 his attempt to stop Caesar's legislation by announcing 
 bad omens, and declaring that he was ' watching the sky,' 
 were neglected. The Senate, too, was studiously ignored, 
 summoned as seldom as possible, and not consulted as to 
 the laws which were to be brought before the people. 
 This was not illegal, for the Senate had no legal claim to be 
 consulted as to laws ; but it was a breach of immemorial 
 custom, and was the beginning of a great change. In the 
 reformation of crying abuses, the most notable of Caesar's 
 laws in B.C. 59 is that which affected the provinces. The 
 laws de repetundis had been so worded, that only the governor 
 himself and those of his staff who were senators could be 
 tried under it. Caesar now carried a law by which any one 
 of the governor's staff, whether senator or eques, could be 
 sued for restitution of money illegally received. This no 
 doubt would be disliked by the equites, but they had to 
 yield something in return for the relief in the matter of the 
 Asiatic revenues. 
 
 4. Caesar's Provinces. The law for Caesar's five 
 years' rule of a province, from B.C. 58, was proposed by a 
 tribune, P. Vatinius. It overrode a vote of the Senate, 
 which had assigned to the outgoing consuls for their pro- 
 vince, Italy, that is, the care of the forests, roads, and other 
 public works in Italy. This would have given him no 
 
xvn. CAESAR'S PROVINCES. 
 
 235 
 
 military command and no position of political importance: 
 whereas the law of Vatinius gave him for five years the 
 province of Gallia Cisalpina, that is, the whole of North 
 Italy between the Rubicon and the Alps, with Illyricum 
 annexed, and three legions. Gallia Cisalpina, a province 
 since B.C. 181, was not, however, quite like other provinces. 
 It was full of Roman colonies, and all cities south of the 
 Po had the Roman franchise, while the Transpadani had the 
 imperfect franchise called Latinitas. It was more like 
 a part of Italy than a province, and though in the north 
 there were occasional difficulties with Alpine tribes, it was 
 not likely to give occasion at this time to important military 
 operations. It was more likely that Illyricum would do so: 
 for that district, on the east of the Adriatic, including Istria, 
 had never been thoroughly organized. Sometimes it had 
 been put under the governor of Macedonia, sometimes 
 under the governor of Cisalpine Gaul, sometimes had been 
 let alone so long as it paid its tribute. Since it had come 
 under the dominion of Rome, however, in B.C. 228, it had 
 often been disturbed either by internal commotions or 
 attacks from neighbouring barbarians, and therefore Roman 
 magistrates and armies had frequently been there. That 
 Caesar thought it possible that he should have occasion to 
 fight there is shown by the fact that his three legions were 
 stationed at Aquileia, from which they might easily be 
 transported to Illyricum. 
 
 5. The Province in Gaul beyond the Alps. What 
 actually happened was very different. The real danger that 
 was threatening at the time was from Gaul beyond the Alps, 
 from which rumours of difficulties and commotions had 
 lately been rife. Caesar therefore determined to have the 
 province of Transalpine Gaul added to his others. This 
 would doubtless have been secured him by a law like the 
 others ; but the Senate, anxious that their traditional right 
 of assigning provinces should not be wholly ignored, made 
 
236 GALLIA TRANS ALPINA. CH. 
 
 a virtue of necessity and assigned it to him, partly influenced 
 also by the hope that he might meet with disasters there 
 which would ruin him. At this time the Roman province 
 across the Alps was confined to the south-eastern district of 
 France, which has in consequence retained the name of 
 Provence. It was bounded on the east by the Alps, on 
 the north by the Rhone from the lake Geneva to Vienne, 
 on the west by the Cevennes and the Upper Garonne, on 
 the south by the Pyrenees and the Mediterranean. Formed 
 in B.C. 1 1 8, its importance to Rome was two-fold : it secured 
 the road to Spain, and stood in the way of northern bar- 
 barians seeking Italy. In B.C. 105 it had been menaced 
 and in parts occupied by the Cimbri and Teutones, and its 
 most northern tribe, the Allobroges, had more than once 
 given trouble and been in rebellion. 
 
 6. N on -Roman Gaul. With the rest of Gaul the 
 Romans had dealings, but as yet had exercised no author- 
 ity beyond the Province. Caesar speaks of it as falling 
 into three divisions : Aquitania in the south-west, from the 
 Pyrenees to the Garonne; Celtica, the great central block 
 of country from the Garonne to the Seine, including western 
 Switzerland ; and Belgica, from the Seine to the lower 
 Rhine, thus including northern France, Belgium, and south- 
 ern Holland. In Aquitania there was an admixture of 
 Iberians from Spain, in the north, of Germans from beyond 
 the Rhine. 
 
 7. Connexion of Rome with the larger Gaul. 
 In this greater Gaul the Romans as yet had not, as I said, 
 acted as rulers. They had from time to time been asked 
 to interfere between contending tribes, and had adopted 
 the Aedui (between the Loire and Saone) as "friends and 
 allies," which implied an undertaking, more or less vague, 
 to protect them against attack. The great enemies of the 
 Aedui were the Sequani and Arverni, and in order to crush 
 the Aedui these tribes had asked help from Germany. Thus 
 
xvii. CAESAR'S PREPARATION. 237 
 
 there was a prospect of a struggle between German and 
 Roman influence in Gaul. But, since B.C. 100, the Romans 
 had been suffering from troubles at home, and had neglected 
 Gaul, and allowed the German king, Ariovistus, to get a 
 footing there. He had come on the invitation of the 
 Sequani, and as the Romans failed to help the Aedui, in 
 answer to their request, he had forced them to give hostages 
 to the Sequani ; but, having got into Gaul, he refused to 
 return, and occupied part of the territory of the very people 
 who had invited him, and was always being joined by fresh 
 immigrations from Germany. The Roman government, far 
 from looking on this as dangerous, had recognized the 
 situation, and acknowledged Ariovistus as " king and ally." 
 This was done while Caesar was consul (B.C. 59), who, there- 
 fore, was acquainted with the state of affairs in Gaul, and 
 had been a party to the arrangement. 
 
 8. Caesar provides for his Interests at Rome 
 during his Absence. Such were the districts which 
 Caesar was to govern for five years from B.C. 58. Before 
 leaving the city, however, he made arrangements to secure 
 himself from his enemies. Pompey and Crassus were to 
 stay in Rome till B.C. 55 to prevent their attacks. For already 
 there were signs of a resolute opposition : two of the prae- 
 tors of B.C. 58 consulted the Senate as to prosecuting him 
 for violence during his consulship, and one of the tribunes 
 was only prevented by the veto of his colleagues from doing 
 the same. Moreover, as he afterwards discovered, some of 
 the Optimates sent secretly to tell Ariovistus that his opposi- 
 tion to Caesar would be agreeable to the Senate. It was 
 necessary, therefore, to secure that friends should, as far as 
 possible, hold the chief offices, and declared enemies be got 
 away for a time. It was this that led to the banishment of 
 Cicero and the employment of Cato in Cyprus. 
 
 9. Cicero's Exile. The instrument employed for this 
 purpose was P. Clodius Pulcher, who hated Cicero because 
 
238 CLODIUS AND CICERO. CH. 
 
 the latter had given evidence against him in the case of 
 the violated mysteries. Clodius had been quaestor in 
 Sicily in B.C. 60, and in B.C.* 59 intended to stand for 
 office again. He was a patrician, and naturally his next 
 step was the aedileship. But a much more convenient 
 and powerful office was that of tribune, who could summon 
 meetings of the tribes and bring in laws. But to be tribune 
 he must be a plebeian, and the only way to become a 
 plebeian was to get adopted into some plebeian family. 
 If a man was still under the patria potestas he could be 
 adopted by means of a fictitious sale on the part of his 
 father: but if he was sui juris (i.e. free from the patria 
 potestas)) it could only be done by a process called abro- 
 gatio in the old Comitia Curiata, with the sanction of the 
 pontifices, 'and with the presence of an augur. Caesar as 
 pontifex maximus and Pompey as an augur could there- 
 fore, if they chose, at once carry out the required formality 
 or stop it. It was known that one of the objects of Clodius 
 in becoming tribune was to attack Cicero. For some 
 time Pompey and Caesar would not consent; but in the 
 course of B.C. 59 Cicero was speaking in defence of his 
 old colleague C. Antonius (deservedly impeached for his 
 conduct in Macedonia), and in the course of his speech 
 made some allusion to the politics of the day, which (he 
 says) was reported in exaggerated terms to Pompey and 
 Caesar. In three hours the adoption of Clodius was 
 accomplished. Soon afterwards Clodius was elected tribune. 
 He entered upon his office on the loth December, 
 B.C. 59, and passed several laws aimed at the monopoly of 
 the Optimates, one to prevent the frequent interruption 
 of Comitia by the announcement of 'evil omens, another 
 to prevent the summary exclusion of members of the 
 Senate by the censors, and a third to legalize certain 
 guilds or collegia of workmen, which had been declared 
 illegal by a decree of the Senate, and a fourth for a dis- 
 
xvn. CICERO BANISHED. 
 
 239 
 
 tribution of cheap corn. Having secured popular favour 
 by these laws, early in B.C. 58 he proposed another law 
 rendering liable to banishment any magistrate who had put 
 citizens to death without trial ; and, as soon as it was 
 passed, gave notice of an action against Cicero. It was 
 clear that Cicero's execution of the Catilinarian conspira- 
 tors brought him under this law. His only resource was 
 to avoid prosecution by going into voluntary exile. 
 Caesar, who liked and admired him personally, had given 
 him more than one chance of honourably leaving Rome. 
 He offered to take him to Gaul as one of his legati, or 
 to give him a place on the commission for assigning 
 lands in Campania, or to grant him a libera legatio^ as it 
 was called, that is, the privilege of travelling anywhere in 
 the empire with the dignity and rights of an official 
 despatched by the State, though without duties. But Cicero 
 for a long time would not believe that Clodius meant to 
 attack him as tribune, or that he would be allowed to suc- 
 ceed if he did. When he saw that he really meant to do 
 it he appealed to the triumvirs, to the consuls, to every one 
 whom he thought could help him. But no one stirred; 
 and he was forced to anticipate the trial by going into 
 exile. Clodius immediately carried a bill declaring him 
 a public enemy (hostis], confiscating his property, and for- 
 bidding him " fire and water " (that is, making it unlawful 
 for any one to supply him with the necessaries of life) 
 within 400 miles of Rome. His exile only lasted about 
 sixteen months, for Clodius, growing insolent from success, 
 irritated and insulted Pompey, secretly supported (it was 
 believed) by Crassus, and behaved with such violence that 
 Pompey retired to his house, and refused to appear in the 
 forum as long as Clodius was tribune. He also counten- 
 anced the recall of Cicero. The riotous partisans of 
 Clodius frequently interrupted the Comitia for passing the 
 law; but it was at length effected in August, B.C. 57. 
 
2 4 o CAESAR GOES TO GAUL. CH. 
 
 10. Cato sent to Cyprus. For the time, however, 
 Cicero was removed from Rome. Cato also was got rid of, 
 though in a different way. Clodius secured his nomination 
 on a commission to depose Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, on 
 the pretext that the king had abetted the pirates, and to 
 confiscate his treasures. It was an unjust measure, likely 
 to bring odium on whoever carried it out. But the absence 
 of Cato was secured for some time. 
 
 Nor were these the only means Caesar had of keeping up 
 his influence at Rome. The advantage of his province was 
 that however much he might be engaged at a distance in 
 military operations during the summer, he could winter at 
 some such town as Revenna or Lucca, on the southern 
 borders of his province, where he could be visited by his 
 friends, and be almost as if he were at home. Meanwhile 
 he found himself engaged in a task of extraordinary diffi- 
 culty, but one which was to place him in a position beyond 
 his highest expectations. 
 
 11. Caesar's nine Campaigns in Gaul, (i) The 
 Helvetii. Caesar was still outside Rome making his 
 preparations for his province when news came that the 
 Helvetii, that is, the Swiss living between Bale and 
 Geneva, were migrating in a body to Western Gaul 
 (Aquitania), and meant to pass through the Roman pro- 
 vince. For several reasons Caesar determined to prevent 
 this : (i) It would leave a considerable district empty 
 which would be probably filled by Germans or other tribes, 
 who would be troublesome neighbours to the province ; (2) 
 it would bring the Helvetii (who had been found dangerous 
 enemies in B.C. 103) close to the western frontier of the pro- 
 vince, which was ill defended ; (3) the emigrating mass of 
 300,000 souls was not likely to find fresh settlements with- 
 out creating some disorders; (4) in passing through the 
 province they would come in contact with the Allobroges, 
 who had always been a disturbing element in the province, 
 
xvii. CAESAR'S FIRST CAMPAIGN IN GAUL. 241 
 
 and had been more or less in rebellion four times since 
 B.C. 75. His resolution was quickly taken. In a week he 
 reached Geneva, ordered a levy of auxiliaries in the pro- 
 vince, where there was only one legion, broke down the 
 bridge over the Rhone at Geneva (the last town of the 
 province), detained the Helvetii by evasive answers to their 
 request for a passage, and meanwhile strengthened the left 
 bank of the Rhone by an earthwork and foss wherever, for 
 about ten miles from Geneva, it was fordable. The Hel- 
 vetii, after vainly attempting to force a passage, turned 
 away from the Rhone, and asked and obtained leave to 
 pass through the territory of the Sequani. But this was 
 a much more difficult route ; the Jura had to be crossed, 
 and then the river Arar (Sadne). A vast host of men, 
 women, and children, with their train of waggons, would 
 move slowly. Caesar had time to hurry to North Italy, 
 bring the three legions from Aquileia, raise two fresh ones 
 in Cisalpine Gaul, and yet catch them up before they were 
 all over the Saone. He cut to pieces one of their tribes, 
 the Tigurini, overtook the rest near Bibracte (Autun), again 
 defeated them with great slaughter, and forced the survivors 
 (less than a half the original number) to return to their 
 native land, rebuild the towns which they had burned on 
 setting out, and settle down once more in peace. 
 
 The Germans. This was the beginning of Caesar's 
 operations in Celtic Gaul, and from it the other campaigns 
 seemed to follow almost inevitably. In the first place, it 
 immediately brought him face to face with Ariovistus and 
 his Germans. The victory over the Helvetii turned the 
 eyes of the Aedui, who had been beaten by Ariovistus, and 
 of the Sequani, part of whose territory Ariovistus was occu- 
 pying, upon Caesar. He readily undertook to be the 
 champion of Gallic freedom, and immediately demanded a 
 colloquy with Ariovistus. This being refused, he sent an 
 ultimatum: (i) Ariovistus was to bring no more Germans 
 
 Q 
 
242 THE GERMANS DEFEATED. CH. 
 
 into Gaul ; (2) was to abstain from attacking the Aedui ; 
 (3) was to give back, and allow the Sequani to give 
 back, Aeduan hostages. But Ariovistus would listen to 
 nothing. He claimed the right of conquest over the 
 Aedui, defied Caesar, and hinted that he was supported in 
 doing so by a powerful party in Rome, which desired his 
 defeat and fall. Caesar determined to act at once. By 
 great exertions he outmarched Ariovistus, and seized Vesontio 
 (Besan$ori) on the Doube ; and after some difficulties with 
 his soldiers, who feared the unknown country and the war- 
 like barbarians, he came up with and defeated him between 
 Bale and Mulhausen. The slaughter was immense, and 
 was rendered more complete by the hostile natives, who cut 
 off stragglers of the German host as they were traversing the 
 thirty-five miles which separated them from the Rhine. 
 Ariovistus himself escaped across the Rhine, but by this 
 victory north-eastern Gaul was cleared of the foreigners, and 
 a powerful band of Suevi, who had reached the Rhine on 
 their way into Gaul, abandoned their intention and returned 
 home. For the first time Roman legions wintered in non- 
 Roman Gaul. 
 
 (2) Second Campaign. Gallia Belgica. The 
 Nervii, B.C. 57. A direct consequence of this was a move- 
 ment in Belgica. The Belgae feared an attack, and that the 
 Roman occupation of Gaul would prevent their getting 
 recruits. On hearing of this movement Caesar enrolled fresh 
 legions, which he stationed at BesanQon, and after taking the 
 chief towns across the Aisne, and receiving the submission of 
 the Remi, he found himself in presence of the Nervii, on 
 the left bank of the river Sambre, a tributary of the Meuse. 
 They were a very warlike tribe, and his engagement with 
 them was one of the most formidable in the whole war. 
 Their defeat made Caesar master of Belgic Gaul, with the 
 exception of one tribe on the Meuse (the Aduatuci), whose 
 chief town he had next to take. While Caesar was thus 
 
xvii. THE NERVII AND VENETI. 243 
 
 conquering Belgium, his legate, P. Crassus, was subduing the 
 tribes of Normandy and Brittany, and the result of the 
 operations of B.C. 57 was to bring the whole of north-western 
 France, with a considerable part of Belgium, under Roman 
 sway. It was not at once organized as a province, but the 
 tribes had submitted without any terms, and would event- 
 ually have to accept whatever constitution Rome gave them. 
 
 (3) Third Campaign, B.C. 56. The Veneti. In his 
 third year Caesar was engaged in the same districts, not so 
 much in making new acquisitions, as in putting down risings 
 in those already acquired. The Veneti, in Brittany, whose 
 country, intersected by firths, made them a seafaring folk, 
 were destroyed by a fleet which Caesar had caused to 
 be built in the Loire during the winter. The Aquitani 
 were subdued by his legates, and he finished the campaign 
 by conquering the Morini, near Boulogne. 
 
 (4) Fourth Campaign, B.C. 55. The Rhine and 
 Britain. Gaul was now conquered. But his occupation 
 of the northern country brought him face to face with the 
 German tribes, who were crossing the Rhine either for their 
 own advantage or to assist the Belgae. He found a vast host 
 of them (numbering, it is said, 430,000 souls, with women and 
 children) in the plain between the rivers Niess and Meuse, 
 stormed their laager of waggons, and drove them in utter 
 rout towards the Rhine. The greater number perished by 
 the sword or in the river. He then caused a bridge to be 
 built across the Rhine near Bonn, and endeavoured to deter 
 the Germans from venturing again into Gaul, by burning 
 the houses and cutting down the corn of the Sicambri. He, 
 however, only remained eighteen days north of the Rhine. 
 The rest of the season was devoted to an expedition to 
 Britain; because from this island (of which he could get little 
 definite information) he learnt that the Gauls got supplies 
 and other aid. His landing near Deal was stoutly resisted 
 by the natives, and when a storm shattered his ships, they 
 
244 SECOND INVASION OF BRITAIN. CH. 
 
 again attacked his camp with great courage. Caesar was 
 about a month in the island without being 'able to advance 
 any distance from his place of landing, and towards the end 
 of September returned to Gaul for the winter. 
 
 (5) Fifth Campaign, B.C. 54. In his fifth year he 
 renewed his attempt on Britain this time with greater 
 forces, and with high expectations as to the wealth of every 
 sort which he would find there. The civilized and wealthy 
 appearance of Kent had much impressed him. Of the 
 interior he knew nothing; but hoped to find it equally 
 worth subduing. There was a good deal of interest in the 
 expedition felt at Rome, and he was accompanied by a large 
 fleet of trading vessels, whose owners hoped to find a 
 new field of enterprise in the island. But this expedition 
 was little more successful than the last. His ships again 
 suffered from a storm and high tide, and though he advanced 
 as far as St. Albans, crossing the Thames near Brentford, and 
 defeated Cassivelaunus, he got no more satisfaction than 
 a submission of several tribes, who gave hostages and 
 promised tribute. Late in September he again crossed to 
 Gaul, which he found in a state again bordering on insurrec- 
 tion. In the winter of this year, in fact, he met with nearly 
 his only disaster, two of his legates, Sabinus and Cotta, with 
 a legion being cut to pieces on their way to join Q. Cicero, 
 who with another legion was closely besieged in a camp 
 near the modern Charleroi. 
 
 (6) Sixth Campaign, B.C. 53. Nervii and Treveri. 
 But though Caesar succeeded in relieving Cicero, he had to 
 spend the whole winter and the next summer in the country, 
 to again fight the Nervii and Treveri, and other tribes in 
 Belgica, and once more to cross the Rhine, as well as to 
 meet another raid of Sicambri over the Rhine. Finally, late in 
 the year he held a meeting of Gallic tribes, at which the loyal 
 chiefs joined in condemning the rebels, and Caesar might feel 
 that he was again acknowledged as supreme in the north. 
 
XVII. 
 
 PACIFICATION OF GAUL. 
 
 245 
 
 (7) Seventh Campaign, B.C. 52. This, however, was 
 not quite the end of his troubles in Gaul. In B.C. 52 a 
 rebellion broke out in the south near the province, under 
 Vercingetorix, the chief of the Arverni. In this campaign 
 Caesar failed to take Gergovia (almost his only failure); but 
 after a long siege took Alesia, a fort on a hill between 
 Tonnerre and Dijon, into which Vercingetorix had thrown 
 himself. Vercingetorix eventually surrendered, and was 
 taken to Rome, where he died in prison. 
 
 TESTUDO(FROM TRAJAN'S COLUMN). 
 
 (8) Eighth and Ninth Campaigns, B.C. 51-50. The 
 last two years of Caesar's stay in Gaul, though not entirely 
 free from local rebellions and some severe fighting, were 
 mostly spent in measures meant to conciliate the newly 
 conquered peoples; and in this he was so successful that he 
 left Gaul on the whole content to join the Roman system. 
 This was in truth his great glory. The conquest had cost, 
 it has been reckoned, the lives of nearly a million human 
 beings. It would indeed be melancholy to think that there 
 should be no result from all that slaughter. Whether for 
 
246 THREATENING OF CIVIL WAR. CH. xvn. 
 
 good or ill, however, it had settled that Gaul was to develop 
 as Latin and not German, and to share in the civilization 
 and conversion of the Roman empire. 
 
 12. Caesar's position in Gaul, B.C. 50. Caesar had 
 been now more than eight years in Gaul. He had been 
 originally appointed for five years, but circumstances which 
 we shall have to study immediately had caused the addition 
 of five years more to his government, which would now end 
 in B.C. 49. He wished to be elected consul for B.C. 48, so 
 that he should only leave his province to take up the 
 consulship, leaving no interval of which his enemies at 
 Rome might take advantage to impeach him. The refusal 
 of the Senate to allow this induced him to quit Gaul and 
 invade Italy, and thus brought on the civil war. 
 
 BUST OF I. CAESAR. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 I. Gradual estrangement of Pompey from Crassus and Caesar. 2. Pom- 
 pey praefectus annonae ; he wishes to return to the East. 3. The 
 conference at Lucca. 4. The breakdown of the new agreements be- 
 tween the triumvirs. 5. Pompey sole consul. 6. Pompey's laws. 
 7. Pompey secures a strong position against Caesar. 8. Provocations 
 offered to Caesar. 9. Caesar crosses the Rubicon in January, B.C. 49. 
 IO. Pompey and his party quit Italy. II. Caesar enters Rome, March, 
 B.C. 49, but fails to get himself 'appointed Dictator. 12. Siege of Mar- 
 seilles by Caesar. 13. Caesar's war in Spain against Pompey's legates. 
 14. Caesar as Dictator holds the consitlar elections ', in which he is re- 
 turned as consul. 15. Caesar follows Pompey into Epirus, B.C. 48 
 (January). 16. Battle of Pharsalia. 17. Flight oj 'Pompey. 18. Murder 
 of Pompey in Egypt. 19. Caesar foll(nvs Pompey to Egypt. 20. The 
 Alexandrine war. 21. Caesar dictator and consul ; troubles in 
 Rome. 22. The war with Pharnaces in Pontus and battle of Zela 
 (B.C. 47). 23. The battle of Thapsus (B.C. 46) and death of Cato at 
 Utica. Caesar master of the empire. 
 
 i. Gradual Estrangement of Pompey from 
 Crassus and Caesar. We have followed Caesar's con- 
 quest of Gaul without stopping to notice what was mean- 
 while going on at Rome. But in fact important changes 
 had taken place there which affected Caesar deeply, and with 
 these he had been kept acquainted; for, as a rule, he left 
 Transalpine Gaul in the winter and visited Cisalpine Gaul 
 or Illyricum to hold the conventus^ or assizes, and while in 
 the former he was easily visited by friends and supporters, 
 
 247 
 
248 POMPEY'S EMBARRASSMENTS. CH. 
 
 and thus took part in Roman politics. Now in the first years 
 of Caesar's absence, Pompey had been gradually becoming 
 estranged from Crassus, and in some degree from Caesar 
 too. He thought that Clodius was secretly supported in 
 his attacks upon himself by Crassus, who, after all, was 
 rather Caesar's friend than his own. Finally, when Cicero 
 returned from exile in September, B.C. 57, he came profess- 
 ing boundless gratitude to Pompey, but hinted as openly 
 as he dared that Caesar was his enemy, and did his best 
 to detach Pompey from him. 
 
 2. Pompey as Praefectus Annonae. He wishes 
 for a Command in the East. In this same year 
 there was a great scarcity of corn at Rome : prices were very 
 high, and a famine was feared. On the proposal of Cicero, 
 soon after his return, Pompey was appointed praefectus 
 annonae^ or minister for the supply of corn, throughout the 
 empire, with ships and legates, and authority over all ports 
 and corn markets for five years. It gave him a great posi- 
 tion and wide authority. He at once went to Sicily, and 
 sent his legates to other corn-growing countries, and in a 
 few months the scarcity at Rome ceased and the price of 
 corn went down. But when Pompey returned to Rome he 
 found the Optimates jealous of him, and was also violently 
 attacked by Clodius. He thought Crassus was at the 
 bottom of this ; and, being deeply offended and alarmed, he 
 wished to get away from Rome to the East with an army. 
 Just then Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, was in Rome 
 asking to be restored to his kingdom, from which his people 
 had justly expelled him. He had aided Pompey against 
 the Jews in B.C. 63, and Pompey therefore supported his 
 request and wished to have the task of restoring him. But 
 the Senate was unwilling to send him back to the East, where 
 his name was so powerful ; and accordingly a Sibylline oracle 
 was produced forbidding the restoration of Ptolemy by 
 arms. The proposal to appoint Pompey, made by one of 
 
xvin. NEW ARRANGEMENTS AT LUCCA. 349 
 
 the tribunes, was abandoned, and finding himself attacked 
 by the violence of the popular party and an object of sus- 
 picion to the Optimates, he had no resource but to renew 
 the understanding with Caesar and Crassus. 
 
 3. The Conference at Lucca in the Spring of 
 B.C. 56. Caesar had his own reasons for wishing closer 
 connexion with Pompey. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, can- 
 didate for the consulship of B.C. 55, openly declared that he 
 would as consul secure Caesar's recall and impeachment, 
 and was meanwhile trying to get his laws annulled on 
 the ground that the obnuntiatio of Bibulus made them 
 invalid. Cicero was also opposing the execution of his 
 agrarian law. It was time to renew the old agreement for 
 mutual support. In the spring of B.C. 56 Caesar came to 
 Lucca, and there Pompey and Crassus and many of their 
 partisans held a conference with him. The result was a 
 reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus and a new arrange- 
 ment for the future. Caesar was to have five more years in 
 Gaul, and the right of standing for the consulship of B.C. 48 
 without returning to Rome to be elected. Pompey and 
 Crassus were to be consuls in B.C. 55, with a five years' pro- 
 vincial government afterwards, Pompey in the two Spains, 
 Crassus in Syria. Thus, when Caesar returned to Rome, 
 he would come straight to the consulship without giving up 
 his imperium for one hour, while Pompey and Crassus also 
 would still be in possession of imperium and armies. These 
 arrangements were immediately carried out. Pompey and 
 Crassus were elected consuls for B.C. 55, though amidst scenes 
 of some violence. The Senate voted not to include the 
 provinces of Gaul and Illyricum among those to be allotted, 
 and a law was proposed by the tribune, C. Trebonius, 
 assigning them to Caesar, as well as the Spains to Pompey 
 and Syria to Crassus. 
 
 4. What overset the new Agreement of the 
 Triumvirs, B.C. 55-49. Thus the supremacy of the trium- 
 
250 
 
 BREAKDOWN OF THE TRIUMVIRATE. CH. 
 
 virs and their mutual understanding seemed restored; and 
 Cicero, thinking that it was useless to struggle farther, and 
 that the Optimates had basely abandoned their own cause, 
 conformed outwardly at least to the state of things, and now 
 thought that the best hope for public security was the main- 
 tenance of peace between Pompey and Caesar. Events, 
 however, before long weakened the bonds between them. 
 In the first place, in B.C. 54, Pompey's wife lulia (Caesar's 
 daughter) died. In the next place, Crassus, who went to 
 Syria at the end of his consulship, fell in B.C. 53 at Carrhae, 
 in a war with the Parthians. The triumvirate therefore was 
 now reduced to a duumvirate. It was a question between 
 Pompey and Caesar; and the Optimates soon came to think 
 that their best course was to back up Pompey and belittle 
 Caesar. Partisan conflicts were increasing in Rome. 
 Clodius on the side of the extreme Populares, Milo in the 
 interests of the Optimates, each with hired bands of ruffians, 
 were continually creating disturbances and breaking up the 
 Comitia. They prevented the election of consuls for B.C. 53 
 until six months of the year were passed ; and the same 
 thing happened in the next year. In January of B.C. 52, 
 however, Clodius was murdered in a scuffle with Milo on 
 the Appian road near Bovillae. This gave rise to fresh 
 riots in Rome. The body of Clodius was carried by the 
 mob into the Curia and burnt on a pile of broken branches, 
 in the course of which the Curia caught fire and was 
 destroyed. At length, on the 25th of February, the Senate 
 named an interrex, who returned Pompey as sole consul. 
 
 5. Pompey Sole Consul, B.C. 52. Pompey wished to 
 be Dictator. But the appointment of a " dictator for sup- 
 pressing sedition " (seditionis sedandae causa) was an anti- 
 quated custom, which had not been heard of for many years, 
 and the perversion of the dictatorship by Sulla had rendered 
 the word almost as unpopular as that of king. It would also 
 no doubt have been resented by Caesar and his party. Even 
 
xviii. POMPEY'S SUPREMACY IN ROME. 251 
 
 the sole consulship was regarded with suspicion, and the 
 Populares wished to elect Caesar as Pompey's colleague. 
 To avoid that, after six months he named as his colleague 
 Metellus Scipio, whose daughter he had married. For six 
 months, however, he occupied an almost autocratic position 
 in Rome, and was regarded by the Optimates as the saviour 
 of society. 
 
 6. Pompey's Laws. During these months he passed, 
 or caused to be passed, several laws dealing with the abuses 
 of the time : one as to the selection of jurors, under which 
 Milo was condemned; another de iure magtstratuum, ordain- 
 ing that in future consuls and praetors should not go to a 
 province till five years after their consulship or praetorship. 
 The object of this was to prevent intrigues at home for 
 desirable provinces, and to avoid the danger from the 
 long continuance of imperium. This law also enforced 
 the personal appearance of a candidate for the consulship 
 to make his professio. Finally, he passed a severe law 
 on bribery. From the provisions of the law as to a five 
 years' interval before taking a province, Pompey was neces- 
 sarily exempt, for he had been holding the government of the 
 Spains since B.C. 54, and the Senate continued it another five 
 years. According to the agreement at Lucca, Caesar also 
 was to be excepted from this law. There was some over- 
 sight, however, in drawing it up, and accordingly the 
 tribune Caelius (at Pompey's suggestion) carried a law 
 expressly excepting Caesar. This was a concession to 
 Caesar's claims, but he had still some reason to be 
 anxious as to the future. 
 
 7. Pompey's strong Position. By the five additional 
 years of Spanish government granted to Pompey, his im- 
 perium would outlast Caesar's consulship by several years. 
 But not only so. That might have been compensated for 
 to Caesar by his having himself another equally important 
 province. But Pompey's position was altogether anoma- 
 
252 
 
 POMPEY'S ANOMALOUS POSITION. CH. 
 
 lous. He was proconsul of the Spains, and yet was consul 
 at Rome. Even at the end of his consulship he did not 
 go to Spain, but governed it by means of three legati in 
 command of three consular armies, he himself remaining at 
 Rome (though unable to enter t}\e pomoerium), with imperium, 
 and the right of raising legions. This Caesar was forced to 
 see was a measure meant to protect the Senate from coercion 
 on his part, and he felt it to be a menace to himself. More- 
 over, after the fall of Crassus the Senate resolved to send 
 additional legions with Bibulus, who was to succeed him 
 in Syria, and voted that Caesar should supply one and 
 Pompey the other (B.C. 51). But Pompey had, during the 
 Gallic wars, lent Caesar two legions, and now claimed the 
 return of one ; so that in fact Caesar's army was weakened 
 by two legions. Caesar sent them, but by the time they 
 arrived in Italy news came that C. Cassius (who had 
 remained in Syria after the defeat of Crassus, as pro- 
 quaestor) had defeated the Parthians, and repelled their 
 invasion of Syria. The fresh legions therefore were not 
 wanted, and were first stationed at Capua, and afterwards 
 put into winter quarters in Apulia, where they would be 
 ready for Pompey at any time. 
 
 8. Provocations offered to Caesar. Caesar's 
 resentment and alarm were farther roused by frequent 
 motions during B.C. 51 and 50 for naming his successor, 
 and forcing him to lay down his command before being 
 elected consul in B.C. 49. Pompey did not exactly en- 
 courage these motions, but he temporized, all along 
 maintaining that he believed Caesar would obey the wishes 
 of the Senate and lay down his imperium before coming to 
 Rome to stand for the consulship. Caesar, however, had 
 been taking his measures with caution. He had made up 
 for the loss of the two legions by fresh levies in Gaul, and 
 had visited the Cisalpine towns in the spring of B.C. 50, 
 partly to canvass them for M. Antonius, who was a candidate 
 
xvin. CAESAR'S PRECAUTIONS. 
 
 253 
 
 for the augurship, but also to ascertain how far they were 
 ready to support himself. He also won over to his side 
 by large bribes one of the consuls for B.C. 50, L. Aemilius 
 Claudius, and one of the tribunes, C. Curio, a dissolute 
 youth overwhelmed with debt. By this means every 
 attempt in the Senate during B.C. 50 to nominate his 
 successor was frustrated. But Pompey had grown more 
 confident. In the early part of B.C. 50 he had had a bad 
 illness, and his recovery seemed hopeless. This called 
 forth an immense outburst of feeling throughout Italy. 
 Everywhere prayers and sacrifices were offered for his 
 recovery; and Pompey believed that Italy was altogether on 
 his side, that he had only to stamp on the ground to raise 
 soldiers, and that Caesar's own army was really disaffected 
 and ready to join him. The gods had offered it was 
 afterwards said to remove him from the evil to come, 
 but the prayers and sacrifices of the Italians preserved 
 him for his doom. 
 
 9. Caesar crosses the Rubicon, January, B.C. 49. 
 The last attempt to supersede Caesar had been vetoed 
 by Curio (about July, B.C. 50), but the consuls for B.C. 49 
 C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Cornelius Lentulus 
 were both hostile to Caesar, and Curio, going out of 
 office on the loth December, B.C. 50, immediately joined 
 Caesar at Ravenna with reports of the proceedings. He 
 was sent back to appear in the Senate on the ist January, 
 B.C. 49, bearing a despatch from Caesar which contained 
 an ultimatum, his last attempt, as he puts it, to obtain 
 a peaceful settlement, rather than (as Curio advised) to 
 march upon Rome. Curio presented the despatch to the 
 consuls, asking them to read it to the Senate. They at 
 first refused, but were forced to do so by two of the tribunes 
 friendly to Caesar M. Antonius and Q. Cassius. The offer 
 it contained was that Caesar would lay down his imperium, 
 giving up army and province, if Pompey would do the 
 
254 THE FINAL RUPTURE WITH THE SENATE. CH. 
 
 same. Of course it may be said that he had no right 
 to bargain with the Senate. But it must be remembered 
 that of the two he was in the more constitutional position. 
 A law had given him his proconsulship till the end of 
 B.C. 49 l } a law had exempted him from making his pro- 
 fessio. What the Senate was trying to do was to override 
 a law (what Caesar calls a benefidum popult] by a decree 
 of its own ; whereas, so far from the Senate having the right 
 to override a law, there was no certain legal basis for the 
 authority of a decree of the Senate itself, even when it 
 was not against a law. Caesar could stand upon his legal 
 rights. But Pompey's position (quite unprecedented) 
 depended upon the authority of the Senate. The Senate 
 had extended his governorship of the Spains by its own 
 authority. The Senate advised or authorized his remaining 
 at Rome in spite of the universal understanding that a 
 proconsul must go to his province and stay there. Accord- 
 ingly when the senators, on hearing Caesar's despatch, voted 
 with but one dissentient that Caesar should resign his 
 province on a fixed day on pain of being held guilty of 
 treason, and that Pompey need not do the same, the two 
 tribunes (M. Antonius and Q. Cassius) naturally interposed 
 their veto. The effect of this was that the measure was 
 not a decree (senatus consultum) but a resolution (auctoritas), 
 unless the tribunes could be induced to withdraw their veto. 
 At four succeeding meetings of the Senate [January 2, 5, 
 6, 7] a violent debate was maintained as to whether the 
 tribunes should be urged to withdraw their veto. On 
 the evening of the yth they were forcibly expelled, and 
 the senatus consultum ultimum passed that "the consuls, 
 praetors, tribunes, and proconsuls (this last to include 
 Pompey) should see that the republic took no harm." 
 The effect of this was held to be that the magistrates named 
 
 1 Strictly till March, but custom always extended the tenure till 
 December. 
 
xviir. CAESAR CROSSES THE RUBICON. 255 
 
 had for the time despotic power, and all personal rights were 
 suspended (p. 146). Antonius and Cassius fled to Caesar, 
 who was at Ravenna when he heard of what had taken place. 
 It was exactly the pretext which he required. He had but one 
 legion (the i3th) with him, but after haranguing the men, 
 and finding them ready to avenge the violated tribunes, he 
 started for Ariminum, where Antonius and Cassius had 
 already arrived. To reach it he had to cross the Rubicon, 
 the boundary between his province and Italy, which it was 
 illegal for a proconsul of Gaul to pass. It was a momentous 
 decision to make, and afterwards various stories were told of 
 his hesitation, and of omens encouraging him to proceed. 
 He tells us nothing of this himself. He is content with the 
 simple fact that he went to Ariminum. By going there he 
 was in definite hostility to the government. He was an 
 invader, and no longer a mere proconsul. At Ariminum a 
 certain Lucius Caesar (a distant relative), along with one of 
 the praetors, met him with offers of mediation. But it was 
 too late. Caesar would make no farther concession than 
 promising to disband his legions, if Pompey would disband 
 those in Italy also and go to Spain, thus leaving the Comitia 
 free. Nor, though he listened and answered with courtesy, 
 did he for a single day refrain from pushing on, and occupy- 
 ing town after town on the way to Brundisium and on the 
 road to Rome across the Apennines. He seized Pisaurum, 
 Fanum, and Ancona, and sent Antonius across the Apen- 
 nines to secure Arretium, which would bar the advance of 
 Pompeian troops through Etruria; and Curio to occupy 
 Iguvium, commanding the pass over the Apennines towards 
 Rome. He met with no resistance even at Auximum, where 
 Attius Varus was stationed with some newly levied cohorts. 
 The inhabitants insisted on Varus evacuating the town, and 
 opened their gates to Caesar. All this was done before 
 the 1 8th of January, and the news of his success caused 
 a great, panic at Rome. 
 
CH. xvin. CAESAR'S ADVANCE. 257 
 
 10. Pompey and his Party quit Italy. The 
 
 Pompeian party (as it may now be called) had understood, 
 when they ejected the two tribunes and passed the senatus 
 consultum ultimum, that there would be war; and they at 
 once divided Italy and Sicily into districts for defence, and 
 allotted the chief provinces to their supporters, as Syria to 
 Metellus Scipio, and Transalpine Gaul to L. Domitius 
 Ahenobarbus. The raising of troops was the first thing. 
 Caesar had ventured to enter Italy with only one legion 
 (the 1 3th), because he knew that he would be joined by 
 others before Pompey could get an army on foot. There 
 were only two legions ready for Pompey, those, namely, which 
 had been sent by Caesar for the Parthian war ; but they 
 were in winter quarters in Apulia, and would take some 
 time to bring into action. The raising of fresh troops 
 Pompey did not find as easy as he expected, though before 
 he left Italy he had five legions. He seems to have quitted 
 Rome immediately after the meeting of the yth to raise 
 these troops, leaving the consuls at Rome to arrange for 
 the defence of the city. But the news of Caesar's rapid 
 advance so terrified them, that, without even staying to take 
 the money from the treasury reserve, they hastily quitted 
 Rome on the i8th and joined Pompey, followed by other 
 magistrates and senators, who adhered to the same party. 
 At Teanum Sidicinum, in Campania, Lucius Caesar brought 
 lulius Caesar's answer ; but the consuls and Pompey would 
 only treat on condition of Caesar's withdrawal from the 
 towns already occupied ; and Caesar would not withdraw 
 unless Pompey ceased levying troops in Italy, and fixed a 
 day for going to Spain. Both therefore went on. Pompey, 
 however, soon resolved to transfer the war to Greece, where 
 he could be joined by auxiliaries of men and ships from the 
 East. By the 2oth of February he was at Brundisium with 
 his five legions. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus had raised two 
 legions and occupied Corfinium, between Caesar and Brun- 
 
 R 
 
2 5 8 
 
 POMPEY AT BRUNDISIUM. 
 
 CH. 
 
 disium, but had been obliged by his own troops to surrender 
 to Caesar, who allowed him to go free, but took over his 
 men and arrived at Brundisium on the 8th of March with 
 
 THE HARBOUR OF BRUNDISIUM. 
 
 six legions and 1000 cavalry. The two consuls with the 
 larger part of the army had already crossed to Dyrrachium, 
 and Pompey with two legions was awaiting the return 
 of the transports. After some fruitless negotiations and an 
 
xviii. CAESAR ENTERS ROME. 
 
 259 
 
 attempt on Caesar's part to block up the harbour, which 
 would have forced Pompey to make terms apart from the 
 main body of his supporters, Pompey and his two legions 
 succeeded in crossing on the night of the i8th of March. 
 
 n. Caesar at Rome, March, B.C. 49. Caesar had not 
 sufficient ships to follow him, and was besides obliged to 
 secure the corn-growing countries in the west, especially 
 Sicily and Sardinia ; for as Pompey was gathering ships in 
 the east, from Alexandria to Byzantium, he would be able 
 to starve out Italy if the west was also in the hands of his 
 partisans. He at once sent a legion under Q. Valerius to 
 Sardinia, and arranged for C. Curio to go to Sicily, which 
 was being held by Cato for the Pompeians. He himself went 
 to Rome with six legions at the end of March. His object 
 was to put himself in some constitutional position. The 
 only way seemed to get himself nominated Dictator, which 
 would give him supreme authority for the next six months, 
 during which he could hold the elections and get returned 
 consul for the next year. But the highest officer left at 
 Rome was the praetor M. Aemilius Lepidus, and though he 
 adhered to Caesar, he had scruples as to the validity of any 
 nomination of his. The old practice was for one of the 
 consuls to name a dictator, and Cicero, whom he consulted, 
 told him that a praetor could not name a dictator or hold 
 consular elections. What remained of the Senate at Rome 
 gave Caesar's legates in Sicily and Sardinia some authority, 
 which would enable them to act with a show of legality; 
 but the constitutional question as to his dictatorship gave 
 rise to so much fruitless wrangling, that Caesar would not 
 wait for a decree. 
 
 12. Caesar at Marseilles. He left Lepidus in charge 
 of Rome, M. Antonius (tribune) in charge of Italy, and 
 hastened to Transalpine Gaul, where Ahenobarbus (whom 
 he had released at Corfinium), having collected a fleet at 
 Cosa in Etruria, and manned it with his own tenants, was 
 
260 CAESAR AT MARSEILLES AND IN SPAIN. CH. 
 
 going to the province allotted him by the Senate. Arrived 
 at Marseilles (a libera civitas in alliance with Rome), Caesar 
 was refused admission into the town. But when Ahenobarbus 
 sailed into the harbour, he was not only admitted, but 
 acknowledged as commandant. The people of Marseilles 
 thus formally adopted the Pompeian side in the quarrel. 
 Caesar made up his mind that he must take the town, and 
 in order to do so must have ships. In thirty days from the 
 felling of the timber, twelve ships of war were built at Aries 
 and put under the command of Decimus Brutus, while 
 towers and vineae were constructed, and the siege on the 
 land side entrusted to C. Trebonius. 
 
 13. Caesar in Spain, June- August, B.C. 49. But the 
 main object was Spain, which he dared not leave behind him 
 in possession of Pompeians. In Spain there were three 
 legates of Pompey (still proconsul), L. Afranius, M. Petreius, 
 M. Terentius Varro. The two first of these had joined forces 
 and were stationed at Ilerda (Lerida) to resist an invasion 
 from the north. Caesar, though delayed himself at Marseilles, 
 had sent on C. Fabius by way of Perpignan and Barcelona, 
 early in May; but when he himself followed in June, he 
 found Fabius shut up in a narrow district between the rivers 
 Sicoris and Cinca, which joins the Sicoris south of Ilerda. 
 Both rivers were flooded, and their bridges broken down ; 
 while the provisions of the district were exhausted. Caesar 
 repaired the bridges and relieved Fabius, but shortly 
 afterwards the bridges were again broken down by floods, 
 Afranius and Petreius holding the only sound one near 
 Ilerda. Thus Caesar was himself shut up in the same 
 narrow fork of country, unable to obtain provisions, which 
 his enemies could do by means of their bridge. He was in 
 great peril, and exaggerated reports of his defeat reached 
 Rome, where the town house of Afranius was thronged 
 with visits of congratulation, and many who had been 
 hesitating as to joining Pompey crossed over to Dyrrachium, 
 
xviii. SURRENDER OF POMPEY'S ARMIES IN SPAIN. 2 6l 
 
 among them M. Cicero, who embarked on the nth of 
 June. But the situation suddenly changed. A long train 
 of provisions from Gaul had been stopped by the flooded 
 Sicoris. Caesar managed to get a legion across in coracles 
 constructed on the model of those he had seen in Britain ; 
 and his men being thus on both sides of the river, the bridge 
 was quickly repaired, and the provisions secured. Afranius 
 and Petreius endeavoured to retire south of the Ebro, but 
 were outmarched by Caesar, and had to choose between 
 fighting and surrender. Their soldiers were reluctant to 
 fight, and fraternized with Caesar's men, and after some 
 toilsome marches, harassed by Caesar's cavalry, they sub- 
 mitted, and were allowed to quit Spain unharmed. They 
 both afterwards joined Pompey in Greece, and perished 
 later on in Africa. The third of Pompey's legates, the 
 learned M. Terentius Varro, who was governing southern 
 Spain, called Baetica, though he loyally tried to keep faith 
 with Pompey, found that the feeling throughout the province 
 was so entirely for Caesar that he was obliged to submit. 
 Caesar then returned to Marseilles, which, at the beginning 
 of October, surrendered. Ahenobarbus escaped, but all arms, 
 engines of war, and money were given up to Caesar. Thus 
 in the course of the summer of B.C. 49, Caesar had secured 
 Spain and Gaul, while his legates Valerius and Curio had 
 occupied Sardinia and Sicily (Cato making no attempt to 
 maintain himself in the latter). The one failure had been 
 in Africa, whither Curio went after taking over Sicily. P. 
 Attius Varus had taken possession of the province after 
 leaving Auximum and, backed up by luba, king of Numidia, 
 had defeated and killed Curio. 
 
 14. Caesar Consul. Caesar's success in Spain had 
 smoothed the constitutional difficulty at Rome. On his 
 way back to Marseilles he heard that a lex had enabled 
 Lepidus to nominate him Dictator for holding the elections 
 (comitiis habendis). This had not been done for many years, 
 
262 CAESAR AS CONSUL FOLLOWS POMPEY. CH. xvm. 
 
 because, since B.C. 212, it had been the custom of the 
 consuls not to go out on foreign services till after the elec- 
 tions had been held, and since the time of Sulla, the consuls, 
 as a rule, did not quit Rome till their year of office was 
 over. But in earlier times there were many precedents. 
 The irregularity in this case was that he was named by a 
 praetor; but anything was possible by a law properly passed 
 in the Comitia. Caesar returned to Rome, held the elec- 
 tion, and was returned as consul with P. Servilius Vatia. 
 He stayed there only eleven days, finding time, however, to 
 carry two laws one for the relief of debtors who, owing to 
 the revolution, had been forced to sell property at panic 
 prices, and another for the bestowal of the franchise on 
 the Transpadani. Then, leaving Antony to secure the recall 
 of exiles condemned in courts overawed, as alleged, by 
 Pompey's troops, he hurried to Brundisium, where he had 
 appointed his legions to muster. 
 
 15. Caesar follows Pompey into Epirus, B.C. 48. 
 Caesar set sail on the 4th of January ; but Pompey's large 
 fleet, drawn from various nations and under the supreme 
 command of Bibulus, protected the coast of Epirus. Caesar 
 was obliged to run ashore wherever he could. He eventu- 
 ally landed somewhat south of Oricum, and was readily wel- 
 comed there and at Apollonia, from which the Pompeian 
 officers were forced to retire. But he failed in an attempted 
 dash upon Dyrrachium, where Pompey had his magazines. 
 Caesar was, in fact, in considerable danger. Though he 
 held the coast in the district of Apollonia, Pompey's fleet 
 swept the sea and prevented him from landing supplies or 
 the rest of his troops from Italy. It was not till the spring 
 that Antony arrived at Lissus (about thirty miles north of 
 Dyrrachium) with four legions and 800 cavalry. But though 
 Caesar, in spite of Pompey's attempt to hinder him, effected 
 a junction with Antony, he could do little. He constructed, 
 indeed, lines of circumvallation round those of Pompey, 
 
264 CAESAR'S DIFFICULTIES IN EPIRUS. CH. 
 
 extending to a circuit of fifteen miles ; but Pompey, having 
 command of the sea, could get provisions for his men in 
 abundance, though his horses suffered from want of forage, 
 while Caesar's men were reduced to great straits. Moreover 
 Caesar's lines were not complete ; there was a weak point at 
 the southern extremity near the sea, of which Pompey was 
 informed by two Gallic deserters, and towards the end of 
 May he successfully pierced them. Caesar fortified another 
 camp hard by : but after meeting with a fresh disaster in 
 attacking a Pompeian legion, he resolved on retiring upon 
 Apollonia, and thence into Thessaly. He had sent his legate, 
 Domitius Calvinus, to intercept reinforcements which 
 Metellus Scipio (Pompey's father-in-law) was bringing from 
 the province of Syria along the Egnatian road : and Caesar 
 hoped to find Calvinus and take up a better position in the 
 interior where Pompey would be separated from his fleet. 
 He retired by a route south of the Egnatian road, and was 
 joined by Calvinus at Aeginium, who had made his way over 
 the mountains from that road, where he was in danger of 
 being caught between two armies by Metellus Scipio 
 coming up the road from the east, and Pompey going 
 down the road from the west. Both Caesar and Pompey 
 were now marching in the same direction, though on parallel 
 lines. They converged in Thessaly. For Pompey, after 
 meeting Metellus Scipio with the reinforcements, left the 
 Egnatian road, passed through the vale of Tempe to Larissa, 
 and thence by Scotussa across the river Enipeus, within 
 about four miles of Caesar in the district of Pharsalus. 
 
 1 6. Battle of Pharsalia. Pompey would still have 
 preferred to avoid a battle. Caesar had no fleet to speak of, 
 while Pompey's ships could sail round the coasts of Greece 
 and bring him supplies. The decision rested with him, for 
 Caesar would scarcely have ventured to attack with an army 
 less than half that of his rival's. But Pompey yielded to his 
 followers, who were elated with the retreat of Caesar and the 
 
xviii. BATTLE OF PHARSALIA. 265 
 
 reinforcements brought by Metellus Scipio. They were 
 eager to get back to Rome and enjoy the fruits of their 
 victory offices, confiscations, and other advantages. The 
 battle which ensued on the 2gth of June [gth August in the 
 unreformed calendar] was a deathblow to their hopes. It 
 was an example of the superiority of the Roman infantry, 
 when well trained and experienced, over an army which, 
 though greatly superior in numbers, was composed of mixed 
 races, and depended mainly on its cavalry. In Pompey's 
 army there were Asiatics, Greeks, Jews, Armenians, Arabians, 
 Galatians, and Cappadocians. He had seven thousand 
 cavalry against Caesar's one thousand. His legions, how- 
 ever, were mostly levies of the previous year, who did not 
 turn out to be a match for Caesar's veterans. Pompey 
 trusted to his superiority in cavalry to outflank Caesar's 
 line, and charge it on the rear. But though his cavalry 
 did repulse that of Caesar, it was in turn repulsed by 
 Caesar's reserve, or fourth line, and fled in confusion. 
 Pompey kept his infantry on their ground to receive 
 Caesar's charge without going to meet it, and this again 
 proved disadvantageous. The ardour of a line in full 
 advance overbore the dead resistance of men waiting 
 stolidly for an attack. But Pompey had given up all hope 
 when he saw the failure of his cavalry. He hurried back 
 to the camp, gave some directions for its defence, and then 
 retired to his tent. 
 
 17. Flight of Pompey. Before long Caesar was lead- 
 ing his men to attack the camp, and Pompey was galloping 
 out of the rear gate to Larissa. There he was joined by a 
 few followers, and, without staying for rest, hurried on to the 
 river, where he obtained a boat and reached the coast. 
 Here he found a corn vessel ready to start, bound for 
 Amphipolis. He only stayed one night there (apparently 
 without landing), and went on to Lesbos, where his wife 
 and younger son were with his friend Theophanes. After 
 
266 DEATH OF POMPEY. CH. 
 
 two days' stay at Lesbos, he procured a few more vessels, 
 and proceeded on his voyage down the Asiatic coast. At 
 Attaleia in Pamphylia he was joined by about sixty Sena- 
 tors, and collected some ships and men. At Cyprus he 
 found the first signs of his failing influence, for he was 
 informed that the people of Antioch (on the opposite 
 coast) were putting their town in a state of defence to 
 prevent his landing. The same had happened to other 
 fugitives of his party at Rhodes, and it became an anxious 
 question to what country he could go with safety. He 
 seems to have thought of Orodes, king of Parthia, to whom 
 earlier in the year he had offered some concessions in 
 Syria. Finally, however, he decided upon Egypt. 
 
 18. Assassination of Pompey in Egypt. The sover- 
 eigns of Egypt were then Ptolemy XII. (a boy of thirteen) 
 and his sister and wife Cleopatra. They were the children 
 of Ptolemy Auletes, whose cause Pompey had supported 
 in Rome. On the death of Auletes (B.C. 51) he had left the 
 kingdom to these two jointly; but the ministers or guardians 
 of Ptolemy, the eunuch Pothinus and the rhetorician Theo- 
 dotus of Chios, had contrived to expel Cleopatra, who had 
 fled to Syria, collected forces, and was now endeavouring to 
 recover her share in the kingdom. To resist her Ptolemy 
 was at Pelusium (on the eastern mouth of the Nile) with an 
 army commanded by Achillas. There were Roman troops 
 also at Alexandria left by Gabinius in B.C. 57-6, and some 
 of them seem to have been with the king's army. When 
 Pompey's messenger arrived asking shelter, the royal council 
 was divided in opinion, but eventually decided that it would 
 not be prudent either to receive or to let him go. To murder 
 him would be safest "dead men do not bite." The deed 
 was entrusted to Septimius, a military Tribune, who had 
 once served under Pompey, and Salvius a centurion. A 
 boat was sent out with Achillas on board, who greeted 
 Pompey respectfully and invited him to come on shore. 
 
xvin. POMPEY'S CHARACTER. 267 
 
 Amidst the agonized anxiety of wife and friends Pompey 
 stepped into the boat, took his place in the stern, and 
 recognized and addressed Septimius as an old comrade. 
 He was only answered however by a somewhat surly nod, 
 and when, as he was stepping out of the boat, he felt the 
 sword of Septimius at his back, he hastily drew the folds of 
 his toga over his face and fell without a struggle. His head 
 was cut off and his body left on the sand, until his faithful 
 freedman Philip (who with one slave and two centurions 
 had accompanied him) found the fragments of a stranded 
 boat, with which he made a rude funeral pyre and burned 
 the body. Pompey was an honest, but not a great man. 
 He wished to be supreme at Rome, but yet to maintain the 
 constitution two things which were incompatible. He 
 never really liked or trusted the Optimates, yet he allowed 
 himself to be used by them for their own purposes. He had 
 a great military reputation, and considerable military talents, 
 but he let the incompetent nobles in his camp overrule 
 him. As a politician he was neither so able nor so un- 
 scrupulous as Caesar, and had no great scheme of policy 
 to carry out as Caesar had. As usually happens, the man 
 that knew his own mind won in the end. 
 
 19. Caesar pursues Pompey and arrives at Alex- 
 andria. The victory of Pharsalia was very important. 
 Caesar had lost comparatively few men in the battle, variously 
 stated at 200 and 1200, with about 30 centurions, whereas 
 of Pompey's army 6000 Roman corpses were lying on the 
 field of battle, and still more of his auxiliaries. Yet the party 
 was not beaten. The great fleet was still in the hands of 
 Pompeians. It was stationed at Corcyra at the time of the 
 battle, and when the news of it arrived, Cato, who had been 
 left in charge of the camp at Dyrrachium, joined the fleet, 
 as did Cicero and others. Pompey's elder son Gnaeus was 
 also on board, and, though the Egyptian contingent had 
 deserted, there was still a powerful armament. It was at last 
 
268 CAESAR AT ALEXANDRIA. CH. 
 
 resolved (in spite of the opposition of Cicero and others) to 
 go to the province of Africa, where they expected to be 
 joined by Pompey and Metellus Scipio, and where the 
 Pompeian Attius Varus was still proconsul. Meanwhile 
 Caesar was pressing on in pursuit of Pompey with one 
 legion and some cavalry, leaving orders for another legion 
 to follow, which overtook him on the Hellespont. Some- 
 where near Antioch, on his way through Asia, he was met 
 by C. Cassius with a fleet of Cilician, Syrian, and Phoenician 
 ships. Cassius submitted it seems without a struggle and 
 took service under Caesar, who, guessing Pompey's destina- 
 tion when he heard that he had been seen at Cyprus, 
 arrived at Alexandria on the fifth of October, about ten 
 days after Pompey's murder, of which he found men ready 
 to assure him by presenting him with Pompey's signet ring 
 and displaying the murdered man's head. 
 
 20. The Alexandrine War. Caesar stayed in Egypt 
 till the spring of the following year, B.C. 47. Italy was en- 
 trusted to Antony with the remainder of his victorious army. 
 Caesar would no doubt have to fight the surviving Pompeians 
 in Africa ; but for this it was necessary to strengthen his fleet 
 and to have control of the naval powers, Egypt, Phoenicia, 
 and Rhodes. Finding a civil war in Egypt, between Ptolemy 
 XII. and his sister Cleopatra, he determined to intervene. 
 His landing with lictors and fasces was resented at Alex- 
 andria, because it implied an assertion of Roman authority 
 there ; and the riots were so serious, that he sent for reinforce- 
 ments from Asia, and summoned Ptolemy and Cleopatra to 
 Alexandria to submit their dispute to him. Cleopatra is 
 said to have won his favour by her charms, and he decided 
 that she was to reign jointly with her brother. But this did 
 not suit Ptolemy's minister Pothinus. He instigated Achillas 
 and the army at Pelusium to resist and to advance on Alex- 
 andria. Caesar therefore was being besieged in Alexandria 
 while ostensibly supporting the sovereigns of Egypt. He 
 
xvin. THE ALEXANDRINE WAR. 269 
 
 had not enough troops to defend the city, and he retired 
 to Pharos, which was connected with it by a drawbridge. 
 Here he waited for farther help coming from Asia ; but 
 meanwhile he sent envoys in Ptolemy's name to Achillas, 
 and when they were ill-treated by the secret instigation 
 of Pothinus, he put Pothinus to death. Achillas being 
 master of Alexandria set up Arsinoe, Cleopatra's sister, 
 as queen ; who, however, soon quarrelled with him and 
 put him to death. Towards the end of the year Ptolemy 
 persuaded Caesar to allow him to go to Alexandria and 
 negotiate with Arsinoe's government. Instead of doing 
 so he joined the enemy, and sought to reduce Caesar by 
 cutting off his convoys of provisions at sea. But in March 
 (B.C. 47) an army arrived at Pelusium under Mithridates of 
 Pergamus, whom Caesar had commissioned to raise forces 
 in Syria and Phoenicia. Ptolemy marched out to meet him : 
 but Caesar went to his support, stormed Ptolemy's camp, 
 and drove him into flight. In his attempt to escape he 
 was drowned, 2yth March [6th Feb.]. Shortly afterwards 
 Alexandria surrendered, Cleopatra was made queen with a 
 husband in the shape of another brother, a young boy, who 
 as Ptolemy XIII. reigned with her nominally for a little 
 more than three years, when she put him to death (B.C. 
 43). Egypt was thus secured. 
 
 21. Caesar Dictator and Consul. Troubles at 
 Rome. Meanwhile at Rome Caesar had been named 
 Dictator for a year, with the power (though not the office) 
 of a tribune for life, and the right of being consul for five 
 years. Nevertheless things had not gone smoothly at 
 Rome. During the year B.C. 48 trouble had been caused 
 by M. Caelius, a praetor, who had sought to gain favour 
 with the mob by granting debtors better terms than 
 Caesar's law had given them. He had been eventually 
 driven from Rome, and had attempted to join Milo, 
 who was in arms in South Italy to secure his recall from 
 
270 AFFAIRS IN ASIA. CH. 
 
 exile, and there both perished. Other troubles were caused 
 by the profligate P. Cornelius Dolabella, who (like Clodius) 
 got himself adopted into a Plebeian gens and elected 
 tribune, that he might get more consideration for him- 
 self; for he was overburdened with debt, and had not got 
 what he hoped from the revolution. Antony as the 
 Dictator's magister equitum was the highest authority in the 
 absence of Caesar, but he seemed unable to suppress the 
 party fights and disorders that now arose, and had himself 
 to go to Brundisium to quell a military riot. If we may 
 believe Cicero, he not only wasted time in coarse de- 
 bauchery, but was enriching himself by confiscations in a 
 way that brought Caesar's displeasure upon him. 
 
 22. The War with Pharnaces in Pontus and 
 Battle of Zela, B.C. 47. Caesar's presence at Rome 
 therefore was much needed. Yet he determined first to 
 settle Asia. He travelled and did business with extra- 
 ordinary speed. Three days at Antioch, four at Tarsus, 
 three at Comana sufficed to settle Syria, Cilicia, and Cap- 
 padocia. But one of the little wars in which their wide 
 empire was always involving the Romans awaited him in 
 Pontus. Pompey had left Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, 
 king of Bosporus, in B.C. 63. He was now trying to recover 
 some of his father's old dominions south of the Black Sea, 
 which were at this time part of a Roman province, and also 
 some territories in Armenia assigned by Pompey to Deiotarus, 
 tetrarch of Galatia. Deiotarus had fought on Pompey's side 
 at Pharsalia, and had escaped in the same ship. But he 
 tried to make up for that by acting as an obedient vassal of 
 Rome, and begged the help of Domitius Calvinus, Caesar's 
 legate in Asia. Pharnaces, while pretending that he was willing 
 to submit his cause to Caesar's arbitration, nevertheless 
 continued his raids, and inflicted a defeat on the combined 
 forces of Domitius and Deiotarus, and boasted of having 
 recovered his father's kingdom. Caesar now hastened to 
 
xvni. BATTLE OF ZELA. 271 
 
 Pontus in person. On the 28th of July he met Deiotarus, 
 whom he treated with scant favour, in spite of his humble 
 submission and endeavours to atone for assistance given to 
 Pompey. He deprived him of the greater part of his 
 territories, though he allowed him to retain the title of king, 
 and forced him to hand over some troops which he had 
 trained in the fashion of a Roman legion. Next day he 
 entered Pontus and answered envoys who met him from 
 Pharnaces by ordering him to quit that country, restore 
 certain publicani whom he had seized, and all property 
 taken from allies of Rome. When Pharnaces, pretending 
 obedience, yet shuffled and delayed, he advanced swiftly 
 upon his position on a hill a few miles from Zela, defeated 
 him, stormed his camp, and forced him to fly the country. 
 It was this rapid and decisive victory that Caesar is said to 
 have announced in his despatch to the Senate in three words, 
 Veni t vidi) vici [June, B.C. 47]. 
 
 23. The Battle of Thapsus, April, B.C. 46. Caesar 
 was back in Rome by August, B.C. 47 : but though his 
 presence was so much needed there he only stayed about 
 three months. By the end of October he was on his way to 
 Africa to put down the surviving Pompeian leaders. They 
 had had . more than a year to recover and collect their 
 forces. There was a considerable army commanded by 
 Pompey's father-in-law, Metellus Scipio, and supported by 
 luba, king of Mauretania, and a strong fleet under the com- 
 mand of Attius Varus ; while Cato was occupying Utica. 
 Caesar was inferior in numbers, and the enemy's fleet 
 harassed him by cutting off his transports. Still he took a 
 number of towns and strongholds without much resistance, 
 and having been reinforced about January, B.C. 46, was strong 
 enough to give Scipio battle whenever he could get the 
 chance. This chance came early in February. As he was 
 advancing to attack Thapsus, Scipio and luba, who had been 
 following him, got into such a position that they were forced 
 
CH. xviii. BATTLE OF THAPSUS. 273 
 
 to fight. They were beaten completely and with immense 
 loss, and Caesar, leaving the assault on Thapsus to a legate, 
 advanced himself to attack Cato in Utica. Cato, though a 
 resolute, not to say obstinate, politician, seems to have been 
 a faint-hearted soldier. Two years before he had yielded 
 Sicily to Curio without a blow, and now on Caesar's 
 approach he at once gave up all for lost. Yet he had the 
 courage to die, and to die cheerfully. After conversing 
 calmly on philosophy to a company of his friends, and com- 
 mending his family to the care of Lucius Caesar, he retired 
 to his bedroom and fell on his sword. The wound was not 
 mortal, and was dressed ; but when left alone he tore off the 
 bandages and expired. The other leaders either made their 
 peace with Caesar or perished in various ways. luba and 
 Petreius are said to have killed each other; Faustus Sulla 
 and Afranius fell in a military riot. Scipio tried to join 
 Gnaeus and Sextus Pompeius who had gone to Spain, but 
 was overtaken by Caesar's ships and threw himself into the 
 sea. Thus resistance in Africa was crushed, and Numidia 
 made a Roman province. Two months after the battle Caesar 
 embarked for Italy, and arrived in Rome towards the end of 
 May, practically master of the Empire, although he had been 
 nominally only consul with a colleague like any other consul, 
 M. Aemilius Lepidus. 
 
 C. lULlUb CAESAR AND OCTAVIAN (AUGUSTUS), 
 c 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 FROM THE BATTLE OF THAPSUS TO THE 
 BATTLE OF PHILIPPI (B.C. 46-42). 
 
 I. Caesar } s administration from B.C. 46. 2. The war with the sons of 
 Pompey in Spain; battle of Mtmda, B.C. 45. 3. Consequences of 
 the battle of Munda. 4. Caesar's reforms and projects in the last 
 year of his life. 5. Causes of the conspiracy against Caesar. 6. 
 The members of the conspiracy. 7. The assassination of Caesar. 
 
 8. The effects of the assassination of Caesar ; the conduct of Antony. 
 
 9. C. Octavianus comes to Rome. 10. The war of Mutina, B.C. 
 44-3. II. Octavianus returns to Rome and is elected consul. 12. 
 Octavianus breaks with the Optimates ; the Triumvirate. 13. The 
 proscriptions ; death of Cicero. 14. Defeat of Brutus and Cassius 
 at Philippi (B.C. 42). 15. Second division of the Empire between 
 the Triumvirs. 
 
 i. Caesar's Laws and Reforms. Before Caesar's 
 return to Rome in July, B.C. 46, he had been declared 
 Dictator for ten years (from ist January, B.C. 45), and invested 
 with censorial powers under the title of praefectus morum. 
 He was in all but name an absolute king. He celebrated 
 four triumphs, over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Numidia, 
 thus avoiding all mention of a civil war, It was quite 
 against precedent to celebrate a triumph over fellow citizens, 
 and therefore these triumphs were nominally over Ptolemy 
 in Egypt, Pharnaces in Pontus, luba in Numidia. Yet the 
 truth could not be thus obscured, and these processions 
 must have been bitterly offensive to many. Caesar now 
 
 274 
 
CH. xix. THE CALENDAR RECTIFIED. 275 
 
 spent rather more than six months in Rome, and carried 
 out a number of very useful reforms. The first was that 
 of the calendar. The Roman year, since its settlement 
 traditionally referred to king Numa, had consisted of 12 
 lunar months or 355 days (more accurately 354 days 8 hours 
 48 minutes 36 seconds). The solar year consists of 365 
 days 5 hours 48 minutes 51 J seconds. The error, there- 
 fore, was between 10 and 1 1 days every year. The pontifices 
 from time to time intercalated 27 days after the 23rd of 
 February. But this was not enough, and the error had 
 accumulated till it reached 90 days. That is to say, in a 
 given year about this time, if there were no days intercalated, 
 the calendar was three months in advance, and an event 
 said to happen on 25th July would really have happened 
 about the 25th of May. This often led to great in- 
 conveniences. The festivals meant to be in the summer 
 would fall in the spring, those meant to be in the spring 
 would fall in the winter, and so on. Caesar consulted the 
 best mathematicians; and a month of 23 days having been 
 intercalated in February, another of 67 days was inserted 
 between the last day of November and first of December. 
 So that this " last year of disorder " consisted of 445 days, 
 and the first of January, B.C. 45, was brought to its true 
 place in the solar year. Other reforms were meant to 
 prevent farther revolutions and restore prosperity. Mindful 
 perhaps of what he himself had been able to do, he passed a 
 law confining the tenure of praetorian provinces to one, 
 and consular provinces to two years. Another law prevented 
 Senators from residing more than three years outside Italy; 
 and another compelled owners of sheep-runs to have at 
 least a third of their shepherds free men. To purify the 
 law courts he abolished the third decuria of jurors (the 
 tribuni aerarii), so that juries should be entirely composed 
 of Senators and Equites. The liberal arts were encouraged 
 by giving the franchise to their professors living in Rome; 
 
2 76 CAMPAIGN OF MUNDA. CH. 
 
 and a remedy was sought for poverty and overcrowding by 
 projects of colonization, in Carthage, Corinth, and Gaul. 
 
 2. The War against the Sons of Pompey in 
 Spain (B.C. 45). From these peaceful employments he 
 was forced once more to take the field. The two sons of 
 Pompey, Gnaeus and Sextus, had taken refuge in the 
 south of Spain. There they found the name of Caesar 
 unpopular on account of the ill-conduct of a governor 
 sent by him to the province. They quickly collected 
 thirteen legions, and were joined by the leaders of the 
 army in Africa who had escaped after Thapsus. With 
 these troops they defeated C. Didius, whom Caesar had 
 sent against them, and it became necessary for him to go 
 there in person. He left Rome on the 3rd of December, 
 B.C. 46, and was back again early in the following September. 
 Though many Spanish tribes were in arms, taking advantage 
 of the Roman dissensions to return to their old habits of 
 brigandage, yet it was not a Spanish war, i.e. a war with 
 Spaniards. The two armies were almost wholly Roman ; 
 and the Pompeian army was filled with veterans who would 
 fight desperately, because, having served against Caesar 
 before, and having been granted their lives, they could 
 have no hope of farther mercy. Caesar's troops were also 
 veterans exasperated at having to fight again in a civil 
 war. There was likely, therefore, to be little quarter 
 given ; and in fact the slaughter was more ruthless than 
 in any part of the civil war. After several minor successes 
 Gnaeus Pompeius pitched his camp in a plain near Munda, 
 and there Caesar forced him to give battle (iyth March). 
 The struggle was fierce and desperate, and the loss great 
 on both sides. Caesar, however, wa completely victorious. 
 Gnaeus Pompeius escaped to the sea only to fall a month 
 later when landing to take water; but his brother Sextus 
 survived, and remained at the head of a formidable naval 
 force for many years afterwards. 
 
xix. LAST MEASURES OF CAESAR. 277 
 
 3. Consequences of the Battle of Munda. Though 
 Sextus Pompeius was thus still left with a large fleet, the 
 battle of Munda secured Southern Spain for the time (the 
 North had not been seriously disturbed), and cleared off 
 the greater part of the Pompeian officers who had sur- 
 vived the battles of Pharsalia and Thapsus. But its 
 most striking effect at the moment was shown at Rome. 
 Rumours of Caesar's defeat had at one time been rife 
 there, and some symptoms of a rising opposition had 
 appeared. But the news of Munda changed all that. 
 Every kind of honour was voted to him : a supplicatio 
 for fifty days ; the dictatorship for life ; the right of being 
 consul for the next ten years; the entire control of the 
 treasury; and complete military authority by the title of 
 Imperator for himself and his children. When he returned 
 to Rome, therefore, in September he was in fact in all but 
 name an absolute king; and some even proposed that he 
 should have that title, at any rate in the provinces. 
 
 4. New Reforms of Caesar, B.C. 45-44. Caesar 
 made a good use of this position during the few months 
 of life that remained to him, both by enforcing the laws 
 already passed, and by passing new ones. He formed also 
 great schemes for improving and enlarging Rome ; for drain- 
 ing the lower parts of the town by diverting the river into 
 a canal, and thus including part of the Vatican district 
 within the pomoerium ; for erecting new buildings, a forum, 
 a curia, a theatre, and several temples. A great public 
 library was to be collected, and the best jurists were to 
 codify the laws. Outside the city also vast works were 
 to be set on foot ; a great canal was to drain the Pomptine 
 Marshes ; an artificial emissary was to prevent the flooding 
 of the lacus Fucinus ; a great harbour was to be constructed 
 at Ostia ; a new road constructed across the Apennines to 
 the shore of the Adriatic ; and numerous colonies to be 
 planted, besides those actually settled at Corinth and 
 
2 y8 THE CONSPIRACY. CH. 
 
 Carthage, in various parts of the Empire, in Gaul, Illyri- 
 cum, Egypt, Syria, and Pontus. Many of these things were 
 actually begun, but his assassination on the i5th of March 
 put a stop to most and delayed all. 
 
 5. The Causes of the Conspiracy against Caesar. 
 There were many reasons which might cause a plot against 
 Caesar's life among the nobles of Rome. However well he 
 might conduct the government, it was the government of 
 an absolute monarch. Offices depended no longer on 
 popular favour or (as they had generally done before) on 
 family arrangements. Though the form of election was 
 still gone through, Caesar issued letters of recommenda- 
 tion which were practically commands. His dictatorship 
 gave him complete control over other magistrates. He 
 filled up the Senate with friends and partisans of his own 
 of all ranks, sometimes from the provinces, and some- 
 times from the sons of freedmen, so that there were about 
 nine hundred names on the roll. This was too large a 
 body to be effective or influential ; and he himself set the 
 example of treating it with scant respect. Then, too, the 
 triumph after the war in Spain was plainly over fellow citi- 
 zens, there could be no disguise as to that : and the pro- 
 posal to give him the title of rex aroused the most deeply 
 seated prejudices of the citizens. The story is well known 
 how as he was watching the Lupercalia, the ancient festival 
 celebrated on the Palatine (i5th Feb.), Antony in the semi- 
 nude state of one of the Luperci, taking advantage of the 
 license of the festival, attempted three times to place a 
 gold crown on Caesar's head. Caesar indeed, observing 
 the feelings of the people, thrice rejected it, and finally 
 ordered it to be dedicated in the Capitol to the only king 
 lupiter; but the incident had its effect. Again, as he was 
 once entering the city, some officious partisans addressed him 
 as rex, and were answered by him that they were mistaken, he 
 was not Rex (a well-known surname of a Roman family) but 
 
xix. THE CONSPIRACY. 
 
 279 
 
 Caesar. Still he was sensitive as to opposition to this title, 
 and when two of the tribunes pulled off some crowns 
 with which his statues had been secretly adorned, and 
 arrested some leaders of the mob, he showed his dis- 
 pleasure by causing them to be suspended from their office. 
 Moreover he seemed to be establishing a dynasty. His 
 great-nephew, C. Octavius afterwards Augustus was now 
 eighteen, had joined his great-uncle after the battle of 
 Munda in Spain, and had been treated in all ways as his 
 heir and as a prince who was to take up the position 
 when he died. It does not seem that he actually adopted 
 him in his lifetime (that was done by his will), but he 
 treated him in a way that showed what he meant to do. 
 All these things, though they perhaps did not render him 
 unpopular with the lower orders, were deeply offensive 
 to the nobles, who could also reckon on some points 
 both in his policy and conduct likely to prejudice him with 
 the people, such as his restricting the number of those 
 entitled to cheap corn, and his habit of rather ostenta- 
 tiously showing want of interest in the theatre and circus by 
 reading and answering his correspondence while sitting 
 there. Finally, like all revolutionary leaders, he was sur- 
 rounded by many men of bad character whom he was 
 constrained to employ. 
 
 6. The Members of the Conspiracy. However 
 this may be, certain persons were industriously working 
 up a plot. In our time it would perhaps have been done 
 by securing the co-operation of the press, and paying for 
 frequent paragraphs of detraction. In Rome it was done 
 by scattering 'libels,' or written sentences, about the 
 streets and Forum, and writing them on walls. They were 
 mostly in the form of appeals to M. Brutus to justify his 
 name and assumed descent from the Brutus who ex- 
 pelled the kings, and from Ahala who killed a would-be 
 tyrant. The leaders in the conspiracy were M. lunius 
 
280 THE CONSPIRATORS. CH. 
 
 Brutus, who was praetor urbanus, and C. Cassius Lon- 
 ginus, also a praetor, and married to a half-sister of 
 Brutus. Both had fought on Pompey's side, and had been 
 spared by Caesar, and not only pardoned but promoted 
 to office under his direction. To M. Brutus Caesar had been 
 specially indulgent from affection to his mother. He 
 had arranged that at the end of their praetorship Brutus 
 was to govern Macedonia, Cassius Syria. It would seem 
 that no two men could have more to lose by his death. 
 Another was Decimus Brutus, who had served under 
 Caesar in Gaul and in the civil war, had been since in high 
 command in Gaul, had been specially honoured in the 
 triumph of B.C. 45, and, as it afterwards appeared, was 
 entered in Caesar's will as 'second heir,' i.e. to succeed 
 in default of the heir. He, too, was a praetor in B.C. 44, 
 had the command of troops in Cisalpine Gaul, and was 
 nominated to the consulship of B.C. 42. We do not know, 
 considering these facts, why he should have turned against 
 his benefactor, except that he had married the daughter of a 
 leading Pompeian, and may have been influenced by family 
 connexions. C. Trebonius was another who was under similar 
 obligations to Caesar. He had been praetor, commander 
 in Spain, consul, and was nominated to the province of 
 Asia for B.C. 44. And so with others, though in a less 
 degree. There must have been something in Caesar's 
 character that alienated friends : we must allow something 
 also for a genuine feeling that he was an enemy to freedom 
 and the constitution. 
 
 7. The Assassination. About seventy were privy to 
 the plot, which, therefore, could hardly have been so well 
 concealed had it not been carried 1 out promptly. Even 
 as it was, it seems to have oozed out in some directions, 
 and Caesar had several warnings. A soothsayer had 
 bidden him beware of the Ides of March ; his wife had evil 
 dreams ; and so many evil omens of various sorts were 
 
xix. THE ASSASSINATION. 281 
 
 reported to him, that he resolved not to go to the Senate 
 house on the i5th. This delay alarmed the conspirators, 
 who were afraid that they had been betrayed. Decimus 
 Brutus undertook the treacherous task of inducing him to 
 break his resolution. He came to his house and appealed 
 to his pride not to let it be said that he failed to appear 
 in the Senate from superstitious fears and fanciful causes. 
 Caesar was convinced and rose to go about eleven in the 
 morning. As he crossed the hall of his house his bust or 
 statue fell and broke in pieces, perhaps thrown down by 
 some friendly hand to warn him. As he walked along 
 the street the crowd pressed round him with petitions, and 
 one man with special eagerness thrust a paper in his hand, 
 begging him to read it at once, as it concerned him deeply. 
 But he either did not hear or did not understand, and gave 
 it with others to his attendant. He entered the Senate, 
 and having taken his seat, was at once surrounded by the 
 conspirators, who pretended to be backing a petition of 
 L. Tillius Cimber desiring his brother's recall. When he 
 turned away, annoyed at their persistence, Cimber clutched 
 his toga. This was the signal agreed upon. Casca struck 
 him with his dagger, which he had concealed in the case 
 used for carrying the writing stilus, and thereupon the 
 others drew their daggers also and plunged them into 
 his body. He at first tried to defend himself; but when 
 he saw M. Brutus among his enemies, for whom he had 
 had such great affection, he cried, " You too, my son ! " 
 and drawing his robe over his face, fell pierced by more 
 than twenty wounds. The conspirators had struck with 
 such violence and haste that more than one of their own 
 number was wounded. The other senators, after a pause of 
 horror, rushed out of the house spreading the news far and 
 wide through the city. 
 
 8. The Effects of the Assassination of Caesar. 
 Whatever private motives the conspirators may have had 
 
282 THE TYRANNY NOT KILLED. CH. 
 
 for hating Caesar, there were some of them (and especially 
 M. Brutus) who believed that they were doing a good 
 service to the state. Caesar had made himself practically 
 king. The old republican government and liberty would 
 again be restored by getting rid of him. Cicero who was 
 present, though not privy to the plot, loudly applauded 
 the assassins, and professed to believe that a tyrant had 
 righteously been removed and liberty recovered. Let us 
 see why this did not turn out to be the case. Parties at 
 Rome were too deeply divided to allow the removal of one 
 man to make peace. The leaders in the state had all 
 powerful followings, and were determined to secure their 
 own interests, and not to give up any of the offices, govern- 
 ments, or profitable employments which they had obtained 
 from Caesar. These they were prepared to defend by arms 
 if necessary, and their professed loyalty to the constitution, 
 by which they justified the murder of Caesar, would not make 
 them obedient to the Senate if it ordered any change in these 
 things. All were in haste to take possession of what they 
 regarded as their rights, and paid little attention to any 
 votes of the Senate which went against their wishes. The 
 chief magistrate after Caesar's death was Marcus Antonius, 
 the consul, for of course the Dictatorship ended with the 
 death of the Dictator. He was at first alarmed for his 
 own safety, and made some terms with the assassins. 
 But presently, when he found what a warm reception 
 his speech (laudatio) at the public funeral of Caesar met 
 with from the populace, he plucked up courage ; and in- 
 ducing the Senate to confirm all the acta of Caesar, he got 
 possession of his papers, and of a large sum of money which 
 he had left in the treasury, and did What he chose. Some 
 of the conspirators who had been named to provinces 
 soon went off to them; but M. Brutus and C. Cassius, 
 being praetors, ought not to have left Rome till the 
 end of the year. They found, however, that the people 
 
xix. ARRIVAL OF OCT AVIAN US. 283 
 
 were so angry with them that they dared not stay, and had 
 to retire to Antium. M. Brutus, we saw, had been named 
 for the province of Macedonia, and Cassius for that of 
 Syria for B.C. 43 ; but when Antony found how unpopular 
 they were, he induced the Senate to change this, and vote 
 Macedonia to his own brother Gaius, and Syria to Dola- 
 bella, who had become consul since Caesar's death. 1 This 
 they were determined to resist, and having collected troops 
 and ships went off to take possession of their provinces. 
 Therefore there was a certainty of civil war in the East. 
 In the West there was also every chance of it. In Spain 
 and Sicily Sextus Pompeius was in command of a large 
 army and fleet, and was ready to join whichever party 
 would grant him the best terms ; while Decimus Brutus 
 had taken possession (in yirtue of Caesar's nomination) of 
 Gallia Cisalpina, which Antony desired for himself. 
 
 9. Octavianus comes to Rome. Presently this state 
 of things was further complicated by the arrival in Rome 
 (in May) of Caesar's great-nephew and heir, the young C. 
 Octavius, who, being adopted in Caesar's will, was now 
 called Gaius lulius Caesar Octavianus, afterwards the 
 Emperor Augustus. Both sides wished to get his support, 
 and Cicero for some time thought that he had secured 
 him on the side of the Optimates, because he quarrelled 
 with Antony about his uncle's inheritance, and because 
 Antony objected to his being elected Tribune. He was 
 only eighteen years old, but had already impressed many 
 people by his firm and cautious character. His first object, 
 which he carefully concealed, was to avenge his great- 
 
 1 P. Cornelius Dolabella had been promised the consulship when 
 Caesar left Rome for the Parthian war. He had actually been elected, 
 but Antony (who objected to him) had declared the omens unfavour- 
 able, and so it was a question whether he was legally consul. How- 
 ever, as soon as Caesar was killed, he assumed the office, Antony not 
 feeling strong enough to resist him. 
 
284 THE WAR OF MtJTINA. CH. 
 
 uncle by punishing his assassins; but he also was deter- 
 mined that Antony should not have everything his own 
 way and become alone supreme in the State. He was 
 resolved at least to share in his power. He therefore at 
 first seemed to take part with the Optimates, who disliked 
 and mistrusted Antony, and was even believed to have 
 plotted his assassination ; and when Antony towards the end 
 of the year brought over to Italy some legions, which had 
 been stationed in Macedonia, in order to enforce his claim 
 on Gallia Cisalpina against Decimus Brutus, Octaviart 
 retaliated by raising a legion among the veterans settled 
 by his great-uncle in Campania. He was presently joined 
 by two of the legions from Macedonia, which deserted 
 Antony, and towards the end of B.C. 44, started for 
 Cisalpine Gaul to prevent Antony from taking possession of 
 that province. 
 
 10. War of Mutina, B.C. 43. This led to a war round 
 Mutina (the modern Modena), in which Decimus Brutus 
 was being besieged by Antony. The Senate eagerly adopted 
 the measures of Octavian, voted him the rank of propraetor 
 and then of proconsul, and sent the two consuls of B.C. 
 43, Gaius Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, to take part 
 in opposing Antony, who, after various negotiations with 
 the Senate, was declared a public enemy. The decisive 
 battle in this campaign was fought at a place called Forum 
 Gallorum (Castel Franco} on the i5th of April, followed 
 by an attack on Antony's camp on the i6th. But in 
 these two battles both the consuls were mortally wounded; 
 and Antony was able to march off towards the West over 
 a pass that brought him to the coast near Savona and 
 thence to Gallia Transalpina. 
 
 11. Octavian returns to Rome and is elected 
 Consul. The Optimates were greatly rejoiced at this 
 success ; but it soon turned out that they had no cause 
 to be glad. When Antony marched towards the Riviera, 
 
xix. OCTAVIAN CONSUL. 285 
 
 Decimus Brutus broke out from Mutina and followed him 
 for some way, but was too late to catch him, and Antony 
 reached the Province in safety, having been reinforced by 
 another legion brought across the North of Italy by one 
 of the praetors, P. Ventidius Bassus. Moreover Octavian 
 now showed that, though he had meant to resist Antony, 
 he would not help Decimus Brutus, one of his great-uncle's 
 murderers. His legions supported him in this, and refused 
 to march in pursuit of Antony. Instead of doing this, he 
 sent to Rome demanding to be elected consul : and when 
 difficulties were made about it, he started for Rome at the 
 head of his army, and entered the city in August almost 
 as a conqueror. He was immediately elected consul with 
 his cousin Q. Pedius, whom he caused -to bring in a law 
 for the trial of all assassins of lulius. 
 
 12. The Triumvirate: M. Lepidus, M. Antonius, 
 C. Octavianus. But this was not all. Octavian had 
 come to Rome resolved to break entirely with the 
 Optimates. The Senate, in which they were the superior 
 party, had shown that they meant to disown him. They 
 were encouraged by the success of Cassius in Syria, who 
 had driven Dolabella to commit suicide, and had taken 
 possession of the province; and of M. Brutus who had taken 
 over Macedonia and captured Gaius Antonius. Sextus 
 Pompeius had also declared for them and had been 
 appointed commander-in-chief of the fleet; and the governor 
 of Africa, Cornificius, was going to send soldiers from his 
 province to Rome. The Senate had therefore ventured to 
 refuse Octavian's request for a triumph and the consulship. 
 Accordingly, before setting out for Rome with his three 
 legions, he had sent a conciliatory message to Antony, and 
 meant, if it should seem to suit his policy, to come to 
 terms with him. Now that he was at Rome with his army 
 at his back, the Senate was forced to do everything he 
 wished. The decree declaring Antony a public enemy was 
 
286 THE TRIUMVIRATE. CH. 
 
 reversed; Octavian himself was granted extraordinary 
 powers, and was named commander, not only of his own 
 legions, but also of those serving with Decimus Brutus. 
 He therefore set off again in September to Cisalpine 
 Gaul to attack Decimus, who, however, was already a 
 fugitive without an army. He had made his way into 
 Cisalpine Gaul, trusting to be joined by L. Munatius 
 Plancus, the governor of Celtic Gaul. But not only had 
 Plancus joined Antony, but so also had M. Lepidus, gover- 
 nor of Narbonensis and Upper Spain. Being, therefore, 
 abandoned by his army, Decimus Brutus attempted to reach 
 Ravenna, and thence cross to M. Brutus in Macedonia. 
 From this, however, he was cut off by Octavian's advance. 
 Turning westward, again he tried to reach the Rhine, but 
 was stopped in Gaul and, on Antony's orders, was put to 
 death by a chief of the Sequani. Antony had now the 
 support of three armies, his own and those of Lepidus and 
 Plancus, and it remained to see whether he would come to 
 terms with Octavian. If he did, they would be able to do 
 as they chose at Rome, and the Senate would be quite 
 helpless. The three commanders, Octavian, Antony, and 
 Lepidus met on a small island in a tributary of the Po near 
 Mutina, and made an arrangement for dividing the govern- 
 ment of the whole Empire between them. They were 
 themselves to be elected tresviri reipublicae constituendae for 
 five years, that is, ' : a commission of three for settling the 
 republic." The ordinary magistrates were to be appointed, 
 but the triumvirs were at once to name them for the whole 
 five years, and were to exercise absolute powers every- 
 where over them. It was in fact to be a sort of Dictatorship 
 in commission. Besides these general powers they were 
 each to have superintendence of a special part of the 
 Empire. Lepidus, with three legions, was to have Gallia 
 Narbonensis and Spain ; Antony, all the rest of Gaul, with 
 four legions ; Octavianus, Africa, Sardinia, Sicily, and other 
 
xix. THE PROSCRIPTIONS. 287 
 
 islands, with three legions. Antony and Octavian undertook 
 to crush Brutus and Cassius in the East, Octavian having 
 the additional task of contending with Sextus Pompeius, 
 while Lepidus took temporary charge of Rome. 
 
 13. The Proscriptions. These arrangements were 
 openly announced to the army. But there was also a 
 secret clause inserted, whereby they agreed to put to death 
 certain leading men in the party of the Optimates. The 
 murderers of Caesar were of course to go; they were by 
 this time already condemned under the law of Pedius. But 
 there were others ; and each of the three put down names 
 particularly odious to them. Thus Antony entered the name 
 of Cicero and his brother and nephew. Antony allowed 
 Lepidus to put his uncle Lucius Caesar on the list, in return 
 for inserting the name of Lepidus's own brother. The first 
 list thus made up consisted of seventeen names, and orders 
 were sent at once to Rome for their execution. Thus early 
 in December the great orator Cicero was overtaken by a 
 detachment of soldiers near his villa at Formiae and executed, 
 his brother and nephew having been previously put to death 
 at Rome. When the Triumvirs returned to Rome other lists 
 were put up in the Forum (proscripti\ so that in the end 
 between two and three thousand persons were * proscribed.' 
 A good many of them escaped, at any rate for the present, 
 by joining Brutus and Cassius in the East, or Sext. Pompeius 
 in Sicily ; and we know of several who escaped altogether. 
 But it seems that about 150 senators and a large number of 
 Equites (perhaps a thousand) were actually put to death. 
 
 14. Defeat of Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, B.C. 
 42. The triumvirs entered on their office on the ist of 
 January, B.C. 42. But they did not all three stay long at 
 Rome. There was much to do before they were masters of 
 the Empire. At Rome there had been a kind of com- 
 mercial panic and other troubles. But when these matters had 
 been to a certain extent put right, Lepidus was left in charge 
 
288 THE BATTLES OF PHILIPPI. CH. 
 
 of the city, while Antony went to get ready an army against 
 Brutus and Cassius in the East, and Octavian to attack Sext. 
 Pompeius in Sicily. For as long as the command of the 
 sea was in the hands of their enemies they would have great 
 difficulty in getting troops across, or securing supplies for 
 their army. Besides, as Rome depended very largely on corn 
 from Africa, Egypt, Sicily, and Sardinia, there was great 
 danger of the city being starved out if Pompeius and other 
 exiles had ships in various parts of the Mediterranean. 
 Octavian did not meet with great success in his contest with 
 Sext. Pompeius this spring, and Antony was for some time 
 prevented crossing from Brundisium by another fleet under 
 Cri. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who had escaped from the 
 proscription. About August, however, Octavian and Antony 
 joining forces managed to get to Apollonia, and thence 
 marched across Macedonia by the great road, called the via 
 Egnatia, and found Brutus and Cassius (who had also joined 
 forces) posted strongly at Philippi, opposite the island of 
 Thasos. They were much better off than their opponents 
 because they had a large fleet to bring them provisions, while 
 the army of Antony and Octavian had to rely on the country 
 for supplies, which were already running short. At the end 
 of October and the beginning of November, however, two 
 battles, at an interval of about a fortnight, settled the 
 question. In the first Cassius was defeated by Antony, 
 Octavian by Brutus. But Cassius, thinking that Brutus had 
 been defeated, killed himself rather than become a prisoner. 
 A fortnight later Brutus was defeated by Antony and 
 Octavian together, and finding his officers unwilling to 
 continue the struggle, put an end to his own life also. Many 
 of the leaders were put to death after the battle, but some 
 escaped, and some, with the majority of the legions, submitted 
 to the triumvirs and were taken into their service. Among 
 the survivors was the poet Horace, who had joined Brutus 
 at Athens. In after years he made more than one half- 
 
xix. REDIVISION OF THE EMPIRE B.C. 42 289 
 
 playful, half-sad allusion in his Odes to his disaster and his 
 escape. 
 
 15. The Empire again Divided, November, B.C. 42. 
 The great result of this fighting was that the two most powerful 
 men in the Empire were now Antony and Octavian (or 
 as we will henceforth call him, Caesar). They determined, 
 therefore, to divide the government of it between themselves 
 once more, this time taking in the East as well as the West. 
 Italy was to be common to both as the head of the Empire, 
 and a common recruiting ground. Antony was to take all 
 the Gauls and Africa, Caesar Spain and Numidia. Lepidus 
 was suspected of having intrigued with Sextus Pompeius : 
 if that turned out to be the case he was to have nothing, 
 if not, Antony agreed to let him have Africa, while he him- 
 self meanwhile went to Asia to put down opposition there and 
 to collect money, while Caesar again undertook the war with 
 Sext. Pompeius. They then separated; Antony went to Asia, 
 Caesar returned to Rome. They seldom met again in friend- 
 ship, and we shall next have to see how this arrangement 
 soon broke down, was renewed on different terms, and ended 
 at last in the complete supremacy of Caesar. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE TRIUMVIRATE AND 
 THE BEGINNING OF MONARCHY. 
 
 I . The state of Italy after the battles at Philippi. 2. The quarrel between 
 Caesar and L. Antonius. 3. The siege of Perusia and destruction 
 of the opposition. 4. New compact between Antony and Caesar at 
 Brundisium. 5. Peace of Misenum with Sextus Pompeius. 6. The 
 rise of Caesar's infltience. 7. Antony in the East from B.C. 39 to 
 B.C. 32 ; his connexion with Cleopatra. 8. The immediate causes of 
 quarrel bet%veen Caesar and Antony. 9. Both sides prepare for war. 
 IO. IVar proclaimed against Cleopatra. II. The battle of Actium 
 (2nd Sept., -R.c. 31). 12. Results of the battle of A ctium. 13. Death 
 of Antony and Cleopatra. 
 
 i. State of Italy after the Battle of Philippi, B.C. 
 42-40. With the exception of one brief visit Antony was 
 never in Rome again after the victories at Philippi, but 
 was wholly engrossed in the government of the East or the 
 pleasures of Egypt. We shall have presently to say some- 
 thing of what he did there. Let us first follow the events 
 which made Caesar supreme in the West, and rendered 
 inevitable a contest between him and Antony for the rule 
 of the whole Empire. At first, however, his authority was 
 not undisputed even in the West. There were two survivors 
 of the civil war strong enough to threaten the peace and 
 prosperity of Italy : one was Gnaeus Domitius Aheno- 
 barbus, who had commanded a fleet in the interests of 
 Brutus and Cassius, and had defeated the triumvirs' admiral 
 
 290 
 
CH. xx. TROUBLES AT ROME. 291 
 
 off Brundisium on the very day of the battle of Philippi. 
 He was still in command of sixty ships, and was threaten- 
 ing the eastern shores of Italy and the commerce with 
 the East; while Sext Pompeius was still unsubdued on the 
 West, and held Sicily and Sardinia, and could hamper the 
 corn trade and threaten Rome with famine. 
 
 2. The Quarrel between Caesar and L. Antonius. 
 Besides this Caesar found violent opposition nearer home. 
 He returned slowly from Macedonia, being attacked by 
 one of his many illnesses. At Rome he found Lucius 
 Antonius (brother of Marcus) consul, having just cele- 
 brated a triumph for some insignificant success in Gaul. 
 Aided by his brother's wife Fulvia, a woman of masculine 
 character, he set himself to thwart Caesar in the interests 
 of his brother. He refused to hand over the legions which 
 Caesar claimed in virtue of his agreement with Marcus, 
 and promoted the discontent among the veteran soldiers 
 to whom Caesar had to assign lands, and also among 
 those from whom those lands were taken, pretending that 
 he did not act fairly as between his own soldiers and those 
 of Antony, and that he was making unnecessary confisca- 
 tions when he had other means of satisfying the legions. 
 It was all the easier to stir up strife because there was 
 great financial distress at the time, owing to the heavy rise in 
 the price of food, caused by the fleets of Ahenobarbus and 
 Sext. Pompeius infesting the shores. After some months 
 of bickering the breach between the two became hopeless, 
 and Caesar repudiated the young daughter of Fulvia betrothed 
 to him in B.C. 43. He and Lucius Antonius both collected 
 troops. Caesar laid siege to Nursia, in the territory of 
 the Sabines, and to Sentinum in Umbria, both of which 
 commanded the line of the Flaminian road to the north, 
 and recalled Salvidienus Rufus whom he had sent to Spain 
 with troops. L. Antonius induced the Senate to appoint 
 him Imperator for a war in which no enemy was named, 
 
292 THE WAR OF PERUSIA. CH. 
 
 and started from Rome, just before Caesar returned thither, 
 to prevent the approach of Salvidienus. But by this time 
 Sentinum had been taken and Nursia had surrendered, 
 and Caesar's friend Agrippa occupied Sutrium, on the 
 other northern road, the via Cassia. L. Antonius, finding 
 himself cut off from any advance towards Gaul, turned 
 aside to Perusia, which was a strongly fortified town, and 
 there he and Fulvia entrenched themselves. 
 
 3. Siege of Perusia, B.C. 41-40. Caesar, Agrippa, 
 and Salvidienus followed and concentrated all their forces 
 on the siege of Perusia, which held out till March, B.C. 
 40, when hunger forced the garrison to surrender. Fulvia 
 and L. Antonius were allowed to depart unharmed, but 
 a large number of senators and Equites were put to death, 
 and the party of the Optimates opposed to Caesar never 
 recovered from the losses sustained. As the result of this 
 contest Caesar was left supreme in the West ; for Lepidus, 
 who was nominally in charge of Rome as the third 
 Triumvir, had shown neither courage nor decision during 
 these troubles, and never exercised any influence again. 
 
 4. New Compact between Antony and Caesar, 
 B.C. 40. Caesar now began to be looked upon as the best 
 guarantee for peace and plenty at Rome. For Gn. Domitius 
 Ahenobarbus, finding that he was so successful, ceased to 
 infest the shores of Italy with his fleet, and sailed away to join 
 Antony. The only danger now was from Sext. Pompeius, and 
 both Antony and Caesar wished to come to some terms with 
 him if possible. With a view to doing so, Caesar this year (40) 
 married Scribonia, aunt to Sextus's wife, though many years 
 older than himself. But Antony, when he heard of what 
 had been happening in Italy, was afraid that he would soon 
 lose all power too. He had been living in Alexandria for 
 the last year, fascinated by the charms of Cleopatra, Queen 
 of Egypt, who had met him at Tarsus, and in the whirl of 
 pleasure and dissipation had not attended much to business. 
 
xx. PEACE OF BRUNDISIUM. 2 93 
 
 The Parthians invaded Syria in April, B.C. 40, but he left the 
 war with them to his legates, and came to Greece on 
 pretence that his help was needed against Sext. Pompeius in 
 Sicily. But though when his wife Fulvia came to meet him 
 from Perusia, he repudiated her policy and treated her with 
 great unkindness, he yet made up his mind to reduce 
 Caesar's power. His mother lulia had taken refuge with 
 Sextus Pompeius, and now cam 3 to visit him with a pro- 
 posal that he should unite with Pompeius against Caesar. 
 Antony accepted the suggestion, and, in conjunction with 
 Ahenobarbus and Pompeius, began making descents upon 
 the coasts of South Italy. There seemed therefore every 
 prospect of a new and terrible civil war. This, however, was 
 averted by the diplomacy of Caesar's minister, Maecenas, 
 and Antony's legate, Asinius Pollio. A peace was negotiated, 
 known as the peace of Brundisium, in the autumn of B.C. 40. 
 By this arrangement a partition of the Roman Empire be- 
 tween the triumvirs was made for the third time. All east of 
 the Adriatic (except Illyricum) was to be under Antony, all 
 west of it under Caesar. Africa (that is, the Roman province 
 so called) was to be under Lepidus. Antony was to under- 
 take the war with the Parthians, Caesar to deal with Sext. 
 Pompeius. Fulvia having lately died in Greece, Antony 
 was to confirm this pacification by marrying Octavia, Caesar's 
 sister, who had lately been left a widow by Marcellus. The 
 principal partisans of Antony were provided for in other 
 ways Ahenobarbus was sent to Bithynia, Asinius Pollio to 
 conduct a war against the Parthini in Illyricum, and 
 Ventidius Bassus was to have the Parthian war. 
 
 5. Peace of Misenum with Sextus Pompeius. 
 This was followed a few months later, in the early 
 part of B.C. 39, by a treaty with Sext. Pompeius made at 
 Misenum, where he was visited on board his vessel by 
 Antony and Caesar. By this treaty he was to receive a com- 
 pensation in money for his father's confiscated property, was 
 
294 CAESAR'S INFLUENCE IN ITALY. CH. 
 
 to retain a fleet, with the government of Sardinia, Corsica, 
 Sicily, and Achaia (i.e. Peloponnesus), and to be consul in 
 B.C. 35. In return for this he was to cease all interruptions 
 to the corn trade. Antony and his wife Octavia then de- 
 parted to Greece, from which he was to direct the Parthian 
 war. Caesar returned to Rome, where his daughter lulia (the 
 only child he ever had) was born. On the very day of her 
 birth he divorced his wife Scribonia, partly because he no 
 longer cared to have any personal connexion with Sext. 
 Pompeius, and partly because he was in love with Livia, 
 whom he married early in B.C. 38. 
 
 6. The Rise of Caesar's Influence, B.C. 38 to B.C. 32. 
 In the six years that followed these transactions, Caesar 
 steadily grew in popularity and power at Rome, while Antony 
 constantly lost credit there. Let us see how this came about. 
 In the first place Caesar was in Italy and often in Rome 
 itself, and therefore what he did was seen and known ; while 
 Antony was far away in the East, and what he was doing was 
 only known by report and did not gain in the reporting. 
 In the next place the dangers Caesar had to meet were 
 dangers which directly affected Rome, while Parthian 
 invasions of Syria, or Roman invasions of Mesopotamia did 
 not seem to matter nearly so much. Every one felt the rise of 
 prices, and renewed depredations of Sext. Pompeius were 
 sending them up again almost to the famine point. And this 
 was partly the fault of Antony. Sextus Pompeius complained 
 that Antony had not kept the terms of the peace of Misenum 
 fairly, and had handed over the Peloponnese to him only 
 after thoroughly exhausting the means of the cities in it. 
 He therefore began again his descents upon the coasts of 
 Italy. To ward off this danger would give a man the 
 highest place in the affections of the citizens ; and this 
 Caesar now set himself to do. 
 
 It took nearly three years (B.C. 38-36), and he met with 
 disasters as well as successes in doing it ; but at length in 
 
xx. PUBLIC SERVICES OF CAESAR. 
 
 295 
 
 B.C. 36 Sext. Pompeius was finally defeated, mainly by 
 Caesar's friend Agrippa, and fled to Asia, where next year 
 he was put to death by Antony's orders. But this was 
 not the only service done by Caesar or his legates to the 
 peace of the western world. Gaul was pacified by Agrippa 
 in B.C. 38-7. Illyricum, in which Pollio, acting as Antony's 
 legate in B.C. 39, had earned a triumph, was afterwards 
 taken over by Caesar himself, and farther reduced under 
 his own leadership in B.C. 35-6, and under that of Agrippa 
 in i.e. 34. In this same year Valerius Messalla was sent by 
 him to subdue the Salassi, who blocked the passage over the 
 Alps by the Val d'Aosta. All these achievements were of 
 great service to Rome; they relieved Roman commerce, and 
 an immediate abatement of taxation took place. Moreover, 
 after the defeat of Sext. Pompeius, Caesar established control 
 in Sicily and in Africa by depriving Lepidus of his office of 
 triumvir, when being summoned to Sicily to help against 
 Sext. Pompeius he had tried to annex the government of 
 that island. Caesar himself was rewarded by the Senate with 
 honours which seemed to predict his future sovereignty. 
 His person was declared sacred, he was allowed to wear 
 always the triumphal robes, a public residence was assigned 
 to him on the Palatine, and in the Senate he occupied the 
 bench of the tribunes. 
 
 7. Antony in the East from B.C. 39 to B.C. 32. 
 Meanwhile Antony, though he still had partisans in Rome, 
 was steadily declining in influence there. After his marriage 
 with Octavia he lived for two years in Greece, only once 
 coming for a short time to Brundisium when asked to help 
 against Sext. Pompeius. The Parthians were indeed re- 
 pulsed from Syria in 39-38 by his legate Ventidius Bassus, 
 while Cilicia and Palestine were secured by Pompaedius Silo 
 and C. Sosius, for which Antony had the formal credit at 
 home. But in B.C. 36 he met with disasters when invading 
 Parthia : and in B.C. 34, though he invaded Armenia and 
 
296 ANTONY IN THE EAST. CH. 
 
 captured its king, he acted with such treachery that he was 
 commonly considered to have disgraced the Roman name. 
 Any advantage too which he had gained was lost in B.C. 33, 
 when he made another fruitless expedition as far as the 
 Araxes ; and the Parthians overran Media and Armenia. 
 But what ruined his credit perhaps as much as anything was 
 the fact that after two years of marriage with Octavia, who 
 more than once had reconciled him with her brother, he 
 sent her back to Rome on the pretence of the dangers of 
 the Parthian war, and returned to Queen Cleopatra at 
 Alexandria. In the intervals of his expeditions he lived 
 with her as his wife in great splendour and luxury. Public 
 opinion was outraged by the idea of a Roman Imperator 
 attending upon a foreign Queen, and at Roman soldiers 
 acting as though under her orders. Moreover, for the 
 children born of their union various countries in the East 
 were assigned as kingdoms, and the belief was current at 
 Rome (promoted by Caesar's partisans) that Antony and 
 Cleopatra meant to establish a great empire in the East 
 independent of Rome, or one which might eventually 
 embrace the Roman Empire itself, the centre being Alex- 
 andria instead of Rome. 
 
 8. The Immediate Causes of Quarrel between 
 Caesar and Antony. The triumvirate had been re- 
 newed in B.C. 37 for a second term of five years, i.e. to 
 3ist December, B.C. 33. Since that time one of the three, 
 Lepidus, had been deposed, and it remained to be seen 
 which of the two remaining members of that commission was 
 to become supreme. We have seen that, as far as feeling 
 at Rome went, the tide was steadily setting in the direction 
 of Caesar. Antony was quite aware of this, and attempted 
 to win the support of the Senate and republican party by 
 acting in a constitutional manner. He sent an account 
 of his proceedings and arrangements in the East, his acta 
 as they were called, and desired that they might be 
 
xx. MUTUAL DISSATISFACTION. 297 
 
 regularly confirmed by the Senate. He also intimated 
 that he did not desire the renewal of the triumvirate at 
 the end of B.C. 33. His object was to deprive Caesar of 
 the position, while he would himself still have imperium 
 in the East, and be so strong that the Senate would not 
 have courage or means to deprive him of it. He hoped 
 also thus to be able to point to his own conduct as more 
 constitutional than that of Caesar, who he felt sure would 
 not willingly give up his power at the same time. But all 
 this failed in its design. His acta were of such a nature 
 that the Senate would have probably in any case refused 
 its approbation except under compulsion ; and with Caesar 
 present to support the other side it was certain to do so. 
 
 The causes of quarrel between the two triumvirs were 
 always increasing. Antony complained that Caesar had 
 exceeded his powers in deposing Lepidus, in taking over 
 the government of the islands once controlled by Sextus 
 Pompeius, as well as Africa, and in enlisting soldiers for 
 himself without sending, according to their agreement, 
 half of the levies to him. Caesar for his part complained 
 that Antony had no right to be in Egypt, which was not 
 a Roman province ; that his execution of Sext. Pompeius 
 was illegal ; that his treachery to the king of Armenia 
 was a disgrace to Rome; that his connexion with Cleopatra 
 and his acknowledging Caesarion (a son of Cleopatra, of 
 whom lulius Caesar was supposed to be the father) as 
 a legitimate son of lulius was a degradation of his office 
 and a menace to himself. 
 
 9. Both Sides prepare for War. The quarrel came 
 to a head in B.C. 32. The consuls of that year Gnaeus 
 Dofnitius Ahenobarbus and C. Sosius were partisans of 
 Antony. They endeavoured to conceal the most unpopular 
 part of his proceedings, and on the ist of January, B.C. 32, 
 Sosius delivered a speech in his favour. But at the next meet- 
 ing Caesar made a reply to this of such a nature that both 
 
298 BREACH BETWEEN CAESAR AND ANTONY. CH. 
 
 consuls left Rome to join Antony, who on being informed 
 of what had occurred made up his mind that he must fight. 
 He set about collecting troops and ships at the island 
 of Samos, and came as far as Corcyra (Corfu} on his 
 way to make a descent upon the coasts of Italy. But 
 Caesar too had been active in preparations. The sea 
 was guarded by his ships, and Antony found that he 
 must wait for reinforcements, which he had summoned 
 from all parts of the Empire over which his influence 
 extended. He himself remained at Patrae, while his fleet 
 was in the Ambracian Gulf, and his land forces encamped 
 near the promontory of Actium. 
 
 10. War Proclaimed against Cleopatra, B.C. 32. 
 There was now civil war ; but as usual with the Romans it 
 was disguised. The preparations made by Antony at Samos 
 had been regarded as a hostile demonstration of Cleopatra, 
 and war was accordingly decreed against her. It was well 
 understood, however, to .be against Antony. He was 
 designated consul for B.C. 31 ; but by publishing his will, 
 in which Caesarion was acknowledged as son of lulius, and 
 his own children by Cleopatra were put in possession of large 
 territories, Caesar had produced such an impression against 
 Antony, that the Senate prevented his entering upon the 
 office and deprived him of imperium. They did not actually 
 proclaim him a * hostis ' ; but as in the case of other leaders 
 of a tuinultuS) they offered indemnity to all who would quit 
 him before a fixed day, thus treating him practically as a 
 public enemy. 
 
 n. The Battle of Actium, 2nd September, B.C. 31. In 
 the first half of B.C. 31 both sides were engaged in mustering 
 their forces. To the aid of Antony came many princes from 
 Asia, and Cleopatra herself accompanied the fleet from 
 Egypt. The collection of so large a force from so many and 
 such distant regions occupied several months, and mean- 
 while Antony kept himself safe in the Ambracian Gulf, and 
 
xx. THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM. 299 
 
 no operations of importance went on, except that Agrippa in 
 Caesar's interests attacked various points on the Greek 
 coasts, partly to prevent assistance being sent to Antony, 
 and partly in the hope of drawing him from his safe 
 harbourage at Ambracia. Caesar's land forces had crossed 
 from Brundisium (probably to Apollonia), and advanced to 
 attack Antony from the north. He fixed the head-quarters of 
 his fleet at the Sweet Harbour (mouth of the Acheron) ; and 
 when he found himself not attacked there, moved farther 
 down and occupied the promontory opposite Actium, on 
 which afterwards Nicopolis was built. Skirmishes between 
 the cavalry of the two sides resulted generally in favour of 
 Caesar's troops, and Antony abandoned the northern side of 
 the Strait into the Ambracian Gulf, confining his soldiers to 
 the southern promontory of Actium. The battle that followed 
 was brought about by a movement made on the part of 
 Antony in obedience to the earnest advice of Cleopatra. 
 She was eager to go back to Alexandria, where they would 
 be on their own ground and could, she thought, sufficiently 
 protect themselves from attack. At Actium they were in 
 the position of invaders, against whom the Western parts of 
 the Empire would surely combine. After some hesitation 
 Antony consented. Early on the 2nd of September his fleet 
 began issuing through the straits from the Ambracian Gulf, in- 
 tending to sail away south. But Caesar had been informed of 
 the movement, and his ships were waiting for them outside. 
 It was a wet day and the sea was rough. Caesar's ships were 
 smaller than those of Antony, and, though only half as 
 numerous (250 to 500), were more manageable in the heavy 
 surf. They could reverse their course promptly and return to 
 the charge, or, after pouring in a volley of darts upon some 
 great galley, could retreat out of shot. Antony's ships were 
 many of them of great size and were furnished with grappling 
 irons, effective if the cast succeeded, but apt to damage the 
 vessel or cause fatal delay if it failed. The battle raged all 
 
300 THE TRIUMPH OF CAESAR. CH. 
 
 the afternoon without decisive result. But Cleopatra, whose 
 ship was on the southern wing of the fleet, was in a state 
 of great excitement and terror, and, unable to bear the 
 suspense, gave the signal for the retreat of her ships. Antony 
 saw the movement but not the signal, and, fancying that 
 it was the beginning of a general panic, followed the flying 
 squadron. But though the contagion of flight spread fast 
 among his fleet, a number of vessels still continued the fight 
 long after nightfall, when many were blazing from the fire- 
 brands thrown upon 'them. Caesar spent the night on board 
 ship, and tried to save the crews of the burning vessels. 
 His victory was complete. Next day Antony's land forces 
 either surrendered at once, or trying to make their way home 
 through Macedonia were followed and forced to submit. 
 
 12. Results of the Battle of Actium. The results 
 of this battle were most important. There was little hope of 
 Antony being able to make a stand again. His Eastern 
 allies would not venture to send him any more help. Even 
 Cleopatra soon showed that she was willing to betray him in 
 hope of getting good terms for herself. The whole of the 
 forces of the West, as well as of Greece and Macedonia, 
 were at Caesar's disposal. He would only have to appear in 
 Asia Minor to secure the obedience of the Asiatic pro- 
 vinces, and the ready alliance of the princes and sovereigns 
 reigning near the frontiers, generally by the permission or 
 under the protection of Rome. Besides this, Caesar's 
 position relatively to that of his rival was infinitely improved. 
 Antony was now a fugitive and a rebel, without that 
 shadow of a legal position which the presence of consuls 
 and a good many Senators had given him in the previous 
 year. Part of the victorious fleet was in pursuit of him, 
 and it would soon appear whether or not his position in 
 Egypt would save him. 
 
 13. Death of Antony and Cleopatra, and com- 
 plete Supremacy of Caesar, B.C. 30. Caesar did 
 
xx. DEATH OF ANTONY. 301 
 
 not go at once to Egypt, but spent the winter in Asia 
 and Samos, preparing to finish the war by attacking 
 Cleopatra and Antony in Egypt. Antony had tried to get 
 together another army. There were three legions under 
 Q. Pinarius Scarpus in charge of Africa, which he had 
 himself placed there. He first tried to get these : but 
 Pinarius put his messengers to death, and declined all help. 
 Then he tried to make preparations in case of need for 
 a retreat to the far East, and meanwhile both he and Cleo- 
 patra sent messages and presents to Caesar, hoping either 
 to conciliate him or to blind him to their real plans. But 
 they were disappointed in all their devices. The ships, 
 which they were preparing to assist their flight in the Red 
 Sea, were burnt by the Arabs at the instigation of the 
 governor of Syria ; the princes and states in Asia refused all 
 help ; while some gladiators who were in training at Cyzicus 
 and did attempt to join him, were stopped on their march. 
 His messages, the mission of his son Antyllus with money 
 and presents, the surrender of one of the murderers of lulius, 
 all failed to draw an answer from Caesar, who, however, 
 kept up secret communications in an apparently friendly 
 spirit with Cleopatra, whom he hoped to detach from 
 Antony and to induce to put herself in his power. In the 
 early part of B.C. 30 Antony found himself oh the point 
 of being attacked on two sides; at Paraetonium by C. 
 Cornelius Gallus, who had taken over the army of Scarpus, 
 and at Pelusium by Caesar himself. He made an attempt 
 to beat back Gallus, but failing in this, hastily marched 
 back to Pelusium. A slight success over some of Caesar's 
 men, who were wearied with their voyage and march, 
 induced him to risk a general engagement. He was 
 decisively beaten, and after a vain attempt to escape by 
 sea, gave up all hope and stabbed himself with his dagger. 
 The wound was not immediately mortal, and he caused 
 himself to be carried to the Mausoleum, where Cleopatra 
 
302 DEATH OF CLEOPATRA. CH. xx. 
 
 had taken refuge, and there died in her arms. Caesar at 
 once occupied Alexandria, and caused Cleopatra to be 
 brought to the palace. She vainly tried her fascinations 
 on him ; and when she found that she could move neither 
 his love nor his pity, and that he intended to take her 
 to Rome to adorn his triumph, she eluded the vigilance 
 of her guards and put an end to her life, as it was 
 currently reported, by the bite of an asp conveyed to her 
 in a basket of fruit. 
 
 M. ANTON1US AND CLEOPATRA. 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 THE PRINCIPATE OF AUGUSTUS, B.C. 30 TO A.D. 14. 
 
 I. Caesar (Augustus) practically a monarch, but with republican titles. 
 2. The Roman Empire as it was tinder Augustus. 3. The wars 
 of Augustus in Spain; near the Alps; on the Rhine and Danube; 
 in Illyricum and Pannonia ; in the East. 4. Why the Empire 
 was from time to time extended. 5. Britain not part of the 
 Empire under Augtistus. 6. Augustus as a restorer and social 
 reformer. 7. Augustus as a Legislator. 8. The friends and 
 ministers of Augustus. 9. The family of Augustus and the 
 succession. 10. The last days and death of Augustus. II. Poets 
 and historians of the time of Aligns his. 1 2. General review of 
 what Augustus had to do and hcnv he did it. 
 
 i. Caesar practically a Monarch, but with 
 Republican Titles. The defeat and death of Antony 
 left Caesar virtually supreme in the Empire. There was 
 no one now who had sufficient influence or following to 
 withstand him. The obsequious Senate hastened to vote 
 him all kinds of honours, and he felt so secure of his 
 position at Rome that he stayed another year in the East 
 to settle affairs there. The most important of the powers 
 conferred on him was the tribunicia potestas for life. The 
 tribunes had the right of staying all proceedings of the 
 other magistrates by their veto, of preventing a valid 
 decree of the Senate being passed, of summoning and 
 consulting the Senate, of proposing laws in the Comitia, 
 and of giving assistance to any citizen who appealed to 
 
 303 
 
34 
 
 HONOURS AND POWERS OF AUGUSTUS. CH. 
 
 them against a magistrate's sentence. Now, the old rule 
 still held good that a patrician could not be a tribune, and 
 Caesar both by a special act in his uncle's life-time and by 
 his adoption into the gens Julia, was a patrician. He could 
 not therefore be a tribune, but he was to have all the rights 
 and powers of a tribune, and not for one year only, like the 
 other tribunes, but for life. One of the privileges of this 
 office, that which rendered his person sacred, had already 
 been voted to him in B.C. 36, and was of course included in 
 the tribunida potestas now decreed to him. He had also 
 the right of being elected every year as one of the consuls ; 
 he was to have a casting vote in all criminal trials, and his 
 name was to be mentioned in all public prayers and private 
 libations. Next year (B.C. 29) 'after celebrating three 
 triumphs for his campaigns in Illyricum, for his victory at 
 Actium, and for the capture of Alexandria he caused the 
 temple of lanus to be closed as a sign of the restoration of 
 peace, which had only been twice done before in the 
 whole history of Rome, and set about various reforms in 
 the Senate and State, as well as a restoration of public 
 buildings. Next year (B.C. 28) when he and Agrippa as 
 consuls held the census, he was entered on the roll of 
 the Senators as Princeps Senatus, a position of great 
 dignity though it did not add to his powers. Thus in 
 Rome he was, under the old republican titles, absorbing 
 the various parts of government, and taking rank as head of 
 the State. In the next year (B.C. 27) the first great step was 
 taken to give him formally the same authority throughout 
 the Empire, though he represented it as in fact a "restora- 
 tion of the republic." This was done by making a new 
 arrangement as to the provinces. Caesar, or (as he was 
 henceforth called) Augustus, was head of the army ; that 
 seemed to have been all along acknowledged as the result of 
 the imperium which he held as triumvir and had never laid 
 down. Now in some of the provinces there were no legions, 
 
xxi. DIVISION OF PROVINCES. 305 
 
 only a small number of soldiers forming a body-guard to the 
 governor, or performing police duties. In these provinces 
 governors were as of old to be allotted by the Senate 
 from ex-consuls or ex-praetors, with the general title and 
 powers of proconsuls. In others, where a certain number of 
 legions was always stationed, Augustus was to have supreme 
 authority. Instead of proconsuls they were to be governed 
 by his deputies with the rank of praetor (legati pro praetor e), 
 who were named by him for such time as he chose, and 
 were answerable directly to him. He had what was called 
 proconsular authority {imperium proconsulare} in these 
 provinces, and their governors were his deputies or legati. 1 
 But though his supreme authority was thus nominally 
 confined to the imperial provinces, he in fact exercised it in 
 the others also ; for when he chose he could control the 
 allotment of governors by his other powers, and in all he 
 appointed a procurator, who had charge of the collection 
 and disposal of the tribute, and was answerable directly 
 to him. The next step taken, in B.C. 23, recognized this 
 by making his imperium proconsulare superior (mams) to 
 that of the governors of all provinces alike. He was therefore 
 now actually first in all departments of the State, and is 
 henceforth called Princeps, or Head of the State. This 
 particular title was not, like the others, definitely conferred on 
 him, or at least we do not know of any law or decree of the 
 Senate doing so; nor did it, like the old republican titles, 
 give him definite powers. Nevertheless it was a recognized 
 designation, meaning that in whatever functions he per- 
 
 1 The original imperial provinces were : (i) All Spain except Baetica 
 (i.e. Tarraconensis and Lusitania). (2) All the Gauls (Narbonensis, 
 Lugdunensis, Aquitania, Belgica with the Germanics when occupied). 
 (3) Syria (Phoenicia and coele-Syria). (4) Cilicia. (5) Cyprus. (6) 
 Egypt. Afterwards he gave back Narbonensis and Cyprus to the Senate, 
 but took over Dalmatia (Pannonia and Noricum), and Sardinia for 
 a time. All subsequently added provinces were imperial, Galatia, 
 Moesia, Alpes Mnritimae, Alpes Cottiae, Alpes Penninae. 
 
306 THE ROMAN EMPIRE. CH. xxi. 
 
 formed he took precedence of all colleagues, and practically 
 could perform them as he chose. The proconsular power 
 was not, as of old, forfeited by entering the city. He could 
 exercise it at all times and in all places. It was not 
 therefore necessary for him to be consul, and he did not 
 take the consulship again till B.C. 5. His most important 
 civil power was the tribunician, and after B.C. 23 he counts 
 the years of his reign, starting from the 25th of June in 
 that year, and reckoning the years of his tribunida 
 potestas. 
 
 2. The Roman Empire under Augustus. The 
 Empire as Augustus found it in B.C. 30 did not 6/ffer 
 much from what it had been at the death of his great- 
 uncle in B.C. 44. Nor did he add very greatly to it in 
 the course of his long reign. During the civil wars in 
 fact two of the provinces, Cilicia and Syria, were at times 
 almost separated from the Empire \ and though Mauretania 
 was added as a province in B.C. 33 on the death of its king, 
 it was restored in B.C. 25 to king luba. In the same year a 
 new province of Galatia and Lycaonia was formed (B.C. 25), 
 and some years later (the exact date is not known, but 
 before B.C. 6) Moesia, answering to the modern Servia and 
 Bulgaria, was also reduced to the form of a province, as 
 a barrier of the Empire on the Danube. Moreover, when 
 Augustus reorganized Gaul (B.C. 16-14) m f ur provinces 
 Narbonensis, Aquitania, Lugdunensis, Belgica two districts 
 along the Lower Rhine, called Germania Superior and 
 Germania Inferior were also occupied and partly organized, 
 while some minor provinces were also organized, as we 
 shall see, in the Alpine regions. Lastly Egypt, after the 
 death of Cleopatra (B.C. 30), was also taken over as a 
 province. It was, however, in a special position. Partly 
 because of its importance as a corn growing country, and 
 partly because of the seditious character of the Alex- 
 andrians, it was attached in a special manner to the 
 
308 FOREIGN POLICY OF AUGUSTUS. CH. 
 
 Emperor, who took both the revenues of the domain 
 lands and the taxes into his own treasury (fiscus\ and ad- 
 ministered it by a praefectus with three legions, an office 
 confined to men not of Senatorial rank. In fact no 
 Senator was allowed to go there without license from the 
 Emperor. Augustus, then, during his reign strengthened 
 the Empire on the Rhine and the Danube, and secured 
 a great source of corn supply for Italy by adding the 
 new province of Egypt, but otherwise did not extend its 
 limits. For a time, indeed, the part of Germany which lies 
 between the Rhine and the Elbe was in Roman hands. But 
 an attempt to strictly enforce the tribute in it brought about 
 the greatest disaster of the reign, and after the fall of Varus 
 (A.D. 9), the Rhine became once more the boundary of 
 the Empire. 
 
 3. The Wars of Augustus. But though Augustus 
 made no great addition to the number of Roman pro- 
 vinces, he had in his own person, or in that of his legates, 
 to undertake many wars, either to suppress risings in the 
 provinces themselves, or to defend their frontiers from 
 neighbouring barbarians. The only war in which after 
 B.C. 30 he was personally engaged was that against the 
 Cantabri, the fierce and warlike highlanders of N.W. Spain, 
 who were a terror to the province of Tarraconensis. He 
 went on an expedition against them in B.C. 25, which did 
 not prove very successful, and it was not till B.C. 19 that 
 his great minister Agrippa finally subdued them. But the 
 Empire was chiefly vulnerable on the north-west along the 
 Rhine and the Danube, and in the east along the 
 Euphrates. We have seen how much the Romans dreaded 
 the Parthians, and their invasion of the province of Syria. 
 Crassus had lost his army and his life in fighting them 
 in B.C. 53, and though his quaestor C. Cassius repulsed 
 them two years afterwards, Antony, or his lieutenants, was 
 constantly engaged with them between B.C. 38 and his 
 
xxi. FOREIGN POLICY OF AUGUSTUS. 309 
 
 death. It was one of the triumphs of Augustus, on 
 which the poets are most eager to dwell, that during his 
 reign danger from the Parthians was avoided, and that 
 they not only respected the territory of the Empire, but 
 sought his favour by restoring the standards and trophies 
 which they had taken from Crassus and Antony. In 
 return Augustus gave an undertaking to abstain from 
 entering Mesopotamia, while he retained a kind of over- 
 lordship in Armenia. There were, however, some warlike 
 expeditions in the east during his reign, such as the 
 invasion of Arabia in B.C. 24, under Aelius Callus; 
 some skirmishing with Parthian invaders of Armenia, 
 under his grandson Gaius in A.D. 2-3 ; and a war with 
 Queen Candace of Aethiopia in B.C. 22, under Gaius 
 Petronius. But by far the most important military affairs 
 were those in the north-west, both in the Alpine regions 
 on the northern frontier of Italy, and farther north still 
 along the Lower Rhine and Danube. The struggle with 
 the barbarians in these districts lasted with intervals from 
 about B.C. 17 to the end of the life of Augustus. He 
 did not command himself in the wars needful for pro- 
 tecting the frontiers, though for nearly three years he 
 remained in Gaul (B.C. 16-14) or in north Italy to direct 
 operations or to settle terms with the tribes. But he was 
 served by a number of very able commanders, especially 
 his two stepsons, Tiberius (afterwards Emperor) and Drusus, 
 who in B.C. 15-14 conquered the Rhaeti (in the Eastern or Tri- 
 dentine Alps), while in the west three new districts were 
 organized more or less completely as provinces: (i) First, 
 one under the name of the Maritime Alps, along the River 
 Var, and including the modern Savoy and Nice; (2) secondly, 
 Alpes Cottiae, in what is now north Italy, with capital 
 Susa ; (3) and, thirdly, Alpes Penninae, the Swiss valley of 
 the Rhone, Canton du Valois. Having thus secured north 
 Italy, Drusus was sent to the northern part of Belgica 
 
3io FOREIGN POLICY OF AUGUSTUS. CH. 
 
 (Holland), where along the Lower Rhine, on the left bank 
 as far up as Cologne, two districts were marked out as 
 requiring the presence of armies, and called Germania 
 Superior and Germania Inferior. For some purposes they 
 belonged to the province of Belgica, but at any rate from 
 a military point of view they were separate provinces. In B.C. 
 1 6 some German tribes (Sicambri, Usipetes, Tencteri) had 
 defeated a Roman army under M. Lollius. This disaster 
 brought Augustus into Gaul. For a time, either by show 
 of force or by his negotiations, the German tribes on the 
 right bank of the Rhine were kept quiet, and when 
 Augustus returned to Rome at the beginning of B.C. 14 
 he is said to have pacified Spain, Gaul, and Germany. 
 But very soon the Germans moved again, and in B.C. 13-10 
 Drusus fought with and defeated the Frisii, Chauci, 
 Sicambri, Chatti, and Cherusci, while Tiberius was engaged 
 in subduing the Dalmatians and Pannonians. Roman power 
 was thus extended beyond the Rhine to the Elbe. Drusus 
 died by an accident in B.C. 9 : but until the great disaster 
 of P. Quintilius Varus, Roman Germany, in somewhat 
 loose fashion, extended to the Elbe. Before that disaster, 
 from about i A.D., there were frequent and dangerous 
 movements in Germany, in which Tiberius was again 
 engaged (A.D. 4-5) ; and after the defeat of Varus (A.D. 9) 
 the Roman frontier was again pushed back to the Rhine. 
 At his death, therefore, Augustus left the Empire much 
 as he found it in regard to extent, and felt very strongly 
 that it was as large as could be properly defended or 
 administered. His last charge to his successors was, to be 
 content with it as it was. 
 
 4. Why the Empire was from time to time 
 extended. Such a policy however is not capable of 
 being precisely carried out. Where there is a long frontier 
 closely watched by hostile tribes, always ready to seize 
 any opportunity of making raids across it, there will always 
 
xxi. LIMITATIONS OF THE EMPIRE. 
 
 3 11 
 
 seem some necessity for occupying territory so as to push 
 the enemy farther and farther away. Therefore we find 
 succeeding emperors engaged both on the Rhine and 
 Danube, as well as on the Euphrates, in military expedi- 
 tions or in organizing new provinces. But in spite of 
 such efforts it was after all across the Rhine and the 
 Danube that the nations were to come who were destined 
 to break up the Roman Empire and to renew it again in a 
 different fashion ; and from far away in the centre of Asia 
 came other hordes who later still were to do the same for 
 che eastern half of the Empire. This does not come 
 within the limits of our history ; but it is interesting to 
 mark that Augustus had to struggle with the same dan- 
 gers as his successors for many centuries after his death, 
 the same dangers which eventually proved fatal. 
 
 5. Britain not taken by Augustus. Our own 
 country cannot be reckoned as part of the Roman Empire 
 during his life-time. lulius Caesar had imposed tribute 
 on some British tribes in B.C. 54 ; but we never hear of 
 it being paid, or of Roman officers going to the island. 
 We do know, however, that certain British princes visited 
 the court of Augustus, and we may presume that it was 
 either in reference to this tribute, or in order to invoke his 
 interference in local disputes. Augustus did once at least 
 seriously intend to go to Britain, but troubles in Gaul 
 prevented him, and the idea was never carried out. It 
 was not till the reign of Claudius (A.D. 41-54) that there 
 was a province of Britain. 
 
 6. Augustus as a Restorer and Social Reformer. 
 But in spite of these wars the reign of Augustus was on the 
 whole a peaceful one. After Actium he was, during the 
 course of his long reign, absent from Italy at different times, 
 about twelve years in all. The rest of the forty-five 
 years he spent in or near Rome, and took great pains 
 in establishing the government of the country and city, 
 
312 
 
 REFORMS AND IMPROVEMENTS. CH. 
 
 in legislation, and in reforms of all sorts. The city was 
 divided into fourteen regions, and 265 parishes (w'ci), for 
 various purposes of local government; a police force (cohortes 
 urbanae) was organized to keep order ; a regular fire-brigade 
 was established in consequence of the frequent fires which 
 occurred ; great pains were taken to clean the bed of the 
 Tiber and to keep up the embankment against floods, 
 regular commissioners being appointed for the purpose. 
 He encouraged both by his influence and example the 
 restoration of decayed temples, and the erection of theatres 
 and public buildings. He built a new and very splendid 
 forum, in addition to the completion of that begun by 
 lulius, and was able with truth to make the famous 
 boast that he had found Rome brick and left it marble. 
 Much also was done to make Italy safe and well 
 ordered. He himself superintended the repair and main- 
 tenance of the great North Road (via Flaminid] with its 
 bridges and stations, and induced other rich men, especially 
 those who earned triumphs, to do the same in regard to 
 other roads as well as public buildings in the city. He 
 divided Italy into eleven regions, apparently for police 
 purposes, though we are not distinctly told the object or 
 result of this division; he restored and re-peopled many 
 of the old coloniae and munidpia which had suffered in 
 the civil wars, and he tried to encourage the citizens to 
 return to their farming and other country pursuits. He 
 maintained fleets at Ravenna on the east, at Misenum on 
 the west coast, and a third at Forum lulii (Frejus) in Gaul, 
 to protect commerce from piracy, and to maintain the safety 
 of the shores. He established a system of posts along the 
 great roads in Italy and the rest of the Empire, that there 
 might be a ready means of communication with the capital; 
 and in many of the provinces he established towns with the 
 rank of colonies or municipia, whose citizens had either the 
 full Roman franchise or the partial franchises called 
 
xxi. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL REFORMS. 313 
 
 Latinitas. He worked with the object in view of knitting 
 this whole vast Empire as nearly as possible together as 
 one body, while maintaining at the same time many of 
 the privileges of Italy, and making the citizenship a reward 
 of loyalty, and its withdrawal a punishment for violence 
 or disloyalty. 
 
 7. Augustus as a Legislator. While thus working 
 for the whole Empire, its safety and happiness, Augustus 
 was not unmindful of the mischiefs which were prevalent 
 at Rome itself, and had contributed largely to the fall of the 
 constitution. He wished the Senate still to have high 
 dignity and power, and he took great pains to remove from 
 it unworthy men, and to compel suitable persons to serve 
 in the old republican offices, which were still maintained, 
 and which gave an entree to it. He had a great dislike 
 to an idle aristocracy, enjoying wealth and rank, and doing 
 nothing for the State. Many of the old families, finding 
 that they could no longer look forward to amassing great 
 fortunes by uncontrolled government of the provinces, tried 
 to shirk the offices at Rome which used to lead to such 
 appointments, as only causing useless expense. Especially 
 a seat in the Senate, which was no longer necessary for 
 high employment in the provinces, since the Emperor 
 selected whom he chose, seemed less and less desirable 
 to many. To counteract this Augustus always treated the 
 Senate with studied respect, constantly brought matters of 
 State before it, and gave it influence by referring to its 
 control the trial of malversation in the provinces and 
 cases of high treason ; while persons of a certain rank, 
 if their means fell short, received presents from him to 
 enable them to maintain their dignity as Senators. At 
 the same time he took care to support the privileges 
 and dignity of the next ordo in the State, the rich middle 
 class, or Equestrian order, from which was drawn not only 
 new members of the Senate but a large part of the officers 
 
3I4 RELIGIOUS RESTORATION. CH. 
 
 employed by him in the provinces. While trying thus to 
 make the wealthier classes conscious of their duties to the 
 State, he attempted also to raise the standard of morality 
 and to encourage family life. Severe penalties were imposed 
 on adultery, stricter regulations made as to divorce, and 
 marriage was encouraged by the granting of special 
 privileges and exemptions to married men and the fathers 
 of children ; while those who remained unmarried beyond 
 a certain time were not only taxed more heavily than 
 before, but were unable to take more than half of any 
 legacy or property left them. Augustus was also a restorer 
 of religion. It is always difficult to say how far a man 
 of that age believed the popular theology. Probably 
 Augustus regarded it with a kind of indulgent scepticism, 
 as incapable of being proved or disproved. But he believed 
 in Divine Providence in some form, and was apparently 
 convinced that it was for the good of the State that old 
 rituals and observances should be maintained. He there- 
 fore diligently restored temples, and prided himself on 
 reviving ancient ceremonies. He was not foolish enough 
 to regard himself as divine, yet (with some reluctance) he 
 allowed temples in some provinces to be erected to the 
 "genius of Rome and Caesar." The fact was that he 
 believed in himself and his mission, and by the convenient 
 assumption that each man had a "genius," a kind of 
 divine presence specially attached to himself, and hardly 
 distinguishable from himself, such worship could be paid 
 without flagrant absurdity according to the feelings of the 
 time. 
 
 8. The Friends and Ministers of Augustus. One 
 of the secrets of the success of Augustus was that, unlike 
 his great-uncle, he had the faculty of attaching friends to 
 himself who remained faithful. His principal ministers 
 during a large part of his reign were the men who, being 
 about his own age, had been the friends of his boyhood. 
 
XXI. AGRIPPA. 
 
 315 
 
 The most important of these was M. Vipsanius Agrippa. 
 He was born in the same year as Augustus ; was with 
 him at Apollonia in B.C. 44 ; helped him in the siege 
 of Perusia, and in his struggles with Antony ; put down 
 risings in Gaul (B.C. 38) ; was the chief agent in the 
 defeat of Sext. Pompeius in B.C. 35 ; commanded the 
 army for him in Illyricum (B.C. 35), and the fleet at 
 Actium (B.C. 32-1); crushed the Cantabrians (B.C. 25-19); 
 and did a great deal to put down risings in the East 
 
 M. VIPSANIITS AGRIPPA 
 
 (B.C. 17-13). In fact, till his death in B.C. 12 he 
 continually served the Emperor with complete fidelity and 
 brilliant success. He was indeed marked out at one 
 time as his successor, being married to his niece 
 Marcella, and afterwards to his daughter lulia ; yet when 
 Augustus designated his nephew Marcellus as his heir, 
 Agrippa, though he was naturally disappointed, and retired for 
 a time from Rome, yet never faltered in his loyalty. Never 
 Emperor had a greater or more faithful servant. He was 
 not only a successful general, but he supported his master's 
 views in all respects, and expended immense sums (at his 
 wish) on public buildings and improvements in Rome. 
 Another friend, who also served Augustus faithfully to the 
 
316 MAECENAS. CH. 
 
 end, was C. Cilnius Maecenas. Unlike Agrippa he 
 was not a military hero, rfe was a luxurious valetud- 
 inarian, who avoided office or conspicuous positions. 
 Nevertheless to his sagacity and fidelity Augustus owed 
 much of his own success. He trusted him entirely in 
 times of difficulty, even allowing him to use his signet 
 ring at Rome when he was absent ; and though towards 
 the end of his life (he died in B.C. 8) some coldness 
 rose between them, Maecenas never swerved in his fidelity. 
 Only two of Augustus' friends Salvidienus Rufus and 
 Cornelius Gallus committed acts of disloyalty against 
 him which entailed fatal consequences. His selection of 
 military commanders seems (with the exception of Varus) 
 to have been successful, and his two stepsons, Tiberius 
 and Drusus, both showed themselves men of energy and 
 excellent soldiers. He was curiously fortunate in almost 
 everything he undertook or had done for him. Even 
 his survival to seventy -seven may be regarded as a 
 stroke of good fortune, for his health had been feeble 
 from boyhood, and he had at frequent intervals severe, 
 and what threatened to be fatal, illnesses. His first real 
 wife Scribonia was much older than himself, and he had 
 married her for political reasons. Immediately after the birth 
 of his only child lulia, he divorced her, and almost at once 
 married Livia, whom he caused Tiberius Nero to divorce. 
 But even this, which to our ideas seems an unpromising 
 beginning, turned out to his happiness. Livia retained 
 his devoted attachment and respect to the end: "Good- 
 bye, never forget our married life" were the last words 
 of the dying Emperor; his last conscious action was to 
 kiss her lips. 
 
 9. The Family of Augustus and the Succession. 
 Though Augustus was happy in his marriage, he was not 
 fortunate in regard to the family from which his sue 
 cessor should come. The position of the Princeps was 
 
xxi. THE FAMILY OF AUGUSTUS. 317 
 
 indeed in no sense hereditary. When Augustus died the 
 various offices which he held, and which combined made 
 him Princeps, would be vacant, and there was no known 
 way of conferring them upon one man except by the 
 ordinary forms of election, by a lex, or by votes of the Senate. 
 Still as he went on holding these offices, and making the 
 position of Princeps more and more a recognized and 
 official one, it seemed to be taken for granted that one 
 of his family would succeed him. But as one after another 
 of these died this became impossible. As observed above, 
 Augustus never had but one child lulia : his wife Livia 
 brought him no children. But by Roman law adopted sons 
 took the same rights as real sons. It was always open 
 therefore for Caesar to put one of his relations or any 
 one else in this position. At first, then, he looked out 
 for a successor among the descendants of his sister 
 Octavia, to whom he was much attached. Now Octavia 
 was twice married. By her first husband, C. Claudius 
 Marcellus, she had a son and two daughters. This son 
 (the young Marcellus of Vergil) was early promoted by 
 Augustus, with the avowed intention of making him his 
 heir. He died, however, in B.C. 23. Octavia married a 
 second time in B.C. 37 M. Antonius, by whom she had 
 two daughters. For a time it was from the descendants 
 of these that a successor was looked for, and, in point of 
 fact, after one intervening reign, the imperial family was 
 carried on by their descendants. But after B.C. 21 this 
 idea was abandoned for another. In that year Agrippa, 
 who was married to Octavia's daughter Marcella, at the 
 wish of Augustus divorced her and married the Emperor's 
 own daughter lulia. Within three years he had two 
 sons born of her, Gaius in B.C. 20, Lucius in B.C. 17. 
 In this latter year Augustus adopted both these boys, and 
 had them educated with an avowed view to the succession. 
 They grew up to manhood, and filled some of the magis- 
 
318 ADOPTION OF TIBERIUS. CH. 
 
 trades; and one after the other had the title of princeps 
 iiiventutis. But in A.D. 2 Lucius Caesar died at Marseilles, 
 and Gaius Caesar in A.D. 4 of a slight wound in Asia. 
 Agrippa himself died in B.C. 12. After his death lulia 
 bore a posthumous son, but he was said to be of a feeble 
 and vicious disposition, and though Augustus adopted him 
 in A.D. 4, on the death of Gaius, he shortly afterwards 
 repudiated him. There were not wanting people who 
 said that the deaths of Gaius and Lucius, and the rejec- 
 tion of Agrippa Postumus, were the work of Livia, who 
 wished her son Tiberius to be the successor. At any 
 rate Augustus was now reduced to this measure. Tiberius 
 was of an unpopular and reserved disposition, but 
 Augustus, though he knew his faults, seems to have been 
 attached to him. He adopted him in A.D. 4, at the same 
 time as Agrippa Postumus, and after Agrippa's rejection 
 Tiberius was treated as the heir and successor. He received 
 Tribunicia potestas along with his adoptive father for ten 
 years in A.D. 4, that he might be possessed of one of the 
 most important functions of the Princeps in case of 
 Augustus's death and, in order to still farther provide for 
 the succession, Augustus required him to adopt Germanicus, 
 son of his dead brother Drusus, though he had a son of 
 his own. From this time Tiberius was the undisputed 
 successor. While the Emperor's adopted sons Gaius and 
 Lucius were alive he had retired to Rhodes and lived 
 there in sullen retirement ; but from this time forth he takes 
 his place, and is only absent from Italy when command- 
 ing in Germany or Illyricum. 
 
 10. Death of Augustus. The later years of Augustus 
 were saddened by the losses in his family, and by the 
 military disasters across the Rhine. The destruction of 
 Varus is said to have affected him in an extraordinary 
 manner ; and though the exertions of Tiberius and his 
 nephew Germanicus did something to repair the disaster, 
 
xxi. DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. 319 
 
 there was good reason for anxiety as to the safety of the 
 Empire on the Rhine frontier. Nevertheless he retained 
 considerable vigour and cheerfulness to the last year of his 
 life. The end came in the course of a tour through the 
 pleasant scenes of the Campania coast. He accompanied his 
 adopted son and heir, Tiberius, as far as Beneventum on 
 his way to Brundisium, from which he was going on an ex- 
 pedition to Illyricum. Having bidden him good-bye, Augustus 
 was going slowly back to Rome, halting at Naples, where 
 he attended some Greek games, and joined cheerfully in a 
 banquet that followed them. But at Astura he had caught 
 a chill, now followed by symptoms of dysentery. Tiberius 
 was hurriedly sent for to return, but found the Emperor 
 dead. He had reached Nola and the house in which his 
 father had died fifty-four years before. Finding himself 
 dying, he admitted his friends to a las't interview, asking 
 them with a half-sad, half-playful humour whether " he 
 had played the farce of life well," quoting the familiar 
 plaudite, which ended Latin plays. And when they had 
 left the room, as he was asking for news of one of his 
 family who had been ill, he suddenly felt that death had 
 come, and as he tried to utter a last word of affection to 
 Livia, and once more kiss her lips, he expired (i9th August, 
 A.D. 14). His will had been made the year before, and 
 deposited with the Vestal Virgins, and with it two other 
 rolls, one containing an account of the business of the 
 Empire, the other a statement drawn up by himself of his 
 own achievements from the moment when the assassination 
 of lulius called him into public life. He wished this to be 
 inscribed on columns in Rome, and in different parts of 
 the Empire. Fortunately one copy was written on the 
 walls of a temple at Ancyra in Galatia, in Greek and Latin, 
 the greater part of which is legible to this day, and tells 
 us at any rate what Augustus believed himself to have 
 accomplished. 
 
3 2 LITERATURE OF THE AUGUSTINE AGE. CH. 
 
 ii. Poets and Historians of the time of 
 Augustus. It is common to speak of the age of Augustus 
 as the golden age of Latin Literature, and indeed most 
 of the authors whose works have survived, and are con- 
 sidered to display the highest standard of Latin style, 
 not only lived in his reign, but were patronized and 
 encouraged by him, and often lived in intimacy with him. 
 But after all those that have survived are few. The greatest 
 of Roman writers, M. Tullius Cicero, was put to death in 
 B.C. 43, when Augustus was only twenty years old, and can 
 hardly be reckoned as belonging to this age, though he 
 knew and corresponded with the young Octavian. There 
 were histories of various kinds written during this period 
 that have been lost, such as the History of the Civil Wars to 
 the death of lulius, by C. Asinius Pollio, and a continuation 
 of it by Messala. There was too a great history of Macedonia 
 by Pompeius Trogus, of which we have an epitome or 
 abbreviation by lustinus. A very learned man named 
 Terentius Varro, a contemporary of Cicero, lived till B.C. 28, 
 and one of his works on Agriculture has survived, as well 
 as part of another on the Latin Language. But the great 
 historian who lived at this period, and of whose work we 
 have most, was Titus Livius. He was born in B.C. 59, 
 about three years after Augustus, at or near Padua; he died 
 in A.D. 17, also three years after him. He wrote a great 
 History of Rome in 140 books from the foundation to 
 B.C. 9, and though the earlier parts are perhaps fanciful 
 and pretend to more certainty than was possible to obtain, 
 the style is beautiful, and there is an evident in- 
 tention of being honest. In the, later books (which are 
 unfortunately lost) he told the story of his own age, and 
 in his account of the Civil War took so much the anti- 
 Caesarean side that Augustus used laughingly to call him 
 the Pompeian. It is to the credit of the Emperor that he 
 supported and patronized him in spite of this. 
 
xxi. THE POETS. 321 
 
 However, it was the poets that lived in the time of 
 Augustus that have been the great glory of the period, and 
 who enjoyed both the favour and munificence of Augustus. 
 There were many poets who had a considerable reputation 
 in their day, but those whose fame has proved lasting are 
 Vergil, Horace, Tibullus, and Propertius. Of these the 
 greatest name is that of P. Vergilius Maro, who was 
 born in B.C. 70, and died in B.C. 19, being thus about 
 seven years older than Augustus. He was born near 
 Mantua, and suffered from the confiscations carried out in 
 B.C. 41-40, though by the influence of Asinius Pollio he 
 got his lands back. It was while on a visit to Rome on 
 this business that he seems to have been introduced to 
 Augustus, with whom he always remained in high favour, 
 as well as with his great minister Maecenas. Vergil was not 
 only a delightful poet who celebrated the charms of country 
 life and the beauties of Italy, but he became a representative 
 of his age and country. His greatest poem, the Aeneid, is a 
 national epic meant to glorify the origin and destiny of 
 Rome, and incidentally the descent and high mission of 
 Augustus. It keeps permanently alive not only the spirit 
 of the age but the highest view of Roman history. 
 
 Q. Horatius Flaccus (B.C. 65-8), equally delightful as a 
 poet, is on quite a different footing. His Odes were the first 
 really successful attempts on a considerable scale to intro- 
 duce lyrical poetry into Latin literature; but he too made 
 them the means of celebrating heroic legends and great heroes 
 of Roman history, besides preserving the feelings of ad- 
 miration and reverence with which the Roman world of his 
 day regarded Augustus and his family. His Satires and 
 Epistles sometimes show us the lighter side of social 
 life, sometimes touch rather superficially on the Greek 
 philosophy, which served the sceptical age as a kind of 
 religion or code of morals. Aulus Tibullus (B.C. 59-18) 
 wrote mostly love songs or the praises of quiet life. 
 
322 THE POETS. CH. 
 
 He too had his patron among the great men of Augustus' 
 court, M. Valerius Messalla, whom he accompanied in 
 his expedition to Gaul. Sex. Aurelius Propertius 
 was another of the poets patronized by Maecenas, and 
 more or less connected with the court. He was con- 
 siderably younger than those mentioned above (though 
 the dates of his birth and death are uncertain), and 
 never so popular as a poet. He, however, helped to 
 glorify Augustus and make his reign famous. Lastly, P. 
 Ovidius Naso, born in B.C. 43 at Sulmo, came of a 
 well-to-do equestrian family, and was intended by his 
 father for a political and official career. But his bent 
 for poetry and for a life of leisure and freedom, or 
 perhaps frivolity, was too strong, and he declined to stand 
 for any office that would bring him into the Senate. He 
 does not seem to have belonged to the Maecenas set, 
 though he knew Propertius and some others who did, and 
 had heard Horace recite his poems, which he only did in 
 private society. He was only on the fringe of this inner 
 circle, and probably was never admitted to close intimacy 
 with Augustus, although his Fasti are said to have been 
 undertaken by the Emperor's wish. Yet he lived with men 
 of high rank, and his third wife was a daughter of Fabius 
 Maximus and intimate with relations of Augustus and 
 Livia. He is almost the only instance of severity on the 
 part of Augustus to a literary man as such. In A.D. 8 he 
 was suddenly banished, and forced to live the remainder 
 of his days at Tomi on the Black Sea, about forty miles 
 south of the Danube, and on the extreme verge of the 
 Empire, where he remained till his death in A.D. 18. The 
 cause of his banishment is not really known. It was 
 unlike Augustus to punish a poet for his work mere 
 personal satire he laughed at, as he could afford to do ; 
 and though the reason given was the immorality of Ovid's 
 verse, that would justly have applied to many other writers 
 
xxi. CHARACTER AND CAREER OF AUGUSTUS. 323 
 
 of the day. The most common theory is that he knew 
 something as to the misconduct of the Emperor's grand- 
 daughter lulia, who was banished in the same year. So 
 far as Augustus employed or influenced the employment of 
 his muse, it was again, as in the case of Vergil, employed in 
 stirring up interest in Roman religion and the great history 
 of Rome. The Fasti or Calendar, with its days marked 
 by great events, gave him the opportunity of dilating on 
 Roman heroes, as well as on the chief points in the career 
 of Augustus himself, and thus he became a national as well 
 as a court poet. 
 
 One of the points in the character of Augustus drawn 
 by Suetonius was his support of men of genius, and a 
 true picture of his court cannot be conceived without 
 taking into consideration this group of literary men which 
 surrounded him and to whom he often gave lavishly. 
 They repaid him by making his praises known far and 
 wide, quite outbalancing the few who wrote against him. 
 It is a great thing for a man's fame both in his life-time 
 and after his death to have the good word of poets and 
 men of letters. It was one of the misfortunes of lulius 
 Caesar that he had most of such men against him. 
 Augustus neglected no means of making his government 
 liked and his person revered. 
 
 12. What Augustus had to do and how he did it. 
 The reign of Augustus may be reckoned as extending 
 from B.C. 30 to A.D. 14, forty-four years, during which 
 he was ceaselessly employed in defending or ruling the 
 Empire. The general result of his government was with- 
 out doubt to increase the happiness of the world. We 
 must remember what the Roman Empire was. It con- 
 sisted of a vast number of different nations, not at one 
 in origin, habits, or language. At the census of B.C. 
 28 the number of full citizens returned was little more 
 than four millions. That must have been scarcely a tenth 
 
324 GOVERNMENT OF AUGUSTUS. CH. 
 
 of the inhabitants of the Empire. Therefore Augustus 
 had to govern a large dominion in which only a 
 tenth of the inhabitants had political rights, or in the 
 political sense, freedom. He did it in a way which made 
 men on the whole happier and more contented. How 
 was this? Partly, no doubt, it was the effect of the 
 previous harshness of the Republic. There had been a 
 time when in south-eastern Europe and in Asia num- 
 berless communities, many of them quite small, cared for 
 nothing so much as political independence, the right of 
 conducting their own affairs, and making wars or alliances 
 as they chose. The severe rule of the Republic had 
 crushed that spirit. Men were content now with being 
 allowed to manage nothing more than municipal business, 
 if only they had protection from violence and oppression, 
 and could pursue their trades, cultivate their farms, and 
 grow rich by merchandise without being ill-used by 
 imperial magistrates or harried and robbed by barbarians 
 or pirates. Now it was just this security which Augustus 
 gave them. He took care that the magistrates sent out to 
 govern did not oppress or rob the people, he kept 
 the sea free from pirates, and defended the countries 
 bordered by dangerous barbarians. The pax Romana was 
 enforced everywhere ; and yet in quiet provinces there 
 was no great army to exhaust or overawe the people. No 
 wonder then, that after generations of oppression, or miseries 
 from civil and border wars, these peoples were inclined to 
 regard Augustus as a praesens Deus almost a god of peace 
 and security. The same sentiments prevailed in Italy. 
 " Oh, best guardian of the race of Romulus," writes Horace 
 when Augustus had been three years absent, " return ! . . . 
 your country calls for you with vows and prayer ... for 
 when you are here the ox plods up and down the fields in 
 safety ; Ceres and bounteous blessing cheer our farms ; 
 our sailors speed o'er seas infested by no pirate ; credit 
 
XXL REASONS FOR THE SUCCESS OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 325 
 
 is kept unspotted ; crime is checked ; family life purified ; 
 none fears the invasion of Parthian or German . . . each man 
 closes a peaceful day on his native hills, trains his vines to 
 the widowed trees, and home returning, light of heart, quaffs 
 his wine and blesses you as his god ! " It was this senti- 
 ment, though not expressed always in such lyrical terms, 
 that made the success of Augustus. He was at home and 
 abroad the pledge of peace and security. Accordingly, 
 though there were still many who in theory preferred the 
 old Republican form of government (which, indeed, 
 Augustus professed to maintain), there were never in all 
 this long reign any plots or conspiracies of importance 
 against his person. The few that did occur he could 
 afford to treat with magnanimity and wise leniency. 
 Augustus was a great statesman. Within certain limits 
 he could endure opposition without feeling angry with 
 opponents or treating them harshly. Yet he could be 
 severe at times, for he loved justice and order, and 
 thought loyalty to his government was a moral duty. His 
 tastes and habits were simple. He disliked display and 
 pomp, long banquets, and much wine. Perhaps he was, 
 as some said, cold-blooded and deficient in enthusiasm. 
 Yet his family affections were warm and constant ; he 
 seldom lost a friend ; he liked to have children about 
 him ; enjoyed the company of men of letters, and was 
 courteous and gay in society. His health was always 
 delicate, and it is not impossible that he may have been 
 really sincere in his twice expressed wish to retire from 
 his position and restore the republican machinery to full 
 working order. But whether he was sincere or no, the 
 thing was plainly impossible. Disorder and party spirit 
 were only put to sleep, they were not dead. The restrain- 
 ing hand once off, the eager rivalry for office and 
 plunder was ready to begin again. The Senate could 
 not secure the loyalty of legions and their commanders ; 
 
326 
 
 FORCED TO CONTINUE EMPEROR. CH. xxi. 
 
 nor could the rabble of Rome, idle, needy, and venal, be 
 trusted to select magistrates who should afterwards, with- 
 out training or high character, have a prescriptive right 
 to govern provinces and command armies, without a 
 supreme master to recall or punish them. Augustus was 
 not the first or the last man who has found himself bound 
 to a task, which he could not avoid if he would, and 
 which has ended in becoming so much a part of himself 
 that he would not lay it aside even if he could. 
 
 REMAINS OF THE ROSTRA OF IULIUS. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abydos, siege of, 120. 
 
 Acarnania, 121. 
 
 Achaean League, the, 88, 114, 
 
 121, 133. 
 
 Acheron, R., 299. 
 
 Achillas, 266. 
 
 Acilius Glabrio, M', in Greece, 
 123, 124, 133. Governor of 
 Bithynia and Pontus, 205. 
 
 Acrocorinthus, 113, 121, 122. 
 
 Actium, battle of, 194, 298-300, 
 
 3I5- 
 
 Adherbal, 157. 
 Aediles, 37, 38, 73. 
 Aedui, 241, 242. 
 Aeginium, 264. 
 Aegusae, battle of, 82. 
 Aemilius Claudius, L. , 50. 
 Aemilius Lepidus, M., revolt of, 
 
 197- 
 Aemilius Lepidus, M. (Triumvir), 
 
 259, 261, 273, 285-287, 289, 
 
 292, 293, 295. 
 
 Aemilius Papus, Q. , 163. 
 3, L., 
 
 102. 
 
 Aemilius Paulus, L., at Cannae, 
 
 Aemilius Paulus, L. (in Liguria), 
 127. 
 
 Aemilius Scaurus, M., 127. 
 
 Aemilius Scaurus, M. (first Gover- 
 nor of Syria), 209. 
 
 Aenaria, 169. 
 
 Aeneas of Troy, 7. 
 
 Aequians, the, 5, 31, 32. 
 
 Aes CorinthiacTim , 133. 
 
 Aesernia, 57, 65. 
 
 Aesis, R., 40. 
 
 Aesium, 57. 
 
 Aethiopia, 309. 
 
 Aetolian League, the, 88, 114, 
 
 121 ; war with, 122-126. 
 Afranius, L., 260, 273. 
 Africa, province of, 193, 293, 301. 
 Agathocles of Syracuse, 60. 
 Ager publicus, 36, 53, 89, 144, 213. 
 Agger Servii, 14. 
 Agrigentum, 108. 
 Agrippa, see Vipsanius. 
 Agrippa Postumus, 318. 
 Ahala, C. Servilius, 40, 279. 
 Alba Fucentia, 57. 
 Alba Longa, 7, 31 ; destruction 
 
 of, 12 ; war with, 21. 
 Alban Mount, the, 8. 
 Albani (Asia), 207. 
 Alesia, 245. 
 Alexander, king of the Molossi, 
 
 60. 
 Alexander, Macedonian Pretender, 
 
 132. 
 Alexandria, 266 ; Caesar at, 267- 
 
 269, 302. 
 Algidus, Mt, 31. 
 Allobroges, 225, 226. 
 Alps, the, 2, 3, 97, 98 ; Alpine 
 
 provinces: Cottiae, Maritimae, 
 
 Penninae, 309. 
 Alsium, 57. 
 Amanus, Mt., 207. 
 Ambracia, 125, 126. 
 
 327 
 
328 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ambrones, 159. 
 
 Amphipolis, 265. 
 
 Amulius, 7. 
 
 Anagnia, 61. 
 
 Ancona, 255. 
 
 Ancus Marcius, 12. 
 
 Ancyra, inscription at, 319. 
 
 Andriscus, 132. 
 
 Annius Milo, P., 250, 269, 270. 
 
 Antioch, 268, 270. 
 
 Antiochus the Great, king of 
 
 Syria, 120; war with, 122-124. 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 130. 
 Antiochus Asiaticus, 204. 
 Antiochus, king of Commagene, 
 
 209. 
 
 Antium, 32, 55, 171. 
 Antonius, C. (brother of the 
 
 Triumvir), 283. 
 Antonius, C. (Cicero's colleague), 
 
 223, 225, 238. 
 
 Antonius, C. (Creticus), 206. 
 Antonius, L. (brother of the 
 
 Triumvir), 291, 292. 
 Antonius, M. (the Orator), 171. 
 Antonius, M. (the Triumvir), 252- 
 
 2 54> 259, 262, 270, 282, 284, 
 
 285, 292, 293, 296-302, 317. 
 Anxur, 55. 
 
 Aous, R., gorge of the, 120. 
 Apennines, the, 2, 255, 277. 
 Apollonia, 120, 262, 315. 
 Appian Way, the, 50, 54, 171, 201, 
 
 217, 250. 
 
 Appuleius Saturninus, L. , 163. 
 Apuani, the, 127. 
 Apuli, the, 4, 59. 
 Apulia, Roman protectorate in, 50, 
 
 53- 
 Aquae Statiellae, 127 ; Aquae 
 
 Sextiae, 155, 159, 169 
 Aquileia, 58, 126. 
 Aquilius, M', 143, 179. 
 Aquitania, 236, 306. 
 Arabia Petraea, 39, 207. 
 Arar, R., 24. 
 A rat ores, 213. 
 Archelaus (officer of Mithridates), 
 
 1 80. 
 Archelaus of Comana, 209. 
 
 Archimedes, 107. 
 
 Ardea, 1 6, 25, 32, 55. 
 
 Argos, 122, 133. 
 
 Ariminum, 57, 101, 255. 
 
 Ariovistus, 237, 241, 242. 
 
 Aristarchus, king of Colchis, 209. 
 
 Aristobulus, 208. 
 
 Aristonicus, 175. 
 
 Armenia, 179, 203, 209, 295, 296, 
 309. 
 
 Army, the Roman, at first a 
 temporary militia, 19 ; first 
 paid, 35 ; organization at the 
 time of Punic wars, 68 ; changes 
 in, made by Marius, 162. 
 
 Arpi, 101. 
 
 Arsanias, Mt., 204. 
 
 Arsinoe, 269. 
 
 Arverni, 245. 
 
 Ascanius, 7- 
 
 Asculum, battle of, 63 ; revolt at, 
 65, 66. 
 
 Asia, 124, 125 ; province of, 147, 
 148, 154, 175, 180, 193, 300; 
 taxes in, 216, 232. 
 
 Asia (Upper), settlement of, by 
 Pompey, 209. 
 
 Asinius Pollio, C., 293, 320. 
 
 Astura, 46. 
 
 Athens, 88, 120, 1345 Sulla's 
 siege of, 181. 
 
 Athesis, R., 156. 
 
 Atilius Regulus, M., 81. 
 
 Atilius Regulus, C., 97. 
 
 Attaleia, in Pamphylia, 266. 
 
 Attalus I., king of Pergamus, 
 114, 120. 
 
 Attalus III., king of Pergamus, 
 147, 174. 
 
 Attius Varus, P., 255, 261, 268, 
 271. 
 
 Augustus, with lulius in Spain, 
 279 ; ; in Rome after the assas- 
 sination, 283 ; Consul, 284 ; 
 joins Antony, 286, 287 ; his 
 rising influence, 294, 295 ; his 
 Principate, 303-326 ; his restor 
 ations and laws, 311-314; his 
 death, 318. 
 
 Aurelius Cotta, M., 203. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 3 2 9 
 
 Aurelius Propertius, Sext,, 322. 
 Aurunci, the, 5. 
 Auximum, 58, 255, 261. 
 Aventine, the, n, 153. 
 
 Baetis, R., Baetica, 108, 261. 
 Balearic Isles, 156. 
 Belgica, 236, 242, 243, 306. 
 Beneventum, battle of, 64 ; colony 
 
 at, 57, 65. 
 
 Bibulus, M., 234, 249, 252, 262. 
 Bithynia, 174, 202, 208. 
 Bocchus, king of Mauretania, 158. 
 Boeotia, 123, 134, 181. 
 Boii, the, 59, 86, 97, 126. 
 BonaDea, 231. 
 Bononia, 57, 126, 127. 
 Bovianum, 166. 
 Bovillae, 250. 
 Bribery, laws against, 131. 
 Britain, Caesar's first invasion of, 
 
 243, 244 ; second invasion, 244 ; 
 
 intercourse with Augustus, 311. 
 Brundisium, 57, 173, 256, 258; 
 
 peace of, 293. 
 Bruttium, 4 ; Bruttii, punishment 
 
 of the, 1 1 6. 
 Brutus, see lunius. 
 Brutus, Decimus, 260, 280, 284, 
 
 286. 
 Buxentum, 57. 
 
 Cabira (Galatia), 203. 
 
 Caecilius Metellus, Q. (Cos. B.C. 
 
 147), 133- 
 Caecilius Metellus, Q. (in lugur- 
 
 thine war), 157, 163, 170, 171. 
 
 Creticus, 206. 
 Caelius, M., 251, 269. 
 Caenina, II. 
 Caere, 47. 
 
 Caesar, see lulius and Augustus. 
 Caesar, Gaius, 317, 318. 
 Caesar, Lucius, 317, 318. 
 Caesarion, 297. 
 Calatia, 50. 
 
 Calendar, reforms in the, n, 175. 
 Cales, 49, 55. 
 Camillus, M. Furius, 34, 41, 42, 
 
 45- 
 
 Campania, invaded by Samnites, 
 51 ; Hannibal in, 104; colonies 
 in, 117; public land in, 153, 
 213, 233. 
 
 Campus Martius, the, 13. 
 
 Candace, 309. 
 
 Cannae, battle of, 102-105. 
 
 Cantabri, 308, 315. 
 
 Canuleius, C., 39. 
 
 Capite censi, 23, 162. 
 
 Capitolinus, Mons, 9-11; luppiter, 
 1 6. 
 
 Cappadocia, 174, 176, 201, 202, 
 209. 
 
 Capua, 50 ; siege of, 104, 105 ; 
 see also 151, 170, 200, 252. 
 
 Caria, 123. 
 
 Carseoli, 57. 
 
 Carthage, commerce of, 2 ; early 
 treaty with, 19; power of, in 
 Sicily, 63, 64 ; rivalry of, with 
 Rome, 66 ; constitution of, 74, 
 75 > compared with Rome, 75 > 
 76 ; first war with, 76, 77 ; 
 mercenary war at, 84 ; second 
 war with, 92-113; destruction 
 of, 133-137 ; colony in (lunonia), 
 151, 152; Marius at, 189; 
 Caesar's colony in, 278. 
 
 Carthage, New (Carthagena), 95, 
 109, 1 10. 
 
 Casinum, 55. 
 
 Cassius, Longinus, C., 252, 268, 
 280, 283, 285, 288, 308. 
 
 Cassius, Longinus, L., 156. 
 
 Cassius, Q., 253, 254. 
 
 Cassius, Spurius, 31, 38. 
 
 Cassivelaunus, 244. 
 
 Castor and Pollux, 31. 
 
 Castrum Novum, 57. 
 
 Catilina, see Sergius. 
 
 Cato, see Porcius. 
 
 Caucasus, Mt., 207. 
 
 Caudine Forks, the, 49. 
 
 Celtiberians, the, 137. 
 
 Censorship, the, 39, 71. 
 
 Centuriae, 22, 90, 91 ; Comitia 
 Centuriata, 118, 187. 
 
 Cephisus, R., 181. 
 
 Cercina, 169. 
 
330 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ceres, 26. 
 
 Chaeronea, battle of, 181. 
 
 Chalcis, 113, 121-123. 
 
 Chauci, 310. 
 
 Chersonesus Taurica, 178; Thrac- 
 
 ian, 122. 
 
 Cicero, see Tullius. 
 Cilicia, 175, 179, 193, 201, 203, 
 
 206, 295, 306. 
 
 Cilnius Maecenas, C., 293, 316. 
 Cimbri, the, 156, 159, 160. 
 Ciminian Forest, the, 44. 
 Cinca, R., 260. 
 Cincinnatus, 32, 40. 
 Cineas, 63. 
 Cinna, see Cornelius. 
 Circeii, 16, 32, 55, 168. 
 Circus Maximus, 9. 
 Cirta, 157. 
 Civitates foederatae, 49, 66, 83, 
 
 117, 160, 191. 
 Claudius, Appius, father-in-law of 
 
 Tib. Gracchus, 147. 
 Claudius, Appius (legate of Sulla), 
 
 170. 
 Claudius Caecus, Appius, 54, 63, 
 
 90. 
 
 Claudius Marcellus, C., 253. 
 Claudius Marcellus, C. (husband 
 
 and son of Octavia), 317. 
 Claudius Marcellus, M., 104, 105 ; 
 
 his siege of Syracuse, 107, 108 ; 
 
 his death, 105. 
 Claudius Nero, C., 106, 107. 
 Cleopatra, 266, 268, 292, 296, 
 
 298-302, 306. 
 Cloaca maxima, 13. 
 Clodius Pulcher, Publ. , 204, 223 ; 
 
 his sacrilege, 231 ; procures 
 
 Cicero's exile, 237, 238; mur- 
 dered by Milo, 250. 
 Cloelia, 30. 
 Clusium, 29, 40, 184. 
 Coelius, Mons, 9, n, 12. 
 Collatia, 13. 
 
 Colleges, the sacred, 188. 
 Colline gate, the battles at the, 
 
 17, 184. 
 
 Colonies, 43, 55-58, 65, 117. 
 Columna rostrata, 80, 
 
 Comana, 270. 
 
 Comitia Curiata> 2O, 23, 238; 
 Comitia Tributa, 38, 54, 90, 91, 
 1 1 8, 187 ; see also Centuriae. 
 
 Conquisitores, 68. 
 
 Consuls originally called praetors, 
 
 ^ 25>7I< 
 Corcyra, 87, 114. 
 
 Corfmium, 257. 
 
 Corinth, burning of, 133, 134; 
 
 colony at, 278. 
 Coriolanus, 32. 
 Corn, price of, 63 ; distributions 
 
 of, 38, 151, 154, 197, 279. 
 Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, 
 
 144.^ 
 Cornelii, persons enfranchized by 
 
 Sulla, 1 88. 
 
 Cornelius Cethegus, C. , 226. 
 Cornelius Cinna, L., 170, 181,216. 
 Cornelius Dolabella, P., 270, 285. 
 Cornelius Gallus, C., 301. 
 Cornelius Lentulus, L., 253. 
 Cornelius Lentulus, P., 226. 
 Cornelius Scipio, P., father of 
 
 Africanus, 97, 108. 
 Cornelius Scipio, Gn., brother of 
 
 preceding, 108. 
 Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., 
 
 109-113. 
 Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, L., 
 
 124. 
 Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. 
 
 (Aemilianus), 137, 138, 147. 
 Cornelius Scipio Nasica, P., 126; 
 
 (his son), 147. 
 Cornelius Sulla, L., 158, 166, 
 
 167; in Greece, 180-183; his 
 
 advance upon Rome, 183 ; his 
 
 dictatorship and legislation, 185- 
 
 189 ; see also 215. 
 Cornificius, Q., 285. 
 Corsica, 80, 83, 85, 86, 193. 
 Cosa, 57, 65, 259. 
 Country life, 119. 
 Crassius, see Licinius. 
 Cremra, R., 32. 
 Cremona, 57, 86, 97, 117. 
 Crete, 193. 
 Crimea, the, 207. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 331 
 
 Critolaus, 133. 
 Croton, 57. 
 Cures, ii. 
 
 Curiae, 20, 23 ; Curio, 27. 
 Curiatii and Horatii, 21. 
 Curio, C., 253, 259, 261. 
 Curius Dentatus, 52, 64. 
 Curules Magistrates ; 71. 
 Cyclades, the, 120. 
 Cynoscephalae, battle of, 121. 
 Cyrene, 193. 
 Cyzicus, 203, 301. 
 
 Danube, R., 306, 309. 
 
 Decemvirs, the, 38, 39 ; decemviri 
 sacrorum, 54. 
 
 Decius Mus, P., 47, 48. 
 
 Deiotarus, 203, 270. 
 
 Delium, 123. 
 
 Delos, 1 80. 
 
 Demetrias, 113, 121-123. 
 
 Demetrius of Pharos, 87. 
 
 Dertona, 58. 
 
 Diaeus, 133. 
 
 Diana, temple of, 16. 
 
 Dictatorship, the, 25, 73; of Sulla, 
 185; of Caesar, 261, 274. 
 
 Didius, C., 276. 
 
 Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. (Prae- 
 tor i?.C. 96), 143. 
 
 Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. (Cos. 
 B.C. 54), 257, 259, 261. 
 
 Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn. , 288, 
 290, 292, 293, 297. 
 
 Domitius Calvinus, 264. 
 
 Drepana, 82. 
 
 Drusus, step-son of Augustus, 309. 
 
 Duilius, C., 80. 
 
 Duoviri (of a colony), 44 ; duoviri 
 navales, 70. 
 
 Dyrrachium, 132, 260, 262. 
 
 Ebro, R., 95, 108, 261. 
 
 Ecnomus, battle of, So, 81. 
 
 Egypt, 120, 130,266,297,301; pro- 
 vince of, 306-308. 
 
 Elateia, 181. 
 
 Elea, 78. 
 
 Empire, extent of in B.C. 146, 138; 
 at the death of Sulla, 190; in 
 
 time of Augustus, 306 ; partition 
 of by Triumvirs, 286, 287, 289, 
 
 293- . 
 
 Emporiae, 95* 
 Enipeus, R., 129. 
 Ennius, Q. , 119. 
 Epicydes, 107. 
 
 Epirus, reduced to subjection, 129. 
 Eporedia, 58. 
 qtiites,2T > , 148, 154; quarrel with 
 
 Senate, 213, 233. 
 Ergastulci) 142. 
 Eryx, Mt., 82. 
 
 Etruria, Sulla's colonists in, 223. 
 Etruscans, the, 4, 8, 13, 29, 44, 
 
 52 ; religion of, 23. 
 Euboea, 120, 134. 
 Eumenes, king of Pergamus, 129. 
 Eunus, 142. 
 Euphrates, 207, 308. 
 Evander, 7. 
 
 Fabii, fall of the, 32-34. 
 
 Fabius, C., 260. 
 
 Fabius Maximus Cunctator, Q., 
 96, 101, 102. 
 
 Fabius Sanga, 226. 
 
 Fabrateria (Fregellae), 58, 151. 
 
 Fabricius Luscinus, C., 63. 
 
 Faesulae, ibo, 224, 225. 
 
 Fanum, 255. 
 
 Feronia, fair at, 12. 
 
 Fidenae, II, 34. 
 
 Fimbria, C. (legate of Valerius Flac- 
 cus), 183. 
 
 Firmum, 57, 65. 
 
 Flamen, 27. 
 
 Flaminius, C., 87, IOO, 101. 
 
 Flavius, Cn., 54, 55. 
 
 Flora, 26. 
 
 Forum boaritun, 19. 
 
 Forum Gallorum, 284. 
 
 Forum lulii, 312. 
 
 Fregellae, 49, 55, 61. 
 
 Fregenae, 57. 
 
 Frentani, 66. 
 
 Frisii, 2IO. 
 
 Fucinus, lacus, 277. 
 
 Fulvia betrays the Catiline con- 
 spiracy, 224. 
 
332 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Fulvia, wife of Antony, 291-293. 
 Fulvius Flaecus, M., 153. 
 Fulvius Nobilior, M., 125. 
 Furies, grove of the, 153. 
 
 Gabinius(a Catilinian conspirator), 
 226, 
 
 Gabinius, Aulus, 202, 205, 266. 
 
 Gabino cinctu, 8. 
 
 Galatia, 125, 203, 205, 276, 306. 
 
 Gallia Celtica, 236. 
 
 Gallia Cisalpina, 55 Togata, 126, 
 127 ; Caesar in, 235. 
 
 Gallia Transalpina, the province 
 in, 155, 235-237 ; lands in, 163 ; 
 Caesar in, 240-246. 
 
 Gallus, Aelius, 309. 
 
 Gallus, Cornelius, 316. 
 
 Gaul, four provinces in, 306. 
 
 Gauls burn Rome, 40, 41 ; wars 
 with, 44, 45, 86, 87 ; join 
 Hannibal, 98, 101 ; cease to 
 help Hannibal, 107. 
 
 Gaurus, Mt., 46. 
 
 Gelo of Syracuse, 38. 
 
 GenteS) 2O. 
 
 Gergovia, 245. 
 
 Germania, superior and inferior, 
 306, 310. 
 
 Germanicus, 318. 
 
 Germans, 237, 241-243, 310, 
 
 Gladiators, 200. 
 
 Gracchus, see Sempronius. 
 
 Graviscae, 58. 
 
 Great Plains, battle in the, 112. 
 
 Greece, 2, 89 ; Macedonian su- 
 premacy in, 114; treatment of, 
 by Rome, 130, 134, 193; Greek 
 towns in Italy supply ships, 78 ; 
 Greek influence in Rome, 89, 
 119; Greek States in league 
 with Rome against Macedonia, 
 115; Greek cities in Asia, 123. 
 
 Hadria, 57. 
 
 Halycus, R., 76, 79- 
 
 Hamilcar Barca, 82, 93, 94. 
 
 Hannibal, 93 ; elected commander 
 in Spain, 95 ; his oath, 96 ; his 
 march to Italy, 97, 98 ; his vic- 
 
 tories in Italy, 99, 100 ; in South 
 Italy, 101-104; in Asia, 123, 
 124. 
 
 Hanno at Messana, 78. 
 
 Hasdrubal, brother-in-law of Han- 
 nibal, 95. 
 
 Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, 
 106, 107, 109. 
 
 Hastati^ 68. 
 
 Helvetii, the, 240, 241. 
 
 Heraclea, battle of, 6l. 
 
 Hercte, Mt., 82. 
 
 Hercules, 19. 
 
 Hermaeum, 81. 
 
 Hernici, the, 5, 16, 38. 
 
 Hiempsal, 157, 169. 
 
 Hiero of Syracuse, 78, 79, 107. 
 
 Hieronymus, 107. 
 
 Hills, the seven, 14. 
 
 Hippocrates, 107. 
 
 Hirtius, Aulus, 284. 
 
 Homer, 7. 
 
 Horatii, the, 21. 
 
 Horatius Codes, 29. 
 
 Horatius Flaecus, Q., 288, 321. 
 
 Hortensius (Iegat2 of Sulla), 18. 
 
 Hyrcanus, 208. 
 
 Ilerda, 260. 
 
 liipa in Spain, battle of, no. 
 
 Illyricum, 87, 114, 129, 193, 235, 
 
 295-. 
 
 Imperium, 71. 
 Indibilis, no. 
 Ingauni, 127. 
 Insubres, 86, 126. 
 Interamna Lirinas, 55. 
 Interrex, 2O. 
 Isaurians, the, 201. 
 Isthmian Games, proclamation at, 
 
 121, 122. 
 
 Italia, extension of name, 2-4; bad 
 state of, in the 2nd century B.C., 
 143 ; amalgamated with Roman 
 State, 191 ; depopulation of, 
 212, 213. 
 
 Italians and the citizenship, 147, 
 
 I5 2 - 
 
 Italica (Corfinium), 165, 166. 
 Italus, King, 4. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 333 
 
 laniculum, 10, 29, 153, 171. 
 lanus, 26 ; temple of, closed, 86, 
 
 304. 
 
 Jerusalem, capture of, by Pompey, 
 208. 
 
 lews, the, 131, 209. 
 
 lovis, 26. 
 
 luba, 261, 271, 273. 
 
 ludicta, 149, 205, 215. 
 
 lugurtha, 138, 156, 157. 
 
 lulia, wife of Marius, 1 38. 
 
 Julia, wife of Pompey, 234, 
 250. 
 
 lulia, mother of Antony, 293. 
 
 lulia, daughter of Augustus, 294, 
 3 r 5> 3 l 7'> granddaughter, 323. 
 
 lulius Caesar, L. (Cos. B.C. 90), 
 1 66. 
 
 lulius Caesar, L. (his son), 255, 
 257, 278. 
 
 lulius Caesar, C. (Dictator), 190, 
 203, 216, 218; advises against 
 executing the Catiline conspira- 
 tors, 226 ; pontifex maximus, 
 230 ; his provinces, 234, 235 ; 
 his campaigns, in Gaul, 240-6 ; 
 crosses the Rubicon, 253, 254 ; 
 besieges Marseilles, 260; de- 
 feats Pompey's legates in Spain, 
 260, 261 ; Dictator and Consul, 
 261,262; in Epirus, 262, 263 ; de- 
 feats Pompey in Pharsalia, 264, 
 265; in Egypt, 267-270; settles 
 Asia, 270, 271 ; Dictator, 269, 
 274; in Africa, 271-273; his 
 reforms, 274-278; in Spain, 276, 
 277 ; death, 280, 281. 
 
 lunius Brutus, M. (first consul), 
 30. 
 
 lunius Brutus, M. (father of the 
 assassin of Caesar), 197. 
 
 lunius Brutus, M., 279, 280, 281, 
 283,288. 
 
 lunius Norbanus, C., 183. 
 
 lunius Silvanus, M. , 156. 
 
 luno, temple of, 41. 
 
 luppiter Capitolinus, temple of, 
 13, 16. 
 
 lus conubii, ius honorum^ 38. 
 
 lustinus, 320. 
 
 Khur, R., 207. 
 
 Kings, the seven, 10-16 ; expulsion 
 of, 1 6, 23. 
 
 Labicum, 32. 
 
 Lacinian promontory, 60, 105,107. 
 
 Lade, battle of, 120. 
 
 Laelius, C. , 112. 
 
 Lamia, 123. 
 
 Larissa, 121, 264, 265. 
 
 Latifundia, 119. 
 
 Latin League, the, 5, 12, 16, 28, 
 
 29, 30, 31 ; dissolved, 46, 47. 
 LatinitciS) 166, 235. 
 Latinus, king, 7. 
 Latium vetus, 5, 16. 
 Lavinium, 7. 
 Lesbos, 216, 265. 
 Lex Calpurnia de repetundis, 131; 
 
 Canuleia, 39; Rupilia, 143; 
 
 lulia (B.C. 90), 166 ; Papiria 
 
 Plautia, 1 66 ; Pompcia, 166 ; 
 
 Gabinia, 205 ; Manilia, 207 ; 
 
 Vatinia, 235. 
 Liber, 26. 
 
 Licinian rogations, 53. 
 Licinius Crassus, L., 164. 
 LiciniusCrassus, M., 200, 218, 219, 
 
 233, 248, 249, 250, 308, 309. 
 Licinius Lucullus, L., 203, 220. 
 Licinius Muraena, 201. 
 Ligurians, the, 86, 107, 117, 126, 
 
 127. 
 
 Lilybaeum, 81, in. 
 Lingones, 41. 
 Liparae Insulae, 83. 
 Liris, R., 7. 
 Lissus, 262. 
 Liternum, 57. 
 
 Livia, wife of Augustus, 294, 316, 
 Livius Andronicus, 89, 119. 
 Livius Drusus, M. (the elder), 152; 
 
 (the younger), 164. 
 Livius Macatus, M., 105. 
 Livius, M. (Cos. B.C. 207), 106. 
 Livius, Titus, 320. 
 Locri Epizypherii, 78. 
 Lollius, M., 310. 
 Lucani, the, 4, 59, 68, 165. 
 Lucania, protectorate in, 50. 
 
334 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lucca, 58, 126, 127; conference at, 
 
 2 4 9 : 
 
 Lucena, 55. 
 Lucre tia, 25. 
 Lucullus, see Licinius. 
 Lugdunensis, 306. 
 Luna, 58, 126. 
 Lupercalia, 19, 278. 
 Lupercus, 26. 
 Lusitani, 137, 197, 198. 
 Lutatius Catulus, C., 82. 
 Lutatius Catulus, Q., 159, 171. 
 Lutatius Catulus, Q. (Cos. B.C. 78), 
 
 197, 220. 
 
 Lycaonia and Galatia, province of, 
 306. 
 
 Macedonia, first war with, 1 1 3- 1 1 5 ; 
 second war with, 119-124; third 
 war with, 128, 129; division of, 
 into four districts, 120; province 
 of, 132, 133, 193, 285. 
 
 Machares, 207. 
 
 Macra, R., 2. 
 
 Maelius, Spurius, 40. 
 
 Magna Graecia, 5, 59, 117. 
 
 Magnesia ad Sipylum, battle of, 
 124. 
 
 Mago, brother of Hannibal, no, 
 
 112, 
 
 Maharbal, his advice to Hannibal, 
 
 104. 
 
 Mamertine Prison, the, 158, 227. 
 Mamertines, the, 64, 65, 77, 78. 
 Manilius, C., 207. 
 Manlius, C., his camp at Faesulae, 
 
 224-228. 
 Manlius, M., defends the Capitol, 
 
 41 ; put to death, 53. 
 Manlius, T., 47. 
 Manlius Vulso, Cn., 125. 
 Marcella, 315. 
 Marcellus, see Claudius. 
 Marius, C., 138, 157, 160-163, 
 
 167-172. 
 
 Marius, C. (the younger), 184. 
 Marius, the One-eyed, M., 203. 
 Marrucini, 66, 165, 
 Mars, temple of, 31. 
 Marsi, the. o, 66. 
 
 Masannasa, 110-113, 134, 135, 
 
 138, 156. 
 
 Massilia, 155, 225, 259, 260, 261. 
 Massiva, 157. 
 Mastanabal, 156. 
 Mathos, 84. 
 Mauretania, 271, 306. 
 Mausoleum at Alexandria, 301. 
 Mavers, 26. 
 Memmius, C., 163. 
 Mesopotamia, 204, 309. 
 Metapontum, 4. 
 
 Metaurus, R., battle of the, 106, 107. 
 Metellus Scipio Pius(Q. Caecilius), 
 
 father-in-law of Pompey, 251, 
 
 257, 264, 271. 
 Mevania, 50. 
 Micipsa, 156. 
 Milo, see Annius. 
 Milvian Bridge, the, 197. 
 Minerva, 26. 
 Minervia, 58. 
 Minturnae, 57, 168. 
 Minucius, 102. 
 Misenum, peace of, 293, 294; 
 
 fleet at, 312. 
 Mithridates, 167,176-182,201-205, 
 
 207 ; death of, 208. 
 Mitylene, 201, 209. 
 Moesia, 306. 
 Mons sacer, 37. 
 Morini, 243. 
 Mucius, Caius, 30. 
 Mucius Scaevola, Q., 164, 176. 
 Munatius Plaucus, L., 286. 
 Munda, battle of, 276. 
 Mundtts, 8. 
 
 Municipiiini, 66, 68, 1 66. 
 Municius (Tr. PI.), 152. 
 Murcia vail is, 9. 
 Mutina, 58, 87, 126, 197, 284. 
 Mylae, battle of, 80. 
 
 Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, 122. 
 Naevius, Cn., 89. 
 Narbo Martius, 155, 156. 
 Narbonensis, 306. 
 Narnia, 57. 
 Neapolis, 49, 78, 104. 
 Nepete, 55. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 335 
 
 Neptunia, 58, 151, 153. 
 
 Nervii, 242, 244. 
 
 Nexunit 36, 53. 
 
 Nicomedes, 202. 
 
 Nicomedia, 203. 
 
 Nola, 50, 104, 166, 168-170. 
 
 Women Latinum, 10. 
 
 Norba, 32, 55. 
 
 Noreia, 156. 
 
 Numa Pompilius, II, 275. 
 
 Numantia, siege of, 138, 157. 
 
 Numidia, no, 156, 157, 289. 
 
 Numitor, 7- 
 
 Nursia, 291. 
 
 Octavia, sister of Augustus, 293- 
 
 295, 317. 
 Octavius M. (Tr. PI. B.C. 133), 
 
 145- 
 
 Octavius, Cn. (Cos. B.C. 87), 170. 
 Octavius, C., see Augustus. 
 Opimius, L., 153. 
 Oppius, Q., 179. 
 Optimates, 1 1 8, 1 6 1, 167, 195, 196, 
 
 214. 
 Orchomenus (in Arcadia), 133; (in 
 
 Boeotia), 181, 182. 
 Ordo equester^ 148, 149. 
 Oricum, 262. 
 Orodes, 266. 
 
 Ostia, 12, 17, 55, 171, 277. 
 Ovidius Naso, P., 322. 
 
 Paestum, 4, 57, 65. 
 
 Palaepolis, 49. 
 
 Palatine, the, 7, 8. 
 
 Palestine, 295. 
 
 Palilia, 10, 19. 
 
 Palladium, 27, 41. 
 
 Pamphylia, 201. 
 
 Panormus, 81. 
 
 Paphlagonia, 179. 
 
 Papirius Carbo, C. (land commis- 
 sioner), 147. 
 
 Papirius Carbo, C., 166. 
 
 Papirius Carbo, Cn., 156, 170, 172, 
 183. 
 
 Papirius Cursor, L., 50, 65. 
 
 Paraetonium, 301. 
 
 Parma, 58, 87. 
 
 Parthians, the, 207, 250, 252, 265, 
 
 293, 295, 308. 
 Parthini, the, 293. 
 Patria potestas, 238. 
 Patricians, 23, 36, 37, 53, 54, 304. 
 Pedius, Q., 285. 
 Pedum, 46. 
 Peligni, 66, 165. 
 Pelusium, 266, 268, 269, 301. 
 PerduelliO) 21. 
 Pergamos, 14, 148, 201. 
 Perpenna, M., 198. 
 Perseus, 129. 
 
 Perusia, 100; siege of, 292, 315. 
 Petilia, 201. 
 Petreius, M., 260, 273. 
 Petronius, 309. 
 Phanagoria, 209. 
 Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, 209, 
 
 270. 
 
 Pharos, 269. 
 
 Pharsalia, battle of, 264, 265. 
 P basis, R., 207. 
 Philip V., king of Macedonia, first 
 
 war with, 113-115; second war 
 
 with, 119-121 ; death of, 129. 
 Philippi, battles of, 287-289. 
 Phoenice, peace of, 114, 119. 
 Phoenicians, 207. 
 Picentes, 66. 
 
 Pinarius S carpus, Q., 301. 
 Pirates, 175, 183. 
 Pisae, 58, 126, 127. 
 Pisaurum, 57, 255. 
 Pisidians, 125, 201. 
 Pistoria, 228. 
 Placentia, 57, 86, 87, 98. 
 Plautius Silvanus, M., 166. 
 Plautus, T. Maccius, 1 19. 
 Plebs, 21,22; struggles for equality, 
 
 35-40, 53-55, 139 ; plebiscita, 40, 
 
 54- 
 
 Po (Padanus), R., 4, 117. 
 
 Pompaedius, Silo, 295. 
 
 Pompeius Strabo, C., 166, 170. 
 
 Pompeius Rufus, Q., 168, 170. 
 
 Pompeius Magnus, Cn., 184, 190, 
 197, 198, 205-210, 214, 21 5; sup- 
 ported by Caesar, 21 7; character 
 of, 218 j his position after his 
 
336 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 return from the East, 231, 232 ; 
 praefectus annonae^ 248 ; at 
 Lucca, 249 ; sole consul, 250, 
 251 ; his provinces in Spain, 
 249, 250, 252; quits Italy, 257; 
 defeats Caesar near Apollonia, 
 264 ; defeated at Pharsalia, 265 ; 
 his death, 266, 267. 
 
 Pompeius, Cn., at Munda, 276,277. 
 
 Pompeius Sextus, 276 283, 285, 
 289, 293-295. 
 
 Pomptine Marshes, 16, 277. 
 
 Pons Sublicius, 12, 29. 
 
 Pontifex maximus, 26. 
 
 Pontiae, 55, 70. 
 
 Pontius, Caius, 49. 
 
 Pontus, kingdom of, 176, 271, 274. 
 
 Pontus, the, 176, 177, 202, 208 
 
 Popilius Laenas, C., 130. 
 
 Populares, 118, 161, 167, 215. 
 
 Populifttndt, 1 66. 
 
 Porcius Laeca, M., 224. 
 
 Porcius Cato, M. (the Censor), 
 128, 135. 
 
 Porcius Cato, M. (Uticensis), 221, 
 240, 259, 271-273. 
 
 Porsena, 29. 
 
 Postumius Albus, A., 31. 
 
 Postumius, Sp., 49. 
 
 Potentia, 57, 126. 
 
 Pothinus, 267-269. 
 
 Praeneste, 61, 184. 
 
 Praetorship, the, 54, 71; praetor 
 peregrimis, 88. 
 
 Princeps, 305, 316, 317. 
 
 Princeps Senatus, 304. 
 
 Principes, 68. 
 
 Proconsular* imperium, 305. 
 
 Procurator, 305. 
 
 Proscriptions, 184, 287. 
 
 Province, first, 83 ; spoliation of 
 the provinces, 131 ; numbers 
 and government of, 191-193 ; 
 grievances in, 214 ; division be- 
 tween the Emperor and Senate, 
 
 304, 305- 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes, king of Egypt, 
 
 120. 
 
 Ptolemy Auletes, 248. 
 
 Ptolemy XII., 266, 268, 269, 274. 
 
 Ptolemy XIII. , 269. 
 
 Publicani, 150, 175, 232. 
 
 Punic Wars, I., 76-83; II. ,92-1 15; 
 
 III., 134-137. 
 Puteoli, 57. 
 Pydna, battle of, 129. 
 Pygi, 57- 
 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, invader 
 
 Italy, 60-63 ; goes to Sicily, 63, 
 
 64; defeated at Beneventum, 64, 
 
 65; his capital, 125. 
 
 Qtiaestiones perpetuae, 131, 149, 
 
 189, 215. 
 Quaestors, 72. 
 
 Quintius Flamininus, T., 120-122. 
 Quirinal, the, n. 
 Quirites, 1 1 ; fossa Quiritiuw, 1 2. 
 
 Ramnes, Titii, and Luceres, 20. 
 
 Raudian plains, the, 160. 
 
 Ravenna, 253, 255 ; fleet at, 312. 
 
 Regillus, Lake, battle of, 31. 
 
 Regulus, see Atilius. 
 
 Religion of Rome, 25-27 ; affected 
 by Greek theology, 26. 
 
 Rhegium, capture of, 65. 
 
 Rhine, Caesar crosses the,243; 308. 
 
 Rhodes, 120, 124, 180, 203, 217, 
 265. 
 
 Rhone, R., 97, 98, 241, 309. 
 
 Robigus, 2. 
 
 Roma quadrata, 8. 
 
 Roman history, importance of, I, 
 2; government, 70, 71; magis- 
 trates, 71-73; Senate, 73, 74; 
 navy, 70, 79 ; growth of empire, 
 138, 139; supremacy in Medi- 
 terranean, 113; ager Romanus, 
 10. 
 
 Rome, site of, 7 ; date of founda- 
 tion, 10; origin of name, 18; 
 walls of, 13. 
 
 Romulus, rei'gn of, 10; Romulus 
 and Remus, legend of, 7, 20. 
 
 Rorarii, 68. 
 
 Rubicon, R., 2, 255. 
 
 Rupilius, P., 143. 
 
 Rutilius Lupus, P., 166. 
 
 Rutilius Rufus, P., 176. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 337 
 
 Sabellians, the, 4. 
 
 Sabine women, seizure of, n ; 
 Sabines, 5; joint occupation of 
 Rome, II ; wars with, 12. 
 
 Saguntum, 95, 96. 
 
 Salassi, 295. 
 
 Salernum, 57. 
 
 Saltus Castulonensis, 95, 108. 
 
 Salvidienus Rufus, 291, 316. 
 
 Salvius, 266. 
 
 Samnites, the, 5, 13, 45; first war 
 with, 46; second war with, 48- 
 50 ; third war with, 50-53 ; in 
 the Social war, 165, 166; Sulla's 
 severities to, 186; Samnium, 7. 
 
 Samos, 298, 301. 
 
 Sardinia, 79; made a Roman pro- 
 vince, 84, 112, 193, 261, 291. 
 
 Saticula, 46, 55. 
 
 Satricum, 55. 
 
 Saturnia, 9, (Etruria) 58. 
 
 Saturninus, see Appuleius, 
 
 Scipio, see Cornelius. 
 
 Scotussa, 264. 
 
 Scribonia, wife of Augustus, 292, 
 294. 
 
 Secession of Plebs, 37. 
 
 Sempronius Gracchus, Tib. (the 
 elder), 128, 138. 
 
 Sempronius Gracchus, Tib. (Tr. 
 PL B.C. 133), 144-146. 
 
 Sem pronius Gracchus, C., 148-152. 
 
 Sempronius Longus, Tib., 98. 
 
 Sena Gallica, 57. 
 
 Sena, R., 106. 
 
 Senate, the, 20, 73, 74, 90, 118; 
 Sulla's reform of, 186 ; hostility 
 of Equites to, 2 1 5 ; treatment of, 
 by lulius Caesar, 278 ; relations 
 with Augustus, 313. 
 
 Senatus consultum ultimum, 146, 
 151, 224, 228, 254, 255. 
 
 Senones, 40, 41, 52, 59. 
 
 Sentinum, 291. 
 
 Septimius, 266. 
 
 Septimontium ^ IO. 
 
 Sergius Catilina, L., 185, 222-228. 
 
 Sertorius, Q., 170, 197-199* 203. 
 
 Servilius Caepio, Q., 137. 
 
 Servilius Glaucia, C, 163. 
 
 Servilius Vatia Isauricus, P., 201, 
 206. 
 
 Servius Tullius, 13, 14; his re- 
 forms, 22, 23 ; his wall, 14. 
 
 Setia, 55. 
 
 Sextius Calvinus, C., 155. 
 
 Sibyl, the, 27. 
 
 Sicambri, 243, 310. 
 
 Sicily, Pyrrhus in, 63 ; war in, 
 79-82, 107, 108 ; made a pro- 
 vince, 83; Marcellusin, 107, 108; 
 slave war in, 142, 143 ; aban- 
 doned by Cato, 261 ; held by 
 Sext. Pompeius, 291. 
 
 Sicoris, R., 260, 261. 
 
 Sicyon, 134. 
 
 Sidon, 209. 
 
 Signia, 16, 31, 55. 
 
 Sinope, 202. 
 
 Sinuessa, 57. 
 
 Sipontum, 57. 
 
 Slaves, 141, 142. 
 
 Social war, 64-167. 
 
 Socii navales, 80. 
 
 Soldiers, pay of, 35. 
 
 Sora, 57. 
 
 Soracte, Mt., 12. 
 
 Sosius, C., 295, 297. 
 
 Spain, 92 ; Carthaginians in, 93- 
 96, 97 ; the Scipios in, 108-110, 
 113; organization under Cato 
 and Gracchus, 127, 128; pro- 
 vinces in, 193 ; Caesar in, 217, 
 230, 260, 276 ; Augustus in, 308. 
 
 Sparta and the Achaean League, 
 133 j its position under Rome, 
 
 134. 
 
 Spartacus, 199-201. 
 Spendius, 84. 
 Spoletium, 57. 
 Spolia opima, 34. 
 Statilius, 226. 
 Suessa Pometia, 16, 55; Suessa 
 
 Aurunca, 55. 
 Suessula, 46. 
 Sulla, see Cornelius. 
 Sulla, Faustus, 273. 
 Sulpicius, P., 167-169. 
 Sumptuary laws, 132. 
 Sutrium, 55. 
 
33 8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sweet Harbour, the, 299. 
 
 Syphax, 110-112. 
 
 Syracuse, 63; siege of, by Mar- 
 
 cellus, 107, 108 ; works of art 
 
 from, 1 10. 
 Syria, province of, 207, 208, 249, 
 
 252, 285, 306, 308. 
 
 Tannetum, 97. 
 
 Tarentum, 50-61, 65, 78, 105, 
 118, 151. 
 
 Tarpeian Rock, 53, 168. 
 
 Tarquinius Priscus, 12, 13; Super- 
 bus, 1 6. 
 
 Tarraco, 93, 95. 
 
 Tarsus, 270. 
 
 Taurini, the, 98. 
 
 Taurus, Mt., 124, 201. 
 
 Taxilus, 1 8 1. 
 
 Teanum Sidicinum, 257. 
 
 Tellus, 26. 
 
 Tempe, 121, 264. 
 
 Tempsa, 57. 
 
 Tencteri, 310. 
 
 Terentius Varro, C., 102-104. 
 
 Terentius Varro, M., 260, 261, 
 
 , 320-. 
 Terracma, 32. 
 Teuta, Queen, 87, 88. 
 Teutones, 156, 159, 160. 
 Thapsus, battle of, 271, 272 
 Theodotus, 266. 
 Theophanes, 165. 
 Thermopylae, battles near, 124, 
 
 133. 181. 
 
 Thurii, 57, 60, 200. 
 Tiber, R., 7; first bridge over, 
 
 12 ; embankment of, 312. 
 Tiberius (Caesar), 309 ; his father, 
 
 Tiberius Nero, 316. 
 Tibullus, Aulus, 321. 
 Ticinus, R., battle of the, 98. 
 Tifata, Mt., 101. 
 Tifernum, 46. 
 Tigranes, 203, 204, 207. 
 Tigranocerta, 204. 
 Tigurini, 156. 
 Tillius Cimber, L., 281. 
 Tolumnius of Veii, 34. 
 Tcmi, 322. 
 
 Trasimene Lake, battle of, 100, 
 
 101. 
 
 Trebia, R., battle on the, 98. 
 Trebonius, C., 249, 260, 280. 
 Treveri,* 244. 
 Triarii, 68. 
 
 Tribuni aerarii, 205, 216, 275. 
 Tribunicia potestas, 303, 304. 
 Tribes, 22 ; increase of, 44. 
 Tribuni militares consulari potes- 
 
 'a*> 39, 53- 
 
 Tribuni plebis, 35-37, 91 ; Sulla's 
 measures against, 188; powers 
 restored by Pompey, 205. 
 
 Tributum, 35 ; abolished for 
 citizens, 131. 
 
 Triumph, a, 31. 
 
 Triumvirate, first, 219, 232-234; 
 the second, 285, 296. 
 
 Trogus, Pompeius, 320. 
 
 Tryphon, 143. 
 
 Tullius Cicero, M., 190, 221, 222 ; 
 his contests with Catiline, 223- 
 228 ; banished, 238, 239 ; joins 
 Pompey in Epirus, 261 ; his 
 death, 285 j as a writer, 320. 
 
 Tullius Cicero, Q., 244. 
 
 Tyre, 209. 
 
 Umbrians, the, 4, 52. 
 
 Usipetes, 310. 
 
 Utens, R., 40. 
 
 Utica, ill, 135, 271, 273. 
 
 Vada Sabbata, 127. 
 
 Vadimonian Lake, battle of the, 
 
 50. 
 
 Valentia, 57. 
 
 Valerius, I/., at Tarentum, 60. 
 Valerius Flaccus, L., 172, 182. 
 Valerius Laevinus, P., 61. 
 Valerius Corvus, 45. 
 Valerius, Quintus, 159. 
 Valerius Messala, M., 295, 320, 
 
 322. 
 
 Varius, Q., 165. 
 Varro, see Terentius. 
 Varus, Quintilius, 310, 
 Vatinius, P., 234. 
 Vectigal, 134, 213. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 339 
 
 Veil, 11,29, 32-35> 41. 
 
 Velitrae, 55. 
 
 Veneti of N. Italy, 41, 126; in 
 
 Gaul, 243. 
 
 Ventidiua Bassus, P. , 285, 293, 295. 
 Venusia, 57, 104, 105. 
 Vercellae, 160. 
 Vercingetorix, 245. 
 Vergilius Maro, P., 321. 
 Verres, C, 195. 
 Veseris, 46. 
 Vesontio, 242. 
 Vesta and Vestal Virgins, 27, 41, 
 
 31.9. 
 
 Vestini, 165. 
 Via Flaminia, 87, 312; Aemilia, 
 
 26, 126; Aemilia Scauri, 127; 
 
 Aemilia Lepidi, 127 ; Egnatia, 
 
 133, 264, 288. See Appian Way. 
 Vibius Pansa, C., 284. 
 Vipsanius Agrippa, M., 292, 293, 
 
 308, 315. 
 Viriathus, 137. 
 Volscians, the, 5, 16, 31, 32, 
 
 42-44. 
 
 Volternum, 57 
 Volturnus, R., 101. 
 
 Xanthippus, 81. 
 
 Zama, battle of, 112, I2O. 
 Zela, battle of, 271. 
 
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