GOVKHNOH OF INDIANA. 
 
LIFE, SPEECHES, 
 
 STATE PAPERS AND PUBLIC SERVICES 
 
 GOT. OLIVER P. MORTON 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 WILLIAM M. DRENCH. 
 
 Lives of great men all remind us 
 We can make our lives sublime ; 
 
 And departing, leave behind us 
 Footprints on the sands of time. 
 
 Longfellow. 
 
 CINCINNATI: 
 
 MOOBE, WILSTACH,& BALDWIN PRINTERS, 
 
 25 WEST FOURTH STREET. 
 1864. 
 
Entered according to an act of Congress on the 19th day of September, in the 
 year eighteen hundred and sixty-three (1863), by 
 
 WILLIAM M. FRENCH, 
 
 In the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States, for the District 
 of Indiana. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The author of these pages wishes to assure the reader 
 that no selfish motive prompts him to present to the public, 
 the life of Indiana s most distinguished Governor. It is 
 common for men to applaud those who have benefited 
 them, and to flatter those of whom they expect favor. 
 But it is no personal advantage, either realized, or antici 
 pated, which induces us to narrate the life and public 
 services of the subject of this biography. 
 
 Our situation is such that we neither need, nor desire 
 any appointment the Governor could confer upon us ; and 
 never, during our life have we been the recipient of a single 
 personal kindness at his hands. 
 
 The sole object of this work is to present to the Amer 
 ican people a model character a man whose superior 
 energy, executive powers and liberal sentiments, especially 
 qualify him for the performance of the great labors 
 assigned him in the most important period of our nation s 
 history ; a native of the West, whose untiring industry, 
 
 M70527 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 indomitable will, lofty patriotism, and unbounded gener 
 osity have immortalized his name, and endeared to him 
 every lover of liberty ; an intellectual and moral giant, 
 whom neither flattery nor persecution could divert from 
 his high purposes. 
 
 W. M. FRENCH. 
 INDIANAPOLIS, Indiana. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 PREFACE, 3 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introductory remarks Uses of biography Morton s char 
 acter pre-eminently instructive His early boyhood 
 Early school days Letter of Prof. S. K. Hoshour, one of 
 his first teachers Enters Miami University Distinguishes 
 himself as a debater Commences study of law Marries 
 Is admitted to the bar Is elected judge Heads Repub 
 lican State ticket in 1856 Takes an active part in canvass 
 
 of 1860, 9 
 
 t 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 Speech delivered at Terre Haute, March 18, 1860, 21 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Canvass of 1860 Political discussion at Bloomington, Indi 
 ana Morton s reply to Judge Turpie, made June 21st, 
 1860, 48 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Campaign of 1860 Great meeting of Republicans at Fort 
 Wayne Able and eloquent speech of Governor Morton 
 Masterly review of the political questions of the day, 70 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Close of canvass of 1860 Commencement of the Rebellion 
 Morton s speech before Republican meeting at Indian 
 apolis, November 22d, 1860, , Ill 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Commencement of the Rebellion The attack on Sumter 
 Great excitement which followed Governor Morton s 
 capacity to control and direct popular feeling Readiness 
 with which the people responded to his call Remarkable 
 promptness and efficiency of Governor Morton in prepar 
 ing Indiana volunteers for service Indiana troops excel 
 those of any other Western State Governor Morton calls 
 an extra session of Indiana Legislature His message to 
 that body His impartiality in making military appoint 
 ments, etc., etc., 126 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Precarious condition of Kentucky in consequence of the 
 attempt of Magoffin and others to force it into a neutral 
 position -Magoffin tries to induce the executives of Indi 
 ana and Ohio to join him in an attempt to procure a sus 
 pension of hostilities between Government and Confeder 
 ate States until meeting of Congress in extra session 
 Telegraphic correspondence Secret agents appointed by 
 Governor Morton to watch movements of Kentucky rebels 
 Difficulties in discharging Indiana troops Governor 
 Morton s efficiency in settling these difficulties His 
 promptness in responding to President s second call Ken 
 tucky invaded by secessionists Morton s efficient aid in 
 their expulsion He furnishes more troops His prompt 
 attention to the wants of soldiers, 183 
 
CONTENTS. Vll 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Discouragement of people in 1862 in consequence of Na 
 tional reverses Efforts of Governor Morton to counteract 
 this feeling His efficient operations against "K. G. C." 
 in Indiana Charges against him by the members of that 
 order Proofs of insincerity of such charges His efforts 
 to relieve Indiana troops at Fort Pillow Telegraphic cor 
 respondence, etc., etc., 230 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Precarious condition of Indiana at commencement of 1863 
 Leprous character of Indiana Legislature Governor Mor 
 ion s message to that body, etc., 243 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Governor Morton s appeal to the patriotic women of Indiana 
 An appeal to the people of Indiana His appeal to Con 
 gress in behalf of the soldiers Message to the Legislature 
 Letter to James Winslow, Esq., 308 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Speech of Governor Morton at New York city Proclamation 
 Oration at Centerville, July 4th, 1863 Compliments 
 paid by citizens of Cincinnati to Governor Morton, July 
 20th, 1863, 346 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Miscellaneous correspondence, and reasons therefor, 382 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Governor Morton s character more minutely portrayed Mor 
 gan raid Concluding lines, 394 
 
LIFE, SPEECHES, 
 
 STATE PAPERS AND PUBLIC SERVICES 
 
 OF 
 
 GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 CHAPTER I., 
 
 * 
 
 Introductory remarks Uses of biography Morton s character 
 pre-eminently instructive His early boyhood Early school 
 days Letter of Prof. S. K. Hoshour, one of his first teach 
 ers Enters Miami University Distinguishes himself as a 
 debater Commences study of law Marries Is admitted to 
 the bar Is elected judge Heads republican state ticket in 
 1856 Takes an active part in canvass of 1860. 
 
 A knowledge of the errors of our fellows enables 
 us to avoid the committal of similar ones, while 
 an acquaintance with their virtues stimulates us to 
 noble endeavors. Hence it has been truly said, 
 that every man s life is instructive. There perhaps 
 never lived an individual, whatever his station, 
 whose biography might not be rendered highly 
 productive of good to mankind. 
 
 But there are some, the importance of whose 
 relations to society, and the stirring events of 
 whose lives, place them more prominently before 
 us than others. 
 
10 
 
 Every act in the great drama of life requires its 
 leading characters, and every age produces them. 
 It is of these we usually write biography; not 
 because such persons are really more deserving of 
 attention than those who stand in the social scale 
 much below them : for, just as the smallest wheel in 
 the machine is as essential as the largest, so the 
 most apparently insignificant member of society 
 is as necessary to the social fabric as the most 
 distinguished.: but for the reason that their con- 
 spicuousness renders their character more attrac- 
 fffogr ; Mi ; jpgt^6tiyfc> to the masses than that of 
 ordinary men. 
 
 We generally find, or expect to find, in the devel 
 opment of great men, a manifestation of those 
 superior traits of which the common multitude are 
 usually considered devoid. And the study of 
 human nature only becomes interesting to the 
 majority of us when it rises pre-eminently above 
 the vulgar level. 
 
 When we are hurrying along a road through the 
 forest, with our minds intently fixed upon some 
 object to be attained at the end of our journey, it 
 must be a very extraordinary tree which shall 
 attract our attention. And so when men are rush 
 ing along the path of life, wholly engrossed in their 
 individual interests, it must be a very towering rep 
 resentative of the race that shall induce them to 
 pause, survey and investigate. Such a representa 
 tive is found in Governor 0. P. Morton, a man 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 11 
 
 whose remarkable energy and superior genius have 
 placed him among America s greatest men. 
 
 Oliver Perry Morton was born in Wayne county, 
 Indiana, August 4th, 1823. During his boyhood 
 he was put to the hatting trade with his brother ; 
 but it was soon discovered that he was better 
 adapted to another sphere of action. His parents 
 both dying while lie was very young, he was placed, 
 some years, under the care of his grandmother and 
 two aunts. During this -period, it seemsj he was 
 sent back to Wayne county and put under the 
 tuition of Prof. S. K. Hoshour, then principal of 
 the Wayne County Seminary, now Professor of 
 Modern Languages in the ~N. W. C. University, at 
 Indianapolis. It would appear from the following 
 letter which we have lately received from the Pro 
 fessor, that the Governor, in his boyhood, was not 
 so promising as we generally expect to find the 
 prospective great man : 
 
 " I had pupils from different sections of the State, 
 and some from other States, among whom was 0. 
 P. Morton. He entered the school, I think, in 
 1837, and was, probably, then in his fourteenth 
 year. He hailed from Hamilton county, Ohio a 
 timid and rather verdant looking youth too shy ; 
 to bear, with head erect, a master s look. He was 
 a pliant student, always ready to obey the rules of 
 the school. His fellow-students in the institution 
 at that time, were William Wallace, the present 
 
 \ 
 
12 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Clerk of the Marion County Court; Ms brother 
 Lew (now General) Wallace; Jacob Julian, and, 
 occasionally, Laz. (now General) ISToble. His men 
 tal manifestations, at that time, were not equal to 
 those of some of his school mates ; but his steady 
 demeanor and persistent application to his studies, 
 gave him a respectable position in his classes. He 
 was, during his attendance in my school, in the 
 incipiency of his chrysalis state ; and, of course, it 
 was difficult to decide what kind of a winged exist 
 ence would emerge from that state whether an 
 ordinary or a c big-bug. The larva, physically, 
 indicated a large personality; but as that is not 
 always an index of a corresponding intellectuality, 
 future symmetry of the whole was necessarily a 
 matter of conjecture. 
 
 " If some knowing genius had then suggested to 
 me that the future Governor, par excellence, of 
 Indiana, was then in the groups around me, I 
 would have probably sought him in a more bustling 
 form, with brighter eyes and a more marked head 
 than Oliver s. But time has shown that in him 
 was ihe-mens sana in corpore sano, which the college, 
 the acquisition of jurisprudence legal gymnastics 
 at the bar the political crisis of the past and the 
 present exigencies of the nation, have fully devel 
 oped, and now present him the man for the most 
 responsible position in the gift of a free people. 
 
 " Long may he live and benefit his country ! 
 
 "R. K HOSHOUK." 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 13 
 
 After leaving the high school of Mr. Hoshour, 
 young Morton entered the Miami University, at 
 Oxford, Ohio, and it appears, from what is said of 
 his career in this institution, that he had greatly 
 improved upon what he was at Centerville, under 
 Prof. Hoshour; for we hear of him at Oxford, as 
 the best debater in college a star member of the 
 Beta Theta Pi Society. It is here that we observe 
 in the boy the first indications of what the man 
 will be. It is here we see a manifestation of those 
 extraordinary argumentative powers which in more 
 recent years have made him a renowned lawyer, and 
 the acknowledged founder of the republican party 
 in Indiana. 
 
 Leaving the Miami University without graduat 
 ing, he again returned to Centerville, Indiana, and 
 began the study of law with the Hon. John S. 
 Newman. Here he bent ah 1 the energies of his 
 mind to the single object of thoroughly preparing 
 himself for the practice of his profession. Like 
 Webster, he seemed impressed with the idea that, 
 " preparation makes the man," and his legal acquire 
 ments show the amount of importance he attached 
 
 to this idea. 
 
 * 
 
 On the 15th of May, 1845, he was married to Miss 
 Lucinda M. Burbank, of Centerville, daughter of 
 Isaac Burbank, a highly respectable and successful 
 merchant of that place. Miss Burbank was a lady 
 of rare intelligence and refinement, and has, since 
 becoming Mrs. Morton, during the present unhappy 
 
14 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 civil war, honored both herself and her husband, 
 by her untiring, benevolent efforts in behalf of 
 Indiana Volunteers. 
 
 In 1846, Oliver P. Morton was admitted to the 
 bar, and soon took rank among the first lawyers of 
 his State, both as a jurist and an advocate. His 
 speeches were ever distinguished for their strength 
 and directness. His eloquence was more of the 
 convincing than of the ornate order. 
 
 The public becoming apprised of his superior 
 abilities, both natural and acquired, he was not long 
 in obtaining a large and lucrative practice. 
 
 In the year 1852, he was elected Circuit Judge ; 
 and, although he continued in this office but one 
 year, he acquired a reputation for fairness and thor 
 oughness, which will not soon be forgotten by the 
 bar of his circuit. 
 
 In the spring of 1854, the democratic party, of 
 which Morton had always been a member, repealed 
 the Missouri Compromise, and passed the Kansas Ne 
 braska Bill. These remarkable proceedings involved 
 a change in the democratic policy, as will be here 
 after shown in one of Morton s speeches, which 
 caused a number of those formerly known as free- 
 soil democrats, to renounce their connection with the 
 time-honored party. 0. P. Morton was among this 
 number. He had ever been a friend to free trade, 
 but never an advocate of slavery extension; and 
 when the demand was : Either sacrifice your princi 
 ples or leave your party, he cheerfully did the latter. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 15 
 
 From that time forward, to the breaking out of the 
 rebellion, he cooperated with the republican party, 
 but during the progress of the rebellion he has 
 known no party but the one for the Union. 
 
 In 1856, he was nominated by acclamation, by the 
 republicans, as candidate for Governor of Indiana. 
 
 In accepting this nomination, he by no means 
 repudiated any of the principles maintained by the 
 democracy previous to 1854. The old tariff and 
 internal improvement questions no longer consti 
 tuted the political issues between the two great par 
 ties of the country, and the vital part of the platform 
 adopted by the republicans (that part which referred 
 to slavery), was essentially the same as the expres 
 sions of the democratic party touching the same 
 subject, in the years 1848 and 1849.* Hence, it can 
 never be truthfully said that Morton discarded any 
 of his democratic principles in embracing republic 
 anism. 
 
 On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that 
 the democratic party having disclaimed its ancient 
 freesoil doctrines, and the extension of slavery 
 becoming the issue, the republican party was the 
 only one with which he could conscientiously unite. 
 
 Having consented to head the republican State 
 ticket, Morton made a thorough and vigorous can 
 vass of the entire State, in company with his dem 
 ocratic competitor, Ashbel P. Willard; and it is 
 
 * See Morton s reply to Judge Turpie, page 48. 
 
16 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 universally admitted, that in this campaign, he did 
 more for the establishment of the principles of 
 republicanism than any other man. 
 
 So much, however, is attached to the circum 
 stance of success that he never received full credit 
 for the amount of labor he performed during the 
 summer of 1856. The mere fact that he was not 
 elected, detracted largely from the brilliancy and 
 effectiveness of his canvass, in the estimation of 
 some. The difficulties attending his task were 
 never fully taken into consideration. He had an old 
 and popular party to combat, a party which had 
 acquired prestige by many successive victories, and 
 the mere sound of whose name charmed the ears 
 of thousands, who never stopped to inquire as to 
 the consistency of its course or the tendency of its 
 principles. His antagonist was eloquent, affable 
 and popular, the champion of democracy in Indi 
 ana, whose thrilling appeal to the passions of the 
 crowd, were considered more than sufficient to off 
 set the earnest logic of the republican candidate. 
 
 Such were the difficulties with which Morton 
 had to contend, in the campaign of 1856; and 
 when to these is added the youth of the republican 
 party, the large vote he received may justly be 
 considered a victory. 
 
 It was about this time that the Governor s char 
 acter began fully to develop itself, and the superior 
 ity of his mind to be generally acknowledged. 
 
 His had been a rather slow growth, but a healthy 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 17 
 
 one. He was not a hot-bed plant prematurely 
 developed, and too tender to endure the drouths 
 and freshets of life; but a normal organization, 
 endowed with more than usual vitality and power 
 of endurance, and the trials and irregularities of 
 life, so far from injuring him, only strengthened 
 him and brought out more fully those extraordinary, 
 intellectual and executive faculties, which have, 
 within the past few years, accomplished so much 
 and shone so brilliantly. 
 
 His case is one of the many which might be 
 cited in proof of the fact that slow boys do not 
 always make slow men, and that a manifestation of 
 dullness on the part of a youth, is no just cause for 
 discouragement, but should only be an incentive to 
 labor. 
 
 From the end of the political campaign of 1856, 
 to the commencement of that of 1860, Morton 
 asked no honors of his party, but, nevertheless, 
 labored energetically, constantly, for the promotion 
 of its success. At political conventions, he was 
 always regarded as the most efficient of workers. 
 His sound judgment and eminently practical views 
 of things, qualified him to act well those important 
 parts which were assigned him. He was ever 
 regarded as the best of political engineers, and held 
 in the highest estimation as a framer of policy. 
 We venture the assertion, that the records of the 
 republican party in Indiana, will show that the 
 great leading spirit of that organization, from its 
 2 
 
18 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 very commencement to I860, was Oliver P. Morton ; 
 that he had more to do in directing its movements 
 and establishing its doctrines than any other man 
 in the State. 
 
 The year 1860 brought with it some very import 
 ant changes in the political aspect of the country. 
 
 The discussion of the admission of Kansas under 
 the Lecompton constitution, had caused a revolution 
 in the democratic party. The unjustifiable demands 
 made upon the Northern democracy by the South 
 ern politicians, had led to the organization, through 
 out the Portia-west, of an anti-Lecompton demo 
 cratic party; and in many localities this party, 
 being weak, united with the republicans. Mean 
 time the pro -slavery democrats took broader ground 
 in favor of Southern interests, maintaining it to be 
 .the true policy of the government to protect and 
 extend slavery everywhere. 
 
 In this condition of things the republican party 
 of Indiana again presented its ticket to the people. 
 The candidates for the State offices were : Henry S. 
 Lane for Governor, 0. P. Morton, for Lieut. Gov 
 ernor, "Wm. A. Peelle for Secretary of State, Jona 
 than S. Harvey for Treasurer of State, Albert 
 Lange for Auditor of State, James G. Jones for 
 Attorney General, Benjamin Harrison for Reporter 
 of Supreme Court, John P. Jones for Clerk of 
 Supreme Court, and Miles J. Fletcher for Super 
 intendent of Public Instruction. 
 
 Morton was placed on the ticket as candidate for 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 19 
 
 Lieut. Governor, as one expresses it, " for reasons 
 which were, at that time, supposed to have some 
 weight, but which have since faded so completely, 
 that it seems almost incredible that he was ever 
 thought of for so inferior a position." 
 
 With, his usual energy he entered upon the labor 
 of canvassing the State, and never was work done 
 more earnestly or thoroughly. Commencing at 
 Terre Haute, he made a tour of the entire State, 
 traveling most of the time in company with his 
 competitor, Judge Turpie. He attended, however, 
 a number of mass meetings, and made several pow 
 erful and effective speeches, over and above those 
 of his own canvass. No candidate on the State 
 ticket labored so constantly and earnestly as 0. P. 
 Morton, perhaps, for the reason that they had not 
 the physical endurance to support them in such 
 arduous, unremitting labor as he performed. 
 
 It is a matter worthy of note, that Morton, during 
 his political campaigns, although the most zealous 
 and persistent of workers, never had recourse to 
 alcoholic stimuli. 
 
 The author met him at several points during his 
 canvass in 1860, had the best of opportunities for 
 observing him privately, and always found him tem- 
 erate and moral in all his habits. 
 
 It may also be truly said, that he is one of the 
 very few politicians who are no less courteous after 
 the election than before. 
 
 The author on many occasions remarked, during 
 
20 
 
 the canvass of 1860, that Morton never went out 
 of his way to shake hands with a man, nor slighted 
 him, however low his station, upon coming in con 
 tact with him, and he has observed the same dispo 
 sition in him since he has become the Governor of 
 the State. 
 
 As before remarked, the Governor opened the 
 canvass of 1860 at Terre Haute ; and the able com 
 prehensive speech he delivered there, is presented in 
 our next chapter. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 21 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Speech delivered at Terre Haute, March 18th, 1860. 
 
 POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY. 
 
 Popular Sovereignty, as defined by its most dis 
 tinguished teachers, is the right of a people of a Ter 
 ritory to form and regulate their domestic institutions 
 in their own way; or, in other words, it is the 
 absolute right of self-government in the people of a 
 Territory. If this right exists, it is an inherent 
 right ; it is not derived from any clause of the Con 
 stitution of the United States. If the people of a 
 Territory have the right of self-government, they 
 have equally the right to choose their form of gov 
 ernment, organize and inaugurate it. They have 
 not only the right to elect their legislature, but to 
 elect their governor, judges and all the officers of 
 state ; and Congress has no power to provide for them 
 a form or constitution of government through the 
 medium of the Nebraska Bill, or otherwise. Thus 
 it will be seen, that the Territories, instead of being 
 made mere dependencies of the General Govern 
 ment in a state of pupilage and preparation for 
 final admission into the Union as States, and for the 
 enjoyment of equal rights and privileges with the 
 other States would be absolute and independent 
 
22 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 sovereignties, outside the Union, having rights and 
 privileges greatly exceeding those of the States in 
 the Union. The Constitution of the United States 
 forbids any State to enter into any treaty, alliance 
 or confederation ; to make anything but gold and 
 silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; to pass 
 any law impairing the obligation of contracts ; or 
 to lay any import duties on imports or exports, 
 except what may be necessary for executing inspec 
 tion laws ; to grant letters of marque and reprisal 
 but the Territories would have power to do all 
 these things, for the constitutional prohibition ex 
 tends only to the States, and it will require the 
 most latitudinarian construction to make it apply to 
 the Territories. It seems to be conceded, theoretic 
 ally at least, that the Constitution should be strictly 
 construed, and the Constitution says that no State 
 shall do these things ; beside, it provides expressly, 
 " that powers not delegated to the United States 
 by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the 
 States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to 
 the people." The Constitution of the United States 
 was made for the Union, and applies, in its terms, 
 to the States in the Union. It was not intended to 
 apply and provide for two classes of States one in 
 the Union and the other out. Such a form of gov 
 ernment would indeed be complex and anomalous. 
 This view of the Constitution was conceded by all 
 parties to be correct, in 1820, in the passage of the 
 Missouri Compromise, it being then admitted that 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. %6 
 
 the clause of the Constitution providing for the 
 recapture of slaves, did not extend to the Territo 
 ries, but was applicable only to States ; and that, in 
 the absence of any act of Congress providing for 
 such recapture in the Territories, the master would 
 have 110 such right. Mr. Bentoii, in his great essay, 
 reviewing the Dred Scott decision, enters into an 
 elaborate argument and overwhelming citation of 
 opinions and authorities, showing the Constitution, 
 in its prohibitions, is applicable, not to Territories, 
 but to States. But if we adopt the other view of 
 the Constitution that view which received the 
 sanction of all parties, all congresses, all State leg 
 islatures and all courts, for more than fifty years 
 from its adoption these difficulties and absurdities 
 are swept away. That view regarded the Territo 
 ries as dependencies, as communities in a state of 
 minority, to be governed, trained and prepared for 
 admission into the Union as States. The power 
 of the Federal government to control the Territo 
 ries may be successfully derived from two sources : 
 First, As an inevitable incident of the right to 
 acquire territory. This principle is so simple and 
 familiar as scarcely to require illustration ; the pow 
 er to acquire without the power to govern, whethei 
 in individuals or governments, would be most bar 
 ren and unprofitable. Secondly, From that clause 
 of the Constitution which provides that Congress 
 shall have power to dispose of and make all needful 
 rules and regulations respecting the territory, or 
 
24 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 other property belonging to the United States. 
 This clause manifestly regarding the Territories as 
 dependencies and not as States or Sovereignties, 
 confers upon Congress plenary power to make all 
 needful rules and regulations for their government. 
 
 "WHAT is A SECTIONAL PARTY? 
 
 The true definition of a sectional party is a party 
 which, in its principles and purposes, seeks to con 
 sult and promote the interests of one section of the 
 Republic, regardless of, or at the expense of the 
 interest and prosperity of all other sections. The 
 number and locality of the members of a party 
 have but little to do in determining its character. 
 The religion of our Saviour could not, with any 
 propriety, have been termed sectional, even while 
 its professors were limited to a mere handful of 
 Jews, for its spirit and principles comprehended 
 humanity everywhere, and in all ages. The great 
 principle of the republican party is the preservation 
 of the Territories to freedom, and the protection 
 and elevation of free labor. Surely a purpose so 
 beneficent as this can not be either selfish or sec 
 tional. It contemplates and comprehends the high 
 est interests of a large majority of those living in 
 the slave States, as well as of the people of the free 
 States. It is a fact too palpable and notorious to 
 be denied, that there is but a small minority of the 
 white inhabitants of the slave States who are really 
 interested in the preservation and enlargement of 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 25 
 
 the institution of slavery ; and it is equally palpa 
 ble and notorious, that the institution rests as a 
 horrid and crushing incubus upon the prosperity of 
 the large majority in such States. The prosperity 
 of every part of our beloved country, is intimately 
 bound up with the prosperity of every other por 
 tion. Our country is one, and our people are one, 
 and any damage suffered by one portion is an 
 injury inflicted upon the body of the nation. Tried 
 by this test, the democratic party is not national, 
 and is even less than sectional, for its aim, policy 
 and purpose, is the promotion of the special inter 
 ests of a minority class in one section of the Union, 
 to the manifest disregard and injury of the major 
 ity in the same section. The number of slave 
 holders would not exceed one-twelfth of the entire 
 free white population of the slave States, yet by 
 their wealth, their intelligence and their monopoly 
 of capital, they are enabled to control and govern 
 the large majority of n on -slaveholders by whom 
 they are surrounded, and direct the policy and aims 
 of the democratic party, and through that instru 
 mentality, aspire to the government of the people 
 of the United States. It is to add to the vigor and 
 enlarge the boundaries of this power, that the dem 
 ocratic party is now preserved and operated. The 
 fact that the republican party is not permitted to 
 operate, that republican presses are not permitted to 
 publish, nor republican orators to speak, in many 
 of the Southern States, proves nothing but the 
 
26 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 existence of the despotic power wielded by the 
 minority class. As well might you establish the 
 sectional and contracted character of the Christian 
 religion, by the persecution and expulsion of the 
 primitive Christians from Rome, in the time of the 
 Coesars. Besides that, it would be difficult to prove 
 that principles that were considered national, and 
 upon which the nation acted for the first fifty years 
 of its existence, have suddenly become local, selfish 
 and sectional. 
 
 THE CONSERVATISM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 It is a common charge made against the repub 
 lican party, that it is radical, revolutionary and 
 subversive in its character. Examined by the light 
 of history and reason, . this charge is manifestly 
 unjust ; for the truth is the reverse of all this, and 
 is that the republican party is the historical and 
 conservative party- of the nation. A conservative 
 is defined to be " one who aims to preserve from 
 ruin, innovation, injury or radical change ; one who 
 wishes to maintain an institution or form of gov 
 ernment in its present form. 7 In politics, conserv 
 atism is an adherence to old opinions, doctrines and 
 expositions of policy or constitutional law; it is 
 opposed to innovations, novel doctrines and new 
 fangled theories ; it prefers the known to the un 
 known, the tried to the untried, and chooses to 
 walk rather by the light of experience than to pur 
 sue the chimeras of speculation. If it can be shown, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 27 
 
 then, that the republican policy of opposition to 
 the general diffusion of slavery, the preservation 
 of the Territories to freedom, and the protection 
 and elevation of free labor, is coeval with, or ante 
 cedent to the adoption of our Constitution that it 
 was the recognized policy of the government for 
 more than half a century, that it was the faith of 
 Washington, and almost the religion of Jefferson, 
 that it was woven into judicial action and legis 
 lation, and was the common creed and property of 
 all parties until within a few years past then its 
 claim to conservatism is fully established. 
 
 Measured by this standard the democratic party 
 will be found to be "radical, revolutionary and 
 subversive," departing from its own creed, revolu 
 tionizing a long course of judicial decisions, and 
 subverting the practice of the government from the 
 time of its creation, it has erected, into an article 
 of faith, the new, dangerous and portentous dogma, 
 that the Constitution, by its own inherent power, 
 establishes slavery in all the Territories, and that 
 there is no power in Congress, nor in the people of 
 the Territories or to use the language of Mr. 
 Buchanan in his late message, that there is no 
 "human power" that can exclude it therefrom; 
 that the many acts of Congress, beginning in 1789 
 and continued until 1848, prohibiting slavery in the 
 Territories, were unconstitutional and void; and 
 the many judicial decisions of the va?*io!is State and 
 Federal courts recognizing the power of Congress 
 
28 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 to provide such, legislation, sprang from gross and 
 ill-considered views of the Federal Constitution. 
 And especially is this dogma dangerous and por 
 tentous, when we reflect that it is but the beginning 
 of the revolution ; that it drags after it, as an inev 
 itable consequence as the locomotive draws after 
 it the train that other dogma, that the Constitu 
 tion also carries slavery into all the States, and that 
 no human power can exclude it therefrom; and 
 looks to the fulfillment of the prophecy by Senator 
 Toombs, that he would live to see the time when 
 he could call the roll of his slaves beneath the 
 shadow of the monument on Bunker Hill. 
 
 We want no views of the Constitution. Its con 
 struction was settled by the first Congress, and 
 acquiesced in by all the courts and every department 
 of the government for more than half a century, 
 that construction is in harmony with the plain 
 reading of the instrument. It regards the Territo 
 ries as the children of the Union, to be trained in 
 the nurture and admonition of free institutions, so 
 that when they have reached the age of majority, 
 they will be qualified to take their places in the 
 family of States, and be admitted to all the rights 
 and privileges of the government. And as these 
 Territories are to become our future partners in, the 
 Union, and in the administration of the govern 
 ment, we have a deep interest in the formation of 
 their characters and national habits. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 29 
 
 INVASION OF VIRGINIA BY JOHN BROWN. 
 
 No one deplored more than myself the unjustifi 
 able and criminal invasion of the soil of Virginia 
 by John Brown and his associates/ This act, while 
 it thrilled the South with terror, and shocked the 
 moral sense of the nation, may yet, in the hands of 
 Providence, prove a blessing to the Republic. It 
 has already led parties, both North and South, more 
 clearly and accurately to define their positions, and 
 thus exonerate themselves from all complicity or 
 blame in the affair. The republican party has, by 
 every medium of expression, disclaimed all sympa 
 thy with John Brown, or palliation for his deed, 
 while the proofs which have been taken have failed 
 to connect, in the remotest degree, any member of 
 that party with this fatal enterprise, in any stage of 
 its progress. It has taught the South, however, 
 that if she would have peace and security at home, 
 she must refrain from outrages abroad. It is not to 
 be controverted that the stern fanaticism and malig 
 nant passions of John Brown and his associates, 
 were cradled in that wicked and unnatural contest 
 in Kansas, which was set on foot for the introduc 
 tion and establishment of slavery in that Territory. 
 Hordes of border ruffians from Missouri and other 
 slave States, marched into Kansas in battle array, 
 with the avowed purpose of subjugating the free 
 State men, and forcing upon them an institution 
 which they abhorred. Having first provided them- 
 
30 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 selves with, arms, by the robbery of the United 
 States Arsenal, at Westport, Missouri, they entered 
 that unhappy Territory, with all the paraphernalia 
 and appointment of regularly organized war. The 
 robbery of the arsenal at Westport, was but a pro 
 totype of the seizure of the arsenal at Harper s 
 Ferry. By a mysterious chain of events, which 
 can not be foreseen, and can only be realized, the 
 tide of invasion rolled back from the level plains of 
 Kansas to the mountains of Virginia. But the 
 strangest thing remains yet to be told ; for that wai 
 of aggression, set on foot by the slaveholders of 
 Missouri, for the propagation of slavery in Kansas, 
 has recoiled upon Missouri, not in war, in violence 
 or in blood, but in the development of an emanci 
 pation movement, possessing such remarkable vigor 
 and making such rapid progress, as to threaten the 
 speedy extinction of slavery in that State. It is, 
 therefore, not impossible, nor even improbable, that 
 the attempt, made by citizens of Missouri, to fasten 
 slavery upon Kansas by force of arms, may result 
 in the legitimate and peaceful expulsion of slavery 
 from Missouri. But in that aifair we have no right 
 to -mingle. It is one that, under the shield of State 
 sovereignty, pertains exclusively to the citizens of 
 that State ; and no people, party nor tribunal out of 
 it, have any right whatever to dictate what shall be 
 done. The bloody page that records the infant 
 history of Kansas, and the criminal adventure and 
 death of John Brown, may be read with profit by 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 31 
 
 the people both North and South, and from it they 
 may deduce the lesson that the security and tran- 
 quility of the nation can only be preserved by the 
 people of each section scrupulously regarding and 
 protecting the rights of every other section. 
 
 THE AGITATION OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 
 
 The agitation of the slavery question can be traced 
 directly to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 
 As clearly as ever effect can be traced to cause, or 
 punishment to the sin that occasioned it, can the 
 troubles which now afflict our beloved country be 
 referred to that rash and disastrous measure. 
 
 It found the country at peace, and has left it 
 stained with blood and torn by civil dissensions. It 
 re-opened the slave question in a form most offen 
 sive and under circumstances most aggravating to 
 the anti-slavery sentiment of the North. It was 
 the deliberate breach of the time-honored compro 
 mise, which had its origin in the most critical period 
 of our political history, and had given peace to the 
 nation. History will pronounce judgment upon it 
 as a wanton and wicked act, without a circumstance 
 to palliate or excuse its perpetration ; and as having 
 its origin in the political necessities and reckless 
 ambition of partizans. The object to be gained, 
 was the united favor of the South, and the means 
 of obtaining an extravagant devotion to her sup 
 posed interests. Both parties are likely to be 
 cheated; the South will not only most probably 
 
32 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 fail to derive any benefit from the measure, but, on 
 the other hand, is likely to be seriously damaged, 
 and the ambitious and desperate politician who 
 devised it, is likely to be foiled and defeated in the 
 grand purpose of his life. 
 
 Allow me to read a brief extract from a recent 
 letter addressed by Ex-President Fillmore to a 
 Union meeting in New York, which he had been 
 invited to address. The sentiments contained in it 
 are so beautifully expressed, and so manifestly just, 
 as to command the hearty approbation of all intelli 
 gent minds : 
 
 " After a severe struggle, which threatened the 
 integrity of the Union, Congress finally passed laws 
 settling these questions, and the government and 
 the people, for a time, seemed to acquiesce in that 
 compromise, as a final settlement of this exciting 
 question; and it is exceedingly to be regretted, 
 that mistaken ambition, or the hope of promot 
 ing a party triumph, should have tempted any 
 one to raise this question again. But in an evil 
 hour, this Pandora s box of slavery was again 
 opened by, what I conceive to be, an unjustifiable 
 attempt to force slavery into Kansas by a repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise ; and the flood of evils 
 now swelling and threatening to overthrow the 
 Constitution, sweep away the foundations of the 
 government itself, and deluge this land in fraternal 
 blood, may be traced to this unfortunate act. "Wliat- 
 ever might have been the motive, few acts have ever 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 33 
 
 been so barren of good, so fruitful of evil. The 
 contest has exasperated the public mind, North and 
 South, and engendered feelings of distrust, and, I 
 may say, hate, that I fear it will take years to wear 
 away. 
 
 " The lamentable tragedy at Harper s Ferry is 
 clearly traceable to the unfortunate controversy 
 about slavery in Kansas ; and while the chief actor 
 in this criminal invasion has exhibited some traits 
 of character which challenge our admiration, yet 
 his fanatical zeal seems to have blinded his moral 
 perceptions, and hurried him into an unlawful 
 attack upon the lives of a peaceful and unoffending 
 community of a sister State, with the evident inten 
 tion of raising a servile insurrection, which no one 
 can contemplate without horror ; and few, I believe 
 very few, can be found so indifferent to the conse 
 quences of his acts, or so blinded by partizan zeal, 
 as not to believe that he justly suffered the penalty 
 of the law which he had violated. I can not but 
 hope that the fate of John Brown and his asso 
 ciates, will deter others from an unlawful attempt 
 to interfere in the domestic affairs of a sister State. 
 But this tragedy has now closed, and Virginia has 
 vindicated the supremacy of her laws, and shown 
 that she is quite competent to manage her own 
 affairs, and protect her own rights. And thanks 
 to an overruling Providence, the question about 
 slavery in Kansas has been settled in favor of free 
 dom. The Korth has triumphed, and having 
 
34 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 triumphed, let her magnanimity and generosity to 
 her Southern brethren, show that the contest on 
 her part was one of principle, and not of personal 
 hatred or the low ambition of sectional triumph." 
 
 WHAT is THE CAUSE OF THE PRESENT HOSTILITY OF 
 
 THE SOUTH TOWARD THE NORTH ? 
 
 The fact is not to be disguised nor evaded, that 
 there is a deep feeling of hostility pervading the 
 people of the South toward the great body of the 
 people of the North; and the question may be 
 asked, has the South just cause of complaint to 
 ward the North ? She has ! but it is not such com 
 plaint as adjoining States and communities can 
 always prefer against each other. There always 
 have been and always will be individuals who will 
 disregard the laws of their own and invade the rights 
 and immunities of other States. If such invasion 
 be cause of war or justify retaliation, then different 
 communities could never be at peace, and no con 
 federacy of States could be peaceful or permanent. 
 I doubt not that men from the North have some 
 times induced slaves to run away from their masters, 
 though not, perhaps, once where it has been charged 
 a hundred times. Such conduct is in violation of 
 the law and good neighborhood, and is not to be 
 palliated nor excused. But if we are to open a 
 book account with the South, of mutual outrages 
 springing out of the slavery question, we shall find, 
 perhaps, if it did not come out about even, a 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 35 
 
 balance standing against her. The question may be 
 asked then, what is the cause of the hostility per 
 vading the Southern mind toward the people of the 
 North ? There are many causes, but the chief one 
 is to be found in the policy of the democratic party. 
 To chain the South firmly to the car of that party, 
 it has for years proclaimed that every other party at 
 the North was fatally bent on the invasion and 
 destruction of the constitutional rights of the South; 
 and that the success of any other party would prove 
 destructive to the institution of slavery. To this 
 end it has labored and lied, in season and out of 
 season, with satanic industry, to indoctrinate the 
 South with the notion, that the masses of the oppo 
 sition of the North, now in an overwhelming 
 majority, are hostile to Southern institutions and 
 to the Southern people, and are impatiently await 
 ing the hour when they may even, by force, subvert 
 the institutions of the South. "Witness the recent 
 course of Northern and Southern democratic papers 
 and speeches, representing the entire republican 
 party as the aiders and abetters of the raid of John 
 Brown at Harper s Ferry. A very considerable 
 portion of the Southern people have come to believe 
 this enormous lie, and have no means of knowing 
 any better. Republican papers are not permitted to 
 circulate in the South. Republican speakers are 
 not permitted to speak there, while democratic 
 papers, North and South, teem with the speeches 
 of Wendell Phillips and "William Lloyd Garrison, 
 
36 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 as the expositions of Northern sentiment and feeling. 
 Even the opposition party of the South what 
 there is left of it dare not contradict the monstrous 
 falsehood, for fear of being charged with abolition 
 sympathies, but, on the contrary, embracing demo 
 cratic policy, has sought to out-Herod Herod, by 
 pandering to pro-slavery ignorance and prejudice. 
 The true explanation then, of the hostility of the 
 masses of the Southern people to the North, is 
 found in their profound misapprehension of the 
 real state and condition of Northern sentiment. 
 The is but one way our Southern friends can be 
 undeceived, and that is by the election of a repub 
 lican President, and the preservation of the consti 
 tutional rights of the South under his administra 
 tion. A single republican administration, if it did 
 not entirely succeed in restoring the era of good 
 feeling between the North and the South, would do 
 much toward it. The beginning, the continuance, 
 the increased and increasing violence of this slavery 
 agitation, have been under democratic administra 
 tions. The cure of the evil can not, therefore, be 
 looked for by a continuance of such administrations. 
 Not only is this true, but such agitation, as before 
 Stated, has been invoked and fostered by the demo 
 cratic party as a source and means of power. The 
 republican party has not produced this agitation, 
 but has been produced by it. It is the creature 
 rather than the creator. It sprang like a phoenix 
 from the ashes of decayed parties, not as a sword, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 37 
 
 but as a shield to prevent the invasion and subjuga 
 tion of all free Territory by the institution of 
 slavery. 
 
 WHAT is THE POLICY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY? 
 
 The policy of the democratic party is the exten 
 sion of slavery, not only into all the Territories, but 
 all the States. The grand instrumentality by which 
 this is to be accomplished is the supreme court; 
 an irresponsible tribunal, the members of which 
 hold their offices for life, and who are not elected 
 by nor amenable to the people ; a tribunal which, for 
 many years, has been used as a place of retiracy for 
 broken, spavined and asthmatic politicians. This 
 tribunal was originally intended, by the framers of 
 the Constitution, as a court of appeals for the deci 
 sion of questions of law and equity, legitimately 
 arising in the lower federal courts ; but by the plas 
 tic hand of modern democracy, it has been con 
 verted into an engine for the subversion of free 
 institutions and the propagation of human slavery. 
 
 The first grand step in the programme of chang 
 ing our Republic into a vast slaveholding confed 
 eracy, was the establishment of slavery in the 
 Territories, by virtue of a false construction of the 
 Constitution of the United States. This is supposed 
 to have been done by the decision in the case of 
 Dred Scott. Mr. Buchanan triumphantly announces 
 the consummation of the fact in his late message. 
 The next step, and the last, is but a logical sequence 
 
38 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 of the first, viz. : That if the Constitution carries 
 slavery into the Territories it carries it into the 
 States. The one follows the other as certainly as 
 night follows day. If the Constitution be able to 
 protect slavery out of the Union, much more shall 
 it protect and nourish it in the Union. If it recog 
 nizes slaves as property and not as persons, and 
 secures to the master an indefeasible title to them 
 in the Territories, will the rights of property be 
 held less sacred in the States. Does the Constitu 
 tion guarantee to the slaveholders or other per 
 sons, rights of property or of persons, in the Terri 
 tories j that it does not equally secure in the States? 
 
 When, therefore, the nation comes to admit, if 
 it ever does, the right to hold slaves in a Territory, 
 and that there is no power in Congress or in the 
 people of a Territory to exclude them, it will then 
 be required to take another step, which it can not 
 refuse, easy, natural and legitimate, which is, that 
 the Constitution secures the right to carry slaves 
 into all the free States and enjoy them there as 
 property. 
 
 The President in his late message congratulates 
 the country on the final settlement of the slavery 
 question, by the decision of the Supreme Court of 
 the United States in the Dred Scott case. He for 
 gets that the democratic party have taught the 
 country that constitutional questions are never set 
 tled. The Dred Scott decision has simply unsettled 
 what had been regarded as settled for more than 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 39 
 
 fifty years. The Missouri Compromise was thought 
 to be settled for more than thirty years, but it 
 was repealed by the Nebraska Bill. It is now 
 idle to talk about the settlement of anything until 
 it shall be done on correct principles. Five slave 
 holders sitting on the bench of the supreme court, 
 can not settle, forever, vital questions of freedom, 
 against 18,000,000 of people in the free States. In 
 the course of a few years they will have passed 
 away, to stand at the bar of another tribunal, whose 
 decisions are final, and their places will be filled by 
 new men, who will have the same right to review 
 their opinions which they have had to trample upon 
 the opinions of all who have gone before them. 
 
 THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States guarantees 
 to the owners of slaves, if slaves escape, the right 
 to reclaim and carry them back to servitude. To 
 make this constitutional provision efficient, it is 
 necessary that a law be enacted providing ways and 
 means by which such reclamation can be effected. 
 I therefore recognize the right of the South to a 
 fugitive slave law. The power to enact this law, 
 I believe, is vested in Congress and not in the 
 several States, as is contended by some. This is 
 certainly in accordance with the early construction 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 The constitutionality of the present fugitive slave 
 law was a legitimate subject of judicial decision and 
 
40 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 has received the sanction of the highest court in the 
 the nation. While, therefore, it remains upon the 
 statute book, it should be enforced, and I have no 
 justification to offer for those, whether individuals 
 or States, who may resist its operations or cast 
 obstacles in the way of its enforcement. But if it 
 be insisted, that in order to be national and be a 
 patriot, I should entertain a violent admiration for 
 this law, and take delight in its provisions, then I 
 do not come up to the standard. Several of its 
 provisions I regard as harsh and unjust; because 
 they place it in the po wer of bad men to endanger 
 the rights and liberties of free men. The constitu 
 tional provision itself was a political necessity; and 
 while I regard the law framed under it as a political 
 necessity also, I think it should be humane in its 
 provisions and administered with caution. Hence, 
 I think the fugitive slave law a fit subject for 
 revision, amendment and improvement. 
 
 THE UNION PARTY. 
 
 It is a matter of proud congratulation, that there 
 is not one disunionist within the pale of the repub 
 lican party. There is no part of the republican 
 platform upon which a disunionist can stand. 
 While the disunion fanatics of the IsTorth ar^ the 
 most bitter foes and denouncers of the repub 
 lican party, the disunion fanatics of the South are 
 members of the democratic party, and not only so, 
 but they are members in good standing, occupying 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 41 
 
 its highest places of honor, and directing its coun 
 cils, and manufacturing its platforms. Some of 
 these already declare that the Union is a forlorn 
 hope ; others, that it can only be preserved upon 
 contingencies which are not likely to happen ; and 
 many, that the election of a republican President 
 by a majority of the people of the United States, in 
 the mode prescribed by the Constitution, would be 
 just cause for dissolution. We do not say that the 
 Union may be preserved upon certain conditions ; 
 we do not measure our -fidelity to it by our success; 
 but we say, " it must and shall be preserved," what 
 ever party may be in the ascendant. We do not 
 say, the republican party first and the Union after 
 ward ; but we say, the Union first, last and all the 
 time ; and that we will wage uncompromising war 
 fare upon all parties that contemplate its destruction, 
 as desirable, under any circumstances. The trea 
 sonable doctrine of rule or ruin, has been boldly 
 avowed by leading democrats in the Senate of the 
 United States. They have declared, without rebuke 
 from their fellows, that the last hope of the Republic 
 was bound up in the success of the democratic 
 party ; and that the success of the republican party 
 would present a contingency, not only authorizing, 
 but demanding the secession of the Southern States 
 from the Confederacy. These threats are intended 
 to intimidate the weak and stimulate the lukewarm, 
 and enable that party to retain the power which it 
 feels is passing away from it, and which it has justly 
 4 
 
42 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 forfeited, by a long course of treachery and trans 
 gression against the peace and best interests of the 
 nation. 
 
 THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 I beg that it may be understood, that I do not 
 use the word republican in a narrow, sectarian or 
 party sense. By republican doctrine, I mean that 
 sentiment which is opposed to the general diffusion 
 of slavery ; desires the preservation of the Territo 
 ries to freedom, and seeks the elevation and protec 
 tion of free labor. And by republican party, I 
 mean all who entertain and cherish that sentiment, 
 whatever organization they may belong to, or by 
 whatever name they may pass. 
 
 ABOLITIONISM. 
 
 I see that several of the democratic newspapers 
 have revived against me the cheap and worn out 
 allegation, that I am an abolitionist ! It is a matter 
 of some importance to a man who is about to make 
 a charge against his neighbor, thalf he have some 
 satisfactory evidence that the charge is true, and 
 justice to himself would seem to require that it be 
 accompanied by such a statement of the evidence as 
 would reasonably justify him in giving it utterance. 
 But if it be a naked and general allegation, unsup 
 ported by any evidence whatever, an intelligent 
 public have a right to presume that it is a calumny 
 thrust before the world for selfish and malicious 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 43 
 
 purposes. If the persons making this charge know 
 me to be an abolitionist, they can undoubtedly state 
 some political act or declaration of opinion on my 
 part in proof. If they were asked what constitutes 
 an abolitionist, they could answer, if they have any 
 clear ideas on the subject, that he is one who is in 
 favor of abolishing slavery in places where it now 
 exists, and who claims that it is the right and duty 
 of the State in which he lives, or of the General 
 government to perform the act. 
 
 I am opposed to the diffusion of slavery. I am 
 in favor of preserving the Territories to freedom, 
 of encouraging, elevating and protecting free labor, 
 at the same time conscientiously believing, that 
 with slavery in the several States we have nothing 
 to do, and no right to interfere. If this makes an 
 abolitionist, then I am one, and my political enemies 
 may make the most of it. 
 
 The vague and senseless epithet has lost its 
 terrors. A long, indiscriminate application of it 
 by democratic politicians, to all who oppose 
 them, has stripped it of all title to consideration 
 whatever. 
 
 THE NORTHERN DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Power has passed from the democratic party in 
 nearly all the Northern States. Its vitality and 
 force are concentrated in the South. The fact is, 
 that in Congress, and in the councils of the party, 
 Northern democrats are almost without influence 
 
44 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 and power. In the Senate of the United States, it 
 is a noticeahle fact, that no Northern democrat is 
 placed at the head of any important committee, and 
 so keenly was this felt, that Mr. Pugli, the Senator 
 from Ohio, raised his voice in bitter lament against 
 the humiliation inflicted on the Northern democracy. 
 The fact is significant, showing that while the 
 Northern democratic members of Congress are re 
 garded as useful for voting appropriations and many 
 other purposes, their Southern brethren are unwill 
 ing to trust them in responsible positions where 
 their influence might be felt or their treachery prove 
 fatal. "Whether this distrust be well grounded or 
 not, I shall not undertake to determine, but it is 
 certainly natural. Knowing, as Southern democrats 
 do, that these men have betrayed the interests of 
 freedom and their constituents, for selfish and party 
 considerations, it is not strange that they should 
 look upon their own betrayal as not among impos 
 sibilities or even improbabilities. 
 
 PROTECTION TO AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 
 
 In collecting the revenues of the nation, the 
 duties upon imports should be so adjusted that ade 
 quate protection be afforded to American industiy. 
 "While it is not the duty of the government to build 
 up and maintain monopolies at the expense of the 
 body of the nation, yet it is entirely within the 
 power of Congress, by a proper regulation of the 
 tariff, to afford just encouragement and protection 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 45 
 
 to the agricultural and manufacturing interests of 
 our country. 
 
 THE HOMESTEAD. 
 
 It has long been the opinion of many statesmen 
 that the public lands should not be treated as a 
 source of revenue, but that they should be donated, 
 in limited quantities, to actual settlers, who would 
 improve them, and thus build up new communities 
 and States. The greater portion of these lands 
 have hitherto been purchased by non-residents and 
 held for speculation. The actual settler has thus 
 been compelled to purchase at second hand and at 
 advanced rates, while the poor man has been de 
 barred from a home and from a field for his industry. 
 The actual settlers, the hardy pioneers, braving the 
 dangers and submitting to the hardships of the 
 wilderness, are they who erect new States and 
 enlarge the boundaries of our national wealth and 
 power. They are public benefactors and should 
 not be required to pay tribute for their benefactions. 
 Their homes should be given to them by the nation, 
 upon conditions that they improve them, and thus 
 add to the aggregate of our national prosperity. It 
 is not important that we have very rich men in this 
 country, but it is important that all have homes 
 and a competence, and be made to feel that their 
 country is a nursing mother, whose devotion to 
 their interest, and protection of their rights can 
 only be requited by a life of patriotism. 
 
4(> LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 This speech may be said to embody the doctrines 
 of the republican party. It presents, fully and 
 fairly, all that was held and or taught by that party 
 .up to the year 1861. It entirely exonerates the 
 republicans from the charge of abolitionism, and 
 shows that they, so far from advocating sectional 
 views, were the true conservatives of the day, aim 
 ing to reinstate the ancient idea that slavery is sec 
 tional and freedom national ; that slavery, being a 
 domestic institution, can only exist by local law, 
 and that, according to the views taken of the rela 
 tions existing between the General government and 
 the Territories by the founders of the Republic, 
 all the territory belonging to the United States is 
 free ; that according to the Constitution, the normal 
 condition of the Territories is that of dependence 
 on the government ; and that while upon Congress 
 devolves the duty of making all needful rules and 
 regulations for the government of the Territories, 
 and, according to the democratic doctrine of 1849, 
 of preventing the introduction of slavery into any 
 new territory, yet neither Congress nor the people 
 of tlie free States should interfere with that in 
 stitution in any State where it legally exists. It 
 thoroughly disproves the assertion that the repub 
 licans were constantly agitating the slavery question, 
 and clearly points to certain leaders of another 
 party as being guilty of keeping that issue before 
 the people. . It shows that the republican party had 
 never existed, had it not been for the revolutionary 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 47 
 
 measures of the democracy in 1854, and that those 
 who were loudest in the deprecations of slavery 
 agitation and denunciations of " abolitionists," were 
 themselves the ones who, at a time when the all- 
 exciting question was dead and buried, had exhumed 
 it ghastly skeleton, inspired it with demoniac life, 
 and sent it anew upon its fiendish mission of stir 
 ring up sectional dissensions between the Northern 
 r and Southern people of the United States. 
 
 No secret article could be found in the republican 
 confession of faith contradicting anything said in 
 this speech ; and the fact that a few extremists were 
 found in the party who advocated the unconditional 
 abolition of slavery, amounts to no more as a proof 
 that it was an abolition party, than does the fact 
 that many Southern secessionists were members of 
 the democratic party as an evidence that it was a 
 disunion organization. 
 
 This speech, as a logical production, is a master 
 piece, and the main points in it were never fairly 
 met during the campaign. 
 
48 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Canvass of 1860 Political discussion at Bloomington, Ind. 
 Morton s reply to Judge Turpie, made June 21st, 1860. 
 
 The following passages from Governor Morton s, 
 reply to Judge Turpie, democratic candidate for 
 Lieutenant Governor of Indiana, made at Bloom 
 ington, on the 21st of June, 1860, is presented to 
 give the reader an idea of the Governor s strength 
 in debate. It will be observed, that while the 
 arguments are powerful, the words in which they 
 are given are few. Indeed, some of the thoughts 
 are rather skimped in their dress. 
 
 This effort is replete with chaste wit and pungent 
 sarcasm, and shows that the Governor knew how 
 to tell a story with effect. 
 
 We give the paragraphs as published by a Bloom 
 ington paper taking the liberty to correct some 
 blunders, which are manifestly the work either of 
 the reporter or of the printer : 
 
 My friend, Judge Turpie, took occasion, in the 
 course of his remarks, to advert to that provision 
 of the Constitution which allows representation on 
 the floor of Congress for three-fifths of the slaves 
 in the South. He said that this thing had been 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 49 
 
 misrepresented, that it had been claimed that this 
 gave the slaveholder three votes for every five slaves. 
 I have never heard it so contended. The effect of 
 it is, however, to give to the South a representation 
 on the floor of Congress on account of their slaves ; 
 and it is said, a calculation will show that the South 
 now has twenty-three members more than if her 
 slave population was not represented. But my 
 friend says that this is a discrimination against, 
 instead of in favor of the South. I do not so 
 understand it. He says that in the North we count 
 our free negroes, criminals and aliens, in making up 
 the ratio of representation. So we do ; and in the 
 South they count their free negroes, one for one, as 
 we do ; their criminals as we do, and their aliens 
 also ; and, in addition, they count three of every 
 live slaves. These slaves they hold as property. 
 They buy them, sell them, mortgage them, and 
 transfer them as you do your horses and cattle. 
 You have no representation based upon your horses 
 and your cattle, but they have for their slave prop 
 erty. This provision of the Constitution requires no 
 comment. Whatever it may be, the republican 
 party is not asking to change it. I should not have 
 adverted to it at all if my friend had not turned to 
 it in the beginning of this discussion. 
 
 HISTORICAL REMINISCENCE RECTIFIED. 
 
 Again he refers to that provision of the Constitution 
 which prevents the prohibition of the slave trade 
 
50 
 
 prior to the year 1808. My friends, who introduced 
 that provision into the Constitution ? There was a 
 universal conviction, at the time that instrument 
 was framed, that slavery was short-lived; that it 
 would soon "become extinct in the United States. 
 It was the general understanding, furthermore, that 
 the slave trade would be prohibited ; and there was 
 no necessity to insert a clause that the Congress 
 should prohibit it. But a provision was inserted, at 
 the instigation of South Carolina, she declaring that 
 she would not consent to the Constitution if she 
 was prohibited from carrying on the slave trade 
 until, at least, 1820. It was at the instigation of 
 South Carolina, and not of Massachusetts, that that 
 clause was inserted. I have no doubt persons in 
 the New England States were interested in the 
 slave trade, but they were few in number, and they 
 did not express the voice of any State of the North. 
 But this provision was inserted at the instigation 
 of South Carolina, the demand, in fact, being made 
 by her. 
 
 I am glad that my friend referred to that provi 
 sion in the Constitution. It shows this : it is a 
 provision against prohibiting the slave trade, and it 
 shows the feeling that prevailed at that time among 
 the fathers of the Republic, among the men who 
 made the Constitution upon the subject of slavery ; 
 it shows that they were anti-slavery men in senti 
 ment, and that this provision was inserted simply to 
 prevent the too speedy and too decisive operation 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 51 
 
 of that sentiment in cutting off tha foreign slave 
 trade. 
 
 QUERY TO BE ANSWERED. 
 
 Again, my friend refers to that provision of the 
 Constitution in regard to the reclamation of fugi 
 tive slaves. He says, that in Massachusetts and 
 other States, they have passed laws to prevent the 
 South from enjoying the benefit of this provision 
 of the Constitution. Will the gentleman point to 
 any legislative act, outside the State of Massachu 
 setts, upon that subject. His declaration, I believe, 
 was in general terms; the republican States had 
 done the thing. In Massachusetts they passed a 
 personal liberty bill. It was the opinion of many 
 men in Massachusetts, as it is the opinion of many 
 everywhere, that the fugitive slave law is defective ; 
 that under that law free men may be carried into 
 servitude, and they have no remedy. Under this 
 conviction, for the purpose of preventing freemen 
 from being carried into slavery, she passed a per 
 sonal liberty bill. In my opinion that bill was 
 impolitic. I am not hereto defend it; but it was 
 not a bill to nullify the action of the fugitive slave 
 law. 
 
 But while my friend has a voice of condemnation 
 for the action of Massachusetts, what word has he 
 got for the numerous acts of the slave States 
 interfering with the great rights of speech and the 
 freedom of the press? Virginia and most of the 
 
52 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 slave States muzzle the press and seal the lips of 
 freemen upon the subject of slavery, and all kindred 
 subjects. While the gentleman is showering denun 
 ciations upon Massachusetts, let him remember 
 kindred acts in the South. 
 
 THAT SECRET BUT FEARFUL PURPOSE. 
 
 My friend says there is a party in the North that 
 is cherishing the secret purpose of ultimately over 
 turning and destroying the constitutional rights of 
 the South ; of denying to the South those guaran 
 tees which the Constitution has accorded to her. 
 What evidence is there in the world of the correct 
 ness of my friend s statement? Look to your 
 platform. You find nothing of the kind. But in 
 the total absence of evidence this secret purpose is 
 charged. If it is a secret purpose, my friend can 
 not know anything of it. If it is a public purpose, 
 the evidence can be produced. 
 
 Gentlemen, my friend speaks in general terms of 
 the doctrine of non-intervention. What precise 
 idea is conveyed by that ? I know it has been a 
 sort of catchword with the democratic party for 
 a few years past. Whenever they come to the 
 subject of slavery, they always tell you they are in 
 favor of non-intervention. I say that that is now 
 an unmeaning word. It now conveys no idea. 
 They are in favor of non-intervention ; they want 
 to know no North, no South, no East, no West ; 
 they want to know nothing upon this subject. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 53 
 
 ANOTHER QUESTION. 
 
 My friend says that I stand upon the same ground 
 with Yancey ; that I and Yancey believe alike. I 
 would like to know what ground he stands upon. 
 We are tired of this talk about non-intervention. 
 The political questions of this day are practical ; 
 they are pointed; there is no difficulty at all in 
 knowing just what it is that now divides the par 
 ties the republican party from both factions of the 
 democracy, and one faction of the democracy from 
 the other. My friend has told you where he thinks 
 I stand, and I shall come to that by-and-by. 
 ****** 
 
 "YE ANTIENTE DOCTRINE OFFE YE I^ON-!NTER- 
 VENTION." 
 
 My friend calls this doctrine of non-intervention, 
 " the ancient doctrine of non-intervention." It is 
 certainly not more than six years old, and that did 
 not use to make a thing ancient, but it seems that 
 it does now. 
 
 The great doctrine, from the time our Constitu 
 tion was formed until 1855, as recognized by all 
 parties, was the doctrine of intervention, and if any 
 doctrine can be called ancient, that is the ancient 
 doctrine. This one is modern, the other is old. 
 It has been tried in but a single case, and the result 
 is written in blood upon the plains of Kansas, and 
 on the darkest page in the history of American 
 
54 
 
 politics. Yet this novel, this new-fangled theory ia 
 called, in the hearing of sensible and honest men, 
 the ancient doctrine of non-intervention. 
 
 SMOTHERED WAR CONTINUED. 
 
 My friend, in speaking of the Missouri Compro 
 mise, said it was a " smothered war ; " that, instead 
 of giving peace, it had been a smothered war. The 
 war that before was smothered, has broken out in 
 deeds of blood that have drenched the soil of Kan 
 sas with the gore of freemen, and which have kin 
 dled the flame of discord between the North and 
 South. God only knows what are yet in reserve 
 for us as consequences of the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise. 
 
 TESTIMONY OF THE GRAND MOGULS OF DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Let me refer you to a little authority on this 
 subject. For the purpose of making the applica 
 tion more pointed, I will refer to Indiana authority. 
 The democratic party of Indiana stood upon this 
 doctrine until 1854. Let me read to you an extract 
 from an opinion of Gov. "Whitcomb. The State of 
 Indiana, perhaps, never produced an abler or more 
 honest man than Gov. "Whiteomb. He is dead and 
 gone ; but all delight to do honor to the memory 
 of that great man. What did he say? In 1848, 
 he said : 
 
 "It is incontrovertible that slavery, here as 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 55 
 
 elsewhere, can not exist without the sanction of 
 positive law. I am opposed to the passage of any 
 such law. I "believe the Congress can, constitution 
 ally pass such organic laws for the government of 
 the Territories, as will, in their operation, prevent 
 the territorial legislature from passing any such law. 
 It follows that Congress can, in my judgment, con 
 stitutionally prevent the introduction of slavery 
 into these Territories." 
 
 I now give you the opinion of Judge John Law ; 
 now, I believe, a candidate for Congress in the 
 first congressional district, on the democratic ticket : 
 
 " I feel no reluctance in answering both your 
 questions in the affirmative. Were I in the Con 
 gress of the United States, I should most assuredly 
 give my vote and interest in favor of every propo 
 sition for excluding slavery from any territory ac 
 quired, or hereafter acquired, by the United States. 
 I should deem any prospective action of Congress 
 on the subject both legal and constitutional." 
 
 "Well, that was Judge John Law s good law then ; 
 but it is bad law now, it seems, with him. That 
 gentleman is living authority. Let me read to you 
 some more. I will read the opinion of a prominent 
 senator, Dr. Graham . Fitch. I don t know 
 whether you consider him alive or dead down here. 
 
 Col. Foster (a prominent democrat) He is dead. 
 
 A voice There is more democratic authority for 
 you. 
 
 Mr. Morton Dead, the gentleman says. 
 
56 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Col. Foster (again interrupting) And politically 
 damned ! 
 
 Mr. Morton The gentleman adds that he is dead 
 and damned. "Well, if he be so, his authority is 
 better, because he is dead because he has forsaken 
 his principles. Mr. Fitch said in reply to a letter, 
 as read : 
 
 " PLYMOUTH, Aug. 14, 1849. 
 
 " Sir : As there are a few who think that you have 
 not been quite definite enough on some of the ques 
 tions involved in the present canvass, I wish you to 
 answer the following questions, to wit : 
 
 " 1. "Will you, if elected, vote for the uncondi 
 tional abolition of slavery in the District of Co 
 lumbia ? 
 
 " 2. Will you vote for the abolition of the inter 
 state slave trade (if the same is constitutional, of 
 which I am not satisfied) ? 
 
 " 3. "Will you vote for the "Wilmot Proviso being 
 extended over the Territories of California and 
 ~NQW Mexico, and against any law authorizing 
 slaves to be taken there as property ? 
 
 " Please answer the above questions, yes or no, 
 without comment." 
 
 To which the Doctor replied : 
 
 "With pleasure I answer yes to all the above 
 questions. 
 
 " Entertaining the views indicated in my answer 
 above, I shall not only vote yes on those questions, 
 but if no older or abler member, whose influence 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 57 
 
 for them would be greater than mine, introduce 
 them to Congress, I shall do so myself, if I have 
 the honor of holding a seat there." 
 
 I will now read you some further authority, out 
 side of the State of Indiana. I will read a little from 
 Stephen A. Douglas. "What did he say? Hear 
 what he said in 1849 : 
 
 " The Missouri Compromise had its origin in the 
 hearts of all patriotic men, who desired to preserve 
 and perpetuate the blessings of our glorious Union ; 
 an origin akin to that of the Constitution of the 
 United States ; conceived in the same spirit of fra 
 ternal affection, and calculated to remove forever 
 the only danger which seemed to threaten, at some 
 distant day, to sever the social bond of union. All 
 the evidence of public opinion at that day, seemed 
 to indicate that this compromise had become canon 
 ized in the hearts of the American people as a 
 sacred thing, which no ruthless hand would ever be 
 reckless enough to destroy." 
 
 My friend says it has been a smothered war. Mr. 
 Douglas did not seem to think so. He spoke in the 
 highest terms of it, and gave to it the same dignity 
 and the same sacred character as to the Constitution 
 of the United States itself; and he said it was so 
 sacred that no " ruthless hand would ever be reck 
 less enough to destroy it." Who afterward proved 
 to be the reckless hand ? Mr. Douglas himself. 
 
58 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 A QUESTION DIRECT. 
 
 Well, now, I wish to consider this minority report 
 for a few moments. Mark you, it was the carrying 
 out of the platform of Douglas, as developed in his 
 late speech in the Senate. He does not tell you 
 whether he believes the people have the power to 
 exclude slavery from the Territories or not. He 
 talks, as does my friend, in general terms, very ear 
 nestly and plausibly, about the right of the people 
 to govern themselves ; and that is indeed something ; 
 it sounds well in a speech or on the stump ; but 
 when he comes to the only real question Have the 
 people power to exclude slavery from the Territo 
 ries? he says, that is a "judicial question." Gen 
 tlemen, I want my friend, before he has done and 
 I doubt not he will gladly embrace the occasion to 
 tell you whether the people of the Territories have 
 the power to exclude slavery. That is a very 
 important question. It seems it was important 
 enough to split the Charleston convention in two ; 
 and it threatens to split the Baltimore conven 
 tion in two. Being of so much importance, my 
 friend will not omit to tell you on which side he 
 stands. 
 
 JUDICIAL QUESTIONS. 
 
 Now I want to consider this judicial question. 
 Is it a judicial^ question ? "With just as much pro 
 priety you might call it a moral question, and refer 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 59 
 
 it to the convention lately in session at Buffalo ; or 
 a scientific question, and refer it to a board of science. 
 Call it anything except what it is a decent way of 
 dodging a responsibility and cheating the people 
 out of their votes. 
 
 If this is a judicial one, I would like to know 
 if the question of building a railroad from the 
 Atlantic coast to the Pacific shore is not equally a 
 judicial question? There is no question which 
 might not, with equal propriety, be called a judicial 
 question. Let, then, these gentlemen be excused 
 upon all subjects, for it can be done with precisely 
 the same propriety. 
 
 But, gentlemen, the Senate of the United States 
 recently passed a series of resolutions, introduced 
 by Davis of Mississippi. They affirm the same 
 doctrine that I have spoken of; the right to carry 
 slavery into all the Territories, and the absence of 
 any power to prevent it ; and the duty of Congress 
 to intervene, if necessary, for the protection of the 
 institution. These resolutions received the vote of 
 every democratic senator present, save only one. 
 They received the vote of your senators from the 
 State of Indiana I will not call them senators, for 
 they are bogus ; they were never elected, but they 
 hold seats there. And if there is an authoritative 
 exposition of democratic faith that has been made, 
 it must be found in those resolutions. Douglas does 
 not take different grounds. He admits, distinctly, 
 that the Constitution gives the right to take slavery 
 
00 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 into the Territories; he does not contend for a 
 single moment, that local law is necessary to author 
 ize the master to hold his slaves there ; and when 
 he comes to the question of the power of the people 
 to turn slavery out, he gives no opinion one way or 
 the other, but he says, " that is a judicial question." 
 
 VENERATION FOR COURTS. 
 
 But we have had a more recent example. The 
 charter of the Bank of the United States was about 
 to expire. That charter had been held to be con 
 stitutional when that question had come properly 
 before the bench, and the court was compelled to 
 decide it. "Well, the charter of the bank being 
 about to expire, a bill for a recharter was introduced. 
 It came before General Jackson for approval, and 
 the old man said : " I have sworn to support the 
 Constitution as I understand it; and I veto this, 
 because Congress has no power to create a United 
 States Bank." In 1856, at Cincinnati, in their plat 
 form, the democratic party affirmed that Congress 
 had no such power, right in the face of the decisions 
 of the supreme court ; and recently at Charleston, 
 both of the platforms I have spoken of reaffirmed 
 the Cincinnati platform. Thus it appears that, 
 whereas, the decisions of the supreme court are 
 binding infallible and absolutely binding upon the 
 subject of slavery yet we spit upon them and defy 
 them upon the subject of a bank. In other words, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 61 
 
 the democratic party sustains the decision ; it sus 
 tains the party and ignores its existence, when the 
 party gains nothing by supporting it. This is his 
 tory. It is truth, as recorded in their platform. 
 
 A GLANCE AT .THE RECORD. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I want to refer to this thing 
 this new discovery of the meaning of our. Consti 
 tution. I have mentioned to you what the policy 
 of this government was until 1854. Why, gentle 
 men, the sixth act passed by the first Congress under 
 the present Constitution, was the act to reaffirm the 
 ordinance of 1787. That act prohibited slavery in 
 all the Northwest Territories. The sixth act, passed 
 under the present Constitution, reaffirmed that 
 ordinance. That ordinance had been passed by the 
 old Congress of the confederation, and it was worth 
 less under the present Constitution, unless adopted 
 by the present government; and it was adopted, 
 and it excluded slavery from all the Northwest 
 territory, including Indiana. From time to time, 
 Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Adams, Jackson, Van 
 Buren and Polk, all signed bills for prohibiting 
 slavery in various territories. James K. Polk, a 
 slaveholder from Tennessee (who, I believe, was an 
 honest man, and who made a good president), him 
 self signed the bill passed by Congress which ex 
 cluded slavery from the Territory of Oregon ; and 
 we have a chain of acts, from the time of Washing 
 
62 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ton, recognizing the power of Congress to exclude 
 slavery from the Territories. 
 
 I might just say here, that it is entirely possible 
 that we might be wiser than our fathers on the sub 
 ject of expediency and policy, because human 
 observation and experience are constantly adding to 
 the store of human knowledge ; but, I say, upon a 
 question of constitutional construction, it is mere 
 nonsense to declare that the men of a later genera 
 tion can be wiser than the men that made the 
 instrument. How, gentlemen, can the most intelli 
 gent court that ever sat in this desk understand 
 better what the parties to a contract meant than the 
 parties themselves, however illiterate they may be ? 
 Certainly this can not be. The whole business of 
 construction is to find out what the parties meant, 
 and when the parties themselves have acted upon 
 that declaration throughout their lives, that settles 
 the question. 
 
 Suppose I write a letter to my friend ; I suppose 
 I have as good a right to say what I meant by it, as 
 he or any other man. Suppose, fifty years after, 
 some person should say that he knew more than I 
 about the meaning of my own letter, what would 
 you say to him ? You would say, that he is surely 
 a modern democratic, constitutional lawyer, and 
 you know they are much wiser than were the men 
 seventy years ago. 
 ****** 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 63 
 
 EQUALITY. 
 
 But my friend has a good deal to say about negro 
 equality. That is the burden of the song on the part 
 of the democratic party, negro equality, negro equal 
 ity ! Who is in favor of it ? Is the republican party 
 in favor of it ? If so, where is the evidence of it ? 
 We have had a great deal of loose declamation. 
 
 Col. Foster I will tell you where the evidence 
 of it is. 
 
 Mr. Morton Well, say on. 
 
 Col. Foster In Massachusetts ; ninety-five white 
 women married to as many negroes. 
 
 Mr. Morton My friend speaks of negroes voting 
 in Massachusetts. When were the negroes first 
 allowed to vote there ? Has it been since the repub 
 lican party has been in existence ? No, sir. They 
 voted in those palmy days when the democratic 
 party elected governors. 
 
 Col. Foster I am speaking of practical amal 
 gamation, 
 
 Mr. Morton You placed it there. My friend 
 spoke of Ohio too. He spoke of Ohio, the negroes 
 being allowed to vote there. I ask, under what 
 constitution are they allowed to vote ? I ask, who 
 made that constitution? That constitution was 
 made when the democratic party had a majority 
 of twenty thousand in that State, and in the con 
 vention that made that constitution, there was a 
 large democratic majority. When, gentlemen, were 
 
64 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 negroes first allowed to vote in the State of Maine ? 
 In the good days when the democratic party had an 
 overruling majority in the State. In point of fact, 
 my friend can not point to a single step taken in a 
 free State, toward enlarging the rights of a free 
 negro toward negro equality since the republican 
 party came into power. My friend may take the 
 State of New York. When were negroes first 
 allowed to vote there ? Years and years ago, before 
 the republican party had power. Who was in favor 
 of it? Martin Van Buren, the bosom friend of 
 Jackson, the man who, with his son John, are ardent 
 supporters of this democratic administration. 
 
 So far as this thing is concerned, all this was done 
 years ago. The democratic party is as much re 
 sponsible for them to-day as ever ; and as far as the 
 republican party is concerned, they were all done 
 before it was called into existence. 
 
 A SYLLOGISM. 
 
 But because we are in favor of excluding slavery 
 from the Territories, it is insinuated that we are in 
 favor of negro equality. There are, perhaps, pres 
 ent, a number of young men from the State Uni 
 versity, and I might state, in the form of a syllogism, 
 that the republican party is in favor of excluding 
 slavery from the Territories ; every party in favor 
 of excluding slavery from the Territories, is in favor 
 of negro equality; therefore, the republican party 
 is in favor of negro equality in the State of Indiana. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 65 
 
 Is that a good syllogism? I will state another. 
 The earth is a planet ; all planets have their orbits ; 
 consequently the moon is made of green cheese. 
 My friend, himself, is in favor of the fugitive slave 
 law, because it keeps fugitive slaves from Indiana, 
 and he says we ought to stand by that law because 
 it maintains the dignity of free labor in Indiana. 
 If it is good to keep negroes out of Indiana, fugi 
 tives though they be, is it not also good to keep 
 negroes out of the Territories when they are slaves ; 
 and if he be in favor of excluding fugitive slaves 
 from Indiana, is he not also in favor of negro equal 
 ity, according to his own argument? Is not the 
 reason as strong in the one case as the other ? Was 
 the gentleman in favor of negro equality ? "Was he 
 an abolitionist, when he was in favor of this doc 
 trine which we advocate ? Gentlemen, this whole 
 charge of negro equality has no foundation in fact. 
 It is but an appeal to the prejudices of this people 
 upon the subject of color. "When these gentlemen 
 are applied to, to offer evidence as to why or how 
 we are in favor of this thing, they say it is a " secret 
 purpose." If they refer to our platform, they can 
 not find it there. 
 
 LATER NEWS. 
 
 The gentleman tells you he can tell you where to 
 
 find my doctrine, and then he refers to the Buffalo 
 
 platform and says you can find my doctrine in it. 
 
 I can find it in another platform. I have it here, 
 
 6 
 
6G LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 laid down by the democratic convention of the 
 State of Indiana, at the city of Indianapolis, and 
 there unanimously adopted. What did that plat 
 form declare ? 
 
 Resolved, That the institution of slavery ought 
 not to be introduced into any territory where it 
 does not now exist. 
 
 That is good republican doctrine to-day. That 
 is good republican doctrine now. But it goes on 
 to say further : 
 
 Resolved, That inasmuch as New Mexico and 
 California are, in fact and in law, free Territories, 
 it is the duty of Corjgress to prevent the introduc 
 tion of slavery within their limits. 
 
 Here is where I can find the republican doctrine 
 in all its purity ; in all its fullness. I do not have to 
 go back to the Buffalo platform. And this was no 
 new doctrine with the democratic party. The whig 
 party stood on the same ground, and the democratic 
 party had been affirming it, from time to time, 
 whenever the occasion presented. 
 
 THE TWICE-SHOT POWDER. 
 
 "Well, gentlemen, about this charge of abolition 
 ism. It has, I think, been about worn out ; it is 
 all old, stale, dry ; it has had its day. It may still 
 have power, however, to deceive a few ; but I think 
 they will be very few. It has been charged that I 
 am an abolitionist for standing on this ground. I 
 suspect my friend here was one a few years ago, and 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 67 
 
 that every democrat was one too. "Washington, 
 too, must have been an abolitionist ; Jefferson was 
 one, as was also Madison, and this man Douglas was 
 one until but a few years ago. Why, gentlemen, I 
 don t speak here to-day to convince democratic pol- 
 iticans. I don t expect to be able to do that. They 
 remind me of a lawyer I once heard of. A judge 
 had given a decision in which he was interested, 
 and he did not like the decision, so he got up and 
 read an opposing page from Blackstone, and then 
 he said, he did not do it to change the opinion of 
 the court, but only to show what an old fool Black- 
 stone was. I only refer to these things to show 
 what old fools our fathers were. To show what 
 blockheads these men were all their lives until about 
 four years ago ; to show that the " Little Giant " 
 was a very little giant until about the first of Feb 
 ruary, 1854. About that time, you know, he expe 
 rienced a great change of heart ; the scales fell from 
 his eyes, and he saw the truth face to face. Old 
 Buck, you know, was not converted until about two 
 years afterward. 
 
 A voice He backslided awful quick, too. 
 
 Mr. Morton This charge of abolitionism is, how 
 ever, still made. It reminds me of an anecdote I 
 once heard. A man said he was traveling through 
 the State of Virginia, when he came where a polit 
 ical meeting was being held in the woods, and a 
 debate was progressing between two candidates for 
 Congress. One of the candidates was a young man, 
 
68 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 and the other was getting well on in years, and the 
 young man was charging, most vociferously, that 
 his competitor had once been a federalist, and, in 
 consequence, was unqualified to represent the people 
 in Congress. When the old man s turn came, he 
 said he could not see much sense in the thing. The 
 federal party had passed away, and he could not 
 see why his friend brought it up again ; it reminded 
 him a good deal of a circumstance that happened 
 in his neighborhood. There was a farmer, who had 
 in his field a rock which had long been an eye-sore 
 to him. "Well, being about to leave home for a day 
 or two, he called his man to him, and said he : 
 " Tom, while I am gone, I want you to go to town 
 and get a couple of kegs of powder, and blast that 
 rock and haul it away." "Well, when he came back 
 he went into his field to see what had been done, 
 and there was the rock, with here and there a few 
 holes, and some marks of gunpowder. He called 
 out in great anger : " Tom, didn t I tell you to blast 
 that rock and haul it away ? " To which darkey 
 replied, " Massa, I ll tell you what it is. You can t 
 blast that ere rock with that ere powder ! In my 
 pinion that powder has been shot once before." 
 So of this charge of abolitionism. It has been shot 
 several times before. 
 
 My friend sometimes refers to the good deeds 
 done by the democracy. The democrats have done 
 some good things in their day, but that was when 
 they stood upon good ground, and a reference to 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 69 
 
 past deeds only makes the darkness of their present 
 deeds more palpable. In point of fact, I do not see 
 that any man or party could be thoroughly imbued 
 with republican principles without doing a good 
 many good things. So it was with the democratic 
 party. 
 
70 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Campaign of 1860 Great meeting of republicans at Fort 
 Wayne Able and eloquent speech of Governor Morton 
 Masterly review of the political questions of the day. 
 
 A republican meeting was held, during the cam 
 paign of 1860, at Fort "Wayne. It had been previ 
 ously announced that the Hon. 0. P. Morton would 
 be present and address the meeting. The weather, 
 on the day appointed, was very unpropitious. Not 
 withstanding this, the people gathered in great 
 numbers, and the " Wide- Awakes " turned out two 
 hundred strong. The desire to hear the candidate for 
 Lieut. Governor was sufficiently earnest to overcome 
 all ordinary obstacles. At seven o clock Mr. Morton 
 was introduced to the audience, and the speech he 
 delivered on that occasion was more than sufficient 
 to compensate those who were present for the slight 
 sacrifice they made to enjoy the pleasure of hearing 
 him. Like all others of his speeches, it was deliv 
 ered extemporaneously, but the symmetry of its 
 structure and the incisiveness of its logic, show that 
 it had been thoroughly prepared. 
 
 We present it as reported by a phonographer for 
 the Cincinnati Gazette. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 71 
 
 On being introduced to the audience, Mr. Morton 
 said : 
 
 FELLOW CITIZENS : I was in your city four years 
 ago as a candidate, and at that time feebly attempted 
 to represent to you republican principles. And I can 
 say, honestly to you to-night, that I have nothing 
 new to offer. I do not know that, since that time, 
 the republican party has espoused any new princi 
 ple, nor do I know that they have abandoned any 
 old one. There is one peculiarity by which our 
 principles are distinguished from those of our oppo 
 nents. They are old, while those of our opponents 
 are new. There are some things which we should 
 prefer on account of their age, and others on account 
 of their youth. Among the former we reckon 
 principles of political action. So far as the princi 
 ples upon which this government ought to be admin 
 istered are concerned, I prefer those which our 
 fathers practiced, and which they taught to their 
 children. 
 
 THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 
 
 The first question to which I will invite your 
 attention to-night, is the question of slavery. This 
 may seem stale and threadbare to many of you, but 
 it is utter nonsense to say we will not think about 
 nor discuss this question. It must and will be dis 
 cussed. We shall never have peace in the country 
 until it is settled, and settled upon correct principles. 
 It enters into the consideration of all classes of men. 
 
72 LIFE, SPEECHES ND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 It has gone into the general assembly, into the gen 
 eral conference, and into the national councils, there 
 producing scenes of disorder that have disgraced the 
 nation before the civilized world. We must meet 
 the question. The longer it is deferred the more 
 difficult and complicated it becomes like the settle 
 ment of an old estate. It is not the part of man 
 hood or of patriotism to defer the struggle and seek 
 to cast it upon a future generation, together with 
 all the aggravations and complications of delay. If 
 we meet it at once as men, with a spirit of mutual 
 kindness and forbearance, I believe it can be settled, 
 and that all will be well. It was thus our fathers 
 acted when a tax of three pence per pound was 
 levied upon tea. The tax in itself was a trivial 
 matter, and they could have paid it without real 
 izing it, in a pecuniary point of view ; but it in 
 volved a principle which, in its ultimate conse 
 quences, might make them and their posterity 
 slaves, and they resolved to meet the issue at once. 
 Let us emulate their example. 
 
 THE MISSION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 The mission of the republican party is to prevent 
 the further extension of slavery, and to rescue the 
 government from the corruption and abuses of the 
 party in power. For these purposes it was called 
 into being, and when they shall have been accom 
 plished we are content that it should die. Embraced 
 within it as its great central idea, its very existence, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 73 
 
 is the protection, dignity and elevation of free labor. 
 AVho so dull as not to see that labor is degraded and 
 put beneath the dignity of free men, when it is per 
 formed by slaves ? And who so dull as not to see 
 that the superstructure of our liberty, our power 
 and prosperity, is erected upon the foundation of 
 free and honorable labor. The party opposed to us 
 is the party of slave labor, who believe that the 
 laboring classes are what Mr. Hammond called 
 them, " the mudsills of society, and ought to be 
 excluded from all participation in the government 
 of the nation." ~Not that they openly avow and 
 advocate such doctrine in the North, but that they 
 are in active co-operation and coalition with the 
 party in the South that do. 
 
 REPUBLICAN DOCTRINE. 
 
 It is the duty of the people to investigate and 
 understand the true issues involved in the approach 
 ing election, to know what it is they are voting for 
 when they vote for certain men ; to know what it 
 is they are opposing when they seek the defeat of 
 other men. To understand these issues correctly^ 
 we must refer to the early history of the Republic 
 and recur to its principles. The fundamental prin 
 ciples underlying the republican doctrine, the faith 
 of the fathers and the practice of the government, 
 for more than half a century, all go to show that 
 slavery is local and municipal ; that it can only , exist 
 by virtue of positive law ; that before it can exist 
 7 
 
74 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 in any state, territory or community, there must 
 be a law enacted authorizing and creating it. In 
 other words, that there is no general principle of 
 law enabling one man to hold another as a slave. 
 The law of nations, which recognizes the right of 
 men, everywhere, to hold property in lands, in 
 horses and in cattle, in gold and in silver, and in 
 every species of inanimate goods, does not recog 
 nize the right of man to hold property in his fellow 
 man. The common law which our fathers brought 
 with them to this country, and which forms the 
 basis of the law of every State in the Union, save 
 one, recognizes the right of men to hold property 
 in all these things, but does not admit the right of 
 man to hold property in man. There being, then, 
 no general principle of law by which a slave can be 
 held as property, it follows that the Territories are 
 free, because of the absence in them of any law 
 authorizing slavery ; and hence, before yo\i can hold 
 a slave in a Territory, there must be a law made for 
 that purpose. Another consequence flowing from 
 this doctrine is, that slavery in the States is entirely 
 and absolutely within the control of the States in 
 which it exists ; that the people of the free States 
 have no power to interfere with it in any respect 
 whatsoever ; but that its regulation, preservation or 
 destruction, belongs exclusively to the people of the 
 State in which it is established. It was the recog 
 nition of this principle that led to the insertion of 
 the clause in the Constitution for the recovery of 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 75 
 
 fugitive slaves ; for, according to this doctrine, if a 
 slave went beyond the jurisdiction of the State in 
 which he was held, into a free State, even by an 
 escape, he was a free man, and could not be recov 
 ered and sent back to slavery, because of the absence 
 of any general law recognizing the relation of mas 
 ter and slave. Hence, in framing the Constitution, 
 the slave States insisted upon the insertion of a 
 clause which would give them the right to recapture 
 their fugitives from slavery. There is no clause for 
 the recovery of any other species of property, and 
 the reason is this, that all other property is recog 
 nized and recovered by general principles of law. 
 The question then is, what power or tribunal can 
 legislate for the Territories upon the subject of 
 slavery ? The Territories are the property of the 
 General government, and the right to acquire them 
 will not be disputed. If the Government can ac 
 quire, can it not govern that which it acquires? 
 Would the right to acquire, without the power to 
 govern the thing acquired, be of any value ? The 
 right to govern is, therefore, an incident to the right 
 to acquire. The Territories belong to all the people 
 of the United States, and not to any particular part 
 of them. They belong to them in their corporate, 
 national and governmental capacity. This being 
 the case, how shall the people, the nation, express 
 themselves, or make manifest their wishes respecting 
 their property these Territories- except through 
 Congress? Have the people of the nation any 
 
76 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 other voice or medium of expression. A territorial 
 government would represent but a very small frag 
 ment of the entire nation. But we are not limited 
 to this principle to derive the power of Congress to 
 govern the Territories. It is plainly and explicitly 
 declared in the Constitution, that " Congress shall 
 have power to make all needful rules and regulations 
 for the government of the territory and other prop 
 erty belonging to the United States." The gentle 
 man who drafted this provision, understood it as 
 conferring upon Congress plenary power to legislate 
 upon the subject of slavery, and upon all other sub 
 jects appertaining to the Territories ; and not only 
 so, but it was so understood by men of all parties, 
 North and South, East and West, for more than 
 fifty years. This construction of it has only been 
 called in question within a few years past, by the 
 democratic party, under the pressure of new and 
 extravagant demands made by the South. 
 
 HISTORICAL FACTS. 
 
 The present Government began its life in 1789, 
 by re-enacting the Ordinance of 1787, which de 
 clared that slavery or involuntary servitude should 
 never exist in the North-western Territory, which 
 was then all the territory that belonged to the 
 General government, except as a punishment for 
 crime, whereof the party had been duly convicted. 
 The new government thus set out in its journey of 
 national life by a legislative declaration again-- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 77 
 
 slavery, and from time to time that declaration has 
 been renewed up to and including Millard Fill- 
 more. The doctrine of the power and duty of 
 Congress to exclude slavery from the Territories 
 has been the faith of every party. It was the doc 
 trine of the old federal party, the old republican 
 party, of the whig party and of the democratic 
 party throughout all its honest and honorable days. 
 Upon this time-honored doctrine we stand, and by 
 it we will fall, if fall we must. We want no new 
 views of the Constitution. Its construction was 
 settled by the first Congress and every department 
 of the Government for more than half a century. 
 That construction is in harmony with the plain 
 reading of the instrument. It regards the Terri 
 tories as the children of the Republic, to be trained 
 up in the nurture and admonition of free and be 
 nign institutions, so that when they have arrived 
 at the age of majority they will be qualified to 
 take their places in the family of States, and be 
 admitted to all the privileges and advantages 
 of the Union; and as these Territories are to 
 become our future partners in the Union, and 
 in the administration of the Government, we 
 have a deep interest in the formation of their 
 characters and national habits. Our destinies 
 are to be placed in their hands, as well as 
 theirs in ours, and we are deeply interested that 
 they shall contract no habit or institution that 
 shall mar their permanent usefulness, power, or 
 
78 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 prosperity as members of the Union. We are, 
 therefore, interested in seeing to it that they do not 
 contract the bad habit of slavery, polygamy, or 
 other great national and social vice. -As our 
 children are to the family and society, so are our 
 Territories to the Union and our great society of 
 States. We believe that slavery is a moral, social, 
 and political evil. That it is a curse to any peo 
 ple a foe to progress the enemy of education 
 and intelligence, and an element of social and po 
 litical weakness. For these reasons we are opposed 
 to the further extension of slavery. But there are 
 other considerations of a more personal and selfish 
 character. If we do not exclude slavery from the 
 Territories, it will exclude us. Free labor will not 
 go to any considerable extent where slave labor 
 exists, because it is degraded and dishonored by 
 the association. Hence, while there are thousands 
 that come to Indiana, Ohio, and other free States 
 from Kentucky, Virginia, and other slave States, 
 there is hardly one for a thousand who goes hence 
 to the slave States. Sometimes a Yankee tin ped 
 dler will marry a rich Southern widow with negroes, 
 or a briefless lawyer from the North a wealthy 
 Southern heiress, and straightway he becomes the 
 most bitter and malignant of pro-slavery partisans. 
 But the fact is that the great body of emigration 
 is from the slave to the free States. The introduc 
 tion of slavery into a Territory prevents you and 
 your children going there as effectually as would a 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 79 
 
 legislative act. It erects a barrier to your emigra 
 tion which you will never surmount. If you 
 would, therefore, preserve these Territories as an 
 inheritance to you and your children, to which you 
 and they may retire when society here becomes too 
 crowded, or the pressure of circumstances make a 
 removal necessary, you must preserve them free. 
 Free labor and slave labor will not flourish in the 
 same bed. You can not graft the one upon the 
 stalk of the other. Where slave labor strikes its 
 roots deep into the soil of a Territory, free labor 
 will not grow but perish at the threshold. We are 
 all personally interested in this question not indi 
 rectly and remotely as in a mere political abstrac 
 tion but directly, pecuniarily, and selfishly. How 
 can you, my democratic friends, labor for or even 
 consent to the building up of an institution in the 
 Territories which turns you and your children out? 
 If you do not care for yourselves, at least care for 
 your children. You owe to them a duty quite as 
 high and as saered as that which you owe to your 
 party. But it is said that the slaveholder has just 
 as good a right to take his slaves to the Territory 
 as you have to take your horses there from the 
 State of Indiana, and that if he be prohibited from 
 so doing it creates inequality. Let us consider 
 this proposition a moment. Can not the slave 
 holder go from Kentucky to Kansas and take with 
 him every species of property which you can take 
 from Indiana ? And may he not pursue, when he 
 
80 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 gets there, every avocation that you could going 
 from Indiana ? If so, then you and he are on a 
 perfect equality. But if he takes slaves, he there 
 takes what you can not, and this creates inequality. 
 Not only so; he takes what particularly excludes 
 you from the Territory, and thus creates the grossest 
 inequality. The truth is there is no equality where 
 there is not freedom, and that slavery engenders 
 inequality both socially and politically. 
 
 ABOLITIONISM. 
 
 But all this will he met and answered by the 
 charge of abolitionism, as it has been done before. 
 If a man can not meet your arguments he can at 
 least call you an abolitionist. If he has not three 
 ideas above an oyster, he can still bawl " abolition 
 ism ;" and if you ask him what an abolitionist is, 
 he will scratch his tangled locks and tell you that an 
 abolitionist is an an abolitionist and that is all 
 he knows about it. Preventing the extension of 
 slavery into the Territories is one thing, and the 
 abolition of slavery in the States where it exists is 
 quite another thing. And the man who has not 
 sense enough to distinguish between them ought to 
 have a guardian appointed at once ; he is incapable 
 of taking care of his own business, or even of keep 
 ing out of the fire. If I were asked the question, 
 why the republican party has not a majority in 
 every township in every free State, I should answer 
 that it is because the republican idea of preventing 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 81 
 
 the extension of slavery into the Territories and 
 preserving them to free labor, is constantly mixed 
 up by our enemies with the other idea of interfer 
 ing with slavery in the States and turning the ne 
 groes loose among us. The body of the people 
 recoil with instinctive dread from the emancipation 
 of slaves in the States, and the sudden inundation 
 of the ^N"orth by masses of free negroes idle, igno 
 rant, insolent, and barbarous. And the party that 
 can alarm their fears on that subject makes a deep 
 impression on their minds. The two ideas have no 
 connection with each other are not dependent on 
 each other. Indeed, the majority of those opposed 
 to the extension of slavery are utterly opposed to 
 immediate emancipation, and believe that when 
 emancipation comes, if come it must, it should be 
 a gradual work ; but, whether immediate or grad 
 ual, a thing with which they have nothing to do. 
 "When once these two ideas are separated in the 
 public mind, and the people are fed with the pure 
 manna of republicanism, stripped of this demo 
 cratic husk of abolition, we will prevail in every 
 township in the free States, and the reign of sham 
 democracy will have ended forever. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC PROGRESS. 
 
 It has been the grand boast of the democracy 
 that it was progressive. I love that progress which 
 implies a growth of grace, an accession of wisdom, 
 and the trimming of our lamps by the light of ex- 
 
82 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 perience ; but the progress of the democracy has 
 been from good to evil principles, from light to 
 darkness ; beginning with the prohibition of slavery 
 in the Territories and its confinement to existing 
 limits, and ending with labors for its universal em 
 pire, and seeking to unbar the gates which our 
 fathers erected to shut out the horrid commerce in 
 human beings which comes across the seas. And so 
 great has been its progress that it is now encamped 
 upon ground that our fathers regarded as accursed, 
 from which they recoiled with horror. We find 
 ourselves debating the same questions our fathers 
 debated eighty-five years ago. They were then dis 
 cussing the right of men to be free, the superiority 
 of free society over slave society, and of free labor 
 over slave labor. They had for their antagonists 
 the British king and the British Parliament, and we 
 have for ours a party calling itself democratic. The 
 men of the revolution were vain and short-sighted. 
 They thought they had established the claims of 
 liberty and put them on such high and indisputable 
 grounds that no coming generation would call them 
 in question. In this they were sadly mistaken. 
 The race of little giants has risen up latter-day 
 saints who boldly assail every fortification and 
 rampart of liberty erected by the fathers, and pro 
 claim the doctrine that the first few persons who 
 enter a Territory and get possession of the Territo 
 rial government may, if they choose, make every 
 body else slaves ; that if one man choose to make a 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 83 
 
 slave of another, and any third man should inter 
 fere, that such interference is unconstitutional inter 
 vention; that slavery is not a question of natural 
 right, justice, or religion, but one of climate, conve 
 nience, and economy merely. 
 
 THE VITALIZING PRINCIPLE OF DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Slavery is the vitalizing principle of the demo 
 cratic party. The seat of government of that party 
 is Richmond, Virginia, and its loyal provinces are 
 the slave States of the Union. The small remains 
 of power which it has in the North are precarious 
 and crumbling to a fall, and we look forward to the 
 time, not deep in the future, when it shall make its 
 final exodus from all the free States. The democ 
 racy of the North are not living for any valuable or 
 honorable purpose. They are fighting for a cause 
 which is not their own, and against their neighbors, 
 friends, and their own highest, best interests. 
 
 THE DRED SCOTT DECISION. 
 
 Before undertaking to define the present position 
 of Douglas and the Douglas democracy, it will be 
 necessary to consider the Dred Scott decision. It 
 is the key which unlocks their policy. A negro 
 named Dred Scott brought a suit in the Circuit 
 Court of the United States, for the District of Mis 
 souri, to assert his freedom and the freedom of his 
 family. The defendant, Sanford, who claimed to be 
 his owner, filed a single plea a plea in abatement 
 
84 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 to the jurisdiction of the Court alleging that Bred 
 Scott was not a citizen of the State of Missouri, 
 within the meaning of the Constitution, because he 
 \vas born of slave parents and had negro blood in 
 his veins. If he was not a citizen because of these 
 facts, then the Court had no jurisdiction ; and this 
 was the only question pr6perly before the Supreme 
 Court ; but the interests of slavery and the exigen 
 cies of the democratic party required that the judi 
 cial mantle should be cast around certain doctrines 
 to make them sacred in the eyes of the people. The 
 Court went beyond the case and outside of the 
 record, and decided, first, that the Constitution by 
 its vigor carried slavery into the Territories that 
 is, authorized the holding of slaves there in the ab 
 sence of local law creating slavery ; secondly, that 
 neither Congress nor the people of a Territory had 
 any power to exclude slavery therefrom ; thirdly, 
 that .if the courts should prove inadequate to the 
 protection of slavery therein, it was the duty of 
 Congress to intervene and furnish whatever legisla 
 tion might be necessary for that purpose in other 
 words, to provide a slave code. In deciding these 
 questions, the Court has assumed the existence and 
 power of a new sovereignty that threatens to absorb 
 and annihilate every other, and to become as for 
 midable an enemy to liberty as the Council of Ten 
 in the Republic of Venice. The power thus assumed 
 is the exclusive right to interpret the Constitution. 
 The Government was divided into three depart- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 85 
 
 merits executive, legislative and judicial. They 
 were intended to be co-ordinate and independent, 
 that they might check and balance one another; 
 but by this new theory the one is made dictator to 
 the other two, and the one that is not elected by the 
 people nor made responsible to them. Thus the 
 balance in the Government is destroyed, and Con 
 gress can only exercise such powers as the Supreme 
 Court may graciously accord to it. Mr. Jefferson s 
 view was undoubtedly correct when he said that 
 " each department is truly independent of the 
 others, and has an equal right to decide for itself 
 what is the meaning of the Constitution in the cases 
 submitted to its action." General Jackson took the 
 same view of the question when he said that he had 
 sworn to support the Constitution as he understood 
 it. This court has attempted to strip Congress of 
 its powers, deny the power of the people, and con 
 vert the Constitution into a common carrier of 
 slavery into all our national domain not only into 
 our Territories, but into the States also. To sum 
 up the whole matter, if the doctrines of the Dred 
 Scott decision shall come to be regarded as the law 
 of the land, there will no longer be a free State or 
 Territory, and this Republic of ours, once the hope 
 of the world, will have been converted into an 
 empire of slaves. 
 
86 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 THE DOUGLAS POSITION. 
 
 There were two platforms presented at Charleston ; 
 the one, brought forward by the majority of the 
 committee, embodied the substance of the Dred 
 Scott decision, as I have before stated it, on the 
 s ubj ect of slavery. The other, presented by the friends 
 of Mr. Douglas, reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform, 
 with an additional resolution pledging the party to 
 stand by the future decisions of the Supreme Court 
 on the subject of slavery. This last was not satis 
 factory to the Southern men, because they claimed 
 that the question was already decided in the Dred 
 Scott case, and they demanded of the Douglas men 
 that they should pledge themselves to stand by that 
 decision. The Douglas men said if they did, they 
 could not carry a Northern State. The Southern 
 men said if they did not, they could not carry a South 
 ern State, and thus the factions separated, and after 
 wards came together at Baltimore. Mr. Douglas 
 was finally nominated by the melancholy remains 
 of the original convention, and Mr. Breckinridge 
 by the seceders. Mr. Breckinridge was placed on 
 the platform as reported by the majority of the 
 committee at Charleston; and Douglas upon the 
 platform of the minority, with the addition of a 
 single resolution, which has been appropriately 
 termed the codicil to the will. It is in these words : 
 
 Resolved, That it is in accordance with the Cin 
 cinnati platform that during the existence of terri- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 87 
 
 torial governments, the measure of restriction, 
 whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Consti 
 tution on the power of the Territorial Legislature, 
 over the subject of. domestic relations, as the same 
 has been or shall hereafter be decided by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, should be 
 respected by all good citizens, and enforced with 
 promptness and fidelity by every branch of the 
 General Government. 
 
 Douglas, in his letter of acceptance, refers to, and 
 adopts this resolution. You perceive that it con 
 cedes all that the South demands at Charleston, 
 that it pledges him to stand by the decision already 
 made, thus placing him on the Dred Scott platform, 
 the platform of extreme Southern rights, along 
 side of Breckinridge. 
 
 The difference between the Douglas and Breck 
 inridge platform is simply this : That in the Breck 
 inridge platform, the doctrines of the Dred Scott 
 case are drawn out and stated in clear and distinct 
 propositions, while in the Douglas platform the 
 decision is adopted by reference, under the hope 
 that the great body of the people would never see 
 it and read it. But his conversion to this large body 
 of orthodox divinity, comes too late to save him in 
 the South. Southern politicians say that it is wholly 
 unimportant what profession Douglas may make on 
 the Slavery question, because they believe him thor 
 oughly and utterly dishonest, and incapable of being 
 trusted by the South any more than by the North. 
 
88 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 In his recent Southern speeches, as well as in that 
 made at New Orleans some time since, he admits 
 that slave property stands on the same footing with 
 other property, and may go into the territories like 
 other property under the Constitution, and requires 
 no local law for its support. The utmost that he 
 claims for the people of a territory, is the right to 
 regulate this property. This being conceded, all is 
 lost ; for when slave property is put upon the same 
 footing with other property, it may not only go into 
 the Territories in the same way, but into the States 
 also. Can the Legislature of Indiana prevent a cit 
 izen of Kentucky from coming into this State, 
 bringing with him his horses, his cattle and his 
 household goods ? Certainly not ; and if slave prop 
 erty be put upon the same basis, there is no po\ver 
 to prevent him from bringing that also. 
 
 NON-INTERVENTION. 
 
 Notwithstanding the position in which Douglas is 
 placed by his platform and letter of acceptance, his 
 claims for the presidency are still urged by his 
 friends upon the doctrine of non-intervention ; and 
 this, right in the face of the fact that he is pledged 
 by his adoption of the Dred Scott decision to inter 
 vention for the protection of slavery. But, aside 
 from this, the cry of non-intervention is senseless 
 and unmeaning. What principle does it affirm or 
 deny ? Does it affirm that the people of the Terri 
 tories have the power to exclude slavery ? Does it 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 89 
 
 deny that the Constitution, by it inherent power, 
 plants Slavery in all the Territories ? Does it affirm 
 the doctrine of popular sovereignty or deny the doc 
 trine of universal salvation by Slavery ? There is 
 no more sense in it than in the parrot s cry of 
 "pretty Poll." 
 
 It is indeed but a weak and wicked excuse for 
 knowing nothing and doing nothing to prevent the 
 universal spread of the greatest of human afflictions, 
 the institution of Slavery. They say Douglas is the 
 author. Not so. It was first asserted by Cain, 
 when he denied to the Lord that he was his brother s 
 keeper. It was afterwards affirmed by the Levite, 
 when he walked by on the other side and left the 
 man who had fallen among thieves, weltering in 
 his blood. It has always been advocated by that 
 squatter sovereign, the devil, who urges upon a 
 sinful world that they shall regulate their institu 
 tions in their own way, irrespective of the statutes 
 "enacted by the Almighty. If you ask a Douglas 
 politician whether the people of the Territories have 
 power to exclude slavery, he turns turtle, and draws 
 his head under the shell of non-intervention. If 
 you ask whether the Constitution carries slavery 
 into all the Northern domain, he turns parrot and 
 says non-intervention. And I suppose that when 
 the Almighty shall call him to his final account, he 
 will put in the plea of non-intervention and prove 
 it by a copy of the Cincinnati platform. 
 
 8 
 
90 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 DOUGLAS THE PRIEST AND APOSTATE. 
 
 Douglas is the great political kaleidoscope of the 
 day. He never appears twice in the same figure. 
 First he came to us as the priest in full canonicals, 
 and canonized the Missouri Compromise, pronounc 
 ing the curse of the Almighty upon the ruthless 
 hand by which it might be destroyed. We next 
 see him in the temple as the apostate, and with 
 " ruthless hand " tearing down that compromise 
 and obliterating from the walls the inscriptions and 
 landmarks of liberty which had been placed there 
 by our fathers. AVe next see him as the devotee, 
 worshiping at the shrine of that double-headed 
 monster, Squatter Sovereignty and the Sovereignty 
 of the Supreme Court ; and, in one grand Satanic 
 effort, upholding and vindicating the Dred Scott 
 decision and the sovereignty of the people of the 
 Territories. Of what avail that his argument is 
 ingenious and his reason strong, if at the same 
 time he affirms the infallibility of that infamous de 
 cree which pronounces his argument as but a sound 
 ing brass. Squatter Sovereignty is a monstrous 
 fungus, which he is seeking to engraft upon the 
 body of the Constitutionr erecting Territories into 
 States outside of the Union making them virtually 
 independent governments, at liberty to join our 
 confederation or any other that they may choose. In 
 his speech, on the Lecompton Constitution, speak 
 ing of slavery in Kansas, he said he did not care 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 91 
 
 whether it he voted up or voted down. I declare^ 
 to you that when I first read that speech I could 
 scarcely helieve that he had heen correctly reported. 
 It seemed to me that no intelligent man could he 
 found who had not some feeling or opinion on that 
 subject. Now the institution of slavery has been the 
 source of revolutions, of national decay, and na 
 tional ruin in every age and country in which it 
 has existed, and yet this democratic luminary tells 
 the American people that he does not care whether 
 it be voted up or down. The conflict between 
 slavery and freedom, which in some form has been 
 going on in every age and country in the world, is 
 a matter about which this philosophic statesman is 
 so poorly informed, and cares so little that he is 
 profoundly indifferent upon which side victory shall 
 declare. Mr. Douglas made this declaration to 
 prove to the South that he had no lingering senti 
 ment in favor of liberty no remaining partiality for 
 free institutions but he miscalculated the effect. 
 It shocked the public conscience both North and 
 South. It seemed unnatural, improbable, if not 
 impossible. You could not see two dogs fighting 
 in the streets of Fort Wayne without taking sides. 
 You would be for the white dog or the black; and 
 if a democrat most probably for the black. 
 
 Under this declaration the North can not take 
 Mr. Douglas, because he is indifferent to freedom ; 
 the South can not take him because he is indiffer 
 ent to slavery. For, having no principles upon 
 
92 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 the subject either way, he would be at liberty to serve 
 either party, or cheat either party as his self-inter 
 est might dictate. In the debate between him and 
 Mr. Lincoln, at Freeport, Illinois, in 1858, Lincoln 
 asked him in substance this question : " Whether the 
 people of a Territory, by the Territorial author 
 ities, could exclude slavery?" This put Douglas 
 in a tight place ; if he said they could, he would 
 forfeit his last claim upon the South. If he said 
 they could not, he would probably lose the State 
 of Illinois in the then approaching election. So 
 he resolved to take a middle course. He answered, 
 that the people might exclude slavery by " un 
 friendly legislation " that no difference what the 
 Supreme Court might decide as to the right of the 
 slaveholder to take his slaves into a Territory, and 
 hold them as property, he could be practically ex 
 cluded therefrom. He could be annoyed out of 
 the Territory, taxed out, or have those police regu 
 lations withheld which might be necessary to sup 
 port slavery. 
 
 Mr. Douglas never said a more reckless or dis 
 honest thing. If the slaveholder has the consti 
 tutional right to take his slaves into the Territory 
 as property, he can not be deprived of it by indi 
 rection ; on the contrary he is entitled to protec 
 tion ; for every man is entitled to be protected in 
 the enjoyment of every constitutional right. We 
 deny the existence of the right ; but if we concede 
 the right the duty of protection follows. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 98 
 
 IMPUDENCE ON A LARGE SCALE. 
 
 Mr. Douglas has been distinguished throughout 
 his public life as an ultra free trade man. He has 
 upon every occasion denounced protection in every 
 form he has been more consistent upon that sub 
 ject than upon any other; but, in a speech made 
 a few days ago at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, he 
 came out boldly for a protective tariff, declaring 
 that it was the duty of Congress to protect the 
 coal and iron interests of Pennsylvania ; that it was 
 the improper intrusion of the slavery question into 
 Congress which had prevented consideration and 
 action upon the manufacturing and mining interests 
 of Pennsylvania, Now I hate impudence in a small 
 way as much as anybody, but in its loftier flights 
 and great manifestations it compels my reluctant 
 admiration. Here is a man who has scarcely spoken 
 upon any subject but slavery for six years, who is 
 the author of the present agitation upon that sub 
 ject, who by his unfortunate and wicked repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise has convulsed the nation 
 and brought it to the verge of civil war, who now, 
 ignoring all this history and all his past life upon 
 the subject of free trade, declares himself suddenly 
 in favor of a protective tariff in order to secure 
 tariff votes in Pennsylvania. Who now can say 
 that Mr. Douglas is honest ? To him there is no 
 thing sacred in American history nor in the tradi 
 tions of the fathers. 
 
94 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 The earlier Presidents proclaimed the maxim 
 that it was vulgar and demagoguical for a candidate 
 for the Presidency to vex the ears of the people with 
 petitions for their votes, to go about the country 
 exhibiting himself and his political wares like a com 
 mon mountebank. Douglas started out on his 
 electioneering tramp under the filial pretence of 
 hunting his mother. He then went to Harvard to 
 get a Doctorate, but he did not succeed. Afterward, 
 becoming more bold or more desperate, he threw 
 off all disguise and stood avowed as the wandering 
 and peripatetic candidate for the Presidency. 
 
 A NEW EDITION OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPEND 
 ENCE, REVISED AND CORRECTED BY LOCOFOCO, ESQ., 
 LL. D. 
 
 The democracy have not only attempted to 
 remodel the Constitution, transforming it from a 
 charter of freedom to a black statute for slavery, 
 but they are now engaged in the laudable occupation 
 of getting out a new edition of the Declaration of 
 Independence, greatly revised and improved. The 
 Hon. Cyrus L. Dunham, a Douglas elector for the 
 State at large, in a speech in Wayne county several 
 weeks ago, quoted from the new edition, and said 
 that where the Declaration affirmed that- all men 
 were created equal, and endowed with certain ina 
 lienable rights, it did not mean all men, but only 
 those of Saxon and Celtic blood. This leaves the 
 German, the Swede and the Norwegian unprovided 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 05 
 
 for. They have no place in the Declaration, and to 
 them the gospel of liberty is not preached. They 
 are not among the elect, but have been consigned 
 with the negro, to the outer darkness of Slavery. 
 I should like to hear that gentleman give a con 
 struction to that command of our Saviour : " Go ye 
 into all the world and preach the Gospel to every 
 creature. " I presume he would say that the phrase 
 " every creature, " comprehended those only of 
 Saxon and Celtic blood ; and if he were called upon 
 to render the Lord s prayer, would make it read 
 thus : " Our Father (to-wit the father of the Saxon 
 and the Celt)." Oh, with what irrepressible loath 
 ing are we compelled to meet and refute these 
 Satanic heresies. If Jefferson could have looked 
 down the stream of time and have seen these supple 
 tools of Slavery crawling across his immortal page 
 and seeking to deface its inspired teachings, he 
 would have torn the manuscript to fragments to 
 preserve it from the defilement, There was a time 
 when liberty was loved for her own sake, when 
 devotion to her cause was not inspired by selfish 
 or economical considerations ; when her form 
 seemed so beautiful, and her robes of such spotless 
 purity that she provoked the idolatry of mankind. 
 Who so stupid as not to see that liberty is shorn of 
 her divine attributes, and becomes a. thing of merely 
 human invention, when she is claimed as the inher 
 itance of a particular race, to the rejection of others? 
 God gave to man dominion over the earth and seas, 
 
96 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 the beasts of the field and the fowls of the air, but 
 not over his fellow man. That he reserved to him 
 self; and whenever man assumes to be the master of 
 his fellow, he is usurping the prerogative of God. 
 Our fathers did not regard liberty as an arbitrary, 
 conventional, or constitutional thing, but as the 
 gift of every man born into the world, believing 
 that God was our common Father, and the ruler of 
 us all, but that every man as between himself and 
 his fellow had a right to himself, and to eat in secu 
 rity and peace the bread which his own hand had 
 earned. And I will inquire now, in wdiat consists 
 our security that our liberties shall be preserved ? 
 Xot in these rich fields, not in mines, in commerce, 
 in material wealth, in navies nor in armies, nor yet 
 in paper constitutions, but in the conviction deeply 
 seated in the public conscience, that liberty is the 
 gift of God to every man. 
 
 HENDRICKS AND THE HISTORY OF THE DEMOCRATIC 
 PARTY. 
 
 I learn that Mr. Hendricks has been here, and has 
 recited before your people, his time-honored eulogy 
 upon the services and memory of the democratic 
 party. He is the great democratic antiquary, and 
 plunges deeply into the antiquities of American 
 politics ; a sort of Old Mortality, reviving the faded 
 inscriptions upon democratic monuments. He 
 delights to attribute all that is glorious and useful 
 in the past history of the nation, its past progress 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 97 
 
 and present power to the services of the democratic 
 party. But I am not aware that he speaks of any 
 great achievement by the party since 1854, since 
 the time it cast off its old principles and clothed 
 itself with new ones. The events to which he refers, 
 and the good which the party has done, all occurred 
 before that time, But he makes one singular 
 omission, which is even more remarkable in a gen 
 tleman so fair and candid as he professes to be, 
 which consists in failing to state that the party in 
 that golden age, while performing these great and 
 glorious deeds, stood upon republican ground in 
 regard to the question of slavery. Those glorious 
 achievements, I claim them all. They were per 
 formed by men of my faith and not of his, by men 
 who recoil with horror from his doctrines. If there 
 be any achievement of the party, which he so 
 extols, of which any honest man should boast since 
 1854, I am ignorant of it. True, there is the Mor 
 mon war. I shall not forget that short and decisive 
 campaign against the Mormons, the capture of 
 Brigham Young by high prices for his beef and 
 flour, and his honorable surrender upon having 
 everything his own way, as in former times. The 
 occupation of Utah by our troops, is the only case 
 of genuine, non-intervention on record; for the 
 army refused to interfere with the Mormons in any 
 respect, but left them free to regulate their domestic 
 institutions in their own way, subject only to Brig- 
 ham Young and his forty wives. The fact is, the 
 9 
 
98 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 democratic party in times past have done many good 
 and glorious things, of which I feel justly proud, 
 and I do now and ever shall protest against this 
 inheritance of glory passing out of the family to a 
 bastard issue, though it bear the same name. 
 
 HENDRICKS AND THE SWAMP LANDS. 
 
 Mr. Hendricks read before your hearing, I am 
 told, a brief, a very brief extract from the report of 
 the committee to investigate the swamp land frauds, 
 tending to impeach the officers elected by the peo 
 ple s party, in 1854, with malfeasance and corruption 
 in office. I must again express my surprise that a 
 gentleman so distinguished by professions of candor 
 and fair dealing should have omitted to read other 
 parts of that report equally important and signifi 
 cant. To read one passage and omit others bearing 
 upon the same point, is but garbling, and must 
 make a false impression. Of course, Mr. Hendricks 
 did not intend this, but it has unfortunately occurred 
 the same way in every county where he has been. 
 I will now read the part which he read. It reads 
 thus: 
 
 " In the year 1856, without the color of law, and 
 in violation of right, the then Auditor of State, 
 Hiram E. Talbott, directed the Auditor of Jasper 
 county, to withhold from sale, a large amount of 
 swamp land designated by him. The committee 
 are compelled to conclude, that this order was 
 prompted with a view to personal and private spec- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 99 
 
 ulation (see the letter of the Auditor and the letter 
 of A. B. Conditt, on file). This, no doubt, was the 
 commencement of a system of frauds unheard of 
 before. A spirit of speculating in these lands was 
 engendered, and, in a short time, there were found 
 four separate companies, who selected, as they 
 termed it, and actually obtained, by the complicity 
 of the Swamp Land Commissioners, deeds for about 
 one hundred and twenty-four thousand acres of the 
 best of the lands vacant in the county. 
 
 " [For the names of the parties in this scheme we 
 refer you to the evidence herewith filed.] 
 
 "The deeds to these lands were procured without 
 the shadow of law, from the officers of State." 
 
 I will now read another and more lengthy extract 
 from the same report, closely following that read 
 by Mr. Hendricks, and which he unfortunately 
 overlooked. It reads thus : 
 
 " From the evidence in possession of your com 
 mittee, they can not but express their surprise that 
 Governor Willard should have appointed Jacob 
 Markle to the responsible office of Swamp Land 
 Commissioner of Jasper county, soon after the expi 
 ration of his term of office as Treasurer of the 
 said county, notwithstanding it was known to his 
 Excellency that said Markle had been sued on his 
 official bond as a defaulter to the Swamp Land Fund, 
 in 1855, which suit he has compromised by giving 
 his notes with surety for the sum of $23,460 30, 
 thus acknowledging his defalcation ; and the greater 
 
100 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 part of these notes, though due, was still outstand 
 ing and unpaid ; and, notwithstanding it was known 
 to his Excellency that said Markle had again been 
 sued in 1856, upon his official bond as Swamp Land 
 Treasurer, for a further defalcation of $14,000 to 
 the Swamp Land Fund, as certified by the Auditor 
 of State ; and that, in 1857, judgment was obtained 
 against him in another suit upon his official bond 
 as County Treasurer, to the amount of $1,000 for 
 State revenue, and that was then and still is pend 
 ing against him, upon his official bond, for defalca 
 tion of county revenue, and had not, at the date of 
 his appointment as said commissioner, and still has 
 not settled with the Auditor and Treasurer of State 
 or County Commissioners, for either State, swamp 
 land or county revenues ; and notwithstanding it 
 was known to his Excellency, that by Sec. 10 of 
 Art. 2, of the Constitution of Indiana, said Markle 
 was wholly * ineligible to any office of trust or 
 profit, and that by an act of the legislature, ap 
 proved March 1, 1855 (see Acts, 1855, page 85), he 
 was guilty of felony. Still, with a full knowledge 
 of all these disqualifications and disabilities, he 
 (Markle) was appointed and invested, by his Excel 
 lency, with the duties of this important and respons 
 ible office, for the performance of which he is not 
 required to give any bond. In view of these facts, 
 your committee would recommend that his Excel 
 lency be respectfully requested to remove Mr. Markle 
 from said office." 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER I. MORTON. 101 
 
 There are good and bad men. in all parties, 
 churches, orders, and organizations. If we should 
 expect to find absolute purity in any of them we 
 should be very much disappointed. The true test 
 as to whether any church, party or organization of 
 men is honest is found in the fact that when they 
 find an offender or scoundrel in their ranks they 
 will punish or expel him. If, upon discovery, it lop 
 off the rotten member and put away the uncleanli- 
 ness, it vindicates its character as an honest church, 
 party, or organization. If, on the other hand, it 
 defend the criminal, palliate his guilt, and shield 
 him from punishment, then its members become 
 partners in his crime, alike corrupt and deserving 
 of the condemnation of all men. Let us apply this 
 principle, so plain and simple. At the last session 
 of the legislature, the republican members of the 
 house brought forward a bill which contained a 
 provision instructing the county commissioners, in 
 which the swamp lands were situated, out of which 
 the State had been swindled, to bring suit to re 
 cover back the lands. This could easily have been 
 done. The frauds in most cases were patent, and 
 the lands were nearly all in the hands of original 
 holders, for they could not sell them owing to the 
 cloud that hung over the title. The investigations 
 growing out of these suits would have shown who 
 were the swindlers, and would have located the 
 fraud upon the shoulders of the right party. Ev 
 ery democratic member of the house voted against 
 
102 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 this bill. When it was before the house for con 
 sideration the lobby swarmed with leading demo 
 crats, urging the democratic members of the house 
 to defeat the bill by any means whatever ; and 
 when afterward, in another form, this provision 
 was about to become a law there being a major 
 ity for it the democratic members of the house 
 defeated its passage by breaking the quorum, and 
 thus effectually staving off the investigation. I 
 might conclude my remarks upon this subject by 
 again expressing my surprise, that Mr. Hendricks 
 should have omitted a statement of these facts, so 
 important to a correct understanding of the swamp 
 land affairs. 
 
 THE Two NATIONAL EXCLUSIVE DEMOCRATIC PARTIES. 
 
 "We have now two parties, each claiming to be 
 the sole, exclusive, national democratic party. They 
 are quarreling about a name to which neither has 
 the slightest title. Mr. Buchanan said, many years 
 ago, that if he had a drop of democratic blood in 
 his veins he would let it out. Since he has been 
 elected President, he has let out the last drop from 
 the veins of his party, and there is nothing now 
 left to quarrel over but a decaying or putrefying 
 carcass, and the republicans have the unpleasant 
 job of hauling this carcass out on the common. 
 These two opposing parties or factions are calling 
 each other all manner of hard names, and charge 
 each other with all manner of iniquities, and as 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON 103 
 
 their means of knowledge are excellent it would be 
 indelicate in us to contradict them. For example, 
 the Douglas men call the Breckinridge men fire- 
 eating disunionists, slave code interventionists, bolt 
 ers from the democratic party, and pronounce upon 
 them that terrible curse which is intended, to con 
 sume them in all their parts. On the other hand, 
 the Breckinridge men call the Douglasites the half- 
 breeds, the mulatto democracy ; in common par 
 lance " neither pig nor pup," being a vulgar cross 
 between the rearing followers of William Lloyd 
 Garrison and the fire-eating satellites of John C. 
 Calhoun, a dissolute gang of political desperadoes 
 without a principle and without a hope. It is not 
 necessary for us to pass judgment upon the justice 
 of these encomiums. The Breckinridge men claim 
 that Breckinridge is the regular democratic candi 
 date, because he was nominated by the democratic 
 States and represents the sentiment of the party 
 where it is in power. On the other hand, the small 
 handful of democrats in Massachusetts, hardly 
 enough to fill the offices, claim the privilege of 
 nominating a candidate for the democratic State 
 of Virginia. The democracy of the hopelessly 
 republican States say they ought to be allowed to 
 nominate the candidate inasmuch as they can not 
 elect one. But the unwashed democracy of the 
 South say that if they have to do the electing 
 they want to do the nominating too a very ab 
 surd demand indeed. The fact is the nomination 
 
104 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 of Douglas was brought about chiefly by the vote 
 of States which he had no earthly hope of carrying. 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION OF J. B. 
 
 -In 1852 Pierce came into office by a large major 
 ity of the people of the United States, and four 
 years afterward retired, I believe by universal con 
 sent. The present administration has forfeited the 
 respect and esteem of men of all parties. It has 
 been distinguished by a treachery and corruption 
 that have disgusted even the democracy; from 
 which it may be argued that they are very great. 
 Old Buck s bachelor life will be a type of his ad 
 ministration, for it will leave behind it no fruit that 
 he will care to own and no one to drop a tear to 
 his memory. He has cleared at a single bound the 
 gulf which separates freedom from slavery, which 
 his party has been so laboriously trying to bridge 
 for many years. Douglas is the architect of this 
 patent, suspension, squatter sovereignty bridge; 
 but old Buck, spurning the rickety fabric, leaped 
 at once nimbly to the other side of Jordan. Under 
 this administration, defalcation, bribery, and ex 
 travagance are no longer compelled to conceal 
 themselves from the public eye, but stalk abroad 
 like the pestilence at noonday, tainting the whole 
 moral atmosphere, and telling of the near presence 
 of putrefaction and decay. You are familiar with 
 the history of those defaulting martyrs, Price and 
 Swartwout. Well, the blood of these martyrs has 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 105 
 
 become the seed of the modern democratic church, 
 which having been sown upon good ground has 
 produced considerably more than a hundred fold. 
 The cry for reform is heard throughout the land. 
 Thousands and tens of thousands of men who 
 are opposed to us on the slavery question, are de 
 manding a change in the administration, and they 
 say they will welcome any change, for things can 
 not be worse and may be better. They are appre 
 hensive of a dissolution of the Government from 
 sheer rottenness, believing that where all the chan 
 nels of authority are tainted and choked by cor 
 ruption, where all the powers of the administration 
 are exerted for individual aggrandizement, to the 
 ruin of the greatest public interests, the end will 
 speedily come. 
 
 HONEST OLD ABE. 
 
 We have presented to the country as our candi 
 date for the. Presidency, Abraham Lincoln, of Illi 
 nois, better known as Honest Old Abe. What a 
 title that is! It carries him right to the people 
 without a formal introduction. It is a title of which 
 he should be more proud than of all the thirteen 
 so gaudily worn by the Prince of Wales now visit 
 ing our shores. It has become somewhat fashiona 
 ble with Douglas politicians to depreciate his 
 intellectual qualifications. To show how unbe 
 coming and improper it is for any friend of Mr. 
 Douglas to attempt to impeach his ability, we have 
 
I 
 
 106 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 but to refer to the joint debates between them in 
 Illinois in 1858. These discussions were reported 
 at the time, word for word, and have been since 
 republished by the republican party, in book form, 
 without change or comment, and circulated as a 
 campaign document. No intelligent man can read 
 these debates without being satisfied that Lincoln 
 is the superior of Douglas in a knowledge of the 
 history and principles of the Government, and in 
 logic, and overwhelmed him at every point. He 
 proved himself also the superior in good manners, 
 for while Douglas was frequently rude, personal, 
 and offensive, Old Abe was always in a good hu 
 mor ; and the madder Douglas the merrier was Abe. 
 The fact is, if any man can read these debates in 
 their order, beginning with the speech of Douglas, 
 then taking the speech of Lincoln, and so on 
 through without becoming a republican, I give him 
 over to reprobacy of mind and hardness of heart. 
 Notwithstanding Lincoln s great mental ability, he 
 has other qualities which I admire still more. He 
 is an honest man " The noblest work of God." 
 He possesses that rare and sterling integrity that 
 secures the love of all who know him and places 
 him, like Csesar s wife, above suspicion. There is 
 that in his character that causes the shafts of false 
 hood and malice to fall harmless at his feet. The 
 truth is his enemies have not had the courage to do 
 any considerable amount of lying about him. They 
 have told a few small ones, but have in nowise pre- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 107 
 
 judiced his cause. They first said that he had voted 
 in Congress against supplies to our army while in 
 Mexico, hut it turned out upon examination that he 
 was not in Congress at that time. So that story 
 fell to the ground. They then said he had voted 
 against bounties to the soldiers and the widows of 
 soldiers who had served in the Mexican campaign, 
 hut it turned out that he had always voted for the 
 largest proposition of that kind, though he had re 
 fused to vote that the war was rightly commenced. 
 The last story I have heard of was that he had kept 
 a grocery while a young man. The story was im 
 mediately proven to be untrue ; but the absurdity 
 of the democratic party urging that as an objection 
 to any man, became so manifest that they laughed 
 at it themselves and let it drop. He is the child of 
 labor. His boyhood and early manhood were spent 
 in honest toil in forest and in field, and he is thus 
 pre-eminently qualified to be the candidate of the 
 republican party at a time when free labor and slave 
 labor are brought in conflict face to face. He is in 
 his own person the representation of free labor, and 
 what it can do in ennobling and dignifying the hu 
 man character. His hands, like yours, have been 
 hardened with toil, and his brow has dripped with 
 the perspiration of honest labor. If, by your hon 
 est industry and toil, you have acquired a home and 
 a competence, Old Abe can sympathise with you. 
 He knows just how you came by it. 
 
 In conclusion, let me again state the issue. If 
 
108 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 you believe slavery to be a good thing, and that it 
 should be universally extended, that slave labor is 
 better than free labor, then vote the democratic 
 ticket and you will vote your sentiments. If, on 
 the other hand, you believe that freedom is better 
 than slavery that the Territories should be pre 
 served for free men and free labor that freedom 
 should be national and slavery local and sectional, 
 then vote the republican ticket and you will vote 
 your sentiments, and do your duty to your country 
 and your God! 
 
 In this speech some things are repeated which 
 were said at Terre Haute, but there are enough new 
 points in it to make it well worth a perusal. Under 
 the head, " Historical Facts," is found a brief pre 
 sentation of political and legislative precedents, 
 pointing clearly to the republican doctrine as 
 expounded in this and the Terre Haute speech, as 
 the policy of the fathers, as the creed of all parties 
 previous to 1854. 
 
 The masterly review of the Dred Scott decision, 
 and the exposition of the inconsistencies of certain 
 democratic leaders, show how thoroughly the dem 
 ocratic party had become corrupted by Southern 
 slaveholders ; how it had been converted into a pro- 
 slavery engine for the purpose of nationalizing and 
 spreading an institution which had been regarded 
 by the framers of the Constitution, and by the 
 democracy up to the year 1849, as purely local and 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 109 
 
 only capable of existing by positive municipal 
 enactments. 
 
 This truly great speech was published not only 
 by the republican papers of Indiana, but by those 
 of many other States, which fact goes to show that 
 Morton was regarded as the great expounder of 
 republican doctrine. 
 
 Some few there were, as Mr. Julian of Indiana, 
 who thought Morton s exposition of republicanism 
 too conservative and not in accordance with the 
 true faith; but the majority of the leaders of the 
 republican party, and the great republican masses 
 of the North-west, indorsed nothing more radical 
 than is contained in his speeches ; and the numer 
 ous efforts made by certain prominent individuals 
 to destroy Morton s influence and depose him from 
 his position as the acknowledged leader of hia 
 party in his State were all fruitless. 
 
 Morton was no less an enemy of slavery than 
 those radicals who demanded its immediate and 
 unconditional abolition, but he knew that reform 
 was never promoted by attempting to push it in 
 advance of the intelligence of the people ; that in 
 order to successfully carry forward a great social 
 or political enterprise, society must be taken as it 
 is. His talents being no less practical than bril 
 liant, he displayed in all his political operations that 
 disposition and capacity to adapt means to ends, 
 which marks the career of every successful re 
 former. And the fact that his democratic oppo- 
 
110 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 nents feared him more than almost any other 
 advocate of republicanism, and were never able to 
 successfully meet his arguments, shows that his 
 views of the course which should be pursued by 
 his party were correct, and that his plans were of 
 the most efficient character. 
 
 But his remarks in this speech under the head, 
 " A new edition of the Declaration of Independ 
 ence, revised and corrected," etc., etc., show that 
 he was looking forward to the day when the peo 
 ple would be educated up to that point where they 
 would see, as expressed by a distinguished demo 
 crat of Missouri, in 1863, "that the institution of 
 slavery is an enemy to constitutional liberty," and 
 that it is incompatible with the existence of a 
 republic. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. Ill 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Close of canvass of 1860 Commencement of the Rebellion- 
 Morton s speech before republican meeting at Indianapolis, 
 November 22d, 1860. 
 
 The political campaign of 1860 closed with the 
 success of the entire republican ticket. All the 
 Northern States gave large republican majorities, 
 and Abraham Lincoln was called to administer the 
 Government of the United States. The South 
 having long matured the scheme of rebellion, 
 made this success the pretext for attempting to dis 
 member the republic. The news of the election 
 of Lincoln had scarcely reached the city of Charles 
 ton before the citizens of that place, with their 
 hats adorned with revolutionary cockades, went 
 shouting through the streets, " The Union is dis 
 solved ; the South is free !" Soon it was announced 
 that a convention would be called in South Caro 
 lina, with a view to passing an ordinance of seces 
 sion. The gloom which overcast the souls of the 
 people of the North, upon the reception of this 
 intelligence, clouded all brows, saddened all hearts. 
 Almost every species of business was checked, all 
 the ordinary interests of life nagged, and one great 
 all-absorbing question overshadowed every other : 
 How shall the UNION be preserved ? 
 
112 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 To this question two answers were given; viz., 
 1, by force of arms ; 2, by conciliatory measures. 
 
 While the country was very much divided, and 
 many were clamoring for compromise, and even 
 some prominent republicans favored a peace policy 
 and said, " Let the South go without bloodshed," 
 Morton took a bold, firm stand in favor of vigorous 
 measures, and the preservation of the country as a 
 whole, if need be by force of arms. 
 
 Shortly after the election of Lincoln the repub 
 licans of Indianapolis met to rejoice over the 
 success of their ticket, and give some general 
 expression of their views respecting the condition 
 of the country. 
 
 The able, statesmanlike speech here presented, 
 shows the position taken by Oliver P. Morton at 
 that early stage of the rebellion. The arguments 
 contained in it in favor of a vigorous policy and 
 against the idea of a peaceable separation are unan 
 swerable. 
 
 Upon coming before the audience Mr. Morton 
 said: 
 
 We hear much said against the policy of coercing 
 South Carolina in case she attempts to secede. 
 
 What is coercion but the enforcement of the law ? 
 Is anything else intended or required? Secession or 
 nullification can only be regarded by the General 
 government as individual action upon individual 
 responsibility. Those Concerned in it can not 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 113 
 
 intrench themselves behind the forms of the State 
 government so as to give their conduct the sem 
 blance of legality, and thus devolve the responsibility 
 upon the State government, which of itself is irre 
 sponsible. 
 
 The Constitution and laws of the United States 
 operate upon individuals, but not upon States, and 
 precisely as if there were no States. 
 
 In this matter the President has no discretion. 
 He has taken a solemn oath to enforce the laws and 
 preserve order, and to this end he has been made 
 Commander-in-chief of the army and navy. How 
 can he be absolved from responsibility thus devolved 
 upon him by the Constitution and his official oath? 
 Can it be done by the resolutions of conventions, 
 the advice of the newspapers, or even a decided pre 
 ponderance of public opinion ? 
 
 There is but one way in which the President can 
 be absolved from his duty to exert all the power 
 reposed in his hands by the Constitution to enforce 
 the laws in South Carolina, which is by acknow 
 ledging her independence. The Constitution pro 
 vides that Congress may admit new States into the 
 Union, but there is no provision for turning one out 
 or permitting one to go out. A State once admit 
 ted into the Union, becomes a part of the body of 
 the nation, and severance or secession is not con 
 templated by the Constitution as permissible or 
 possible. 
 
 If Congress possess the power to acknowledge 
 10 
 
114 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 the independence of a State and thus to place it 
 without the pale of the Union, it must result from 
 an inexorable necessity produced by a successful 
 revolution. While a State is in the Union, there is 
 no power under the Constitution for the General 
 and State governments to enter into negotiations 
 and to treat with each other. No Government pos 
 sesses the constitutional power to dismember itself. 
 If the power does exist in this Government to 
 acknowledge the independence of South Carolina, 
 or any other State, it can only be exercised by an 
 act of Congress. The President, of himself, would 
 not possess it, and consequently, until released from 
 his duty by such acknowledgments, he must exert 
 his power to enforce the laws. 
 
 WHAT is THE DUTY OF THE GOVERNMENT ? 
 
 If an attempt at secession be made, there is but 
 one of two courses to be pursued. Either to allow 
 the seceding State peaceably to go and set up for 
 herself as an independent government, or else by 
 the police or military power of the United States 
 compel an observance of the laws and submission to 
 constitutional obligations. 
 
 Let us consider what would be the consequence 
 of adopting tlie former course. If we allow a State 
 peaceably to secede, we thereby concede the right in 
 the most substantial and solemn manner. It would 
 be sheer nonsense to allow a State, especially a weak 
 pne like South Carolina, to secede, and yet deny 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 115 
 
 the right of secession ; and that other States may 
 not retire in the same manner whenever they see 
 proper. We can not, therefore, allow South Caro 
 lina to secede without conceding the right and 
 thereby settling the principle as to the remaining 
 States. The right of secession conceded, the nation 
 is dissolved. Instead of having a nation, one 
 mighty people, we have but a collection and com 
 bination of thirty-three independent and petty 
 States, held together by a treaty which has hitherto 
 been called a Constitution, of the infraction of 
 which each State is to be the judge, and from which 
 any State may withdraw at pleasure. 
 
 It would not be twelve months until a project of a 
 Pacific Empire would be set on foot. California and 
 Oregon, being each sovereign and independent, would 
 have a right to withdraw from their present part 
 nership and form a new one, or form two separate 
 nations. In doing so they would act with a far 
 greater show of reason and a far better prospect of 
 success than South Carolina. They are separated 
 from the other States by thousands of miles of bar 
 ren plains and snow clad mountains. 
 
 Their commerce is naturally with the East Indies 
 and the Isles of the Pacific Ocean. The tie of com 
 mercial interests between them and the other States 
 is weaker than that which binds together any other 
 section of the Republic. 
 
 The right to secede conceded and the way to do it 
 having been shown to be safe and easy, the pres- 
 
116 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 tige of the Republic gone, the national pride 
 extinguished with the national idea, secession 
 would become the remedy for every State or sec 
 tional grievance, real or imaginary. And in a few 
 short years we should witness the total dissolution 
 of that mighty Republic which has been the hope 
 and the glory of the world. We should then have 
 before us the prospect presented in the history of 
 the petty States of Greece, Italy and the principali 
 ties of Germany. 
 
 Need I stop to argue the political, intellectual, 
 social and commercial death involved in this wreck 
 and ruin ? We must then cling to the idea that we 
 are a nation, one and indivisible, and that although 
 subdivided by State lines for local and domestic 
 purposes, we are but one people, the citizens of a 
 common country, having like institutions and man 
 ners, and possessing a common interest in that 
 inheritance of glory so richly provided by our 
 fathers. We must therefore do no act, we must 
 tolerate no act, we must concede no idea or theory 
 that looks to or involves the dismemberment of the 
 nation. And especially must we of the inland 
 States cling to the national idea. 
 
 If South Carolina may secede peaceably, so may 
 New York, Massachusetts, Maryland, and Louisiana, 
 cutting off our commerce and destroying our right 
 of way to the Ocean. We would thus be shut up 
 in the interior of a continent, surrounded by inde 
 pendent, perhaps hostile nations, through whose ter- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 117 
 
 ritories we could obtain egress to the sea-board only 
 upon such terms as might be agreed to by treaty. 
 Emigrants from foreign lands could only reach us 
 by permission of our neighbors, and we could not 
 reach any Atlantic port except by passports duly 
 visSd. In such a condition of affairs the sea-board 
 States would possess immense advantages, which 
 may be illustrated and understood by comparing the 
 wealth, prosperity and power of the sea-board 
 kingdoms, with those shut up in the interior of 
 Europe. Can it be possible then that Kentucky, 
 Tennessee, Arkansas, Missouri or Mississippi, can 
 ever become so infatuated, so utterly demented, as 
 to subscribe to the doctrine that a State has the 
 right to secede, thereby placing the existence of 
 their commerce, their peculiar institution, their 
 everything, within the power of Louisiana, com 
 manding, as she does, the outlet of the Mississippi 
 and the entrance to the Gulf. As the matter now 
 stands, the portof New York is the property of the na 
 tion, held for the benefit of all the States, the revenue 
 there collected being disbursed for the benefit of all. 
 But we are told that if we use force to compel 
 submission to the laws in South Carolina, it will so 
 excite and exasperate the other slave States, as to 
 lead them to make common cause with her. I am 
 not willing to believe that this treason is so widely 
 spread, and that sympathy with South Carolina 
 traitors will be stronger than devotion to the Union. 
 Should such be the case, however, it should not, in 
 
118 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 my judgment, change the course we ought to pur 
 sue. If the people of the other Southern States 
 will not permit the enforcement of the laws in South 
 Carolina, it would be evidence that they were intend 
 ing to follow her example at their own convenience. 
 If they intend to stay in the Union, and adhere to 
 its fortunes, they will thrust no obstacles in the way 
 of the General government to prevent its compel 
 ling obedience to the laws. Mere caprice and pride 
 will not determine their action in a matter so 
 momentous, involving the destinies of millions for 
 all time. But if such is their purpose, and such the 
 condition of public sentiment, we can not know the 
 fact too soon, that we may prepare for the worst. I 
 am not willing to believe that the bad example of 
 South Carolina would be followed by any other 
 States, certainly by not more than one or two. 
 
 If South Carolina gets out of the Union, I trust 
 it will be at the point of the bayonet, after our best 
 efforts have failed to compel her to submission to 
 the laws. Better concede her independence to 
 force, to revolution, than to right and principle. 
 Such a concession can not be drawn into precedent 
 and construed into an admission that we are but a 
 combination of petty States, any one of which has 
 a right to secede and set up for herself whenever it 
 suits her temper, or views of her peculiar interest. 
 Such a contest, let it terminate as it may, would be 
 a declaration to the other States of the only terms 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 119 
 
 upon which they would be permitted to withdraw 
 from the Union. 
 
 The lopping off of South Carolina by the sword 
 of revolution, would not disturb the unity of the 
 balance of the nation ; but would simply be a 
 diminution from its aggregate power to the extent 
 of her resources and population. Notwithstand 
 ing the American revolution terminated so disas 
 trously to the British Government, after an enor 
 mous expenditure of blood and treasure, accompan 
 ied by such humiliation of the national pride, still 
 it preserved the integrity of the remaining portion 
 of the empire. Had our claims to independence been 
 at once recognized and conceded by the mother 
 country, and the thirteen colonies peaceably allowed 
 to constitute a separate government, and take their 
 place among the nations of the earth, an example 
 would have been set and an admission made of 
 which every colony, island and dependency of the 
 empire would have speedily claimed the benefit. 
 The Canadas, the East and West Indies and Aus 
 tralia would, in turn, point to this epoch in British 
 history as a palpable and unconditional avowal of 
 the doctrine that they had the right under the Brit 
 ish constitution at any time peaceably to terminate 
 their allegiance to the crown, and secede from the 
 empire. An admission of the existence of a right 
 so made, could it be retracted at all, could only be 
 at the end of .numerous civil and bloody wars. 
 
 Shall we now surrender the nation without a 
 
120 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 struggle and let the Union go with merely a few 
 hard words? Shall we encourage faint-hearted 
 traitors to pursue their treason, by advising them 
 in advance that it would be safe and successful ? 
 If it was worth a bloody struggle to establish this 
 nation, it is worth one to preserve it; and I trust 
 that we shall not, by surrendering with indecent 
 haste, publish to the world that the inheritance 
 our fathers purchased with their blood we have 
 given up to save ours. 
 
 Seven years is but a day in the life of a nation, 
 and I would rather come out of a struggle at the 
 end of that time, defeated in arms and conceding 
 independence to successful revolution, than to pur 
 chase present peace by the concession of a princi 
 ple that must inevitably explode this nation into 
 small and dishonored fragments. 
 
 But of the result of such a struggle I should 
 entertain the utmost hope and confidence. 
 
 He who compares our glorious war for liberty 
 and independence against grinding oppression, to 
 another war to be set on foot for the propagation 
 of human slavery, to crush out liberty of speech 
 and of the press, and to inaugurate and revive, 
 with all its untold and indescribable horrors, the 
 African slave trade, must have an indifferent idea 
 of the justice of that Providence who holds in his 
 hands the issue of battle. To employ the language 
 of a great statesman, " Surely the Almighty has no 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 121 
 
 attribute that could take sides with rebels in such 
 a contest." 
 
 I will not stop to argue the right of secession. 
 The whole question is summed up in this proposi 
 tion : " Are we one nation, one people, or thirty- 
 three nations, or thirty-three independent and 
 petty States?" The statement of the proposition 
 furnishes the answer. If we are one nation, then 
 no State has a right to secede. Secession can only 
 be the result of successful revolution. I answer the 
 question for you, and I know that my answer will 
 find a response in every true American heart, that 
 we are one people, one nation, undivided and indi 
 visible. 
 
 At the conclusion of Judge Morton s speech a 
 paper was handed to him, of which the following 
 is a copy : 
 
 " This is understood to be a meeting to rejoice 
 over the election of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 " Will the speaker please state to his audience : 
 
 " 1. Whether or not his party rejoice over the 
 universal bankruptcy and ruin now about to fall 
 upon our country, as a consequence of that election ? 
 
 " 2. Whether they rejoice that the free laborers, 
 about which they have told us so much, are on the 
 eve of being turned out and starved as a conse 
 quence of that election? 
 
 " 3. Whether they rejoice at the prospect of 
 fraternal strife and internecine war, which now pre- 
 11 
 
122 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 sents itself in the immediate future as a consequence 
 of that election ? 
 
 " 4. Whether they rejoice in the humiliation of 
 being compelled, by the exigencies of the times, to 
 accept the very principle announced and main 
 tained by Stephen A. Douglas (whom they have 
 denounced and vilified for his steadfast advocacy of 
 it), as the only basis of Union and peace hereafter; 
 or, on the othe^ hand, whether they rejoice in the 
 certainty that the honest adherence to their own 
 principles and doctrines will insure the speedy 
 destruction of their country, and demonstrate the 
 failure of republican governments to the world ? 
 
 " November 22, 1860. GORDON TANKER." 
 
 Mr. Morton read the paper and then said: 
 
 As I recognize the person whose name is signed 
 to this paper as a gentleman, I will with pleasure 
 attempt to respond to his interrogatories. 
 
 I answer to the first question, that we rejoice 
 over our victory because it is the triumph of truth 
 and the success of correct and time-honored prin 
 ciples. 
 
 Should bankruptcy and ruin fall upon the coun 
 try, we should deplore it most deeply; but we 
 should not regard it as the consequence of the elec 
 tion of Abraham Lincoln, or feel that any respon 
 sibility rested upon us, but in it recognize the 
 legitimate results of the means employed by our 
 adversaries to effect our defeat and destruction. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 123 
 
 To the second question I answer, that should free 
 labor lose its reward and free laborers their employ 
 ment, and be brought to starvation, we would 
 mourn over their calamities, seek to alleviate their 
 sufferings and redress their wrongs; and, as we 
 know the authors of the crime, we intend to hold 
 them to a just accountability in this world, and 
 believe that the Almighty will in the next. 
 
 To the third question I answer, that we do not 
 rejoice " at the prospect of fraternal strife and inter 
 necine war." From such a prospect we would turn 
 away with horror. But should they come we can 
 rejoice in the conviction that they are not the just 
 consequence of the election of a president accord 
 ing to the forms of the Constitution; but we know 
 those who would rejoice. They are those who for 
 months and years past have labored to alienate the 
 hearts of this people from each other; who, for 
 political purposes, by all the arts of defamation 
 have poisoned the Southern mind against the North, 
 and sought to array them in deadly hostility against 
 each other ; who have broken compromises and 
 kept no faith; who incited civil war in Kansas and 
 justified the attempted subjugation of a free peo 
 ple ; who, for political purposes, have prophesied 
 that these things would follow Lincoln s election, 
 and are now laboring to fulfill the prophecy, and 
 instead of seeking to allay the troubles in the land 
 are exerting all the means in their power to aggra 
 vate the difficulty and widen the breach. They 
 
124 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 seem exceedingly anxious to be able to tell the peo 
 ple, " I told you so ; see what you have done by 
 voting your sentiments and for the man of your 
 choice." 
 
 It. J. RyanI beg leave to ask a question. I 
 agree to and indorse nearly every thing that has 
 been said here to-night ; and I, too, trust that if 
 South Carolina gets out of the Union it will be at 
 the point of the bayonet. My father and mother 
 are buried at Barnwell in that State, and should 
 she secede from the Union, I would go and with 
 my own hands dig up their bones and bring them 
 away. But the question I desire to ask is this : 
 Whether those questions were really prepared by a 
 democrat ? 
 
 Much confusion and excitement ensued for a 
 moment, when Mr. Tanner arose in the back por 
 tion of the audience and said the questions were 
 his and bore his signature. 
 
 Mr. Morton then proceeded : I am not surprised 
 that my friend, Mr. Ryan, who is a very sensible 
 gentleman, should regard it as incredible that any 
 democrat should ask these questions. 
 
 The fourth question, as you perceive, is quite 
 lengthy, and has a very considerable stump speech 
 injected into the body of it. My friend, Governor 
 Lane, understands parliamentary law, and I appeal 
 whether I may not call for a division of the ques 
 tion and consider it by sections. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 125 
 
 [Governor Lane, who was sitting on the platform, 
 announced that the suggestion was in order.] 
 
 To the first branch of the question, I answer that 
 we have not u vilified " Stephen A. Douglas for his 
 " steadfast advocacy " of a principle or for any other 
 cause. He has been upon all sides of the vexed 
 question. "Within the last twelve months he has 
 undergone more changes than the moon. He has 
 advocated nothing steadfastly but Stephen A. 
 Douglas. To the third and last branch of the 
 question, I answer that we do not rejoice in the cer 
 tainty that an honest adherence to our principles 
 " will insure the speedy destruction of Our country 
 and demonstrate the failure of republican govern 
 ment to the world." On the contrary, we believe our 
 principles to be those of the Constitution and the 
 Fathers, and that peace can only be restored and 
 the safety of our institutions secured by bringing the 
 government to that ancient, just, and liberal policy 
 upon which it was founded and administered for so 
 many years. 
 
126 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Commencement of the rebellion The attack on Sumter Great 
 excitement which followed Governor Morton s capacity to 
 control and direct popular feeling Readiness with which the 
 people responded to his call Remarkable promptness and 
 efficiency of Governor Morton in preparing Indiana volunteers 
 for service Indiana troops excel those of any other Western 
 State Governor Morton calls an extra session of the Indiana 
 legislature His message to that body His impartiality in 
 making military appointments, etc., etc. 
 
 On the 14th day of January, 1861, in the pres 
 ence of both houses of the Indiana Legislature, 
 Honorable 0. P. Morton was duly qualified for the 
 office of Lieutenant-Governor, and on the same 
 day took his seat as President of the Senate. He 
 occupied this position but two days when, in conse 
 quence of the election by the legislature of Hon. 
 Henry S. Lane, Governor elect, to the Senate of the 
 United States for the term of six years, he became 
 governor of Indiana and took the oath of office. 
 
 The following is his address to the General As 
 sembly on the occasion of his inauguration : 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate : I beg leave to return 
 to you my thanks for the courtesy and kindness 
 extended to me during our very brief official inter- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 127 
 
 course. That intercourse was just long enough to 
 exhibit on my part the awkwardness of the novice, 
 without the improvement and facilities resulting 
 from experience. In the new position in which I 
 am placed I trust that our relations, both social and 
 official, may continue satisfactory and pleasant. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representa 
 tives : Called by the Constitution to perform the 
 duties of the office of Governor, it will not be 
 expected, under the circumstances, that I should 
 deliver a formal inaugural address. I can only 
 promise to you, and through you to the people of 
 Indiana, to the extent of my ability, a faithful and 
 economical administration, to take care that the 
 laws be enforced, and to resist extravagance and 
 peculation, come in what form they may. 
 
 The financial affairs of our State are in great con 
 fusion and embarrassment. It will be among your 
 first duties carefully to investigate their condition, 
 which having done you will then be able to devise 
 the necessary remedies and apply them as far as 
 may be in your power. The people of this State 
 have been promised retrenchment and reform. 
 That promise can and must be redeemed. 
 
 The times in which we are called to act are full 
 of gloomy portents, counseling us to discretion, 
 moderation, and firmness, and I shall gladly co-op 
 erate with you in all measures having for their pur 
 pose the prosperity and well-being of our beloved 
 
128 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 commonwealth and the preservation of the glorious 
 and precious Union of these States. 
 
 On taking his seat as the executive of Indiana, 
 Governor Morton introduced a new order of things. 
 Under loose, corrupt administrations, Indiana had 
 been disgraced in the eyes of her sister States ; and, 
 as a western writer truly remarks, had become a 
 "by-word among her own citizens." Polluted, 
 unscrupulous officials had grown wealthy by pecu 
 lation ; thousands of dollars of the people s money 
 had been wasted by wanton extravagance. The 
 Sinking Fund had been miserably mismanaged, 
 and the " Stover Fraud," as brought to light 
 by Governor Morton, was found to be one of the 
 most unprincipled affairs ever connected with the 
 management of Indiana s executive department. A 
 regular system of scoundrelism had been carried 
 out by state and county officers in respect to the 
 disposition of Swamp Lands. It had been the pol 
 icy of the State at one time to bring these lands 
 into a tillable condition, by giving them to persons 
 who would drain them, each individual who took 
 land to be obligated to drain every acre he ob 
 tained ; but, by the secret understanding had between 
 state and county officials and certain land specula 
 tors, during the administration which preceded Gov 
 ernor Morton, thousands of acres of the Swamp 
 Lands were made over to persons who never 
 drained the tenth part of what they received, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 129 
 
 while the officers themselves were constantly* 
 making illegal drafts upon the Swamp Land Fund. 
 The credit of the State abroad was greatly dam 
 aged, owing to her finances having been so poorly 
 economized, that she had been obliged to borrow 
 money to pay her debts. 
 
 To bring order out of confusion, to renovate 
 every department, to replenish a depleted treasury, 
 to redeem the State credit, were the duties devol 
 ving upon Governor Morton when he entered the 
 gubernatorial chair ; and earnestly did he set him 
 self about their performance. He ushered a new 
 era into the history of the State. Political specula 
 tors and thieving officials were hurled from position, 
 and base, unprincipled seekers found their stars in 
 the descendant. Public expenses were greatly cur 
 tailed, and the State s finances were carefully hus 
 banded. This work was begun so early and pur 
 sued so persistently that the State was saved mil 
 lions of dollars. 
 
 But the ordinary labors of his office and the 
 extraordinary labor of correcting public abuses 
 were not the only duties to be performed by the 
 Governor, upon assuming the responsibilities of the 
 executive chair. The cloud of disunion in the 
 South, instead of seeming likely to disappear, con 
 tinued to thicken ; and the State of Indiana was 
 greatly divided with respect to the question of the 
 right of secession. Men w r ere heard to say, in the 
 State Legislature, that they would rather take their 
 
130 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 muskets and assist the Southern people in their 
 attempt to obtain their independence, than to sup 
 port the Government. In fact, such was the appa 
 rent strength of the disloyal feeling in the Hoosier 
 State during the winter of 1861, that the South 
 ern traitors believed that in case of civil war they 
 would obtain whole regiments of soldiers from 
 Indiana ; that should a coercive policy be pursued 
 by the Administration, Indiana would secede and 
 annex itself to the Southern Confederacy. The 
 author was, at this period traveling in the South 
 and heard it from the lips of more than one native 
 of the southern part of the State, that Indiana, 
 at least the southern half of it, would readily 
 unite its fortunes with the South, in case of a disso 
 lution of the Union. To preserve the honor of the 
 State, to prevent its playing into the hands of 
 secessionists, and to place it decidedly on the side of 
 the Government, at this time, constituted a work 
 of extraordinary magnitude, a work which no 
 ordinary man or men could have accomplished. 
 
 In going about it, Governor Morton consulted 
 and secured the co-operation of the wisest and most 
 influential men, of all parties, who were in favor of 
 executing the laws and vindicating the honor of 
 the country s flag. Governor Morton was never a 
 friend of half-way measures, nor did he ever seek 
 the advice of men of half-way principles. His loy 
 alty from the beginning was of the most decided 
 character, and when he saw the honor of his State 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 131 
 
 in jeopardy, that there were certain influences at 
 work which threatened to drag Indiana into the 
 whirlpool of secession, he stopped not to inquire what 
 might be a man s political creed, but only asked, 
 " What is the depth of his patriotism ? Is he uncon 
 ditionally for the Union ? " Among the men whose 
 counsel and co-operation he sought at this period, 
 were Hon. Ebenezer Dumont and Hon. Lew Wal 
 lace, life-long democrats, and afterwards among the 
 most gallant and distinguished of Indiana s military 
 chieftains, men, who, although they had used their 
 utmost endeavors to defeat the election of Presi 
 dent Lincoln, not only cheerfully submitted to the 
 constitutionally expressed will of the people in that 
 election, but boldly denounced all efforts to con 
 ciliate traitors as futile and pusillanimous. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1861, it became manifest 
 that not only Indiana, but many other northern States 
 contained a very considerable " pacific element, " a 
 compromising, coaxing element, composed of men 
 willing to concede anything to the South rather than 
 involve the country in a war for the preservation of 
 the Union. A peace conference composed of dele 
 gates from the border States had met in Virginia 
 and failed to accomplish anything. Commissioners 
 from the rebel States had been sent to Washington 
 ostensibly to negotiate with the Government for 
 the United States property within the boundary of 
 the seceded States, and procure a " peaceable sep 
 aration. " A very respectable number of highly 
 
132 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 influential newspapers were arguing to the people 
 and pressing upon the President (Lincoln) the 
 "necessity of pursuing a peace policy. " 
 
 Governor Morton s statesman-like foresight ena 
 bled him to see the utter futility of trying moral 
 suasion upon rebels. His eyes had not been closed 
 to the fact that the Rebellion had been in due course 
 of preparation for a number of years ; that it w r as 
 not the passage of personal liberty bills or the mere 
 election of a republican president that induced the 
 South to withdraw from the Union ; but, that the 
 real cause of the difficulty was to be found in the 
 desire of Southern politicians to make Slavery the 
 dominant power in the Government, the determin 
 ation of Southern aristocrats to render every inter 
 est in the country subordinate to that of their pefc 
 institution. It was clearly obvious to him that no 
 compromise involving anything less than the sacri 
 fice of every Northern interest would be accepted by 
 the secessionists. 
 
 Thoroughly convinced of the danger of delaying 
 prompt action in taking steps toward the defense 
 of the Government, he visited, in person, the Pres 
 ident and assured him that if he would adopt a 
 vigorous policy, Indiana would support him ; that 
 at least six thousand Hoosiers were ready to march 
 in defense of the Union ; that the State of Indiana, 
 although somewhat divided in regard to the causes 
 of the secession movement, would upon trial be 
 found loyal; that nothing could more effectually 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 133 
 
 discourage the Union sentiment in Hoosierdom than 
 a manifestation of a want of decision on the part 
 of the Administration. 
 
 That the Governor s influence had its effect in 
 determining the course pursued, subsequently, by 
 the powers at "Washington is clearly manifest in 
 the changes immediately following this visit. 
 
 As has been truly remarked by an Indiana edi 
 tor, " there never was a cowardly hair on Governor 
 Morton s head," and the desire to see a set of 
 debased, putrid, domineering politicians, styling 
 themselves " the chivalry of America" thoroughly 
 chastised, and to vindicate the honor of the North, 
 doubtless constituted a very strong incentive to the 
 effort thus early made by him to urge the Adminis 
 tration to waste no time in parleying with those 
 who were bent on the destruction of constitutional 
 liberty. 
 
 Shortly after the Governor s visit to Washington 
 Fort Sumter was bombarded and reduced by the 
 rebels. This was the commencement of the most 
 remarkable period in the history of this nation. 
 The attack upon Sumter opened the eyes of the 
 people to the fact that whatever might have been 
 the causes of the rebellion, the salvation of the 
 country depended upon prompt energetic action ; 
 and, for a time, parties and party differences were 
 forgotten, and the fire of patriotic enthusiasm swept 
 the entire North. The wild pulsations of the pub 
 lic heart threw the whole body politic into a state 
 
134 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 of phrenzied excitement. To control and regulate 
 this almost ungovernable feeling and direct it to the 
 production of good results, was an herculean under 
 taking, and the citizens of Indiana have cause to 
 rejoice that in their State it devolved upon a man 
 fully equal to the task. 
 
 Upon receiving the President s proclamation, 
 Governor Morton issued calls to every part of the 
 State for men. Forty thousand men, over six times 
 the number required, sprang, with bounding hearts, 
 to the defense of their government. Six regiments, 
 Indiana s quota, were armed and equipped, ready 
 for service in an incredibly short period of time. 
 But, notwithstanding the hurry attending their 
 preparation, they were better furnished than any 
 other troops from the West. As they marched 
 through Cincinnati and other points on their way 
 to the destinations assigned them, after they were 
 ready for the field, their uniforms, arms, and equip 
 ments were the admiration of all observers, and the 
 newspapers of other States vied with each other in 
 eulogizing the governor of Indiana for the extra 
 ordinary promptness and ability he had displayed 
 in preparing the Hoosier volunteers for the service. 
 In nearly all the North-western States Governor 
 Morton s efficiency was held up as an example for 
 other State executives to follow. 
 
 ~No sooner were these first troops in the field than 
 the Governor sent agents to attend to their several 
 wants ; to see that all their little needs were sup- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 135 
 
 plied while in health, and that they were properly 
 cared for when sick. The plan of sending State 
 agents to visit the troops was originated by Gov 
 ernor Morton, and though other governors en 
 deavored to imitate him they never kept pace with 
 him ; his agents uniformly distanced all others. 
 
 In the meantime, while he was furnishing men 
 and means for the suppression of the rebellion, Gov 
 ernor Morton called an extra session of the legisla 
 ture. His comprehensive views of the rebellion, its 
 causes, and the measures necessary to its suppression 
 are clearly and eloquently expressed in the follow 
 ing message, delivered to the General Assemby, 
 April 25th, 1861 : 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representa 
 tives: You have been summoned together under 
 circumstances of the most grave and important 
 character. Our country is placed in a condition 
 hitherto unknown in her history, and one which all 
 patriots and lovers of liberty throughout the world 
 had fondly hoped would never occur. Civil war, 
 that has ever been the bane of republics, has been 
 inaugurated by certain rebellious States which, un 
 mindful of their constitutional obligations,, and 
 regarding not our common history, blood, interests, 
 and institutions, are seeking to dismember the na 
 tion and overthrow the Federal government, so 
 wisely, and as we had believed, permanently estab 
 lished by our fathers. 
 
136 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 The origin of this most wicked rebellion dates 
 back more than thirty years. It is well known 
 that distinguished Southern statesmen, as early as 
 1829, cherished the dream of a vast Southern 
 slaveholding confederacy, comprehending the con 
 quest of Cuba, Mexico, and Central America. The 
 determination was then formed to break our Be- 
 public into pieces by any available pretext. The 
 first one seized upon by South Carolina w r as the 
 tariff question ; and had not the nation had for 
 its executive a man greatly distinguished for patri 
 otism, courage, and decision of character, wide- 
 spreading and disastrous consequences might have 
 followed. By prompt and energetic action, the 
 rebellion was crushed out for the time, to be 
 revived, as subsequent events have shown, on new 
 pretenses and in another form. 
 
 The election of a president of the United States 
 through the forms of the Constitution, entertain 
 ing opinions obnoxious to certain States of the 
 confederacy, is boldly published to the world as 
 a just cause for the dissolution of the Union, and 
 bringing on if necessary for that purpose all the 
 horrors of a bloody revolution. It would be an 
 insult to your intelligence to argue that the admis 
 sion of this pretense as a justification would be 
 clearly fatal to all republican government; that 
 popular institutions can only be sustained by sub 
 mission to the will of the people as expressed 
 through the forms of the Constitution, trusting to 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 137 
 
 the peaceful remedy of the ballot-box for the 
 redress of grievances. And the wickedness of this 
 pretense is greatly aggravated by the reflection, 
 that it is utterly hypocritical, that it was only, put 
 forward in furtherance of schemes entertained for 
 years, and supported by notoriously false assump 
 tions of fact and logic. 
 
 When we read the history of the late democratic 
 convention at Charleston by the light of subse 
 quent events, can we fail to see that the scheme of 
 secession and dismemberment of the Republic was 
 then completely formed, and that the disruption of 
 that convention was one of the steps toward its 
 consummation. If confirmation of this opinion 
 were needed, it will be found in the fact that cer 
 tain traitorous members of Mr. Buchanan s Cab 
 inet were systematically engaged, for many months 
 before the late presidential election, in placing the 
 arms and defenses of the nation in a position to be 
 readily seized by the seceding States. 
 
 Secession was at first argued as a right springing 
 from the Constitution itself, but as the movement 
 gained strength, the flimsy pretext was abandoned 
 and ceased to be a subject of discussion, and what 
 in an hour of weakness was claimed by feeble argu 
 ment, is now boldly asserted by military power. 
 
 The North, conscious of her strength and the 
 rectitude of her intentions, has hitherto remained 
 quiet, making no preparation whatever for a con 
 flict of arms. Her forbearance has been construed 
 12 
 
138 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 into cowardice, and her efforts to keep the peace 
 have but provoked increased insolence and aggres 
 sion. The secession movement has from the begin 
 ning been an act of war. Ordinances of secession 
 have been immediately followed and sometimes 
 preceded by the violent seizure and plunder of 
 national property, and the forcible expulsion of the 
 agents and officers of the Federal government. 
 From the very first, and at every step in its progress, 
 it has been distinguished by acts of hostility and 
 outrage, alike injurious to the nation and insulting 
 to the people of the loyal States. 
 
 The secessionists were profoundly convinced that 
 the -co- operation of the border Slave States could 
 not be procured without a conflict of arms between 
 them an4 the Federal government, and hence have 
 labored assiduously to place the Government in a 
 position that a collision could not be avoided, ex 
 cept by the most abject submission and humiliation. 
 The intention to force a conflict has been most 
 apparent, and delay was Buffered only that they 
 might complete their preparations; and when at 
 last their preparations were complete, and wearied 
 by the long forbearance of the Government, they 
 inaugurated hostilities by assaulting and reducing 
 Fort Sumter. 
 
 The place where Fort Sumter is situated had 
 been regularly ceded by the State of South Caro 
 lina to the Federal government, and by an express 
 provision of the Constitution was under the exclu- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 139 
 
 sive jurisdiction of the United States. It was 
 unfinished, and held by a garrison of less than one 
 hundred men, and while in this condition was 
 invested by a large army, cutting off all approach 
 to it by sea or land. The stock of provisions was 
 almost exhausted, and the immediate prospect was 
 presented to the feeble garrison of starvation, or 
 yielding up into the hands of an avowed enemy a 
 fortress of the United States. At this juncture, the 
 Federal government, which had waited long, per 
 haps too long, declared its determination to send 
 provisions to the garrison. Before this attempt 
 could be made, and before a single sail of the fleet 
 was seen off the harbor, a powerful cannonade was 
 opened upon Sumter, which resulted in its destruc 
 tion and surrender. 
 
 Every day brings us intelligence of new outrage 
 and assault. Throughout the rebellious States is 
 heard the note of preparation for an extensive and 
 aggressive campaign. The national capital is 
 menaced, and every avenue of approach for Fed 
 eral troops and provisions is attempted to be cut 
 off. The free navigation of the Mississippi river, 
 the great artery of commerce of the North-west, is 
 obstructed ; and the usurping government of the 
 rebellious States has issued a proclamation inviting 
 the freebooters of all the world to prey upon our 
 national commerce. 
 
 We have passed from the field of argument to 
 the solemn fact of war, which exists by the act of 
 
140 
 
 the seceding States. The issue is forced upon us, 
 and must be accepted. Every man must take his 
 position upon the one side or upon the other. In 
 time of war there is no ground upon which a third 
 party can stand. It is the imperative duty of all 
 men to rally to the support of the Government, 
 and to expend in its behalf, if need be, their for 
 tunes and their blood. Upon the preservation of 
 this Government depends our prosperity and great 
 ness as a nation ; our liberty and happiness as 
 individuals. We should approach the contest not 
 as politicians, nor as ambitious partizans, but as 
 patriots, who cast aside every selfish consideration 
 when danger threatens their country. The voice 
 of party should be hushed, and the bitterness that 
 may have sprung out of political contests be at 
 once forgiven and forgotten. Let us rise above 
 these paltry considerations, and inaugurate the era 
 when there shall be but one party and that for our 
 country. The struggle is one into which we enter 
 with the deepest reluctance. We are bound to the 
 people of the seceding States by the dearest ties of 
 blood and institutions. They are our brothers and 
 our fellow countrymen. But if they regard not 
 these tender relations, how can we ? If they wage 
 war upon us and put themselves in the attitude of 
 public enemies, they must assume all the responsi 
 bilities incident to that position. But while I 
 deplore deeply the character of the contest in which 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 141 
 
 we are engaged, nevertheless we should meet it as 
 men. 
 
 To our sister State of Kentucky we turn with 
 hope and affection. She has grown rich and pros 
 perous in the Republic ; could she do more if she 
 were out of it ? It would be a sad day that would 
 sever the bond which binds these States together, 
 and places us in separate and hostile nations. I 
 appeal to her by the ties of our common kindred 
 and history ; by our community of interest, by the 
 sacred obligations that bind us to maintain the Con 
 stitution inviolate, to adhere to the Union, and 
 stand fast by that flag in defense of which she has 
 so often shed her best blood. I pray her to exam 
 ine her past history arid perceive how the tide of 
 her prosperity has flowed on unbroken, and ever 
 increasing, until her limits are filled with material 
 wealth and her people are respected, elevated, and 
 happy ; and then inquire if all this is not the result 
 of that Union she is called upon to break, and of 
 that government she is invited to dishonor and 
 overthrow. To ask Kentucky to secede, is to ask 
 her to commit foul dishonor and suicide. I trust 
 that the good sense and patriotism of her people 
 will not suffer her to be dragged by the current of 
 events, which has been cunningly invented for that 
 purpose, into the vortex of disunion; nor permit 
 her to be artfully inveigled into an armed neutral 
 ity between the rebellious States and the Federal 
 government. Such a position would be anomalous 
 
142 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 and fatal to the peace and perpetuity of the Union. 
 There is no ground in the Constitution midway 
 between a rebellious State and the Federal govern 
 ment upon which she can stand, holding both in 
 check and restraining the Government from the 
 enforcement of the laws and the exercise of its 
 constituted authority. Such an attitude is at once 
 unconstitutional and hostile. At a time like this, 
 if she is not for the Government, aiding and main 
 taining it by the observance of all her constitu 
 tional obligations, she is against it. If the voice of 
 her people can be heard, I fear not the result. Se 
 cession can only triumph, as it has triumphed in 
 other States, by stifling the voice of the people and 
 by the bold usurpation, by demagogues and traitors, 
 of the powers which rightfully belong to them 
 alone. And I might here remark, it is quite mani 
 fest that the schemes of the authors and managers of 
 the rebellion, extend far beyond the dissolution 
 of the Union, and embrace the destruction of the 
 democratic principle of government, and the sub 
 stitution of an aristocracy in its stead. In the 
 seceding States the control of public aifairs has 
 been withdrawn substantially from the people, and 
 every proposition to submit to their consideration 
 measures of the most vital importance has been 
 contemptuously overruled ; and we are in truth 
 called upon to fight not only for the Union, but for 
 the principle upon which our State and National 
 governments are founded. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTONr 143 
 
 If the rebellious States hope to profit by dissen 
 sions in the North, they have erred egregiously, and 
 have wholly failed to comprehend our people. Our 
 divisions were merely political, and not fundamen 
 tal ; and party lines faded instantly from sight when 
 the intelligence went abroad that war was being 
 waged against the nation. When the sound of the 
 first gun reverberated through the land, the people 
 of the North arose as one man, and declared that 
 the Government must be sustained and the honor 
 of our Flag preserved inviolate at whatever cost. 
 The events of the last ten days are pregnant with 
 instruction and moral grandeur. They present the 
 action of a people who have suffered much and 
 waited long ; who were slow to take offense and 
 incredulous of treason and danger ; but who, when 
 the dread appeal to ar. ms was made and the issue 
 could no longer be avoided with honor or safety, 
 promptly abandoned the peaceful pursuits of life 
 and devoted themselves to the service of their coun 
 try. I trust that the force of this lesson may not 
 be lost upon our erring brethren of the South, and 
 that they will at once perceive they have inaugur 
 ated a contest from which they can not emerge with 
 honor and profit. 
 
 On the 15th day of the present month the Presi 
 dent of the United States issued his proclamation 
 calling upon the loyal States to furnish 75,000 men 
 for the protection of the Government, the suppres 
 sion of rebellion and the enforcement of the laws. 
 
144 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Subsequently the quota to be furnished by Indiana 
 was fixed at six regiments, of seven hundred and 
 seventy men each. In obedience to this call I issued 
 my proclamation calling for volunteers, and in less 
 than eight days more than 12,000 men have ten 
 dered their services, and the contest among the com 
 panies has been earnest and exciting as to which 
 shall secure a place within the quota. This response 
 lias been most gratifying and extraordinary, and 
 furnishes indubitable evidence of the patriotism of 
 Indiana, and her entire devotion to the Union. 
 Without distinction of party, condition, or occupa 
 tion, men*have rallied around the national standard, 
 and in every part of the State may be heard the 
 sound of martial music and witnessed the muster 
 ing of companies into the field. In view of this 
 remarkable response made to the proclamation on 
 the 20th inst, I tendered to the President for the 
 service of the United States six additional regiments ; 
 but telegraphic and postal communication having 
 been cut oft with Washington, no answer has been 
 received up to this time. A camp was formed in 
 the neighborhood of this city for the reception of 
 the troops, and Major Wood, of the U. S. army, 
 has been busily engaged for several days in muster 
 ing them into the service. There are in camp 
 
 companies, being an excess of the number called 
 for by the President, and in addition to that, every 
 company largely exceeds, and in some instances 
 more than doubles the number that can be finally 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 145 
 
 received iuto the company. Some companies came 
 by mistakes unavoidably occurring in the office of 
 the adjutant general, and others without marching 
 orders. They will be retained in camp, and provi 
 ded with quarters and subsistence, awaiting the 
 action of the Legislature. I can not refrain from 
 here expressing the opinion that has been uttered 
 by many who have visited the camp, that finer 
 material for a gallant army was never assembled. 
 
 The report of the adjutant general, Lewis Wal 
 lace, is herewith transmitted, and I beg leave in this 
 manner to tender him my hearty thanks for his 
 able and efficient services in that department. 
 
 In view of all the facts, it becomes the impera 
 tive duty of Indiana to make suitable preparations 
 for the contest by providing ample supplies of men 
 and money to ensure the protection of the State 
 and General government in the prosecution of the 
 war to a speedy and successful termination. I 
 therefore recommend that one million of dollars be 
 appropriated for the purchase of arms and muni 
 tions of war, and for the organization of such por 
 tion of the militia as may be deemed necessary for 
 the emergency. That a militia system be devised 
 and enacted looking chiefly to volunteers, which 
 shall insure the greatest protection to the State, 
 and unity and efficiency of the force to be employed. 
 Thaljrti law be enacted suspending the collection of 
 debts against those who may be actually employed 
 in the military service of the State or the United 
 18 
 
14C LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 States. That suitable provision be made by the 
 issue of the bonds of the State or otherwise for 
 raising the money herein recommended to be appro 
 priated. And that all necessary and proper legisla 
 tion be had to protect the business, property, and 
 citizens of the State, under the circumstances in 
 which they are placed. 
 
 0. P. MOKTCXN", Governor. 
 
 [As the subjoined message of President Jackson, 
 relative to the nullification movement in South Car 
 olina in 1832, was adopted by Governor Morton, 
 as an expression of his views of the relations sub 
 sisting between the States and the General govern 
 ment, and was, in fact, made a part of the foregoing- 
 message, we insert it, feeling that as an argument 
 against peaceable separation or a compromise with 
 rebels in arms it will never lose its weight. ED.] 
 
 Proclamation of Andrew Jackson, President of the 
 
 United States : 
 
 WHEREAS, A convention assembled in the State 
 of South Carolina have passed an ordinance, by 
 which they declare " That the several acts and 
 parts of acts of the Congress of the United States, 
 purporting to be laws for the imposing of duties 
 and imposts on the importation of foreign com 
 modities, and now having actual operation and 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 147 
 
 effect within the United States, and more especially," 
 two acts for the same purposes passed on the 29th 
 of May, 1828, and on the 14th of July, 1832, " are 
 unauthorized by the Constitution of the United 
 States, and violate the true meaning and intent 
 thereof, and are null and void, and no law," nor 
 binding on the citizens of that State or its officers : 
 and by the said ordinance, it is further declared to 
 be unlawful for any of the constituted authorities 
 of the State or of the United States to enforce the 
 payment of the duties imposed by the said acts 
 within the same State, and that it is the duty of the 
 Legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to 
 give full effect to the said ordinance : 
 
 AXD WHEREAS, By the said ordinance, it is fur 
 ther ordained that in no case of law or equity deci 
 ded in the courts of said State, wherein shall be 
 drawn in question the validity of the said ordinance, 
 or of the acts of the Legislature that may be passed 
 to give it effect, or of the said laws of the United 
 States, no appeal shall be allowed to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, nor shall any copy of 
 the record be permitted or allowed for that purpose; 
 and that any person attempting to take such appeal 
 shall be punished as for a contempt of court: 
 
 And, finally, the said ordinance declares that the 
 people of South Carolina will maintain the said 
 ordinance at every hazard ; and that they will con 
 sider the passage of any act, by Congress, abolish 
 ing or closing the ports of the said State, or other-* 
 
148 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 wise obstructing the free ingress or egress of vessels 
 to and from the said ports, or any other act of the 
 Federal government to coerce the State, shut up her 
 ports, destroy or harass her commerce, or to enforce 
 the said act otherwise than through the civil tribu 
 nals of the country, as inconsistent with the longer 
 continuance of South Carolina in the Union, and 
 that the people of the said State will thenceforth 
 hold themselves absolved from all further obligation 
 to maintain or preserve their political connection 
 with the people of the other States, and will forth 
 with proceed to organize a separate government, and 
 do all other acts and things which sovereign and 
 independent States may of right do. 
 
 AND WHEREAS, the said ordinance prescribes to 
 the people of South Carolina a course of conduct 
 in direct violation of their duty as citizens of the 
 United States, contrary to the laws of their country, 
 subversive of its Constitution, and having for its 
 object the destruction of the Union, that Union, 
 which, coeval with our political existence, led our 
 fathers, without any other ties to unite them than 
 those of patriotism and a common cause, through 
 a sanguinary struggle to a glorious independence, 
 that sacred Union, hitherto inviolate, which, per 
 fected by our happy Constitution, has brought us, 
 by the favor of Heaven, to a state of prosperity at 
 home, and high consideration abroad, rarely, if 
 ever, equalled in the history of nations. To pre 
 serve this bond of our political existence from dcr>- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 149 
 
 truction, to main tain* inviolate this state of national 
 honor and prosperity, and to justify the confidence 
 my fellow citizens have reposed in me, I ANDREW 
 JACKSON, President of the United States, have thought 
 proper to issue this, my PROCLAMATION, stating my 
 views of the Constitution and laws applicable to 
 the measures adopted by the Convention of South 
 Carolina, and to the reasons they have put forth to 
 sustain them, declaring the course which duty will 
 require me to pursue, and, appealing to the under 
 standing and patriotism of the people, warn them 
 of the consequences that must inevitably result from 
 an observance of the dictates of the convention. 
 
 Strict duty would require of me nothing more 
 than the exercise of those powers with which I am 
 now, or may hereafter be invested, for preserving the 
 peace of the Union, and for the execution of the 
 laws. But the imposing aspect which opposition 
 has assumed in this case, by clothing itself with 
 State authority, and the deep interest which the 
 people of the United States must all feel in prevent 
 ing a resort to stronger measures, while there is a 
 hope that anything will be yielded to reasoning and 
 remonstrance, perhaps demand, and will certainly 
 justify, a full exposition to South Carolina and the 
 nation of the views I entertain of this important 
 question, as well as a distinct enunciation of the 
 course which my sense of duty will require me to 
 pursue. 
 
 The ordinance is founded, not on the indefeasible 
 
150 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 right of resisting acts which are plainly uncon 
 stitutional, and too oppressive to be endured ; but on 
 the strange position that any one State may not only 
 declare an act of Congress void, but prohibit its 
 execution, that they may do this consistently with 
 the Constitution, that the true construction of that 
 instrument permits a State to retain its place in the 
 Union, and yet be bound by no other of its laws 
 than those it may choose to consider as constitu 
 tional. It is true, they add, that to justify this 
 abrogation of a law, it must be palpably contrary to 
 the Constitution ; but it is evident, that, to give the 
 right of resisting laws of that description, coupled 
 with the uncontrolled right to decide what laws 
 deserve that character, is to give the power of 
 resisting all laws. For, as by the theory, there is 
 no appeal, the reasons alleged by the State, good or 
 bad, must prevail. If it should be said that public 
 opinion is a sufficient check against the abuse of this 
 power, it may be asked why it is not deemed a suf 
 ficient guard against the passage of an unconstitu 
 tional act by Congress? There is, however, a 
 restraint in this last case, which makes the assumed 
 power of a State more indefensible, and which does 
 not exist in the other. There are two appeals from 
 an unconstitutional act passed by Congress, one 
 to the judiciary, the other to the people and the 
 States. There is no appeal from the State decision 
 in theory, and the practical illustration shows that 
 the courts are closed against an application to review 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 151 
 
 it, both judges and jurors being sworn to decide in 
 its favor. But reasoning on this subject is super 
 fluous, when our social compact, in express terms, 
 declares that the laws of the United States, its Con 
 stitution, and treaties made under it, are the supreme 
 law of the land ; and, for the greater caution, adds 
 u that the judges in every State shall be bound 
 thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of 
 any State to the contrary notwithstanding. " And it 
 may be asserted without fear of refutation, that no 
 Federal government could exist without a similar 
 provision. Look for a moment to the consequence. 
 If South Carolina considers the revenue laws uncon 
 stitutional, and has a right to prevent their execu 
 tion in the port of Charleston, there would be a 
 clear constitutional objection to their collection in 
 every other port, and no revenue could be collected 
 anywhere ; for all imposts must be equal. It is no 
 answer to repeat, that an unconstitutional law is no 
 law, so long as the question of its legality is to be 
 decided by the State itself; for every law operating 
 injuriously upon any local interest will be perhaps 
 thought, and certainly represented, as unconstitu 
 tional, and, as has been shown, there is no appeal. 
 If this doctrine had been established at an earlier 
 day, the Union would have been dissolved in its 
 infancy. The excise law in Pennsylvania, the 
 embargo and non-intercourse law in the eastern 
 States, the carriage tax in Virginia, were all deemed 
 unconstitutional, and were more equal in their ope- 
 
152 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ration than any of the laws now complained of; 
 but fortunately none of those States discovered that 
 they had the right now claimed by South Carolina. 
 The war into which we were forced to support the 
 dignity of the nation and the rights of our citizens, 
 might have ended in defeat and disgrace instead of 
 victory and honor, if the States who supposed it a 
 ruinous and unconstitutional measure, had thought 
 they possessed the right of nullifying the act by 
 which it was declared, and denying supplies for its 
 prosecution. Hardly and unequally as those meas 
 ures bore upon several members of the Union, to 
 the legislatures of none did this efficient and peace 
 able remedy, as it is called, suggest itself. The dis 
 covery of this important feature in our Constitution 
 was reserved to the present day. To the statesmen 
 of South Carolina belongs the invention, and upon 
 the citizens of that State will unfortunately fall the 
 evils of reducing it to practice. 
 
 If the doctrine of a State veto upon the laws of 
 the Union carries with it internal evidence of its 
 impracticable absurdity, our Constitutional history 
 will also afford abundant proof that it would have 
 been repudiated with indignation, had it been pro 
 posed to form a feature in our Government. 
 
 In our colonial state, although dependent on 
 another power, we very early considered ourselves 
 as connected by common interest with each other. 
 Leagues were formed for common defence, and, 
 before the Declaration of Independence, we were 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 known in our aggregate character as the United Col 
 onies of America. That decisive and important step 
 was taken jointly. We declared ourselves a nation 
 by a joint, not by several acts, and when the terms 
 of our Confederation were reduced to form, it was 
 in that of a solemn league of several States, by 
 which they agreed that they would collectively form 
 one nation for the purpose of conducting some cer 
 tain domestic concerns and all foreign relations. 
 In the instrument forming that Union is found an 
 article which declares that " every State shall abide 
 by the determination of Congress on all questions 
 which, by that Confederation, should be submitted 
 to them. " 
 
 Under the Confederation, then, no State could 
 legally annul a decision of the Congress, or refuse 
 to submit to its execution ; but no provision was 
 made to enforce these decisions. Congress made 
 requisitions, but they were not complied with. The 
 Government could not operate on individuals. 
 They had no judiciary, no means of collecting rev 
 enue. 
 
 But the defects of the Confederation need not be 
 detailed. Under its operation we could scarcely be 
 called a nation. We had neither prosperity at 
 home nor consideration abroad. This state of 
 things could not be endured, and our present happy 
 Constitution w T as formed, but formed in vain, if this 
 fatal doctrine prevails. It was formed for impor 
 tant objects that are announced in the preamble 
 
154 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 made in the name and by the authority of the peo 
 ple of the United States, whose delegates framed, 
 and whose conventions approved it. The most 
 important among these objects, that which is placed 
 first in rank, on which all others rest, is, " to form a 
 more perfect Union. " Now, is it possible that even 
 if there were no express provision giving suprem 
 acy to the Constitution and laws of the United 
 States over those of th n States, can it be conceived, 
 that an instrument made for the purpose of "form 
 ing a more perfect Union" than that of the Confeder 
 ation, could be so constructed by the assembled wis 
 dom of our country as to substitute for that Confed 
 eration a form of government dependent for its 
 existence on the local interest, the party spirit of a 
 State, or of a prevailing faction in a State ? Every 
 man of plain, unsophisticated understanding, who 
 hears the question, will give such an answer as will 
 preserve the Union. Metaphysical subtlety, in pur 
 suit of an impracticable theory, could alone have 
 devised one that is calculated to destroy it. 
 
 I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the 
 United States, assumed by one State, incompatible 
 with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly 
 by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized by its 
 spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it loas 
 founded, and destructive of the great object for which 
 it was formed. 
 
 After this general view of the leading principle, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 155 
 
 we must examine the particular application of it 
 which is made in the ordinance. 
 
 The preamble rests its justification on these 
 grounds : It assumes, as a fact, that the obnoxious 
 laws, although they purport to be laws for raising 
 revenue, were in reality intended for the protection 
 of manufacturers, which purpose it asserts to be 
 unconstitutional ; that the operation of these laws 
 is unequal ; that the amount raised by them is 
 greater than is required by the wants of the Gov 
 ernment ; and, finally, that the proceeds are to be 
 applied to objects unauthorized by the Constitution. 
 These are the only causes alleged to justify an 
 open opposition to the laws of the country, and a 
 threat of seceding from the Union, if any attempt 
 should be made to enforce them. The first virtu 
 ally acknowledges that the law in question was 
 passed under a power expressly given by the Con 
 stitution to lay and collect imposts ; but its consti 
 tutionality is drawn in question from the motives of 
 those who passed it. However apparent this pur 
 pose may be in the present case, nothing can be 
 more dangerous than to admit the position that an 
 unconstitutional purpose, entertained by the mem 
 bers who assent to a law enacted under a constitu 
 tional power, shall make the law void : for how is 
 that purpose to be ascertained ? "Who is to make 
 the scrutiny ? How often may bad purposes be 
 falsely imputed, in how many cases are they con 
 cealed by false professions, in how many is no 
 
150 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 declaration of motive made ? Admit this doctrine, 
 and you give to the States an uncontrolled right to 
 decide, and every law may be annulled under this 
 pretext. If, therefore, the absurd and dangerous 
 doctrine should be admitted, that a State may annul 
 an unconstitutional law, or one that it deems such, 
 it will not apply to the present case. 
 
 The next objection is, that the laws in question 
 operate unequally. This obj ection may be made with 
 truth to every law that has been or can be passed. 
 The wisdom of man never yet contrived a system 
 of taxation that would operate with perfect equality. 
 If the unequal operation of a law makes it uncon 
 stitutional, and if all laws of that description may 
 be abrogated by any State for that cause, then 
 indeed is the Federal Constitution unworthy of 
 the slightest effort for its preservation. We have 
 hitherto relied on it as the perpetual bond of our 
 Union. We have received it as the work of the 
 assembled wisdom of the nation. We have trusted 
 to it as to the sheet anchor of our safety in the 
 stormy times of conflict with a foreign or domestic 
 foe. We have looked to it with sacred awe as the 
 palladium of our liberties, and with all the solemni 
 ties of religion have pledged to each other our lives 
 and fortunes here, and our hopes of happiness here 
 after, in its defence and support. Were we mista 
 ken, my countrymen, in attaching this importance 
 to the Constitution of our country ? Was our devo 
 tion paid to the wretched, inefficient, clumsy, con- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 157 
 
 trivance which this new doctrine would make it? 
 Did we pledge ourselves to the support of an airy 
 nothing, a bubble that must be blown away by the 
 first breath of disaffection ? Was this self-destroy 
 ing, visionary theory, the work of the profound 
 statesmen, the exalted patriots, to whom the task of 
 constitutional reform was entrusted ? Did the name 
 of Washington sanction, did the States deliberately 
 ratify such an anomaly in the history of fundamen 
 tal legislation ? No. We were not .mistaken. The 
 letter of this great instrument is free from this radi 
 cal fault ; its language directly contradicts the impu 
 tation ; its spirit, its evident intent, contradicts it. 
 No, we did not err ! Our Constitution does not con 
 tain the absurdity of giving power to make laws, 
 and another power to resist them. The sages 
 whose memory will always be reverenced, have 
 given us a practical, and, as they hoped, a perma 
 nent constitutional compact. The Father of his 
 Country did not affix his revered name to so palpa 
 ble an absurdity. Nor did the States, when they 
 severally ratified it, do so under the impression that 
 a veto on the laws of the United States was reserved 
 to them, or that they could exercise it by implica 
 tion. Search the debates in all their conventions, 
 examine the speeches of the most zealous opposers 
 of federal authority, look at the amendments that 
 were proposed, they are all silent, not a syllable 
 uttered, not a vote given, not a motion made, to cor 
 rect the explicit supremacy given to the laws of the 
 
158 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Union over those of the States, or to show that 
 implication, as is now contended, could defeat it. 
 l!s~o, we have not erred ! The Constitution is still the 
 object of our reverence, the bond of our Union, 
 our defense in danger, the source of our prosperity 
 in peace ; it shall descend as we have received it, 
 uncorrupted by sophistical construction, to our pos 
 terity, and the sacrifices of local interest, of State 
 prejudices, of personal animosities, that were made 
 to bring it into existence, will again be patriotically 
 offered for its support. 
 
 The two remaining objections made by the 
 ordinance to these laws, are that the sums intended 
 to be raised by them are greater than are required, 
 and that the proceeds will be unconstitutionally 
 employed. 
 
 The Constitution has given, expressly, to Con 
 gress the right of raising revenue, and of determin 
 ing the sum the public exigencies will require. The 
 States have no control over the exercise of this 
 right other than that which results from the power 
 of changing the representatives who abuse it, and 
 thus procure redress. Congress may, undoubtedly, 
 abuse this discretionary power ; but the same may 
 be said of others with which they are vested. Yet 
 the discretion must exist somewhere. The Con 
 stitution has given it to the representatives of all 
 the people, checked by the representatives of the 
 States and by the executive power. The South 
 Carolina construction gives it to the legislature or 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 150 
 
 the convention of a single State, where neither the 
 people of the different States, nor the States in 
 their separate capacity, nor the chief magistrate 
 elected by the people, have any representation. 
 Which is the most discreet disposition of the power ? 
 I do not ask you, fellow-citizens, which is the con 
 stitutional disposition that instrument speaks a 
 language not to be misunderstood. But if you 
 were assembled in general convention, which would 
 you think the safest depository of this discretion 
 ary power in the last resort ? Would you add a 
 clause giving it to each of the States, or would you 
 sanction the wise provisions already made by your 
 Constitution ? If this should be the result of your 
 deliberations when providing for the future, are 
 you, can you be ready to risk all that we hold dear 
 to establish, for a temporary and a local purpose, 
 that which you must acknowledge to be destruc 
 tive, and even absurd, as a general provision? 
 Carry out the consequences of this right vested in 
 the different States, and you must perceive that the 
 crisis your conduct presents at this day would recur 
 whenever any law of the United States displeased 
 any of the States, and that we should soon cease 
 to be a nation. 
 
 The ordinance, with the same knowledge of the 
 future that characterizes a former objection, tells 
 you that the proceeds of the tax will be unconsti 
 tutionally applied. If this could be ascertained 
 with certainty, the objection would, with more pro- 
 
160 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 priety, be reserved for the law so applying the 
 proceeds, but surely can not be urged against the 
 laws levying the duty. 
 
 These are the allegations contained in the ordi 
 nance. Examine them seriously, my fellow-citi 
 zens; judge for yourselves. I appeal to you to 
 determine whether they are so clear, so convincing, 
 as to leave no doubt of their correctness; and even 
 if you should come to this conclusion, how far they 
 justify the reckless, destructive course which you 
 are directed to pursue. Review these objections, 
 and the conclusions drawn from them, once more. 
 What are they? Every law, then, for raising rev 
 enue, according to the South Carolina ordinance, 
 may be rightfully annulled, unless it be so framed 
 as no law ever will or can be framed. Congress 
 have a right to pass laws for raising a revenue, and 
 each State has a right to oppose their execution 
 two rights directly opposed to each other ; and yet 
 is this absurdity supposed to be contained in an 
 instrument drawn for the express purpose of avoid 
 ing collisions between the States and the General 
 government, by an assembly of the most enlight 
 ened statesmen and purest patriots ever embodied 
 for a similar purpose. 
 
 In vain have these sages declared that Congress 
 shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, 
 imposts, and excises; in vain have they provided 
 that they shall have power to pass laws which shall 
 be necessary and proper to carry those powers into 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 161 
 
 execution ; that those laws and that Constitution 
 si i all be the " supreme law of the land, and that the 
 judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any 
 thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to 
 the contrary notwithstanding." In vain have the 
 people of the several States solemnly sanctioned 
 these provisions, made them their paramount law, 
 and individually sworn to support them whenever 
 they were called on to execute any office. Vain 
 provision ! ineffectual restrictions ! vile profanation 
 of oaths ! miserable mockery of legislation ! if the 
 bare majority of the voters in any one State may, 
 on a real or supposed knowledge of the intent with 
 which a law has been passed, declare themselves 
 free from its operation say here it gives too little, 
 there too much, and operates unequally here it 
 suffers articles to be free that ought to be taxed 
 there it taxes those that ought to be free in this 
 case the proceeds are intended to be applied to pur 
 poses which we do not approve in that the amount 
 raised is more than is wanted. Congress, it is true, 
 are invested by the Constitution with the right of 
 deciding these questions according to their sound 
 discretion ; Congress is composed of the representa 
 tives of all the States, and of all the people of all 
 the States ; but we, part of the people of one State, 
 to whom the Constitution has given no power on 
 the subject, from whom it has expressly taken it 
 away we, who have solemnly agreed that this 
 Constitution shall be our law we, most of whom 
 14 
 
162 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 have sworn to support it we now abrogate this 
 law, and swear and force others to swear that it 
 shall not be obeyed; and we do this, not because 
 Congress have no right to pass such laws this we 
 do not allege but because they have passed them 
 with improper views. They are unconstitutional 
 from the motives of those who passed them, which 
 we can never with certainty know ; from their une 
 qual operation, although it is impossible, from the 
 nature of things, that they should be equal ; and 
 from the disposition which we presume may be 
 made of their proceeds, although that disposition 
 has not been declared. This is the plain meaning 
 of the ordinance, in relation to laws which it abro 
 gates for alleged unconstitutionality. But it does 
 not stop there. It repeals, in express terms, an 
 important part of the Constitution itself, and of 
 laws passed to give it effect, which have never been 
 alleged to be unconstitutional. The Constitution 
 declares that the judicial powers of the United 
 States extend to cases, arising under the laws of the 
 United States ; and that such laws, the Constitution . 
 and treaties, shall be paramount to the State Con 
 stitutions and laws. The judiciary act prescribes 
 the mode by which the case may be brought before 
 a court of the United States by appeal, when a State 
 tribunal shall decide against this provision of the 
 Constitution. The ordinance declares that there 
 shall be no appeal, makes the State law paramount 
 to the Constitution and laws of the United States, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 163 
 
 forces judges and jurors to swear that they will dis 
 regard their provisions, and even makes it penal in 
 a suit to attempt relief by appeal. It further 
 declares that it shall not be lawful for the authori 
 ties of the United States, or of that State, to enforce 
 the payment of duties imposed by the revenue laws 
 within its limits. 
 
 Here is a law of the United States, not even pre 
 tended to be unconstitutional, repealed by the 
 authority of a small majority of the voters of a 
 single State. Here is a provision of the Constitu 
 tion, which is solemnly abrogated by the same 
 authority. 
 
 On such expositions and reasonings, the ordin 
 ance grounds not only an assertion of the right to 
 annul the laws, of which it complains, but to 
 enforce it by a threat of seceding from the Union, 
 if any attempt is made to execute them. 
 
 This right to secede is deduced from the nature 
 of the Constitution, which they say is a compact 
 between sovereign States, who have preserved their 
 whole sovereignty, and therefore are subject to no 
 superior ; that because they made the compact, they 
 can break it, when, in their opinion, it has been 
 departed from by the other States. Fallacious as 
 this course of reasoning is, it enlists State pride, and 
 finds advocates in the honest prejudices of those 
 who have not studied the nature of our government 
 sufficiently to see the radical error on which it rests. 
 
 The people of the United States formed the Con- 
 
164 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 stitution, acting through the State Legislatures in 
 making the compact, to meet and discuss its provis 
 ions, and acting in separate conventions when they 
 ratified those provisions ; but the terms used in its 
 construction show it to he a government in which 
 the people of all the States collectively are rep 
 resented. We are one people in the choice of 
 President and Vice President. Here the States 
 have no other agency than to direct the mode in 
 which the votes shall be given. The candidates 
 having a majority of all the votes are chosen. The 
 electors of a majority of States may have given their 
 votes for one candidate, and yet another may be 
 chosen. The people, then, and not the States, are 
 represented in the executive branch. 
 
 In the House of Representatives there is this dif 
 ference, that the people of one State do not, as in 
 the case of President and Vice President, all vote 
 for the same officers. The people of all the States 
 do not vote for all the members, each State electing 
 only its own representatives. But this creates no na 
 tional distinction. When chosen, they are all repre 
 sentatives of the United States, not representatives of 
 the particular State from whence they come. They 
 are paid by the United States, not by the State ; 
 nor are they accountable to it for any act done in 
 the performance of their legislative functions ; and 
 however they may in practice, as it is their duty to 
 do, consult and prefer the interests of their partic 
 ular constituents, when they come in conflict with 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 1G5 
 
 any other partial or local interest, yet it is the first 
 and highest duty, as a representative of the United 
 States, to promote the general good. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States, then, forms 
 a go^eniment^ not a league; and whether it be 
 formed by compact between the States, or in any 
 other manner, its character is the same. It is a gov 
 ernment in which all the people are represented, 
 which operates directly on the people individually, 
 not upon the States ; they retained all the power 
 they did not grant. But each State having ex 
 pressly parted with so many powers, as to consti 
 tute jointly with the other States a single nation, can 
 not from that period possess any right to secede, 
 because such secession does not break a league, but 
 destroys the unity of a nation ; and any injury to 
 that unity is not only a breach, which would result 
 from the contravention of a compact, but it is an 
 offense against the whole Union. To say that any 
 State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to 
 say that the United States are not a nation ; because 
 it would be a solecism to contend, that any part of 
 a nation might dissolve its connection with the other 
 parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing 
 any offense. Secession, like any other revolutionary 
 act, may be morally justified by the extremity of 
 oppression ; but to call it a constitutional right, is 
 confounding the meaning of terms ; and can only 
 be done through gross error, or to deceive those 
 \vho are willing to assert a right, but would pause 
 
106 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 before they made a revolution, or incur the penal 
 ties consequent on a failure. 
 
 Because the Union was formed by compact, it is 
 said the parties to that compact may, when they 
 feel themselves aggrieved, depart from it ; but it is 
 precisely because it is a compact, that they can not. 
 A compact is an agreement, or binding obligation. 
 It may, by its terms, have a sanction or penalty for 
 its breach, or it may not. If it contains no sanc 
 tion, it may be broken with no other consequence 
 than moral guilt; if it have a sanction, then the 
 breach incurs the designated or implied penalty. 
 A league between independent nations generally 
 has no sanction, other than a moral one ; or, if it 
 should contain a penalty, as there is no common 
 superior, it can not be enforced.* A government, on 
 the contrary, always has a sanction, express or 
 implied; and in our case, it is both necessarily 
 implied, and expressly given. An attempt by force 
 of arms to destroy a government, is an offense, by 
 whatever means the constitutional compact may 
 have been formed ; and such government has the 
 right, by the law of self defense, to pass acts for 
 punishing the offender, unless that right is modified, 
 restrained or resumed by the constitutional act. In 
 our system, although it is modified in the case of 
 treason, yet authority is expressly given to pass all 
 laws necessary to carry its powers into effect, and 
 under this grant provision has been made for pun- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 107 
 
 ishing acts, which obstruct the due administration 
 of the laws. 
 
 It would seem superfluous to add anything to 
 show the nature of that Union, which connects us ; 
 but as erroneous opinions on this subject are the 
 foundation of doctrines the most destructive to our 
 peace, I must give some further development to my 
 views on this subject. ]^To one, fellow-citizens, has 
 a higher reverence for the reserved rights of the 
 States, than the magistrate who now addresses you. 
 Xo one would make greater personal sacrifices or 
 official exertion to defend them from violation ; but 
 equal care must be taken to prevent, on their part, 
 an improper interference, with, or resumption of 
 the rights they have vested in the nation. The line 
 has not been so distinctly drawn, as to avoid doubts 
 in some cases of the exercise of power. Men of 
 the best intentions and soundest views may differ 
 in their construction of some parts of the Constitu 
 tion ; but there are others, on which dispassionate 
 reflection can leave no doubt, Of this nature 
 appears to be the assumed right of secession. It 
 rests, as we have seen, on the alleged undivided sov 
 ereignty of the States, and on their having formed, 
 in this sovereign capacity, a compact, which is 
 called the Constitution, from which, because they 
 made it, they have the right to secede. Both of 
 these positions are erroneous, and some of the argu 
 ments to prove them so have been anticipated. 
 
 The States severally have not retained their entire 
 
168 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUliLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 sovereignty. It has been shown, that, in becoming 
 parts of a nation, not members of a league, they 
 surrendered many of their essential parts of sover 
 eignty. The right to make treaties, declare war, 
 levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial and legislative 
 powers, were all of them functions of sovereign 
 power. The States, then, for all these purposes, 
 were no longer sovereign. The allegiance of their 
 citizens was transferred, in the first instance, to the 
 government of the United States; they became 
 American citizens, and owed obedience to the Con 
 stitution of the United States, and to laws made in 
 conformity with the powers it vested in Congress. 
 This last position has not been, and can not be 
 denied. How, then, can that State be said to be 
 sovereign and independent whose citizens owe obe 
 dience to laws not made by it, and whose magistrates 
 are sworn to disregard those laws when they come 
 in conflict with those passed by another? What 
 shows conclusively that the States can not be said 
 to have reserved an undivided sovereignty, is, that 
 they expressly ceded the right to punish treason, 
 not treason against their separate power, but treason 
 against the United States. Treason is an offense 
 against sovereignty, and sovereignty must reside with 
 the power to punish it. But the reserved rights of 
 the States are not less sacred because they have, for 
 their common interest, made the General govern 
 ment the depository of these powers. 
 
 The unity of our political character (as has been 
 
OVERXOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 160 
 
 shown for another purpose) commenced with its very 
 existence. Under the royal government we had no 
 separate character: onr opposition to its oppressions 
 began as united colonies. We were the United States 
 under the Confederation, and the name was per 
 petuated, and the Union rendered more perfect by 
 the Federal Constitution. In none of these stages 
 did we consider ourselves in any other light than as 
 forming one nation. Treaties and alliances were 
 made in the name of all. Troops were raised for 
 the joint defence. How, then, with all these proofs, 
 that under all changes of our position we had, 
 for designated purposes and with defined powers, 
 <Teated national governments; how is it, that the 
 most perfect of those several modes of union should 
 now be considered as a mere league, that may be 
 dissolved at pleasure ? It is from an abuse of terms. 
 " Compact" is used as synonymous with " league, 5 
 although the true term is not employed, because it 
 would at once show the fallacy of the reasoning. 
 It would not do to say that our Constitution was 
 only a league ; but it is labored to prove it a com 
 pact (which in one sense it is), and then to argue that, 
 as a league is a compact, every compact between 
 nations must of course be a league, and that from 
 such an engagement every sovereign power has a 
 right to recede. But it has been shown, that in 
 this sense the States are not sovereign, and that 
 even if they were, and the national Constitution had 
 been formed by compact, there won Id be no right in 
 15 
 
170 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 any one State to exonerate itself from its obliga 
 tions. 
 
 So obvious are the reasons which forbid this 
 secession, that it is necessary only to allude to them. 
 The Union was formed for the benefit of all. It 
 was produced by mutual sacrifices of interests and 
 opinions. Can those sacrifices be recalled? Can 
 the States, who magnanimously surrendered their 
 title to the territories of the West, recall the grant ? 
 Will the inhabitants of the inland States agree to 
 pay the duties, that may be imposed without their 
 assent, by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for 
 their own benefit ? Shall there be a free port in one 
 State, and onerous duties in another? N"o one 
 believes that any right exists, in a single State, to 
 involve the others in these and countless other evils, 
 contrary to the engagements solemnly made. Every 
 one must see that the other States, in self-defence, 
 must oppose it at all hazards. 
 
 These are the alternatives that are presented by 
 the convention : A repeal of all the acts for raising 
 revenue, leaving the Government without the means 
 of support, or an acquiescence in the dissolution of 
 our Union by the secession of one of its members. 
 When the first was proposed, it was known that it 
 could not be listened to for a moment. It was 
 known, if force was applied to oppose the execution 
 of the laws, that it must be repelled by force; that 
 Congress could not, without involving itself in dis 
 grace, and the country in ruin, accede to the pro- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 171 
 
 position; and yet, if this is not done on a given day, 
 or if any attempt is made to execute the laws, the 
 State is, by the ordinance, declared to be out of the 
 Union. The majority of a convention assembled 
 for the purpose have dictated these terms, or rather 
 this rejection of all terms, in the name of the people 
 of South Carolina. It is true that the Governor of 
 the State speaks of the submission of their griev 
 ances to a convention of all the States, which, he 
 says, they "sincerely and anxiously seek and desire." 
 Yet this obvious and constitutional mode of obtain 
 ing the sense of the other States, on the construction 
 of the Federal compact, and amending it if necessary, 
 has never been attempted by those who have urged 
 the State on to this destructive measure. The State 
 might have proposed the call for a general conven 
 tion to the other States ; and Congress, if a suf 
 ficient number of them concurred, must have called 
 it. But the first magistrate of South Carolina, 
 when he expressed a hope that, " on a review by 
 Congress and the functionaries of the General gov 
 ernment of the merits of the controversy," such a 
 convention will be accorded to them, must have 
 known that neither Congress, nor any functionary 
 of the General government, has authority to call 
 such a convention, unless it be demanded by two- 
 thirds of the States. This suggestion, then, is 
 another instance of the reckless inattention to the 
 provisions of the Constitution, with which this crisis 
 has been madly hurried on; or of the attempt to 
 
172 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 persuade the people that a constitutional remedy 
 had heen sought and refused. If the Legislature of 
 South Carolina "anxiously desire" a general con 
 vention to consider their complaints, why have they 
 not made application for it, in the way the Consti 
 tution points out ? The assertion that they " earn 
 estly seek " it, is completely negatived by the omis 
 sion. 
 
 This, then, is the position in which we stand. A 
 small majority of the citizens of one State in the 
 Union have elected delegates to a State convention; 
 that convention has ordained that all the revenue 
 laws of the United States must be repealed, or that 
 they are no longer a member of this Union. The 
 Governor of that State has recommended to the 
 Legislature the raising of an army to carry the 
 secession into effect, and that he may be empowered 
 to give clearances to vessels in the name of the 
 State. No act of violent opposition to the laws has 
 yet been committed, but such a state of things is 
 hourly apprehended; and it is the intent of this 
 instrument to proclaim, not only that the duty 
 imposed on me by the Constitution " to take care 
 that the laws be faithfully executed," shall be per 
 formed to the extent of the powers already vested 
 in me by law, or of such others as the wisdom of 
 Congress shall devise and entrust to me for that 
 purpose, but to warn the citizens of South Carolina 
 who have been deluded into an opposition to the 
 laws, of the danger they will incur by obedience to 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 173 
 
 the illegal and disorganizing ordinance of the con 
 vention ; to exhort those who have refused to sup 
 port it to persevere in their determination to uphold 
 the Constitution and laws of their country ; and to 
 point out to all the perilous situation into which the 
 good people of that State have been led, and that 
 the course they are urged to pursue is one of ruin 
 and disgrace to the very State whose rights they 
 aftect to support. 
 
 Fellow citizens of my native State, let me not 
 only admonish you, as the First Magistrate of our 
 common country, not to incur the penalty of its 
 laws, but use the influence that a father would over 
 his children whom he saw rushing to certain ruin. 
 In that paternal language, with that paternal feeling, 
 let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are 
 deluded by men who are either deceived themselves, 
 or wish to deceive you. Mark under what pre 
 tences you have been led on to the brink of insur 
 rection and treason, on which you stand ! First, a 
 diminution of the value of your staple commodity, 
 lowered by over-production in other quarters, and 
 the consequent diminution in the value of your 
 lands, were the sole effect of the tariff laws. 
 
 The effect of those laws was confessedly injurious, 
 but the evil was greatly exaggerated by the un 
 founded theory you were taught to believe, that its 
 burthens were in proportion to your exports, not to 
 your consumption of imported articles. Your pride 
 was roused by the assertion that a submission to 
 
174 
 
 those laws was a state of vassalage, and that resist 
 ance to them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the 
 opposition our fathers offered to the oppressive laws 
 of Great Britain. You were told that this opposi 
 tion might be peaceably might be constitutionally 
 made; that you might enjoy all the advantages of 
 the Union, and bear none of its burthens. Eloquent 
 appeals to your passions, to your State pride, to your 
 native courage, to your sense of real injury, were 
 used, to prepare you for the period when the mask, 
 which concealed the hideous features of disunion, 
 should be taken off. It fell, and you were made to 
 look with complacency on objects which, not long 
 since, you would have regarded with horror. Look 
 back to the arts which have brought you to this 
 state look forward to the consequences to which it 
 must inevitably lead! Look back to what was first 
 told you as an inducement to enter into this danger 
 ous course. The great political truth was repeated 
 to you, that you had the revolutionary right of 
 resisting all laws that were palpably unconstitutional 
 and intolerably oppressive ; it was added that the 
 right to nullify a law rested on the same principle, 
 but that it was a peaceable remedy ! This character 
 which was given to it, made you receive, with too 
 much confidence, the assertions that were made of 
 the unconstitutionality of the law and its oppressive 
 effects. Mark, my fellow citizens, that, by the 
 admission of your leaders, the unconstitutionality 
 must be palpable, or it will not justify either resist- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 175 
 
 ance or nullification ! What is the meaning of the 
 word palpable, in the sense in which it is here used ? 
 that which is apparent to every one ; that which no 
 man of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive. Is 
 the unconstitutionally of these laws of that descrip 
 tion? Let those among your leaders who once 
 approved and advocated the principle of protective 
 duties, answer the question ; and let them choose 
 whether they will be considered as incapable, then, 
 of perceiving that which must have been apparent 
 to every man of common understanding, or as 
 imposing upon your confidence, and endeavoring to 
 mislead you now. In either ease, they are unsafe 
 guides in the perilous path they urge you to tread. 
 Ponder well on this circumstance, and you will 
 know how to appreciate the exaggerated language 
 they addressHo you. They are not champions of 
 liberty emulating the fame of our revolutionary 
 fathers; nor are you an oppressed people, contend 
 ing, as they repeat to you, against worse than colo 
 nial vassalage. 
 
 You are free members of a flourishing and happy 
 Union. There is no settled design to oppress you. 
 You have indeed felt the unequal operation of laws 
 which may have been unwisely, not unconstitution 
 ally passed; but that inequality must necessarily be 
 removed. At the very moment when you were 
 madly urged on to the, unfortunate course you have 
 begun, a change in public opinion had commenced. 
 The nearly approaching payment of the public debt, 
 
176 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 and the consequent necessity of a diminution of 
 duties, had already produced a considerable reduc 
 tion, and that, too, on some articles of general con 
 sumption in our State. The importance of this 
 change was underrated, and you are authoritatively 
 told that no further alleviation of your burthens 
 were to be expected at the very time when the con 
 dition of the country imperiously demanded such 
 a modification of the duties as should reduce them 
 to a just and equitable scale. But, as if apprehen 
 sive of the effect of this change in allaying your 
 discontents, you were precipitated into the fearful 
 state in which you now find yourselves. 
 
 I have urged you to look back to the means that 
 were used to hurry you on to the position you have 
 now assumed, and forward to the consequences it will 
 produce. Something more is necessary. Contem 
 plate the condition of that country of which you 
 still form an important part. Consider its Govern 
 ment, uniting in one bond of common interest and 
 general protection so many different States, giving 
 to all their inhabitants the proud title of American 
 citizens, protecting their commerce, securing their 
 literature and their arts ; facilitating their intercom 
 munication ; defending their frontiers, and making 
 their names respected in the remotest parts of the 
 earth. Consider the extent of its territory ; its 
 increasing and happy population ; its advance in arts, 
 which render life agreeable ; and the sciences, which 
 elevate the mind ! See education spreading the lights 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTOX. 177 
 
 of religion, morality and general information into 
 every cottage in this wide extent of our Territories 
 and States ! Behold it as the asylum where the 
 wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and sup 
 port ! Look on this picture of happiness and honor, 
 and say : " We, too, are citizens of America! Carolina 
 is one of these proud States, her arms have de 
 fended, her best blood has cemented this happy 
 Union ! " And then add, if you can, without horror 
 and remorse, " this happy Union we will dissolve ; 
 this picture of peace and prosperity we will deface ; 
 this free intercourse we will interrupt ; these fertile 
 fields we will deluge with blood ; the protection of 
 that glorious flag w r e renounce; the very name of 
 Americans we discard. " And for what, mistaken 
 men, for what do you throw away these inestima 
 ble blessings? for what would you exchange your 
 share in the advantages and honor of the Union ? 
 For the dream of separate independence, a dream 
 interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbors, 
 and a vile dependence on a foreign power. If your 
 leaders could succeed in establishing" a separation, 
 what would be your situation ? Are you united at 
 home, are you free from the apprehension of civil 
 discord, with all its fearful consequences? Do our 
 neighboring republics, every day suffering some 
 new revolution, or contending with some new in 
 surrection, do they excite your envy? But the 
 dictates of a high duty obliges me solemnly to 
 announce that you can not succeed. The laws of the 
 
178 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 United States must be executed. I have no discre 
 tionary power on the subject, my duty is emphat 
 ically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who 
 told you that you might peaceably prevent their 
 execution, deceived you, they could not have been 
 deceived themselves. They know that a forcible 
 opposition could alone prevent the execution of the 
 laws, and they know that such opposition must be 
 repelled. Their object is disunion; but be not 
 deceived by names ; disunion, by armed force, is 
 treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt ? If 
 you are, on the heads of the instigators of the act 
 be the dreadful consequences, on their heads be 
 the dishonor, but on yours may fall the punishment ; 
 on your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the 
 evils of the conflict you force upon the Government 
 of your country. It can not accede to the mad 
 project of disunion, of which you would be the first 
 victims, its First Magistrate can not, if he would, 
 avoid the performance of his duty ; the consequen 
 ces must be fearful for you, distressing to your fel 
 low citizens here, and to the friends of good gov 
 ernment throughout the world. Its enemies have 
 beheld our prosperity with a vexation they could 
 not conceal, it was a standing refutation of their 
 slavish doctrines, and they will point to our discord 
 with the triumph of malignant joy. It is yet in 
 your power to disappoint them. There is yet time 
 to show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, 
 the Sumters, the Rutledges, and of the thousand 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 179 
 
 other names, which adorn the pages of your revo 
 lutionary history, will not abandon that Union, to 
 support which so many of them fought, and bled, 
 and died. 
 
 I adjure you, as you honor their memory, as you 
 love the cause of freedom, to which they dedicated 
 their lives, as you prize the peace of your country, 
 the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, 
 to retrace your steps. Snatch from the archives of 
 your State, the disorganizing edict of its conven 
 tion, bid its members to re-assemble, and promul 
 gate the decided expressions of your will to remain 
 in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, 
 prosperity and honor. Tell them that, compared 
 to disunion, all other evils are light, because that 
 brings with it an accumulation of all. Declare that 
 you will never take the field unless the star span 
 gled banner of your country shall float over you ; 
 that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and 
 dishonored and scorned while you live, as the 
 authors of the first attack on the Constitution of 
 your country. Its destroyers you can not be. You 
 may disturb its peace, you may interrupt the 
 course of its prosperity, you may cloud its reputa 
 tion for stability ; but its tranquility will be restored, 
 its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its 
 national character will be transferred, and remain 
 an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused 
 the disorder. 
 
 Fellow citizens of the United States ! The threat 
 
180 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES UF 
 
 of unhallowed disunion, the names of those once 
 respected, by whom it is uttered, the array of mil 
 itary force to support it, denote the approach of a 
 crisis in our affairs, on which the continuance of our 
 unexampled prosperity, our political existence, and 
 perhaps that of all free governments, may depend. 
 The conjuncture demanded a free, a full, and ex 
 plicit enunciation, not. only of my intentions, but of 
 my principles of action; and as the claim was 
 asserted of a right by a State to annul the laws of the 
 Union, and even to secede from it at pleasure, a 
 frank exposition of my opinions in relation to the 
 origin and form of our government, and the con 
 struction I give to the instrument by which it was 
 created, seemed to be proper. Having the fullest 
 confidence in the justness of the legal and consti 
 tutional opinion of my duties, which has been 
 expressed, I rely, with equal confidence, on your un^ 
 divided support in my determination to execute the 
 laws, to preserve the Union by all constitutional 
 means, to arrest, if possible, by moderate but firm 
 measures, the necessity of a recourse to force ; and, 
 if it be the will of Heaven, that the recurrence of 
 its primeval curse on man for the shedding of a 
 brother s blood should fall upon our land, that it be 
 not called down by any offensive act on the part of 
 the United States. 
 
 Fellow citizens ! the momentous case is before 
 you. On your undivided support of your Govern^ 
 ment depends the decision of the great question it 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 181 
 
 involves, whether your sacred Union will be pre 
 served, and the blessings it secures to us as one peo 
 ple, shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that 
 the unanimity with which that decision will be ex 
 pressed, will be such as to inspire new confidence in 
 republican institutions, and that the prudence, the 
 wisdom, and the courage which it will bring to their 
 defence, mil transmit them unimpaired and invigor 
 ated to our children. 
 
 May the Great Ruler of Nations grant that the 
 signal blessings with which He has favored ours, may 
 not, by the madness of party or personal ambition, 
 be disregarded and lost ; and may His wise provi 
 dence bring those who have produced this crisis to 
 see their folly, before they feel the misery of civil 
 strife, and inspire a returning veneration for that 
 Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His 
 designs, He has chosen as the only means of attain 
 ing the high destinies to which we may reasonably 
 aspire. 
 
 In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of 
 the United States to be hereunto affixed, having 
 signed the same with my hand. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of 
 December, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
 eight hundred and thirty-two, and of the indepen 
 dence of the United States the fifty-seventh. 
 By the President : 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 EDWD. LIVINGSTON, Secretary of State. 
 
182 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 During the extra session of the General Assembly, 
 Governor Morton s labors accumulated to an extent 
 scarcely ever equaled in the history of any State, 
 and in their performance he ever had but the one 
 object in view, the suppression of the rebellion, 
 lie laid aside all his party prejudices, and in dispens 
 ing favors rather showed partiality to his former 
 political foes than to his friends. Loyalty and capac 
 ity were the only qualifications for position he recog 
 nized, and during the early stages of the war he 
 really appeared to look for these in the democratic 
 party. To so great an extent, in fact, did he show 
 his liberality toward the democracy, that many of 
 his republican friends grew jealous and became some 
 what embittered toward him. 
 
 In proof of this assertion we cite briefly an affair 
 which occurred in the Indiana Legislature during 
 the special session of 1861. 
 
 Certain republican members of that body were 
 highly dissatisfied with the Governor s appointment 
 of the lion. Horace Heffron to the office of major 
 in one of the Indiana regiments, and assigned as a 
 reason for their dissatisfaction that Heffron had 
 given expression to disloyal sentiments during the 
 regular session of the previous winter. This feeling 
 finally culminated in an attempt to pass a vote of 
 censure upon the Governor for having appointed 
 Heffron, accompanied by an excited discussion, in 
 which some pretty hard things were said by the 
 republicans against the Governor. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 183 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Precarious condition of Kentucky in consequence of the attempt 
 of Magoffin and others to force it into a neutral position 
 Magoffin tries to induce the executives of Indiana and Ohio to 
 join him in an attempt to procure a suspension of hostilities 
 between Government and Confederate States until meeting of 
 Congress in extra session Telegraphic correspondence Secret 
 agents appointed by Governor Morton to watch movements of 
 Kentucky rebels Difficulties in discharging Indiana troops 
 Governor Morton s efficiency in settling these difficulties His 
 promptness in responding to President s second call Kentucky 
 invaded by secessionists Morton s efficient aid in their expul 
 sion He furnishes more troops His prompt attention to the 
 wants of soldiers. 
 
 About this time it began to appear that the State 
 of Kentucky was in a very precarious condition. 
 The Governor of that State (Magoffin) was at heart 
 a secessionist; had refused, most positively, to respond 
 to the President s call for volunteers, and while making 
 external professions of a desire to hold Kentucky in 
 a neutral position, really appeared to be secretly 
 rendering the disunionists all the aid in his power. 
 Not only did Magoffin play into the hands of the 
 southern traitors, by preventing Kentucky from per 
 forming her duty, but he endeavored to drag Indiana, 
 Ohio, and other northern border States into the bog 
 
184 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 of neutrality, and tried to induce them to assume 
 the character of sovereign mediators between the 
 Government and the seceded States. 
 
 Whether Magoffin really intended to check the 
 war movements in the loyal border States by attract 
 ing their attention to his so-called pacific measures, 
 or whether he had a good motive in view, we, of 
 course, have no means of fully determining; but 
 that his refusal to comply with the demands of the 
 Government, and his presumptive attempt to dictate 
 terms of adjustment between the United States and 
 the Confederate authorities, had the effect to prevent 
 the prosecution of measures necessary to the defence 
 of Kentucky, and to lay that State open to military 
 occupation by the rebels, can be doubted by no 
 rational observer. 
 
 It appears to have occurred to Governor Magoffin 
 that the executives of Indiana and Ohio were of 
 that pliable character which is easily wrought upon. 
 The following telegraphic correspondence shows 
 how much he was mistaken in this notion, especially 
 as it regarded Governor Morton : 
 
 Telegraph from. Governor Magoffin to Governor Mor 
 ton, received April 25, 186i. 
 
 Will you co-operate with me in a proposition to 
 the Government at Washington for peace, by the 
 Border States, as mediators between the contending 
 parties? B. MAGOFFIN. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 185 
 
 Governor Morton s answer to the preceding telegraph, 
 
 sent April 25, 1861. 
 
 I will unite in any effort for the restoration of the 
 Union and peace which shall be constitutional and 
 honorable to Indiana and the Federal government, 
 and will, if you so appoint, meet you to-morrow at 
 Jeffersonville. Answer. 
 
 0. P. MORTON, 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 
 Telegraph from Governor Magoffin to Governor Mor 
 ton, received April 26, 1861. 
 
 I have answered a dispatch from Governor Den- 
 nison, of Ohio, I would meet his representatives or 
 send commissioners at Spencer House in Cincinnati, 
 on Tuesday evening, 4 o clock. Please meet us 
 there or send commissioners. I can not go to Je- 
 fersonville to-morrow. Answer. 
 
 B. MAGOFFIN, 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, April 28, 1861. 
 To Governor Magoffin: 
 
 I will meet your Excellency at the Spencer House, 
 Cincinnati, on Tuesday next, at 4 P. M. I expect 
 to meet you in person. 
 
 O. P. MORTON, 
 
 16 
 
186 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 FRANKFORT, IVY., EXECUTIVE OFFICE, 1 
 April 29, 1861. / 
 
 Hon. 0. P. Morton and lion. Win. Dennison, Gov 
 ernors of Indiana and Ohio : 
 GENTLEMEN. Col. Thos. L. Critteuden is hereby 
 
 fully authorized to represent me in the conference 
 
 to be held at 4 o clock, to-morrow evening at the 
 
 Spencer House at Cincinnati. 
 
 "Respectfully, B. MAGOFFIN. 
 
 CINCINNATI, April 30, 1861. 
 To Hon. 0. P. Morton, Governor of the State of 
 
 Indiana : 
 
 DEAR SIR : I have been instructed by the Hon. 
 B. Magoftin, Governor of the State of Kentucky, 
 to solicit the co-operation of yourself and Hon. 
 Win. Dennison, Governor of the State of Ohio, in 
 an effort to bring about a truce between the General 
 government and the seceded States until the meet 
 ing of Congress in extraordinary session, in the 
 hope that the action of that body may point out 
 the way to a peaceful solution of our national 
 troubles. I have the honor to be 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 T. L. CRITTENDEN. 
 
 STATE OF INDIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, 1 
 INDIANAPOLIS, May 1, 1861. j 
 
 DEAR SIR : In reply to the note of Colonel T. L. 
 Crittenden, of yesterday s date, informing me that 
 he had been instructed by you to solicit the co-ope- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 187 
 
 ration of Governor Dennison and myself, " in an 
 effort to bring about a truce between the General 
 government and the seceded States until the meet 
 ing of Congress in extraordinary session," it be 
 comes my duty to state that I do not recognize the 
 right of any State to act as a mediator between the 
 Federal government and a rebellious State. 
 
 I hold that Indiana and Kentucky are but inte 
 gral parts of the nation, and as such are subject to 
 the Government of the United States, and bound 
 to obey the requisitions of the President, issued in pur 
 suance of his constitutional authority ; that it is the 
 duty of every State government to prohibit, by all 
 means in its power, the transportation from within 
 its own limits of arms, military stores -and provis 
 ions, to any State in open rebellion and hostility to 
 the Government of the United States, and to re 
 strain her citizens from all acts giving aid and com 
 fort to the enemy; that there is no ground in the 
 Constitution midway between the Government and 
 a rebellious State, upon which another State can 
 stand, holding both in check ; that a State must 
 take her stand upon the one side or the other; and 
 I invoke the State of Kentucky by all the sacred 
 tics that bind us together, to take her stand with 
 Indiana promptly and efficiently on the side of the 
 Union. The action of the Federal government in 
 the present contest being strictly iu accordance 
 with the Constitution and the law of the land, and 
 entertaining the views above indicated, I am com- 
 
188 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES Of 
 
 pelled to decline the co-operation solicited by you. 
 I take this occasion to renew the expression of my 
 earnest desire that Kentucky may remain in the 
 Union ; and that the political, social, and commer 
 cial relations which exist between her and Indiana 
 may never be disturbed, but be cemented and 
 strengthened through all coming years. 
 
 With great respect, 0. P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 To HON. B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of Kentucky. 
 
 From the date of this correspondence, forward 
 until the close of Magoffin s administration, Governor 
 Morton was virtually the governor of Kentucky. 
 He saw that the legitimate tendency of the professed 
 armed neutrality of that State, was to throw it open 
 to invasion by the rebel army ; that any effort on 
 the part of Kentucky to maintain a neutral position, 
 must result in more real harm to the Government 
 than open rebellion ; that to deny the army of the 
 United States free transit across the State of Ken 
 tucky, was in itself an act of rebellion, and that 
 the Ohio and Indiana border would, in the event 
 of such act, be in a more exposed condition than 
 if Kentucky were to take her place amongst the 
 seceded States. 
 
 Acting with his usual promptness and energy, he 
 availed himself of every opportunity to urge the 
 Kentucky Unionists to use all possible endeavors to 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 189 
 
 place their State uncompromisingly on the side of 
 the Union. 
 
 lie despatched numbers of secret agents to Ken 
 tucky to watch the movements of the native secess 
 ionists, and ascertain from time to time the inten 
 tions of the Confederate authorities with respect to 
 that State. By this means he was constantly advised 
 in reference to all the hidden plots and traitorous 
 designs of both the Kentucky rebels and their con 
 federate allies, in the seceded States. He communi 
 cated to the powers at Washington, the defenseless 
 condition of the Indiana and Ohio border, and 
 pressed upon the President and the War Depart 
 ment, the importance of fortifications and gunboats 
 along the Ohio river. In this latter effort he was 
 twitted by the then Secretary of War, as being 
 " skeert," to use the highly classical language of the 
 Secretary, but time demonstrated that he was right, 
 and that had his timely advice been taken, it had 
 been much better for the Government. 
 
 Governor Morton, from the beginning of the dif 
 ficulties in Kentucky, urged constantly upon the 
 Government, the necessity of taking decided steps 
 toward the occupation of that State by the United 
 States forces, and ever held in contempt the soft 
 gloved policy, adopted by some who were high in 
 authority, of respecting Kentucky s neutrality. 
 
 Toward the latter part of the summer of 1861, 
 the Indiana volunteers sent to Western Virginia 
 returned, covered with imperishable honors. They 
 
190 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 had beaten the enemy in every skirmish, vanquished 
 him on every battle-field". These troops having had 
 little experience as soldiers, and being unused to the 
 slow, complicated workings of " red-tapeism " were 
 poorly prepared for any manifestation of neglect on 
 the part of military officials ; and the restiveness 
 they showed on account of their unexpected deten 
 tion, before being mustered out of the service and 
 paid, threatened at times to result in open mutiny 
 and violence. Day after day were the heroes of 
 Laurel Hill and Rich Mountain assured that the next 
 day they would be discharged and paid, only to be dis 
 appointed, until at length they came to believe that 
 there was not the slightest degree of confidence to 
 be placed in any of the regular army officers, and 
 became so highly exasperated that they threatened 
 the demolishment of the Government offices and 
 the lives of their deceivers. But throughout all 
 this period of excitement there was one man in 
 whom the soldiers had implicit faith, and that man 
 was the ever faithful Governor of the gallant 
 Hoosier State. He, and only he, could be relied on 
 in this time of threatened danger to the peace of 
 the Hoosier Capital, in this critical period when 
 the honor of Indiana came nearer being sullied than 
 at any time before or since. Only he could calm 
 the passions of the enraged and apparently out 
 raged soldiers, and induce them to await peacefully, 
 the action of the Government. 
 
 After these troops were mustered out of the ser- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 191 
 
 vice and paid, an effort was immediately made to 
 reorganize the old regiments ; and there is no doubt 
 that but for the high regard in which the three 
 months men held Governor Morton, these regiments 
 would have been very slow in recruiting; for many 
 of those who had served in the first Virginia cam 
 paign had been so sorely vexed by their unreasona 
 ble detention after the expiration of their time, 
 before being paid off, that they had sworn never 
 again to enter the service. But the confidence with 
 which these men were inspired by the energetic 
 efforts made in their behalf by Indiana s noble Gov 
 ernor, induced many to rejoin their old regiments, 
 despite the indifference which had been manifested 
 toward them by regular army oificials, and their 
 own previous determination to enter the ranks no 
 more. 
 
 About the time of the expiration of the term of 
 the three months volunteers, the reverse of our 
 arms at Bull Run, awakened the Administration 
 and the country to the fact that the foe with which 
 the Government was contending was by no means 
 an inferior one, and that to conquer this foe required 
 a vastly larger force than was then in the field. 
 Congress having, in the mean time, met in extra 
 ordinary session, and passed an act authorizing the 
 President to call out half a million of men for a 
 term of three years, or until the termination of the 
 war, a new requisition was made by the national 
 executive, and in response to that requisition, Gov- 
 
192 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ernor Morton, by the first of September, 1861, had 
 110 less than sixteen new regiments organized, and 
 many of them in the field, well armed and equipped ; 
 and by September 20th, the old six regiments were 
 reorganized, and the llth Zouaves, under the gal 
 lant Lew. Wallace was doing noble service. In the 
 meantime, the Governor had visited Washington 
 and procured the admission of the 12th and 16th 
 State regiments, Colonels John M. Wallace and 
 
 O 
 
 Pleasant A. Hackleman, into the United States ser 
 vice for the term for which they had enlisted for 
 State service, twelve months. By this stroke of 
 economy two of Indiana s most efficient regiments 
 were transmitted from an inactive to an active field, 
 and the expense of clothing and subsisting them 
 shifted from the State to the General Government. 
 An incident attending the transfer of these regi 
 ments to the United States service, which occurred 
 at Indianapolis, under the author s eye, is worth 
 relating. Many of the members of the 12th regi 
 ment, were dissatisfied with the old smooth-bore 
 muskets with which they were supplied, and there 
 not being on hand enough rifled muskets to arm 
 the entire regiment, only two companies were pro 
 vided with those efficient arms. The consequences 
 were a considerable excitement among the companies 
 who had to retain their smooth-bores, and with 
 many of the soldiers, a stubborn refusal to be trans 
 ferred. Colonel John Wallace, a good soldier and 
 a gallant officer, was highly mortified by this mani- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 193 
 
 festation of rudeness on the part of his brave boys, 
 and, with other noble officers of his regiment, used 
 his best efforts to quiet the disturbance, and pacify 
 the soldiers. But these efforts seemed entirely fruit 
 less. The soldiers of the 12th knew that nearly 
 every Indiana regiment which had gone into the 
 field, had been furnished with the very best of 
 minie muskets, and they were not .willing to leave 
 their State less able to punish rebels and vindicate 
 the honor of Hoosierdom, than those who had pre 
 ceded them; and the greater the endeavors to 
 smother the fire of dissatisfaction, thd hotter it 
 appeared to become. Finally, as a last resort, Gov 
 ernor Morton was requested to make an effort to 
 conciliate matters. Having the 12th drawn up in 
 line, on the west side of the capitol, he addressed 
 the soldiers in his usual brief and earnest manner, 
 assuring them that their Government loudly de 
 manded their assistance ; that he regretted, as" much 
 as they, that they could not be furnished the best 
 arms in the service, but that such arms could not 
 then be had; that if they waited until such arms 
 could be obtained, another Bull Run defeat might 
 be the result ; and that if they Would proceed to 
 Washington with the arms they had, they should 
 all be provided with rifled muskets at the earliest 
 period possible. 
 
 At the close of the Governor s appeal, he asked 
 them if they were satisfied, and every soldier ans- 
 
 17 
 
194 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 wered, yes, and the regiment gave three hearty 
 cheers " for Governor Morton." 
 
 This is another instance in which is most strik 
 ingly manifested the unbounded confidence reposed 
 in the Governor by the Hoosier volunteers at this 
 early stage of the rebellion. Such confidence can 
 only be inspired among soldiers by that active sym 
 pathy and promptness in the fulfillment of promises 
 which characterize Indiana s greatest Governor; 
 
 General McClellan, having immediately after the 
 battle of Bull Run been promoted to the office of 
 Lieutenant-General of the United States forces, 
 and having proven in the Western Virginia cam 
 paign the superiority of Indiana volunteers, decided 
 to place Hoosier regiments in every division of the 
 army. Accordingly, Indiana troops were sent to 
 Washington, to Missouri, to Western Virginia and 
 Kentucky. The most important of these depart 
 ments at this period was that of Kentucky. 
 
 It appeared to be the policy of the Confederates 
 to overrun that State, secure the assistance of the 
 native secessionists, and penetrate the North. In the 
 carrying out of this policy the South anticipated 
 little difficulty. The declared intention of Governor 
 Magoffin and other leading spirits, to maintain the 
 neutrality of Kentucky, was considered by the rebels 
 as highly favorable to their proposed aggressive 
 movements, and they had not the least idea that any 
 knowledge of their designs had reached any North 
 ern State, or that efficient defensive measures were 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 195 
 
 contemplated by either the loyalists of Kentucky, 
 or the people north of the Ohio. It is true, they 
 were apprised of the fact that General (then Colonel) 
 Rousseau was organizing a brigade of Union sol 
 diers at Jeffersonville, Ind. ; but as the United States 
 Government had so long respected Kentucky s neu 
 trality, it was presumed that Rousseau s brigade 
 was designed for operations elsewhere than in Ken 
 tucky. In this latter presumption, the rebels were 
 correct, as will presently be shown ; but in the sup 
 position that their movements were not watched 
 they were mistaken ; for the vigilance of Governor 
 Morton s agents disallowed the unexpected develop 
 ment of any secret scheme. 
 
 On the 16th September, 1861, Governor Morton 
 received a dispatch from one of his secret agents, 
 then watching the movements of Kentucky rebels 
 at Frankfort, where the Legislature was in extra 
 session, as follows, to-wit : 
 
 FRANKFORT, September 16, 1861. 
 Governor 0. P. Morton: 
 
 DEAR SIR : A telegram came here last night from 
 General Zollicoffer to Governor Magoffiu, stating 
 that he (Zollicoffer) had marched his brigade through 
 the Cumberland Gap into Kentucky and taken pos 
 session of Log Mountain Pass, which is situated 
 some 14 miles from the Tennessee line. F . 
 
 On the same day (September 16th) General Buck- 
 
196 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ner left Bowling Green, where for some time he 
 had been stationed, with a large body of troops, for 
 Louisville.* On his way thither, near Cave City, a 
 brave and truly noble patriot named Bird, inter 
 cepted his progress by running ahead of a station, 
 at which the train containing Buckner s forces had 
 stopped to wood and water, and tearing up several 
 yards of the rail track. This bold deed which has 
 immortalized the name of him who performed it, 
 for the time saved Louisville, and was supposed by 
 the Louisville Journal, to have been the one act 
 which prevented the occupation of that city by the 
 rebels. But it appears that, notwithstanding the 
 daring and timely intervention of the gallant Bird, 
 Louisville would have fallen into the hands of Buck 
 ner s forces, eventually, had it not been for the 
 prompt, energetic action of the Governor of Indiana. 
 For, on the 17th of September, Colonel Rousseau, 
 with his Kentucky brigade, stationed at Jefferson- 
 ville, was ordered to St. Louis, which order, if it 
 had been obeyed, would have stripped Louisville of 
 troops, and rendered the occupation of that city, by 
 Buckner, an easy task, so soon as he had repaired 
 his damaged track. 
 
 But Governor Morton, learning through one of 
 his agents that Rousseau was on the eve of starting 
 for St. Louis, had the order to march countermanded, 
 
 * These troops had been originally mustered into the Ken 
 tucky State service, as neutral State Guards. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 197 
 
 ordered tlie troops to cross the Ohio into Kentucky, 
 and in the meantime sent every available man from 
 Indiana to the defence of Louisville, and thus 
 insured its safety. 
 
 Governor Morton, perceiving that Kentucky s 
 neuttality was at an end, and that her soil was 
 actually invaded by the rebels, withdrew his secret 
 agents, and appealed to the people of Indiana to 
 render Kentucky all possible aid in rescuing herself 
 from the hands of the secessionists. Regiment after 
 regiment responded to the call, and ere the lapse of 
 many months, Bowling Green, a strongly fortified 
 rebel position, was occupied by Federal troops, Zol- 
 licoffer was signally defeated at Mill Spring, his 
 forces scattered in confusion, himself killed, and 
 the soil of Kentucky cleared of rebel troops. 
 
 It is in reference to this timely energetic action 
 of Governor Morton, in behalf of Kentucky, that 
 a Kentucky paper afterwards speaks while making 
 grateful and eulogistic mention of a subsequent 
 appeal made by the Governor to the citizens of 
 Indiana, when Kentucky was invaded the second 
 time. We quote : 
 
 " It is only just to state that the present energetic 
 and patriotic Governor Morton, of Indiana, is win 
 ning golden opinions from all sorts of people (except 
 the secessionists), by the zeal and efficiency with 
 which, supported as he has been by the loyal popu 
 lation of that gallant State, he is seconding the 
 military operations of the Government in all its 
 
198 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 departments, and especially in the department of 
 Cumberland. It is in just tribute to this function^ 
 ary, and in allusion to a proclamation in which he 
 urges upon the people of Indiana, by every consider 
 ation, to put forth their strength in aid of Kentucky, 
 reminding them that years ago Kentucky helped to 
 rescue Indiana from the horrors of savage warfare, 
 that the Louisville Journal, of recent date, speaks 
 as follows : 
 
 Ct The call of the patriotic Morton upon the peo 
 ple of his State, will endear him still more deeply 
 to the people of Kentucky, who already appreciate 
 the great obligation they are under to him. He has 
 been emphatically Kentucky s guardian spirit from 
 the very commencement of the dangers that now 
 darkly threaten her very existence, and she knows 
 it, Kentucky and the whole country owe him a 
 large debt of gratitude. Oh, that all the public 
 functionaries of the country were as vigilant, as 
 clear-sighted, as energetic, as fearless, as chivalric 
 as he. " 
 
 Governor Morton s conduct toward Kentucky in 
 her times of peril endeared him so strongly to every 
 patriotic citizen of that State, that his former zeal 
 ous opposition to the institution of slavery appear 
 to have been entirely forgotten, and he was virtually 
 adopted by the Unionists of Kentucky as their Gov 
 ernor. We cite an incident in point. Shortly after 
 Kentucky was cleared of rebel troops, a very wealthy 
 lady of Frankfort, the owner of a large number of 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 199 
 
 slaves, visited some friends in Indianapolis, and on 
 the second day of her visit inquired for Governor 
 Morton. Upon ascertaining that he was ahsent and 
 would not return for several days, she prolonged 
 her visit some what beyond the time she had intended 
 to remain. The day for the Governor s return hav 
 ing arrived, and he not appearing, the lady extended 
 her visit still several days more, saying she would 
 not leave Indiana until she had seen him. A friend 
 inquiring of her the reason why she was so anxious 
 to see the Hoosier Governor, she replied : " Because 
 he is our Governor as well as yours, and has been 
 ever since the beginning of the rebellion. " 
 
 But Governor Morton s labors outside of his own 
 State during the summer and fall of 1861 did not 
 extend to Kentucky alone. The wants of Indiana 
 troops in Missouri, Western Virginia, and the depart 
 ment of the Potomac received his constant, per 
 sonal attention, and his numerous efficient agents 
 were found actively employed in every camp where 
 Indiana regiments were stationed, and upon every 
 field of their glory. 
 
 The reverses of the national arms during this 
 period had such a discouraging effect upon the coun 
 try, that in most of the loyal States the work of 
 recruiting progressed slowly. But the never failing 
 faithfulness of Governor Morton in following up 
 Indiana volunteers, securing their pay, administer 
 ing to their personal wants, and in providing, in the 
 mean time, for their families at home, inspired the 
 
200 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 people of Indiana with such a degree of confidence 
 that the volunteering spirit among them seemed 
 not to abate one particle in consequence of the 
 national disasters; and by the 14th of December, 
 1861, twenty volunteer regiments were added to the 
 twenty -four already mentioned in this chapter, mak 
 ing an aggregate of forty-four volunteer regiments 
 from Indiana in the service of the United States. 
 
 If it be inquired, why Indiana, during this dis 
 couraging season, outstripped nearly every other 
 State in the Union in furnishing soldiers for the 
 war, the answer is, because the executive of that 
 State was true to the soldier and the soldier s family. 
 
 The Government, during the year 1861 was neces 
 sarily slow in clothing the troops, mainly because 
 it had not yet had sufficient experience in war to 
 avoid the occasional employment of heartless spec 
 ulators as quartermasters, and. the troops sent to 
 Western Virginia were so far neglected that the 
 approach of winter seemed likely to find them 
 almost destitute of comfortable clothing. Governor 
 Morton, ever attentive to the needs -and wants of 
 the soldier, sought to remedy this deficiency, so far 
 as the Indiana troops in Western Virginia were con 
 cerned, by taking the matter of supplying them 
 with clothing into his own hands. The following 
 telegraphic correspondence, taken from the Indian 
 apolis Journal, shows how earnestly he labored to 
 accomplish his end : 
 
 "The following selection from among the many 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 201 
 
 telegrams now on file in the Governor s office, in 
 relation to the treatment of our soldiers under com 
 mand of General Reynolds, at Cheat Mountain, will 
 show how persistently the Governor has followed up 
 his purpose of having our troops well provided for, 
 and how he has been thwarted. With all the prom 
 ises, orders, requisitions and what not of the mass 
 of correspondence, the clothing has only just begun 
 to arrive. Much of it is surely lost, and many a 
 good man has died from the destitution so vainly 
 sought to be remedied, by the plots disclosed below : 
 
 Dispatch from Governor 0. P. Morton. 
 
 WASHINGTON CITY, August 20th, 1861. 
 Urge Major Montgomery to get overcoats from 
 any good material, and do not wait for a public let 
 ting. Do have them made at once. The men are 
 suffering for them, and I am distressed for them. 
 Perhaps a few thousand can be furnished at once 
 by Captain Dickerson. 
 
 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Quartermaster Yajen went immediately to Cin 
 cinnati, and was informed by Captain Dickerson 
 that he had just sent General Reynolds 4,000 great 
 coats. Governor Morton at once sent his private 
 secretary to Western Virginia to see that these coats 
 were delivered. He could not find nor hear of 
 them, and after learning from General Reynolds 
 that the latter was in want of shirts, drawers, socks 
 
202 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 and caps, lie returned to Cincinnati, obtained these 
 supplies, and informed Major Montgomery, who 
 requested Captain Dickerson to have them inspected 
 and sent forward to our troops. To this Captain 
 Dickerson answered that he had sent all that had 
 been asked for by General Rosecrans, and that the 
 clothing had not been taken by him, and was sub 
 ject to his orders. One thousand great coats were 
 then forwarded and the others were promised imme 
 diately. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to General Meigs. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 2. 
 M. C. Meigs, Washington : 
 
 We have supplied from Cincinnati, overcoats for 
 our troops in Western Virginia. Will you please 
 direct Major Vintoii to send the 4,000 overcoats you 
 ordered for the Indiana troops to the Indiana regi 
 ments in Maryland and about Washington. If he 
 will send 2,000 more, making 6,000, itjsvill be enough 
 for all the Indiana troops in those places. 
 
 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from General Meigs to Governor Morton. 
 
 WASHINGTON, September 2, 1861. 
 All overcoats in New York have been ordered 
 here, and the six Indiana regiments named in your 
 dispatch will be supplied from this place. 
 
 M. C. MEIGS, Q. M. G. 
 
 This was not done according to promise. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 203 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to General Reynolds 
 at Cheat Mountain Pass. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 2, 1861. 
 Four thousand overcoats have been sent to your 
 troops, to the care of General Rosecrans, by Captain 
 J. H. Dickerson, Assistant Quartermaster at Cincin 
 nati. Will you look after them at once and see that 
 somebody else does not get them ? 
 
 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from General Reynolds to Governor Morton. 
 
 CHEAT MOUNTAIN PASS, September 3,1861. 
 The thirteenth regiment is well clothed. The 
 fourteenth and fifteenth are ragged, all require 
 overcoats. Requisitions were made on the Quarter 
 master s department a month since for the clothing 
 required, and it ought to be here in a few days. 
 
 J. J. REYNOLDS, 
 Brigadier General. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to General Reynolds, 
 Cheat Mountain Pass. 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 4, 1861. 
 On what quartermaster did you make requisition 
 for clothing ? 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from General Reynolds. 
 CHEAT MOUNTAIN PASS, September 4, 1861. 
 My requisition for clothing was made on the 
 
204 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 quartermaster at Beverly. Whether it got any fur 
 ther, I can not say ; but I will see the clothing you 
 send properly distributed, and that receipts are sent. 
 Thanks for your remembrance of us. 
 
 J. J. REYNOLDS, 
 Brigadier General. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to Captain Dicker son. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 5, 1861. 
 Captain Dickerson, Quartermaster, Cincinnati, Ohio : 
 
 General Reynolds made a requisition on the quar 
 termaster at Beverly for uniforms. Did he make a 
 requisition on you ? If so, when will they be fur 
 nished? The men are suffering from cold on the 
 mountains. 
 
 O. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from Lieutenant Colonel D. H. Vinton, N. Y. 
 
 The 4,000 great coats were sent on the 22d of 
 August, for the Indiana regiments. 
 
 D. H. YINTOX, 
 Lieutenant Colonel, D. Q. M. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to Lieutenant Colonel 
 
 D. H. Vinton. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 6, 1861. 
 To whom were the 4,000 great coats for our troops 
 sent ? Answer immediately. 
 
 O. P. MORTON. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 205 
 
 Dispatch from Lieutenant Colonel D. H. Vinton, to 
 Governor Morton. 
 NEW YORK, September 7, 1861. 
 The 4,000 great coats were sent to Captain Craig, 
 
 at Bellair, Ohio. 
 
 D. H. VINTON, 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel, A. Q. M. G. 
 
 Dispatch to Captain Craig, U. 8. Q. If., Bellair, Ohio. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 7, 1861 
 Quartermaster Vinton telegraphs me that 4,000 
 great coats were sent you for the Indiana troops in 
 Western Virginia. Did you ever receive them ? 
 
 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Answer to the above. 
 
 BELLAIR, September 9, 1861. 
 I have received 4,000 great coats, but with them 
 no advices as to what troops they are for. The 
 regimental quartermasters of our Indiana troops can 
 make a requisition upon me, approved by General 
 Rosecrans, and I will deliver immediately. 
 
 W. CRAIG, Capt. Q. M. Dept, U. S. A. 
 
 It will be seen by reference to a subsequent dis 
 patch, that he issued these great coats to other reg 
 iments without advising Governor Morton, and in 
 violation of the above promise. 
 
206 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to General Reynolds, 
 
 Cheat Mountain. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 9, 1861. 
 Captain Craig, Quartermaster at Bell air, has the 
 4,000 overcoats. He will give them to you upon a 
 requisition approved by Rosecrans. "Will you do 
 so ? Send a man after them so as to be sure. 
 
 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to Captain Craig, 
 
 Bellair, Ohio. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 9, 1861. 
 I have notified General Reynolds. Keep the coats 
 for him and oblige, O. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from General Reynolds to Governor Morton. 
 
 CHEAT MOUNTAIN, September 9, 1861. 
 Requisitions have been made in due form twice. 
 The first time more than a month ago, and in accor 
 dance with orders from Department. Hope it is 
 coming. Have done all I can, and am willing to do 
 anything yet to get it. Overcoats not yet arrived. 
 J. J. REYNOLDS, Brig. Gen. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to General Meigs, 
 Quartermaster General, Washington 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 10, 1861. 
 General Reynolds made a requisition for supplies 
 for Indiana troops in Western Virginia, more than 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 207 
 
 a month ago, and nothing heard from it. 4,000 
 overcoats sent for same troops were stopped and 
 held subject to order of General Rosecrans. The 
 clothing Major Montgomery purchased for same 
 troops is held by Captain Dickerson in Cincinnati. 
 Is there no help for this state of things ? The 
 troops are suffering. 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 General Meigs called the attention of Captain 
 Dickerson to this detention, to which he replied as 
 follows : 
 
 Dispatch from Captain Diekerson to Quartermaster 
 
 General. 
 
 CINCINNATI, 0., September 14, 1861. 
 To Quartermaster General, Washington, D. C. 
 
 SIR : The report that clothing bought by Major 
 Montgomery for Indiana troops was detained and is 
 now held by me is false. 
 
 Some three weeks or more, since, Captain Chan 
 dler, at General Rosecrans headquarters, sent me a 
 requisition for 20,000 infantry pants, 1,000 cavalry 
 pants, 20,000 flannel shirts, 20,000 pairs of drawers, 
 20,000 pairs of shoes, 15,000 pairs of stockings, 10,- 
 000 overcoats, 5,000 caps with covers, 10,000 haver 
 sacks, and many other supplies in less quantities. 
 Four or five days after I had filled the chief part of 
 the order, Major Montgomery wrote me that he 
 had just purchased, from a house in this city, 8,400 
 shirts, 8,400 pairs of drawers, and other supplies in 
 
208 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 equal quantities, and asked to have them inspected 
 and sent to the Indiana troops in Western Virginia. 
 I replied to Major Montgomery that I had just 
 filled a large order, all that was asked for hy Gen 
 eral Rosecrans chief quartermaster in the field, 
 and that I supposed his requisition embraced all the 
 demands of General Rosecrans command, and that 
 the clothing he had purchased had not been taken 
 by me, but was subject to his orders. He has since 
 ordered it sent to Indianapolis. So far from being 
 detained or held by me, it has never been in my 
 hands. Respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 J. H. DICKERSON, Captain and Q. M. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to Captain Leib, 
 Quartermaster at Clarksburg, Virginia. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 11, 1861. 
 Have any overcoats reached you ? 
 
 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from Captain Leib to Governor Morton. 
 CLARKSBURG, Ya., September 12, 1861. 
 The overcoats arrived here yesterday, and will be 
 sent to "Webster this morning, and shipped at once 
 from that place. I have advised General Reynolds 
 of their arrival. CHAS. LEIB, 
 
 Captain and Quartermaster. 
 
 This telegram refers to the one thousand sent 
 from Cincinnati, September 2. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 209 
 
 Dispatch from Ad/t General Wlieat to Gov. Morton. 
 
 WHEELING, September 15, 1861. 
 The great coats for the Indiana regiments went 
 forward from Clarksburg, on Thursday the 12th inst. 
 JAS. S. WHEAT, Adj t Gen. Y. M. 
 
 The same lot referred to by Captain Leib above. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to General Rosecrans. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 17, 1861, 
 I am in constant receipt of news from Reynolds 
 brigade, and our troops are nearly naked. All I 
 can do will not get them clothes. Will you do me 
 favor to have Captain Chandler send them some? 
 If I attempt to send them from here, Captain Dick- 
 erson will inform me that he is attending to that. 
 Orders must come through you. Please oblige me 
 in this. 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from General Reynolds to Governor Morton, 
 
 ELKWATER, September 19, 1861. 
 Only 1,200 overcoats have arrived. 
 
 J. J. REYNOLDS, Brig. Gen. 
 
 Dispatch from Captain Stewart (cavalry company) to 
 
 Governor Morton. 
 
 CROSS LANES, September 19, 1861. 
 I have seen Captain Chandler. He tells me you 
 had better attend to the uniforms for my company, 
 18 
 
210 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 as the Government is very slow about these things. 
 My men are actually suffering for want of warm 
 clothing. Have them shipped for Charleston. 
 
 R. R. STEWART, Captain. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to Quartermaster Gen 
 eral Meigs, Washington City. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, September 20, 1861. 
 Of the 4,000 overcoats sent to Western Virginia 
 for the Indiana troops, they got 1,200. Requisi 
 tions made six weeks ago, have not been filled, 
 although Captain Dickerson says the articles have 
 all been sent to General Rosecrans quartermaster. 
 The last dodge was t}iat requisitions must be signed 
 by Captain Chandler, who is with Rosecrans, far 
 away from Reynolds, and where the supplies are. 
 Captain Stewart s cavalry are almost naked and 
 have sent home for supplies. My opinion is that 
 in the Quartermaster s department in Western Vir 
 ginia, there is great incapacity or fraud and the 
 abuses are becoming insufferable. I ptay you give 
 it your attention. O. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from Quartermaster General Meigs to Gov 
 ernor Morton. 
 
 WASHINGTON, Sept. 20, 1861. 
 
 Captain Dickerson sent clothing and equipments 
 
 to thirty-seven regiments since the 9th of August; 
 
 16,000 suits to General Rosecrans some time since ; 
 
 9,000 more to him on the 10th of September ; 15,000 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 211 
 
 blankets go to Gen. Rosecrans from Cincinnati at 
 once. I order 10,000 blankets from New York to 
 Captain Dickerson to fill up his store again. Will do 
 the best I can for your troops. Governor Pierpont, 
 of Virginia, is in possession of a large quantity of 
 clothing, sent to Wheeling for General Rosecrans. 
 Call on him for Indiana troops in Virginia. 
 
 M. C. MEIGS. 
 
 There were not twenty regiments in Western 
 Virginia at that time. What became of the cloth 
 ing ? It is reported to have fallen in some out of 
 the way place on the Kanawha and been buried 
 under a freshet. 
 
 Dispatch from W. Craig, A. Q. M. 
 
 MARIETTA, O., Sept. 25, 1861. 
 The 4,000 overcoats to which you refer have been 
 issued like all other clothing coming into my pos 
 session without special instructions. There was 
 nothing in the invoices on the boxes, nor in the 
 letter of advice, to show that these overcoats were 
 for any particular troops. 1,200 have been issued 
 to Indiana troops at Cheat Mountain Pass, and the 
 rest to other parties equally destitute. 
 
 W. CRAIG, Captain, A. Q. M. 
 
 Dispatch from General Rosecrans. 
 
 CROSS LANES, Va., Sept. 25, 1861. 
 Your dispatch is received. 10,000 uniforms have 
 gone down to General Reynolds ; none have reached 
 
212 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 this moving column. I feel even more discouraged 
 than General Reynolds that the necessity of pursu 
 ing the enemy prevents attention to clothing the 
 troops. The difficulty now appears in a fair way 
 to be remedied. I have caused inquires to he made 
 as to those overcoats. I think they will he found 
 on their way from the railroad to Huttonsville. 
 
 W. S. ROSECRANS, 
 
 Brigadier General, U. S. A. 
 
 The 10,000 uniforms never reached General Rey 
 nolds. 
 
 ^Dispatch from Quartermaster General Meigs to Gov 
 ernor Morton. 
 
 WASHINGTON, Sept. 28, 1861. 
 Telegram received. Captain J. H. Dickerson s 
 report on his alleged detention of clothing for the 
 Indiana troops was sent to the Quartermaster Gen 
 eral of Indiana, September 24th. Captain I), has 
 lately sent 15,000 blankets to Clarksburg from Graf- 
 ton, making 25,000 lately sent to Western Virginia, 
 which the Quartermaster should properly distribute. 
 
 M. C. MEIGS, Q. M, G. 
 
 Dispatch from Governor Morton to Hon. D. C. Bran- 
 ham, Washington. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, Oct. 6, 1861. 
 
 General Stone has just returned from Virginia. 
 Only two regiments have overcoats. General Kelley, 
 at Grafton, will receive 3,000 to-day from Cincin- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 213 
 
 nuti. Will not General Meigs order him to issue 
 2,000 of them to the 13th and 17th regiments? 
 They are suffering dreadfully. The clothing sent 
 tj Rosecrans is packed in a warehouse on the Kan- 
 awha, while our men are suffering, and the rise of 
 the river inundated and ruined it. Our men also 
 want uniforms and shoes. The roads will soon be 
 impassible. Urge Meigs to take steps to relieve 
 them immediately. 0. P. MORTON. 
 
 Dispatch from Quartermaster General Meigs to Mr. 
 
 Branham. 
 
 WASHINGTON CITY, October 7, 1861. 
 I order shoes to Grafton from Philadelphia to-day. 
 Overcoats go into the field. Some neglect in West 
 ern Virginia in distributing the large supplies sent 
 to that State. M. C. MEIGS, 
 
 Quartern! aster G en eral . 
 
 Dispatch to Brigadier General Kelley, Grafton, Va. 
 Captain Dickerson, of Cincinnati, informs me 
 that he has sent within a few days, 3,000 great coats, 
 5,000 blankets, and other supplies. Will you please 
 do me the favor to issue 2,000 of the great coats to 
 the 13th and 17th Indiana regiments under General 
 Reynolds ; also 4,000 blankets. They are perfectly 
 destitute. I will take this as a personal favor. 
 Their destitution has been a matter of great morti 
 fication to me. 0. P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 
214 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Answer to the foregoing. 
 
 GOVERNOR 0. P. MORTON : Your telegram is re 
 ceived. Your request shall receive my personal 
 attention. B. F. KELLEY, Brig. Gen. 
 
 Dispatch from General Reynolds to Governor Morton. 
 
 CHEAT MOUNTAIN PASS, October 7, 1861. 
 Clothing is coming forward. In a few days we 
 will have a supply for the 13th, 14th, 15th and 17th, 
 except shoes, socks and caps, the last not so impor 
 tant. Shoes and socks are much needed. These 
 regiments have suffered greatly, but not a man 
 among them has any fault to find with the Governor 
 of his State. They are all informed of the exer 
 tions made in their behalf, and appreciate them, and 
 when opportunity offers will show their apprecia 
 tion. J. J. REYNOLDS, Brig. Gen. 
 
 The indefatigable energy displayed in this effort 
 of Governor Morton to prevent the suffering con 
 sequent upon deficient clothing, in the mountains 
 of Western Virginia, during the cold season, has 
 rarely ever been paralleled in the history of the 
 country. Notwithstanding the frequent defeats he 
 met in his attempts to carry his point, and despite 
 all the insults he suffered at the hands of contempt 
 ible, narrow, contracted and thieving officials, he 
 still persisted, until he succeeded in alleviating the 
 sufferings of the Hoosier volunteers. lie sent no 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 215 
 
 less than four special messengers at different times 
 to follow up clothing and see that it was properly 
 delivered, or to find it if lost. That he should have 
 been so frequently thwarted in his noble designs, 
 and that the clothing he had provided for Indiana 
 troops should have been issued to volunteers from 
 other States, and a large quantity of it miscarried 
 and finally ruined in a warehouse, up the Kanawha, 
 remain a lasting disgrace upon those to whom these 
 abuses are chargeable throughout all time, and will 
 only add to, rather than sully the imperishable fame 
 of the Governor of Indiana. 
 
 The Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, speaking of this 
 matter, says : 
 
 " We publish this morning a statement, accom 
 panied with the correspondence and dispatches, 
 showing that Governor Morton has made every 
 effort in his power to procure, Jrom the proper 
 authorities, winter clothing and other needed sup 
 plies for the Indiana volunteers, now in the service 
 of the General government. There can be no ques 
 tion that his Excellency has done his whole duty in 
 the matter ; and whatever faults and short-comings 
 there may be, they can not be attributed to him. 
 The statement develops the fact that there is great 
 destitution among our troops which must, in a great 
 measure, be relieved by the individual efforts, gen 
 erosity and patriotism of the people of Indiana. 
 There is no time to be lost in sending forward con- 
 
 O 
 
 tributions of blankets and socks to prevent their 
 
216 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 suffering from the exposures to which they are even 
 now subjected, especially the troops in the moun 
 tainous regions of Western Virginia. While we 
 differ in toto with the political views and sympa 
 thies of Governor Morton, we can not refrain from 
 saying that he is entitled to great credit for the 
 extraordinary energy and industry he has displayed 
 in the management of the military affairs of In 
 diana, and his prompt response in hehalf of the 
 State, to all the requisitions of the Federal govern 
 ment since the first call of the President for volun 
 teers to suppress the rebellion in the seceded States. 
 The Indiana volunteers, by their bravery and gal 
 lantry, have reflected high honor upon the State, 
 and given her a fame which may justly excite the 
 pride of all her citizens. " 
 
 The unbounded popularity of Governor Morton 
 among the soldiers, and his growing reputation in 
 other States, during the first year of the war, exci 
 ting the jealousy of certain ambitious politicians, 
 and he having refused to confer favors upon numer 
 ous incompetent place seekers, he, necessarily, 
 became the victim of envy and disappointed ambi 
 tion. Charges of mismanagement in State military 
 matters, of corruption in the appointment of offi 
 cers and the awarding of contracts, were heard from 
 various quarters, and, although without the least 
 foundation in truth, were not unfrequently credited 
 by those who should have had more respect for 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 217 
 
 themselves, if not regard for the Governor, than to 
 have done so. 
 
 During the month of December, 1861, it appears 
 that, in compliance with Governor Morton s fre 
 quent urgent request, the Congressional Committee 
 of Investigation visited Indianapolis, and made a 
 rigid inquiry into the management of military 
 matters in Indiana. The published report of the 
 proceedings of this committee, not only exonerates 
 the State executive from all blame as it regarded 
 the letting of contracts, c., but shows the greatest 
 care on his part to prevent fraud and peculation. 
 The fact is developed by the investigations of the 
 committee, that he even opposed his OAVII brother 
 in obtaining a contract, assigning as his reason for 
 such opposition, that he feared the least indication, 
 on his part, of a disposition to favor his brother, 
 would cause complaint and dissatisfaction. It was 
 also ascertained by this committee, that, notwith 
 standing the Indiana troops had been better armed 
 and equipped than those of any other Western 
 State, the expense attending their outfit was less, in 
 proportion to the number of men furnished, than 
 that of any other State in the Union. Yet, despite 
 the indubitable evidences of the Governors honesty 
 and superior economy, the work of the calumniator, 
 so far from being abandoned, was continued with 
 increased vigor. But the Governor, regardless of 
 all the slanders heaped upon him, went steadily 
 forward in the performance of his duties, giving no 
 19 
 
218 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 heed to the opinions of men respecting himself, 
 and looking solely to the interests of the people and 
 the country. And, notwithstanding he was contin 
 ually "beset with a countless swarm of tliofee individ 
 uals popularly denominated "bores," he always 
 demeaned himself with true, manly dignity, and 
 treated all who approached him with the greatest 
 courtesy. In fact, his equanimity and urbanity 
 were matters of remark among friends and foes. 
 
 As the war progressed, and the execution of all 
 plans proposed by him, resulted successfully, he 
 arose in the estimation of the President and the 
 Cabinet, until it was finally admitted by the know 
 ing ones at Washington that his influence with the 
 powers at that city was greater than that of any 
 other man, outside of the national executive depart 
 ment, in the country. His thorough knowledge of 
 the people of the Northwest, his ready tact in adapt 
 ing means to ends, his great forecasting and com 
 bining powers, and above all his energy and prompt 
 ness in the performance of all labor assigned him, 
 secured to him a deference which few men in the 
 nation enjoyed ; and more than once was his pres 
 ence requested, and his counsel solicited in matters 
 of the greatest importance to the Government. 
 
 In addition to the performance of the duties of 
 his office as State executive, the labors attending 
 the organization of regiments and their preparation 
 for service, the protection of Kentucky, the prompt 
 provision for the wants of soldiers and their famil- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 219 
 
 ies, he frequently took occasion to talk to the peo 
 ple, earnestly exhorting them to stand by their Gov 
 ernment, and demonstrating to them the folly of 
 hoping for a permanent and honorable settlement 
 of the national difficulties, otherwise than by thor 
 oughly conquering the rebels. The short, pungent 
 speech we here insert was delivered at Rockville, 
 some time during the year 1863. The precise date 
 we have been unable to ascertain : 
 
 All republican governments are based upon the 
 principle, that when the will of the people has been 
 expressed through the framers of the Constitution, 
 all parties and all men must submit. Unless this 
 principle be unconditionally admitted, republican 
 government can not exist for a day. For illustra 
 tion of this truth I might refer to the history of 
 Mexico, where each election is followed by a revolu 
 tion, where the minority refuses to submit to the 
 majority, and fly to arms for the redress of every 
 fancied grievance. Such has been the history of 
 republican government in France and other coun 
 tries in Europe. Every officer of the Government, 
 when properly elected, becomes the officer and 
 agent of the people, whether they favored his elec 
 tion or not, and all loyal citizens recognize him as 
 such. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan, when elected, although I did not 
 favor his election, became my president. Any 
 insult offered to him by a foreign power, or any 
 resistance to his lawful authority by domestic foes 
 
220 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES Ui? 
 
 was an insult and an injury to me and every citizen 
 of the United States. Some people there are whc 
 are so incredibly stupid as to be unable to perceive 
 any difference between the Government and the 
 mere agents who carry it on for the time. Govern 
 ment is intended to be permanent, while the offi 
 cers by whom it is administered are ever changing. 
 "Washington, Jefferson and Jackson have passed 
 away, but the Government they administered still 
 lasts, and I trust will last forever. The man who 
 now controls public affairs will in a few short years 
 have passed from the stage of action ; but we trust 
 the Government will survive him. The man who 
 would refuse to protect the Government merely 
 because he did not like the man who carried it on, 
 would display as little sense as the inebriate who 
 would refuse to protect his dwelling from the flames 
 because he did not like the agency of water. 
 
 PARTY QUESTIONS. 
 
 This is not a war of parties, but of the whole 
 people. The interests involved rise as far above 
 mere party considerations as the heavens are above 
 the earth. 
 
 The man who stands aloof from the great contest, 
 higgling about his party, is short-sighted, and fails 
 to comprehend the times in which he lives. Par 
 ties can only exist in a free Government, and 
 when the Government falls they fall along with it. 
 The democratic, whig and republican parties have 
 
(JOVERXOll OLIVER P. MORTON. 221 
 
 eacli sought to administer the Government. But if 
 the Government should pass away there would he 
 nothing left to administer. If there is any poor 
 partisan here to-day who believes that, after the 
 Government has been destroyed, he will have his 
 party left and may enjoy that, I yield him up in des 
 pair. The Almighty has enveloped his intellect in 
 eternal night, and fore-ordained that he should he a 
 fool forever and ever. 
 
 LINCOLN S ABOLITION 
 
 The charge is made in this country that this war 
 was begun by Lincoln to bring about the abolition 
 of Slavery. The man who utters this charge is 
 attempting to commit a fraud upon the people and 
 treason against the Government. Every intelligent 
 man knows that before Lincoln was inaugurated, 
 the rebels had an army of thirty thousand men in 
 the field ; had laid a siege for Fort Pickens and 
 Fort Sumter ; had robbed the mint at New Orleans 
 of half a million of dollars ; had plundered various 
 forts and arsenals of two hundred thousand stand 
 of arms and five hundred pieces of artillery; had 
 confiscated the debts due from citizens of seceded 
 States to the people of the North, thus robbing 
 them of hundreds of millions of dollars; had mur 
 dered or driven out from the seceded States every 
 man of Northern birth or that entertains a linger 
 ing attachment for the Constitution of his country. 
 
 The object of a falsehood so foul and monstrous 
 
222 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 is not to be mistaken. It is to distract the people 
 of the North, and palsy the hands of the Govern 
 ment, that it may fall an easy prey to the scoundrels 
 who are seeking its destruction. This would be its 
 effect, if any it had, and must therefore be its aim. 
 
 PEACE. 
 
 But it is said we must have peace and could 
 have peace if we would. I love peace as much as 
 any man. Its sweets are as delicious to my taste 
 as to that of any human being. But when. I say 
 this I mean peace that is safe ; peace that is crowned 
 with liberty and the blessings of an enlightened 
 civilization. I do not mean that peace which is the 
 sleep of death ; which is purchased by foul dishonor ; 
 nor that peace which is but another name for sub 
 mission to tyrants and traitors. It is utter folly 
 to talk about peace without pointing out some 
 method by which it may be obtained. I know of 
 but two conditions now, upon which peace can be 
 had. The first is by submitting to disruption of 
 the Union and the destruction of the Government. 
 The second is by the submission of the traitors now 
 in arms. And I appeal to you to-day to answer the 
 question in your own hearts, upon which of these 
 conditions do you demand peace? Who are the 
 men that are clamoring for peace upon any terms ? 
 They are not the Union men of Kentucky, of Mis 
 souri, of Tennessee, of Maryland or of Virginia. 
 But they are small clans scattered throughout the 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 223 
 
 Northern States, who are violently suspected by 
 their neighbors of not being Union men, but men 
 who would flourish most and rejoice most in a 
 period of general anarchy and social and political 
 dissolution. 
 
 But we are told that unless we at once suspend 
 hostilities, and secure peace on any terms, an enor 
 mous public debt will be contracted, which will 
 oppress the people for generations to come. A large 
 public debt is undoubtedly a calamity ; but there are 
 greater calamities. What will it profit the people 
 if they should gain the wealth of the whole world, 
 but lose their Government, and with it their liber 
 ties ? In my judgment, the man who can deliber 
 ately weigh gold in the scale against the existence 
 of this Government, and the liberties of this peo 
 ple, is either an idiot or a traitor. If there is such 
 a man in Park county, may God forgive him for I 
 can not. What matters whether this war shall cost 
 an hundred millions or a hundred thousand, if we 
 are thereby enabled to maintain the Union, and 
 transmit this Government to our children ? Con 
 sidered in a mere financial view, it would be the best 
 investment the American people ever made. If the 
 Government fall, what becomes of the value of 
 property ? What becomes of commerce ? Of pub 
 lic and private institutions ? Of prosperity of every 
 kind? 
 
 " The folly of the man who refuses to sustain the 
 Government because it will cost a large amount of 
 
224 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 money to do so, is only equaled by him who should 
 refuse to purchase necessary food because it is 
 expensive, and voluntarily starves himself to death 
 in order that he may live to enjoy a large fortune. 
 Financially considered, secession is the greatest mis 
 fortune that could befall a nation, and especially the 
 people of the Western States. The Mississippi 
 river would become the property of a foreign gov 
 ernment, and we should be cut off from any 
 outlet to the Gulf, except upon such terms as 
 should be graciously vouchsafed to us by the 
 traitors now in arms. The manufactures and 
 agricultural productions of Indiana would not be 
 allowed to float down the Mississippi to find n 
 market, except on compliance with the conditions 
 and payment of the duties prescribed by the Dic 
 tatorship at Richmond. 
 
 The Revolutionary war is estimated to have 
 cost two hundred millions of dollars. How much 
 easier would it have been to have paid the little 
 duty of three pence a pound on tea. And can 
 you doubt that the men who now urge the cost 
 of this war as an objection to it, would, for the 
 same reason, have objected to the Revolution, had 
 they lived during that period? 
 
 COMPROMISE. 
 
 But it is said that this war might have been 
 avoided by a compromise, and could now be set- 
 tied by a compromise. While we were babbling 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 225 
 
 of compromise last winter, the traitors were steal 
 ing arms, plundering mints, investing fortresses, 
 and marshaling armies into the field. What is 
 there to compromise now but the integrity of the 
 Union and the existence of the Government? Do 
 the traitors offer to us any compromise ? No ; on 
 the contrary, their ultimatum is the destruction 
 of the Constitution and the Union. But how 
 would these men go ^botit proposing a compro 
 mise to an enemy who has an hundred thousand 
 men in the field, and who spits in the nation s face 
 whenever the word is mentioned; who declares 
 that secession and disunion are the glorious con 
 summation of the toil and travail of more than 
 thirty years; who affirms that free institutions at 
 the North are a failure ; that the only true founda 
 tion for government is African slavery: and that 
 the laboring classes of the North are serfs and vas 
 sals, beneath the mental and moral dignity of the 
 slave upon the plantation ? It is now well known 
 that the secession movement was inaugurated as 
 early as 1829. Its first effort at the destruction 
 of the Government was made in 1839, in the nul 
 lification movement in South Carolina, basect osten 
 sibly on the tariff question. General Jackson then 
 predicted that the next effort would be predicated 
 upon the slavery question; and the prophecy has 
 been fulfilled. From that time forward, secession 
 has been kept alive under the deceitful and spe 
 cious title of States rights; and yet these con- 
 
226 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 stitutional doctors propose to cure this chronic 
 secession cancer by the application of a mild com 
 promise plaster. But I tell you, No! The only 
 cure for the cancer is the knife. You must cut 
 out the gangrened and rotten parts, and extract 
 the very roots of the devouring ulcer. Compro 
 mise roots and herbs are of no avail in a case like 
 this. The Southern commissioners, sent to "Wash 
 ington last spring, offered no compromise, and 
 would listen to none. Their haughty and traitor 
 ous demand was that we should consent to the 
 dissolution of the Union and the dismemberment 
 of the Government. They said if this Govern 
 ment would write its name 011 a blank piece of 
 paper, and allow them to write over it the condi 
 tions upon which they would compromise this dif 
 ficulty, and return to the Union, they -had none to 
 write. A proposition to compromise now is sim 
 ply a proposition to surrender; and the man who 
 makes it, disguise it as he may, means that and 
 nothing else. We are fighting to preserve what 
 our fathers fought to win. They established a 
 Eepublican government, and we will uphold it. 
 If their cause was sacred, then is ours, sanctified 
 by their blood, and should, if necessary, be sealed 
 by our own. 
 
 SECESSION. 
 
 To. concede practically or theoretically the doc 
 trine of secession, upon which this Rebellion is 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 227 
 
 based, is to concede the destruction of our social and 
 political institutions. That doctrine is, that any 
 State has a right to withdraw from the Union at 
 pleasure, without consulting the National govern 
 ment, or the other States. This being admitted, 
 it requires no argument to prove that we have no 
 government, but a mere voluntary association, with 
 no higher sanctions than a pleasure party from 
 which any guest may retire at his own convenience. 
 Carried to its consequences, it does not stop with 
 the destruction of the National government, but is 
 equally fatal to State and local institutions. Com 
 merce must perish when one party can withdraw 
 from a contract without the consent of the other. 
 JSTo other war ever involved such mighty interests, 
 comprehending, as it does, the political and social 
 existence of the Nation, and if, while everything 
 is thus at stake, WQ shall suffer ourselves to be 
 distracted and conquered by old prejudices and jeal 
 ousies, false views of public economy and the evil 
 machinations of selfish demagogues, the world may 
 well pronounce final judgment that the experiment 
 of self-government has failed, and that men can be 
 successfully governed only by an aristocracy or a 
 monarchy. 
 
 FREEDOM or SPEECH. 
 
 Much has been said, in certain quarters, now, 
 about the right of free speech. I allow no man to 
 be a more firm and consistent advocate of that right 
 
228 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 than myself. I have battled for many years, and 
 shall ever uphold it as the very touchstone of lib 
 erty. It will be found, on examination, that those 
 who are now making the clamor, mean, by the 
 "freedom of speech," the right to weaken our hands 
 and strengthen the hand of our enemy, by distract 
 ing our councils, by reviling our cause, by ignomin 
 ious propositions to lay down our arms, and by 
 assailing the purity of all men who are laboring to 
 uphold the honor and integrity of the nation. If 
 any man in the rebellious States should utter in 
 defence of the North a tithe of what men in Indi 
 ana are daily saying in defence of the South, he 
 would be permitted to live long enough to say his 
 prayers. This freedom of speech is exercised in 
 behalf of those who deny the right to all others, 
 and who punish this exercise with death. The men 
 who thus abuse this right of free speech are living 
 monuments of the forbearance of our laws, and of 
 the liberty and security of persons, guaranteed by 
 our * institutions. While I admit and will uphold 
 the freedom of speech, it is not improper to state 
 that there are State and National laws denning and 
 punishing the crime of treason, and that infractions 
 of these laws will be searched out and punished 
 with the utmost vigor. 
 
 Shortly before the delivery of this speech, a pol 
 itician, too contemptible and unprincipled to be 
 named here, had made a tour of certain southern 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 229 
 
 counties of Indiana, and made speeches encourag 
 ing opposition to the war, and counseling the people 
 to demand a cessation of hostilities and a proposi 
 tion by the North to the South, for a compromise. 
 This individual, laying a false claim to the name 
 democrat, and operating where he could, directly 
 upon the partisan prejudices of the people, had his 
 influence, and having been in past days a some 
 what prominent leader in the democratic party, he 
 was in a position to be feared, although his abilities 
 were not such as to secure the least respect from 
 persons of any intelligence. 
 
 This man lived in the neighborhood of where the 
 foregoing speech was delivered, and was the first 
 "copperhead" to make an open show of treason in 
 Indiana. It is, doubtless, to him and his satellites, 
 that the warning contained in the last sentence in 
 the Governor s effort is given. 
 
230 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Discouragement of people in 1862 in consequence of National 
 reverses Efforts of Governor Morton to counteract this feel 
 ing His efficient operations against "K. G. C." in Indiana 
 Charges against him by the members of that order Proofs 
 of insincerity of such charges His efforts to relieve Indiana 
 troops at Fort Pillow Telegraphic correspondence, etc., etc. 
 
 THE year 1862 found the loyal people of the 
 United States regretting the misconduct and inca 
 pacity of generals, the loss of battles, and the un 
 necessary sacrifice of human life. Such had "been 
 the success of the rebellion that almost every loyal 
 border State was threatened with invasion, and 
 many of the true friends of the Government said : 
 " Either let us have a more efficient prosecution 
 of the war, or a cessation of hostilities." Even 
 the people of the gallant Hoosier State appeared 
 discouraged, and many of them seemed convinced 
 that further resistance to the South was useless. 
 But despite all the discouraging features of the 
 war and the general public despondency, the Gov 
 ernor of Indiana remained steadfast to his faith in 
 the Union, and used all his influence to encourage 
 the people to stand firm in the support of the Gov 
 ernment, and hope for ultimate success. His faith 
 in the Government was not to be diminished by 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 231 
 
 a year s reverses, and although he regretted the 
 unnecessary waste of human blood as much as 
 any one, yet he did not allow the thought of such 
 waste to weaken his determination that the rebel- \ 
 lion should be crushed. On the contrary, he 
 increased his efforts to strengthen public confi 
 dence, and to aid in the re-establishment of the 
 supremacy of the Constitution and laws, as the 
 cloud of despondency thickened. 
 
 He continued to encourage the work of volun 
 teering, causing bounties to be increased. By the 
 23d of February (1862), six regiments of infantry 
 were added to the number already in the field. In 
 the meantime the battle of Mill Springs had been 
 fought, which, with a few other important vic 
 tories, had, to some extent, restored public confi 
 dence, and given a fresh impetus to the enlistment 
 of troops. 
 
 About the commencement of the year, it became 
 manifest that there was a secret foe to the Govern 
 ment in most of the loyal States, more to be feared 
 than the entire Confederate army. This foe was 
 an organization known by various names, as that 
 of " Self-Protecting Brothers," " Star in the West," 
 etc. Whatever might have been the name by 
 which it was known in the JS"orth, it was, without 
 doubt, a branch of the traitorous order known in 
 the South as "Knights of the Golden Circle." 
 This organization grew rapidly in numbers, espe 
 cially in the more remote sections of the country, 
 
232 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 where the honest masses, not having frequent 
 access to the mediums of public intelligence, were 
 duped by the score by a set of the most unprin 
 cipled politicians that ever disgraced a civilize;! 
 country. The order became quite popular in the 
 southern counties of Indiana, and was not untre- 
 quently met with in the central and northern sec 
 tions of the State. Its members were generally 
 known by their denunciations of the Administra 
 tion the abolition war, and Governor Morton. 
 
 And it is a notorious fact that the founders and 
 leading members of this organization in Indiana 
 were, generally, those who had failed to obtain 
 favors of the Government. They prated much of 
 the extravagance of the State Executive, accused 
 him of corruption in his civil and military appoint 
 ments, and of a desire to oppress the people of the 
 State by onerous taxation. 
 
 Congress, having passed an act increasing the 
 taxes, and creating an internal revenue by means 
 of "direct taxation," and the sale of licenses, and 
 the direct tax to be raised having been apportioned 
 among the several States, Indiana s share amounted 
 to $904,875.33. And notwithstanding Governor 
 Morton, by extraordinary perseverance and good 
 engineering, succeeded in setting off this extra tax 
 with the debt due the State from the Government, 
 for the advances made by the former to aid the 
 latter in equipping and supplying the Indiana vol 
 unteers, yet the charge, though known to be false 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 233 
 
 by those who made it, was reiterated, time and 
 again, that he was endeavoring to have imposed 
 upon the people an oppressive tax. 
 
 It was particularly charged by the members of 
 the order to which allusion has been made, that 
 the Governor was guilty of corruption in the 
 appointment of the first State Quartermaster-Gen 
 eral, although it was known that that officer had 
 been a life-long democrat, and that most of his 
 contracts were let to democrats, some of whom 
 were even opposed to the war. According to the 
 report of Quartermaster Yajen and the report of 
 the Congressional Committee, who had the pro 
 ceedings of the Quartermaster under consideration, 
 all the contracts given during his administration 
 were let to the lowest, responsible bidders, without 
 reference to party; but it so happened that, in the 
 letting of many of the most profitable contracts, 
 democrats were the lowest bidders. But men 
 intent upon working the ruin of one who stands 
 prominently in the way of the promotion of their 
 interests, hesitate not to use falsehood when it 
 promises to subserve their ends. Xot only so, but 
 they will, when occasion requires, sacrifice their 
 former best friends for the same purpose. And 
 so, when the allies of the "K. G. C. set themselves 
 about the task of slandering Governor Morton, 
 they not only used the basest falsehoods to thrft 
 end, but did their utmost to destroy the official rep 
 utation of Quartermaster Yajen, merely because he 
 20 
 
234 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 was the appointee of the Governor, notwithstand 
 ing his political antecedents were all democratic, 
 and his administration unexceptionable. 
 
 These individuals even accused Governor Morton 
 of secretly appropriating to his own use, the county 
 and personal donations made to soldiers in camp, 
 although it was well known that, when certain reg 
 iments, to whom large bounties had been promised, 
 had refused to obey marching orders, the Governor 
 borrowed, upon his- own responsibility, six hundred 
 thousand dollars and paid these bounties. And that 
 he had done this at a time when the Government 
 finances were very low and without the promise of 
 reimbursement. This single advancement was more 
 than sufficient to cover all the donations ever made 
 to Indiana troops, four times. 
 
 To discover and thwart the secret schemes of the 
 secret aiders and comforters of treason in the State 
 of Indiana, became } at an early period in 1862, a 
 paramount object with Governor Morton. He 
 employed numerous secret agents to ascertain the 
 whereabouts of "K. G. C." castles, to discover the 
 leading members of the order, and thus prepare the 
 way for its ultimate exposure and destruction. The 
 success of his plans and operations in this direction 
 is well known to the country. 
 
 Early in the spring of the year of which we now 
 write, the intelligence reached Governor Morton 
 that two Indiana regiments at Fort Pillow were in 
 a suffering condition. The carelessness and stupid- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 235 
 
 ity of certain military officials had caused these 
 regiments to come to almost utter destitution as it 
 regarded clothing, and all the efforts of their col 
 onels to induce United States .u;ay officers to pro 
 vide for their necessities were unavailing. 
 
 The Governor, seeing the condition of things, 
 without delay, set himself ahout an investigation of 
 the matter, with the determination of providing for 
 the suffering troops himself, in case the desired end 
 could be accomplished in no other way. 
 
 The telegraphic correspondence we here insert, 
 shows the earnestness and determination with which 
 he ferreted out the causes of the abuses, and also 
 the difficulties with which he had to contend in 
 relieving the wants of the sufferers. 
 
 We copy from the Indianapolis Journal: 
 
 THE CONDITION OF INDIANA TROOPS, AT FORT PILLOW? 
 
 AND ITS CAUSE. 
 
 We copied, the other day, a paragraph from the 
 New York Tribune depicting and lamenting the des 
 titute condition of two Indiana regiments at Fort 
 Pillow, Colonel Fitch s and Colonel McLean s, and 
 briefly stated the cause, in order that the public might 
 see that the suffering was not the result of any inat 
 tention or indifference on the part of the State 
 authorities. Some strange perverseness on the part 
 of Gen. Pope, as inexplicable as it was abominable, 
 was the sole cause of the trouble. In justification of 
 our State authorities, and to place the blame of the 
 
236 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Buffering and death, which the destitution produced 
 among these men, where it belongs, we publish^ 
 below, the correspondence on the subject, after 
 Colonel Fitch had failed to obtain clothing in 
 the regular way, and had appealed to the State 
 authorities : 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, March 29, 1862. 
 Major General Halleck, St. Louis, Mo. : 
 
 I learn that the 46th, Col. Fitch, as well as other 
 Indiana regiments at New Madrid, Mo., are much 
 in need of clothing. Would there be any objection 
 to our forwarding a supply from here ? 
 
 W. K. HOLLOWAY, 
 Governor s Private Secretary. 
 
 HEADQUARTERS, ST. Louis, Mo., 
 
 March 29, 1862. 
 W. It. Holloway, Private Secretary: 
 
 Quartermaster s department here and at Cairo is 
 well supplied with clothing, which will be issued on 
 requisition, H. W. HALLECK, 
 
 Major General. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, March 30, 1862. 
 Capt. Bradshaw, Quartermaster, Cairo, 111. : 
 
 Indiana regiments under Colonel Fitch at New 
 Madrid want new uniforms. Halleck says you have 
 plenty. Will you supply the regiment immedi 
 ately ? We have thousands here. Answer. 
 
 W. R. HOLLOWAY, Private Sec. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVO P. 3IORTON. 237 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, March 29, 1862. 
 
 Colonel Gr. N. Fitch, Point Pleasant, Mo., via New 
 Madrid : 
 
 General Halleck says the quartermaster at Cairo 
 has plenty of clothing. Send Dykeman there imme 
 diately. I have telegraphed Captain Bradshaw to 
 supply you immediately if possible. Advise me 
 when you get it. W. K. HOLLO WAY, 
 
 4 Private Secretary. 
 
 This dispatch was either suppressed at Cairo or 
 by General Pope at New Madrid, Mo., Col. Fitch 
 never received it. 
 
 CAIRO, March 30, 1862. 
 W. It. Holloivay, Governor s Secretary : 
 
 Can not uniform a regiment in full. Clothing 
 mostly sent up the Tennessee river. 
 
 J. M. BRADSHAW, A. Q. M. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, March 31, 1862. 
 Major General Halleck, St. Louis, Mo.: 
 
 Captain Bradshaw, assistant quartermaster, at 
 Cairo, telegraphs me that he has not uniforms 
 enough to supply one regiment. All have been 
 sent up Tennessee river. I am informed that the 
 live Indiana regiments under General Pope are 
 ragged, and suffering for clothing. They say they 
 have made frequent requisition and cannot get cloth 
 ing. They can be supplied from here promptly. 
 Please answer. W. K. HOLLOWAY, 
 
 Private Secretary. 
 
238 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 HEADQUARTERS, ST. Louis, Mo. 
 
 March 31, 1862. 
 W. It. Holloway, Governor s Secretary : 
 
 The quartermaster has an abundance of good 
 clothing, and fills every requisition as soon as it is 
 sent in. H. W. HALLECK, 
 
 Major General. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, March 31, 1862. 
 Major Allen, Chief Quartermaster, St. Louis, Mo. : 
 
 Have you any requisitions on file from the Indi 
 ana regiments under General Pope ? I am reliably 
 informed that they are much in need of new uni 
 forms. We could furnish them from here. And 
 would prefer to do so if there are no objections. 
 "W. R. HOLLOWAY, Governor s Priv. Sec. 
 
 ST. Louis, April 1, 1862. 
 W. It. Holloway, Governor s Secretary: 
 
 We have no requisition for clothing from Indi 
 ana regiments. ROBERT ALLEN, 
 
 Major and Quartermaster. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, March 31, 1862. 
 Col. G. N. Fitch, 46th regiment Indiana Volunteers, 
 
 Point Pleasant, Mo., via New Madrid: 
 I have done everything that is possible to induce 
 Gen. Halleck to allow your wants to be supplied 
 from here. All I can get from him is that requisi 
 tions are promptly filled. He says there are no re 
 quisitions on file from Indiana regiments. Can t 
 you send your quartermaster to St. Louis and try 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 239 
 
 there? Please let us know the result. If you can 
 not get them there we will take the responsibility 
 and supply you ; no matter about consequences. 
 W. R. HOLLOWAY, Governor s Priv. Sec. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, April 5, 1862. 
 Major General H. W. Halleck, St. Louis, Mo : 
 
 I am reliably informed that the 34th, 43rd, 46th 
 and 47th Indiana regiments under Gen. Pope at 
 !N"ew Madrid, are still suffering for shoes and cloth 
 ing: that they have made frequent requisitions to 
 no purpose. Will you see that they are supplied ? 
 Answer. O. P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Ind. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, ST. Louis, April 5, 1862. 
 Governor 0. P. Morton, Indianapolis, Ind. : 
 
 Plenty of supplies at Cairo. Will inquire into 
 the matter. II. W. HALLECK, 
 
 Major General. 
 
 These dispatches were also suppressed at Gen. 
 Pope s head quarters, and never handed to Col. Fitch. 
 Gov. Morton, not hearing from Fitch, sent an agent 
 to New Madrid with a copy of the above telegram. 
 Col. F. had frequently requested the privilege of 
 sending an agent to St. Louis for the above supplies^ 
 and had the application endorsed by Gen. Palmer, 
 but when the application reached Gen. Pope s head 
 quarters, he endorsed it, " NOT GRANTED, Jno. Pope, 
 Major General commanding." General Pope was 
 aware of the ragged and destitute condition of our 
 
240 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 troops, and instead of assisting them and endeavor 
 ing to have them supplied, he positively refused, and 
 our men were compelled to remain in their destitute 
 condition until Gen. Pope was ordered to Pittsburg 
 Landing. About this time Gov. Morton sent hi* 
 private secretary to^Fort Pillow where the rcgi- 
 jnents were then stationed, to see if they had been 
 supplied, and, if they had not been, instructed to 
 get requisitions for the articles required, in order 
 that the supplies might be sent from here. The day 
 before Mr. Holloway arrived there, Col. Fitch had 
 sent a lieutenant to Gov. Morton, asking that the 
 clothing be forwarded. Mr. H. brought duplicates 
 of the requisition, and the clothing was promptly, 
 forwarded ; but before it arrived many of the men 
 were shoeless and almost naked. The public will 
 see that the responsibility rests where it belongs. 
 
 When Gen. Pope was ordered to join Gen. Hal- 
 leek, he left the Indiana regiments under his 
 command, with one exception, remaining on board 
 their transports near Fort Pillow, where they could 
 do nothing, taking all the Illinois regiments with 
 him. Again : The Indiana regiments did all the 
 fighting that was done at New Madrid, Point 
 Pleasant, and Riddle s Point. They dug the rifle 
 pits, threw up the breast works, and dragged the 
 seige guns through the mud and swamps from New 
 Madrid to Point Pleasant ; kept the enemy from 
 escaping down the river ; sunk one of their 
 wooden gunboats, and laid in the rifle pits day after 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 241 
 
 day, without shoes, and with coffee sacks tied 
 around their bleeding feet. Yet, for all of their 
 services, Gen. Pope never so much as even noticed 
 them in his official report. 
 
 He ignores the State, snubs her colonels, and 
 uses the influence of his position to keep them 
 down. This may be all right, and according to 
 those mysterious military rules which turn up in 
 justification of wrongs and outrages upon the men 
 in the most inconsistent and contrary cases ; but we 
 fancy the people of Indiana won t < see it, and will 
 recollect it." 
 
 We have quoted thus lengthily from the journal, 
 no less to show the feeling of jealousy which existed 
 between the States respecting the reputation of their 
 troops, than to present another of the multiplied 
 acts of the Governor of Indiana in behalf of the 
 soldier. 
 
 The Governor was never, at any time, less mind 
 ful of the reputation of Indiana volunteers than of 
 their comfort. All his actions with reference to the 
 enlistment of troops and the provision of arms and 
 equipments, from the commencement of the war to 
 the present, show that the successes of Indiana troops 
 were his successes, that their glory was his glory, and 
 that he regarded anything reflecting upon them as 
 reflecting upon him. 
 
 The disposition of certain generals to ignore the 
 efficiency of Hoosier volunteers and snub their offi- 
 21 
 
242 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 cers, as mentioned by the Journal, caused Governor 
 Morton the deepest mortification, and ultimately 
 aroused him no little of the spirit of resentment ; 
 and his correspondence with certain Government 
 officials, shows that he was determined that no foul 
 slander should rest upon the Indiana troops, and in 
 this, he was, and has heen, eminently successful. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 243 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Precarious condition of Indiana at commencement of 1863. Lep 
 rous character of Indiana Legislature Governor Morton s 
 message to that body, etc., etc. 
 
 Perhaps no State was ever in a more precarious 
 condition, than was Indiana at the commencement 
 of the year 1863. 
 
 The secret enemies of the Government mentioned 
 in the preceding chapter, by dint of almost super 
 human efforts, and by the use of every means, fair 
 and foul, had succeeded in the election of what was 
 then and has since been known as the butternut 
 ticket ; the Indiana Legislature was principally com 
 posed of men sworn to oppose, to the bitter end, the 
 prosecution of the war, and to leave no effort un 
 made to divest Governor Morton of his military 
 authority and his glory ; of men who, by deceiving 
 the people respecting the motives of the Administra 
 tion, had placed themselves in power for the sole 
 purpose of thwarting the plans of the Government, 
 and encouraging the enemies of American liberty 
 in their work of rebellion and destruction. 
 
 The Governor of Indiana, heeding not the vile 
 slanders and base misrepresentations of his copper 
 head foes, still kept in view only the preservation of 
 his Government and the welfare of the soldier. 
 
244 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Soon after the meeting of the Legislature of this 
 period, the Governor transmitted to that body the 
 following message, which in its comprehensive views 
 touching the duties of the Legislature to the soldier, 
 and its minute details of the proceedings of the Exe 
 cutive department, is one of the ablest state paper,- 
 of modern times. 
 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Gen 
 eral Assembly of Indiana : 
 
 In the Message which I am about to read in your 
 hearing, I will endeavor to present a brief but com 
 prehensive and intelligent outline of the operations 
 of the State government for the past two years, 
 and the present condition of the State. 
 
 NUMBER OF TROOPS. 
 
 The following statement will show as near as the 
 data in the Adjutant General s office will enable me, 
 the number of troops Indiana has furnished to the 
 United States in the prosecution of this war. 
 
 Under the call for 75,000, April, 1861. 
 6 regiments of infantry 3 months service. 
 
 Under the call for 500,000, July, 1861. 
 
 2 regiments of infantry 12 months service. 
 47 " " 3 years " 
 
 4 companies " 3 " " 
 
 3 regiments of cavalry 3 " " 
 18 batteries of artillery 3 " " 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER T. MORTON. 245 
 
 Under the calls of July, 1862. 
 
 1 regiment of infantry 12 months service. 
 30 " 3 years " 
 
 6 companies " 3 " " 
 
 2 regiments " 3 months " 
 1 regiment " 30 days " 
 
 1 regiment " 60 " " 
 
 2 reg ts Indiana Legion 3 months " 
 2 " of cavalry, 3 years " 
 9 batteries of artillery, 3 " " 
 
 In all, 98 regiments of infantry and cavalry and 
 27 batteries of artillery, and comprising ninety-five 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven officers and 
 men. 
 
 To this number are to be added 6,831 recruits, 
 who joined old regiments and batteries in the field, 
 making in all 102,698 men. The above does not 
 embrace all who are enrolled, or who left the State 
 and joined regiments and batteries in other States, 
 but only such as were actually mustered into the ser 
 vice in the State of Indiana. 
 
 THE DRAFT. 
 
 On the 7th day of July, 1862, the President of 
 the United States called for 300,000 additional vol 
 unteers. On the 5th day of August, 1862, he called 
 for a second 300,000, to be raised by a draft, if 
 enough volunteers could not be procured. Under 
 each call the quota of Indiana was fixed by the War 
 
246 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 department at 21,250 men, making 42,500 men. 
 By the 20th of September both of these calls had 
 been filled by volunteers, except 6,060, for which 
 number it became necessary to draft. The number 
 of men to be drafted was apportioned among the 
 townships, giving credit to each township for all 
 the volunteers previously furnished. When the 
 enrollment was completed it was found that 635 
 townships had furnished the number required of 
 them, leaving the deficiency to be supplied by the 
 remaining 334 townships. The quota of each 
 township was assigned on the 20th of September, 
 and the draft took place on the 6th day of October. 
 The privilege of volunteering to supply the de 
 ficiency was continued up to the time of the draft, 
 at which time the number required by draft was 
 reduced to 3,003, for which number the draft was 
 made. The draft was conducted throughout the 
 State without interruption or disturbance, except in a 
 single instance, and at the time fixed the drafted men, 
 with few exceptions, reported themselves in camp 
 for service. 
 
 It affords me pleasure to state these facts as evi 
 dence of the prompt and quiet obedience with 
 which the people of Indiana submit to law and the 
 demands of the Government. 
 
 The Constitution of Indiana provides that no per 
 son conscientiously opposed to bearing arms shall 
 be compelled to do militia duty, but such person 
 shall pay an equivalent for exemption. As the draft 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 247 
 
 was upon the militia of the State, all persons inclu 
 ded in the constitutional provision were entitled to 
 its benefit. The Legislature had omitted to pre 
 scribe any amount for the equivalent, and Assistant 
 Adjutant General Buckingham, of the War depart 
 ment, under whose supervision the draft was con 
 ducted throughout the United States, fixed the sum 
 at $200, which was supposed to be the ordinary 
 amount required at that time to hire a substitute. 
 The draft was made under the 1st section of the act 
 of Congress of July 17th, 1862, which authorized the 
 Secretary of War, wh^re there is no State law, or 
 where the State law is deficient, to adopt such rules 
 and regulations in regard to calling out the militia 
 as he may deem best. 
 
 The whole number who established their claims 
 to the benefit of the constitutional provision was 
 3,169, as is shown by the report of the commis 
 sioner. A portion of these took exceptions to the 
 plan adopted by Mr. Siddall, the commissioner of 
 drafting, by which it was determined how many, 
 and by whom, the equivalent should be paid, and 
 to the amount of the equivalent itself. An appeal 
 was taken from his action in the premises. As the 
 Constitution and laws of Indiana make no provi 
 sion beyond the fact that persons conscientiously 
 opposed to bearing arms shall not be compelled to 
 do military duty, and as the authority by which the 
 draft was made was derived solely from the act of 
 Congress, and the action of the War department, 
 
248 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 I referred the questions involved at once to the deci 
 sion of Assistant Adjutant General Buckingham. 
 After mature deliberation, he decided that as the 
 exemption was made by virtue of the Constitution 
 of the State only,, the War department had no 
 authority, and could confer none upon the execu 
 tive of the State, to enforce the collection of the 
 equivalent, or determine its amount. 
 
 In the correctness of this decision I fully concur, 
 and therefore refer the whole matter to the Legisla 
 ture as a proper subject for its consideration. 
 
 I appointed J. P. Siddall, Esq., a commissioner, 
 under whose direction and supervision the draft 
 was made. His duties were novel and difficult, but 
 were performed with great promptness and ability. 
 His report is herewith submitted. 
 
 Six KEGIMENTS. 
 
 At the extra session of the Legislature, an act 
 was passed authorizing the organization of six rcg-: 
 iments of State troops, enlisting for the period of 
 twelve mouths. These regiments were raised, and 
 shortly after their organization four of them were 
 permitted to reorganize and enter the service of the 
 United States, for three years or during the war ; 
 the remaining two were subsequently transferred to 
 the service of the United States, und^r a provision 
 in the act authorizing such transfer to fill the requi 
 sition for troops made by the President of the Uni- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 249 
 
 ted States, the General government assuming all 
 expenses incurred in their organization and support. 
 
 SUPPLIES. 
 
 During the first five months of the war there was 
 no Federal quartermaster in this State, and the 
 General government furnished no supplies of any 
 kind for the equipment of Indiana troops, but all 
 necessary supplies were furnished hy the State. 
 
 The State has also furnished large supplies from 
 time to time, since that, where they were required 
 for the health and prompt equipment of our troops, 
 and where the Government had failed or was una 
 ble to furnish them in time. 
 
 STATE ARMS. 
 
 When the war began the stock of arms on hand 
 belonging to the Government, was small and gen 
 erally of a very inferior quality. It was due to the 
 lives and honor of the brave men who went to the 
 field ; to the character of the State and the success 
 of our cause, that our troops should be furnished 
 with the best arms that could be procured. Accord 
 ingly, I sent my agents into the market from time 
 to time, and purchased the best arms that could be 
 obtained upon fair terms, and this I continued to do 
 until such time as the Federal government requested 
 the States to desist from the further purchase of 
 arms, alleging that it increased the competition and 
 raised the prices, and declaring that it would supply 
 
250 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 all troops, and would pay for no more arms pur 
 chased by the State. With the exception of a few 
 thousand, all the first class arms in the hands of Ind 
 iana troops were purchased by the State ; but it has 
 been a source of great trouble and mortification that 
 a large portion of our troops, despite of all efforts 
 made, have been supplied with arms of an inferior 
 quality. 
 
 In the months of August and September last, the 
 rebel army entered Kentucky, and the war was 
 brought to our very border; the Ohio river was 
 low, and could be forded in many places by cavalry, 
 and even infantry, and the peace of the State was 
 seriously threatened. In this emergency, I believed 
 it to be my duty to purchase 10,000 superior arms 
 for the use of Indiana troops, and I sent an agent 
 to New York, who succeeded in purchasing that 
 number of the first quality at fair prices. Mr. D. 
 R. Martin, president of the Ocean Bank, without 
 requiring any security, and upon the credit of the 
 State, advanced the money to pay for them, in all 
 237,269 30. Shortly after the purchase of the 
 arms, the rebel forces were driven from Kentucky, 
 the tide of war flowed back from our borders, and 
 the danger so seriously threatening the State passed 
 away. At that time we had in the State about 8000 
 troops preparing for service, but who were unarmed, 
 and no arms had been provided for them at all proper 
 to be taken to the field. I therefore put these arrn^ 
 in their hands upon a special agreement of the 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 251 
 
 Government, to pay for them at once. There was 
 a delay of a few weeks in getting the warrant 
 through the departments at Washington, but the 
 Government has now paid the principal, but not 
 the interest ; the officers of the Treasury alleging 
 the want of authority to pay the interest. 
 
 ARSENAL. 
 
 When our first regiments were ready to take the 
 field, they were unprovided with ammunition, and 
 as none could be readily procured, it became 
 necessary to have it prepared. Mr. Sturm, now 
 the lieutenant colonel of the 54th regiment, was 
 engaged for that purpose. He had studied the art 
 in Europe, and was thoroughly instructed in all its 
 details. He succeeded well in the enterprise from 
 the beginning, and his ammunition was pronounced 
 the very best in UFO. Thus was the arsenal estab 
 lished, and as the demand for ammunition daily 
 increased, and the necessity so far from passing 
 away became constantly greater as the war pro 
 gressed, what was first intended as a temporary 
 convenience, became a large and permanent estab 
 lishment. Lieut. Col. Sturm continued at the 
 head of the establishment, managing it with great 
 success and ability, preparing ammunition of every 
 description for artillery and small arms, not only 
 supplying our own troops when going to the field, 
 but sending immense quantities to the armies in 
 the West and South. In several emergencies, the 
 
252 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 armies of the West and South were supplied from 
 here, when they could not procure it in time from 
 other arsenals, and serious disasters thereby 
 avoided. 
 
 Shortly after the arsenal was fully established, it 
 was brought to the attention of the War depart 
 ment, and the ammunition having been thoroughly 
 tested, the Government agreed to pay for what had 
 already been issued, and to receive and pay for 
 what should be prepared thereafter, at prices which 
 were mutually satisfactory to both parties. These 
 prices were generally below what the Government 
 paid for ammunition, but such as it was believed 
 would fairly indemnify the State for all costs and 
 expenses incurred on that account. Every effort 
 was made to conduct the operations of the arsenal 
 with great economy, while paying a fair price to~ 
 the many operatives employed. Persons have 
 been employed sometimes to the number of five 
 hundred, and profitable occupation has thus been 
 furnished to many who otherwise would have 
 wanted the means of support. My direction to 
 Col. Sturm was, to give the preference to those 
 whose relatives and supporters were in the field. 
 
 Up to the first day of January, 1862, there has 
 been prepared at the arsenal 92,000 rounds of 
 artillery ammunition, and 21,915,500 rounds of 
 ammunition for small arms. 
 
 The report of Lieut. Col. Sturm, herewith sub- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 253 
 
 mitted, will show the extent and the result of the 
 operations in the arsenal. . 
 
 An examination of the arsenal account will 
 show that the State has not lost a dollar by it. 
 The prices fixed for the ammunition were intended 
 merely to cover all costs and expenses incurred in 
 its preparation, but by economy and successful 
 management, a balance will be found in favor of 
 the State. 
 
 QUARTERMASTER AND COMMISSARY GENERAL. 
 
 The first quartermaster general I appointed after 
 the beginning of the war, was General Thomas A. 
 Morris. He held the office but a short time, when 
 he resigned, and was succeeded by Gen. John II. 
 Vajen, who remained in office till March 12th, 1 862, 
 when he resigned and was succeeded by Gen. John 
 C. New. On the 13th day of October, 1862, Gen. 
 New resigned and Gen. Asahel Stone, the present 
 acting quartermaster general, was appointed. The 
 reports of these several officers are herewith sub 
 mitted. 
 
 Gen. Isaiah Mansur, the first commissary gen 
 eral, resigned on the 29th day of May, 1861, and 
 was succeeded by Gen. Asahel Stone, who has held 
 the office since. Their reports are herewith sub 
 mitted. 
 
 The operations in the quartermaster and com 
 missary departments have been large, involving 
 many contracts, and the disbursement of larpre sums 
 
254 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 of money. They are a proper subject for legisla 
 tive investigation, to ascertain whether they have 
 been well and faithfully performed. 
 
 CARE OF THE SICK AND WOUNDED. 
 
 Shortly after the war began, it became apparent 
 that our sick and wounded soldiers, when all had 
 been done for them that could be by regimental and 
 hospital surgeons, under the regulations, must in 
 very many cases, suffer greatly from want of atten 
 tion, and necessary supplies. Accordingly, I very 
 early adopted the plan of sending agents to look 
 after the condition, and as far as possible supply 
 the wants of the Indiana troops. These agents 
 had their instructions to follow in the track of our 
 armies, to pick up the sick and the wounded who 
 may have fallen by the wayside, visit the hospitals, 
 report the names of the sick, wounded and dead, 
 afford relief wherever it could be afforded, inform 
 the State authorities what kind of supplies were 
 needed and where, visit the troops in the field and 
 ascertain their wants and condition, and aid in hav 
 ing their requisitions for supplies promptly filled. 
 These agents have generally performed their duty 
 well, and I believe, have been the instruments of 
 saving the lives of hundreds of our gallant soldiers, 
 and of relieving a vast amount of suffering and 
 destitution. Many of their reports, all of which 
 are herewith submitted, are descriptive of sufferings, 
 sorrows and death, that would melt the stoutest 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 255 
 
 heart, and show better than can be learned in any 
 other way, the dreadful horrors of war. The labors 
 of these agents were not confined to any particular 
 duties, but extended to every kind of relief that 
 soldiers might need. They aided in procuring fur 
 loughs for the sick and wounded, discharges for 
 such as would not be able to serve again, in furnish 
 ing transportation at the expense of the State for 
 such as had not the means of travel, and getting 
 home ; receiving the soldiers money and distribu 
 ting it to their families, hunting up the descriptive 
 rolls for such as had been long confined in hospitals, 
 but for want of their rolls could not be paid or dis 
 charged, visiting battle-fields, bringing home the 
 wounded, and distributing sanitary stores. In some 
 cases I directed the chartering of steamboats for the 
 transportation of the sick and wounded, and in 
 general, instructed my agents to incur such expenses 
 as were absolutely necessary to enable them to 
 execute their mission. But notwithstanding all 
 that has been done, I have to lament that the 
 efforts have come far short of the mighty demand ; 
 that much suffering has gone unrelieved, and that 
 many of our brave sons have languished and died 
 among strangers, in destitution and neglect, with 
 no friend present to soothe their last hours, or mark 
 the spot where their ashes sleep. 
 
 I have employed and sent to the field many addi 
 tional assistant surgeons, to remain until the emer 
 gency they were sent to relieve had passed. After 
 
256 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 severe battles, the regimental surgeons, worn down 
 by fatigue and exposure, were found to be inade 
 quate to the care of the wounded, and additional 
 aid became indispensable. 
 
 Many times all the surgeons of a regiment were 
 either sick or absent on detached duty, and their 
 places had to be supplied by temporary appoint 
 ments. They have generally discharged their duty 
 with ability, and to the satisfaction of those to whom 
 they were sent, and for the promptitude with which 
 they left their business and responded to these sud 
 den calls, are entitled to the thanks of the State. 
 
 After the battle of Shiloh, and in anticipation of 
 the conflict to come oft at Corinth, I applied to the 
 Secretary of War for permission to appoint two 
 additional assistant surgeons to each regiment in the 
 grand army of Major General Halleck. The per- 
 - mission was granted, under which I sent about sev 
 enty surgeons to that army, and I am gratified to 
 believe that this movement led to the amendment 
 of the law by which a third surgeon was added to 
 each regiment, a measure greatly needed. 
 
 I have also established at Washington, Louisville, 
 Nashville, Memphis, Cairo and Columbus, Ky., per 
 manent agents, who have rented houses and keep 
 public offices, where sanitary goods are deposited for 
 distribution, and to which soldiers can resort for 
 relief. These agencies are found to work well, and 
 are accomplishing a great deal of good. Perma 
 nent agents have been employed at Philadelphia, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 257 
 
 St. Louis, Keokuk and ~New York, for the relief of 
 such Indiana soldiers as may be carried to those 
 points. 
 
 The number of soldiers passing through this city, 
 to and from the army, or coming here to procure 
 discharges and furloughs, made it necessary to pro 
 vide quarters where they could receive lodging and 
 subsistence during their stay. Accordingly I pro 
 cured the erection of a " Soldier s Home, " which 
 has been, in the main, well managed, and has been 
 the source of relief and comfort to thousands. 
 
 While upon this subject, it is with great pleasure 
 that I lay before you the report of Dr. Ilaimaman 
 and Alfred Harrison, Esq., the president and secre 
 tary of the Sanitary Commission. 
 
 The Commission began its operations regularly 
 on the 1st of March, 1862, and up to the 1st of Jan 
 uary, 1863, had received from various sources in 
 goods and money, the sum of $66,088 51. During 
 the same period they have supplied to sick and 
 wounded Indiana soldiers $60,379 31, in such arti 
 cles as were best suited to their wants and condi 
 tion, leaving a balance in their hands of $2,942 80 
 in goods, and 2,768 40 in money. 
 
 I avail myself of this opportunity to tender on 
 behalf of the State, to the officers of the Commis 
 sion, and the gentlemen associated with them, my 
 sincere thanks for the unremitting industry and 
 devotion with which they have labored without 
 
 22 
 
258 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 reward or the hope thereof, in this great work of 
 patriotic benevolence. 
 
 The above statement only embraces those sup 
 plies of stores and money which have passed 
 through the hands of the Commission, and does not 
 include those large but irregular contributions which 
 flowed through so many other channels for the 
 relief of our sick and wounded soldiers. 
 
 The greater part of all the stores, in whatever 
 manner sent, have been contributed by the noble 
 and patriotic women of Indiana. Not only have 
 they contributed most liberally of their money, but 
 they have labored unceasingly with their hands, in 
 preparing those articles so necessary to the comfort 
 and recovery of the sick and wounded. 
 
 They have their reward in the inexpressible grat 
 itude that swells the hearts of the brave men who 
 are the recipients of their deeds of mercy. On this 
 subject I quote a brief extract from the report of 
 the Commission. " The committee desire to express 
 in the strongest terms, their gratitude to the women 
 of Indiana who have responded, with all the enthu 
 siasm and generosity of their sex, to the calls of the 
 committee ; they have in fact done the work, by 
 their labors, their contributions and their example ; 
 the committee have been merely their agents in 
 receiving and dispensing the fruits of their unboun 
 ded liberality. The same work and labor of love 
 is still before them, and the same spirit which has 
 so far actuated them will no doubt continue to fur- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 259 
 
 nish occupation for the Commission so long as the 
 occasion requires it. " 
 
 Immediately upon the first establishment of camps 
 in this city, the treatment of the sick was commit 
 ted to the care of Drs. Kitchen and Jameson. I 
 subsequently authorized the establishment of a hos 
 pital here, known as the " City Hospital, " under 
 the care and direction of the same gentlemen. 
 
 Their administration has been highly successful 
 and satisfactory, and the hospital is justly regarded 
 as one of the very best in the United States. The 
 whole number of patients treated at this hospital, 
 from May 1, 1861, to January!, 1863, was 5,495. 
 
 Your attention is invited to the report of Drs. 
 Kitchen and Jameson, and to the just acknowledg 
 ment therein made of the services of the " Sisters of 
 Providence. " 
 
 WAR LOAN. 
 
 By an act of the Legislature, approved May 13, 
 1861, the Governor was authorized to issue bonds 
 to the amount of 2,000,000, bearing interest at the 
 rate of 6 per cent, per annum, payable semi-annu- 
 ally, and falling due 20 years after date, and Hugh 
 McCullough, James M. Bay aud John II. O Boyle. 
 Esqs., were appointed a board of loan commission 
 ers to negotiate their sale. 
 
 Hugh McCullough, Esq., having failed to accept 
 the position, I appointed Jesse J. Brown, Esq., to 
 fill the vacancy. The report of the operations of 
 
260 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 the board is herewith submitted, from which it wil* 
 appear that the bonds were sold on terms favorable 
 to the State, in view of the then depressed condi 
 tion of the money market, and when compared with 
 the sale of other Western securities. Of the 
 whole amount sold, $1,225,500 remains outstanding, 
 and are a debt against the State. The remainder 
 having been redeemed at the same price at which 
 they were sold, adding only interest for the time 
 they were outstanding. To provide for the pay 
 ment of this debt, a tax was levied, the proceeds of 
 which, it is estimated, will extinguish it in four 
 years. 
 
 NATIONAL DIRECT TAX. 
 
 By the 6th section of an act of Congress approved 
 August 6th, 1861, a direct annual tax of twenty 
 millions of dollars was levied upon the United 
 States, and apportioned among the several States. 
 
 The apportionment devolved the payment of 
 $904,875 33 on the State of Indiana. 
 
 By the 53d section of the act it was provided 
 that any State might assume, assess and collect its 
 portion of the tax and pay the same into the Treas 
 ury, and if thus paid on or before the last day of 
 June of the year for which it was levied, should 
 entitle such State to a deduction of fifteen per cent. 
 of the gross amount to be paid by such State. The 
 section further provides that notice of the intention 
 of the State to assume and pay her portion of the 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 261 
 
 tax, without the intervention of the Federal officers, 
 must be given to the Secretary of the Treasury by 
 the Governor, or other proper officer, on or before 
 the second Tuesday of February of each year in 
 which the tax is to be paid. The section also con 
 tains this proviso : That the amount of direct tax 
 apportioned to any State shall be liable to be paid 
 or satisfied in whole or in part by the release of such 
 State duly executed to the United States, of apy 
 liquidated and determined claim of any such State, 
 of equal amount against the United States ; Pro 
 vided, that in case of such release, such State shall be 
 allowed the same abatement of the amount of such 
 tax as would be allowed in case of the payment of 
 the same in money. 
 
 From the very beginning of the war, the State 
 was compelled to advance large sums of money to 
 equip and supply our volunteers, and, in fact, fur 
 nished supplies of every kind until the fall of 1861 ; 
 and it was believed shortly after the passage of that 
 act, that our advances, over and above all reimburse 
 ments, would soon be sufficient in amount to set- 
 off the amount of tax apportioned against the 
 State. Accordingly I opened a correspondence with 
 the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject, and 
 ascertained from him that the advances made by the 
 State on behalf of our troops would be regarded as 
 a "claim" within the spirit and meaning of the 
 act, and would be admitted in payment of the tax 
 to an amount which should be found due on settle- 
 
262 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ment. After consultation with the Auditor, Treas 
 urer and Secretary of State, and in conjunction with 
 
 them on the day of December, 1861, I filed in 
 
 the office of the Secretary of the Treasury at Wash 
 ington, a paper officially signed, of which a copy is 
 herewith transmitted, in which we assumed that the 
 State would pay her portion of the direct tax with 
 out the intervention of Federal officers, and propos 
 ing to set-off against the same a like sum due to 
 the State for advances made in furnishing our troops, 
 and to release the United States from further liabil 
 ity for the sum thus set-off and advanced against 
 the tax. This paper was accepted by the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, who thereupon declined to appoint 
 the officers provided by the law to collect the tax 
 
 within this State. On the day of January, 
 
 1862, Mr. Lange, the Auditor of State, proceeded to 
 Washington with the papers and vouchers embra 
 cing our claims against the Government up to that 
 time, for the purpose of making settlement. He 
 found, however, that the mode of settlement with 
 the several States had not been determined upon, by 
 the Treasury department, and that the press of bus 
 iness in the department was such as to prevent the 
 taking up of our accounts. He was directed to file 
 them in the department, to be taken up for adjust 
 ment whenever they could be reached. It then 
 became obvious that our accounts would not be set 
 tled and adjusted by the last day of June, 1861, so 
 as to be "liquidated and determined" within the 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 263 
 
 meaning of the act of Congress, as before quoted, 
 and that, after all, our set-off against the tax was 
 about to fail. 
 
 Accordingly, I brought the matter to the atten 
 tion of our congressional delegation, and asked 
 them to procure, if possible, such legislation as 
 would facilitate the settlement of our accounts, and 
 if that could not be done, to procure an extension 
 of the time in which accounts could be filed and 
 settlements made, so that the advantage of the set- 
 off need not be lost. After much trouble and delay, 
 they procured the passage of an act, which was 
 approved on the 13th day of May, 1862, the conclud 
 ing part of which is as follows : " Provided, that 
 in case of such release, such State, Territory or Dis 
 trict shall be allowed the same abatement of the 
 amount of such tax as would be allowed in case of 
 the payment of the same in money, shall be con 
 strued as applying to such claims of States for reim 
 bursement of expenses incurred by them in enroll 
 ing, subsisting, clothing, supplying, arming, equip 
 ping, paying and transporting its troops employed 
 in aiding to suppress the present insurrection against 
 the United States, as shall be filed with the proper 
 officers of the United States before the thirtieth of 
 July next. And in such cases the abatement of 
 fifteen per centum shall be made on such portion 
 of said tax as may be paid by the allowance of such 
 claims, in whole or in part, the same as if the final 
 
264 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 settlement and liquidation thereof had been made 
 before the thirtieth of June." 
 
 This act healed the difficulty, and under it we 
 have filed with the proper officers, anterior to the 
 30th of July last, claims against the United States, 
 due to the State, more than enough to cover the 
 amount of tax due from the State, after deducting 
 the fifteen per cent, from the gross amount. 
 
 By this operation, the State has saved fifteen per 
 cent, of the original amount, which is 135,731 30, 
 reducing the amount from $904,875 33 to $765,144 
 03, and the latter sum is set-off and paid by our 
 advances. The arrangement is mutually advanta 
 geous to the State and General government. It 
 would do the Government no good to draw a large 
 amount of money from the people of the State for 
 taxes, while she was debtor to the State to a still 
 larger amount, which indebtedness must sometime 
 be paid by money raised by taxation. Besides this, 
 the Government was in no condition to reimburse 
 the State in the full amount of her advances, and if 
 these advances were not used to pay the direct tax, 
 the tax must have been collected from the people of 
 Indiana immediately, while the advances would, in 
 all probability, remain as a suspended debt for years 
 to come, on which the Government, if it followed 
 former precedents, would pay no interest. I re 
 spectfully recommend that the Legislature approve 
 my action, and that of the State officers, in the 
 premises. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER I*. MORTON. 265 
 
 At the last session of Congress, the operation of 
 the act levying the direct tax upon the States was 
 suspended for three years. 
 
 WAR EXPENSES. 
 
 The whole amount of expenses incurred on 
 account of the war, by the State, is one million nine 
 hundred and sixty-nine thousand two hundred and 
 forty-eight dollars and thirty-six cents ($1,969,- 
 248.36). The whole amount paid is one million 
 eight hundred and twenty -two thousand nine hun 
 dred and sixty-eight dollars and forty-nine cents 
 (1,822,968.49). Leaving unpaid and outstanding 
 on the 1st day of January, 1863, claims amounting 
 to one hundred and forty-six thousand two hun 
 dred and seventy-nine dollars and eighty-seven 
 cents (146,279.87), all of which have been duly aud 
 ited and certified by the military auditing committee. 
 
 The account of the State against the United 
 States for expenses incurred for war purposes, to 
 January 1, 1863, stands as follows i 
 
 Total amount of expenses incurred $1,969,248 36 
 
 Government draft returned to U. S. Treasury 68,701 60 
 
 Total, $2,037,949 96 
 
 On this account, the United States are entitled to 
 the following credits : 
 
 Proceeds of $450,000 treasury notes $432,639 30 
 
 Paid by U. S. quartermaster 196,72816 
 
 Paid on account of ammunition 279.803 71 
 
 Direct tax of 1861, deducting 15 per cent, 709,144 03 
 
 $1,678,315 20 
 
 Leaving due from the U. S. Jan. 1, 1863 $359,634 75 
 
 23 
 
266 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 In the account against the United States, are 
 included expenditures to the amount of $43,160.62, 
 for which the State could not claim to be reim 
 bursed under existing laws, but which are an equit 
 able debt against the United States, and to cover 
 which I have no doubt an act of Congress will yet 
 be passed. 
 
 PUBLIC DEBT. 
 
 The indebtedness of the State up to the first day 
 of January, 1863, has been increased by the war as 
 follows : 
 
 Due on war bonds $1/225,50000 
 
 Due ou military claims * 146,279 87 
 
 Increase, 1,371,779 87 
 
 The entire public debt of the State now stands as 
 follows : 
 
 Five per cent, stocks growing out of adjustment 
 
 with creditors in 1846 $5,325,500 00 
 
 Two and a half per cent, stocks having the same 
 
 origin 2,058,173 50 
 
 War debt as above stated 1,371,77987 
 
 In all, $8,745,453 37 
 
 This statement, however, does not include 391 
 old Internal Improvement bonds of $1,000 each, 
 said to be outstanding, the holders of which failed 
 to comply with the adjustment made in 1846. 
 
 GENERAL RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS. 
 The following statement exhibits the receipts and 
 expenditures by the treasury during the fiscal years 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 267 
 
 ending October 31, 1861 and 1862, as shown by the 
 reports of the Auditor of State : 
 
 Balance in the treasury November 1, 18GO $134,660 39 
 
 Receipts for year ending October 31, 1861 2,669,264 93 
 
 Disbursements for the year ending Oct. 31, 1861... 3,442,510 57 
 
 Balance in treasury November 1, 1861 $361,414 75 
 
 Receipts for the year ending October 31, 1862 $3,486,301 55 
 
 Disbursements for the year ending Oct. 31, 1862... 2,974,976 46 
 
 Balance in treasury November 1, 1862 $876,474 42 
 
 GALLANTRY OP INDIANA TROOPS. 
 
 While we rejoice in the bravery displayed by all 
 the armies of the United States, it is a subject of 
 profound congratulation that the Indiana troops 
 have behaved with uniform and distinguished gal 
 lantry in every action in which they have been en 
 gaged. They form a part of every army in the 
 field, and have been among the foremost in deeds 
 of daring, while their blood has hallowed every 
 soil. 
 
 The American Annual Cyclopedia justly declares 
 that "the Indiana troops have been perhaps more 
 widely scattered through the different corps d armde 
 than those of any other State." The same high 
 authority, in another place, speaks of the conduct 
 of Indiana troops in the field as follows : " When 
 ever they have been engaged in battle they have 
 been eager to advance, steady in the fight, and 
 utterly averse to retreating." 
 
268 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Our troops, hitherto engaged in the peaceful pur 
 suits of trade and agriculture, have manifested that 
 lofty courage and high-toned chivalry of which 
 others have talked so much and possessed so little, 
 and which "belongs only to the intelligent patriot, 
 who understands well the sacred cause in which he 
 draws his sword. 
 
 Indiana has already made a large investment of 
 her hest blood in the cause of this Union, and will 
 never consent to its dismemberment, or to a dishon 
 orable peace. The bones of her sons mingle with 
 the soil from Virginia and Missouri to Louisiana, 
 and she will not confess that the sacrifice has been 
 made in vain, or acknowledge that it was in an un 
 holy cause. Gen. Hackleman, Cols. Brown, Bass, 
 Link, Lieut. Cols. Hendricks, Bachman, Keith, 
 Gerber, Kirkpatrick, Crosswait, Topping and Wolf; 
 Majors Tanner, Gavitt, May, Arn, Abbett and 
 Conklin and many others, of lower rank, but with 
 valor not less distinguished, have yielded up their 
 lives upon the field that our country might be pre 
 served. Thousands of our private soldiers, with 
 equal courage and patriotism, have fallen, the vic 
 tims of this unnatural rebellion. They were fight 
 ing from deep convictions of duty and the love they 
 bore their country. Their unlettered graves mark 
 an hundred battle-fields, and our country can never 
 discharge to their memory and their posterity the 
 debt of gratitude it owes. Our gratitude should 
 be testified by the tender care we take of their fami- 
 
COVERXOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 2G9 
 
 lies and dependent ones whom they left behind, by 
 the education of their children, and by the honor 
 we pay to their memory. 
 
 Nor should we forget those who have perished 
 by disease in the camp or hospital. They were 
 denied the soldier s privilege of dying in battle, but 
 their sacrifice was none the less. To die in the field 
 amid the clash of contending armies and the roar 
 of battle, fighting in a holy cause, is glorious ; but 
 when death comes slowly on, in the loneliness and 
 desolation of the hospital, with no mother or Sister 
 present to soothe the passing spirit and minister as 
 love only can minister ; with none but the rough 
 hand of a comrade to press the clammy brow and 
 perform the last offices to the dying, it is terrible. 
 
 SOLDIERS FAMILIES. 
 
 Notwithstanding all that was being done by pub 
 lic and private benevolence, toward supporting the 
 families of soldiers, the evidence came to me from 
 every part of the State, that many families were 
 destitute, and that great suffering must ensue dur 
 ing this winter, unless active steps "were taken to 
 raise contributions and provide for the needy. 
 
 Accordingly, I issued an appeal to the people of 
 the State, a copy of which is herewith filed, stating 
 the necessity and calling upon all who were able to 
 contribute of their means. I am gratified to be 
 able to report, that a very generous response has 
 been made to the appeal, that active measures have 
 
270 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 been initiated in many counties in the State, to re 
 lieve the necessities and provide for the comfort of 
 the families of our soldiers who have abandoned 
 home and all its endearments to fight the battles 
 of our country. The clergy of the state were espe 
 cially called upon to engage in the work of visita 
 tion and collecting contributions and have, as I 
 am informed, generally responded with zeal and 
 energy. 
 
 It is, however, manifest that all efforts will fall 
 short of meeting the necessities of the case, and 
 that legislative aid will be required. 
 
 The circumstances by which we are surrounded 
 are novel and extraordinary, and should be met by 
 prompt and extraordinary measures. 
 
 I therefore earnestly invite the early and favor 
 able consideration of this subject by the Legislature. 
 
 LEGION. 
 
 At the extra session of the Legislature a militia 
 law was passed, providing for the organization of 
 the Indiana Legion. 
 
 Although this law was defective in many res 
 pects, and should be amended, yet it provided the 
 frame-work of an organization which has rendered 
 most valuable service during the war. To the offi 
 cers and men of the Indiana Legion, the State 
 chiefly owes the immunity she has enjoyed from in 
 vasion, plunder and murder, by the guerrilla and 
 marauding bands which infested many of the 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 271 
 
 adjoining counties in Kentucky. Not only so, their 
 aid and protection has been cheerfully and success 
 fully extended to the loyal citizens of Kentucky, 
 when it has been called for. On several occasions 
 they met the enemy in battle, when they ably 
 maintained the credit of the State, and behaved 
 with that distinguished courage which has charac 
 terized the soldiers of Indiana throughout this war. 
 Some have fallen in battle, and I earnestly recom 
 mend that their families be provided for, and placed 
 on a footing at least equal to the families of those 
 who fall in the Federal service. They also rendered 
 prompt and efficient service in guarding rebel pris 
 oners when the Federal forces performing that duty 
 were called into the field. Although the organiza 
 tion and operation of the Legion have been chiefly 
 confined to the counties bordering on the Ohio river, 
 yet much has been done in some of the interior 
 counties, and among them I would especially notice 
 the counties of Jennings, Decatur, Shelby, Tippe- 
 canoe, Putnam, Parke and Vigo. The response 
 which was made from those counties, o\\ sudden 
 calls for military force, was of the most energetic 
 iind satisfactory character. For a full account of 
 the operation of the Legion, I refer you to the able 
 and interesting report of Major General Love. 
 Your attention is also specially called to the recom 
 mendations contained in his report relative to the 
 amendment of the militia law. It is very im 
 portant that provision be made presenting induce- 
 
272 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ments to join the Legion, by proper exemptions and 
 payment, and conferring the authority and pointing 
 out the manner, by which the members of compa 
 nies shall be compelled to attend meetings for drill 
 and respond to calls for service. Such authority is 
 doubtless contained in the law now, but its mode 
 of exercise is not determined. The Legislature 
 appropriated, for the support of the Legion, $70,- 
 
 000 for the year 1861, and 70,000 for the year 
 1862. As will appear from the Auditor s report, 
 only the sum of $7,352 23 has been expended on 
 these appropriations up to the 31st day of October 
 last. The distribution of the fund among the 
 counties and regiments, as required by the act was 
 never made by the Adjutant General, because of 
 insuperable difficulties growing out of defects in 
 the law, and the organization of the companies. 
 
 1 trust the Legislature will make prompt provi 
 sion for the payment of all claims growing out of 
 the operations of the Legion, and for a proper dis 
 tribution of the fund. 
 
 Strongly impressed how much the peace and 
 security of the State depended on the efficiency of 
 the Legion, in the month of October, I summoned 
 the officers to this city to receive military instruc 
 tions in a school temporarily organized and con 
 ducted by Major General Love. Some 400 gentle 
 men were in attendance, and the spirit and devo 
 tion manifested by them, and their progress in mill- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 273 
 
 tary knowledge, were of the most encouraging and 
 satisfactory character. 
 
 PROCLAMATION CALLING OUT THE MILITIA. 
 
 At the time of the invasion of Kentucky by 
 Kirby Smith, the guerrillas infested the Kentucky 
 side of the Ohio river, from Lawrenceburg to Mount 
 Yernon, and at several points large bodies of rebel 
 cavalry were assembled, and seemed to be awaiting 
 an opportunity to cross the river and invade the 
 State. The river was very low, in many places 
 fordable, and much alarm prevailed in our border 
 counties. 
 
 Accordingly, I issued a proclamation, of which a 
 copy is herewith filed, requiring all the able-bodied 
 men, subject to military service, between the ages of 
 18 and 45, in the counties, bordering on the Ohio 
 river, to assemble at stated periods, with whatever 
 arms they could command, to organize themselves 
 into companies and be instructed in military tactics. 
 This proclamation was very generally acquiesced in, 
 and carried into execution by the people, and was 
 continued as long as the emergency seemed to re 
 quire. The preparations thus made, in connection 
 with the Legion, for repelling and punishing inva 
 sion, deterred the guerrilla and marauding parties, 
 who were plundering and murdering the Union 
 men on the other side of the river, and protected 
 the lives and property of our citizens. 
 
274 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 ADJUTANT GENEP^AL. 
 
 I lay before you the able and interesting report of 
 Adjutant General Noble. 
 
 It contains a brief history of the operations of 
 the State in furnishing troops for the prosecution 
 of the war and much most valuable information. I 
 have instructed him to prepare another report, to 
 contain the name of every officer and private sol 
 dier who has entered the army from Indiana, with 
 the number of the regiment, company or battery to 
 which he belonged. Such a report would be inval 
 uable hereafter as a work of history. 
 
 STATE AGENCY. 
 
 The report of Hon. R. IN". Hudson, the Agent of 
 State, is herewith laid before you, and your atten 
 tion invited to the recommendations contained in 
 it, to change the form of indebtedness, by substitut 
 ing coupon bonds for certificates of stock, and abol 
 ish the office of Agent of State, as at present 
 organized. By the terms of the compromise with 
 the bond-holders, made in 1846, the State is re 
 quired to keep an office in New York for the trans 
 fer of our stocks and the payment of the interest 
 on them. But this agreement can be complied with 
 fully by selecting some responsible bank, in such 
 manner as may be determined upon by the Legis 
 lature, to perform the duties that are now devolved 
 upon the Agent of State. Under the present sys- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 275 
 
 tern the risk attending the solvency of a bank has 
 to be incurred, for the Agent having no means of 
 safe-keeping the money remitted to him by the 
 Treasurer of State, deposits it in bank, and in pay 
 ment of interest to the holders of our stocks gives 
 his checks upon the bank. 
 
 So much of the business, therefore, being neces 
 sarily done through the bank, I am of the opinion 
 that the rest of it could be devolved upon the bank, 
 with increased safety and economy to the State. 
 
 In 1846 the State of Indiana made an adjustment 
 with her creditors, under which the former State 
 bonds were to be surrendered and canceled upon 
 certain conditions, and new stocks issued in ex 
 change. Out of this adjustment sprung the Indiana 
 five per cent, stocks, as known in the New York 
 market. 
 
 One of the conditions of the adjustment was, that 
 the State should establish an agency in the city of 
 ~NQW York for the transfer of these stocks and the 
 payment of the interest upon them. 
 
 By express enactment of the Legislature, it was 
 provided that these new certificates of stocks should 
 be transferable only at the agency in the city of 
 JSTew York, on books provided for that purpose. 
 When stock was transferred the old certificate was 
 taken up and canceled, and a new one issued, made 
 payable to the person to whom the transfer was 
 made. These certificates were not payable to bearer, 
 did not pass by delivery from hand to hand, and 
 
276 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 were not negotiable in the sense of the law mer 
 chant. It was expressly intended they should not 
 be. At and before the time of the adjustment 
 spoken of it was claimed by the State that numbers 
 of her bonds, which had been deposited in New 
 York, or hypothecated for small sums of money, 
 and for which the State had received little or no 
 consideration, had been improperly and fraudulently 
 put into circulation. But as they were genuine, 
 made payable to bearer, and the property in them 
 passed by mere delivery, she could not do otherwise 
 than recognize them as valid obligations. These 
 circumstances led to the peculiar provisions in re 
 gard to the new stocks. To carry out the new 
 arrangement, printed forms of the certificates of 
 stocks, signed by the Auditor and Treasurer of the 
 State of Indiana, were deposited with the State 
 Agent, in the city of New York, to be by him 
 countersigned and filled up as to dates, amounts, 
 names of parties, and registered in books provided 
 by the State for that purpose. It is not improper 
 to state here that this form and mode of transfer, 
 before being enacted into a law, was submitted to 
 and received the approval of Charles Butler, Esq., 
 the agent and representative of the bond-holders, at 
 the time of the adjustment referred to, as I am in 
 formed and believe. Fears were entertained, how 
 ever, that by the fraud or connivance of the State 
 Agent, false certificates might be issued and frauds 
 perpetrated. Accordingly, the State Legislature, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 277 
 
 by an act which took effect on the llth day of 
 March, 1859, changed the mode and place of issue 
 of certificates of stock. 
 
 By this act it was provided, that thereafter no 
 certificates of stock should be issued by the Agent 
 of State, but that on the presentation to him of cer 
 tificates for transfer, he should receipt for them, and 
 immediately transmit them to the Auditor of State, 
 at Indianapolis; that the Auditor should cancel 
 them and file them in his office, for preservation and 
 reference, and issue, in the name of the person to 
 whom the transfer was to be made, new certificates 
 of stock, to be signed by him and the Treasurer of 
 State, and after registering them in a book to be 
 provided by the Auditor for that purpose, send them 
 to the Agent of State, to be by him registered and 
 delivered to the proper person, upon presentation 
 of the receipt. The fourth section of this act de 
 clares that any certificate of stock issued or trans 
 ferred in violation of the provisions of the act shall 
 be deemed fraudulent and void as against the State 
 of Indiana. It will be perceived that this act 
 throws additional and, in my opinion, abundant 
 safeguards around the issue of the stock. To avoid 
 the dangers and temptations which this change in 
 the law was designed to guard against, as soon as 
 the new law went into operation, the blank certifi 
 cates, signed by the officers of State, in the hands 
 of the State Agent, should have been promptly 
 
278 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 withdrawn by the officers of State and destroyed. 
 This was not done. 
 
 When Col. Hudson, the present State Agent, 
 came into office, early in February, 1861, he found 
 in the office in New York three bound volumes of 
 the forms, which he immediately canceled, by 
 punching a hole through the signature of each form. 
 
 STOVER FRAUD. 
 
 In this connection I invite your attention to the 
 gigantic forgeries of Indiana five per cent, stocks 
 which have been committed in New York. 
 
 The Hon. James A. Cravens was elected State 
 Agent in February, 1859. He held the office about 
 nine months, during which time D. C. Stover acted 
 as his clerk. He then resigned, and Air. Stover \vas 
 appointed by Gov. "Willard, to fill the vacancy. 
 He continued in office under this appointment 
 until February, 1861, when he was succeeded by Col. 
 Hudson, the present incumbent, who had been duly 
 elected by the Legislature. The forged certificates 
 of stock were executed upon the blank forms left 
 in tke office of the Agent of State, which had been 
 signed by W. K. Nofsinger as State Treasurer and 
 II. E. Talbott as State Auditor. These gentlemen 
 came into office early in 1855, and went out early 
 in 1857, having served two years. The forgery con 
 sisted in falsely filling up the blanks as to dates, 
 names of payees and amounts, and signing the 
 name of James A. Cravens as Agent of State. The 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 279 
 
 forged certificates, so far as I am advised, bear date 
 in March, April and June, 1859, thus purporting 
 to be executed during the period in which Mr. Cra 
 vens was State Agent, though I believe they were 
 executed and issued at a later date. I am informed 
 by Col. Hudson, that the forged certificates were all 
 made payable to Samuel Hallett except about $100,- 
 000 payable to a person by the name of Deschaux. 
 He further informs me that the whole amount issued, 
 so far as he has been able to discover, is $2,538,000, 
 of which amount $1,295,000 has been retired and 
 destroyed. Col. Hudson states, that he discovered 
 the existence of this spurious stock in a few weeks 
 after he came into office, and immediately charged 
 the matter upon Mr. Stover, who confessed it all, 
 but said there was only about $200,000 out, and 
 that if the matter were kept secret, he, and those 
 operating with him, would take up and destroy 
 them, so that nobody should lose anything by them. 
 Col. Hudson further says, not knowing what might 
 be the liability of the State upon these certificates, 
 be deemed it highly important for her interest that 
 they should be gotten oft* the market and destroy 
 ed, and, for that purpose, agreed with them, for the 
 time, to communicate the matter to nobody, with 
 out however, giving them any assurance that they 
 should not be ultimately exposed and prosecuted. 
 
 Tbe knowledge of this forgery was first commu 
 nicated to me about the latter part of January last, 
 by Messrs. James M. Ray and Jesse J. Brown, two 
 
280 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 of the Loan Commissioners, appointed by the State 
 to negotiate her War Loan. 
 
 They had learned it from Mr. Lanier, of the firm 
 of Winslow, Lanier & Co., who had discovered it in 
 some way about the first of December previous. I 
 immediately repaired to New York, and in company 
 with the Hon. John P. Usher, then the Attorney 
 General of Indiana, and Jesse J. Brown, Esq., 
 endeavored to investigate the afikir. In the opin 
 ion and confidence entertained by Colonel Hudson, 
 and some other gentlemen who had been consulted, 
 that Mr. Stover and those acting with -him would 
 retire the fraudulent stocks, I jlid not share, and was 
 not for that or any other reason in favor of delaying 
 their exposure and prosecution a single hour. 
 
 Accordingly, I proceeded at once to place all the 
 facts of which I had any knowledge, in the posses 
 sion of Mr. Hall, the district attorney prosecuting 
 the pleas of the State for the city of New York. 
 
 The crime had been committed in New York, 
 and to the laws and authorities of that State its pun 
 ishment belonged. 
 
 Mr. Hall, after deliberation, and such investiga 
 tion as he could make, determined that an exposure 
 and prosecution of the parties at that time would be 
 highly inexpedient, and informed me that he took 
 the responsibility of deferring any public disclosure 
 and prosecution until such time as in his judgment 
 It was proper to make them. 
 
 Matters thus stood from February until about 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 281 
 
 the 2 7 tli day of May, when learning that the affair 
 had become public in New York, and believing that 
 no reason could exist for further delay in the prose 
 cution, I caused the arrest of Mr. Stover, who was 
 then in this State, and sent him to New York. On 
 his arrest he freely consented to go, and waived all 
 process or formal authority. The Hon. John F. 
 Kibbey, then acting Attorney General, by my direc 
 tion proceeded to New York, and under the instruc 
 tions of Mr. Hall, filed a complaint before the grand 
 jury, in the name of the State of Indiana, and 
 demanded an investigation. 
 
 The grand jury returned bills of indictment 
 against Stover and Hallett. At the September term 
 of the court in which the bills were pending, the 
 court quashed the indictments against Hallett, on 
 the ground that it was no crime against the laws of 
 Kew York to forge certificates or obligations pur 
 porting on their face to be executed by the State of 
 Indiana. From this decision Mr. Hall has prose 
 cuted a writ of error to the Court of Appeals, but 
 no decision thereon has been had. 
 
 The indictments against Stover are still pending. 
 When this forgery was first made public, Indiana 
 securities were suddenly depressed in the market 
 from ten to twenty per cent., but soon after rallied 
 to nearly or quite their former rates. 
 
 To avoid all embarrassment in the future, which 
 might arise from the existence of the forged certifi 
 cates, I recommend that the Auditor of State be 
 24 
 
282 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 authorized to procure a new plate, differing in form 
 and appearance from the old, upon which new cer 
 tificates shall be printed, and that the holders of all 
 genuine stocks be requested to surrender them and 
 receive instead, certificates of the new impression. 
 
 JULY INTEREST ON STOCKS. 
 
 Many of the Western States, among them Ohio 
 and Illinois, were making provision in New York, 
 to pay the interest on their debt, in coin, in order 
 to maintain the credit of their stocks. 
 
 As the credit of Indiana had received a shock by 
 the development of forgeries of her stocks, and as 
 the circulation of many of the free banks of Indi 
 ana was based upon Indiana stocks, it seemed to me 
 especially important, that she should take the same 
 course, in order to assure her creditors and the pub 
 lic that her ability and disposition to pay her debts 
 were in no wise disturbed or impaired by this assault 
 upon her credit. Accordingly, I instructed Mr. 
 Harvey, Treasurer of State, to provide, if he could 
 upon reasonable terms, the coin with which to pay 
 the July interest upon our stocks. This he did, 
 upon the terms, and in the manner stated in his 
 report. The announcement of the purpose of the 
 State to pay her interest in coin, had an immediate 
 and salutary effect in restoring confidence and bring 
 ing back the value of our stocks to its former 
 standard. 
 
 At the time I directed the payment of the July 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 283 
 
 interest in coin, the premium on coin was very 
 small, but has since increased so greatly as to forbid 
 the like arrangement for the January interest. 
 
 COMMON SCHOOLS. 
 
 The operations of the Common School system 
 for the past two years have been quite successful. 
 The amendments made to the School law at the last 
 regular session, so far as I can learn, have worked 
 well, and meet with general approval. The report 
 of Prof. Miles J. Fletcher, Superintendent of Pub 
 lic Instruction, for the year 1861, is laid before you, 
 but the report of the present Superintendent, Sam 
 uel L. Rugg, for the year 1862, has not been com 
 pleted. Th e Rev. Samuel K. Hoshou r was appoi nted 
 to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. 
 Fletcher, who held the office until his successor was 
 duly elected and qualified. 
 
 DEATH OF MILES J. FLETCHER. 
 
 The death of Miles J. Fletcher was a misfortune 
 to the State. Possessed of fine talents, highly edu 
 cated, endowed with every accomplishment that 
 can make a man attractive in society, with a heart 
 full of the warmest affections and the most gener 
 ous impulses, he united with all these an indomita 
 ble energy of character that gave no rest, and ever 
 pressed him forward in the path of duty. His 
 industry was a marvel, and the amount of labor he 
 accomplished wonderful. The duties of his office 
 
284 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 he discharged, not scantily as a task, but with a 
 devotion and pleasure that were satisfied only with 
 a full performance. The cause of education he 
 regarded of the first importance, and the vocation 
 and calling of the educator the most honorable and 
 dignified, next to that of the Christian minister. 
 The misfortunes of his country deeply afflicted him, 
 and notwithstanding the delight he took in the per 
 formance of his official duties, and his untiring 
 devotion to the education of youth, he would have 
 resigned his office and gone to the field, had he not 
 been dissuaded by his friends, who urged that he 
 could serve his country better in the position he 
 then held. He devoted much time, labor and mon 
 ey to the care of the sick and wounded soldiers. 
 He visited the hospitals and the field of battle to 
 hunt up and minister to the neglected and the 
 dying, and in carrying a wounded man upon a 
 steamboat at Pittsburg Landing, shortly after the 
 battle of Shiloh, suffered a bodily injury, from 
 which most likely he could never recover. When 
 he was killed, he had started upon another mission 
 of mercy to the army. I was standing by his side 
 at the moment of his death, and never before did 1 
 have brought home to me in such full force, that 
 saying of the poet, " That in the midst of life we 
 are in death. " Had I been asked a moment before 
 who, among all the young men of Indiana, bade 
 fairest for a life of great usefulness and fame, I 
 would have answered, Miles J. Fletcher. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 285 
 
 BENEVOLENT INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 The reports of the Boards of Trustees of the 
 Asylum for the Blind, Institution for the Deaf and 
 Dumb and Hospital for the Insane, are herewith 
 submitted. The management of these Institutions 
 for the past two years has been eminently successful 
 and satisfactory. The superintendents have dis 
 played ability and fidelity, as well as the subordin 
 ate officers and teachers, arul I commend the reports 
 to your especial consideration, and the Institutions 
 to your fostering care and attention. 
 
 PRISONS NORTH AND SOUTH. 
 
 At the regular session of the Legislature in 1861, 
 the sum of 10,000 dollars was appropriated for the 
 purchase of materials, and construction of the 
 Northern Prison, located at Michigan city, for the 
 year 1861, and a like sum for the } T ear 1862. At 
 the extra session in 1861, the sum of $30,000 
 was appropriated for materials and construction of 
 the Northern Prison, and for the support of con 
 victs, and the payment of the expenses incurred for 
 the month of January, 1861. 
 
 At the same session a law was passed for the trans 
 fer of 200 convicts from the Southern Prison, at Jef- 
 fersonville, to the Northern Prison, but no pro 
 vision was made for their return in case their labor 
 should not be required. At the same session an act 
 was passed providing that all persons sent to the 
 
286 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 penitentiary from counties north of the national 
 road should be confined in the Northern Prison. 
 The work in the construction of the prison was vig 
 orously pressed in the summer and fall of 1861, and 
 it was found necessary, by the board of directors, 
 in order to keep the convict labor employed, to 
 anticipate, and draw upon the appropriation made 
 for the construction of the prison in 1862 ; so that 
 when the work for the year 1861 was closed up, 
 there remained unexpended of the fund appropria 
 ted for the construction of the prison in 1862, but 
 about $3,000. It was apparent, then, that the 
 labor of the convicts could not be employed in 
 the construction of the prison during the year 1862, 
 for the want of means with which to purchase the 
 necessary materials. The labor of the convicts 
 could not be leased or hired out to contractors for 
 the want of shops in the prison in which they could 
 be employed. To work the convicts out of the 
 prison and about the town, would be so expensive, 
 in the employment of guards, as to make their 
 labor unprofitable ; beside there was no authority 
 for doing so, except as connected with the construc 
 tion of the prison. 
 
 As the matter stood, it was inevitable that the 
 convict labor should be almost wholly unemployed 
 throughout the year 1862, and must so continue 
 until the prison shops were constructed, when the 
 labor might be hired to contractors, as in other pris 
 ons. If the shops were constructed in 1862, this 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 287 
 
 labor could be made remunerative through the year 
 1863, but if not constructed until 1863, this could 
 not happen until 1864. It was evident that the 
 State would sustain a great loss by the delay in the 
 construction of the shops, and accordingly the 
 board of directors convened in this city in February 
 last, and ni} 7 self and other State officers invited to 
 be present for consultation ; and after full consider 
 ation of the subject, it was believed by all to be 
 clearly to the interest of the State that the work of 
 construction of the shops should be commenced at 
 the earliest moment, provided the contract could be 
 let at fair prices, and the contractor, being fully 
 advised of the condition of affairs, should be will 
 ing to await the action of the Legislature for his 
 pay. The board of directors then proceeded to 
 advertise for proposals for the work, and a public 
 letting was had. I directed Mr. John B. Stumph, 
 of this city, reputed to be an honest and capable 
 builder, to be present at the letting, and see that the 
 contract was properly made, and in accordance with 
 the plans and specifications before that time adopted 
 by the State for the construction of the shops. The 
 contract, I have every reason to believe, was fairly 
 made, upon terms, as I am informed, fifteen per 
 cent, below the original contract for the same work, 
 and at least twenty per cent, below what the same 
 work could now be let for in cash. The shops 
 have been completed, and Mr. Stumph was again 
 directed to examine and measure the work : his 
 
288 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 report of the letting, quality and measurement of 
 the work is herewith submitted. In view of the 
 early completion of the shops, the board of direc 
 tors were able to lease the labor of the convicts 
 upon terms highly favorable to the State. This 
 business is a proper subject for legislative investi 
 gation, which I hope will be promptly made, and 
 that means will be speedily provided to pay the con 
 tractor the amount which shall be found to be hon 
 estly due. 
 
 The report of the board of directors, together 
 with that of the warden and superintendent, are 
 herewith submitted. The general administration 
 of the affairs of the prison have been satisfactory, 
 and the board of directors have manifested much 
 zeal and ability in the discharge of the important 
 duties entrusted to them. 
 
 The report of the board of directors and warden 
 of the Southern Prison, at Jeffersonville, is here 
 with submitted. The affairs of this prison, I 
 believe, have been well managed, and I know of no 
 just grounds for complaint. I recommend, how 
 ever, that the management, condition and wants of 
 both prisons receive the early and thorough consid 
 eration of the Legislature. 
 
 UNITED STATES ARSENAL AND ARMORY. 
 
 At the last session of Congress an act was passed, 
 appropriating $100,000 for the purchase of grounds 
 and construction of buildings, and necessary me- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 289 
 
 chinery for an Arsenal and Armory to be located 
 in this city. 
 
 The grounds have been purchased and the con 
 struction of the buildings will be commenced, as 
 soon as the Legislature shall have relinquished the 
 jurisdiction over such grounds, so far as required by 
 the laws of the United States. 
 
 \ 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL DONATION. 
 
 On the 2d day of July, 1862, the Congress of the 
 United States passed an act donating to each of the 
 States not in rebellion against the Government, an 
 amount of public lands equal to 30,000 acres for 
 each senator and representative in Congress, to 
 which the States are respectively entitled by the 
 apportionment under the census of 1860. This 
 entitles Indiana to 390,000 acres. Whenever there 
 are public lands in the State, subject to sale at pri 
 vate entry at $1.25 per acre, the quantity to which 
 the State is entitled shall be selected from such lands, 
 but if there are no such lands in the State, or not 
 enough, the Secretary of the Interior is to issue to 
 the State land scrip for the requisite number of 
 acres. This scrip can not be located by the State to 
 which it is issued, but must be sold; but the pur 
 chasers may locate it upon any of the unappropri 
 ated lands of the United States subject to sale at pri 
 vate entry at $1.25 or less per acre. 
 
 There being no public lands in this State for sale 
 at private entry, held by the Government at $1.25 
 25 
 
290 GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 per acre, Indiana is entitled to receive her donation 
 in scrip. 
 
 This donation is made upon the following condi 
 tions : First That all moneys derived from the 
 sale of lands or scrip shall be invested in stocks of 
 the United States, or of the States, or some other 
 safe stocks yielding not less than five per centum 
 per annum, on the par value. 
 
 Second That the money so invested shall con 
 stitute a perpetual fund, the capital of which shall 
 never he diminished, except as hereinafter stated. 
 
 Third The interest on the stocks to be inviola 
 bly appropriated by the State, to the endowment 
 and support of at least one college in which the 
 leading object shall be, without excluding scientific 
 and other classical studies, and including military 
 tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are 
 related to agriculture and the mechanic arts. 
 
 Fourth If any portion of the fund thus invested 
 shall by any contingency be lost, it shall be fully 
 restored by the State. 
 
 Fifth That no portion of the said fund shall be 
 applied to the purchase, repair, or erection of any 
 building, but that a sum not exceeding ten per cent, 
 of the original amount may be expended for the 
 purchase of sites or experimental farms. 
 
 Sixth E"o State shall be entitled to the donation, 
 unless the Legislature shall express its acceptance 
 thereof, within two years from the date of the 
 approval of the act by the President. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 291 
 
 I recommend that the Legislature promptly 
 express its acceptance of the grant, pledging the 
 faith of the State for the performance of the con 
 ditions upon which it is made. 
 
 The necessity for scientific instruction in agricul 
 ture, is generally acknowledged, and Congress in 
 tended by this magnificent donation to provide 
 means for the permanent establishment of at least 
 one efficient agricultural college in each State. 
 
 The question presents itself as to the disposition 
 which shall be made of the grant. Shall it be given 
 to the State university, or apportioned among all 
 the colleges in the State, upon such terms and con 
 ditions as the Legislature may prescribe ; or shall 
 a new institution be created expressly designed to 
 carry out the will of Congress ? It may be difficult 
 now to determine the question, from the fact that 
 we can not know how much may be realized from 
 the sale of scrip. If an amount should be realized 
 large enough to endow respectable and successful 
 professorships in each of the colleges now in the 
 State, attaching to them experimental farms, it 
 would perhaps be the best disposition of it that 
 could be made. But if it should not be large enough 
 for such division, which I apprehend will be the 
 case, then I recommend that it be applied to the 
 establishment of an institution for agricultural and 
 military instruction, to which the children of sol 
 diers who shall die in the service during this war, 
 shall be admitted free of charge. 
 
292 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ATTORNEY GENERAL. 
 
 On the 10th day of October, 1861, the Hon. 
 James G. Jones, Attorney General, resigned and 
 accepted a commission in the military service. I 
 immediately appointed the Hon. John P. Usher to 
 fill the vacancy, who served until the 17th day of 
 March, 1862, when he resigned, having been called 
 to the Department of the Interior as Assistant Sec 
 retary. The vacancy thus created I filled by the 
 appointment of Hon. John F. Kibbey, who served 
 until his successor was elected and qualified. These 
 officers discharged their duties with ability. 
 
 WEALTH OF THE STATE. 
 
 The mineral resources of Indiana are but imper 
 fectly understood. Nearly one-fourth of the whole 
 area of the State is a coal-field, a large part of which 
 is of the finest quality Excellent iron ore is found 
 in vast quantities in man t y counties, and although 
 but little worked as yet, will be the source of great 
 wealth and prosperity in the future. Throughout 
 the State, excepting a few small localities, the soil 
 is rich and fertile, capable of producing all the 
 grains and grasses in the greatest abundance. The 
 State abounds in fine timber and living streams of 
 water, and in every respect presents the facilities for 
 an easy and profitable agriculture ; while an abund 
 ance of coal and water power furnishes the means 
 for manufacturing on the largest scale and cheapest 
 terms. From surveys, geological examinations, and 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 293 
 
 every source of knowledge open, in reference to the 
 topography and soil of Indiana, I think it safe to 
 say that no State in the Union having an equal 
 number of square miles has less land not suscepti 
 ble of cultivation. The State is traversed in every 
 direction by lines of railroad well managed and in 
 successful operation. In 1860, there was in the 
 State 2,125 miles of railroad in operation, the con 
 struction of which is estimated to have cost $70,- 
 295,148 ; and it may not be improper to remark 
 that all these roads were built without the aid of 
 grants of land by the Federal government. Yet 
 these roads do not furnish sufficient facilities for the 
 accommodation of the traveling public, and the 
 transportation of the immense productions of the 
 State. Some idea may be obtained of the magni 
 tude of these productions by giving the statistics 
 of a few leading articles as shown by the last census. 
 In 1860 there were produced in the State : 
 
 69,641,591 bushels of corn. 
 
 15,219,120 bushels of wheat. 
 
 5,028,755 bushels of oats. 
 
 7,246,132 pounds of tobacco 
 
 2,466,264 pounds of wool. 
 
 3,873,130 bushels of Irish potatoes. 
 
 635,322 tons of hay. 
 
 Although the population of Indiana has doubled 
 in the last twenty years, and the general growth of 
 the State in material wealth has been in a like ratio, 
 yet we can not doubt that the increase would have 
 
294 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 been far greater but for the operation of certain 
 causes. In 1836 the State embarked in an extrava 
 gant and reckless system of internal improvements. 
 To prosecute it, large sums of money were required, 
 and borrowed at heavy rates of interest, and the 
 bonds of the State were in many cases squandered 
 and passed into circulation without any adequate 
 consideration having been received. Many canals, 
 railroads, and turnpikes were surveyed and the con 
 struction commenced. But a bad system in the 
 beginning, its prosecution was badly managed, and 
 the result was that in 1846 the State found itself in 
 debt to the amount of $11,090,000, and not a single 
 work completed, the interest on the debt unpaid, 
 and the credit of the State utterly prostrated. In 
 the mean time many of our citizens, seeing that 
 the money of the State had been squandered while 
 but little had been accomplished, believing that 
 public improvements had been indefinitely postpon 
 ed, that a cloud was resting upon her reputation, 
 and anticipating high taxes for many years to come, 
 left the State and sought new homes elsewhere. 
 The financial character of the State abroad had suf 
 fered greatly. Some supposed the State had repu 
 diated her debts ; others that she was hopelessly 
 bankrupt ; and others that to recover from her em 
 barrassments her people must be heavily taxed for 
 generations to come. By these notions, and the 
 general bad impressions prevailing, the current of 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 295 
 
 emigration was turned aside in great part, or swept 
 over us to the States in the West. 
 
 In 1846 an arrangement was made with our cred 
 itors upon terms proposed by themselves, by which 
 nearly one-half of the debt was liquidated by the 
 transfer of the Wabash and Erie canal, and the 
 State resumed payment of the interest on the other 
 half; but it was not until many years of faithful 
 discharge of her pecuniary obligations the cre 
 dit of the State was entirely restored. 
 
 At the battle of Buena Vista an event occurred 
 which exercised an important and pernicious influ 
 ence on the growth and prosperity of the State. 
 The Second Indiana regiment, by the cowardice or 
 incompetency of a single officer, was led into a false 
 movement which resulted in a confused and disor 
 derly retreat. The regiment was composed of as 
 good and brave men as any other, but through the 
 malice of the arch traitor, Jeff. Davis, who reported 
 them to General Taylor as cowards, or the indiffer 
 ence and stupidity of those who should have vindi 
 cated them, they were publicly disgraced, and with 
 them the State to which they belonged. For years 
 the Second Indiana regiment was a by-word, and 
 the valor of the State sneered at by the ignorant 
 and thoughtless. 
 
 This affair, combined with the bad financial char 
 acter of the State, led the uninformed abroad to 
 regard her with aversion or contempt, and the emi 
 grant was discouraged from coming within herbor- 
 
296 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ders to seek a home. "When a man is about to seek 
 a new home, very small causes will determine him 
 to go to oue State or another. The general good 
 impression he has of one, or bad impression of 
 another, fixes his choice. 
 
 If one State is charged with bankruptcy, or a 
 heavy debt, or suspected of heavy taxes, or the 
 valor of the people spoken of lightly, he will go 
 around it, or rapidly across it without stopping, to 
 seek his new home in one beyond. It is worth 
 while to pause a moment and reflect upon what 
 trifling and irrelevant causes the progress and pros 
 perity of a State will sometimes depend. 
 
 The disaster at Buena Vista, which should have 
 disgraced but a single man, retarded the progress 
 of a great State ; and I am of opinion that, but for 
 the causes I have been considering, the population 
 of Indiana in 1860 would have been quite 2,000,000 
 instead of 1,339,000. Our disaster at Buena Vista 
 has happened to others during this war, but the fre 
 quency of the occurrence seems to have diminished 
 its importance. We are taught by this passage in 
 our history, that the honor of a State should be jeal 
 ously preserved. Whatever it may cost to preserve 
 its faith, it will cost more if it be suffered to tarnish. 
 The folly of the system of 1837 was only exceeded 
 by that which subsequently permitted the interest 
 on the public debt to remain unpaid for six years. 
 
 But now, through the progress of wealth and 
 population, and the faithful performance of all obli- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 297 
 
 gallons for many years, the credit of the State is 
 entirely restored and placed upon a high and secure 
 basis ; while the valor of her sons has been vindi 
 cated upon an hundred battle fields, and may now 
 justly challenge the admiration of the world. 
 
 THE WAR PRESIDENT S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 A number of States are in rebellion against the 
 Government, endeavoring to dissolve the Union, 
 and establish a new confederacy ; they have large 
 armies in the field, and are making war upon a 
 grand scale. It is said by some that we can com 
 promise, and make peace. But what is meant by 
 compromise? Would consenting to a dissolution of 
 the Union, dismemberment of our territory and 
 establishment of an independent confederacy be 
 regarded as a compromise ? If so, we can compro 
 mise. Have the rebels ever intimated, or held out 
 proposals for peace on any other terms ? If they 
 have, I have no knowledge of it. On the contrary, 
 they have, in every form, and on every occasion, 
 declared their unalterable purpose to accept only of 
 disunion and independence. 
 
 Some two weeks ago, "Win. L. Yancey, one of the 
 most able and influential men in the rebel States, 
 was invited to address the Legislature of Alabama. 
 In the course of his speech, he reviewed in the 
 most scornful and contemptuous language, the pro 
 posals for compromise and peace, which had come 
 from the North, and spit upon the men who offered 
 
298 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 them, declaring that they would prove as false to 
 the South as they had recreant to the North. He 
 expressed, however, a hope that the South would 
 receive great benefit from dissensions in the North, 
 and upon that subject used the following language : 
 
 " We have something to hope, however, from this 
 division of the councils of our enemies from their 
 fierce party strife and jealousies. Upon this hope 
 let us build our own unity upon their jealousies 
 let us build our own harmony, upon these clash- 
 ings of party interests let us bind together our own 
 patriotic energies upon their selfishness and folly 
 let us base a prayer to God that he would enable us 
 to exhibit, in behalf of our beloved country, a self- 
 sacrificing wisdom, both in opinion and action, in 
 all matters appertaining to our defense." 
 
 Why then should the people of the North be 
 deluded with the idea that compromise is possible, 
 and thus induced to abandon their efforts to sup 
 press the rebellion ? Why should they be divided 
 among themselves, and weakened by the proclama 
 tion of a hope so utterly fallacious ? Some there 
 are who profess to believe that all we have to do to 
 bring about peace and a restoration of the Union, 
 is to lay down our arms and withdraw from the 
 conflict. Peace, temporary and hollow, might be 
 had upon such terms, but not a restoration of the 
 Union. It would be a dishonorable and shameful 
 surrender, forever tarnishing the character of the 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 299 
 
 Nation, and History would write down as infamous 
 the instruments by which it was accomplished. 
 
 Others say that we should re-construct the Union, 
 ,in doing which the New England States should be 
 left out. But what have the New England States 
 done that they should be left out? It is said we are 
 paying heavy duties on imports to sustain their 
 manufactures, and are in that way oppressed. If 
 so, let us repeal them. The New England States 
 are but six, while the States of the Northwest alone 
 are nine, with the prospect of an indefinite increase. 
 That, however, is not the real objection. It is that 
 their political principles are offensive, and the men 
 who would turn them out, desire to construct a 
 republic in which they can hold the power. Such a 
 project would be criminal to the last degree, if it 
 were not insane. The fortunes of parties are vari 
 able. The party in power to-day is down to-mor 
 row, and the victors are, in turn, overwhelmed and 
 so it goes from year to year. The scheme of con 
 structing a republic, taking in such States as are 
 favorable, and turning out such as are not, presents 
 the last stage of partisan insanity. It would be 
 forming a republic for the party, and not the party 
 for the republic. A government founded upon such 
 ignoble purposes could not stand, and would not 
 deserve to. 
 
 In every point of view, the scheme just consid 
 ered, is full of dishonor and ruin. Our Union once 
 dissolved, and our present relations broken up, all 
 
300 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 that is traditional and sacred would be lost, and any 
 future alliances that States might form with each 
 other would be regarded as mere arrangements of 
 convenience, possessing no tie beyond the interests 
 of the hour, and liable to dissolve at the first out 
 break of faction. 
 
 The President has issued his proclamation offer 
 ing freedom to slaves held in certain of the rebel 
 lious States. It remains to be seen what effect this 
 proclamation will have in suppressing the rebellion ; 
 but whether it be effectual or not, for the purpose 
 for which, it was intended, the authority upon which 
 it was issued is beyond question. 
 
 If the rebels do not desire the Government of the 
 United States to interfere with their slaves, let them 
 cease to employ them in the prosecution of the war. 
 They should not use them to build fortifications, 
 manage their baggage trains, perform all the labor 
 of the camp and the march, and above all to raise 
 provisions upon which to subsist their armies. If 
 they employ the institution of slavery as an instru 
 ment of war, like other instruments of war, it is 
 subject to destruction. Deprive them of slave 
 labor, and three fourths of the men composing 
 their armies would be compelled to return home 
 to raise food upon which to subsist themselves and 
 families. If they are permitted to retain slave 
 labor, they are enabled to maintain their armies in 
 great force, and to destroy that force we are com- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 301 
 
 pellecl to slied much of our best blood. Let us not 
 be more tender of their property, than we are of 
 our blood. 
 
 But it is said the emancipation of the slaves will 
 lead to insurrection, and the sacrifice of innocent 
 women and children. Such an event would be 
 greatly deplored. But it is not, in my judgment, a 
 necessary result, or one likely to occur. The history 
 of insurrections shows that they spring not from 
 emancipation, but from despair. But if it were, 
 I should say to the rebels, that if they were unwill 
 ing to incur the dangers of insurrection, and do not 
 wish the Government to meddle with their slaves, 
 they must cease to employ them in the prosecution 
 of the war. With what propriety can they employ 
 the institution of slavery as a means of our destruc 
 tion, and at the same time ask us to let it alone ? 
 As well might they place their women and children 
 in the front of their ranks, fire over their heads at 
 us, and then call upon us not to fire back for fear ol 
 hurting them. 
 
 The madness which would inaugurate civil war 
 in the North and set neighbors and brothers to cut 
 ting each other s throats, because the President has 
 proclaimed freedom to slaves in States which have 
 attempted to secede from the Union have utterly 
 rejected the authority of the Constitution of the 
 United States have formed for themselves a new 
 Constitution made a new flag, and to maintain 
 
302 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 these are waging an unnatural and bloody war, is 
 beyond human comprehension. 
 
 That we should fall upon and devour each other, 
 to protect the constitutional rights of those who 
 declare to the world that they have forever re 
 nounced and abjured all allegiance to the Constitu 
 tion and Government of the United States, would 
 be a spectacle so monstrous that no parallel could be 
 found in history. 
 
 There is but one salvation for this people, and 
 that is the suppression of the rebellion and the 
 restoration of the Union ; and this can surely be 
 accomplished if we are but united ; and I pray God 
 that the storms of party and passion, which now 
 obscure the heavens, may speedily pass away, and 
 again discover us to the world a united people, unal 
 terably resolved to vindicate our honor, and pre 
 serve the Union which our fathers gave. 
 
 I believe that the masses of men of all parties 
 are loyal, and are united in their determination to 
 maintain our Government, however much they may 
 differ upon other points ; and I do sincerely hope 
 that men of all parties will be willing to abate much 
 of their peculiar opinions in subordination to the 
 great cause of preserving our national honor and 
 existence. And in conclusion, allow me to express 
 my confidence that your deliberations will be ani 
 mated only by an ardent desire to foster the honor 
 and interests of our beloved State, and to cherish 
 and protect, at whatever cost, the power and 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 303 
 
 the glory of the government of our common 
 country. OLIVER P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 January 9th, 1863. 
 
 GOVERNOR MORTON S REPLY TO THE REQUEST OP THE 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOR THE RE-DELIVERY 
 OF HIS MESSAGE. 
 
 [On Friday, the second day of this session of the Legislature, 
 the Governor sent in his Message to the House of Representatives. 
 This body refused to receive it, and it was returned. Afterward, 
 on the loth of January, the House passed a resolution requesting 
 the Governor to re-deliver his Message. The following is his re 
 ply to that resolution :] 
 
 STATE OF INDIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, 
 
 Indianapolis, January 19, 1863. 
 
 To the House of Representatives of the State of Indiana : 
 
 On Friday, the second day of the session, I sent 
 my Message to the House, with all due respect, un 
 der the following circumstances : The Message had 
 been prepared to be read in the presence of both 
 Houses, and I expected to have delivered it, at the 
 ordinary time, which is on Friday the second day 
 of the session, at 2 P. M., and in this expectation 
 advance copies had been sent to the press at vari 
 ous places and it would appear in the papers on 
 Saturday morning. 
 
304 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Immediately after the visit of the Committee on 
 Friday afternoon, I was assured that there was no 
 prospect of a Joint Convention on that afternoon, 
 or at any other time soon, to receive the Message, 
 and at once determined to send it in print to each 
 House. 
 
 Such a course was clearly constitutional, and in 
 accordance with the practice in the Federal and 
 most of the State governments. 
 
 On Saturday, the third day of the session, I 
 received the following resolution, adopted by your 
 Honorable Body : 
 
 Resolved, As there was no Senate in session, and no General 
 Assembly to receive such address as contemplated by the Consti 
 tution, that this House refuse to receive the Message of His Ex 
 cellency the Governor communicated to it yesterday, and that 
 the same be respectfully returned to him, to wait the further 
 action of this General Assembly. 
 
 The return of the Message is predicated on the 
 statement that there was no Senate in session, and 
 no General Assembly to receive such an address as 
 contemplated by the Constitution. 
 
 As soon as Mr. Holloway delivered the Message 
 to the House, he repaired to the Senate and found 
 the president in the chair, the clerks at their desks, 
 many senators in the chamber, and debate going on. 
 
 But suppose the Senate was not in session, how 
 does it affect the question ? Both Houses were fully 
 organized on the day before, a quorum of the mem 
 bers of each having been present, and all their offi- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 305 
 
 cers having been duly elected and qualified, of which 
 I had been officially informed. 
 
 Each House sits on its own adjournments, and it 
 often happens that one House will transact impor 
 tant business and pass bills when the other House 
 is not in session. Has the validity of such action 
 ever been called in question, because the other House 
 was not in session at the same hour? The validity 
 of the action of each House depends upon the fact 
 that it is part of an existing General Assembly, but 
 according to the doctrine of the resolution, there 
 can be no General Assembly unless each House is in 
 session at the same hour. 
 
 If the position be correct, the action of the House 
 on the second and third days of the session, while 
 there was no Senate in session, in passing resolu 
 tions, including the one sent to me, was clearly 
 invalid. 
 
 I respectfully submit that, as a matter of law, 
 logic, and practice, the position is wholly untenable. 
 What difference could it make if the Message hav 
 ing been sent to the House on one day, was not 
 sent to the Senate until next day, or the next week? 
 
 On the 27th day of December, 1859, Mr. Buch 
 anan sent his Message to the Senate of the United 
 States, the House of Representatives not being 
 organized, having failed to elect a Speaker. The 
 Sen ate, "unable to perceive any objection, received 
 and read the Message. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 6th day of January inst., Gov- 
 2(1 
 
306 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ernor Seymour, of New York, sent his Message to 
 the Senate, the other House being unorganized, 
 not having elected a Speaker, and being incapable 
 of transacting any business until its organization 
 was completed. 
 
 On the 15th day of January inst., your Honor 
 able Body passed a resolution, of which I quote the 
 
 first sentence : 
 
 t 
 
 " Resolved, By the House (the Senate concurring) that the thanks 
 of the General Assembly of the State of Indiana are due, and are 
 hereby tendered to the Hon. Horatio Seymour, Governor of New 
 York, for the able and patriotic defence of the Constitution, the 
 laws and liberties, of the American citizen contained in his late 
 Message to the Legislature of that State, and particularly for 
 his just and high appreciation of the interests, position and 
 patriotism of the great Northwest. " 
 
 The point to which I call your attention is that 
 in this resolution your Honorable Body have 
 expressly recognized the Message of Governor Sey 
 mour as having been delivered to the Legislature 
 of New York, although it was delivered only to the 
 Senate, the House not being organized. 
 
 The action of the House, then, stands thus : On 
 the third day of the session, after the complete 
 organization of both the House and the Senate, 
 the House, by resolution, returned my Message, 
 with the accompanying documents, on the ground 
 that at the time of its delivery the Senate was not 
 in session, and there was no General Assembly with 
 in the meaning of the Constitution to receive it. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 307 
 
 This resolution was passed when the Senate was 
 not in session. 
 
 On the 7th day of the session the House passed 
 another resolution thanking Governor Seymour for 
 his Message, and expressly recognizing it as having 
 been delivered to the Legislature of New York, 
 although it had only been delivered to the Senate, 
 the House not being yet organized. 
 
 Having transmitted my Message to the House in 
 a proper and respectful manner, and it having been, 
 in my judgment, unnecessarily and improperly 
 rejected, I have nothing further to submit at this 
 time. Very respectfully, 
 
 0. P. MORTON, 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 
308 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Governor Morton s appeal to the patriotic women of Indiana 
 An appeal to the people of Indiana His appeal to Congress in 
 behalf of the soldiers Message to the Legislature Letter to 
 James Winslow, Esq. 
 
 Appended to the foregoing message and letters 
 are the following papers, which we here insert, 
 although some of them are dated prior to the period 
 of which we now write, and might seem to the cas 
 ual reader, to be out of place. We make the pub 
 lication in this place for two reasons : First, because 
 they did not come to hand in time for insertion in 
 the proper place, and second, they are too valuable 
 to be lost : they speak volumes in favor of Gov 
 ernor Morton s devotion to the soldier s interest. 
 
 To THE PATRIOTIC WOMEN OF INDIANA. 
 
 When the President issued his first call to the loy 
 al States for help the Government was unprovided 
 with most, if not all, the articles necessary to the 
 comfort and health of soldiers in the camp and 
 the field. The women of Indiana were appealed to, 
 and they supplied the deficiency in our State with a 
 generous alacrity that entitles them to the gratitude 
 of the nation. The approach of winter makes it 
 necessary to appeal to them again. Our volun 
 teers, already suffering from exposure, against 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 309 
 
 which they are very inadequately protected, will 
 soon be compelled to endure the utmost severity of 
 winter and multiplied dangers of disease. The 
 Government is doing all that can be done for them, 
 but when all is done they must still lack many of 
 the comforts which men in ordinary pursuits enjoy, 
 and which soldiers need above all others. Many 
 articles of clothing that, to men with houses over 
 their heads and warm fires always near, are hardly 
 more than a luxury, to men with no protection but 
 a tent, no bed but the ground, and whose duty 
 must be performed under the unabated rigor of 
 winter, are absolute necessaries. They may save 
 many lives that will surely be lost without them. 
 These the patriotic women of Indiana, it is hoped, 
 will supply. 
 
 An additional blanket to every man in our army 
 will preserve hundreds to the country and to 
 their families. Two or three pairs of good strong 
 socks will be invaluable to men who must often 
 march all day in the snow, and without them must 
 lie down with cold and benumbed feet on the frozen 
 ground. Good woolen gloves or mittens will pro 
 tect their hands in marching, and in handling their 
 arms, and, while adding greatly to their comfort, 
 will materially increase their efficiency. Woolen 
 drawers, and shirts too, are a necessity to men 
 exposed to such vicissitudes of weather as soldiers. 
 All these articles the Indiana volunteers ought to 
 have now, and must before winter sets in, if we 
 
310 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 would protect them from exposure and disease that 
 may be averted by this timely preparation. Some 
 of these articles the Government does not furnish, 
 and others not in sufficient quantities to supply the 
 Waste produced by exposures of a soldier s life. 
 Blankets can not be purchased. The stock is com 
 pletely exhausted, and the Government is solicit 
 ing contributions from the citizens. 
 
 Will not the women of Indiana do their share 
 in providing for the men of Indiana in the battle 
 field ? An hour of each day, for a week, given to the 
 manufacture of the articles named will provide an 
 ample store. Are they not ready to give that, and 
 more if needed? I urge upon them the duty of 
 promptly beginning the work. Let them at once 
 forward, at the State s expense, to the State Quar 
 termaster, such blankets as they can spare.. They 
 will be immediately and carefully sent to such regi 
 ments as the donors prefer, if they have any prefer 
 ence. Let them singly or by association, set about 
 the manufacture of woolen shirts, drawers, socks 
 and gloves. The sewing societies of our churches 
 have here a field for exertion wider and grander 
 than they will ever find again. Will they not give 
 their associations for a time to this beneficent ob 
 ject? The numerous female benevolent societies, 
 by giving their energies and organizations to this 
 work, can speedily provide the necessary supply. 
 Let women through* the country, who have no op 
 portunity to join such associations, emulate each 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 311 
 
 other in their labors, and see who shall do most for 
 their country and their defenders in this hour of 
 trial. 
 
 The articles should be sent to the Quartermaster, 
 with a card, stating the name and residence of the 
 donor, and their destination, if she has any choice. 
 The name will be recorded and preserved with the 
 number and kind of articles sent. The women 
 alone can meet this emergency, and to them our 
 volunteers, as well as the Government, look for 
 sympathy and aid. 0. P. MORTON, 
 
 October 15, 1861. Governor of Indiana. 
 
 AN APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE OF INDIANA. 
 
 Indiana has at this time nearly one hundred 
 thousand of her sons in the field, enduring the 
 hardship and privations incident to the life of sol 
 diers. They have gone forth at the call of their 
 country to defend with their lives the Constitution 
 and the Government under which we live. Thou 
 sands of these brave and patriotic men have left 
 behind them families, with temporary provision 
 only for their support. In many cases these fam 
 ilies, during the approaching winter, will be in 
 need of the ordinary comforts and necessaries of 
 life, and destitute of the means of procuring them. 
 Many of them are too spirited to ask for assist 
 ance ; others, unless some system is adopted for 
 their relief, will not know where to apply. The 
 
812 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 soldier s pay is often delayed, his own necessities 
 require a portion of it, and the remainder is fre 
 quently greatly delayed in being transmitted to his 
 family. It requires no argument to prove that, 
 even if he sends all his money home, one hundred 
 and fifty-six dollars a year is a very scanty support 
 for a family, especially at this season of high prices. 
 In many places business of all kinds is so much 
 prostrated that those who can and are willing to 
 labor are unable to find employment. Every thing 
 bears a high price, and every thing is cash. 
 
 The truth of what has been stated must be appa 
 rent to every one, and it remains with the patriotic 
 and liberal citizens of the State to apply the proper 
 remedy. It is their solemn duty to see that the 
 needy are cared for; that while the soldier is brav 
 ing the perils of the battle-field, his wife and chil 
 dren and all who are dependent upon him, are made 
 comfortable at home ; and especially that his chil 
 dren are provided with books, and afforded oppor 
 tunity to attend school. This is not charity but a 
 sacred obligation, which should be met promptly 
 and willingly, and the recipients should be made to 
 feel that they are not objects of charity, and that 
 what they receive is but the partial discharge of a 
 debt of the most binding character. 
 
 It may be urged by many that they have already 
 given largely and sacrificed heavily for these benev 
 olent objects, and hence they ought to be excused 
 from further drafts. It may be asked, in reply, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 313 
 
 what are these sacrifices compared with the sacrifi 
 ces of families who have given their natural sup 
 porters and protectors to the cause of their country? 
 What is the sacrifice of the man living comfortably 
 at home, even though he give half his income, to 
 that of the man who hasieft his family and home 
 and gone to the field? 
 
 The land is full of wealth, the harvest has been 
 bountiful, and there can be no reasonable excuse for 
 allowing the needy to suffer in a country like this. 
 
 I would respectfully and earnestly request, that in 
 every township, every town, and every ward of the 
 several cities in the State, some systematic plan, by 
 means of regularly organized committies or auxil 
 iary aid societies, be at once adopted for relief. 
 
 To ministers of the gospel I would say: No 
 nobler work than this can engage the time you 
 may have at your disposal. Much can be done by 
 appeals from the pulpit, and by personal efforts 
 with the people ; by visiting the families of soldiers, 
 ascertaining their wants, and seeing that they 
 are regularly supplied. 
 
 The township trustees in the several counties, on 
 account of their familiarity with local affairs, will 
 be able to render great assistance in the humane 
 work, by giving a portion of their time and efforts 
 to the relief of the needy and destitute. 
 
 In all measures of relief which may be adopted 
 I most respectfully and confidently bespeak the 
 hearty aid and co-operation of the nnblo \voinen of 
 27 
 
314 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Indiana. Actuated by the purest patriotism, and 
 always foremost in deeds of love and mercy, they 
 may here find an extensive field for the exercise of 
 many kindly offices to the advantage and comfort 
 of the distressed; their words of encoxiragement 
 will cheer the hearts of the drooping and disconso 
 late, and their example will lead others to under 
 take the same good work. 
 
 0. P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 EXECUTIVE DEP., Indianapolis, Nov. 14, 1862. 
 
 INCREASE OF PAY OF PRIVATE SOLDIERS. 
 
 To the Senators and Representatives in the Congress of 
 the United States : 
 
 The undersigned respectfully represents that, from 
 an intimate knowledge of the condition, wants and 
 necessities of a large portion of the men composing 
 the Army of the United States, he is fully impressed 
 with the belief that the pay of private soldiers 
 should be increased, so as to make it bear a proper 
 proportion to the increased cost of all the necessa 
 ries of life. The present pay of a private is thir 
 teen dollars per month, or one hundred and fifty-six 
 dollars a year. From this sum a considerable por 
 tion must be deducted for the purchase of articles 
 not furnished by the regulations, but which the 
 soldier deems necessary to his health or comfort. 
 Should the balance be remitted to his family in 
 installments as it is paid him it will fall far short of 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 315 
 
 furnishing a support. To the monthly pay a bounty 
 of one hundred dollars is to be added. To the 
 old regiments this is not to be paid until the final 
 discharge, or upon the death of the soldier. To the 
 new regiments twenty-five dollars of the amount 
 were paid in advance, the balance remaining unpaid 
 until final discharge or death. As the final pay 
 ment of the bounty depends upon the good conduct 
 of the soldier, and is subject to contingencies, it 
 can hardly be considered as a means, or source of 
 credit, for the current support of a family. It must 
 be remembered that a large proportion of the sol 
 diers composing the volunteer armies of the United 
 States are men of family, upon whose labor wives, 
 children and parents are dependent for support. 
 Should not their labor be so paid for as to make it 
 sufficient to yield that support it would do if they 
 were at home and engaged in private pursuits? 
 They did not enter the army to make money, and 
 do not desire to do so, but they do ask that they 
 shall receive such compensation as will support, in 
 decency and comfort, the dependent ones they leave 
 behind. The price of labor throughout the North 
 ern States has greatly advanced since the commence 
 ment of the war, and it is submitted that, aside from 
 all questions of family support, and as a matter of 
 simple justice, the compensation to our soldiers 
 should be increased. Their labor is, of all other, 
 the hardest, to which should be added the great 
 danger of death from battle, hardship and disease. 
 
816 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Men tell our recruiting officers every clay, they 
 would go into the army, but the pay allowed by 
 our Government is insufficient for the support of 
 their families, and they dare not leave them to the 
 precarious charities of the public. 
 
 The following statement of prices at Indianapolis, 
 Indiana, will show the relative costs of various lead 
 ing articles on the 6th of August, 1861, when the 
 present rate of pay was established, and the 27th 
 day of November, 1862 : 
 
 ARTICLES. Aug. 1861. Nov. 4862. Inc. per cent. 
 
 Brown muslins 8$alO 23a29 190 
 
 Bleached muslins 10 a!2$ 23a30 175 
 
 American prints 10 a!2$ 18a22 95 
 
 Blue checks 12$ 25 100 
 
 Hickory checks 12$ 25 100 
 
 Cotton flannel 12$a20 35a50 160 
 
 Drillings 12$ 32 170 
 
 Cassinettes 37 a75 75al.50 100 
 
 Jeans 30 af>0 SOalOO 100 
 
 Boots 3.00 3.75a4.00 33 
 
 Shoes 1.00 1.50 50 
 
 Brown sugar per Ib 8 13 62 
 
 Rio coffee " 15 37 150 
 
 Tea " 75al.OO 1.25al.50 50 
 
 Rice " 8 10 25 
 
 Molasses, per gallon 50 70 40 
 
 Flour, per barrel 4.50 6.50 44 
 
 Salt, per bafrel 1.65 4.50 180 
 
 Meal, per bushel 40 70 75 
 
 Fish, per Ib 6 8 33 
 
 Potatoes, per bushel 35 80 130 
 
 Candles, per Ib 10 15 50 
 
 Wood, per cord 2.50 5.00 100 
 
 From the above statement it will be seen that the 
 cost of articles of prime necessity in clothing and 
 
(iOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 317 
 
 furnishing a family, has been increased one hun 
 dred twenty per cent, while provisions and groceries 
 have increased in price not less than sixty per cent. 
 It will he entirely safe to say that the cost of living, 
 in the most economical style, throughout the North 
 ern States, has increased at least seventy-five per 
 cent, within the last fifteen months, and prices. are 
 still advancing. Thus, eight dollars per month in 
 August, 1861, would have been a better compensa 
 tion, and gone farther in maintaining a family, than 
 thirteen dollars per month in November, 1862. Sol 
 diers are paid in treasury notes at par, and as these 
 notes have depreciated thirty per cent, as shown by 
 the price of gold, their pay, from this fact alone, is 
 substantially reduced to nine dollars per month. 
 
 It may be urged in objection to the measure pro 
 posed that it will greatly increase the expenditures 
 of the Government and add to the public debt. In 
 my j adgment it would prove to be sound economy. 
 It would increase the efficiency of the army, prevent 
 desertions, encourage volunteering, and perhaps 
 avoid the necessity of another draft to fill up the 
 old and depleted regiments. Desertion is becom 
 ing- frequent, and threatens the demoralization and 
 destruction of the army unless it be promptly arrest 
 ed. The most potent cause of desertion is the con 
 dition of the soldier s family at home. He receives 
 letters from his wife, children or parents, announc 
 ing that they are destitute of food, fuel, clothing, or 
 are about to be turned of doors for non-payment of 
 
318 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 rent, and that their neighbors are failing to provide 
 for them, as they are able and ought to do. He 
 becomes maddened and desperate, and finding a 
 furlough imposible, desertion is frequently the 
 result. 
 
 Whatever contributes to the speedy termination 
 of the war is economy on a large scale. Our hopes 
 for peace and a restored country are founded upon 
 the success of our armies ; and it is believed that 
 nothing would add to the efficiency and success of 
 our arms so much as doing justice to the soldiers 
 by increasing their pay. 
 
 I beg to ask your early and serious consideration 
 of this subject. OLIVER P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 
 EXECUTIVE DEP., Indianapolis, Tov. 29, 1862. 
 
 STATE OF INDIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, February 4, 1863. 
 To the General Assembly of the State of Indiana : 
 
 Owing to the immense drafts that have been 
 made on the Treasury of the United States, the 
 Government has been unable to promptly pay the 
 troops the wages to which they are entitled. To 
 most of the soldiers four months pay is due, and 
 to many of them six. I am informed, however, 
 that enough money has recently been furnished to 
 the paymasters to pay all arrearages up to the 1st 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 319 
 
 of November last, which will still leave due and 
 unpaid their wages for two months, ending on the 
 1st day of January. The failure by the Govern 
 ment to pay the army the money due to it at the 
 period fixed by law for its payment, whicl^ is every 
 two months, operates with great hardship upon the 
 wives, children and parents who are dependent 
 upon it for support. The compensation of the pri 
 vate soldier is small, and if the payment of it be 
 greatly delayed much suffering must ensue. The 
 brave and generous men who have gone to the field 
 to peril their lives in battle and endure the hard 
 ships of war, should not be allowed to fret that the 
 payment of their scanty compensation is delayed, if 
 there be any means by which delay can be avoided. 
 The soldier needs money while in camp and on the 
 march, and often suffers greatly in health and com 
 fort for want of it. 
 
 The Government, I believe, is doing all in its 
 power to meet its engagement promptly, but the 
 question is whether the State could not, without 
 serious detriment to herself, remove the difficulty, 
 so far as Indiana troops are concerned, by advan 
 cing their unpaid wages. If proper legislative 
 authority were given, the State could, I have no 
 doubt, borrow of the banks or individuals in Indi 
 ana, New York, or other places, at legal interest, 
 enough money for the purpose, and an arrangement 
 could be made with the Secretary of the Treasury 
 by which the amount advanced should be refunded 
 
320 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 to the State by the United States whenever tho 
 Government was able to pay the same to the troops, 
 if they had not been paid by the State. The State 
 would be reimbursed for her expenditures, prob 
 ably every 60 or 90 days, and the interest paid 
 upon the loans would be trifling compared with the 
 amount of good that would be accomplished ; and 
 this interest would no doubt be refunded by the 
 Government. 
 
 The plan for doing it, I would briefly suggest as 
 follows : Let the officers and soldiers in proper form 
 assign the pay due them to the Treasurer of the 
 State, with a direction in the assignment to whom 
 the money should be paid by the State. If the 
 money is to be paid to the family or friends of the 
 officer or soldier, living in this State, it san be done 
 through the Treasurer of the county in which such 
 persons live. If the money is to be sent to the sol 
 dier in the field, it can be done by Federal paymas 
 ters under an arrangement with the Paymaster 
 General, at Washington ; or, if it be preferred, the 
 money can remain in the State Treasury, as a deposit 
 subject to the order, at any time, of the person enti 
 tled to draw it. Upon the pay rolls thus assigned 
 to the Treasurer of the State, he can from time to 
 time settle with the United States and receive back 
 the moneys advanced. 
 
 The measure proposed has several important 
 advantages. First By the prompt payment of the 
 troops a prolific source of discontent and desertion 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 321 
 
 is removed. Secondly Officers and men are ena 
 bled to provide for their own necessities in the field, 
 and for the support of their families and dependent 
 ones at home. Thirdly By the plan proposed of 
 paying through the county treasurers, families and 
 dependent ones at home will receive a large amount 
 which would never reach them, even though it were 
 promptly paid to those entitled while they were in 
 the field. Fourthly Much money would he held 
 in trust, as a deposit in the State treasury, which, 
 if paid to the soldiers in the field, would be squan 
 dered or lost. 
 
 This recommendation is not intended to be con 
 fined to pay now in arrears, but to apply in the 
 future, when the Government is unable to promptly 
 meet its engagements with the army. 
 
 Should the plan suggested not be deemed feasible, 
 or the best, I will cheerfully co-operate with you in 
 the adoption of any other by which the main pur 
 pose, the prompt payment of Indiana troops, can 
 be accomplished. 
 
 I would respectfully invite your early considera 
 tion of this subject. 0. P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 
 It was doubtless the solicitude manifest in these 
 papers, and the good resulting from them, no less 
 than the countless efforts previously made by the 
 Governor in behalf of the soldiers, that induced the 
 
322 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Indiana volunteers to address the following stinging 
 rebuke to the Indiana Legislature : 
 
 Resolved, That we tender to his Excellency, Governor 0. P. 
 Morton, the thanks of his grateful friends in the army, for his 
 efforts in their behalf, and assure him that neither time nor the 
 corrupting influence of party shall ever estrange the soldier from 
 the soldier s friend. 
 
 Accompanying this resolution are several others 
 of a highly patriotic character, preceded by an able 
 address setting forth the uncompromising loyalty 
 of Indiana volunteers, and their determination to 
 stand by the Governor of their State whatever 
 might be the political conspiracies formed against him 
 by trafficking demagogues. This address and the 
 accompanying resolutions were adopted by every 
 Indiana regiment in the Western army. 
 
 Separated from home and friends, and deprived 
 of the privileges of citizens, as were the gallant 
 men composing these regiments, they felt that upon 
 the sagacity, vigilance and energy of their State 
 executive depended the prevention of rebel misrule 
 in Hoosierdom. In this view they were right; for 
 a very considerable majority of the Union men of 
 Indiana having entered the army, the State had, 
 with the exception of the executive department, 
 fallen into the hands of the rebel democracy, and 
 the bloated leaders of this putrid faction, having 
 grown insolent over recent political victories, were 
 boldly taking strides toward the consummation of 
 their great, leading design, the separation of the 
 western from the eastern States, and the formation 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 323 
 
 of a western confederacy preparatory to a union of 
 the western with the rebel States. 
 
 But the Governor, by his boldness, ingenuity and 
 untiring energy, succeeded in preventing the "but 
 ternuts" from carrying out their hellish designs ; 
 and the preservation of Indiana s glory is mainly 
 attributable to his efforts. 
 
 The Legislature of this period having refused to 
 grant an appropriation sufficient to defray the in 
 terest on the funded debt of the State, and the 
 Governor being ever jealous of the reputation of 
 Indiana, and being desirous of placing the refusal 
 to pay this interest upon the right shoulders, wrote 
 the following letter to James Wmslow, Esq., of 
 ~New York. 
 
 PAYMENT OF THE INTEREST ON THE STATE S DEBT. 
 
 The Legislature, as the public are aware, ad 
 journed without making any appropriations. Some 
 leaders of the democratic party are making this 
 failure an argument against the payment of the 
 interest on the State s debt, alleging that an appro 
 priation specially directed to that purpose is neces 
 sary. The Attorney General of the State, Oscar 
 B. Hord, in a written opinion, prepared at the re 
 quest of the State Auditor, has taken the same 
 ground. He denies that there is any law author 
 izing the payment of that interest. The effect of 
 this official declaration can not but be most injuri 
 ous to the credit of the State, since if the payment 
 
324 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 of interest, to which her faith is pledged, can be 
 left to the capricious action of successive legislatures, 
 no confidence can be felt that it will be made 
 promptly, or made at all. The failure to pay any 
 dividend of interest falling due, it needs no argu 
 ment to show, will greatly damage, if not tempo 
 rarily ruin, the credit of the State. To allow the 
 impression to remain uncorrected which this opin 
 ion creates, that the State debt can not be paid unless 
 each succeeding Legislature approves it, must depre 
 ciate our stocks and make them the prey of dishon 
 est speculators, who are already preparing for the 
 feast the Attorney General offers them ; and the 
 State must again, and most causelessly, suffer the 
 shame of repudiation. To correct this impression, 
 and avert its evil effect upon the credit of the State, 
 Gov. Morton has prepared the following letter. 
 
 STATE OF INDIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, 
 
 April 23, 1863. 
 James Window, Esq. 
 
 DEAR SIR : In obedience to my promise, made 
 while in New York, I have the honor to submit 
 the following statement of the law, as I understand 
 it, touching the payment of the interest on the 
 Funded Debt of Indiana. 
 
 The Attorney General of the State has published 
 an opinion in which he comes to the conclusion, 
 that there is no law of the State authorizing the 
 payment of such interest. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 325 
 
 After the lapse of sixteen years since the State 
 compromised with her creditors, and the making 
 of thirty-two semi-annual payments, this will seem 
 a strange announcement to the world. 
 
 I shall endeavor to show that his conclusion is 
 not correct. 
 
 He defines the word " appropriation," as used in 
 the Constitution, as follows: 
 
 "The word appropriation, as used in the Consti 
 tution, I suppose to mean, an act of the General 
 Assembly setting aside money to be applied to a 
 definite purpose, with authority to take it from the 
 Treasury for application to that purpose." 
 
 This definition seems to imply that a particular 
 sum of money or fund must be designated or set 
 apart for the payment of a particular debt, as for 
 example, the sum of $320,000 for the payment of 
 the interest on the public debt in a given year. The 
 definition is not accurate. Many appropriations, 
 perhaps a majority, are made upon the whole treas 
 ury, and for which no specific fund or sum ot 
 money is set apart. 
 
 An able lawyer has defined an appropriation as 
 "a legal provision for the payment of a debt due from 
 the State, or to become due, out of the funds of the 
 Stated 
 
 Another lawyer, of acknowledged ability and 
 learning, speaks of an "appropriation" thus. "The 
 term f appropriation made by law has no peculiar 
 signification other than that there is a law requiring 
 
326 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES Of 
 
 public payments to be made out of public moneys 
 of the State, whether the amount be specified in 
 the law or left to calculation, as the amount of in 
 terest to be paid on a public debt and the quarterly 
 payments made to our public officers where they 
 have fixed annual salaries." These definitions are 
 in substance the same. 
 
 An appropriation may be accurately defined as a 
 direction given by law to pay money out of the 
 Treasury for a particular purpose. This direction 
 may be specific, and in terms, or it may be a neces 
 sary intendment of a legislative act. If a direction 
 to pay money is in direct terms, or is the necessary 
 construction of a legislative act, it is an appropria 
 tion within the meaning of the Constitution. 
 
 It is, as in all other cases, a question as to the 
 intention of the Legislature ; which is to be arrived 
 at by the ordinary rules of construction. If it is 
 the intention that money should be taken from the 
 Treasury for a particular purpose, then such inten 
 tion is the law, and is an appropriation. 
 
 The act of 1846, ratifying the compromise with 
 the creditors of the State, contains the following 
 section: "Sec. 5. The interest on the stock hereby 
 created shall be payable half-yearly, at the city of 
 New York, on the first days of January and July 
 of each year, commencing on the first day of July, 
 1847. But if the interest for any half year shall not 
 be demanded before the . expiration of thirteen 
 months from the time the same became due, it shall 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 327 
 
 only be demandable afterwards at the Treasury of 
 the State ; and for the payment of the interest and 
 the redemption of the principal, as herein provided, the 
 faith of the State is hereby solemnly pledged." 
 
 This section solemnly pledges the faith of the 
 State to the payment of the interest on the funded 
 debt in the city of New York on the first days of 
 January and July of each year, and is a contract of 
 the most binding character, the faithful observance 
 of which is vital to the credit of the State. It is a 
 legal and necessary intendment of this contract that 
 the money shall be drawn from the State treasury 
 to pay the interest. 
 
 On the 27th day of January, 1847, an act was 
 approved, supplemental to the act of 1846, which 
 was accepted by the bondholders, and became part 
 of the contract. The concluding part of the 14th 
 section of this act is in these words : 
 
 "Be it further enacted, That all stock to be created, 
 and all certificates and other instruments of title 
 to be issued, in pursuance of the said act, and 
 all principal, moneys, and interest thereby respect 
 ively secured, shall not be molested or impaired, 
 arrested or attached by the State of Indiana." 
 
 I submit that it is not in the power of the Legis 
 lature to hinder or defeat the payments of the inter 
 est on the public debt by the adoption of new reg 
 ulations, or by making such payments dependent 
 upon uncertain legislation from year to year. 
 
328 GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 The supplemental act also provides the form of tho 
 obligation to be issued by the State to her creditors, 
 which I quote as follows: 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 STATE OF INDIANA. 
 
 / 
 
 Five Per centum State Stock. 
 
 "Under two acts of the General Assembly of the 
 State of Indiana, entitled An act to provide for 
 the funded debt of the State of Indiana and for the 
 completion of the Wabash and Erie Canal to 
 Evansville, passed 19th January, 1846, and An 
 
 act supplementary to the said act, passed , 
 
 1847. 
 
 "Principal chargeable on the revenues of the 
 State, pursuant to acts of the Legislature of Indiana, 
 passed the 19th of January, 1846, and , 1847. 
 
 "Be it known, that the State of Indiana owes to 
 A. B., or his assigns, the sum of one thousand dol 
 lars, being part of the principal of the bonds of 
 the State, declared to have been surrendered to the 
 State by act of surrender of this date, and which 
 amount of one thousand dollars bears interest at 
 the rate of five per centum per annum from the 
 first of January, 1847, payable half-yearly in the 
 city of New York, at the times and in the manner 
 declared by the acts of the Legislature above men 
 tion ecf. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 329 
 
 "This stock is redeemable at any time after twenty 
 years from nineteenth January, 1846, at the pleasure 
 of the State, in the city of New York, and until re 
 deemed is transferable upon surrender in the city of 
 New York, in books provided for that purpose by the 
 Agent of State, there resident, by endorsement kere- 
 on, and according to such other rules and forms as are 
 or may be prescribed for that purpose ; and for the 
 payment of the interest and the redemption of the 
 principal aforesaid, the faith of the State of Indiana 
 is irrevocably pledged. 
 
 "This debt is duly recorded, &c. 
 
 "Witness our hands at Indianapolis the day 
 of ,1847. 
 
 " Countersigned, 
 
 Treasurer. 
 
 Auditor." 
 
 To this obligation a postscript is attached in these 
 words. 
 
 N". B, The State reserves the right (according 
 to the terms and conditions of the said acts), to 
 postpone payment of a portion of the interest due 
 upon this certificate until first January, 1853, pay 
 ing interest on the same at the rate of six per cen 
 tum per annum, and to fund one per centum of the 
 same without interest after that period, at the rate 
 of two and one half per centum. " 
 
 Is it possible that further legislation is required to 
 authorize the State to pay the interest on this obliga 
 tion ? The State makes her written promise to pay 
 
 28 
 
330 LIFE, SPEECHES, AND PUBLIC SERVICES 
 
 at particular times, and delivers it to her creditor, 
 which upon presentation to the proper officer is a 
 direct and sufficient authority for payment. If it 
 is not, then the promise of the State carries with it 
 no obligation, and the authority to pay must be 
 derived solely from subsequent legislation. 
 
 The old Constitution contained the following : 
 
 " SEC. 21, ARTICLE HI. E"o money shall be drawn 
 from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropri 
 ations made bylaw." 
 
 The new Constitution went into force upon the 
 1st of November, 1851 , and contained the following 
 provision: 
 
 SEC. 3, ARTICLE X. ~No money shall be drawn 
 from the Treasury, but in pursuance of appropria 
 tions made by law." 
 
 It will be seen that these provisions are in sub 
 stance the same. The successive legislatures of 
 1847, 48, 49, and 50 accepted the sections quoted 
 from the acts of 1846 and 47, as an appropriation 
 to pay interest within the meaning of the Consti 
 tution, and made no other except in three special 
 acts in 1849, 1850, and 1851, authorizing the bor 
 rowing of money and directing the money thus 
 borrowed to be paid on the interest on the public 
 .debt, which direction was nothing more than a 
 statement of the purpose for which the money was 
 borrowed. 
 
 The State officers during the same period accept 
 ed them as an appropriation. The Auditor drew 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 331 
 
 warrants for the necessary amounts and the Treas 
 urer paid them. 
 
 Many of the men who framed the new Constitu 
 tion were in the first legislature that assembled 
 under it. That legislaturedid not deem it necessary 
 to make any further appropriations to pay the inte 
 rest upon the public debt, believing that the acts 
 of 1846 and 1847 were sufficient for the purpose. 
 This opinion was acted upon by every legislature 
 up to the fall of 1858, and specific appropriations 
 were not made before that time for the payment of 
 interest. It was also adopted and acted upon dur 
 ing the same period by the officers of State. 
 
 Thus, from the beginning, the acts of 1846 and 
 1847 were accepted both by the Legislature and the 
 State officers, as a sufficient appropriation under 
 the Constitution. 
 
 The new Constitution contains the following 
 provision: 
 
 "SEC. 2, ART. X. All the revenues derived from 
 the sale of any of the public works belonging to 
 the State, and from the net annual income thereof, 
 and any surplus that may at any time remain in the 
 Treasury derived from taxation for general State 
 purposes, after the payment of the ordinary 
 expenses of the Government, and of the interest on 
 bonds of the State, other than bank bonds, shall be 
 annually applied, under the direction of the General 
 Assembly, to the payment of the principal of the 
 public debt." 
 
332 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 This provision is in itself a direct appropriation 
 to the payment of the principal of the public debt, 
 of all the money remaining in the Treasury after 
 the payment of the ordinary expenses of the Gov 
 ernment, and of the interest on bonds of the State, 
 other than bank bonds. 
 
 This appropriation, however, can not become 
 operative until after the payment of the interest on 
 the bonds of the State, and carries with it a 
 necessary implication that the interest should be 
 paid out of any money in the Treasury. The 
 Attorney General says, however, that if this section 
 is an appropriation to pay interest, it is, also, to pay 
 the ordinary expenses of the Government. 
 
 This does not follow, for the ordinary expenses of 
 the Government from their nature are not liquid 
 ated, and ascertained, and can only be liquidated and 
 determined by legislation from time; to time while 
 the interest on the public debt is liquidated and 
 determined in the most solemn form. If additional 
 legal authority were required outside of the act of 
 1846, and the supplemental act of 1847, to pay the 
 interest, it will be found in this provision of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 Thus for a period of twelve years the various 
 legislatures and auditors and treasurers of state 
 received the acts of 1846 and 1847 as a sufficient 
 appropriation within the meaning of both Consti 
 tutions upon which twenty-three semi-annual pay 
 ments were made, and more than three millions of 
 
UOVERXOIl OLfVEll P. MORTON. 333 
 
 dollars disbursed. All the laws that were in force 
 during these twelve years are still in force, under 
 which the interest was paid, and, after such long 
 acquiescence and practice by legislatures and offi 
 cers of State, it is too late to say there is no appro 
 priation. 
 
 In 1857 the Legislature adjourned without mak 
 ing the ordinary appropriations for the support 
 of the benevolent institutions, and without having 
 passed a revenue bill. The Hon. Joseph E. Mc 
 Donald, a lawyer of reputation and ability, was 
 then Attorney General of the State. He advised 
 Governor "Willard and the State officers that no 
 further legislation was required to authorize the 
 payment of the interest on the funded debt of the 
 State, as the act of 1846 was a contract with the 
 bond-holders and a sufficient appropriation. He 
 however gave the .opinion at the same time that 
 there was no appropriation under which money 
 could be lawfully drawn from the Treasury for the 
 support of the benevolent institutions. 
 
 Under the authority of this opinion and in pur 
 suance of the practice for the preceding ten years, 
 Gov. "Willard, together with the the Treasurer and 
 Auditor of State, borrowed $165,000 to pay the July 
 interest in 1858. 
 
 The Attorney General quotes a passage from the 
 message of Governor Willard to the extra session 
 in the fall of 1858. 
 
 In his commentary on the passage he represents 
 
334 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 the Governor as defending his act in paying the 
 interest 011 the public debt without an appropria 
 tion as a matter of public necessity to save the 
 credit of the State. He has imperfectly read the 
 passage and the misapplication of it is total. The 
 Governor said nothing of the sort. In that part of 
 the message, in which the Governor refers to the 
 absence of an appropriation, he is speaking of the 
 benevolent institutions. And in that part in which 
 ,he speaks of borrowing money, he refers to the 
 payment of the interest on the public debt. The 
 case stood thus : for the payment of the interest on 
 the public debt there was an appropriation but not 
 sufficient money in the Treasury; for the support of 
 the benevolent institutions there was money in the 
 Treasury but no appropriation on which to pay it 
 out. 
 
 On the 24th day of April, 1857, Governor WilJard 
 published in the Indiana State Sentinel an address 
 to the people of Indiana, from which I extract the 
 following passage: 
 
 " By laws which were passed by previous legisla 
 tures, provision is made for sustaining every depart 
 ment of the Government excepting the benevolent 
 institutions. The tax is levied for the support of the 
 common schools and two cents upon each one hun 
 dred dollars for the purpose of paying the principal 
 of the public debt. As long as there is money in the 
 Treasury belonging to the State, it is believed that 
 there is authority to pay the interest on said debt." 
 
GOVERNOIl OLIVER P. MORTON. 335 
 
 In this passage he clearly states his opinion that 
 there is authority to pay the interest on the public 
 debt as long as there is money in the Treasury, and 
 that every department of the Government was pro 
 vided for by previous legislation excepting the bene 
 volent institutions. Further on he used the follow 
 ing language : 
 
 " Again, on the 19th day of January, 1846, the 
 Legislature passed an act to provide for the funded 
 debt of the State, in which your faith was solemnly 
 pledged for the payment of the interest on said debt, 
 and on the 27th of January, 1847, another act of 
 the Legislature was passed repeating the obligation 
 given in the previous year to the creditors of Indiana. 
 
 "Ever since these acts were passed the State has 
 maintained her faith and credit, the result of which 
 has been to encourage the introduction of popula 
 tion and capital into the State." 
 
 He then complained that the Legislature had 
 adjourned without passing a bill levying taxes with 
 which to pay the interest in 1857 and 1858. 
 
 The only responsibility which Gov. "Willard and 
 the State officers took by paying the interest on the 
 public debt in 1858, was in borrowing the money 
 for that purpose, which was clearly authorized by 
 the act of 1852, which act is still in force. 
 
 The quotation which the Attorney General makes 
 in his opinion from the debates in the Legislature 
 of 1859, were -irrelevant, as they refer to the legal- 
 
LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ity of the loan made by Gov. Willard, and not to 
 the absence or existence of appropriations. 
 
 The Treasury act of 1859 and Embezzlement bill 
 of 1861, are not broader than the Constitution. 
 They do not make that illegal which was not illegal 
 before. It required no more to constitute an appro 
 priation after the passage of those bills than before. 
 They simply affixed a punishment for paying money 
 out of the Treasury improperly, where before there 
 was none. The simple question is, as to the exis 
 tence of an appropriation, within the meaning of 
 the Constitution, and this is conceded by the Attor 
 ney General, as he does not contend that an appro 
 priation good before the Embezzlement bill is not 
 good after it. This was expressly decided in the 
 case of Lange, Audito, vs. Stover, at the November 
 term, 1862, of the Supreme Court of Indiana, in 
 which case it was held that the State Auditor could 
 draw a warrant under the general appropriation 
 contained in the Swamp Land act of 1852, notwith 
 standing the Treasury act of 1859 and the Embez 
 zlement bill of 1861. Where the appropriation is 
 general it can be paid out of any money in the 
 Treasury not otherwise appropriated; when it is 
 special and payable out of a particular fund it must 
 be paid only from that fund. The section quoted 
 by the Attorney General from the act of 1859, 
 means this and nothing more. Instances illustrating 
 the first class may be found in the appropriations 
 for the payment of the interest on the public debt, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 337 
 
 A 
 
 and the salaries of the State officers. Instances of 
 the second class may be found in former appropri 
 ations for the support of the benevolent institutions, 
 at a time when a separate and specific tax was levied 
 to raise a fund for that purpose. 
 
 At the regular session of 1859, an act was passed 
 entitled an. act to provide a Treasury system for 
 the State of Indiana, for the manner of receiving, 
 holding and disbursing the public moneys of the 
 State, the 16th section of which reads as follows : 
 
 " At some convenient period, prior to the falling 
 due of the interest on the foreign debt of the State, 
 payable at New York, the Treasurer shall, without 
 making any discrimination, draw on the bank notes 
 in the Treasury an amount of specie sufficient to 
 pay said interest, which he shall transmit to New 
 York by express, or otherwise, as may be deemed 
 most safe ; but any bank or banks on whose notes 
 specie is thus demanded, may redeem such notes to 
 the extent of such dividends, by draft on New 
 York, payable fifteen days preceding the day of 
 payment of said interest, and without any premium 
 of exchange, and giving ample security to the 
 Treasurer for the prompt payment thereof. " 
 
 This section is disposed of in the following man 
 ner by the Attorney General : 
 
 " The interest on the State debt was payable in 
 
 New York, and at the time this act was passed, 
 
 there existed no statute providing the manner in 
 
 which the money should be transmitted to that city, 
 
 29 
 
338 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 and making it the duty of any particular person to 
 perform that service ; and this section does nothing 
 more than provide the instrumentality by which 
 the interest shall be transmitted to the place of pay 
 ment." 
 
 It is true this section provides the manner in 
 which the money to pay the interest on the public 
 debt should be transmitted to E"ew York ; but it 
 does more. It declares that at a convenient period 
 before the interest falls due, which is on the first 
 days of January and July of each year, the Treas 
 urer shall take from the State Treasury, enough 
 money to pay such interest and transmit the same 
 to ISTew York for that purpose. He has no discre 
 tion in the matter. The act to be performed by him 
 is not made contingent upon future appropriations 
 or legislation. He can be excused from its perform 
 ance only by the want of money in the Treasury, 
 and in that case it is made his duty by another act 
 of the Legislature, together with the Governor and 
 Auditor, to borrow an amount sufficient to meet 
 the deficit. The section constitutes an appropria 
 tion taking precedence of all others. The Treas 
 urer is ordered to take, twice a year, enough money 
 from the Treasury to pay the interest ; and how 
 shall he escape obedience to the mandate? He can 
 not shelter himself behind the opinion of the Attor 
 ney General or any form of construction, however 
 learned and ingenious. 
 
 The command is plain, direct, unconditional, and 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 339 
 
 must be obeyed. If before, technical objections 
 could be raised of the want of a formal appropria 
 tion, they were completely removed. "Will the 
 Treasurer perform this most plain and important 
 duty ? I believe he will. I believe he is an honest 
 man, and will not permit any influence to stand 
 between him and the discharge of a duty so vital to 
 the good name and welfare of the State. 
 
 The credit of the State, at one time greatly depre 
 ciated, has been restored by many years of faithful 
 observance of her obligations, and if blemish again 
 come upon it, woe be to those by whom it shall 
 come. 
 
 The Attorney General quotes the 7th section of 
 the Treasury act of 1859, prohibiting the Treasurer 
 from paying any money out of it, or transferring 
 any money from the Treasury, except upon the war 
 rant of the Auditor. 
 
 If this section applies to the interest on the pub 
 lic debt, it is the duty of the Auditor to issue his 
 warrant for the requisite amount in time to enable 
 the Treasurer to send the money to JSTew York as 
 required by the section above quoted. I submit, 
 however, that it has no application, and the Attor 
 ney General has failed to notice the fact that this 
 section and 16th section before quoted are parts of 
 the same act, and are to be construed together. 
 
 The practice under the act of 1859 has been this : 
 At a convenient time before the first of January 
 and July, of each year, the Treasurer would trans- 
 
340 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 mit to New York a sum of money sufficient to pay 
 the interest, place it there in the hands of the Agent 
 of State, taking his receipt for the same, and after 
 wards take this receipt to the Auditor, and obtain 
 the necessary warrant. This practice prevailed 
 throughout 1859 and 18GO under the administration 
 of Nathaniel F. Cunningham as Treasurer and John 
 "W. Dodd as Auditor, and afterward through 1861 
 and 1862, under the administration of Jonathan S. 
 Harvey as Treasurer, and Albert Lange as Auditor. 
 
 The 16th section was regarded and acted upon by 
 the State officers as making the interest an excep 
 tional case, not governed by the 7th section. 
 
 To show that the Legislature did not regard the 
 section I have quoted from the act of 1859 as con 
 stituting a sufficient appropriation, he makes the 
 following statement : 
 
 "Bearing upon the effect of the section, I call 
 your attention to the fact, that the same Legislature 
 that enacted it, and after it had been passed, passed 
 an appropriation bill appropriating $320,000 for 
 interest for the year 1859 (Acts 1859, 13) ; also, 
 1320,000 for interest for 1860 (Acts 1860, 14) ; and 
 that the Legislature of 1861 made similar appropri 
 ations for the years 1861 and 1862 (Acts 1861, pages 
 6 and 7)." 
 
 On the llth day of April, 1863, the Attorney 
 General obtained from the Auditor a warrant for 
 his salary for the quarter ending on the 31st of 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 341 
 
 March, 1863, which warrant was promptly paid by 
 the Treasurer. 
 
 The payment of this salary was legal and proper, 
 and I refer to the fact only to show that the Attor 
 ney General has made a practical decision of the 
 question at variance with his written opinion. 
 
 The act of 1861, which contains the specific appro 
 priations for the payment of the interest on the 
 public debt, also contains specific appropriations for 
 the payment of the salary of the Attorney General 
 and other officers of State. Yet the absence of 
 specific appropriations for salaries in 1863 is not, 
 in the opinion of the Attorney General, a sufficient 
 reason why he should not draw his salary. 
 
 He argues, in substance, that the Legislature of 
 1861 believed the section I have quoted from the 
 Treasury act not a sufficient appropriation to pay 
 interest, else they would not have made special 
 appropriations. 
 
 According to this logic this Legislature was of 
 the opinion that the general law regulating the sal 
 aries of State officers, also passed in 1859, was not 
 sufficient to authorize their payment, and that spe 
 cial appropriations were required. But against this 
 argument, drawn from legislative action, the Attor 
 ney General enters his practical dissent. 
 
 The general salary act does not come within his 
 definition of an appropriation. It does not set 
 apart any specific sum or fund for the payment of 
 salaries. It is general in its character, and is an 
 
342 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 authority to pay out of any money in the Treasury 
 not otherwise disposed of. 
 
 The 32d section of the act regulating fees, 
 approved March 2, 1855, reads as follows : 
 
 " The Secretary, Auditor, and Treasurer of State, 
 shall furnish at the expense of the State the neces 
 sary record hooks and office rent and stationery for 
 the offices of the Secretary, Auditor, and Treasurer 
 of State and Clerk of the Supreme Court, and fuel 
 and stationery for the use of the General Assembly." 
 
 The Attorney General, in a written opinion re 
 cently delivered to the Auditor, decided that this 
 section makes an appropriation, and authorized the 
 Auditor to draw warrants, and the Treasurer to pay 
 them, for the purposes therein mentioned. The 
 section does not contain an appropriation in terms, 
 nor does it set apart any money or fund. 
 
 It declares, however, that certain articles shall be 
 furnished at the expense of the State, from which 
 the Attorney General infers the appropriation and 
 the authority to take the money from the Treasury. 
 Is the declaration that certain articles shall be fur 
 nished at the expense of the State, stronger than 
 the solemn promise of the State repeatedly made to 
 pay the interest upon her debt at a certain place 
 and at specified times ? 
 
 Can authority to take money from the Treasury 
 be inferred in one case and not in the other ? If, 
 when provision is made to furnish certain articles at 
 the expense of the State, it is a necessary inference 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 343 
 
 that the money to pay the expense shall be drawn 
 from the Treasury, is it not likewise a necessary 
 inference that money shall be taken from the Treas 
 ury to meet the interest on the public debt which the 
 State solemnly bound herself to pay at a particular 
 time and place ? And how can the Attorney General 
 hold this section to be an appropriation, and break 
 the force of the 16th section in the Treasury act of 
 1859, by calling it directory? And if the Treasury 
 act of 1859, and the Embezzlement bill of 1861, do 
 not impair the character of this section as a good 
 appropriation, nor make payments under it penal, 
 with what show of reason can it be pretended that 
 they affect the right to pay the interest on the 
 funded debt of the State ? 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the payment of the 
 interest upon the public debt should be left to the 
 uncertainty of legislation from year to year, to be 
 hindered or defeated by the accidental or willful fail 
 ure of any legislature to make an appropriation. It 
 is eminently proper that it should have been pro 
 vided for by general and continuing legislation, and 
 not left open to the neglect or caprice of each suc 
 ceeding Legislature. 
 
 It is of the essential nature of such stocks that 
 permanent provision be made for the payment of 
 the interest, and if it were understood that the inter 
 est was not provided for, and its payment depended 
 upon legislation from year to year, the value of our 
 stocks in the market would be greatly diminished, 
 
344 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 and our chances for future negotiations much 
 impaired. 
 
 The act of 1846 was regarded in that light, and 
 the act of 1859 was intended to give increased secu 
 rity against failure from the neglect or errors of 
 judgment in State officers by making imperative 
 the provision for sending the money to the place of 
 payment in due season. 
 
 And so careful was the Constitutional convention 
 in 1850 to provide for any contingency which might 
 result in a failure to pay the interest on the public 
 debt, that a special provision was made in the Con 
 stitution to authorize the borrowing of money for 
 the payment of such interest. 
 
 Sec. 5, Article 10th, of the Constitution, declares 
 that, "No law shall authorize any debt to be con 
 tracted on behalf of the State, except in the cases 
 mentioned, of which to pay the interest on the 
 State debt is one. " 
 
 And the Legislature at its first session under the 
 new Constitution carried out the provision by the 
 following enactment, to- wit : 
 
 Section 5 of an act prescribing duties of Gov 
 ernor, approved May 27, 1852, provides as follows : 
 "The Governor, Auditor, and Treasurer of State 
 are hereby authorized to procure a temporary loan 
 of money sufficient in amount to meet the deficiency 
 in the Treasury, should any such occur, to pay the 
 semi-annual dividends of interest on the State debt." 
 
 It is a necessary construction of the above sec- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 345 
 
 tion that if there be money in the Treasury the 
 interest shall be paid. It is predicated upon the 
 obligation of the State punctually to pay the inter 
 est on her debt, and assumes the existence of all 
 legislation necessary for that purpose. 
 
 Further argument is unnecessary. By his decis 
 ion upon the act of 1855, regulating fees, the Attor 
 ney General has overruled the principles he sought 
 to establish in his first opinion, and has recognized 
 a rule broader even than is necessary to authorize 
 the payment of the interest on the public debt. 
 The law is plain, the money is in the Treasury, and 
 if the interest is not paid the responsibility will rest 
 with those officers upon whom the law has devolved 
 the duty of making the payment. 
 Very respectfully yours, 
 
 OLIVER P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 
346 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Speech of Gov. Morton at New York city Proclamation 
 Oration at Centerville on July 4th, 1863. Compliment paid by 
 citizens of Cincinnati to Gov. Morton, July 20th, 1863. 
 
 In this chapter we present the principal speeches 
 and State papers of Governor Morton, during the 
 year now closing, and as we are concluding this 
 part of our work, it is due to the Governor and his 
 immediate friends, to say that we have been com 
 pelled to omit speeches and valuable papers for the 
 want of room. We also, briefly state that neither 
 the manuscript or proof sheets have been sub 
 mitted to the Governor or any of his confidential 
 clerks for examination. All we say and publish is 
 done on our own individual responsibility. 
 
 SPEECH OF Gov. MOKTON AT NEW YOEK CITY, DELIV 
 ERED APRIL HTH, 1863, AT A MASS MEETING 
 aSSEMBLED FOR THE PURPOSE OF COMMEMORATING 
 LHE ATTACK UPON FORT SUMTER. 
 
 Gov. MORTON said: We have assembled for the 
 purpose of commemorating the attack upon Fort 
 Sumter. What purpose have we in commemora 
 ting that attack? Previous to that time the 
 American people had been divided into two parties. 
 The previous progress of the rebellion had failed to 
 arouse the nation, which seemed as if affected with 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 347 
 
 a dreadful nightmare. But the firing on Fort 
 Sumter had the effect of healing our dissensions, of 
 bringing us together, and of arousing the people ; 
 and as its capture produced such an effect, I hope 
 its recapture will rekindle the spirit of reunion. 
 There have been those who have undertaken to para 
 lyze the arm of the Government, but I believe there 
 will be a disposition among the people to rally 
 around the standard of the country and sustain it 
 until it is carried forward to victory. 
 
 The first question is, Who made this war? There 
 are those who say this is an aboliton war, gotten 
 up for the purpose of effecting negro equality. But 
 the war began thirty years ago with nullification, 
 which was suppressed by the iron will and strong 
 arm of Gen. Jackson. The prediction was made 
 by Gen. Jackson at that time, that the next pretext 
 for the dissolution of the Union would be the 
 slavery question; and since that time the preparations 
 have been in progress to commence that struggle. 
 The leaders were willing to postpone the rebellion 
 so long as they could control the Government. 
 But as soon as they saw the reins of power 
 departing, they made actual preparations for an 
 immediate attack. Secretaries Floyd and Toucey 
 used their influence as officers of the Government 
 to pave the way for the rebellion, by scattering 
 the army and navy. Cobb made it his business to 
 impoverish the Treasury and depreciate the Govern 
 ment credit, and he even went so far as to make 
 
348 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 arrangements for allowing the Government paper 
 to be protested. The scheme was only frustrated 
 by the patriotic action of the banks of New York, 
 which came forward and voluntarily prevented 
 such a disgrace to the national credit. 
 
 Immediately after the election of Mr. Lincoln, 
 and at the time of his inauguration, when the 
 rebels had an immense army in the field trained 
 and armed, Mr. Buchanan proclaimed that the 
 Government had no power for self-preservation. 
 These preparations went on under the eye of Mr. 
 Buchanan throughout his administration, and his 
 innocence of complicity with the movement can 
 only be believed by making the largest allowances 
 for his imbecility. 
 
 The preparations for the reduction of Fort Sum- 
 ter were made directly and deliberately under its 
 guns, and, when the preparations were complete, 
 the batteries were opened, and the beleaguered gar 
 rison, after a gallant defense, was finally compelled 
 to surrender. The Government, was therefore, 
 acting solely in self-defense. It was fighting a bat 
 tle forced upon it, and which it could not refuse to 
 accept. But what has the South to gain by the 
 war? What is the purpose? Some men assert that 
 we are but a congregation of independent states 
 each at liberty to withdraw at any time. I belong 
 to the party that believes that there is an American 
 people, and that the various governments of states, 
 counties and towns, are but parts of a united and 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 349 
 
 indissoluble Government. Yet there is a class of 
 men like Fernando "Wood ( I apologize for men 
 tioning so obnoxious a name) men who assert that 
 the South was forced into the war for her own pro 
 tection that is, that to secure her rights under the 
 Constitution, the South must destroy the Constitution 
 itself. But the first official declaration of the so- 
 called Confederacy was a denial of any apprehen 
 sion on the part of the South that the North would 
 deprive her of any constitutional rights. What, 
 then, is the Southern purpose in the war? It is for 
 the purpose of uprooting the democratic principle, 
 and for establishing the aristocratic principle. Mr. 
 Stephens, the vice president, has declared that their 
 government is established with slavery as a foun 
 dation, and that such a Government is established 
 for the first time. 
 
 But how shall the war be ended? 
 
 There are three ways. The first way to settle it 
 is to concede to the demands of the South, and con 
 sent to a separation. The second way is to call a 
 convention and consent to the reconstruction of the 
 Union, with the New England States left out. The 
 third method is to suppress the rebellion and con 
 quer a peace. The first method would lose to us 
 the Border States. It would lose to us our Na 
 tional capital. True, we might build a new capital, 
 and build it in a much better locality. The next 
 consequence would be the surrender of the Missis 
 sippi ; making the Northwest tributary to the Con- 
 
350 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 federacy. This would raise up a party in favor of 
 annexation to the South. Such a party would be 
 powerful, and since it could not carry its scheme 
 at first, would doubtless start the project of a 
 Northwestern Confederacy, as preliminary to the 
 project of annexation to the Southern Confederacy. 
 The geographical conformation of the country 
 would tend to aid such a project, so that, when the 
 work of disintegration commenced, it would go on 
 until our country, once powerful, would be utterly 
 deprived of its power > and end in internal ruin. 
 
 The second plan of peace would result in the 
 establishment of another Union, with the South as 
 the dominant power fifteen slave states to thirteen 
 free states. The South would then take care to pre 
 serve its power by preventing the admission of any 
 more free States. But what has been the offense of 
 New England? She has loved liberty too well and 
 slavery too little. To IsTew England we owe the Rev 
 olutionary war and all its glorious consequences. 
 "New england gave more soldiers to the Revolution 
 than all the Southern states put together. We are 
 asked to discard the loyal states in order to get back 
 the disloyalthe vipers. We will bring back the 
 viper South Carolina but it will be when its 
 fangs are extracted. Yet this scheme has its advo 
 cates in your city. I will dismiss it as repugnant to 
 you all. I now come to the third method of peace 
 that of conquering the rebellion. We are an im 
 patient people, and anxious for too speedy a victory. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 351 
 
 We have already accomplished much, as we have 
 one half the rebel territory and one third of its 
 population. We are a grumbling people by nature. 
 We grumble at the President, but, considering the 
 trying circumstances, Mr. Lincoln has done his duty 
 nobly. He is more than man who should not make 
 some mistakes under such circumstances. Tho 
 people have a thorough conviction of the President s 
 unimpeachable loyalty. If he has committed errors, 
 they .are of the head, and not of the heart. Secretary 
 Stanton is devoted to the cause in which we are 
 engaged, and there is nothing half-hearted about 
 
 O D O 
 
 him ; and history will record his name on her bright 
 est page. Secretary Chase received the Treasury 
 from Cobb without a single grain in it. But the 
 national credit Was never better than now, and we 
 have disappointed the world by carrying on the 
 war without asking the loan of a dollar from Europe. 
 The war is to be carried on only through the instru 
 mentality of the army and navy. The army can 
 only be recruited by conscription, and if the Con 
 scription act is not acceptable to the people, let 
 those men be blamed who encouraged desertion and 
 created the necessity for conscription. The Gov 
 ernment has been driven to resort to that system. 
 The $300 clause is really for the benefit of the 
 poor man, because without it the price of substi 
 tutes would run up to even 1,000. The 300 clause 
 was inserted for the purpose of aiding the poor 
 man in procuring a substitute. 
 
352 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Another instrumentality of the Government is 
 the raising of negro troops. What objection does 
 any one see to that? We use horses and mules, 
 and even gunpowder, which is black. I am in 
 favor of using anything to put down the rebellion, 
 even dogs and tomcats, if they could be of any use. 
 The use of negro troops is simply a question of 
 expediency, and if they can not be made available 
 they will not be used. The use of such troops will, 
 I think, do away with the necessity of drafting so 
 many white men. The copperheads really insist 
 that the white men shall fight rather than that the 
 negro shall be drafted. Another instrument of the 
 Government in putting down the rebellion is the 
 proclamation of freedom. It is objected to as an 
 unconstitutional measure, but it is as constitutional 
 as any war measure as the right of blockade, of 
 seizing enemy s property, or any other war measure. 
 Have the rebels any rights under the Constitution 
 that we are bound to respect? It is only around 
 slave property that this panoply of the Constitution 
 is attempted to be thrown. But as slavery is the 
 strength of the rebellion, we are bound to attack 
 that in order to sustain the Government. The 
 proclamation was an experiment, just like the 
 attack on Fredericksburgh or Murfreesboro , and 
 just as constitutional. There has been much talk 
 about the sacred rights of personal liberty, but 1 
 think that if any error has been committed, it has 
 been in sending too few, instead of too many to 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 353 
 
 Fort Lafayette. Such complaints ought to be 
 directed against those who have imprisoned and 
 opposed the loyal Union men of the South. The 
 hope of the rebellion is that the North will become 
 weakened by dissensions and differences, and that 
 then we shall fall an easy prey. Our only salvation 
 is in unity. The strength of the rebellion has been 
 in the fact that the rebels have devoted their whole 
 attention to war. When the North shall do the 
 same thing it will speedily conquer the South. In 
 conclusion let me conjure you by your love for 
 yourselves, your country, your wives and children, 
 to exert your utmost efforts for the suppression of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. 
 To the People of Indiana : 
 
 Whereas, resistance has been made in several 
 cases to the officers engaged in the execution of 
 the Conscription law, and to officers and soldiers 
 engaged in arresting deserters from the army, in 
 which blood has been shed and murder committed ; 
 
 And whereas, these acts of resistance to the Gov 
 ernment are high crimes, and fraught with great 
 danger to the public peace, and to the honor of the 
 State ; I deem it my duty to solemnly warn all per 
 sons against resistance to the Government in any 
 form, or hindering or obstructing any officer thereof 
 in the performance of his duties. And, for the 
 30 
 
354 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 better information of such as have not convenient 
 access to the penal statutes, enacted by the Federal 
 and State Governments, and now in force, I herein 
 set forth certain sections contained in said statutes*. 
 An act of Congress, passed July 31, 1861, reads 
 as follows : 
 
 AN ACT TO DEFINE AND PUNISH CERTAIN CONSPIRACIES. 
 
 "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre 
 sentatives of the United States of America, in Congress 
 assembled, That if two or more persons, within any 
 State or Territory of the United States, shall conspire 
 together to overthrow, or to put down, or to destroy 
 by force, the Government of the United States, or 
 to oppose by force the authority of the Government 
 of the United States, or to prevent, hinder, or delay, 
 the execution of any law of the United States, or 
 by force to seize, take, or possess any property of 
 the United States against the will or contrary to the 
 authority of the United States ; or by any force, or 
 intimidation, or threat, to prevent any person from 
 accepting or holding any office, or trust, or place of 
 confidence under the United States ; each and every 
 person so offending shall be guilty of a high crime, 
 and upon conviction thereof in any District or Cir 
 cuit court of the United States, having jurisdiction 
 thereof, or District or Supreme court of any terri 
 tory ot the United States having jurisdiction thereof, 
 shall be punished by a fine, not less than five 
 hundred dollars and not more than five thousand 
 dollars ; or by imprisonment, with or without 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 355 
 
 hard labor, as the court shall determine, for a period 
 not less than six months nor greater than six years, 
 or by both such fine and imprisonment. " 
 
 Any combination, agreement or understanding, 
 forcibly to prevent, hinder or delay the execution 
 of any law of the United States, is by this law 
 made a penal offense, although such combination, 
 agreement, or understanding had not been carried 
 into execution, and clearly covers the case of dis 
 loyal societies which are known to exist in several 
 parts of the State. 
 
 The twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth sections of 
 the Conscription act, approved March 3d, 1863, 
 read as follows : 
 
 SECTION 24. "And be it further enacted, That 
 every person not subject to the rules and articles of 
 war, who shall procure or entice or attempt to pro 
 cure and entice a soldier in the service of the United 
 States, to desert; or who shall harbor, conceal, or 
 give employment to a deserter, or carry him away, 
 knowing him to be such ; or who shall purchase 
 from any soldier his arms, equipments, ammunition, 
 uniform, clothing, or any part thereof ; and any cap 
 tain or commanding officer of any ship or vessel, or 
 iuiy superintendent, or conductor of any rail road 
 or any other public conveyance, carrying away any 
 such soldier as one of his crew or otherwise, know 
 ing him to have deserted, or shall refuse to deliver 
 him up to the orders of his commanding officer, 
 shall, upon legal conviction, be fined, at the discre- 
 
356 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OJF 
 
 tion of any court having cognizance of the same, 
 in any sum not exceeding five hundred dollars, and 
 he shall be imprisoned not exceeding two years nor 
 less than six months. 
 
 SECTION 25. "And be it further enacted, That if any 
 person shall resist any such draft of men enrolled 
 under this act into the service of the United States, 
 or shall counsel or aid any person to resist any such 
 draft, or shall assault or obstruct any officer in 
 making such draft, or in the performance of any 
 service in relation thereto; or shall counsel any 
 person to assault or obstruct any such officer, or 
 shall counsel any drafted men not to appear at the 
 place of rendezvous, or willfully dissuade them from 
 the performance of military duty as required by 
 law, such persons shall be subject to summary 
 arrest by the provost marshal, and shall be forth 
 with delivered to the civil authorities, and upon 
 conviction thereof be punished by a fine, not 
 exceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment, 
 not exceeding two years, or by both of said punish 
 ments." 
 
 These sections are very broad and cover every 
 form of opposition to the arrest of deserters, and 
 the enforcement of the Conscription law. 
 
 By the 25th section it is made a high penal 
 offence to counsel or aid any person to resist the 
 draft; to counsel any person to assault or hinder 
 any officer in making the draft ; to counsel any 
 drafted man not to appear at the place of rendez- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 357 
 
 vous, or willfully dissuade him from the performance 
 of military duty, as required by law. To bring a 
 case within this section, it is not necessary that 
 there should be a conspiracy or combination. 
 
 If one man shall give to another the counsel or 
 advice prohibited in the section, he is subject to the 
 punishment it prescribes. IsTor is it material how 
 he shall give his counsel or advice, whether by 
 public speaking, publishing in pamphlets or news 
 papers, or by private conversation. Nor is it mate 
 rial that such counsel or advice shall be direct and 
 in terms. The law holds a man responsible for the 
 natural and legitimate consequences of his acts; so 
 also for the natural and legitimate effects of what 
 lie may say. If what he speaks and publishes is 
 naturally and reasonably calculated to excite the 
 hatred of men against our Government, and resist 
 ance to the Conscription law, he is within the pur 
 view of the section, although in the conclusion he 
 might insert a saving clause, by formally declaring 
 that the laws must be obeyed, and no resistance 
 offered to the Government. In such a case the law 
 will look to the spirit and treasonable effect of 
 what is said, and not to the mere words employed. 
 
 It is within my knowledge that public speakers 
 and editors have presented to their hearers and 
 readers every statement, argument, and motive that 
 could excite them to hatred of the Government and 
 resistance to the laws, but, for their own protection, 
 have* interlarded" their discourses with set phrases 
 
358 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 that there must be no violence or resistance to the 
 laws. Such men are cowardly and treacherous, as 
 they exort others to do what they are unwilling to 
 do themselves, and seek to put their advice in a 
 form for which they will not be held responsible. 
 The subterfuge will not avail against the provisions 
 of the section I am considering. 
 
 The Legislature of Indiana, at the extra session in 
 1861, passed " An act to define certain felonies, and 
 provide for the punishment of persons guilty 
 thereof," approved May 9th. The 1st section of 
 that act reads as tollows : 
 
 SECTION 1. " Be it enacted by the General Assem 
 bly of the State of Indiana, That any person or per 
 sons belonging to or residing within this State, or 
 under the protection of its laws, who shall take or 
 accept a commission or commissions from any per 
 son or persons, State or States, or other enemies of 
 this State, or of the United States, or who shall 
 knowingly and willingly aid or assist any enemies 
 in open war, or persons in rebellion against this 
 State or the United States, by joining their armies, 
 or by enlisting or procuring, or persuading others 
 to enlist for that purpose, or by furnishing such 
 persons or enemies in rebellion with arms or ammu 
 nition, or provisions, or any other articles for their 
 aid or comfort, or by shipping, sending, or carrying 
 to such enemies, or rebels, or their agents, an}^ arms, 
 ammunition or provisions, or other articles for their 
 aid or comfort, or by carrying on a traitorous cor- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 359 
 
 responclence with them or shall form, or be in any 
 wise concerned in forming any combination, or plot or 
 conspiracy for betraying this State or the United States, 
 or the armed forces of either, into the hands or power 
 of any foreign enemy, or of any organized or pretended 
 government engaged in resisting the laws or authority oj 
 the Government of the United States of America, or 
 shall give or send any intelligence to any such ene 
 mies or pretended government, or their forces, for 
 that purpose, every person so offending shall upon 
 conviction thereof be imprisoned in the State Prison 
 for a term not less than two nor more than twenty- 
 one years, and he fined a sum not exceeding ten 
 thousand dollars. " 
 
 This section is very broad in its character, and 
 comprehends all organizations having for their pur 
 pose resistance to any of the laws of the United 
 States, or which are intended to weaken the power 
 of the Government and disable it from suppressing 
 the rebellion thus giving aid and comfort to our 
 enemies. It having been enacted by the Legisla 
 ture of the State, it is especially commended to the 
 consideration of such persons as are tainted with 
 the dangerous heresy that their allegiance is due to 
 the State, and not to the United States. 
 
 The offenses defined and punished in the statutes 
 I have quoted, are below the grade of treason, and 
 the guilt of the accused party maybe established by 
 one credible witness, or by circumstantial evidence, 
 as in ordinary criminal prosecutions. 
 
360 LIFE, SPEECHES, AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 It will be my purpose in the future, as in the 
 past, to do my whole duty to the Government of the 
 United States and the people of Indiana. In the 
 administration of the law, and the performance of 
 official duties, I recognize no parties. 
 
 All who obey the laws, keep the peace, and dis 
 charge their duties as citizens, are alike entitled to, 
 and will receive protection in person and property. 
 The alarm which some are attempting to create of 
 the improper interference of the military authori 
 ties, maybe dismissed as without foundation. 
 
 The right of the people peaceably to assemble and 
 petition for a redress of grievances, and speak and 
 publish their opinions touching the policy of the 
 Government, or the conduct of the war, must be 
 respected, and the enjoyment of it protected. But 
 there is a wide difference between the legitimate 
 exercises of this right and that unbridled license of 
 speech which seeks, by the assertion of the most 
 atrocious falsehoods, to exasperate the people to 
 madness and drive them into a position of neutrality 
 between their Government and the rebels, if not 
 into the very arms of the rebellion, combine them 
 in dangerous societies, provoke them to resist the 
 laws, and thus contribute directly to weaken our 
 own Government and strengthen the cause of 
 the enemy. 
 
 The criticism of one who is friendly to the Gov 
 ernment, and who is anxious that it shall succeed 
 and be preserved, and who points out its errors that 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 361 
 
 they may bo corrected, is wholly different from the 
 denunciation which seeks to bring the Government 
 into contempt and render it odious to the people, 
 thereby withdrawing from it that natural support 
 so necessary to its life, when struggling in battle 
 with a powerful enemy. The one can never be 
 mistaken for the other. 
 
 It must be borne in mind that the exercise of 
 the plainest rights and privileges may be greatly 
 modified by surrounding circumstances ; that what 
 may be proper or innocent and harmless at one 
 time, may be dangerous and criminal at another. 
 
 To advocate the right of secession and rebellion, 
 or the dissolution of our Government, might be 
 harmless enough in time of profound peace, but 
 when the country is engaged in a desperate civil 
 war, which is consuming the best blood and treas 
 ure of the nation, and the misfortune of arms 
 might within a few days, bring the enemy upon the 
 soil of our State, will it be contended that the 
 privilege of free speech gives the right to advocate 
 the rebellion, resistance to our own Government, or 
 the abandonment of it to its enemies ? That which 
 is idle talk in time of peace may become " aid and 
 comfort to the enemy," and punishable by the laws 
 of the land, when that enemy is at our doors. 
 
 Let me exhort the people to moderation and 
 submission to the laws, and laying aside their resent 
 ments and prejudices, to take counsel only of their 
 duties and the dangers which threaten the nation; 
 31 
 
362 LIFE, SPEECHES, AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 and while I assure them that protection shall bo 
 extended to life, liberty, and property, and that 
 equal and exact justice shall he administered to all, 
 I would impress them with the fact, that if needs 
 he, the whole power of the State and Nation will he 
 invoked to execute the laws, preserve the public 
 peace, and bring offenders to punishment. 
 
 Given under my hand at the city of Indianapolis, 
 Indiana, this llth day of June, A. D. 1863. 
 
 0. P. MORTON, 
 
 Governor of Indiana, 
 Executive Department. 
 
 AN ORATION DELIVERED BY GOVERNOR MORTON AT 
 
 CBNTERVILLE, INDIANA, ON THE FOURTH DAY o* 
 
 JULY, 1863. 
 
 The marshal, Leafe Develin, Esq., gracefully 
 introduced the orator as follows : 
 
 Fellow -citizens, friends and neighbors : I am 
 proud of having the opportunity, on this interesting 
 occasion, of introducing to your attention His 
 Excellency Governor Morton, not only the Execu 
 tive of the noble State of Indiana, but pre-eminent 
 ly the citizen s guardian and the soldier s friend. 
 
 The Governor then proceeded with the following 
 impromptu address, which we have considerably 
 abridged : 
 
 Fellow-citizens : I appear before you under cir 
 cumstances the most solemn and impressive. You 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 363 
 
 have often before met to celebrate the independence 
 of your country, but never under circumstances like 
 the present. Many of our brave soldiers are doubt 
 less bleeding to day in defense of our country and her 
 free institutions. Our own fathers, brothers, sons, 
 and husbands are in the very front of battle, and 
 almost every flash along the wire tells us of loved 
 ones who have bravely fallen. Let us endeavor to 
 realize the difference between them and ourselves 
 to-day. They are falling in the great struggle for 
 the preservation of the freedom under which we are 
 enabled to assemble in peace in remembrance of 
 the sacrifices of our heroic fathers of the revolution, 
 in securing for America the freedom and nationality 
 that traitors are now seeking to overthrow. 
 
 Eighty-seven years ago to-day a most illustrious 
 convention of devoted men proclaimed the birth of 
 our nation. Thus began our national life, and 
 what I have to say to you will be mainly a com 
 mentary upon the sacred instrument that has just 
 been read. Such is the pressure of my public 
 duties that I have had scarcely an hour s thought 
 in preparation for this occasion, and I must speak 
 to you as the truth is burning in my heart, or I 
 must not speak at all. 
 
 HUMAN EQUALITY. 
 
 For what, fellow-citizens, is that instrument espe 
 cially distinguished? Apart from a long list of 
 grievances, there are three or four important m il- 
 
364 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 ters set forth, to which 1 desire to call your atten 
 tion. 
 
 1. In the first place our fathers declared that " all 
 mankind are created free and equal, and are entitled 
 to certain inalienable rights, among which are life, 
 liberty and the pursuit of happiness. " They an 
 nounced the fundamental principles on which the 
 new government was to be established. In this 
 they only addressed the conscience of the world, 
 the common sense of mankind in reference to self- 
 evident truths. 
 
 What did they mean by the idea that all man 
 kind are created equal ? They did not mean equal 
 in power, physical, intellectual or moral ; but sim 
 ply that all are entitled to the same rights, that the 
 same justice presides over all, and all should be held 
 as "equal before the law," which should be no 
 respecter of persons. 
 
 Those, therefore, who cavil at this declaration of 
 equality as logically unsound, betray their lack of 
 respect for free principles and popular government. 
 That the rights of all mankind are the same, is the 
 great truth that lies at the foundation of our Gov 
 ernment. 
 
 INALIENABLE EIGHTS. 
 
 2. All " are entitled to certain inalienable rights. " 
 This is the fundamental distinction between the 
 theory of our Constitution and that of the Brit 
 ish government. The theory of Great Britain is 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 305 
 
 that the people are entitled to no rights except 
 those which may he granted to them from the 
 Crown. The Lords of E-unimede extorted from 
 the King the privileges of the Magna Charta, which 
 are held to have "been a grant from the Crown. 
 But we hold that the liberties of man are derived 
 from God, and not from crowns, constitutions, or 
 magna chartas, and that they are inalienable. 
 
 What is meant by inalienable in this connection? 
 These rights can not be sold or rightfully given up by 
 the people or any individual. They pertain to him 
 as man, and are essential to his existence as a man. 
 Ko one has a right to sell himself, because he was 
 born for certain duties and should be free to dis 
 charge them. "No one can deprive himself, by any 
 instrument, however solemn, of the privileges of 
 exercising the liberties with which he was created. 
 
 AN INDIVISIBLE NATIONALITY. 
 
 Our fathers also proclaimed, in the most solemn 
 form, the principle that the Colonies constituted 
 but one nation. They did not act as the people of 
 thirteen independent Colonies, but as one individ 
 ual people. This vital and most important truth is 
 announced in the first sentence of the Declaration: 
 " "When in the course of human events it becomes 
 necessary for One People," etc. As one people they 
 dissolved their connection with, and dependence 
 upon, the British crown. And at the close of the 
 instrument the same principle is declared. 
 
366 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Thus it is evident that tlie first thought in the 
 minds of the patriots of the Revolution, was that 
 they were dealing as ONE PEOPLE not as Colonies, in 
 a separate municipal or civil capacity, but as an 
 undivided people. 
 
 The same principle was announced by the Con 
 vention of 1787, the first words of the Constitution 
 being : " "We, the people, in order to form a more 
 perfect Union," etc. They were particular in stat 
 ing that it was not in the capacity of the several 
 States that they acted ; but that the Constitution 
 was a compact of the people of all the States as one 
 people. 
 
 PRINCIPLES INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 
 
 There are two theories in collision in this bloody 
 contest. On one hand it is held that we are not 
 such a people as the American nation, but that we 
 are thirty-four independent States, constituting a 
 compact from which they can withdraw at pleasure. 
 The other theory is that we are a unit, one and 
 indivisible; that we are not separable into parts, 
 but constitute a whole nation for common purposes 
 clearly defined in the Constitution. As the States 
 are divided into counties, all ot which constitute 
 the State : so the nation is divided into States, all 
 of which constitute the National government. 
 
 When certain States undertook the treasonable 
 work of secession they issued a declaration omit 
 ting or repudiating all the fundamental principles 
 announced by our fathers. They start out with: 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 367 
 
 "We, the deputies of the several States of South 
 Carolina, Georgia, &c., do ordain this celebration." 
 Thus clearly implying that the fathers did act as 
 one people, while the Southern States in secession 
 act as separate governments. I allude to these 
 things to show that this war is a war to subvert 
 the principles which our fathers promulgated eighty- 
 seven years ago ; and ours is now the great duty of 
 maintaining and preserving them, to-wit, the great 
 principles of human equality, human rights, and an 
 indivisible nationality. And on such an^ccasion as 
 this, while the best blood of the land is flowing like 
 a river to maintain the doctrines of the Declaration, 
 he who can stand up and speak to the people with 
 out referring to these matters, can have but little 
 heart or head, and none of the spirit of his 
 ancestors. We are standing, as it were, on the 
 brink of the Nation s grave, and an unlucky acci 
 dent may be fatal. It therefore becomes us at this 
 hour seriously to consider what we are fighting for. 
 
 SECESSION. 
 
 It is not material how the war began. Enough 
 that we are in a war for national preservation, com 
 pared to which the Revolution was a mere skirm 
 ish. Though it is interesting to consider the causes 
 of the war, yet how reckless would be the man 
 who, seeing one drowning, should stop to inquire 
 how he got into the water before attempting to 
 rescue him. Save him first, and then make all 
 
368 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 interesting inquiries in the case. We are in the 
 war, and it is important in some respects, for the 
 satisfaction of conscience, to make some reference 
 to the origin of the war. Thirty years ago South 
 Carolina attempted to destroy the government, but 
 the hero of New Orleans was President, and though 
 he crushed the treason at that time, yet the seeds 
 remained and germinated on a larger scale, till sev 
 eral States were corrupted by the delusion. 
 
 [The orator then reviewed the plunder of the 
 government in view of secession, the unmolested 
 preparations for bombarding Fort Sunnier, begin 
 ning in January, 1861, and ending with the lower 
 ing of the flag to traitors in the following April. 
 He also considered the object of rebels, to- wit, the 
 destruction of the government, the overthrow of 
 free principles, and the establishment of an aristoc 
 racy. He then came to the question so interesting 
 
 to us all.] 
 
 ABOUT PEACE. 
 
 How can peace be restored with the restora 
 tion of our country? By some it is said that we 
 can have peace by abandoning the conflict; that 
 we can proclaim an armistice, and negotiate for 
 peace. To have an armistice some one must ask 
 for it. The rebels won t ask for it, and therefore 
 we must. Should they ask for it, we should very 
 naturally infer that they were in very straightened 
 circumstances ; and should we ask for it, they 
 would conclude the same thing of us, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 869 
 
 Should we ask it, what would be their reply? 
 They have told us time and again, that they would 
 not treat with us till we should withdraw our 
 armies. This they make a condition precedent to 
 a convention for treating of p^eace. 
 
 Suppose, then, that we have taken the first 
 necessary step, withdrawn our army, raised the 
 blockade, and are assembled in convention at Louis 
 ville or Nashville, to negotiate for peace. They at 
 once tell us that they will not commence the dis 
 cussion until we acknowledge their independence. 
 We may startled by their bold demand, but we 
 soon find that an acknowledgment is indispensable, 
 and at once sign and deliver to traitors the bond 
 for our national destruction. 
 
 Now we come to the question of peace, and the 
 first inquiry is where shall be the boundary ? We 
 say it must be south of Missouri, Kentucky, etc., 
 but they most ^emphatically say, " No, we will not 
 relinquish one of the slave States. Every one of 
 them is a star on our flag, and all of them have 
 representatives and senators in our congress, and we 
 will not have peace until all the slave States are con 
 ceded to us. " Thus, we shall be compelled to permit 
 them to coerce the four border States to the em 
 brace of their hateful Confederacy ! 
 
 What then do we lose ? We lose the Capital, as 
 the District of Columbia is within the territory they 
 demand. We lose, also, the control of the Missis 
 sippi river. Some of you say, " Not so; they once 
 
370 LIFE, SPEECHES, AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 offered us the free navigation of that great channel 
 of commerce. " But you must remember that this 
 offer was before they had created so heavy a war 
 debt, and now they will say to us that we shall not 
 send to market on its bosom a single barrel of flour 
 without paying a duty upon it. In response, we 
 say that we can not relinquish the freedom of navi 
 gation on the Mississippi. To which they reply 
 most emphatically, " Then we will have no peace" 
 
 Thus, while we are negotiating toward our own 
 dishonor and destruction, they are selling millions 
 of dollars worth of cotton to England, building an 
 iron-clad fleet, and preparing to renew the war with 
 more bloody desperation than before ! We should 
 be unable to renew the conflict. They will have 
 gained every advantage, and we be compelled to 
 bow to their will. 
 
 They tell us in the next place that they will not 
 have peace unless we will pay at least a part of their 
 war debt. You reply that we must then return to 
 arms. Ah, it is too late! We can not renew the 
 contest. Our armies are disbanded ; we are power 
 less, and must accept their terms. We thus find 
 ourselves compelled to see our Government des 
 troyed and ourselves entirely ruined ! I ask you as 
 patriots, who love your country supremely above 
 every thing else of earth, are you prepared to play 
 the part I have described in this humiliating scene ? 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 371 
 
 FURTHER DISINTEGRATIONS. 
 
 Thus shut out from the Gulf and cut off from 
 the East, what will be the next act of this terrible 
 tragedy? We will not submit to the burden of both 
 debts, and disintegration will go on. The South 1ms 
 saddled its debt upon us, has made a most glorious 
 peace out of us, and we shall be left to play the 
 scoundrel s part in repudiation by further seces- 
 sions, war and bloodshed. Thus we should be bro 
 ken, destroyed and disgraced before the world for 
 all time to come. The fatal consequences fall upon 
 all alike. We are all in the same boat. We can not 
 have peace in this way. It is a physical, intellectual 
 and moral impossibility. 
 
 WE MUST FIGHT. 
 
 We have no other alternative than to fight out 
 the war. Our only safety is in the complete sup 
 pression of the rebellion. 
 
 We must conquer at whatever cost. It will cost 
 us every thing not to do it, and do it we must. Our 
 fathers waged a seven years war to secure our 
 liberties, and can we not fight seven years, if 
 necessary, to preserve them. We must not look 
 for peace in any other way. 
 
 But to fight it out we must have an army. The 
 army in the field must be recruited and sustained. 
 That glorious army ! What emotions the thought 
 of it enkindles in my breast ! We should love it 
 beyond all things else on earth. But I fear we do 
 
372 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 not love it as well as we should ! How many of 
 these brave soldiers have gone down in the contest, 
 leaving weeping wives, mothers and sisters, to 
 whom they were as dear as any are to us ! And 
 shall we now desert them ? Look at that battle- 
 shattered flag [pointing to the riddled flag of the 
 brave Nineteenth Indiana, hanging from the plat 
 form]. The sad news comes to us to-day that more 
 than half of what remained of that gallant regiment 
 have met a soldier s and a patriot s death in the 
 battle now going on! 
 
 Our glorious Government has given us all our 
 prosperity. Even now these Northern States are 
 flourishing as they never flourished before. I was 
 struck with this fact in a recent visit to New York. 
 There and every where all branches of business 
 are more active than ever before. The great marts 
 of trade eclipse every thing ever known in this 
 country, and were it not for the news of battles and 
 the loss of dear kindred and friends, we should not 
 know we were in a war. Have we given of our 
 substance with patriotic liberality to the relief of 
 the sick and wounded, and the support of the 
 dependent families of soldiers who have fallen to 
 procure for us every thing sacred and glorious ? 
 
 WE MUST HAVE AN ARMY. 
 
 We must have an army. How shall we have it ? 
 Is it a party question ? Great God ! that one should 
 think of party when such a question is asked ! 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 873 
 
 What multitudes have fallen and died in the 
 hospitals, that are still full of sick and wounded ! 
 The army must be recruited. Let every one take 
 this great fact home to himself, and fill up the 
 ranks. We shall ultimately succeed. 
 
 The army must be filled up by conscription, and 
 he who stands in the way courts his own destruc 
 tion. ~Not destruction in honorable battle, but a 
 most ignoble destruction as an enemy of his country. 
 The Government will every where enforce the 
 
 law. 
 
 CONSCRIPTION. 
 
 Objections have been urged against the Conscrip 
 tion act. I was not entirely satisfied with it myself. 
 I would not have inserted the $300 clause, for the 
 object is to get men, not money. A small draft 
 was made under the last levy, in Indiana, and the 
 price of substitutes ranged from 300 to $800, when 
 the term was only nine months. Now when the 
 draft is to be for the war, the price will run much 
 higher. The clause was inserted for the benefit of 
 the poor man ; but I would have required every 
 drafted man to either go or furnish his own substi 
 tute. But it is the law, and I shall stand by it as it 
 is, and enforce it in good faith, equally and every 
 where. To prosecute the war we must have the 
 means. Providence works by means, and we must 
 employ them. It is a Spanish proverb that " Provi 
 dence helps those who help themselves." 
 
 What are the means? The army and the navy. 
 
374 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 The army has hitherto been confined to one single 
 race. It is the bodies of our brethren that are 
 decomposing upon the bloody ground or mingling 
 with the winds. "We must use all the means at our 
 command. 
 
 NEGRO ENLISTMENTS. 
 
 There is in the South a population of 4,250,000 
 of another race, who can furnish the usual propo- 
 tion of able-bodied men. If we refuse to employ 
 these, we must, the more of us, go ourselves, to 
 breast all the dangers and endure the hardships of 
 war. 
 
 Is it not right to employ all the means ? Most 
 certainly it is ! This is the response of the common 
 sense of mankind. Even if the negroes will not 
 make as good soldiers, let us make what use of 
 them we can. If they are only a quarter as good, 
 let us have the quarter. If they can be made to 
 save the blood of our fathers, brothers and sons, 
 shall they not be employed? But you all know 
 that they have been tried, and have fought with 
 distinguished valor. The recruiting of negroes is 
 rapidly going on. We have already 30,000 in the 
 field, and the number will soon swell to 100,000. 
 
 Suppose one of those who say, fight it out without 
 the negro or not fight at all, were drafted, and the 
 choice given him to go or send a negro in his place, 
 I think that he would succeed in conquering his 
 prejudices and say, let the negro go. We shall garri 
 son the South with negroes, and every one we 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 375 
 
 enlist enables one of us to stay at home. We em 
 ploy every other instrumentality, and what reason 
 can be urged against employing the negro power ? 
 
 THE MORAL QUESTION. 
 
 But I must speak of one thing that you can no 
 more overlook than you can overlook the sun that 
 is now beaming down upon us. We have now 
 approached the condition in which the moral ques 
 tions involved in slavery are overwhelmed by the 
 physical necessity of the case. The question is not 
 whether slavery is wrong, but whether we can use 
 the slaves in putting down the rebellion. 
 
 The rebels employ the negroes, and even put 
 tomahawks into the hands of the Indians, against 
 us. They provide food, perform all the labor of the 
 camp, on the march and to the field. If we withdraw 
 their slaves their masters must go home to provide 
 against the starvation of their families. If the reb 
 els against the Government can use them for its 
 destruction shall we not be permitted to use them for 
 our national preservation ? 
 
 CONSTITUTIONALITIES. 
 
 But we hear much about unconstitutionality in 
 reference to this question. Chief Justice Taney has 
 recently decided the blockade to be unconstitutional, 
 and yet there is not a word in the Constitution in 
 reference to a blockade. So with many other 
 things. The fathers did not deem it necessary to 
 
376 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 insert the laws of war in the Constitution. The 
 blockade is a right of war it cripples the enemy, 
 and any thing else that would damage the enemy 
 is constitutional for the same reason. What con 
 stitutional right have we to destroy the mills of 
 the enemy ? The right of a belligerent, that would 
 be false to itself if it did not destroy all means of 
 sustaining the enemy. Provisions go before war. 
 Destroy their provisions and the enemy becomes 
 powerless. Hence the right to blockade, burn mills, 
 seize cattle, &c., &c. 
 
 Carry it a little further. There are slaves that 
 produce food for the enemy, without which he 
 eould not butcher our relatives and friends. Have 
 we not the same right to cripple him in this respect, 
 that we have to blockade him, burn his mills and 
 capture his mules ? The question is not whether 
 slavery is protected by the Constitution but does 
 it support the enemy ? is the only question to con 
 sider. The Constitution protects commerce, but 
 we blockade ; it protects mills and mules, but we 
 seize the one and burn the other. So with the 
 slaves; they sustain the foe, let us turn them 
 against him. 
 
 OUR GLORIOUS ARMY. 
 
 [ The orator now returned to the army, and made 
 a most effective appeal for its support. He paid a 
 high and deserved tribute to the soldiers of Indi 
 ana. ] 
 
 How gallantly have the Indiana troops borne 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 377 
 
 themselves in this war ? Where and when have 
 they turned from the foe ? Indiana was disgraced 
 in the Mexican war by the misrepresentation of that 
 king of traitors, Jeff. Davis ; but that dishonor has 
 been most effectually wiped out. Who is now 
 ashamed of being called a Hoosier ? Formerly we 
 found men anxious to have it known that they were 
 born in Kentucky, Pennsylvania, or some other 
 State, but now they are very well reconciled to the 
 fact of having been born in Indiana. 
 
 But we must remember the army. Shall we 
 stand here to day quibbling about terms while twenty 
 thousand of our friends are falling in battle ? Let 
 us rise to the height of the argument, and discharge 
 the duties of the hour for the sake of both the pres 
 ent and the future, 
 
 [ The orator continued in a touching appeal for 
 sympathy and liberality in behalf of the soldiers 
 and their families.] 
 
 We promised to provide for their wives and chil 
 dren when they left for the field. Have we fulfilled 
 our promises ? Do we send their children to school ? 
 Let every one ask the question whether he has con 
 tributed as he should in their behalf. 
 
 In conclusion, let us all go to our several homes, 
 resolved to do our whole duty, come what will. 
 Let us show that we possess a wholesome reverence 
 for our institutions, and veneration for our fathers. 
 Let us do our duty, our whole duty, and nothing 
 short of our duty, in this crisis of our country. 
 32 
 
378 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 COMPLIMENTARY CALL ON GOVERNOR MORTON. 
 JULY 20m, 1863. 
 
 Governor Morton, of our sister State of Indiana, 
 being in the city last evening, a committee of tliu 
 City Council, Messrs. Weasner, Hay den and John 
 ston, improved the occasion of presenting to him a 
 resolution adopted by the Council some weeks since, 
 asking him to sit for a portrait, to be hung up in the 
 City Hall. They met him in a reception room of 
 the Burnet House, where were present, also, a 
 number of the leading citizens of the city. 
 
 After the Governor had been introduced to the 
 gentlemen, Mr. Weasner as President of the Coun 
 cil, addressed him, and referred to the action of that 
 5 body in soliciting him to sit "for a portrait, and pre 
 sented him with a copy of the resolution. He then 
 continued: " Of all the men in civil life, during 
 these troublesome times, we say to you that we 
 regard you as standing foremost of them all in the 
 performance of your patriotic duties. I know that 
 in the hearts of the citizens of Cincinnati no man 
 is held in higher esteem than Governor Morton, of 
 Indiana. Whenever a crisis has arrived, you have 
 always been ready to meet it. Whenever the Gov 
 ernment has wanted soldiers you have found a way 
 to furnish them. You have always been up to the 
 occasion. And during our own troubles, here, last 
 fall, we felt that we were especially much indebted 
 to you. When we called for help, your response 
 was prompt and efficient." 
 
GOVEENOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 379 
 
 Mr. "Weasner then said that it was in considera 
 tion of the timely aid thus rendered, as well as their 
 estimation of his services to the nation, that the 
 City Council passed the resolution referred to. 
 They regarded the possession of his portrait and. its 
 preservation in the City Hall, as the most fitting 
 way of holding his services in the most grateful 
 remembrance. 
 
 Governor Morton responded : 
 
 Gentlemen of the Committee : I should certainly 
 be very insensible if I did not feel flattered and grat 
 ified with what you have said. So far as any assist 
 ance that I have rendered to Cincinnati is con- 
 cernedl did no more than was my duty, and I ought 
 to have done more if I could. Although I live in 
 Indiana, I spent a considerable portion of my boy 
 hood near Cincinnati, and when I come among you 
 I feel very much as though I were at home. As to 
 what I have done in matters connected with the 
 war, I must say that when the war broke out I felt 
 tli at all I had at stake was bound up in it, and that 
 it was my duty to do all that my energy would ena 
 ble me to do. And I was placed in a position 
 \vhere I have been able to do something more than 
 others, but I fear I have received more credit for 
 what I have done than I ought to receive. 
 
 Allow me, gentlemen, to return to you my warm 
 est thanks for this compliment. I regard it very 
 highly, coming, as it does, from the great Commer 
 cial Metropolis of the Northwest. I trust that 
 
380 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 Cincinnati has been threatened for the last time dur 
 ing the progress of this war. Recent events have 
 very much cleared away the gloom that lowered on 
 the whole country ; and I believe we may say, with 
 some confidence, that the war is measurably over 
 in the Mississippi valley. The great event of the 
 war has transpired, and one which is of special 
 importance to the City of Cincinnati the open 
 ing of the Mississippi river. It is the beginning 
 of the end. I avail myself of this opportunity to 
 tender to you the thanks of the people of Indiana, 
 for the uniform kindness which the soldiers of Indi 
 ana have received in passing through your city. 
 This treatment has touched our people most deeply, 
 and there are very few of our people who have not, 
 through their friends, been made acquainted with 
 the circumstances of this hospitality. 
 
 When Cincinnati was threatened by the com 
 mon enemy, it was to us as though a city of Indi 
 ana had been threatened, for we have always 
 claimed this as being measurably our own city, 
 bound as it is so closely to our own State, both 
 geographically and commercially. Hence, our peo 
 ple have rallied as promptly to its defense as they 
 would to the defense of any portion of their ovvr, 
 State. And besides this, Cincinnati and Ohio arc 
 part of our common country, and we have a right 
 to claim the people of Cincinnati as our fellow citi 
 zens. But, we hope the end of the war approaches, 
 and as it dors approach, we will have new duties 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 381 
 
 t 
 
 to perform, and greater difficulties to overcome. 
 The great struggle in the settlement of our diffi 
 culties, that is to try the wisdom and forbear 
 ance of our people, is yet to come, and we should 
 cherish these kind and fraternal feelings. 
 
 The Governor (not having intended any lengthy 
 remarks) again thanked the Committee, and 
 through them the people of Cincinnati, for the 
 marked favor shown him, and closed, when the 
 concourse of visitors engaged in general conversa 
 tion. 
 
382 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Miscellaneous correspondence and reasons therefor. 
 
 The original design in procuring the following 
 correspondence, was to have embodied its contents 
 in a separate chapter ; but as it has proved so differ 
 ent in character from what was expected, or even 
 anticipated, we have, upon reflection, decided to 
 publish it in detail. In itself it affords an interest 
 ing chapter, and we trftst will be read with pleasure 
 by all who take an interest in the contents of these 
 pages. To say the least that can be said of it, it 
 affords a chapter of evidence in favor of Gov. 
 Morton that is entirely free from prejudice; the 
 contributors thereof, not having been in any one 
 single instance the recipient of favors from the 
 hands of the Executive of the state. It is always 
 pleasant to speak well of those with whom we are 
 associated, or of those whose history and acts we 
 record. If truth and justice demanded the oppo 
 site from us, we might be constrained to remain 
 silent. It is perhaps from this reason, and consid 
 eration alone, that so many biographies are writ 
 ten : for in such a work, we may not speak of a 
 man unless we can conscientiously extol his virtues, 
 and pass lightly over his vices. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 383 
 
 The following letter is the same in matter as those 
 addressed to all the correspondents, and therefore 
 should not be repeated. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, Oct. 4, 1863. 
 
 DEAR SIR : We are writing the life of Gov. Mor 
 ton, and desire to make it as full and complete 
 as the nature of the case and circumstances will 
 allow, and therefore ask you to inform us of the 
 state of feeling that exists in the minds of the peo 
 ple of your locality, in reference to the manner in 
 which our Executive has conducted his official busi 
 ness, and any other matters of interest that may 
 have transpired since the commencement of this 
 wicked rebellion. Respectfully yours, 
 
 W. M. FRENCH. 
 
 WILSON MORROW, Esq. 
 
 BROOKVILLE, Oct. 15, 1863. 
 
 DEAR SIR: In response to your -inquiry of the 
 4th inst., in regard to the feeling of our people in 
 reference to the administration of our present 
 Executive, I feel that it is justly due to him, and I 
 am proud to be able to state, that so far as my * 
 knowledge extends, the whole loyal people of East 
 ern Indiana, without distinction of party, are full 
 of admiration and praise of Gov. Morton, for the 
 able and efficient manner in which he has conducted 
 the official business of the State, and his prompt 
 and patriotic efforts to aid in every way possible 
 
384 LIFE, SPEECHES AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 the General government in putting down the rebel 
 lion. They feel that in Governor Morton they not 
 only have a true friend to the interest of the State, 
 and that his whole administration has been directed 
 to its general welfare, but that he has been a " friend 
 in need " to Indiana s brave soldiers, a true friend 
 to the cause of humanity, and to our good Govern 
 ment. We rest satisfied that our constitutional 
 rights, our social, political and commercial interests, 
 so far as they are under his control, are safe. 
 
 The people ought to and will appreciate and 
 admire the faithful public servant, and I believe that 
 I express the almost universal sentiment and feeling 
 of our people toward our present Executive. 
 
 The few who denounce him are those who have 
 found hirn to be an insurmountable barrier in their 
 way, to produce revolution in the northwest, to 
 cripple and destroy the influence and power of the 
 Government, break up the Union and establish a 
 slave oligarchy. Respectfully yours, 
 
 WILSON MORROW. 
 
 W. M. FRENCH. 
 
 JEFFERSONVILLE, IND., Oct. 19, 1863. 
 DEAR SIR: I received your note of the 14th 
 inst., and was rather surprised at its contents, 
 because of your selection of myself as a suitable 
 person to communicate to you anything like a cor 
 rect description of the public estimation of His 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 385 
 
 Excellency Gov. 0. P. Morton in this portion of the 
 State. 
 
 There are many reasons which would justify me 
 in declining such a thing, the most prominent of 
 which is my thorough conviction of my utter Inca 
 pacity to even approximate to a proper description 
 of the services and merits of that man as enter 
 tained by the people of this section of the State, 
 qualified by this exception, which you can readily 
 appreciate, that there exists in this locality, as well 
 as in every other portion of the State, some party 
 politicians who are so blinded by their party preju 
 dices that they would not only withhold from Gov. 
 Morton the due meed of praise, but they would 
 traduce and try to blacken the character of an 
 angel who would not subscribe to their party doc 
 trines ; but they are few and far between, and are 
 only the exception to an almost universal public 
 sentiment. 
 
 I regret exceedingly my want of ability to use 
 that kind of language which would convey to you 
 the general public estimate of the public life and 
 services of Gov. Morton, not only to his own State, 
 but to the country at large, during her struggle with 
 this gigantic rebellion. 
 
 His untiring devotion to his count ry, and more 
 especially the interest and unbounded zeal mani 
 fested by him for the care and comfort of the 
 Indiana soldiers, is too patent in the public mind to 
 be forgotten. The parental care and financial skill 
 
386 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 displayed in sustaining the benevolent institutions 
 of the State, in the absence of any provision for 
 the same by the last Legislature, are acts fresh in 
 the recollection of the people in this portion of the 
 State ; and it only remains a matter of time for the 
 people, in their gratitude, to reward him in a man 
 ner commensurate with his sacrifices and labors in 
 their behalf. 
 
 And so far as I have heard the public voice 
 expressed in my intercourse with the people, I have 
 no hesitation in affirming that for genuine patriot 
 ism, enlightened statesmanship and untiring devo 
 tion to his country s interest, there is no man living 
 who has any stronger hold on the affections of the 
 people, not in thia State alone, but in the nation ; 
 and my word for the truth of the prediction, when 
 this cruel and unnatural war shall come to an end, 
 and our brave soldiers have returned to their homes 
 and friends, then will those brave men, who have 
 been the objects of Gov. Morton s care and the recip 
 ients of many comforts when far from home then, 
 I say, you will see more distinctly than I can now 
 describe to you, who was the soldiers friend and 
 who is the man they will " delight to honor." 
 
 In conclusion, I will remark that I have sought 
 merely to allude to a few traits in the history of the 
 past few years of Gov. Morton s life and will leave 
 the task of writing anything like a suitable tribute 
 to the labors of that excellent man to abler minds 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 387 
 
 and those who have had the honor of a more inti 
 mate acquaintance. With respect, 
 
 I remain yours, &c., 
 
 ELI McCALLEY. 
 
 Col. WM. M. FRENCH. 
 
 HUNTINGTON, IND., Oct. 13, 1863. 
 
 MY DEAR FRIEND : I amagratified to learn that 
 you are preparing for publication the life of one so 
 closely and so honorably identified with the interests 
 of our State as that of Gov. Morton. Although 
 his official life, of noble, decided, patriotic action, 
 is written in the hearts of the people of the present 
 generation, more especially of our brave soldiers ; 
 yet it will be a worthy model to present to our 
 children. 
 
 It is an emergency like the present that develops 
 the man of real worth. !N"o Governor of our State 
 has ever had such stubborn difficulties to meet ; yet 
 the sentiment of our people is, that he has not only 
 bravely met, but triumphantly overcome them, in 
 every known instance. Even his enemies, who 
 plotted his overthrow, at the risk of civil war in 
 the State, feel that by his decision and energy, they 
 were sadly defeated ; showing himself to be the right 
 man in the right place, at the right time. 
 
 Our people are proud of their Governor, proud 
 of his patriotic devotion, his promptness to decide, 
 his swiftness to act, and his firmness to sustain the 
 
388 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 cause of right, the cause of our country, and the 
 cause of humanity. Yours, &c., 
 
 D. 0. DAILY. 
 Col. WM. M. FRENCH. 
 
 LAGRANGE, Ind., Oct. 8, 1868. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I understand that you are writing a 
 biography of Governor Norton, and at your sugges 
 tion I give you a short digest of the opinion enter 
 tained and expressed by the people of my section, 
 respecting his acts as Governor of the State of Indi 
 ana. 
 
 I have had moderate political acquaintanceship 
 with him since 1854 ; and in my capacity as repre 
 sentative from this county and assistant secretary of 
 the Senate, my political and personal knowledge 
 has been more immediate within the last three years. 
 
 I never deal in fulsome eulogy, neither have I 
 taken sufficient lessons in political hypocrisy to 
 enable me to speak w r ith a forked tongue. 
 
 If my language is fervid it is the result of my edu 
 cation, my expressions the result of careful obser 
 vation. 
 
 I had the honor of being enrolled amongst the 
 members of the last house, I could not say the pleas 
 ure; though Hook upon the session of last winter 
 as the most important one that has transpired to 
 Indiana, yet most religiously believe, that no minor 
 ity of the House of Representatives of Indiana 
 ever slept upon as sharp political thorns as we did, 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 389 
 
 during those sixty days of storm and discord ; on 
 more than one occasion we bolted, to save the State 
 from the horrors which the passage of Hanna s 
 Military Bill would have developed. But the 
 majority, with a seeming infatuated devotion to 
 party, having purged themselves of Jeffersonian 
 and Jacksonian democracy, preserving only the 
 symbols and name thereof, guided by an insane, a 
 diseased ambition, felt pride in continually assail 
 ing the National and State executives, in embar 
 rassing their efforts to crush the rebellion, because 
 the President s proclamation and other acts of the 
 Administration did not suit their views; in keeping 
 us degraded as legislators by calling " previous ques 
 tion, " and referring nearly all resolutions to their 
 committee on Interments, alias the committee on 
 Federal Relations ; and in thwarting our efforts to 
 stand by the constituted authorities, and in trying 
 to unite the people of Indiana to the same end. 
 
 Carpers and fault finders are found all admin 
 istrations, however, who through want of observa 
 tion or bad motives are ready to detract from the 
 just merits of public servants. 
 
 Men sometimes do not deserve credit for per 
 forming simply their duty. 
 
 But those who with alacrity, energy and integ 
 rity, seek to come up fully to their responsibilities, 
 whose eyes are ever open to the interests committed 
 to their charge, and who shrink from no toil or 
 effort in these days of political obliquity, are deserv- 
 
390 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 ing of commendation and grateful remembrance 
 by the people whom they serve. 
 
 Such has been the official course of the present 
 Governor of Indiana. 
 
 The noble men who have periled health and 
 life in the perpetuation of the great principles 
 bequeathed to us, who have poured out blood as 
 water upon their country s altar, have had no 
 warmer friend, no more ardent sympathizer, than 
 Oliver P. Morton. 
 
 And yet the magnificently absurd charge has 
 been hurled at Lincoln and Morton, that they 
 sought despotic power, that they trampled upon the 
 rights of the citizen. 
 
 The whole public history of the men gives falsity 
 to the thought, and renders any such surmise unten 
 able and preposterous. 
 
 Their arguments, speeches, and appeals of the 
 past, have placed them for years in the front rank 
 of those, who, in obedience to the ennobling prompt 
 ings of Liberty, have sought to illustrate to the 
 world the sublime truths of the immortal Declara 
 tion of Independence. 
 
 We would as soon expect the streams to turn in 
 their courses and run backwards, as to find them 
 advocates of despotism of any kind. 
 
 And I am prone to believe that among the gal 
 axy of names of civilians of the recent past, which 
 American history will with pride record as worthy 
 of honorable and -respectful mention, will be found 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 391 
 
 occupying a prominent position that of Oliver P. 
 Morton, the logical, patriotic and energetic Gover 
 nor of the loyal State of Indiana. 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 FRANCIS P. GRIFFITH. 
 WM. M. FRENCH, ESQ. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, Oct. 17, 1863. 
 DEAR SIR : "We are writing the last chapters of 
 the life and public services of Gov. 0. P. Morton, 
 and desire you to add thereto your opinion of the 
 manner in * which he has performed his official 
 duties, in this critical period in the history of our 
 country. Respectfully yours, 
 
 W. M. FRENCH. 
 Gov. PARIS C. DUNNING, 
 
 President of the Indiana Senate. 
 
 BLOOMINGTON, Ind., Oct. 24, 1863. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I received your letter of the 17th 
 inst., asking me to "add to the last chapters of the 
 life and public services of Governor O. P. Morton 
 (now being written by yourself), my opinion of 
 the manner in which he has performed his official 
 duties, in this critical period in the history of our 
 country. " 
 
 In response thereto, I will state a fact which will 
 be readily admitted by men of all political parties ; 
 that at no period since the organization of our Fed- 
 
392 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 eral or State government, have the official duties of 
 the chief executive officer of a State been so impor 
 taut, and complicated in their character, nor so dif 
 ficult to discharge. To perform them aright has 
 required a clear and discriminating mind, indomita 
 ble energy, prompted and sustained by a patriotic 
 heart. Governor Morton has displayed in the man 
 agement of the military department of his gubern 
 atorial duties, a sagacity, judgment, energy and 
 patriotism, which prove him an officer equal to the 
 crisis through which he has had to pass. At the 
 breaking out of this cruel and causeless rebellion, 
 the Administration of the National government was 
 unprepared to meet it successfully ; the country was 
 almost panic-stricken. Indiana, with the other loyal 
 States of the Union, was called upon suddenly to 
 lay aside her peaceful pursuits, and enter upon her 
 glorious and brilliant career in putting down this 
 rebellion. 
 
 During this time Governor Morton has raised, 
 organized, officered, armed, equipped, subsisted and 
 put into the Held one hundred and nineteen regi 
 ments of volunteers ; he has supplied large quanti 
 ties of munitions of war for the benefit of the army ; 
 he has provided in a humane manner for the sick 
 and wounded ; the families of volunteers have been 
 made comparatively comfortable ; he provided foi 
 the bringing home, and placing safely into the hands 
 of the wives and families of sick and wounded sol 
 diers from Indiana, every dollar of their pay with- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 393 
 
 out charge. Sanitary commissions have been organ 
 ized all over the State for their benefit. The peo 
 ple have been urged and entreated by speeches, pro 
 clamations and advice, given in almost every con 
 ceivable form, to sustain the war and provide for the 
 necessities and comfort of the volunteer soldiery ; in 
 all of which patriotic and humane movements, Gov 
 ernor Morton has been a directing and active par 
 ticipant, and for which in my humble and disinter 
 ested judgment he deserves and I hope will receive 
 the lasting and substantial gratitude of his country. 
 He has been, and now is, emphatically the soldier s 
 friend. 
 
 In the discharge of the ordinary civil duties of 
 his office, I have heard no complaint : I presume 
 they have been faithfully performed. What pecu 
 liar views (if any), Governor Morton may entertain 
 in reference to the management of this war for the 
 maintenance of fhe Constitution and the integrity 
 of the Union of the States under it, I know not. 
 "What participation (if any), in arbitrary military 
 arrests made in this State, I know not, and of 
 course do not upon those points advance any opin 
 ion. I have the honor to be, 
 
 Yours very respectfully, 
 
 PARIS C. DUNNING. 
 
 W. M. FRENCH, Esq. 
 
394 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Governor Morton s character more minutely portrayed Morgan 
 raid Concluding lines. 
 
 It is a difficult task to write of such a man as 
 Governor Morton while he is still living, with a 
 proud destiny before him, without provoking envy. 
 Death always canonizes a great name, and the seal 
 of the sepulchre excludes from its slumbering ten 
 ant the breath of envy. Then, the eulogist may 
 fling the reins to fancy, and indulge in the utmost 
 latitude of panegyric, without offense; as the 
 praises of the dead fret not the living. But ours is 
 the severer task, to speak of the living man to 
 delineate the character and figure of the mind of 
 one whose likeness the loyal people of this Govern 
 ment wish to inscribe in enduring and faithful col 
 ors upon their archives, as one especially beloved by 
 the Union soldiers and their families, all over the 
 land. 
 
 He is a type of his country, and seeks to mingle 
 with her existence, and ally himself with her for 
 tunes and her fame, and thus transmit his name to 
 remote generations, as an epitome of her genius and 
 her history, and as a signal example of the power 
 of her institutions, not only for the production, but 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 395 
 
 for the most perfect development of the greatest 
 talents, and the most exalted virtue. 
 
 Almost at a single bound lie has reached his 
 present exalted position, as the fearless Executive 
 of a great and patriotic State, which so delights to 
 honor him who has done so much for her honor. 
 No ordinary man could have done this, unaided 
 and alone. He was surrounded by no peculiar cir 
 cumstances, or associations of influence, or of inter 
 est. We can not say of him that "circumstances 
 made the man." He made the circumstances. 
 
 There is, about Governor Morton, an air of prac 
 ticed ease, a self-possession, a deliberation, as utterly 
 remote from affectation, or impudence, as it is 
 entirely free from confusion, or timidity. Although 
 he has not fairly reached the meridian of -life, he 
 moves with the tread of a veteran. There is no 
 impatience for display, no ambitious finery, no 
 straining affcer effect, about him ; but there is a 
 precision and clearness in his statements, an acute- 
 ness, a strength and clearness in his arguments, 
 whether oral or written, which bespeak a mind 
 of the greatest original power. And in all this 
 he seems to move in his natural element, as though 
 he had so long and so carefully revolved in his own 
 mind the theater of public affairs, as being the true 
 stage for him, that he stands there, albeit for the 
 first time, without surprise or anxiety. This makes 
 him, to all men curious upon such subjects, alto 
 gether worthy of study, and critical analysis. 
 
396 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP 
 
 He is eminently practical, and stands utterly 
 aloof from the extremes of fanaticism displaying 
 the deepest knowledge of the natural foundations 
 of social prosperity, and the most cautious regard 
 for the existing institutions of government. Equally 
 exempt from the rash spirit of political empiricism, 
 which would tear the subsisting frame of society to 
 pieces in search of that which is abstractly good, 
 and from that worse than cowardice, which, shut 
 ting its eyes upon what is absolutely and demon- 
 strably evil, would deepen and extend it, for the 
 reason that it is not perfectly curable that des 
 perate quackery, which would spread a cancer over 
 the whole body, because it could not be safely 
 extirpated. And hence he takes rank among our 
 wisest, and safest, American statesmen. 
 
 The great characteristic of his mind is strength, 
 his predominant faculty, reason, the aim of his elo 
 quence, to convince. His elocution is clear, nervous 
 and perfectly ready, as all can testify who have heard 
 him descant, from time to time, on the present cri 
 sis of our country, and plead for our Government, 
 in the fullness of a patriot s soul. He deals not in 
 gaudy ornament, or florid exhibition; no gilded 
 shower of metaphors drowns the sense ot his dis 
 course. While he is capable of fervid invective, 
 vehement declamation, and scathing sarcasm, yet, 
 strength, strength, is the pervading quality, and there 
 is argument even in his bitterest denunciation of 
 traitors. 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 397 
 
 Although he is the farthest possible removed 
 from the affectation of mystery, or any asserted and 
 offensive pretension to superiority over other men ; 
 and although his manner is exempt, entirely, 
 from the charge of haughtiness, still, at times, he 
 appears as though he neither loved familiarity, nor 
 courted intimacy. But he is bland, courteous, and 
 perfectly respectful in his intercourse and still 
 there is a distance, an undefinable sort of reserve, 
 unmixed with pride, but full of dignity, keeping 
 frivolity aloof, and attracting at once your curiosity 
 and your interest. You recognize in him, at once, 
 a man of the rarest executive ability. 
 
 The master expression, the natural language 
 which breathes from his face, form, step and gesture, 
 is energy, unfainting, indomitable, though curbed 
 and regulated energy, which will sustain him 
 through all danger, and under all fortune, arid which 
 will, and must bear him on to the utmost mark at 
 which his ambition may aim, and to which his tal 
 ents are adequate. There is nothing restless, or 
 impatient about him. His is disciplined, deliberate, 
 concentrated energy. He has a managed calmness 
 of general manner, which so often betokens a fiery 
 and excitable temperament, but under the most per 
 fect control never was a man more entirely mas 
 ter of himself than Gov. Morton. His conversa 
 tion corresponds with, and deepens the impression 
 which his public services and speeches may have 
 made showing that he possesses all the quickness 
 
398 LIFE, SPEECHES, AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 nnd penetration of a man of true genius, without a 
 spark of wildness or eccentricity. His whole mind 
 is eminently healthy. He has the seriousness 
 of determination, unmixed with gloom or melan 
 choly and a marble firmness, as well as smooth 
 ness, in his style, which speaks of the hardihood 
 and muscle of the Grecian masters. He belongs to 
 that class of minds, who, in every country, and 
 under every form of government, are found the 
 unflinching advocates of national and regulated 
 liberty, a liberty founded in principles fixed and 
 eternal, and which is only safe under the shield and 
 cover of the inviolability of law. The imperial 
 maxim voluntas principis habet vigorem legis he totally 
 rejects. He loathes despotism in all its forms, and 
 wherever lodged. He regards the courtier cringing 
 at the footstool of a throne, and the demagogue 
 lauding the absolute power of a mob, as equally 
 the foes of freedom, and as the just objects of the 
 execration of every true patriot. A man of strong 
 convictions, he has always followed where his prin 
 ciples led him, and for a time battled on the side of a 
 minority of his countrymen, but soon saw that 
 minority swell into a victorious majority, which 
 made him the Governor of a great State, at the 
 same time that it made our present Chief Magis 
 trate, the President of a great nation. 
 
 There has been little or no gradation in his pub 
 lic career. Coming to the gubernatorial chair at the 
 first outbreak of the rebellion, he seemed to com- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 399 
 
 prehend at once, and as if by instinct, the new 
 scene in which he was called to act, and nerved 
 himself for the ponderous duties devolving upon 
 him and was at once recognized by his State, and 
 by the nation, as a patriot statesman, and a gallant 
 leader. The intrepid boldness of his character and 
 precocious strength of his genius, seem to have 
 smitten all political parties with astonishment. 
 And very many of the leading men of the political 
 party to which he was opposed, pronounced him the 
 most extraordinary man of the nation. 
 
 The press has teemed with his praise, the whole 
 country is full of his name; yet he wears his honors 
 with the ease of a familiar dress. He proudly 
 maintains his character undimmed, and his position 
 unshaken, as the fearless executive of the State, and 
 yet as the champion of the integrity of the Govern 
 ment, and "the Union of all the States clinging 
 with undying devotion to the maxim taken from 
 the hero of the Hermitage, "The Union the Fed 
 eral Union, must and shall be preserved" 
 
 An incident will illustrate the strong impression 
 he has made, and the influence he is exerting in 
 neighboring States. At the time the rebel Con 
 federates were struggling for the possession of 
 Kentucky, it will be remembered that a quasi pro 
 visional government was established for Kentucky, 
 making the rebel Johnson provisional governor, 
 while Governor Magoffin was the de facto governor 
 of the State. Indiana soldiers were swarming all 
 
400 LIFE, SPEECHES, AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 * 
 
 over the State for its defense, and to drive the 
 rebels from its borders. At this time a controversy 
 arose in the streets of Frankfort, as to who was the 
 real governor of Kentucky. One party warmly 
 contending that Magoffin was governor, and another 
 as strongly contending that Johnson was the true 
 governor. As the controversy was waxing hot, 
 and the parties were almost ready to come to blows, 
 up steps an honest, brawny soldier, and says he, 
 " Hold on, gentlemen, you are all mistaken. I will 
 settle this controversy, neither of your men are gov 
 ernor of Kentucky, but Governor Morton of Indiana 
 is governor of Kentucky, as his soldier boys, with 
 their blue coats, and Enfield rifles will soon show 
 you. " The good-humored way in which this was 
 said, set all parties in a good humor, and the crowd 
 dispersed with three cheers for Governor Morton, 
 and three more for the Hoosier soldier whose logic 
 had put them all to silence. 
 
 But withal, Governor Morton is a man of heart, as 
 well as a man of intellect. He is not only foremost 
 in raising troops for the field, and untiring in his 
 devotion to their welfare and comfort in the field, 
 in camp, or in the hospital, but his regard for the 
 soldier extends to the wife and children left behind. 
 He gives himself no rest while a soldier s family is 
 needing any of the comforts of life. And the brave 
 troops of Indiana, in the perils of battle, or the 
 exposures of the march, are made glad by the 
 knowledge that their own Governor will see to it 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 401 
 
 that their loved ones at home are provided with 
 every needed comfort and that while they are 
 fighting the battles of their country, their children 
 shall never cry for bread. And hence, while all his 
 other laurels are green upon his brow crowning 
 him patriot statesman, soldiers hands weave a 
 richer, prouder chaplet for his head, and inscribe it 
 " The Friend of the Soldier the Friend of the Sol 
 diers Families. " 
 
 Governor Morton asks no prouder honor, a no 
 more undying fame, whatever may await him at 
 his country s hands. 
 
 In the prosecution of the war it does really seem 
 that Gov. Morton has accomplished more than any 
 one had a right to expect. He has not left a task 
 unfinished, a duty unperformed, or an official obli 
 gation unfulfilled, as we are able to prove by those 
 who at one time (if not now) leaned directly 
 toward secession. Gov. Morton s executive ability 
 is unsurpassed by any officer of like rank in the 
 Union, his " enemies themselves being judges. " 
 The New York Times of Nov. 10, 1863, thus speaks 
 of him, in contrasting the position of Indiana with 
 that of New York: 
 
 " To what is this vast difference attributable ? 
 Certainly not to any- difference in patriotism. We 
 will not admit, for a moment, that the masses of 
 the people of New York are inferior to those of 
 Indiana, or any other State, in devotion to the 
 
 country. There is probably no State which has 
 34 
 
402 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 derived such an immense advantage from the Union 
 as the Empire State, and not one which has a 
 greater interest in its preservation. ^N"or can the 
 difference be owing to any difference in the charac 
 ter of the population. That is all in favor of ISTew 
 York. Our cities have a far greater proportion of 
 that floating population from which soldiers can be 
 drawn with least derangement of industry ; and 
 also vastly more wealth available for bounties in 
 encouragement of enlistments. 
 
 Th edifference is principally due to the fact that 
 Indiana has a governor of pre-eminent devotion to 
 the cause, and signal executive ability, while E"ew 
 York has not. Gov. Morton, from the beginning 
 of the war, has made the military efficiency and 
 honor of his State his private business. Under the 
 first call of the President for seventy-five thousand 
 men, in three days he not only raised, armed and 
 equipped and clothed the six regiments, which was 
 the quota of the State, but tendered twenty in addi 
 tion. And when these were not accepted by the Gov 
 ernment, he mustered most of them into the State 
 service, put them in camp, drilled them, until the 
 time came when the Government was glad to take 
 them. When the Government had no first class 
 arms, Gov. Morton caused the State to supply them, 
 which always secured the Indiana soldiers the post 
 of honor in the field. Besides, by constant per 
 sonal visits to the regiments in service, he saw 
 for himself that every want was supplied. Perma- 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 403 
 
 nent agents were established at all the principal 
 points to devote special attention to the care of the 
 soldiers, and an agent was placed in Washington 
 whose special business it was to collect back pay, 
 pensions, and other claims for discharged volunteers 
 free of charge. To keep alive the spirit of volun 
 teering, Gov. Morton appointed committees of prom 
 inent men in every congressional district, county 
 and township, assigned the proper quota to each, 
 induced county boards to make additional appro 
 priations for bounties, and, by personal visitation, 
 whenever there was any slackness, excited the pop 
 ular heart to the right, patriotic pitch. He has 
 carried out this method so energetically that those 
 parts of the State, where copperheadism very 
 largely prevails, have been all the while kept square 
 to the line of military duty. 
 
 The result of this regular system of stimulating 
 enlistments, and of taking the best possible care of 
 the soldiers when enlisted, has been seen from the 
 beginning in the signal promptness and efficiency 
 which have marked all the military history of Indi 
 ana from the beginning of the war. The quota of 
 that State, under the first call for 75,000, was six 
 regiments. "No less than twenty were tendered in 
 three days. The National government declining to 
 receive more than six, such portion of the remain 
 der as could be promptly equipped were mustered 
 into the State service, put into camp, drilled, and 
 were completely ready for the field when afterwards 
 
404 LIFE, SPEECHES AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF 
 
 called for. Before tlie Secretary of War stopped 
 recruiting last year, Indiana had put no less than 
 sixty -three regiments into the field. When Kirby 
 Smith advanced on Cincinnati, Gov. Morton com 
 pleted the organization of twenty-four regiments, 
 mustered, armed, equipped them, and sent them 
 into Kentucky all within the short space of two 
 weeks ; and fourteen thousand of these were sent 
 within the first seven days. 
 
 When Morgan invaded the State last summer, 
 though all the National troops in the State had just 
 been sent off, in thirty-six hours 62,000 militia 
 were offered ; and of these 32,000 were accepted, 
 armed, equipped, and were dispatched after the 
 invader. Indiana supplied soldiers enough to escape 
 the first draft, and Governor Morton tendered the 
 President 15,000 additional troops as a bonus. Fif 
 teen new regiments will be ready in a fortnight, 
 which will more than meet the last call of the Pres 
 ident. Moreover, several of the old regiments are 
 to be brought home and recruited up to their origi 
 nal strength, while large details are to be sent to 
 other regiments in the field which are reduced 
 below the minimum. While many other States 
 have sent most of their regiments into the field at 
 a minimum, Indiana has always made it a point to 
 fill her regiments to the maximum of 1,048. Her 
 regiments now in the service number 119, and in 
 three weeks they will number 134. Such is the 
 
GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 405 
 
 record of a State that has had the benefit of a 
 whole-souled, far-sighted, firm-handed Executive. 
 Reader, our work is nearly finished. A few more 
 lines and we conclude. We heartily wish we were 
 as near the end of the rebellion as we are to the 
 end of our book, but this wish seems to be a hope 
 less one ; for as we write the concluding lines of the 
 last chapter of this biography the rebellion is still 
 in progress human life is being sacrificed the 
 blood of thousands is poured out as if to satiate the 
 appetite of demons, who have inaugurated the 
 ungodly strife. Dark and lowering clouds are over 
 all the land shadows upon every path ; troubles 
 in every heart; mourning in almost every home cir 
 cle. " No bow of promise yet appears, but borne 
 on the wings of every breeze, come the groans of 
 the dying, while all over the land is heard the wail 
 of the widow and the orphan s cry." From the 
 altar of every heart ascends a prayer to the God of 
 battles to stay his hand, and instead of desolating 
 war, send peace ; but our prayers are unanswered 
 we still remain in the whirlpool of destruction, and 
 time alone, that great leveler and arbiter of human 
 events, can determine when and where we shall 
 land. In this wicked world of ours, man proposes, 
 but God disposes. In spite of all our efforts to stay 
 the hand of death, the battle rages furiously, and 
 unceasingly. A cessation of hostilities is only an 
 indication of rest, for a day, that it may be resumed 
 on the morrow with redoubled fury and violence. 
 
406 LIFE, ETC., OF GOVERNOR OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 A calm is only an indication that a cloud is gather 
 ing that may hurry us onward and outward, into 
 the sea of irrecoverable ruin. In this hour of peril, 
 it is comforting to see the masses at work to save 
 the ship. Those that are not actively engaged, 
 stand ready to aid when they are called. Remem 
 ber that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. 
 Our public officials, to whom the care and respon 
 sibility of this war is committed, are active and vig 
 ilant : among whom Governor MORTON stands with 
 the foremost and most industrious. 
 
 EDITOR. 
 INDIANAPOLIS, November, 1863. 
 
Tiie undersigned respectfully invite the attention of Sabbath Sohor 
 Pastors and Teachers, to their large assortment of Sunday Ihf ^ i " 
 
 ucational and Miscellaneous Books, embracing choice selections fri 
 Christian literature. They are receiving the newest, and best book V 
 lowing Publishing Houses, viz : 
 
 American Sunday School Union, Am 8 rican Tract Societies (New Yor 
 Boston,) Presbyterian Board of Pub.ication, (0. S.,) Presbyterian Pub 
 licat/on Committee, (N. S ^ Ampriran Rant:** n L 
 
 i Baptist Publication Society 
 
 Mass. Sabbath School Society, Methodist Book Concern, Society 
 
 of Friends, Lutheran and Episcopal Publishing Societies 
 
 Carter & Bros., Nelson & Son s, Henry Hoyt A D F 
 
 Randolph, Sheldon i Co., Chas. Scribner, Ivison 
 
 Phmney & Co., Gould & Lincoln, Appletons, 
 
 Harpers, and Lippincott & Co., &c., &c. 
 
 By thi, arrangement Sabbmh Schools, Families and Church*, in addition , 
 oks of then- denomination, may find snch others as they wish for their Libra 
 ries Specml attention given to the selection of Libraries. Sabbath School, 
 sen ,ng money with a list of books now in their Libraries alphabetically arraZ, 
 and a genera! description ol books desired, shall receive the full value in the be , 
 
 On*! i>ir^cf n f f rn ^.V- , ,. ^ i 11 
 
 of saTbth sT"? v T u r s - A " reqiiisiu s are kept for th 
 
 ot Sabbath Schools, fhe undersigned also have a supply of Rdi^s and Tk m 
 kg** works from standard authors, ScM Books, the most popular and valuab 
 and a variety o, valuable articles usefu. and necessary in the school room nv 
 
 r 
 
 ,/ P;;, urnse, 
 
 Id at PublMers prices for c^k. Catalogues of the above Houses sent on 
 
 articTetviz : "* " ^ B kS> *" "^ C "^ m "" f tll<! Wtar^ 
 
 Bibles, Testaments, Prayer Books, Hyma and Music Books, Oer- 
 nan Books and Tracts, Question Books, Class, Librarian and Super 
 intendents Books, Photographic Albums, Blank Books, Diaries 
 Memorandums, Merit Cards, Eegisters, Writing Books and Paper 
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