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\lOSAVCFir

PLUTARCHS LIVES,

FROM THK

ORIGINAL GREEK,

WITH NOTES,

CRITICAL, HISTORICAL, AND CHRONOLOGICAL.

AND A

NEW JLIFE OF PLUTARCH.

TKANSLATED BV

JOHN LAXGIIOIINE, D.D. AND WILLIAM LANGIIORNE, ^^A.

Explanaiory Tables of Chronulugy , Hhturi/, and comparatiic
Geograp/ii/.

COMPLLTi: IN TIlRLi: \ OLl'MES.

VOL. II.

LOXDOX:

rriDtc4b]p w, M'Dowall, rembcrtoo Rnw, CouihSqnirc, rircl5tr«ct.

rOK J. D.WIli, MILllARY CHRONICLE OFIICK, ESSEX STR EET, 6TR AND ;
AND TO BE II AV OF THE BOOKSEtLERS.

1813.

f7rx

PLUTARCirf^LIVES.

PVRRHUS.

"SOME historians write, that PhcEtori was the first king after flic
deluge who reii,'i;cd over the Thesj^rotians and Molossiaris, and that
he was one of those who came with Pelasgus into Epirus. Otiiers
say, that Deucalion and Pyrrha, after they had built the temple of
Dodona*, settled among tlie Molosslans. In after times Neopto-
leniusf, the son of Achilles, taking his people with him, possessed
himself of the country, and left a succession of kings after him, called
Pt/rrhidce ; for in his infancy he was called Pyrrhus: and he gave
that name to one of his legitimate sons whom he had by Lauassa the
daughter of Cleodes, son of Hyllus. From t!\ut time Achilles had
divine honours in Epirus, being styled there Aspetos (?. e. the Inimi-
table). After these first kings, those that followed became entirely
barbarous, and both their power and their acti(jns sunk in*o the ut-
most obscurity. Tharrytas is the first whom history mentions as
remarkable for polishing and improving his cities with Grecian cus-
tonisj, with letters, and g<3od laws. Alcetas was the son of Tharrv-
tas, Arybas of Alcetas; and of A;yl)as and 'i roias his queen was boru
iEacides. He married Phthia, the daughfer of Menon the Thessa-
lian, who acquired great r< putation in the I^amian war, and, next to
Leosihenes, was the most considerable of the conft-derates. By
Phthia, i^acides had two daughters, named Deiuamia and Troias, and
a son named Pyrrhus.

But the Mol()s>.ians rising against -'Eacides, deposed him, and
brcnight in the sons of Ntoj)tokMms§. On this occasion the friend*
of iEacides were takei> atid slain; only AndroLliiK-s and Au'elus

• Probablj? it was only n ilruiilic.il kiinl of Iriiiplc.

t ]3c'wccu Deuc.ilion's tloud iiiiJ tlit times ol Ncoptulciiius, llicrc was a space of abuut
three hundred and forty years.

J Justin docs not ascribe the civilizing of the Molos>inns to Tharrytns, but to Arvba*
the son of Alcetas I. who liad himself been polished and humaniiid by ln« education
at Athens.

^ This Neoptolemus was the brother of Arybas.

Vol. 2. No. 18. b

8 I'LrTARCII S LIVES.

escaped with his infant son, though he was much sought after hy his
enemies, and carried him off, with his nurses, and a few necessary
attendants. This train rendered their flight difficult and slow, so

that they were soon overtaken In this extremity they put the child

in the hands of Androeleon, Mippias, and Neander, three active young
men wlK)m they could depend upon, and orekMcd tliem to make the
best of their way to Megarse, a town in Macedonia; while they them-
selves, partly by (entreaty, and partly by force, stopped the course of
the pursuers till evening; when, having with much difficulty got
clear of them, they hastened to join those who carried the young
prince. At sunset they thought themselves near the summit of their
liopcs, but they met with a sudden disappointment. When they
c:;nie to the river that runs hy the town, it looked rough and dread-
ful; and, upon trial, they found it absolutely unfordablc: for the
current being swelled with the late rains, was very high and boister-
ous, 'and darkness added to the horror. They now despaired of getting
the child and his nurses over witiiout some other assistance; when,
perceiving some of tiie inhabitants of the place on the other side,
they begged of them to assist their passage, and held up Pyrrhus to-
Avards ihenj. But though they called out loud, and entreated ear-
nestly, the stream ran so lapid, and made such a roaring, that they
could not be heard. Some time was spent while they were crying-
out on one side, and listening to no purpose on the other. At last
one of Pyrrhus's company tliought of peeling off a piece of oak-bark,
and of expressing upon it, witii the tDUgue of a buckle, the necessi-
ties and fortunes of tiie child. Accordingly he put this in execution,
and having rolled the piece of bark about a stone, which was made
use of to give force to the motion, he threw it to the other side.
Some say he bound it fast to a javelin, and darted it over. When
the people on the other side had read it, and saw there was not a
moment to be lost, tht) cut down trees, and made a raft of thvm, and
crossed the river upon it. it happened that the first man who reached
the bank was named Achilles — He took Pyrrhus in his arms, and
conveyed him over, while his companions performed the same service
to his followers.

Pyrrhus and his train having thus got safe over, and escaped tiie
pursuers, continued their route till th.ey arrived at the court of Glau-
cias king of lllyria. They found the king sitting in his palace with
the queen his consort*, and laid the child at his feet in the posture of
a suppliant. The king, who stood in fear of Cassandcr, the enemy
of iEaeides, remained a long time silent, considering what part he

* Justin calls tins princess Bcroa, and says she was of the family of the .^acidae;
which must have Leeu the reasoa of their seeking refuge for Pvrrhus in that conrt.

PYRRIIUS. D

should net. While ryrrhus, of his own accord, crecplnt? closer to
him, took hold o( his r*jbc, and raising himsclt up to his knees, hy
this action first excited a siuilo, and alterwurds compassion; lor he
thougiit he saw a petitioner before him beggini/ his protection with
tears. Some siiy it was not Gluucias, but tiic altar of the domestic
gods, which he approached, and that he raised liinT^cIf by embracing
it; from which it appeared to (ilaucias that heaven inti-rcsted itself
io the infant's favour. For this reason, he put him immediately in
the hands ol the qu.en, and ordered her to bring him up with his own

children flis eneuilts demanding him soon after, and C.issander

olTering two hundred talents to iiavc him delivered up, C-Iaacias re-
fused to do it; and when he came to be twelve years old, con-
ducted him intoEpirus at the head of an army, and placed him up-
on tjje throne.

Pyrrhus had an air of ni i^ -.\ rather terrible ilui i u... uni. {ll^il,i.l
of teeth in his upper jaw, he had one continucfl bone, marked with
small lines resembling the divisions of a mw ^i' teeih. it w as believed
that he cmed the swelling of the spleen by sacrificing a white ef)ek,
and, with his right foot, gently jjressing the part aficcted, the patients
lying upon their backs for that purpose, 'i here was no person, iiow-
ever poor or mean, refused this relief, if requested. He received no
reward, except the cock for sacrifice, and this present was very agree-
able to him It is also said, that the great toe of that foot had a di-
vine virtue in it: for, after his death, when the rest of his body was
consumed, that toe was found entire and untouched by the names.
But this account belongs not to the period we are U])on.

When he was about seventeen years of age, anil seemed to be quite
establisjied in his kingdom, he happened to be called out of his own
territories to attend the nuptials of one oftilaucias'ssons, with whom
he had l)een educated. i)n this occasion, the Molosiians revoKing
again, drove out his friends, [)illaged his treasures, and put them-
selves uuci .nore under Ne»)pti>Ienms. Pyrrhus having t'nus lost the
crown, and belpg in want of every thing, applied himself to Deme-
trius, the son ol Antigonns, who had ujarried his bister Deidamia.
That princess, when very yoimg, had been promised io Ahxaiider
the son of Roxana (by Alexander the Great); but that family being
unfortunately cut oiV, she was given, when she tan;e to be marriage-
able, to Demeirius. In the gteat battle uf Jpsu.s, where aii the kings
of the earth were engaged*, Pyrrhus acconipanied Demetriji, and,
though but young, bore down all before him, and l.ighly distin-

• Ho sHys all the kin.^s of the cnrtli ncrc cnpnpcil, bccnii'»c. L\'<itnacliiif, Sclcucuj,
Ptolcioy, Cu&saiidcr, AiittKonus, and Ueniclrius, were Uicr« io [^erion. Ibis battle wai
iuughi uLuul three huiidicJ ^c'ar:> bclciie Cliritl.

Vol. 2. 'So. lb. c

10 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

giiislied himself aniong; thr c(Miihatnnts. Nor did he forsake Deme-
trius when unsuccessful, hut kept for him those cities of Greece
with which he was intrusted: and, when the treaty was concluded
with Ptolemy, he went to Egypt as a hostage. There, hoth in
hunting and other exercises, he gave Ptolemy proofs of his strength
and indcfatlgahle abilities. Observing that among Ptolemy's wives,
Berenice was she who had the greatest power, and was most emi-
nent for virtue and understanding, he attached himself most to her.
For he had a particular art in making his court to the great, while he
overlooked those that were helow him. And as in his whole con-
duct he paid great attention to decency, temperance^ and prudence,
Antigone, who was daughter to Berenice by her first husband Philip,
was given him in preference to many other young princes.

On this account he was held in greater honour than ever; and
Antigone proving an excellent wife, procured him men and money,
which enabled him to recover his kingdom of Epirus. At his arrival
there, his subjects received him with open arms; for Neoptolemus
was become obnoxious to the people, l)y reason of his arbitrary and
tyrannical government. Nevertheless, Pyrrhus, apprehending that
Neoptolemus might have recourse to some of the other kings, came

to an agreement with him, and associated him in the kingdom

Br.t in process of time there were some who privately sowed dissen-
sion and jealousies between them. Pyrrhus's chief quarrel with Neop-
tolemus is said to have taken its rise as follows: it had been a cus-
tom for the kings of Epirus to liold an assembly at Passaron, a place
in tlie province of the Molossians ; where, after sacrificing to Jupiter
ihc Jntrrior, mutual oaths were taken by them and tlieir subjects.
The kings were sworn to goi-eni according to law, and the people
to defend the crown according to laiv. Both the kings met on this
occasion, attended by their friends, and, after the ceremony, great
presents were made on all sides. Gelon, who was very cordially at-
taelicd to Xeoj)tolcmus, among the rest, paid his respects to Pyrr-
hus, and made him a piesent of two yoke of oxen*. Myrtilus, one
of tliis prince's cup-bearers, in'L-ged rliem of him; but Pyrrhus re-
fused him, and gave thent to anotlu r. (ielon perceiving that Myr-
tilus took the disappointment extrtauly ill, invited him to sup with
liim. After supper he solicited him to embrace the interest of Neop-
tolemus, and to poison Pyrrhus. Myrtilus seemed to listen to his
sugf^estions with satisfaction, but discovered the whole to his mas-
ter. Then, by his order, he introduced to Gelon the chief cup-
bearer, A iexicrales, as a person who was willing to enter into the
conspiracy: for Pyrrhus was desirous to have more than one witness

• Tiii^ present »%as cliaracteribtical of the simplicity of ancient times.

PYRRIIL'S. il

to SO black an enterprise. Gelon being tlms deceived, Xeojjtolemus
was deceived with liim; and, tliinking the aftair in great forward-
ness, could not contain himself, but, in the excess of his joy, men-
tioned it to his friends. One evening, in particular, being at supper
with his sister Cadmia, he discovered the whole design, thinking no-
body else within hearing. And indeed there was none in the room
but PhaMiarete, the wife of Sainori, cliief kecjier of Ncoptolcmus's
cattle, who lay ujM)n a couch with her face turned towards the
wall, and seemed to be asleep. !She heard, however, the whole with-
out being suspected, and went the next day to Antigone, the wife of
Pyrrhus, and related to her all that she had heard Neoptolemus say
to his sister. This was immediately laid before Pyrrhus, who took
no notice of it for the present. Hut, on occasion of a solemn sacri-
fice, he invited Neoptolemus to supper, and took that opj)orlunity
to kill him. For he was well assured that all the hading men in
Epirus were strongly attached to him, and wanted him to remove
Neoptolemus out of the way, that, no longer satislied with a small
share of the kingdom, he might possess himself of the whole, and,
by following his genius, rise to great attempts. And as they had
now a strong suspicion, besides, tliat Neoptolemus was practising
against him, they thought this was the time to prevent him, by giving
him the fatal blow.

In acknnwlerlgment of the obligations he had to Berenice and
Ptolemy, he named his son hy Antigone, Ptolt)7ii/, and called the
city which he built in the Chersonese of Epirus, Berenicis. From
this time he began to conceive many great designs, but his first hopes
laid hold of all that was near home; and he found a plausible pre-
tence to concern himself in the alfairs of Macedonia. Antipater,
the eldest son of Cassander, had killed his molher'Thessalonica, and
expelled his brother Alexander. Alexander sent to DenKirlus for
succour, and iiii[)lored likewise the assistance of Pyrrhus. Deme-
trius, having many allhirs uj)on his hands, could not presently com-
ply; but Pyrrhus came, and demanded, as the reward of his servictSj
the city of Nympluea*, and all the maritime coast of Macedonia, to-
gether with .Vmbracia, Acarnania, and Amphilochia, which were
some of the countries that did not originally belong to the kingdom
of Macedon. 'I'he young prince agn-i-ing to the eonditions, Pynlius
possessed himself of these countries, and secured theuj with his gar-

* Dacicr lliiiil.s A[u)lI«.niB iiiiylil lie iillnl Njiu|)li3Dn from Nymphe'im, n cclrhru;* J
rock in its neig1iho\irli(ioH. Palmerins would rrad Tjnipliaxi, iliut biing (he uaiiK- of a
town in lllo^e purts. I'lirro wh* a cify culled N)iii('!'a'uni ii» tr.t Taur.r^i CLer»«ii''4u<
but that could not be meant berc

12 Plutarch's LIVES.

risons; after which he wont on conquering the rest lor Alexander,
and driving Antipater hefore him.

King Lysimachus was well inclined to give Antipater assistance,
but lie was so much engjiged with his own aflkirs, that he could not
find time for it. Recollecting, however, that Pyrrhus would refuse
nothing to his friend Ptolemy, he forged letters in Ptolemy's name,
enjoining him to evacuate Macedonia, and to be satisfied with three
hundred talents from Antipater. But Pyrrhus no sooner opened the
letters than he perceived the forgery. For, instead of the customary
salutation. The father to his son, greeting, they began with. King
Ptolemy to King Pyrrhus, greeting. \\c inveighed against Lysi-
machus for ihe fraud, but listened, notwithstanding, to proposals of
peace; and the tliree princes met to offer sacrifices on the occasion,
and to swear upon the altar to the articles. A boar, a bull, and a
jam, being led up as victims to the altar, the ram dropped down dead
of himself. 7'he rest of the company laughed at the accident; but
Theodolus the diviner advised Pyrrhus not to svveav, declaring that
the deity presignificd the death of one of the kings; upon which he
refused to ratify the peace.

Alexander's aiiairs were thus advantageously settled*; neverthe-
less Demetrius came. But it soon appeared that he came now un-
requested, and that his presence excited rather fear than gratitude.
When they had been a few days together in mutual distrust, they laid
snares for each other; but Demetrius, finding the first opportunity,
was beforehand with Alexander, killed him, and got iiimself pro-
claimed king of iMacedon.

For a long time he had matters of complaint against Pyrrhus,
on account of the inroads wliich he had made intoThessaly. Be-
sides, that ambition to extend tlieir dominiv^ns, which is a distemper
natural to kings, rendered their neighbourhood mutually alarming.
These jealousies increased after the death of Deidamia. At last,
each having possessed himself of part of Macedonia, and having onu
oljject in view, the gaining of the whole, this produced, of course,
new causes of contention. Demetrius inarched against the ^Etoli-
ans, and reduced them. After which he left Pantauchus among
them with a considerable force, and went himself to seek Pyrrhus.
Pyrrhus, as soon as he was apprised of his design, went to meet him;
but taking a wrong route, they inadvertently passed each other.
Penictrlus entered Epirus, and committed great ravages; and Pyrr-
bus falling in with Pantauchus, gave him battle. The dispute wa«^
warm and obstinate on both sides, especially where the generals

.* Alexander wtis murdered soon after.

PYRRIirS. 13

fought. For Pantauduis, who in. dexterity, coinv.ge, and strength,
stood foremost amidst the oflk-ers ot Demetrius, and witnul was a
man of a high and ainhitious spirit, challenged Pyrrims to the com-
bat. And Fyrrhus, who was hehlnd none of the princes of his lime
in valour and renown, and who was desirous to appropriate to liim-
self the honours of Achilles, rather by his sword than by kindred,
advanced through the first lines against Fantauchus. Tliey began
with the javelin, and then coming to the sword, exiuuisted all that
art or strength could iiuj)ply. Pyrrhus received one wound, and gave
his adversary two, one in the thigh, and the other in tlje neck, by
which he overpowered him, and brought him to the ground; ])ut
could not kill him outright, because he was rescued by his fiiends.
'I'he Epirots, elated with their prince's \ictory, and admiring his va-
lour, broke into and dispersed the Macedonian phalanx, and pursu-
ing the fugitives, killed great numbers of them, and took five thou-

and prisoners.
This battle did not so much excite the resentment and hatred of

lie Macedonicms against Pyrrhus for what they suffered, as it inspired
fhem with an esteem of his abilities and admiration of his valour.
'Phis furnished subject of discourse to all who were witnesses of his
exploits, or were engaged against him in the action: for he localled
to their minds the countenance, the swiftness, and nioiion of Alex-
ander the Cjreat; in Pyrrhus they tiiought they saw the very image
of his force and impetuosity. And while the other kings represented
that hero only in their purple robes, in the number of guards, the
bend of the neck, and the lofty manner of speakir)g, the king of K-
pirus represented him in deeds of arms and j)ersonal achievements.
And of his great skill in ordering and draw ing up an armv, we have
proofs in the writings he left behind him. It is also said that Anti-
gonus, being asked " \\ lio was the greatest general r" answc-red,
K Pyirhus would be, if he lived to be old.'* Aniigonus, imleed,
spoke only of the generals of his time ; but 1 kinnibal said, that of all
the world had ever beheld, the first in genius and skill was Pyrrhus,
Scipio the second, and himself the third; as we have written in the
Jife of Scipio*. This was the only science he applied himself to;
this was the subject of his th')Uglits and conversatit)n : for he consi-
dered it as a royal study, and looked upon (»ther arts as mere trilling
amusements. And it is reported, that when he was asked, " \N he-
thcr lie tiiought Python or C <cphi.-.ias the best musician?" *' Polv-
spcrchon," said he, *' is the general;" intimating that this was the
only point which it became a king to iiupiire into or know.

* This IS dirtVfciUly relatpd in tlic life of Flauiinius. There it is said; tliat lUnuibal
placed Alciandtr first, I'vrrhus second, aud himself ilie (hinl.

1 4 I'LUTARCH S LIVEs.

In the intercourse of Hie lie was mild and not easily provoked, but
ardent and quick to repay a kindness. For this reason he was great-
ly afflicted at the death of/Eropus: " His friend," he said, " had
only paid the tribute to nature, but he blamed and reproached him-
self for putting off his acknowledgments till, by these delays, he had
lost the opportunity of making any return. For those that owe mo-
ney can pay it to the heirs of the deceased, but when a return of
kindnesses is not made to a person in his life-time, it grieves the heart
that hath any goodness and honour in it." When some advised him
to banish a certain ill-tongued Ambracian, who abused him behind
his back, " Let the fellow stay here," said he, " and speak against
me to a few, rather than ramble about, and give me a bad character
to all the world." And some young men having taken great liberties
with his character in their cups, and being afterwards brought to an-
swer for it, he asketl them, '^ Whether they really had said such
things?" " We did, Sir," answered one of them, " and should have
said a great deal more, if we had had more wine." Upon which he
laughed, and dismissed them.

After the death of Antigone, he married several wives, for the pur-
poses of interest and power; namely, the daughter of Autoleon, king
of the Fjfonians; Bircenna, the daughter of Bardyllis, king of the
lUyiians; and Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles of Syracuse, who
brought him in dowry the isle of Corcyra, which her father had
taken. By Antigone he had a son named Ptolemy; by Lanassa he
had Alexander; and by Bircenna, his youngest son liclenus. All
these princes had naturally a turn for war, and he quickened their
martial ardour by giving them a suitable education from their infan-
cy. For it is said, when he was asked by one of iliem, who was yet
a child, " To which of them he would leave his kingdom?" he said,
" To him who has the sharpest sword." This was very like that tra-
gical legacy of Gidipus to liis sons,

The sword's kvi;u poiiil tli' inlieritance shall part*.

After the battle, Pyrrhus returned home, distinguished with glory,
and still more elevated in his sentiments. The Epirots having given
him on this occasion the name of Eagle, he said, " If I am an eagle,
vou have made me one : for it is upon your arms, upon your wings,
that I have risen so high."

Soon after, having intelligence that Demetrius lay dangerously ill,
he suddenly entered Macedonia f, intending only an inroad to pillage
the country. But he was very near seizing the whole, and taking

• PhenissK of Euripides, vcr. 68.

i Is the third year of the hundred and twenty-third Olympiad, two hundred and
eighty-four years before Chri&t.

PYRRHUS. 15

the kingdom without a blow. For lie pushed forward as far as Edcssa
without meeting with any resistance; on the contrary, many of the
inhal/itants repaired to his camp, and joined him. The danger a-
wakened Demetrius, and made him act above his strength. 14 is
friends, too, and officers quickly a'ssembled a good body of troops,
and moved forward with great spirit and vigour against Pyrrhus.
But as he came only with a design to plunder, he did not stand to
receive them.. He lost, however, a considerable number of men in
his retreat, for the Macedonians liarassed his rear all the way.

Demetrius, though he had driven out Pyrrhus with so much ease,
was far from slighting and despising him afterwards. But as he me-
<litated great things, and had determined to attenipt the recovery ^>f
his paternal kingdom with an army of a hundred thousand men,
and five hundred sail of sliips, he thought it not prudent eitherlo
embroil himself with Pyrrhus, or to leave behind him so dangerous a
neighbour. And as he was not at leisure to continue the war with
him, he concluded a peace, that he might turn his arms with more
security against the other kings*. The designs of Demetrius wer^
soon discovered by this peace, and by the greatness of his prepara-
tions. The kings were .alarmed, and sent ambassadors to Pyrrhus
with letters, expressing their astonishment that he neglected his op-
portunity to make war upon Demetrius. They represented with how
much ease he might drive him out of Macedonia, thus engaged as lie
Was in many troublesome enterprises; instead of which, he waited
till Demetrius had dispatched all his other aftairs, and was grown so
much more powerful as to be able to brir»g the war to his own doors,
and to put liim under the necessity of Hghting for the altars of his
gods, and the sepulchres of his ancestors in Molossia itself; and
this, too, when he had just been deprived by Demetrius of the isle of
Corcyra, together with his wife. For l>anassa having her complaiiit:^
against I'yrrhus for jMtying more tittention to his oilu r wives, though
barbarians, than to lier, had retired to CorcYra; and, wanting to mar-
ry another king, invited Demetrius to receive her hand, ktAOuirig him
to be more inclined to marriage than any of the neigiibouring princes.
Accordingly he sailed to the island, married Lanassa, and left a gar-
rison in the city.

The kings, at the same time that they wrote these lett-'rs to Pvrr-
hus, took the field themselves to harass Demetrius, who delaved his
expedition, and continued his preparations. Ptolen)y put to sea with
a great fleet, and drew olVmany of the Clrecian ciliis. Lysimachus
entered the u])per Macedonia from Thrace, and ravaged the countr\-.
And Pyrrhus, taking up arms at the same tune, marched against Be-

" Srieucu!, Pt»lciiiv, and I.viim«clin<

l6 im^itarch's Livf:^.

roea, expecting that Demetrius would go to meet Lysiinachus, and
leave the lower Macedonia unguarded; which fell out accordingly.
The night hcfore he set out, he dreamed that Alexander the Great
called him, and that, wIumi he came to him, he found him siek in
bed, but was received with many obliging expressions of friendship,
and a promise of sudden assistanee. Pyrrhus said, " Mow can you.
Sir, who are sick, be able to assist me?" Alexander answered, " 1
will do it with my name;" and at the same time he mounted a Ni-
stean horse*, and seemed to lead the way.

Pyrrhus, greatlv encouraged by this vision, advanced with the ut-
most expedition, and having traversed the intermediate eountries,
came before Beroea, and took it. Tlare he fixed his head-quarters,
and reduced the other cities by his generals. When Demetrius re-
ceived intelligence of this, and perceived, moreover, a spirit of mu-
tiny among the Macedonians in his camp, he was afraid to proceed
farther, lest, when they came in sight of a Macedoniim prir>cc, and
one of an illustrious character, too, they should revolt to him. He
therefore turned back, and led them against Pyrrhus, who was a
stranger, and the object of their liatred. Upon his encamping near
Ber(jea, many inhabitants of tiiat place mixed with his soldiers, and
highly extolled Pyrrhus. They represented him as a man invincible
in arms, of uncommon magnanimity, and one who treated those who
fell into his hands with great gentleness and immanity. There were
also some of Pyrrhus's emissaries, who, pretending themselves Ma-
cedonians, observed to Demetrius's men, that then was the time to
get free from his cruel yoke, and to embrace the interests of Pyrrhus,
who was a popular man, and who loved a soldier. After this, the
greatest part of the army was in a fermeiit, and they cast their eyes
around for Pyrrhus. It happened that he was then without his hel-
met; but, recollecting himself, he soon put it on again, and was im-
mediately known by his lofty plume and his crest of goat's horns f.
IMany of the Maeedonians now ran to him, and begged him to give
them the word; while others crowned themselves with branches of
oak, because they saw them worn by his men. Some had even the
confidence to tell Demetrius that the most prudent part he could take
would be to withdraw, and lay down the government. As he found
the motions of the army agree;u>le to this sort of discourse, he was
terrified, '«od made of!' privately, disguised in a mean cloak, and a

* Niscea was a provliiee near the Caspian sea, which Strabo tells us was famous for
its breed of horses. The l<in::s of Persia used to provide themselves liiere. Straho, lib. xi.

t Alexander the Great is leprescnted on his medals with sueh a erest. The goat, iti-
dced, was the symbol of the kingdoru of Macedoa. The prophet Daniel uses it as such.
The original ol that symbol tuay be fouad in JuUin.

PYRRHL'S. 17

■■ . ~^

common Macedonian liat, Pyrrliiis upon this became master of
the camp without striking a blow, and was proclaimed king of
Macedonia.

Lysimachus made his appearance soon after, aiid pretending that
lie had contril)Utcd (Mjiially to the flight of Demetrius, demanded his
share of the kingdom. Pyrrhus, as he thought hiniself not sufhci-
ently established among the Macedonians, but rather in a dubious si-
tuation, accepted the proposal, and they divided the cities and pro-
vinces between them. 'J'his |)artition seemed to be of service for the
present, and prevented their going directly to war; but soon after
they found it the beginning of perpetual complaints and quarrels, in-
stead of a perfect reconciliation : for how is it possible that they whose
ambition is not to be terminated by seas and mountains, and uninha-
bitable deserts, whose thirst of dominion is not to be confined by the
bounds that part Europe and Asia, should, when so near each other,
and joined in one lot, sit down contented, and abstain from mutual
injuries? Undoubtedly they are always at war in their hearts, having
the seeds of perfidy and envy there. As for the names of peace and
war, they apply them occasionally, like nionev, to their use, not to
the purposes of justice. And they act with much more probity when
they professedly make war, tlum when they sanctify a short truce, and
cessation of mutual injuries, with the names of justice and friend-
ship. Pyrrhus was a proof of this: for, opposing Demetrius again,
when his atiairs began to be a little re-established, and checking his
power, which seemed to be recovering, as it were, from a great ill-
ness, he marched to the assistance of the Grecians, and went in per-
son to Athens. He ascended into the citadel, and sacrificed to the
goddess; after which he came down into the city, the same day, and
thus addressed the people: " I thii\k myself happy in this testimony
of the kind regard of the Athenians, ^nd of the confidence they put
in me; I advise them, however, as they tender their safety, never to
admit another king within their walls, i>ut to ihut their gates against
all that shall desin; it*."

Soon after this he concluded a peace with Demetrius; and yet
Demetrius was no sooner passed into Asia than Pynhus, at the in-
stigation of Lysimachus, drew olVThessaly fiom its allegiance, and
attacked his garrisons in Greece. He found, indeed, the Macedoni-
ans better subjects in time of war than in peace, besides that lie him-
self was more fit for action than repose. At last, Demetrius being
entirely defeated in Syria, Lysimachus, who had nothing to fear from
that quarter, nor any other aflairs to engage him, immediately turned

• Tlic AtlieniaiiS followed his advice, and drove out Demctrius's garrbon.

Vol.2. No. 18. D

18 Plutarch's lives.

liis forces against Pynhus, who lay in quarters at Edessa. Upon his
arrival, he fell upon one of the king's convoys, and took it, hy which
he greatly distressed iiis troops for want of provisions. Besides this,
he corrupted tiie principal Macedonians hy his letters and emissaries,
reproaching them for choosing for their sovereign a stranger, whose
ancestors had always been subject to the Macedonians, while they ex-
pelled the friends and companions of Alexander. As the nsajority lis-
tened to these suggestions, Pyrrhus, fearing the event, withdrew with
liis Epirots and auxiliary forces, and so lost Macedonia in the same
manner he had gained it. Kings, therefore, have no reason to blame
the people for changing through interest, since in that they do but imi-
tate their masters, who are patterns of treachery and perfidiousness, and
who think that man most capable of serving them who pays the least
regard to honesty.

When Pyrrhus had thus retired into Epirus, and left Macedonia,
he had a fair occasion given him by fortune to enjoy himself in quiet,
and to govern his own kingdom in peace. But he was persuaded that
neither to annoy others, nor to be annoyed by them, was a life insuf-
ferably idle and tedious. Like Achilles, he could not endure inaction :

He pin'd in dull repose; his heart indignant

Bade the scene change to war, to noinids, and death.

His anxiciv for fresli employment was relieved as follows: the Ro-
mans were then at war wii!i tlie Tarentines. The latter were not
able to support tl-.e dispute, and yet the bold and turbulent harangues
of their leading men would not suffer them to put an end to it.
They resolved, therefore, to call in Pyrrhus, and put their forces un-
der his comnuuid, there being no otlier prince who had then so much
leisure, or was so aljjc a general. The oldest and most sensible of
the citizens, opposed this measure, but were overborne by the noise
and violence of the multitude; and when they saw this, they no
longer attended the assemblies. But there was a worthy man named
Meton, who, on the day tliat the decree was to be latiiied, after the
people had taken their seats, came into the assembly with an air of
intoxication, having, like persons in that condition, a withered gar-
land upon his head, a torch in his hand, and a woman playing on the
flute before him. As no decorum can well be observed by a crowd
of people in a free state, some clapped their hands, others laughed,
but nobody pretended to stop him. On the contrary, they ailled up-
on the woman to play, and him to come forward and sing. Silence
being made, he said, *' Men of Tarcntum, ye do extremely well to
suffer those who have a mind to it to play and be merry while they
may; and, if you are wise, you will all now enjoy the same liberty;
for you must have other business^, and another kind of life, when

PYRRHUS. 19

Pyrrhus once enters your city." This address made a great impres-
sion upon the Tarcntincs, and a whisper of assent ran tlirough the
asscniby. But some feariiVL"- that they should be delivered up to the
Romans, if j)cace wcra made, reproached the people with so tamely
suffering themselves to be niade a jest of and insulted by a drunkard;
and then turning u|)on Meton, they thrust him out. The decree thus
being confirmed, they sent andjassadors to Epirus, not only in the
name of the Tarentines, but of the other Greeks in Italy, with pre-
sents to Pyrrhus, and orders to tell him, " That they wanted a gene-
ral of ability and character: as for troops, he would find a large sup-
ply of them upon the spot, from the Lucanians, the Messrpians, the
Samnites, and Tarentines, to the amount of twenty thousand horse,
and three hundred and fifly thousand foot." These pr<<jnises not
only elevated Pyrrhus, but raised in the Epirots a strong inclination
to the war.

There was then at the court of Pyrrlius aThessalian named Cineas,
a man of sound sense, and who, having been a disciple of Demos-
thenes, was the only orator of his time that presented his hearers
with a lively image of the force and spirit of that great master. This
man had devoted himself to Pyrrhus, and in ail the embassies he was
employed in confirmed that saying of Euripides^

The gutes tliat steel exclude, resistless eloquence shall enter.

This made Pyrrhus say, '* That Cineas had gained him more cities
by his address than he had won by his arn\s;" and he contiiKied to
heap honours and employments upon him. Cineas now seeing Pyrr-
hus intent upon his preparations for Italy, took an opportunity, when
he saw him at leisure, ti> draw him into the following con\ersation:

" The Romans have the reputation of being excellent soldiers, and

have the command of many warlike nations; if it please Heaven that
we conquer them, what use. Sir, shall wc make of our victory r"
" Cineas," replied the king, " your question answers itself. When
the Romans are once subdued, there is no town, whether Greek or
barbarian, in all the couiitry, that will dare oppose us; but we shall
immediately be masters of all Italy, whose greatness, power, and im-
portance, no man knows better tiian you." Cineas, after a short
pause, continued: *' iUit, after we have conquered Italy, what sli:;lJ
we do next. Sir?" Pyrrhus, not yet perceiving his drift, replied,
" There is Sicily very near, and stretches out her arms to receive us;
a fruitful and populous island, and easy to be taken. For Agathoeles was
BO sooner gone, than faction and anarchy prevailed among her cities,
and every thing is kr[)t in confusion by her iurbulent demagogues."
" What you say, my prince," said ( ineas, " is verv probable; but
is the taking of Sicilv to conclude our expeditions?" *• Far from it,"

20 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

answered Pyrrhus, " for if Heaven grant us success in this, that suc-
cess shall only be the prelude to greater things. Who can forbear
Libya and Carthage, then within reach? which Agathocles, even
■when he fled in a clandestine manner from Syracuse, and crossed
the sea with a few ships only, had almost made himself master of.
And when we have made such conquests, who can pretend to say
that any of our enemies, who are now so insolent, will think of re-
sisting us?" " To be sure," said Cineas, " they will not; for it
is clear that so much power will enable you to recover Macedonia,
and to establish yourself uncontested sovereign of Greece. But
when we have conquered all, what are we to do then?" " Why,
then, my friend," said Pyrrhus, laughing, " we will take our ease,
and drink and be merry." Cineas, having brought him thus far, re-
plied, " And what hinders us from drinking and taking our ease now,
when we have already those things in our hands at which we pro-
pose to arrive through seas of blood, through infinite toils and
dangers, through innumerable calamities, which we must both cause
and suffer?"

This discourse of Cineas gave Pyrrhus pain, but produced no re-
formation. He saw the certain happiness which he gave up, but
was not able to forego the hopes that flattered his desires. In the
first place, therefore, he sent Cineas toTarentum with three thousand
foot; from whence there arrived, soon after, a great number of gal-
leys, transports, and flat-bottomed boats, on board of which he put
twenty elephants, three thousand horse, twenty thousand foot, two
thousand archers, and five hundred slingers. When all was ready,
he set sail ; but as soon as he was got into the midst of the Ionian sea,
he was attacked by a violent wind at north, which was unusual at
that season. The storm raged terribly, but, by the skill and extraor-
dinary efforts of his pilots and mariners, his ship made the Italian
shore with infinite labour, and beyot)d all expectation. The rest of
the fleet could not hold their course, but were dispersed far and
wide. Some of the ships were quite beaten off from the coast of
Italy, find driven into the Lybian and Sicilian sea: others, not being
able to double the Cape of Japygia, were overtaken by the niglit^;
and a great and boisterous sea driving them upon a diflicult and rocky
shore, they were all in the utmost distress. The king's ship, in-
deed, by its size and strength, resisted the force of the waves, while
the wind blew from the sea; but that coming about, and blowing
directly from the shore, the ship, as she stood with her head against
it, was in danger of opening by the shocks she received. And yet
to be driven off again into a tempestuous sea, while the wind con-
inually shifted- from point to point, seemed the most dreadful case

Fi'RRHUS. 21

of all. In this extremity Pyrrlius threw himself overboard, and was
immediately followed by his friends and guards, who strove which
should give him the best assistance. But the darkness of the night,
and the roaring and resistance of the waves, which beat upon the
shore, and were driven back with equal violence, rendcre(^ it ex-
tremely diflicult to save him. At last, by day-break tl)e wind being
considerably fallen, with much trouble he got ashore, greatly weak-
ened in body, but with a strength and firmness of mind which bravely
combatted the distress. At the same time the Messapians, on wliose
coast he was cast, ran down to give him all the succour in tlicir
power. They also met ^ith some others of liis vessels that had
weathered the storm, in which were a small number of horse, not
quite two thousand foot, and two elephants. \V iih these Pyrrhus
marched to Tarentum.

When Cineas was informed of this, he drew out his forces, and
went to meet him. Pyrrhus, upon his arrival at Tarentum, did not
choose to have recourse to compulsion at first, nor to do any thing
against the inclination of the inhabitants, till his ships were safeiy
arrived, and the greatest part of his forces collected. But, after this,
seeing the Tarentines so far from being in a condition to defend
others, that they would not even defend themselves, except they were
driven to it by necessity ; and that they sat still at home, and spent
their time about the baths, or in feasting and idle talk, as eipecting
that he would fight for them ; he shut up the places of exercise and the
walks, where they were in the habit, as they sauntered along, to con-
duct the war with words, fie also put a stop to their unseasonable
entertainment's, revels, and diversions. Instead of these, he called
them to arms, and in his musters and reviews was severe and i(»cx-
orable: so that many of thenj (juitted the place; fur, being unav'-
ciistomed to l)e under command, tliey called that a slavery which was
not a life of pleasure.

He now received intelligence that L-eviiius, the Roman consul,
was coming against liim with a great arirjy, and ravaging Lucania b\
the way. And th<nigh the confederates were not come up, yet look-
ing upon it as a disgrace to sit still and see the enemy approach siill
nearer, he took the field with the troops he had. But first he sent a
herald to the Romans witii proposals, before they came to extremities,
to terminate their differences amicably with the (Greeks in Italy, bv
taking him for the mediator and umpire. Lievinus answered, " That
the Romans neither accejited Pyrrhus as a mediator, nor feared him
as an enemy." Whereupon he marched lorwarii, and encamped
upon the plaiti betxveen the < ities of Pandosia and ticraelea; and
having notice ti»at the Romans were near, and lay on the other side

92 PLUTARCH S LIVES,

of the river Siris, he rode up to the river to take a view of them.
\Vhen he saw the order of their troops, the appointment of their
watches, and the. regularity of their vviiole encampment, he was
struck with admiration, and said to a friend who was by, " Mega-
cles, liie disposition of tliese barbarians lias nothing of the barbarian
in it; wc shall see whether the rest will answer it." He now be-
came solicitous for the event, and determining to wait for the allies,
set a guard upon the river to oppose the Romans, if they should en-
deavour to pass it. The Romans, on their part, hastening to prevent
the coming up of those forces, which he had resolved to wait for, at-
tempted the passage. The infantry took to the fords, and the cavalry
got over wherever they could ; so that the Greeks were afraid of being
surrounded, and retreated to their main body.

Pyrrhus, greatly concerned at this, ordered his foot-officers to draw
up the forces, and to stand to their arms ; while he advanced with
the horse, who were about three thousand, in hopes of finding the
liomans yet busied in the passage, and dispersed without any order.
But when he saw a great number of shields glittering above the
water, and the horse preserving their ranks as they passed, he closed
his own ranks, and began the attack. Besides his being distinguish-
ed by the beauty and lustre of his arms, which were of very curious
fabric, he performed acts of valour worthy the great reputation he
had acquired. For though he exposed his person in the hottest of
tlie engagement, and charged with the greatest vigour, he' was never
in the least disturbed, nor lost his presence of mind; but gave his
orders as coolly as if he had been out of the action, and moved to this
side or that, as occasion required, to support his men where he saw
them maintaining an unequal iight.

Leonatus of Macedon observed an Italian horseman very intent
upon Pyrrhus, changing his post as he did, and regulated all his
motions by his. A\ iicreupon he rode up, and said to him, " Do
vou see, Sir, that barbarian upon the black horse with white feet?
he seems to meditate some great and dreadful design. He keeps
you in his eye; full of lire and spirit, he singles you out, and takes
no notice of any body else. Therefore be on your guard against
him." Pyrrhus answered, " it is impossible, Leonatus, to avoid
our destiny. But neither this nor any other Italian shall have .much
satisfaction in engaging with me." While they were yet speaking,
the Italian levelled his spear, and spurred his horse against Pyrrhus.
He missed the king, but ran his horse through, as Leonatus did the
Italian's the same moment, so that ijoth horses fell together. Pyrr-
hus was carried off by his friends, who gathered round him, and killed
the Italian, who fought to the very last. This brave man had the

PYRiinus. 23

command of a troop of horse; Icrcntiiin was the place of his birth,
and his name Oplacus.

This made Pyrrhus more cautious. And now seeing his cavalry
give ground, he sent his infantry orders to advance, and formed them
as soon as they came U|>. Then giving his robe and Ids arms to
Megaclcs one of liis fiiends, he disguised himself in his, and pro-
ceeded to the charge. The Romans recei\'cd him with grc.it Jirm-
ness, and the success of the battle remained long undecided. It is
even said that each army was broken and gave way seven times, and
rallied as often. He changed his arms very seasonably, for that
saved his life; but at the same time it had nearly ruined his aflairs,
and lost liim tiie victory. Many aimed at Megacles; but the man
who first wounded him, and brought iiim to the ground, was named
Dexous. Dexous seized his helmet and his robe, and rode up to
Laevinus, showing the spoils, and crying out that he had shiin Pvrr-
hus. Tiie spoils being passed from rank to rank, as it were in
triumph, the Roman army shouted for joy, while that of the Greeks
was struck with grief and consternation. This held till Pyrrhus, ap-
prised of what had happened, rode al>out the arnjy uncovered, stretch-
ing out his hand to his soldiers, and giving them to know him by his
voice. At last the Romans were worsted, cliicfly by means of the
elephants : for the horses, before tliey came near them, were frighten-
ed, and ran back with their riders: and Pyrrhus con)manding his
Thessalian cavalry to fall upon them while in this disorder, they were
routed with great slaughter. Dionysius writes, that near fifteen
thousand Romans fell in this battle; but Hieronymus makes the
number oidy seven thousand. On Pyrrhus's side, Dionysius says,
there were thirteen thousand killed; Hieronymus, not cjuite four
thousand. Among these, however, were the most valuable of his
friends and oflicers, wl^ose services he had made great Ui>e of, and in
whom lie had placed the highest confidence.

P)Trhus immediately entered the Roman camp, wliich lie found
deserted. He gained over many cities which had been in alliance
with Rome, and laid waste the territories of others. Nay, lie ad-
vanced to witliia thirty-seven miles of the city itself, 'i'he f^uca-
nians and the Samnites joined him after the !)attle, and were reproved
for their delay; but it was plain that he was greatly elevated and de-
lighted with having defeated so powerful an army of Romans with
the assistance of the 'J arentiries only.

The Romans, on this occasion, did not take the command from
Lsevinus, though Caius Fabricius is reported to have said, " That
the Romans were not overcome by the Ei)irots, hut Lwvinus by
Pyrrhus; intimating that the defeat was owing to the inferiority of

24 I'LITARCH S LIVES.

tlie general, not of his troops. Then raising new levies, filling up
their legions, and talking in a lofty and menacing tone about the war,
they struck Pyrrhus with amazement. He thought proper, therefore,
to send an embassy to them first, to try whether they were disposed
for peace; IxMug satisfied that to take the city, and make an absolute
conquest, was an undertaking of too nmch difficulty to be effected by
such an army as his was at that time ; whereas, if he could bring them
to terms of accommodation, and conclude a peace with them, it would
he very glorious for him after such a victory.

Cineas, who was sent with this comnussion, applied to the great
men, and sent them and their wives presents in his master's name.
But they all refused them, the women as well as the men, declar-
ing, *'-' That when Rome had publicly ratified a treaty with the king,
they should then on their parts be ready to give him every mark of
their friendship and respect." And though Cineas made a very en-
j^aging speech to the senate, and used many arguments to induce
them to close witl» him, yet they lent not a willing ear to his pro-
positions, notwithstanding that Pyrrhus offered to restore, without
ransom, the prisoners he had made in the battle, and promised to
assist them in the conquest of Italy, desiring notliing in return but
their friendship for himself, and security for the Tarentines. Some,
indeed, seemed inclined to peace, urging that they had already lost
a great battle, and had a still greater to expect, since Pyrrhus was
joined by several nations in Italy. There was tiien an illustrious
Roman, Appius Claudius by name, who, on account of his great age
and the loss of sight, had declined all attendance to public busi-
ness. But when he heard of the embassy from Pyrrhus, and the re-
port prevailed tiiat the senate was going to vote for tlie peace, he
could not contain himself, but ordered his servants to take him up,
and carry him in his chair through the fonwi into the senate-house.
When he was brought to the door, his sons and sons-in-law received
him, and led him into the senate. A respectful silence was observed
by the whole body on his appearance, and he delivered his senti-
ments in the following terms: " Hitherto I have regarded my blind-
ness as a misfortune, but now, Romans, I wish I had been as deaf as
1 am blind; for then I should not have heard of your shameful coun-
sels and decrees so ruidous to the glory of Rome. Where now are
your speeches so much echoed about the world, that if Alexander the
Great had come into Italy when we were young, and your fathers
in the vigour of their age, he would not now be celebrated as in-
vincible, but, either by his flight or his fall, would have added to the
glory of Rome ? You now show the vanity and folly of that boast,
while y(S\x dread the Chaonians and Molossians, who were ever a

PYRRHUS. 25

prey to the Macedonians, niul tremble at the name of Pyrr!u;s, who
lias all h.is life been paying his court to one of the guarc's uf that
Alexander. At present he wanders about Italy, not so muAx to suc-
cour the Greeks here, as to avoid his enemies at honu- ; ; nd he pro-
mises to procure us the empire of this country with tl.ose forces
which could not enable him to keep a small part of Macedonia. Do
not expect, then, to get rid of him by entering into alliance with him.
Tliut s-.ep will only open a door to many invaders. For who is there
that will not despise you, and think you an easy conquest, if Pyrr-
hus not only escapes unpunished for his insolence, but gains thcTa-
rcntines and Samnites as a reward for insulting tiie Romans?"

Appius had no sooner done speaking, than they voted unanimously
for the war, and dismissed Cineas with this answer, " That when
Pyrrhus had quitted Italy, they would enter upon a treaty of friend-
ship and alliance with him, if he desired it; but while he con-
tinued there in a hostile manner, they would prosecute the war a-
gainst him with all their force, though ho siiould have defeated a
thousand La^vinuses."

It is said that Cineas, while he was upon this business, took great
pains to observe the manners of the Romans, and to examine into the
nature of their government. And when lie had learned what he de-
sired, by conversing with their great men, he made a faithful report
of all to Pyrrhus, and told him, among the rest, " That the senate
aj)peared to him an assembly of kings; and as to the people, they
were so numerous, that he was afraid he had to do with a Lernoean
hydra." For the consul had already an army on foot twice as large
as the former, and had left multitudes behind in Rome of a proper age
for inlisting, and suHk-ient to form many such armies.

After this, Fabricius came ambassador to Pyrrhus to treat about
the ransom and exchange of prisoners. Fal)ricius, as Cineas informed
Pyrrhus, was highly valued by the Romans for his probity and mar-
tial abilities, but he was extremely jjoor. Pyrrhus received him with
particular distinction, and privately oflered him gold; not for any
base purpose; but he beggi-d him to accept of it as a pledge of
friendship and hospitality. Fabricius refusing the proent, I'vrrhus
pressed him no further; but the next day, wanting to surj)risc him,
and knowing that he had never seen an elephant, he ordered the big-
gest he had to be armed and placed behind a curtain in the room
where they were to be in conference. Accordingly ^his was done,
and, upon a sign given, the curtain was drawn ; and the elepliant, rais-
ing his trunk over the head of Fabricius, made a horrid and frightful
noise. Fabricius turned about without being in the least discom-
VoL. 2. No. 18. *.

26 Plutarch's lives.

posed, and said to Pynhus smiling, " Neither your gold yesterdays
nor your beast to-day, have made ^any iuiprcssion ujx)!! me."

In the evening the conversation at the table turned upon many
subjects, but cliicfly upon Greece and the Grecian })lii!osophers.
This led Cineas to mention Ji^picurus*, and to give some account of
the opinions of his sect coTicerning the gods and civil government.
He said, they placed the chief hapi)iness of man in pleasure, and
avoided all concern in the administration of affairs as the bane of a
happy life; and that tliey attributed to the Deity neither benevolence
nor anger, but maintained, tiiat, far removed from the care of human
aff'airs, he passed his time in ease and inactivity, and was totally im-
mersed in pleasure. While he was yet speaking, Fabricius cried out,
" O heavens! may Pyrrhus and the Samnites adopt these opinions as
long as they are at war with the Romans!" Pynhus, admiring the
noble sentiments and principles of Fabricius, was more desirous
than ever of establishing a friendship with Rome, instead of con-
tinuing the war. And taking Fabricius aside, he pressed him to
mediate a peace, and then go and settle at his court, where he should
be his most intimate companion, and the chief of his generals. Fa-
bricius answered in a low voice, " That, Sir, would be no advantage
to you: for those who now honour and admire you, should they once
liave experience of me, would rather choose to be governed by me
than you." Such was the character of Fabricius.

Pyrrhus, far from being oftended at this answer, or taking it like a
tyrant, made his friends acquainted with the magnanimity of Fabri-
cius, and intrusted the prisoners to him, only on condition that, if
the senate did not agree to a peace, they should be sent back, after
they had embraced their relations, and celebrated the Saturnalia.

After this, Fabricius being consult, an unknown person came to
his camp with a letter from the king's physician, who offered to take
oft" Pyrrhus by poison, and so end the war without any further hazard
to the Romans, provided that they gave him a proper conjpensation
for his services. Fabricius detested the man's villaiiy; and, having
brought his colleague into tliC same sentiments, sent despatches to
Pyrrhus withor losing a moment's time, to caution him against the
treason. The /ctter ran thus:

" Caius Fabricius andQuintus/Emilius, consuls, to king Pynhus,

health It appears that you judge very ill both of your friends and

enemies. For you will find by this letter wliich was sent to us, that

* F.picurus was then living. The doctrines of that philosophei- were greatly ia vogi'e
ia Rome, juit before the ruin of the coinmonweaith.

t Two hundred a-jd seventj-'Seven years before Clirist.

PYRRHL'S. 87

you are at war with men of virtue and honour, and trust knaves and
villains. Nor is it out of kindness that we give you this information;
but we do it, lest your death should bring a disgrace upon us, and we
should seem to have |)ut a period to the war by treachery, when we
could not do it by valour."

Pyrrhus having read the letter, and detected the treason, punished
tlie physician; and, to show his gratitude to Fabricius and the Ro-
mans, he delivered up the j)risoners without ransom, and sent Cineas
again to negotiate a peace. The Romans, unwilling to receive a fa-
vour from an enemy, or a reward for not consenting to a bad thing,
did indeed receive the prisoners at his hands, but sent him an equal
number of Tarcnlines and Samnites. As to peace and friendship,
they would not hear any proposals about it, till Pyrrhus sliould have
laid down his arms, drawn his forces out of Italy, and returned to
Epirus in the same ships in which he came.

His afliiirs now requiring another battle, he assembled his army,
and marched and attacked the Romans near Asculum. The ground
was very rough and uneven, and marshy also towards the river, so
that it was extremely inconvenient for the cavalry, and quite pre-
vented the elephants from aeting with the Infantry. For this reason
he had a great number of men killed and wounded, and might have
been entirely defeated, had not niii,ht put an end to the battle. Next
day, contriving, by an act of generalship, to engage upon even
ground, where his elephants might come at the enemy, he seized in
time that dilTicult post where they fought the day before. Then he
planted a tunnber of archers and sling- rs among his elej)hants, thick-
ened his other ranks, and moved forward in good order, though with
great force ami inqjiniosity, auaiiist the Romans.

The Roihans, who had not now the advantage of groimd for at-
tacking and retreating as they pleased, were obliged to fight upon
the plain man to man. They hastened (o break the enemy's infantry
before the elephants came up, and made prodigious eilbrts with their
swords against the pikes; not regarding themselves or the wounds
they received, but only looking where they might strike and slay.
After a long dispute, however, the Romans were forced to give way,
which they did first where Pyrrhus fought in person; tor titey could
not resist the fury of his attack, liuleed, it was the force and wciirht
of the elephants whieh put them quite to the rout. The Roman va-
lour being of no use against these fierce creatures, the troops thouirht
it wiser to give way, as to an overwhelming torrent or an earth-
quake, than to fall in a fruitless opposition, when they could gain no
advantage, though they suffered the greatest extremities. And they
liad not far to lly before they gained their camp. Hieronymns says.

28 riATTARCH's LIVES.

tlie Romans lost si>c thousand men in the action, and Pyniius, accor-
ding to the account in his own commentarios, lost three thousand
five hundred. Nevertheless, Dionysius docs not tell us that there
were two l^attles at Asculum, nor that it was clear that the Romans
were defeated; but that the action lasted till sun-set, and then the
combatants parted unwillingly, Pyrrhus being wounded in the arm
with a javelin, and the Samnites having plundered his baggage; and
that the number of the slain, counting the loss on both sides, amount-
ed to above fifteen thousand men. When they had all quitted the
field, nnd Pvrrhus was congratulated on the victory, he said, " Such
another victory, and we are undone." For he had lost great part of
the forces which he had brouglit with him, and all his friends and
oflicers exce])t a very small number. He had no others wherewith
to supply their place, and he now found his confederates very cold
and spiritless. Whereas the Romans filled up their legions with ease
and despatch, from an inexhaustible fountain which they had at home ;
and their defeats were so far from discouraging them, that indigna-
tion gave them fresh strength and ardour for the war.

Amidst these difficulties, new hopes, as vain as the former, offered
themselves to Pyrrhus, and enterprises which distracted him in the
choice. On one side ambassadors came from Sicily, who proposed
to put Syracuse, Agrigentum, and the city of the Leontines in his
hands, and desired him to drive the Carthaginians out of the island,
and free it from its tyrants ; and, on the other side, news was brought
him from Greece, that Ptolemy Ceraunus was slain in battle by the
Gauls, and that this would be a seaspnable juncture for him to of!er
himself to the Macedonians, who wanted a king*. On this occasion
he complained greatly of fortune for offering him two such glorious
opportunities of action at once; and, alHlcted to think that in embra-
cing one he must necessarily give up the other, he was a long time
doubtful and perplexed which to fix upon. At last the expedition to
Sicily appearing to him the more important, by reason of its nearness
to Africa, he determined to go thither, and immediately despatched
Cincas before him, according to custom, to treat with tlie cities in
his behalf. He placed, however, a strong garrison in Tarentum,
notwithstanding the remonstrances of the people; who insisted that
he should eitlier fulfil the purpose he came for, by staying to assist
them effectually in the Roman war, or, if he would be gone, to leave

* Ptolemy Cer;vunns was slain tbree j'ears before, during tlie consulate of Lsevinus.
After him tlie Macedonians had several kings in quick succession. All, therefore, that
the letters could import must be, that the Macedonians .would prefer Pyrrhus to Anti»
gpnus, who at present was in pusscssiuii.

rvRRHUs. 29

their city as lie found it. liui lie gave them a severe answer, ordered
them to be quiet and wait his time, and so set sail.

When he arrived in Sicily, he found every thing disposed agreeably
to his hopes. The cities readily put themselves into his hands; and
wherever force was necessary, nothing at first made any considerable
resistance to nis arms. liut with thirty thousaml foot, two thousand
five hu'idred horse, and two hundred sail of ships, he advanced against
the Carti'.agini; ns, drove them before him, and ruined their province.
Eryx was the strong(^st city in those parts, and the best provided with
men for its defence; yet he resolved to take it by storm. j\s soon
as his army was in readiness to give the assault, he armed himself at
all points; and, advancing towards the walls, made a vow to Hercu-
les ol games and sacrifices in acknowledgment of the victory, if in
that day's action he should distinguish himself before the Greeks in
Sicily, in a manner that became his great descent and his fortunes.
Then he ordered the signal to he given by sound of trumpet; and
having driven the barbarians from the walls with his missive wea-
pons, he planted the scaling-ladders, and was himself the first that
mounted.

There he was attacked by a crowd of enemies, some of rthom he
drove buck, others he pushed down from the wall on both sides; but
the greatest part lie slew with his sword, so that there was quite a
jamj)art of dead bodies art)und him. In the mean time he himself
received not the least harm, but appeared to his enemies in the awful
character of some superior being; showing on this occasion that Ho-
mer spoke with judgment and knowledge, when he represented valour
as the only virtue which discovers a divine energv, and those enthu-
siastic transp(uts which raise a man above himself. When tlie city
was taken, lie olFered a iTiagnilicent sacrifice to Hercules, and exhi
bited a variety of shows and games.

Of all the barbarians, those about Messcna, who were called Ma-
mcrtines, gave the Greeks the most trouble, and had subjected many
of them to tribute. 'J'hcy were a lunneions and warlike pcoj)le, and
thence had the appellation of JMamertincs, which, in the Latin tongue,
signifies nuirtidl. l^ut I'yrrhus seized the collectors of the tribute,
and put them to death; and having defeatetl the Mamertines in a set
battle, he destroyed many of their strong- holds.

The Carthaginians were now inclined to peace, and oUcred him
both money and ships, on condition that he granted them his friend-
ship. But having further prospects, he made answer, that there \\a.«!
only one way to peace and Iriendship, which was, for the Carthagi-
nians to evacuate Sicily, and m ke the Libyan sea the boundary be-
t%\ecv\ them and the Greeks. F.latcd with prosperity and his present

30 Plutarch's lives.

strength, he thought of nothing but pursuing the hopes which first
tliew him into Sicily.

His first object now was Africa. Me had vessels enougli for his
purpose, but he wanted mariners: and, in the collecting of them
he was far from proceeding with lenity and moderation j on the con-
trary, he carried it to the cities with a high hand, and with great ri-
gour, seconding his orders for a supply with force, and severely
chastising those who disobeyed them. This was not the conduct
which he liad observed at first: for tlicn he was gracious and affable
to an extreme, placed an entire confidence in the people, and avoided
giving them the least uneasiness. By these means he had gained
their hearts. But now, turning from a popular prince into a tyrant,
his austerity drew upon him the imputation both of ingratitude and
perfidiousness. Neces:sity, hov^ever, oi)!iged them to furnish him
with what he demanded, though they were little disposed to it. But
what chiefly alienated their affections was his behaviour to Thonon
and Sostratus, two persons of the greatest authority in Syracuse.
These were the men who first invited him into Sicily, who, upon his
arrival, immediately put their city into his hands, and who had been
the principal instruments of the great things he had done in the
island. Yet his suspicions would neither let him take them with
him, nor leave them behind him. Sostratus took the alarm and fled.
Whereupon Thonon was seized by Pyrrhus, who alleged that he was
an accomplice with Sostratus, and put him to deatli. Then his affairs
Tan to ruin, not gradually and by little and little, but all at once.
And the violent hatred wliich the cities conceived for him, led some

of them to join the Cartliaginians, and othei's the Mamertines

, "While he thus saw nothing around him but cabals, seditions, and
insurrections, he received letters from the Samnites and Tarentines,
who being quite driven out of the field, and with difficulty defending
themselves within their walls, begged his assistance. This afforded
a handsome pretence for his departure, without its being called a
flight, and an absolute giving up his affairs in Sicily. But the truth
was, that, being no longer able to hokl the island, he quitted it, like a
shattered ship, and threw himself again into Italy. It is reported,
that as he sailed away, he looked back upon the isle, and said to
those about him, " VMiat a field we leave the Carthaginians and
Romans to exercise their arms in!" And his conjecture was soon
after verified.

The barbarians rose against him as he set sail, and being attacked
by the Carthaginians on his passage, he lost many of his ships : with
the remainder he gained the Italian shore. The Mamertines, to the
number of tcii thousand, had got thither before him 3 and though

PYRRHUS. 31

they were afiaid to come to a jntclied battle, yet they attacked and
harassed him in the difficult passes, and put his whole army in dis-
order. He lost two elephants, and a considerable part of liIs rerir

was cut in pieces But he immediately pushed from the van to their

assistance, and risked his person in the boldest manner acrainst men
trained by lonq: practice to war, and who fought with a spirit of resent-
ment. In this dispute lie received a wound in the head, which
forced him to retire a little out of the battle, and animated the ene-
my still more. One of them, therefore, who was distinguished both
by his size and arms, advanced before the lines, and, with a loud
voice, called upon him to come forth, if he was alive. Pyrrhu5, in-
censed at this, returned with his guards, and with a visage so fierce
with anger, and so besmeared with blood, that it was dreadful to look
upon, made his way through his battalions, notwithstanding their
remonstrances. Thus rushing upon the barbarir.n, he prevented his
blow, and gave iiim such a stroke on the head with his sword, that,
with the strength of his arm, and the excellent temper of the weapon,
he clove him quite down, and in one moment the jjarts fell asun-
der. This acliievement stopped the course of the barbarians, who
were struck with admiration and amazement at Pyrrhus, as at a su-
perior Ix-'ing. He made the rest of his march, therefore, without
disturbance, and arrived at Tarentum with twenty thousand foot
and three thousand horse. Then taking with him the best troops that
he found ther^*, he advanced immediately against the Romans, who
were encamped in tlR' country of the Samnites.

The affairs of the Samnites were run to ruin, and their spirits
sunk, because they had been beaten in several battles by the Ro-
mans. There remained also in their hearts some resentment agair.st
Pyrrhus, on account of his leaving them to go to Sicily, so that few
of them repaired to his standard. The forces that he had he divided
into two bodies, one of which he detached into Lucania, to keen oni*
of the consuls* employed, and hinder him from assisting his col-
league: with the other corps he marched In person against the other
consul Manius Curius, who lay safely intrenched near the city of
Beneventum, and declined fighting, as well in expectation of the
succours from Lucania, as on account of his being deterred from ac-
tion by the augurs and soothsayers.

Pyrrhus hastening to attack him before he eonld be joined by Ills
colleague, took the choicest of his troops and the most uariike of
his elephants, and pushed forward In the night to surprise his camp.
But as he had a long circuit to take, and the roads were entangle*!
with trees and bushes, his lights failed, and numlicrs of his men lost

* Aiilus CoriKlius Ij'iitu'us.

32 PLUTARCH S LfVES.

their way. Thus the night escaped. At day-break he was discovered
by the enemy descending horn the hei^iits, wliich caused no small
disorder in their camp. Manius, however, linding the sacrifices au-
spicious, and the time pressing, issued out of liis trenches, attacked
the vanguard of tlie enemy, and put tliem to flight. This spread a
great consternation through their whole army, so that many of them
were killed, and some of the elephants taken. On the otlier hand,
tlie success led Manius to try a pitched battle. Engaging, therefore,
in the open field, one of his wings defeated that of the enemy's; but
the other was borne down by the elephants, and driven l^ack to the
trenches. In this exigency he called for those troops that were left
to guard the camp, wlio were all fresh men and well armed. These,
as they descended from their advantageous situation, pierced the ele-
phants with their javelins, and forced them to turn their backs; and
those creatures, rushing upon their own battalions, threw them intc^
the greatest confusion and disorder. This put the victory in the
hands of the Romans; and empire together with the victory: for, by
the courage exerted, and the great actions performed this day, they
acquired a loftiness of sentiment, an enlargement of power, with the
reputation of being invincible, which soon gained them all Italy, and
Sicily a little after.

Thus Pyrrhus fell from his hopes of Italy and Sicily, after he had
wasted six years in these expeditions. It is true, he was not suc-
cessful; but, amidst all his defeats, he preserved his courage uncon-
querable, and was reputed to excel, in military experience, and per-
sonal prowess, all tlie princes of his time. But what he gained by
his achievements he lost by vain hopes; his desire of something ab-
sent never suffered him effectually to persevere in a present pursuit.
Hence it was that Antigonus compared him to a gamester, who
makes many good throws at dice, but knows not how to make the
best of his game.

He returned to Epirus with eight tliousand foot and five hundred
horse; but not having funds to maintain them, lie sought for a war
which might answer that end; and, being joined by a body of Gauls,
he tlirevv himself into Macedonia, where Antigonus the son of De-
metrius reigned at that time. His design was only to pillage and
carry off booty; but having taken many cities, and drawn over two
thousand of Antigonus's men, he enlarged his views, and marched
ugainst the king. Coming up with him in a narrow pass, he put his'
whole army in disorder. The Gauls, however, who composed An-
ti'-onus's rear, being a numerous body, made a gallant resistance.
The dispute was sharp, but at last most of them were cut in pieces;
and they w»io had the charge of the elephants being surrounded^ de-

PYRRHIH. 33

■ ■ ■ ■ ■

livered up boih themselves and the beaj«ts. A ftei so great an ad-
vantage, Pyiilius, following his fortune rather than any ratioMul jjlan,
pushed against the Macedoninn phalanx, now struck with ttrn r and
confusion at their loss. And perceiving that they refused to engage
with him, he stretched out his i'.and to iheir conimundeis and other
officers, at the same time calling th<in ail by their names; by which
means he drew over the enemy's infantry. Antigonus, therefore, was
forced to fly: however, he persuaded some of the mariiimc towns to
remain under liis government.

Amidst so many instances of success, Pyrrhus, concluding that his
exploit against the Gauls was far the most glorious, consecrated the
most splendid and valual)le of the spoils in the temple of Minerva
Itonis, with this inscription;

Tlie«c spoils tl'iit Pjrrlius on the martini plain
Siiatch'd from the vanqui.sh'd Gaul, Itoiiian Pa!l»s,
He cuiibecrates to t'let*. — If from his throne
Antigonus (Jt'serted ^ed, and ruin
Pursued the s^vord of Pjrihus — 'tis no wonder —
From ^I'acus he sprung.

After the battle he soon recovered the cities, \^'hen he had made
himself master of iEgie, among other hardships put upon the inlia-
bitants, he left among them a garrison draughted from those Gauls
who served under him. The Gauls, of all men, are the most covet-
ous of money; and they were no sooner put in possession of liic town,
than they broke open the tombs of the kings who were buried there,
plundered the treasures, and insolently scattered their bones. I'vrr-
hus passed the matter very slightly over ; whether it was that the alhiirs
he had upon his hands obliged him to put off the inquiry, or wlatijer
he was afraid of the Gauls, and did not dare to punisn them. The
connivance, however, was much censured by the Macedonians.

His interest was not well established among them, not had he any
good prospect of its security, when he began to eutertain new vi-^ion-
ary hopes; and, in ridicule of Antigonus, he said, " Jle wondered
at his impudence, in not laying aside the purple, and taking the habit
of a private person."

About this time Cleunynuis the Spartan came to entreat him tlmt
he would march to Laceda-mon, and he lent a willing car to his re-
quest. Cleonyinus was of the bio<.d-royal ; hut us he seemed to be
uf a violent temper, and inclined to aibitrary power, he was ncithei:
loved nor trusted by the Spartans, and Areus was appoiutcd to the
throne. This was an old complaint which he had against the citi-
zens in general. But to this we must gdci,. that when advanced ia
years, lie had married a young woman of great beauty, najocd Che-

VoL.i\ No. IS. F

3 4 Plutarch's lives.

lidonis, wlio was of the royal family, and daughter to Lcotychides.
Chelidonis entertaining a violent passion for Acrotatus the son of
AreuSj who was both young and handsome, rendered the match not
only uneasy, but disgraceful to Cleonymus, who was miserably in
love; for there was not a man in Sparta who did not know how much
he was despised by his wife. These domestic misfortunes, added to
liis public ones, provoked him to apply to Pyrrhus, who marched
to Sparta with twenty five- thousand foot, two thousand horse, and
twenty-four elephants. These great preparations made it evident at
one view that Pyrrhus did not come to gain Sparta for Cleonymus,
hut Peloponnesus for himself. He made, indeed, very different pro-
fessions to the Lacedaemonians, who sent an embassy to him at
Megalopolis : for he told them that he was only come to set free the
cities which were in subjection to Antigonus; and, what is more
extraordinary, that he fully intended, if nothing happended to hinder
it, to send his younger sons to Sparta foraLacedaemonian^education,
that they might, in this respect, have the advantage of all other
kings and princes.

With these pretences he anuised those that came to meet him on
his march; but as soon as he set foot in Laconia, he began to plun-
der and ravage it. And, upon the ambassadors representing that he
commenced hostilities without a previous declaration of war, he said,
" And do we not know that you Spartans never declare beforehand
what measures you are going to take?" To which a Spartan named
^landricidas, who was in company, made answer in this laconic
dialect, '^ If thou art a god, thou wilt do us no harm, because we
have done thee none; if thou art a man, perhaps we may find a better
man than thee."

In the mean time he moved towards Lacedaeraon, and was advised
by Cleonymus to give the assault immediately upon his arrival. But
Pyrrhus, as we are told, fearing that liis soldiers would plunder the
city, if tiiey took it by night, put him off, and said they would pro-
ceed to the assault the next day. For he knew there were but few
men witldn the city, and those unprepared, by reason of his sudden
approach; and that Areus the king was absent, being gone to Crete
to succour the Gortynians. The contemptible idea which Pyrrhus
conceived of its weakness and want of men, was the principal thing
that saved the city. For, supposing that he should not finii the least
resistance, he ordered his tents to be pitched, and sat quietly down;
while the helots and friends of Cleonymus busied themselves in adorn-
.Ing and preparing his house, in expectation that Pyrrus would sup
■with him there that evening.

Night being come, the Lacediemonians resolved in the first place

PYRRHUS. 35

to send off their women to Crete, but they strongly opposed it : and
Archidainia, entering the senate with a sword in lier hand, com-
plained of the mean opinion they entertained of the women, if they
imagined they would survive the destruction of Sparta. In the next
place, they determined to draw a trench parallel to the enemy's
camp, and at each end of it to sink waggons into the ground as deep
as the naves of the wheels, so that, being firmly fixed, they might
stop the course of the elephants. As soon as the work was begun,
both matrons and maids came and joined them; the former with
their robes tucked up, and the latter in their under-garments only,
to assist the older sort of men. They advised those that were in-
tended for the fight to repose themselves, and, in the mean time,
they undertook to finish a tliird part of the trench, which they ef-
fected before morning. This trench was in breadth six cubits, in
depth four, and eight hundred feet long, according to Phylarchus.
Hieronymus makes it less.

At day-break the enemy was in motion, whereupon tiie women
armed the youth with their own hands, and gave them the trench in
charge, exhorting tliem to guard it well, and representing, " How
delightful it would be to conquer in the view of their country, or how
glorious to e\pire in the arms of their mothers and their wives, when
they had met their deaths as became Spartans." As for Chelidonis,
she retired into her own apartment with a rope about her neck, de-
termined to end her days l)y it rather than fall into the hands of Cle-
onymus, if the city was taken.

Pyrrhus now pressed forward with his inf^mtry against the Spar-
tans, wiio waited for him under a rampart of shields. But, besides
that the ditch was scarce passable, he found that there was no firm
footing on the sides of it for his soldiers, because of the looseness of
the fresh earth. His son Ptolemy, seeing this, fetched a compass
about tiie trench with two thousand Gauls and a select body ol Chao-
nians, and endeavoured to open a passage on the quarter of the wag-
gons. But these were so deep fixed and close locked that they not
only obstructed their passage, but made it dillicult for the Spartans
to come up and make a close defence. 'I'he Gauls were now begin-
ning to drag out the wheels, and draw the waggons into the river,
when young Acrotatus, perceiving tiie danger, traversed the city with
three hundicd men, and, by the advantage of some hollow ways,
surrounded Ptolemy, not being seen till he began the attack upon his
rear. Ptolemy was now forced to fai:e about, and stand upon the
defensive. In the confusion many of his soldiers running foul upon
each other, either tumbled into the ditch, or fell under the waggons.
At last, after a long dispute apd gre^t eftusiop of blood, they wern

36 I'LUTARCn's LIVES.

entirely routed. The old men and the women saw this exploit of
Acrotatas; and as he returned through the city to his post, covered
with blued, hold and elated witli his victory, he aj)pearcd to the
Spartan women taller and more graceful than ever, and they could
not help envying Cliclidonis such a lover. Nay, some of the old men
followed and cried out, '" Go, Acrotutus, and enjoy Chclidonis; and
may ycur oUspring he worthy ol Sparta!"

The dispute was more obstinate where Pyrrhus fought in per^
son. Many of the Sp:utans distinguished themselves in ilie action,
and, ainong the rest, Phyllius made a glorious stand. He slew num-
ber:* t'.iHt endeavoured to force a passage, and, when he found him-
self ready to faint with the many wounds he had received, he gave up
his post to one of the ofi;cers that were near him, and retired to die
in tl.!' midst of his own party, that the enemy might not get his body
in their power.

Nij,lii parted the combatants ; and Pyrrhus, as he lay in his tent,
had this dream: he ti^ought he darted lightning upon Laeedaemon*,
which set all ihe city on fire, and that the sight filled hinx with joy.
The transport awaking him, he ordered his officers to put their men
undei arms; and to some of his friends he related his vision, from
which he assured himself that he should take the city by storm. The
thing was received with admiration and a general assent; but it did
n«it please Lysimachus. He said, that as no foot is to tread on
places that are struck by lightning, so the De-y by this might pre-
signify to Pyrrhus that the city sliould remaiu inaccessible to
him. Pyrrhus answered, " These visions may serve as amusements
for the vulgar, but there is not any thing in the world more
uncertain and obscure. While, then, you have your weapons in
your hands, remember, my friends,

The best ot" omens is the cause of rvrrliiis t."

So saying, he arose, and, as soon as it was light, renewed the at-
tack. The LacediEmonians stood upon their defence with an alarcity
and spirit above their strength; and the women attended, supplying
them with arms, giving bread and drink to such as wanted it, and
taking care of the wounded. The Macedonians then attempted to
fill up the ditch, bringing great quantities of materials, and throwing
them upon the arms and bodies of the dead, The Lacediemonians,

• Some, instead of ahtosj read aetos; and then the English will run thus: " He
tlioiioht that an eagle darted lightning," &c. But if that reading be preferred, because
the eagle bore Jupiter's thinidcr, and P^rrhns had the name of " Eagle," it ought to
take place in the last member of (he scntencs too, and that should be rendered, " The
eagle rejoiced at the sight."

t Parody of a line in Hector's speech, II, xii.

rvRRiir?. 37

on their part, redoubled tiieir cllorts against them. But, all on a
sudden, Pvrrhus afptarcd on their side of the trench, where the wag-
gons hnd been planted to stop the passage, advancing at full speed
towarck the city. '1 he soldiers who had the charge of that post cried
out, ai.d the wonuMi fled witli loud shrieks and wailings. In the
mean tinu- Fvrrliu< was pushing on, and overthrowing all that op-
posed him. Hu: his liorse received a wound in the belly from a
Cretan arrow, ran away, and, plunging in the pains of death, threw
him up(m steep and sli}.pery ground. As his friends presstd towards
liim in great confusioii, the Spartans came boldly up, and making
good use of their arrows, drove them all back. Hereupon Pyrrhus
put an entire stop to the action, thinking the Spartans would abate
of their vigour, now they were almost all wounded, and such great
numbers killed. Bn: the fortune of Sparta, whether she was satisfied
with the trial she !iad of the unassisted valour of her sons, or whether
she was willing to >how her ])ower to retrieve the most desperate
circumstances, just as the hopes of the Spartans were beginning to
expire, br^Might to their relief, from Corinth, Aminius the Phocian,
one of Aiitigonus's officers, with an army of strangers; and they had
no sooner entered the town than Areus their kiiu>- arrived from Crete
with two thousand men more. The women now retired immediately to
their houses, thinking it needless to concern themselves any further
in the war: the old men, too, who, notwithstanding their atje, had
])een forced to bear arms, were dismissed, and the new supplies put
in their place.

These two reinforcements to Sparta served only to animate the
courage of Pyrrhus, and make him more ambitious to take the town.
Finding, however, that he could eft'ect nothing, after a scries of losses
and bad success, he quitted the siege, and began to collect booty
from the country, intending to pass the winter there. But fate is
unavoidable. 'JMiere happened at that time a strong contention at
Argos between the parties of Aristeas and Aribtippus ; and as Aristip-
pus appeared to have a connexion with Antigonus, Aristeas, to pre-
vent him, called in Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus, whose hopes grew as fast as
they were cut off, who, if he met with success, only considered it as
a step to greater things, and if with disappointment, endeavoured to
compensate it by some new advantage, would neither let his vietiries
nor losses put a period to his disturbing both tlie world and him-
self. He began his march, therefore, immediately for Argos. -\reus,
by frequent ambushes, and by possessing himself of the diih^ult
passes, cut olV many of the Cauls and Molossians who brough: up
)iis rear. lu the sacrifice which I'yrrhus had olVcrcd^ the liver was

3fi PLUTARCH S LIVE-

found without a head, and the diviner had thence forewarned him
that he was in dtmger of losing some person that was dear to him.
But, in thr hurrv niul disorder of this unexpected attack, he forgot
the njcnace tVoni the victim, and ordered his son Ptolemy, with some
of his guards, to the assistance of the rear, whilst he himself pushed
on, and discng-aged iiis main body from those dangerous passages.
In the mean time, Ptolemy met with a very warm reception; for he
was engaged by a select pai1y of Laccdtemonians under the command
of Evalcus. In the heat of action, a Cretan of Aptera, named Oroe-
sus, a man of remarkable strength and swiftness, came up with the
young prince, as he was fighting with great gallantry, and, with a
blow on the side, laid him dead upon the spot. As soon as he fell,
his parly turned their backs and fled; the Lacedemonians pursued
them, and, in the ardour of victory, insensibly advancing into the
open plain, got at a great distance from their infantry. Pyrrhus,
who by this time had heard of the death of his son, and was greatly
alflictcd at it, drew out his Molossian horse, and, charging at tiic
head, of them, satiated himself with the blood of the Lacedjemo^
nians. He always, indeed, appeared great and invincible in arms,
1^1 1 now, in point of courage and force, he outdid all his former ex-
ploits. Having found out Evalcus, he spurred his horse against
him; but Evalcus, inclining a little on one side, aimed a stroke at
him, which had like to have cut oft' his bridle hand. It happened,
however, «july to cut the reins, and Pyrrhus, seizing the favourable
moment, ran him through with his spear. Then springing from his
horse, he fouglit on foot, and made a terrible havock of those brave
Laced?emonians who endeavoured to protect the body of Evalcus. The
great loss which Sparta suffered was now owing purely to the ill-
timed ambition ol her leaders; for the war was at an end before
the engagement.

Pyrrhus having thus sacrificed to the manes of his son, and cele-
brated a kind of funeral games for him, found that he had vented
much of his grief in the fury of the condjat, and marched more com-
posed to Argos. Finding that Antigonus kept the high grounds ad-
joining to the plain, he encamped near the town of Nauplia. Next
day he sent a herald to Antigonus with a chalh-ngc, in abusive terms,
to come down into the field, and light with him for the kingdom.
Antigonus said, " Time is the weapon that 1 use as much as the
sword; and if Pyrrhus is weary of his life, there are many ways to
end it." To both the kings there came ambassadors from Argos,
entreating them to retire, and so prevent that city from being sub-
jected to either, which had a friendship for them both. Antigonus

rvRRni^. 39

igreed to the overture, and sent his son to the Argivcs as a hostage.
Pyrrhus at the same time promistd to rctirt*, hut, sending no liosl-
age, he was much suspected.

Amidst these traiisactio!)s, Pyrrhus was ahirnied witli a great and
tremendous j)ro(lii:y : for the heads of the sacrifice-oxen, when
severed from the bodies, were seen to tliurst out their totitrues, and
lick up tiicir own gore. And in Argos the priestess of Apollo Lyceus
ran aljout the streets, crying out that she saw the city full of dead
carcases and hlood, and an eagle joining in the fight, and then im-
mediately vanishing.

Jn the dead of night Pyrrlms approached tlic walls, and finding
the gate called Dhimperes opened to him by Aristeas, he was not
discovered till his CJanls liad entered and seized the markct-plnce.
But the gate not being high enough to reci ive the Klephants, they
were forced to take otF their towers; and having afterwards put them
on again in the dark, it could not be done without noise and loss of
time, by which means they were discovered. 'I'he Argives ran into
the citadel called As^pis*, and other places of defence, and. sent
to call in Antigonus. But he only advanced towards the walls to
watch his opportunity for action, and cont<*nted himself with send-
ing in some of his principal officers, and his son, with consider-
able succours.

At the same time, Arcus arrived in the town with a thousand
Cretans and the most active of his Spartans. All these troops being
joined, fell at once up^m the Gauls, and put them in great dis-
order. Pyrriius entered at a place called (//hirahisf, with great
noise and loud shouts, which were echoed by the Gauls; but Ijc
thought their shouts were neither full nor bold, but rather expres-
»iv« of terror and distress. He therefore advanced in great haste,
pushing forward his cavalry, though they marched in danger by
reason of the drains and sewers of which the city was full. Be-
sides, in this nocturnal war, it was impossilile cither to see what
was done, or to hear the orders that W( re given. 'I'he soldiers were
scattered about, and lost their way among the narrow streets; uor

• Thorr wns an annuni ftast ut Argos, in honour of Juno, cii\)(ci IJeraiai, " Junoninn,"
and also " llriatombia," Troin the hecaloiubof oxcii (liro ofTcrrH. Ainon(( other gainr*,
tliis pri»e *:i» proposed for tlio youth: in a place orcwn»i()rrtiLlc strrneih nbnre th«
thciitrc, a brazen Imcklrr mns naiird to tlio wall, uiid tl.cy were to try ihtir tircnvth in
pulling it uO'. IIk- victor wu) croAncd with a luyrtit garland, and had the liucklc, (lO
Greek, Atpu), fur his pains. Ilcncc the nntne uf the fort. Xol only the jroulh ol .\rgw*,
but strangers, were admitted lo the cotiteil, at ajipcari froiu Piudar: for, speaking of
Diagurat of Rlii>d<.^, he says,

" The Arfive hurklerlnew hlra." Olvmp. ()<!c tII.

^ Cylaralii wii a place ot exvrcis« near ore of tic {ales tj{ Ar^oi. P«iaan.

40 Plutarch's ijvf.s.

could the officers rally them in that darkness, amidst such a variety ot
iioisos, and in such strait passas^es ; so that both sides continued with-
out doing any thirg, and waited for day-lifcht.

At the first dawn Pyrriius was concerned to see the Aspis full of
armed men ; hut his concern was chaufj^ed into consternation, when,
amoDi^ the many fiirures in the market-place, he belicld a wolf and a
bull in brass represented in the act of lightint^: for he recolleited an
old oracle which had foretold, " That it was his destiny to die when he
should see a wolf encountering a bull." The Argivcs say these
figures were erected in memory of an accident whicli happened among
them long before. They tell us, that when Dai»aus first entered
iheir country, as he passed through the district of Thyreatis, by tlic
wav of Pyramia* which leads to Argos, he saw a wolf figiiting with a
bull. Danaus imagined that the wolf represented him ; for, being
a stranger, he came to attack the natives, as the wolf did the bull.
He therefore stayed to see the issue of the fight, and the wolf proving
victorious, he oilered his devotions to Apollo Lyceus, and then as-
saulted and took the town; Gelanor, who was then king, being de-
posed by a faction. Such is the history of those figures.

Pyrrhus, quite dispirited at the sight, and perceiving at the same
time that nothing succeeded according to his hopes, thought it best
to retreat. Fearing that the gates were too narrow, he sent orders
to his son Helen us, who was left with the main body without the
town, to demolish part of the wall, and assist the retreat, if the ene-
my tried to obstruct it. But the person whom he sent, mistaking the
order In the hurry and tumult, and delivering it quite in a contrary
sense, the young prince entered the gates with the rest of the ele-
phants, and the best of the troops, and marched to assist his father.
Pyrrhus was now retiring; and while the market-place afforded room
both to retreat and fight, he often faced about and repulsed the as-
sailants. But when from that broad place he came to crowd into
the narrow street leading to the gate, he fell in with those who were
advancing to his assistance. It was in vain to call out to them to
fall hack; there were few that could hear him; and such as did hear,
and were most disposed to obey his orders, were pushed back by
those who came pouring in behind. Besides, the largest of the ele-
phants was fallen in the gateway on his side, and lying there, and
braying in a horrible manner, he stopped those who would have got
out. And among the elephants already in the town, one named
Nicon, striving to take up his master, who was fallen off wounded,
rushed against the party that was retreating, and overturned both
friends. and enemies promiscuously, till he fuund the body. Then
he took it up with his trunk, and carrying it on his two teeth, re-

PYRRHUS. 41

tiirncfl in great fury, suul trod down all before liiin. V^ lien they
were thus pressed and crowded to^'ctlier, not a man could do any
thing singly; hut the whole multitude, like one close compacted
l)ody, rolled this way and ihat all together. They exchanged hut
few blows with the enemy either in front or rear, and tlje greatest
harnj they did was to themselves: for if any man drew his sword
or levelled his pike, he could not recover the one or put up the
other; the next person, therefore, whoever lu* happened to be, was
necessarily wounded, and thus many of them fell Ijy the hands of
each other.

Pyrrhus, seeing the tempest rolling about him, took off the plume
with which his helmet was distinguished, and gave it to one of his
friends. Then trusting to the goodness of his horse, he rode in
amongst the enemy, who were harassing his rear, and it happened
that he was wounde<l linoiigh the breast-plate wiil» a javelin; the
wound was rather slight than dangerous, hut he turned against the
man that gave it, who was an Argive of no note, the son of a poor
old woman. This woman, among others, looking upon the fight
from the roof of a house, beheld her son thus engaged. Seized with
terror at the sight, she took up a large tile with both hai.ds, and threw
it at Pyrrhus. 'I'he tile fell upon his head, and, notwithstanding
his helmet, crushed the lower vertebrtc of his neck. Darkness in a
moment covered his eyes, his hands let go the reins, and he fell from
liis horse by the tomb of LIi yini.ius*. The crowd that was about

* There is somctliiiig sl.ikini;ly ci<iil»fni|jliblc iii the luU of tliis firociou* uairior

What rcrtfclmiis may it iiut atTonl to tl:oke scourges <if mankind, who, lo extend their
power, and giulify their jiridn, tmr out the vitals of litiinaii society! — How unh.rtuniite
ihut ihcy do not recollotl thi-ir own personcil insif»nificiincc, and conbider, while they
arc disturbing the peace of the earth, that they are beings whom an old woman may
kill with a stone! — It is imp'i»iit>le here lo lorget the obscure fate ol t'lurks ilio 1 wclftli,
or the loilowing verses th;it describe it:

On what foundation ittandi ihe warrior's pride.

How just Ins hopes, let Swedish C'liHrlcs decide;

A frame ol adamant, a son! of fire,

A'odaiigcis fright hiiii, and no labours tire;

O'er l')ve, o'er fear, extends his wide <ioiuaii),

Uncouqiicr'd lord of pleasure and ol pain;

N0J03S to him pacific set ptiTS yield,

War soumls the trump, he rushes lo the field.

r>chold surrounding kiii^^k liieir power combine.

And one capitulate and oiu* resign.

Peace courts his hand, but spreads her charms in vain;

" Tliink nothing gain'd," he criid, " till nought reiuaiu :

On Moscow's walls nil Cioitnc siandards fly.

And all be mine beceath the polar sky."

Vol.2. Xo. 18. g

42 Plutarch's lives.

him did not know h'un ; but one Zopyrus, who served under Anti-
tronus, and two or three others eoniin^ up, knew liini, and (hagged
liini into a poreli that was near at hand, just as lie was beginning to
recover from tlie blow. Zopyrus had drawji his Illyrian blade to cut
oft' his head, when Pyrrhus opened his eyes, and gave him so fierce a
look, that he was struck with terror. His hand trembled, and be-
tween his desire to give the stroke, and the eonlusion he was
in, he missed his ueck, but wounded him in the mouth and chin,
so that it was a long time before he could separate the head front
the body.

By this time the thing was generally known, and Alcyoneus, the
son of AntigonUs, came hastily up, and asked for the head, as if he
wanted only to look upon it. But as soon as he had got it, he rode
off with it to his father, and cast it at his feet as he was sitting with
Ills friends. Antigonus, looking upon the head, and knowing it,
thrust his son from him, and struck him with his staft', calling him
an impious and barbarous wretch. Then putting his robe before his
eyes, he vvcpt in remembrance of the fate of his grandfather Anti-
gonus*, and that of his father Demetrius, two instances in his own
house of the mutability of fortune. As for the head and body of
Pyrrhus, he ordered them to be laid in magnificent attire on the
funeral pile, and burnt. After this, Alcyoneus having met with
Helenus in great distress and a mean garb, addressed him in a cour-
teous manner, and conducted him to his father, who thus expressed
himself on the occasion: " In this, my son, you have acted much

The niarcli begins in luililarv slate,
And nations on his c} e sus))cuded wait.
Stern faiiiinc guards the solitary coast.
And winter barricades the realm of frost:
He comes — not want and cuid his course delay — »
Hide, blushing Glory, hide Pultowa's day!
The vanquish'd hero leaves his broken bands.
And shows his miseries in distant lands.
Condcran'd a needy suppliant to wait,
AVhile ladies interpose, and slaves debate.
But did not Chance at length her error uicnd?
Did no subverted empire mark his end P
Did rival nionarchs give the fatal wound?
Or hostile millions press him to the ground?
His fall was destin'd to a biirren strand,
A petty fortress, and a dubious hand.
He left the name at which the world grew pale,
To point a moral, or adorn a tale. Johnson,

* Antigonus the First was killed at the battle of Ipsus, and DcAietrius the First long
kept a prisoner by his son-in-law, Seleucus.

CAir'5 iM'Rirs. 43

better than before; but still you are deficient; for you should have
taken oft" that mean hahit, which is a greater disgrace to us who are
victorious than it is to the vanquished."

Then he piiid his respects to Ilelenus in a very obliging man-
ner, and sent him to Epirus uitli a proper etjuipage. He gave also
the same kind reception to tlic friends of Pyrrhus, after he had made
himself master of his wiiole camp and army.

CAIUS xMARirS.

VVE know no third name of Cains Marius, any more than we do
of Quinctus Sertorius, who held Spain so long, or of Lucius Mum-
niius, who toi)k Corinth: for the surname of Arliuhits, Mummius
gained by his conquest, as Seipio did tiiat of yjfricanu.s, and Afetel-
\us that of JLicedoiiicNs. Posidonius av;iils himself chiefly of this
argument to confute those who hold the third to be the Roman pro-
per name, Camillus, for instance, INIarcellus, Cato; fur, in that
case, those who had only two names would have had noproj)ernamo
at all. But he did not consider that by tins reasoning he luhbedthe
women of their names; for no woman bears the first, which Posi-
donius supposed the proper name among the Romans. Of the other
names, one was conHnf)n to ihe whole family, as the Pompeii, Manlii,
Cornelii, in the same manner as with us, the lleraclida% and Pelo-
j)idfe; and tiie other was a surname given them from son;ethiiig re-
markable in their dispositions, their actions, or the form of their
bodies, as Macrinus, Torquatiis,Sylla, which are like Mnemon, Gry-
pus, and Callinieus, among the (.Greeks. Butthediverbity of customs,
in this res{)cct, leaves nmeh room for fmther inquiry*.

•The Ilomiln^ hiul usually' tlirci: iiaDies, the I'nriwincn, the .V(*mrii, oiid iht: Cognomen,

The I'rauomcii, tis Auliis, Caiuit, Dcciiiiuj, wiis llic proper or di&lingui»hing tiiiiiiu be-
tween brotliers, duriiit; ilie (iiucol'tiic republic.

The Aiii/ifn was the faiiiily iimiie, luweriiii; lo the Grecian piilronvniics. For as, among
the Grcclkit, ihe pu!>teritjr ol'/Luciis Mere culled /1'.hciU;i*> so ihi Juliiin taiuily had (hat
iiuiiie froni luiiis or Ascunius. But there were several other things winrh gave rise lo
(lie Noiiun, as iiniiiiaU, pliiccs, and accidents; fur instance, I'mcius, Ovilius, \c.

'1 lie Cognoincn was uri^inall^ intended to di»iiti^ui>h the several branches ol a lamilv.
It WHS uskunied t'ruiii no certain cnuae, but gencntlly Iruni some particular occurrence, it
became, however, hereditary, except it happeiud to be changed lor u moie honourable
appcllatiou, u!> Macedonicus, Africanus. Uut it should be well remarked, that under
the emperor?, the riMHOiiini was alien used as a proper name, and brothers were dis-
tiiiguishcd by it; as Titus Flavins Vespasianns, and Titus Flavius .Sabinns.

As to women, they had anciently their rrdnomcn as well ai the men, luch at C'ai«

41 I'LUTARCH S LIVES.

As to the figure of JNIarius, we have seen at Ravenna, in Gaul,
his statue in iiiarblc, whicli |xrf'cctiy expressed all that lias been
said of his sternness and austerity of bi'haviour; for, beirt^ naturally
robust and warlike, and more aequainted with the discipline of
the camp tlmn the city, he was tierce and untractable when in au-
thority. It is said that he neither learned tq read Greek, nor would
make use of that languaue on any serious occasion, thinking it ridi-
culous to bestow time en learning the language of a conquered peo-
ple. And when, after his second triunij)h, at t!ie dedication of a
temple, he exhibited shows to the people in the Grecian manner,
he barely entered the theatre and sat down, and then rose up and
departed immediately. Therefore, as Plato used to say to Xeno-
crates the philosopher, who had a morose and unpolished manner,
*' Good Xenocrates, sacrifice to the Graces;" so if any one could
have persuaded Marius to pay his court to the Grecian Muses and
Graces, he had never brought his noble achievements, both in war
and peace, to so siiocking a conclusion; he had never been led, by
unseasonable ambition and insatiable avarice, to split upon the rocks
of asj'.vage and cruel old age. But this will soon appear from his
actions themselves.

His ])arents were obscure and indigent people, who supported
thera«elvci> Ly labour; bis father's name was the same with his; his
mother \va<: called Fulcinia. It was late before he came to Rome,
or had any taste of the refinements ol the city. In the mean time
he lived at Cirraetiium*, a village in the territory of Arpinuni; and
ins manner of living there was perfectly rustic, if compared with the
elegance of polibhed life, but at the same time it was temperate, and
much resembled that of the ancient Romans.

He made his first campaign against the Celtiberians f, when Scipio
Africanus besieged Numantia. It did not escape his general how
far he was above the other young soldiers in courage, nor how easily
he came into the reformation in point of diet which Scipio introduced

Lucia, &c. But afterwards tlicy seldom used any other bp|^ides the fiimilj name, as
Julia, Tullia, and t!;e like. \\ here there wt-re two sisters in a buuse, tht distinguishing
appellations were maj'r and minor; it' a greater number. Prima, Sccuiida, Tertia, &:c.

AVith respect to the mta who had only two names, <i family might be so mean as not
to have gained the C<-gncmeii, or there might be so lew of the !aiiiily that there was no
occasion for it to distinguish tlie braiv:hes.

" A corrupt. on ot CeiTietum. Pliny tells us, the inhabitants of Cernctum were caHed
Manani, undoubtedly I'rom iVIarius their townsman, who had distinguished himself in so
extraordinary a manner. Ptin. lib. iii. c. 5.

t In the third year of the hundred and sixty-iirst Olympiad, one hundred and thirty
three years before the birth of Christ.

CAR'S MARIU^. 4h

into the armv, before almost rained by luxury nnd pleasure. It is

said also that he encountered and killed an enemy in the siirht of his
general, who therefore distiufuished him with uvMiy marks of honour
and nspect, one of which u;is the invitinc^ him to his table. One
evening the conversation happening to turn ujion the great com-
inandcrs theii in being, sonic ])erson in the com[):iny, cither out of
complaisanct to Scinnij «»r because he really wanted to be informed,
asked, " Whore the Romans should find such another general whea
he was gone?" upon which Scipio, putting his hand on the shoulder
of Marias, who sat next him, said, "Here, perhaps." JSo happy
was the genius of both those great men, that the one, while but a
youth, gave to':cns of his future abilities, and the other, from
those bcglrminrs, could discover the long series of glory which was
to follow.

This saying of Scipio's, wc are told, raised the hopes of Marius
like a divine oracle, and was the chief thing that animated him to
apply himself to ailUirs of state. By the assistance of C.'eci-
lius Metelhis, on whose house he had a hereditary dependence, he
was chosen a tribune of the people*. In this oflice he proposed a
law for regulating the manner of voting, which tended to lessen the
authority of the patricians in matters of judicature. Cotta the con-
sul therefore persuaded the senate to reject it, and to cite Marias
to give account of his C(nKluct Sue!) a decree !)eing mudc, Marius,
when he entered the senate, showed not the embarrassment of a young
man advanced to office without having first distinguished himself,
but, assuming beforehand the elevation wliich his future actions were
to give him, he threatened to send ("otta to prison, if he did not re-
voke the decree. C'otta turning to Metelhis, and asking his opinion,
Metcllus rose uj), and vot* d with the consid. Hereupon Marius
called in a lietor, and ordered liim to take Metcllus into custody.
Metelhis ajjpealed to the other tribunes, but as not one of them lent
him any assistance, the senate gave way, and repealed their de-
cree. Marius, highly distinguished by this victory, went imme-
diately from the senate to tlie /"o;v///?, and had his law confirmed by
the peoj)le.

From this time he passed for a man of inflexible resolution, not to
he influenced by fear or respeet of persdMs, antl coiisc(juentlv one
tliat would prove a bold defender of the people's privikges against the
senate. But this opinion was soon altered byhi.s takinga quite diffe-
rent part: for a law being proposed concerning tli* distribution of corn,
tie strenuously opposed the plebeians, and carried it against them:

* One Lun^lrtd and ;cvcntccn years before Christ.

46 Plutarch's lives.

by whicli action hcgairnxl equal esteem from both parties, as a per-
son incipable ot'seivini^ either at^aiiist the pul)lic advantage.

When his tribuneship was expired, he stood candidate for the office
of diief aedilc. For tl>ere are two oftiees of tBdiles; the one called
cu^ufrs, from the cliair uith crooked feet, in which the magistrate
.sits while he dispatches business; the other, of a degree much infe-
rior, is called the plehcian ccdile. The more honomuble iedile is iirst
chosen, and then the people proceed the same day to the election of
the other. When Marius found he could not carry the first, he drop-
ped his pretensions there, and immediately applied for the second. But
as this proceeding of his betrayed a disagreeable and importunate ob-
stinacy, he miscarried in that also. Yet, though he was twice baffled
in his application in one day, (which never happened to any man but
himself) he was not at ail discouraged : for, not long after, he stood for
thepraetorship, and was near being rejected again. He was, indeed,
returned last of all, and then was accused of bribery. What contri-
buted most to this suspicion was a servant of Cassius Sabaco being
seen within the rails among the electors; for Sabaco was an intimate
friend of Marius. He was summoned, tlicrefore, by the judges; and
being interrogated upon the point lie said, " That the heal having
made him very thirsty, he asked for cold water; upon which his ser-
vant brought him a cup, and withdrew as soon as he had drank."

Sabaco was expclUd the senate 'by the next censors*; and it was
thouglit he deserved that mark of infamy, as having been guilty either
of falsehood or intemperance. Caius Herenius was also cited as a
witness against Marius ; but he alleged that it was not customary for
patrons (so the Romans called protectors) to give evidence against
their clients, and that tlie law excused them from that obligation.
The judges were going to admit the plea, when Marius himself op-
posed it, and told Herenius, that when he was first created a magis-
trate, he ceased to be his client. But this was not altogether true.
For it is not every olVice tiiat frees clients and their posterity from
the service due to their patrons, but only those magistracies to which
the law gives a curide chair. Marius, however, during the first days
of trial, found that matters ran against him, his judges being very
unfavourable; yet at last the votes proved equal, and he was acquit-
ted beyond expectation.

In his preetorship he did nothing to raise him to distinction ; but,
at the expiration of this office, the Farther Spain falling to his lot,
he is said to have cleared it of robbers. That province as yet was
uncivilized and savage in its manners, and the Spaniards thought

. • Probably be had one of his slaves to vpte among the freemen.

CAIUS MARIUS. 47

there was nothing dishonourable in robbery. At his return to Home,
he was desirous to have l\is share in the administration, but had nei-
ther riches nor eloquence to reconiniend liim ; though tiiese were
the instruments by which tiie great men of these times governed the
people. His high spirit, however, liis indefatigaljle industry, and
plain mannerof living, recommended him so efl'ectnally to the com-
monalty, tliat he gained offices, and by offices power: so that he
was thought worthy the alliance of the Caesars, and married Julia of
that illustrious family. Caesar, who afterwards raised himself to suelx
eminence, was her nephew, and, on account of his rclatit)n to Ma-
rius, showed hiftiself very solicitous for his honour, tis wc have related
in his life.

Marius, along with his temperance, was possessed of great fortitude
in enduring pain. There was an extraordinary proof of this, in liis
bearing an operation in surgery. Having both his legs full of wens,
and ])eing troubled at the deformity, he determined to put himself iii
the hands of a surgeon. He would not he bound, but stretched out
one of his legs to the knife, and, without motion or groan, bore the
inexpressible pain of the operation in silence, and with a settled coini-
tenance. But when the surgeon was going to begin with the otluT
leg, he would not suffer him, saying, " I see the cure is not worth
the pain,"

About this time Caecilius jNIetellus, the consul*, being ajipointed
to the chief command in the war against Jugurtha, took IMaiius with
him into Africa as one of his lieutenants. JNlarius, now linding au
opportunity for great actions and glorious toils, t(K>k no care, lil<e
his colleagues, to contrihute to the reputation of Metellus, or to di-
rect his views to his service; but conciuding that he was called to
the lieutenancy, not by Metellus, but by Fortune, who had ojiened
him an easy way, and a noble theatre for great achievements,
exerted all his powers. That v/ar presenting many critical occasions,
lie neither declined the most difficult service, nor thought the most
servile beneath him. Thus surpassing his ccjuals in prudence and
I'oresight, and contesting it with the common soldiers in abstemious-
ness and lahour, he entirely gained their aft'ections. For it is no
imall consokition to any one who is obliged to work, to see another
voluntarily take a share in his labour, since it seems to take oft' the
ironstraint. There is not, indeed, a more agreeahle spectacle to a
Roman soldier, than that of his general eating the same dry bread
which he eats, or lying on an ordinary bed, or assisting his men in

* Q. Ca-cilius Metellus was consul witli !M. Junius Silaiius, the fourtli vcar of the
one hundred and sixty-seventh Olympiad, a hundred and seven years hcltrc the birth
of Christ. In this expedition he acquired the buniitioe of Nuiuidicut.

AS Plutarch's lives.

drawing a trench, or throwing up a buhvark. For the soldier does
not so much admire those officers wlio let him share in their honours
or their money, as those who will partake with him in labour and
danger; and he is more attached to one that will assist him in his
work, than to one who will indulge hiin in idleness.

By these steps Marius gained the hearts of the soldiers: his glory,
his influence, his reputation, spread through Africa, and extended
even to Rome. The men under his command wrote to their friends
at home, that the only means of putting an end to the war in those
parts, would be to elect Marius consul. This occasioned no small
anxiety to IMetcllus, but what distressed him most was the affair of
Turpilius. This man and his family had long been retainers to that
of Metellus, and he attended him in that war in the character of
master of the artificers; but being, through his interest, appointed
governor of the large town of Vacca, his humanity to the inhabitants,
and the unsuspecting openness of his conduct, gave them an oppor-
tunity of delivering up the pluce to Jugurtha*. Turpilius, however,
sufll'ered no injury in his person; for the inhabitants, having pre-
vailed upon Jugurtha to spare him, dismissed him in safety. On
this account he was accused of betraying the place. Marius, who
was one of the council of war, was not only severe upon him himself,
but stirred up most of the other judges ; so that it was carried against
the opinion of Metellus, and, much against his will, he passed sen-
tence of death upon him. A little after, the accusation appeared a
false one; and all the other officers sympathized, with Metellus,
who was overwhelmed with sorrow; wliile Marius, far from dissem-
bling his joy, declared the thing was his doing, and was not ashamed
to acknowledge in all companies, " That he had lodged an avenging
fury in the breast of Metellus, who would not fail to punish him for
having put to death the hereditary friend of his family."

They now became open enemies: and one day when Marius was
by, we are told that Metellus said, by way of insult, " You think
then, my good friend, to leave us, and go home to solicit the con-
sulship: would you not be contented to stay and be consul with this
son of mine?" The son of Metellus was then very young. Notwith-
standing this, Marius still kept applying for leave to be gone, and
Metellus found out new pretences for delay. At last, when there
wanted only twelve days to the election, he dismissed him. Marius
had a long journey from the camp to L'tica, but he despatched it in
two days and a night. At his arrival on the coast, he offered sacrifice
before he embarked : and the diviner is said to have told him, " That

• They put the Roman ganison to the sword, rptring none but Turpilius.

CAIUS MARIL'S. 4^

heaven announced success superior to all his hopes." Elevated with
this promise, he set sail, and, having a fair wind, crossed the sea in
four days. 'J'he people immediately expressed their inclination for
him ; and being introduced by one of their tribunes, he brought many
false charges against Metelkis, in order to secure the consulship for
hin)seif; promising at tlie same time cither to kill .Iiigurtha, or to
take him alive.

He was elected with great applause, and immediately began his
levies, in which he observed neitlier law nor custom ; f(;r he inlistcd
many needy persons, and even slaves*. The generals that were be-
fore iiim had not admitted such as these, but intrusted oidy persons
of property with arms, as with other honours, considering that pro-
perty as a pledge to the public for their behaviour. Nor was this
the only obnoxious thing in Marius. His bold speeches, accom-
panied with insolence and ill manners, gave the patricians great un-
easiness. For he scruj)led not to say, " That he had taken the con-
sulate as a prey from tiie crt'eminacy of the high-born and the rich,
and that he boasted to the people of iiis own wounds, not the images
of others, or monumeuts of the dead," He took frequent occasion,
too, to mention Bestia and Albinus, generals who had been mostly
imfortunate in Africa, as men of illustrious families, but unfit for
w ar, and consequently unsuccessful tiuough want of capacity. Then
he would ask the people, " Whether they did not think that the
ancestors of ibose men Avould have wished rather to leave a posterity
like him; since they themselves did nut rise to glory by their high
birth, l)Ut by their virtue and great actions." These things he said
not out of mere vanity and arrogance, or needlessly to en»broil him-
self with the nobility; but he saw the people took pleasure in seeing
the senate insulted, and that they measured the greatness of a man's
mind by the insolence of his language; and therefore, to gratify tlieni,
he sjiared not the greatest men in the state.

Upon his anival in Africa, Metelliis was (juite overcome with grief
and resentment, to think that when he had in a manner linished the
war, and there rejnained nothing to take but the person of Jugurtha,
Marius, who had raised himself merely by his ingratitude towards
/«■/«, should come to snatch away both his victory and triumph,
l^nable, therefore, to bear the sight of him, lie retired, and left liLs
lieutenant Kutiiius to deliver up the forces to Marius. IJut, before
the cud of the war, tbe divine vengeance overtook Marius; for SylUv
robbed him of the glory oi bis exploits, as he had done Melellus. 1

• Florus docs nol sny lio inli^tod slaves, but cajiile ccnspf, such as, linving uo C!>;a!es
hail only their names entered in the registers.

Vol. 2. No. IS. ii

50 PLUTARCH S LIVKS.

shall briefly relate here the manner of that transaction, having already
given a more particular account of it in the life of Sylla.

Bocchus, king of the Upper Nuniidia, was father -in-law tcr Ju-
gurtha. He gave him, however, very little assistance in the war,
pretending that he detested hisperfidiousness, while he really dreaded
the increase of his power. But wlicn he hecame a fugitive and a
wanderer, and was reduced to the necessity of applying to Bocchus
as his last resource, that prince received him rather as a suppliant
than as his son-in-law. When lie had him in his hands, he proceeded
in public to intercede with Marius in his behalf, alleging, in his let-
ters, that he would never give him up, but defend him to the last.
At the same time, in private intending to betray him, he sent for
Lucius Sylla, who was quaestor to Marius, and had done Bocchus
many services during the war. When Sylla was come to him, con-
fiding in his honour, the barbarian began to repent, and often
changed his mind, deliberating for some days whether he should
deliver up Jugurtha, or retain Sylla too. At last, adhering to the
treachery he had first conceived, he put Jugurtha alive into the hands
of Sylla.

Hence the first seeds of that violent and implacable quarrel which
almost ruined the Roman empire. For man}', out of envy to Marius,
were willing to attribute this success to Sylla only; and Sylla him-
self caused a seal to be made, which represented Bocchus delivering
up Jugurtha to him. This seal he always wore, and constantly
sealed his letters with it; by which he highly provoked Marius, who
v?as naturally ambitious, and could not endure a rival in glory.
Sylla was instigated to this by tlie enemies of Marius, who ascribed
the beuinniitg and the most considerable actions of the war to Me-
icllus, and the last and finishing stroke to Sylla; that so the people
miLrht no longer admire and remain attached to Marius as the most
accomplished of commanders.

The danger, however, that approached Italy from the west, soon
dispersed all the envy, the hatred, and the calumnies, which had
been raised against Marius. The people, now in want of an experi-
enced commmandcr, and searching for an able pilot to sit at the
lielra, that the commonwealth might bear up against so dreadful a
storm, found that no one of an opulent or noble family would stand
for the consulship; and therefore they elected Marius*, though ab-
sent. They had no sooner received the news that Jugurtha was
taken, than reports were spread of an invasion from the Teutones
and the Cimbri. And though the account of the number and
strength of their armies seemed at first incredible, it afterwards ap-

• * One hundred and two years before Christ.

CAIUS MARIUS. 61

peared short of tlic truth. For tin ee hundred thousand well-armed
warriors were upon the march, and the women and children, whuni
they had along with them, were said to he much more numerous.
This vast multitude Wanted la^lds on which thtv might sulisist, and
cities wherein to settle; as they had heard the Celiie, before them,
liad expelled the Tusfaos, and possessed themselves of the best part
of Italy*. As for these, w-Jio now hovered like a cloud over Gaul
and Italy, it was not known who they wcief, or whence they came,
on account of the small commerce winch tlicy had with the rest of
the world, and the length of way they had marched It was con-
jectured, indeed, from the largeness of their stature, and the biueness
of their eyes, as well as because ihe Germans call banditti Cimhrif
tliat they were some of those German nations who dwell by the
Northern Sea.

Some assertj that the country of the Celtae is of such vast extent,
that it stretches from the AVestern Ocean and most northern climates
to the lake jMa^otis eastward, and that part of Scyihia which borders
upon Pontus : that there the two nations mingle, and theuce issue;
not all at once, nor at all seasons, but in the spritig of every year:
that, by means of these annual supplies, they had gradually opened
themselves a way over the greatest part of the European continent;
and that, though tliey are distinguished by different names, according
to their tribes, yet their whole body is comprehended under the general
ttami; of Celto-Scyti:a^

Others say, they were a small part of the Cimmerians, well known
to tlie ancient Greeks; and that this small part, quitting their native
soil, or being expelled by the Scyihians on account of some sedition,
passed from the Palus Maiotis into Asia, utider the conduct ol Lv*^-
damus their chief. But that the greater and more warlike part dwelt
in extremities of the earth near the Northern Sea. These inhabit
a country so dark and woody, that the sun i^ seldom seen, by reason
of the many liigh and spieading trees, which reach inward as far as
the ercynian forest. They aie under that part of the heavens where
the elevation of the pole is such, that by reason of the declination of
the parallels, it mak'es almost a vertical point to the inhabitants- and

* Intlic rci;;n ofTarquiiiiiis Prisius.

t The Ciriibri were descemled from tlit nncicnt Gomeriaiis or Celtes; Ciiiiri, or Cyni'
bri, being only II harsher proiniiiciatioii of liomerai. They were in all probjbilitrfba
most ancieni people of Ucrii.any . They gave their name to the Ciiubrica Chcrsoi.es.n,
which was a kind of pciimsula cxleiidinj; from llie moiuh of the river EU,c mio the Aortb
Sea. They were a!i supposed the saiue with the Ciramcriani, (hut iiil,;ibtied the coun-
tries about the Pains M;cotu ; which is highly prob-ible, both from the likeness of their
names, and trora the desceadants of Uom«r having spread tlie-Djelvci orer all tbat
iiurthera track.

5f Plutarch's lives.

their day and night are of such a length, that they serve to divide the

year into two ecjiial parts; which gave occasion to the fiction of Ho-
mer concerning the infernal regioijs.

Hence, therefore, these barharians who came into Italy first is-
sued; being anciently called Cimmerii, afterwards Cinibri, and the
appellation was not at all from their manners. But these things rest
rather on conjecture than historical certainty. Most historians,
however, agree that their numl)ers, instead of being less, were rather
greater than we have related. As to their courage, their spirit, and
the force and vivacity with which they made an impression, we may
compare them to a devouring flame. Nothing could resist their im-
petuosity; all that came in their way were trodden down, or driven
before them like cattle. Many respectable armies and generals*
employed by the Romans to guard the Transalpine (laul were shame-
fully routed; and the feeble resistance they made to the first eff'orts
of the barbarians was the chief thing that drew them towards Rome.
For having beaten all they met, and loaded themselves with plunder,
they determined to settle no where till they had destroyed Rome, and
laid waste all Italy.

The Romans, alarmed from all quarters witb this news, called
Marius to the command, and elected him a second time consul. It
was, indeed, unconstitutional for any one to be chosen who was ab-
sent, or who had. not waited the regular time between a first and
second consulship; but the people overruled all that was said against
bim. They considered that this was not the first instance in which
the law liad given way to the public utility; nor was the present oc-
casion less urgent than that, when contrary to lawf, they made
Scipio consul; for then they were not anxious for the safety of their
own city, but only desirous of destroying Carthage. These reasons
prevailing, Marius returned with his army from Africa, and entering
upon his consulship on the first of Jaiinary, wlilcli the Roninns reckon
the beginning of their year, led i![) his tiiuiuph thesanje dav. Jugur-
tha, now a captive, was a spectacle as agreeable to tlie Honiaiis as it was
beyond their expectation, no one having ever imagined that the war
could be brought to a period while he was alive; so various was the
character of that man, that he knew how to accomujodate himself
to all sorts of fortune, and through all his subtilty there ran a vein of
courage and spirit. It is said, that when he was led before the car
of the conqueror, he lost his senses. After the triumph, he was

* Ca.ssius Loiigii;us, Aurelius, Scainusj (.'a;[)io, and Cn. Mallcius.

t Scipio was elected consul before lie w.is thirty years old, thoug!) flie common nge
required in the candidates was forty-two. ludecd, the people disjieiis'.'i witli it in other
instance? besides lijis.

CAIl^S MARIUS. 53

thrown into prison, wlierc, whilst they were in haste to strip him,
some tore his robe off his back, and others eagerly catching at his
pendants, pulled off the tips of his ears with them. When he was
thurst down naked into the dungeon, all wild and confused, he said,
with a frantic smile, " Heavens! how cold is this bath of yours!"
There struggling for six days with extreme hunger, and to the last
hour labouring fur the preservation of life, he carne to such an end
as his crimes deserved. There were carried in this triumiili, we are
told, three thousand and seven pounds of gold, five thousand seven
hundred and seventy-five of silver bullion, and of silver coin seven-
teen thousand and twenty-eight drachmas.

After the solemnity was over, Marius assembled the senate in the
capitol, where, either through inadvertency or gross insolence, he
entered in his triumphal robe; but soon perceiving that the senate
was offended, he went and put on his ordinary habit, and then re-
turned to his place.

When he set out with the army, he trained his soldiers to labour,
while upon the road, accustoming them to long and tedious marches,
and compelling every man to carry his own baggage, and provide his
victuals. So that afterwards laborious people, who executed readily,
and without murmuring, whatever they were ordered, were called
Manns' s mules. Some, indeed, give anotlier reason for this pro-
verbial saying. They say, that when Scipio besieged Numantia, he
chose to inspect not only the arms and horses, hnX. the very mules
and waggons, that all might be in readiness and good order; on which
occasion Marius brought forth his horse in fine condition, and his
mule too in a better ciise, and stronger and gentler than those of
others. The general, much j)lcased with Marius's beasts, often
made mention of them; and hence tiiosL>, who by way of raillery
praised a drudging patient man, called him Marius's mule.

On this occasion it was a very fortunate circumstance for Marius,
that the barbarians, turning their couv^', like a reflux of the tide,
first invaded Spain. For this gave him time to strengthen his men
by exercise, and to raise and confirm their courage; and, what was
still of greater importance, to show them what he himself was. Ifis
severe behaviour, and inflexibility in punishing, when it had once
accustomed them to mind their conduct and be obedient, appeared
both just and salutary. When they were a little used to his hot and
violent spirit, to the harsh tone of his voice, and the fierceness of his
countenance, they no longer considered him as terrible to themselves,
but to the enemy. Above all, the soldiers were charmed with his
integrity in judging; and this contributed not a little to procure Ma-
rius a third consulate. Besides, the barbarians weie expected in
the spring, and the people were not willing to meet them under any

54 Plutarch's lives.

other general. They did not, however, come so soon as they were
looked for, and the year expired without his {^ettins: a sight of them.
Tiie time of u now election coming on, and his colleague being dead,
Marius left the command of the army to Manius Aquilius, and went
himself to Rome. Several persons of great nierir stood for the con-
sulate; but Lucius Saturninus, a tribune who led the people, being
gained by Marius, in all his speeches exhorted them to choose him
consul. JMarius, for his part, desired to be excused, pretending that
he did not want the office ; whereupon Saturninus called him a traitor
to his country, wlio deserted the command in such a time of danger.
It was not difficult to perceive that Marius dissembled, and that the
tribune acted a bungling part under him ; yet the people, considering
that tlie present juncture required both his capacity and good fortune,
created him cpnsul a fourth time, and appointed Lutatius Catulus his
colleague, a man much esteemed by the patricians, and not unaccep-
table to the commons.

Marius, being informed of the enemy's approach, passed tlie Alps
with the utmost expedition; and having marked out his camp by the
river Rhone, fortified it, and brought into it a large supply of provi-
sions, that the want of •Accessaries might never compel him to fight
at a disadvantage. But as the carriage of provisions by sea was te-
dious and very expensive, he found a way to make it easy and expe-
ditious. The mouth of the Rhone was at that time choked up with
mud and sand, which the beating of the sea had lodged there; so that
it was very dangerous, if not impracticable, for vessels of burthen
to enter it. Marius llierefore set his army, now quite at leisure, to
work there ; and having caused a cut to be made, capable of receiving
large ships, he turned great part of the river into it; tims drawing it
to a part of the coast where the opening to the sea is easy and secure.
This cut still retains his name*

The barbarians dividing themselves Into two bodies, it fell to the
lot of the Cimbri to march the upper way througi) Noricum against
Catulus, and to force that pass; wliile the Teutones and Ajnbrones
took the road tlirough Liguria, along the sea-coast, in order to reach
Marius. Tiie Cinibii spent some time in preparing for their march;
but the Teutones and Ambrones set out inuiiediately, and pushed
forward with great expedition; so that they soon traversed an inter-
mediate country, and presented to the view of the Romans an incie-
dible number of enemies, terrible in their aspect, and in their voice
and shouts of war, different from all other men. They spread them-
selves over a vast extent of ground near Marius, and when they had
encamped,- they challenged him to battle.

The consul, for his part, regarded them not, but kept his soldiers
within the trenches, rebuking the vanity and rashness of those who

CAIU«i MARirs, 55

wanted to be in action, and calling tlieni traitors to their country

He told them, " Their ambition should not now be for triuniphsand
trophies, but to dispel the dreadful storm that hunt^ over them, and
to save Italy from destruction." These things he said privately to
his chief officers, and men of the first rank. As for the common
soldiers, he made them mount p^uard by turns upon the ramparts, to
accustom them to bear the dreatlful looks of the enemy, and to licai'
their savage voices without fear, as well as to make them acquainted
with their arms, and their way of using them. By these means,
what at first was teriiblc, by being often looked upon, would in time
become unaffecting. For he concluded, that with regard to objects
of terror, novelty adds many unreal circumstances, and that things
really dreadful lose their effect by familiarity. Indeed, the daily sight
of the barbarians not only lessened the fears of the soldiers, but the
menacing behaviour, and intolerable vanity of ihe enemy provoked
their resentment, and inflamed their courage. For they not only
plundered and ruined the adjacent countiy, but advanced to the veiy
trenches with the greatest insolence and contempt.

Marius at last was told that the soldiers vented their grief in such
complaints as these: " What effeminacy has Marius discovered in
us, that he thus keeps us locked up, like so many women, and re-
strains us from fighting ? Come on ; let us, with the spirit of freemen,
ask him, if he waits for others to fight for the liberties of Rome, and
intends to make use of us only as the vilest labourers, in digging
trenches, in cairyingout loads of dirt, and turning the course of ri-
vers? It is for such noble works as these, no doubt, that he exercises
us in such painful laljours; and, when they arc done, he will rctmii
and show his fellow citizens the glorious fruits of the continuation
of his power. It is true Carho and Cjepio were beaten by the encmv :
but docs their ill success terrify him? Surely Carho and Ca^pio were
generals as much inferior to Marius in valour and renown, as we arc
superior to the army they led. Better it were to be in action, thouu^h
we suffered from it like them, than to sit still and see the destruction
of our allies."

Marius, delighted with these speeches, talked to them in a sooth-
ing way. He told them, " It was not from any distrust of them
that he sat still, but that, by order of certain oracles, he waited both
for the time and })lace which were to ensure him the victory." For
he had with him a Syrian woman, named Martha, who was said to
have the gift of prophecy. She was carried about in a litter with
great respect and st.lemnlty, and the sacrifices he offered were all by
her direction. She had formerly applied to the senate in this cha-
racter, and made an offer of j^redicting for them future events, but

56 1'lutarch's lives.

they refused to hear lier. Then she betook herself to the women,
and gave tliem a specimen of her art. Slie addressed herself parti-
cularly to the wife ofMarius, at whose feet she happened to sit when
tliere was a combat of gladiatorsj and, fortunately enough, told her
which of them would prove victorious. Marius's wife sent lier to
her husband, who received her with the utmost veneration, and pro-
vided for her the litter in which she was generally carried. When
she went to sacrifice, she wore a purple robe, lined vvitii the same,
aud buttoned up, and held in her hand a spear adorned with ribbands
and garlands. When they saw this pompous scene, many doubted
whether Marias was really persuaded of her prophetic abilities, or
only pretended to be so, and acted a part, while he sliowed the woman
in this form.

But what Alexander of Myndos relates concerning the vultures
really deserves admiration. Two of them, it seems, always appeared,
and followed the army before any great success, being well known
by their brazen collars. The soldiers, when they took them, had
put these collars upon them, and then let them go. From this time
they knew, and in a manner saluted the soldiers; and the soldiers,
whenever these appeared upon their march, rejoiced in the assurance
of pcrfurming something extraordinary.

About this time there happened many prodigies, most of them of
the usual kind, liut news was brought from Ameria and Tudertum,
cities in I-ilv, that one night were seen in the sky spears and shields
of fire, now waving about, and then clashing against each other, in
imitation of the postures and motions of men fighting; and that, one
p;uty giving way, and tlie other advancing, at last they all disap-
peared in the west. Much about this time, too, there arrived from
Pessinus, Batabaces, priest of the mother of the gods, with an ac-
count that the goddess had declared from her sanctuary, " Tliat the
Romans would soon obtain a great and glorious victory." The se-
nate had given credit to his report, and decreed the goddess a temple
on account of the victory. But when Batabaces went out to make
the same declaration to the people, Aulus Pompeius, one of the tri--
buncs, prevented him, calling him an impostor, and driving him in
an ignominious manner from the rostrum. What followed, indeed,
^vas the thing which contributed most to the credit of the prediction:
for AuUis had scarce dissolved the assembly and reached his own
house, when he was seized with a violent fever, of which he died
within a week. This was a fact universally known.

Marius still keeping close, the Teutones attempted to force his
intrenchments; but being received with a shower of darts from the
camp, by wiiiqh they lost a number of men^ they resolved to march

CAIUS MARIUS. 57

forward, concluding that they miglit pass the Alps in full security.
They packed up their baggage, therefore, and marched bv the Ro-
man camp. Then it was that the immensity of their numbers ap-
pealed in the clearest light, from the lengtli of their train, and
ihe time they took up in passing: for it is said, that though they
moved on without intermission, they were six days in going by Ma-
rius's camp. Indeed, tiiey went very near it, and asked the Romans,
by way of insult, " Whether they had any commands to thel.' wives,
for they should be shortly with them?" As soon as the barbarians
liad all passed by, and were in full march, Marius likewise decam:>ed
and followed, always taking care to keep near them, and choosint:
strong places at some small distance for his camp, which he also for
tified, in order that he might pass the nights in safety. Thus they
moved on till they came to Aquie Sexti.'e, from whence there is but
a short march to the Alps.

There Marius prepared for battle, having pitclied upon a place for
Ills camp which was unexceptionable in point of strength, but afford-
ed little water. By this circumstance, they tell us, he wanted to
excite the soldiers to action; and, when many of them complained
of thirst, he pointed to a river which ran close by the enemy's eam[),
iind told them, " That tlicnce they must purchase water with their
blood." '^ Why then," said they, " do you not lead us thither im-
mediately, before our blood is quite parched up?" To which he an-
swered in a softer tone, " I will lead you thither, but first let us for-
tify our camp."

The soldiers obeyed, though with some reluctance. But tlie ser-
vants of the army being in great want of water, both for themselves
and their cattle, ran in crowds to the stream, some with piek-axes,
some with hatchets, and others with swords and javelins, along witli
their pitchers; for they were resolved to have water, though they
were obliged to fight for it. These at first were encountered by a
small party of the enemy, when some having bathed, were engaged
at dinner, and others were still bathing. For there the country
abounds in hot wells. This gave the Romans an opportunity of cut-
ting o(f a number of them, while they wefe induigitig tlunisclvcs
in those delicious baths, and charmed with tlie sweetness of the place.
The cry of these brought others to their assistance, so that it was now
difficult for Marius to restrain the in)pctuoj,ity of his solilie.s, who
were in pain for their servants. Besides, the Ambrones, to the nuin-
ber of thirty thousand, who were the best troops 'he enemy had, and
who had already defeated iManlius and Caepio, were drawn out, and
stood to their arms. Though they had overcharged iheuiselvcs wiili

Vol.2. No. 18. 1

58 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

eating, yet the wine they drank had given tlieni fresh spirits; and
thev advanced, not in a wild and disorderly U)anner, or with a confused
and inarticnlate noise, but beating their arms at regular Intervals, and
all keeping time with the tune, they came on, crying out, Amhrones I
Amhroiies 1 This they did, cither to encourage each other, or to terrify
the enemy with their name. The Ligurians were the first of the Italians
that moved against tlicm ; and when tlicy heard the enemy cry Am-
brones, they echoed back the word, which was, indeed, their own an-
cient name. Tims the shout was often returned from one army to the
other, before they charged, and the ofHcers on both sides joining in it,
and striving which should pronounce the word loudest, added by this
means to the courage and impetuosity of their troops.

The Ambrones were obliged to pass the river, and this broke their
order; so that, before they could form again, the Ligurians charged
the foremost of them, and thus began the battle. The Romans came
to support the Ligurians, and pouring down from the higher ground,

pressed the enemy so hard, that they soon put them in disorder.

Many of them jostling eacii other on the banks of the river, were
slain there, and the river itself was filled with dead bodies. Those
who were got safe over, not daring to make head, were cut off by the
Romans, as they fled to their camp and carriages. There the women
meeting them with swords and axes, and setting up a horrid and hi-
deous cry, fell upon the fugitives as well as the pursuers, the former
as traitors, and the latter as enemies. Mingling with the combatants,
they laid hold on the Roman shields, catcbed at their swords with
their naked hands, and obstinately suti'cred themselves to be hacked
In pieces. Thus the battle is said to Have been fought on the banks
of the river, rather by accident than any design of the general.

The Romans, after having destroyed so many of the Ambrones,
retired as it grew dark; but the camp did not resound with songs of
victory, as might have been expected upon such success. There
were no entertainments, no mirth in the tents, nor, what is the most
agreeable circumstance to the soldier after victory, any sound and
refreshing sleep. The night was passed in the greatest dread and
perplexity. The camp was without trench or rampart. 'I'hcre re-
mained vet many myriads of the barbarians unconquered ; and such
of the Ambrones as escaped, mixing with them, a cry was heard all
nl'dit, not like the sighs and groans of men, but like the howling and
bellowing of wild beasts. As this procecdi'd from such an innume-
rable host, the neighbouring mountains, and the hollow banks of the
river returned the sound, and the horrid din filled the whole plains,
The Ropans felt the imj^ressions of terror, and Marius hiujself was

CAIUS MARIUS. 59

filled with aslonislnncnt at the apprehension of a tumultuous night
ongagenient. However, the baiharians did not attack them, either
that night or next day, l)Ut spent the time in consulting how to dis-
pose and draw themselves up to the best advantage.

In the mean time, Maiius observing the sloping hills and woody
hollows that hung ovt'r tlie enemy's camp, despatched Claudius Mar-
cellus with three thousand men, to lie in ambush there till the fight
was begun, and then to fall upon the enemy's rear. I'he rest of his
troops he ordered to sup, and go to rest in good time. Next morn-
ing, as soon as it was light, he drew up before the camp, and com-
manded the cavalry to march into the plain. The Tcutones, seeing
this, could not contain themselves, nor stay till all the Romans were
come down into the plain, where they might fight them upon equal
terms; but arming hastily, through thirst of vengeance, advanced
up to the hill. JNIarius despatched his oflicers through the whole
army, with orders that they should stand still and wait for the enemy.
When the barbarians were within reach, the Romans were to throw
their javelins, then come to sword in hand, and, pressing upon them
with their shields, push them witii all their force. For he knew the
place was so slippery, that ilie enemy's blows could have no great
weight, Tior could they preserve any close order where the declivity
of the ground continually changed their poise. At the same time
that he gave these directions, he was the first that set the example;
for he was inferior to none in personal agility, and in resolution he
far exceeded them all.

The Romans, by their firmness and united charge, kept tlie barba-
rians from ascending the hill, and, by little and little, forced them
down into the plain. There the forenKJst battalions were beginning
to form again, wiien the utmost confusion discovered itself in the
rear. For Marcel his, w!\o had watched his oppoitunity, as soon as
he found, by the noise which reached the hills where he lay, that the
battle was begun, with great impetuosity and loud shouts fell upon

the enemy's rear, and destroyed a considerable nund)er of them

The hindmost being pushed upon those before, the whole armv was
soon put in disorder. Thus attacked both in front and rear, they
could not stand the double shock, but forsook thi-ir ranks and fled*.
The Romans pursuing, either killed or took prisoners above a hun-
dred thousand, and having made themselves masters of their tenis,
carriages, and baggage, voted as many of them as were not phuidered^
a present to Marius. This, indeed, was a noble recompence, vet it

• This victory was gained the second 3 cur of tlic hundred and si\t vnintli Olvnipiad •
trforc Chirst one liundred.

^0 Plutarch's lives.

was thouirljt . t'i} inadequate to the (roneralship lie had shown in that
great and imir.ii.cnr cmgei*.

Ofiier hist )ri:)i.5 give a diiievoi.t account both of the disposition of
the .Sjjoii-; and the nuMiber of the slain. From these writers we learn,
that tiic Mas-;ilians walled in tiieir viiiryards with the bones they
found ii ^iie ficM: and t'.iut the rain which fell tiic winter following,
soaking in tlie moisture of the putref .d bocics, tlie ground was so
enriched by it, that it produced, the next season, a prodigious crop.
Thus the opinion of Archiloclius is confirmed, that fields are fat-
tened zi'ifh blood. It is observed, indeed, tiiat extraordinary rains
generally fall after great battles;, whether it be that some deity
chooses to wash and purify the eartli with water from above, or whe-
ther t'le blood and corruption, by the moist and heavy vapours they
emit, thicken the air, which is liable to be altered by the smallest
cause.

After the battle, Marius selected from among the arms and other
spoils such as were elegant and entire, and likely to make the great-
est show in his triumph. The rest he piled together, and offered
them as a splendid saciificc to the gods. The army stood round the
pile crowned with lau'ol ; and himself, arrayed in his purple robef,
and girt after the mp.iiner of the Romans, took a lighted torch. He
had just lifted it uj; with i)oth hands towards heaven, and was going
to set fire to the pile, when some friends were seen galloping towards
him. Great silence and expectation followed. When they were
ccme near, they leaped from their horses, and saluted Marius consul
th" fifth time, delivering him letters to the same purpose. This
added great j(<y to the solemnity, whieh the soldiers expressed by ac-
clamations, and by clanking their arms; and while the officers were
presenting Marius wii!, new crowns of laurel, he set fire to the pile,
and finislicd the sacrifice.

But whatever it is that will not permit iis to enjoy any great pros-
perity pure and unmixed, but chequers human life with a variety of
good and evil, whether it be fortune or some chastising deity, or ne-
tessitVj and the nature of things; a few days after this joyful solem-
nity, the sad news was brought to Marius of what had befallen lii.n
colleague Cat n I us: an event, which, like a cloud in the midst of a
calm, brought fresh alarms upon Rome, and threatened her with

* And yet there does not appear any tiling very extraordinary in the generalship of
IMarius on this occasion. I'he ignorance and raslmess of the barbarians did every thin"
in his favour. TlieTeutones lost the balile, as Hawicy lost it at Falkirk, by attcmptin-
the hills.

t Ipse quirinali trabea, clnctuquc Gabino insignis. Virg, jilncid 7.

CAIUS MARIUS. fjl

another tempest. Catulus. whu had the Ciinbri to oppose, caiue to
a resolution to give up tht udence of the heights, lest he should
weaken himself by being obliged to div.de his forees into many parts.
He therefore descended quickly from the Alps into Italy, and posted
his army behind the rivir Atlu-si.s*, where he blocked up the fords
with strong fortifications on bodi sides, and threw a bridge over it,
that so he might be in a condition to succour the giurisons beyond
it, if the barbarians should make their way through the narrow passes
of the mountains, and attem^ t to storm them. The barbarians held
their enemies in such contempt, and came- on with so much inso-
lence, that, rather to show their strength and courage than out of
any necessity, they exposed themselves naked to the showers of
snow; and having pusi ja rhroui;h tlie ice and deep drifts of snow,
to the tops of the mountains, they put their broad shields under them,
and so slid down, in spite of the broken rocks, and vast slippeiy
descents.

When they had encamped near the river, and taken a view of the
channel, they determined to fill it up. Then they tore up the neigh-
bouring hills like the giants of old; they pulled up trees by the
roots; they broke olT" massy rocks, and rolled in huge hea])s of earth.
These were to dam up the current. Other bulky materials besides
these were thrown in, to force away the bridge, which being carried
down the stream with great violence, beat against the timber, and
shook the foundation. At the sight of this the Roman soldiers
were struck with terror, and great part of them quitted the camp and
drew back. On this occasion, Catulus, like an able and excellent
general, showed that he preferred the glory of his country to his
own. For, when he found that he could not persuade his men to
keep their post, and that they were deserting it in a very dastardly
manner, he ordered his standard to be taken up, and runninix to
the foremost of the fugitives, led them on himself, choosinir tj.nt
the disgrace should fall upon him rather than his country, and that
his soldiers should not seem to fly, but to follow their general.

The barbarians now assaulted and took the fortress on the other
side of the Athesis : but admiring the bravery of the garrison, who
had behaved in a manner suitable to the irlory of Konie, they dis-
missed them upon certain conditions, having tirst made them ;>wear
to them upon a brazen bull. In the battle that followed, this bull
was taken among the spoils, and is said to have been carried to Ca-
tulus's house, as the first fruits of the victory. The country at pre-
sent being without defence, the Ciinbri spread themselves over it,
and committed great depredations.

• Now the Adi^Q.

02 Plutarch's lives.

Hereupon IMarius was called home. When lie anivcdj every
one expected that he would triumpli, and the senate readily passed a
decree for tliat purpose : however, he declined it; whether it was that
he was unwilling to deprive his men, who had shared in the danger,
of their part of the honour; or that, to encourage the peoj)le in the
present extremity, he chose to intrust the glory of his former achieve-
ments with the fortune of Rome, in order to have it restored to him
with interest upon his next success. Having made an oration suit-
able to the time, be went to join Catulus, who was much encouraged
by his coming. He then sent for his army out of Gaul, and, wlicn
it was arrived, lie crossed the Po, with a design to keep the barbarians
from penetrating into the interior parts of Italy. But they deferred
the combat, on pretence that they expected the Teutones, and that
they wondered at their delay; cither being really ignorant of their
fate, or clioosingto seem so: for they punished those who brought
them that account with stripes; and sent to ask Marius for lands
and cities sufficient botli for them and their brethren. When Ma-
rius inquired of the ambassadors who their brethren were, they told
bfm the Teutones. The assembly laughed, and Marius replied in a
taunting manner: " Do not trouble yourselves about your brethren,
for they have land enough, which we have already given them, and
they shall have it for ever." The ambassadors, perceiving the irony,
answered in sharp and scurrilous terms, assuring him, " That the
Cimbri would chastise him immediately, and the Teutones when
they came." " And they are not far off;" said Marius, " it will be
very unkind, therefore, in you, to go away without saluting your
brethren." At the same time, he ordered the kings of the Teutones
to be l)rouglit out, loaded, as they were, with chains ; for they had
Irccn taken by the Sequani, as they were endeavouring to escape over
tlie Alps.

As soon as the amba<;sadors had acquainted the Cimbri with what
had passed, they marched directly against Marius, who at that time
lay still, and kept within his trenches. It is reported, tliat on this
occasion lie contrived a new form for the javelins. Till then they
used to fasten the shaft to the iron head with two iron pins. But
Marius, now letting one of them remain as it was, had the other
taken out, and a weak wooden peg put in its place. By this contri-
vance he intended, that when the javelin stuck in the enemy's shield,
it sl)0uld not stand right out ; but that the wooden peg breaking, and
the iron pin bending, the shaft of the weapon should be dragged upon
the ground; while the point stuck fast in the shield.

Boiorix, king of the Cimbri, came now with a small party of horse
to the Roman camp, and challenged Marius to appoint the time and

CAR'S MARIUS. 6.3

place wliere they should meet and decide it, hy arms, to whom tl»«
country should belong. Marius answered, " That the Romans ne-
ver consulted their enemies when to light ; however, he would indulge
the Cimbri in this point." Accordingly they agreed to light the
third day after, and that tlie plain of Vercella,' should be tlie Held of
battle, which was fit for the Roman cavalry to act in, and convenient
for the barbarians to display their numbers.

Both parties kept their day, and drew up their forces over agali^t
each other. Catulus had under his command twenty thousand and
three hundred men ; Marius had thirty-two thousand. 'J he latter

were drawn up in the two wings, and Catulus was in the centre

Sylla, who was present in the battle, gives us this account: and it is
reported that JNIarius made this disposition in hopes of breakin" tlic
Cimbrian battalions with the wings only, and securing to himself
and his soldiers the honour of the victory, before Catulus could !iave
an opportunity to come up to the charge; it being usual, in a large
front, for the wings to advance before the main body. This is
confirmed by the defence which Catulus made of his own beha-
viour, in which he insisted much on the malignant designs of Marius
against him.

The Cimbrian infantry marched out of their trenches without
noise, and formed so as to liave their Hanks equal to their front each
side of the square extending to thirty furlongs. Their cavalry, to

the number of fifteen thousand, issued forth in great splendour

Their helmets represented the heads and open jaws of strange and
frightful wild beasts; on these were fixed high plumes, which made
the men appear taller. Their breast-plates were of polished h\m.
and their shields were white and glittering. Each man liad two-edged
darts to fight with at a distance, and, when they came hand to hand
they used broad and heavy swords. In this cngagenjent thev did not
fall directly upon the front of the Romans, but wheeling to the right
they endeavoured by little and little to enclose the enemy between
them and their infantry, who were posted on the left. The Roman
generals perceived their artful design, but were not able to restrain
their own men. One happened to cry out that the enemy fled, and
they all set o(T upon the pursuit, lathe mean time the barbarian
foot came on like a vast sea. Marius having purified, lifted up his
hands towards heaven, and vowed a hecatomb to the gods; and
Catulus in the same posture, pronn"sed to consecrate a tenq)le to the
fortune of that day. As Marius sacrificed on this occasion, it is said
tJiat the entrails were no sooner shown him, than he cried out with
a loud voice, "" The victory is mine!"

However, when the battle was joined, an accidcut liapptiicd

^4 PLi tarch's lives.

which, as Sylla writes*, appeared to be intended by heaven to hum-
?)le Marius. A prodigious dust, it seems, arose, wliich hid both
armies. Marius, movin:^ first to the ehargc, had the misfortune to
miss the enfjmy, and, having passed by tiieir army, wandered about
with his troops a long time in the field. In the mean time, the good
fortune of Catulus directed the enemy to him, and it was liis legions
(in which Sylla tells us he fought) to whose lot the chief conflict fell.
The heat of the weather, and the sun which shone full in the face
of the Cimhri, fought for the Romans. Those barbarians, being
bred in shady and frozen countries, could bear the severest cold, but
were not proof against heat. Their bodies soon ran down with sweat ;
they drew tiieir breath with difficulty, and were forced to hold up
their shields to sliade their faces. Indeed this battle was fought not
long after the summer solstice, and the Romans keep a festival for

it on the third day of the kalends of August, then called Sextilis

The dust, too, which hid the enemy, helped to encourage the Romans.
For as they could have no distinct view of the vast number of their
antagonists, they ran to the charge, and were come to close engage-
ment, before the sight of such multitudes could give them any im-
pression of terror. Besid'js, the Romans were so strengthened by
labour and exercise, that not one of them was observed to sweat or
be out of breath, notwithstanding the suffocating heat, and the vio-
lence of the encounter. So Catulus is said to have written, in com-
mendation of his soldiers.

The greatest and best part of the enemy's troops were cut to
pieces upon the spot 3 those who fought in the front fastened them-
selves together by long cords run through their beltsf, to prevent
their ranks from being broken. The Romans drove back the fugitives
to their camp, where they found the most shocking spectacle. The
women, standing in mourning by their carriages, killed those that
fled; some their husbands, some their brothers, others their fathers.
They strangled their little children with their own hands, and threw
them under the wlieels and horses feet. Last of all, they killed tiiem-
selves. They tell us of one that was seen suspended from the top of
a waggon, with a child hanging at each heel. The men, for want
of trees, tied themselves by the neck, some to the horns of the oxen,
others to their legs, and then pricked them on, that, by the starting
of the beasts, they might be strangled or torn to pieces. But though
they were so industrious to destroy themselves, above sixty thousand

* It is a misfortune that Catulus's liislorj of Lis coiuuisliip, and a greater, that SjUa's
.Commentaries, are lost.

t This was an absurd contrivance to keep their ranks. 13ut they intended also to
Lave bound their prisoners with tt.e ctrds after the baiile.

CAirs MAiiius. G5

were taken prisoners, and the killed were said to have been twiee
that number.

JNlarius's soldiers plundered the ba<^i^aj^c ; but the other spoils,
with the ensigns and trumpets, they tell us, were brou^dii to the
camp of Catulus ; and he availed himself chiefly of this, as a proof
that the victory belon;i:ed to hiui. A hot dispute, it seems, arose
between his trooj)s and those of Marlus, which had the best claim;
and the ambassadors from Parma, who happened to be there, were
chosen arbitrators. Catulus's soldiers led them to the held of ijattle,
to see the dead, and clearly proved that they were killed by their ja-
velins, because Catulus had taken care to have the shafts inscribed
with his name. Nevertheless, the whole honour of the day was as-
cribed to ?»larius, on account o^ liis former victory, and liis [)resent
authority. Nay, such was tiie aj^plause of the populace, that they
called him the third foil) tdcr of Rome, as havinc^ rescued her from
a danger not less dreadful than that from the Gauls. In their re-
joicings at home, with their wives and children, at supper, they
offered libations to Marius along with the gods, and would have given
liim alone the honour of both triumphs. He declined this, indeed,
and triumphed with Catulus, being desirous to show his moderation,
after such extraordinary instances of success. Or perhaps he was
afraid of some opposition from Catulus's soldiers, who might not l;ave
suffered him to triumph; if he had deprived their general of his share
of the honour.

In this manner his fifth consulate was passed. And now lie aspired
to a sixth, with more ardour than any man had ever sliown for his
first. He courted the people, and endeavoured to ingratiate himself
with the meanest of them, by such servile condescensions as were
not only unsuitfjjle to his dignity, but even contrary to his dispusi-
tion; assuming an air of gentleness and complaisance, for wliieh
nature never meant him. Jt is said, tiiat in civil aHIihs, and the lu-
niultuous proceedings of the j)opulaee, his aniliiiion had given him
an unconnnon timidity. 'I'hat intrepid hrmness whieh he discovered
in battle, forsook him in the asseml>lies of the people, and the least
br^'ath of praise or dislike disconcerted hiui in his address. Vet we
are told, that when he had giaiiti-d the freedom of \iie eit\" to a thou-
sand Camcrians, who had disungiiislied themselves by their behaviour
in the wars, and iiis proceeding was n)nnd fault with as contrary to
law, he said, " Tiic lav/ spoke too softly to Ijc heard amidst the din
of arms." However, the noise that he dreadedf and that robbed
him of his presence of mind, was that of popular asseniblies. In
war he easily obtained the highest rank, because tlu-y could not do
without him ; but in the administration, he was sometimes in daiiijer

Vol. 2. No. 1 8. k

rLlTTARCH S LIVES.

of losing the honours he solicited. In these cases he had recourse
to the partiality of the multitude, and had no scruple in making his
hone^ity subservient to his ambition.

By these means he made himself obnoxious to all the patricians.
But he was most afraid of Metellus, whom he had treated with in-
gratitude. Besides, Mftellus was a man who, from a spirit of true
virtue, was naturally an enemy to those who endeavoured to gain the
populace by evil arr , h.k! directed all their measures to please them,
Marias, therefore, was very desirous to get him out of the way. For
this purpose he associated with Glaucias and Saturninus, two of the
most dariny and turbulent n:ien in Rome, who had the indigent and
seditious part of the people at their command. By their assistance
he got several laws enacted ; and having planted many of his
soldiers in the assemblies, his faction prevailed, and Metellus was
overbovne.

Rr.tUius*, in other respects a man of credit and veracity, hut par-
ticularly prejudiced against Marius, tells us, he obtahied his sixth
consulate by large sums which he distributed among the tribes; and,
having thrown out Metellus by dint of money, prevailed with them
to elect Valerius Flaccus, rather his servant than his colleague. The
people had never before bestowed so many consulates on any one
m:in, except Valerius Corvinusf. And there was this great dif-
ference, tiai, between the first and sixth consulate of Corvinus, there
was an interval of forty-five years; whereas Marius, after his first,
was carried through five more, without interruption, by one tide of
fortune.

In the last of these he exposed himself to much hatred, by abetting
Saturninus in all his crimes; particularly in his murder of Nonius,
whom he slew because he was his competitor for the tribuneship,
Saturninus, being appointed tribune of the people, proposed an
agrarian law, in which there was a clause expressly providing, ^'That
the senate should come and swear, in full assembly, to confirm
whatever the people should decree, and not oppose them in any
thing." Marius, in the senate, pretended to declare against this
clause, asserting that '' He would never take such an oath_, and that

• P. Rntiliiis Rufus was consul the year before the second consulship of Marius. He
wrote his own life in I^^tin, and a Roman history in Greeii. Cicero meulions him on
several occasions as a man of lionour and probity. He was exiled six or seven years
after this sixth consulship of Marius, Sylla would have recalled him, but he refused
to return.

t Valerius Corvinus was elected consul, when he was only twenty-three years of agt^,
in the year of Rome four hundred and six; and he was appointed the sixth time iq the
year of Rome four hundred and fifly-two.

CAIUS MARIUS. 67

he believed no wise man would. For supposing the law not a Ixtd
one, it would be a disgrace to the senate to be compelled o give
sanction to a thiiv^ which they should be brought to only bv choice
or persuasion."

These, however, were not his real sentiments; but he was laying
for MeteJlus an un:ivoidahle snare. As to himself, lie reckoii. d that
a great part of virtue and prudence consisted in dissimulation, 'there-
fore he made but small account of his declaration in the senate At
the same time, ktiowing Metelius to be a man of inimoveable firm-
ness, who, with Pindar, esteemed friith th(7 spring of hemic virtue,
he hoped, by refusing the oath himself, to craw him in to refuse it
too; which would Infallibly expose him to the implacable resentment
of the people. The event answer- d his expectation. Upon Metel-
lus's declaring that he would not take the oath, the senate was dis-
missed. A few days after, Saturninus summoned the fathers to ap-
pear in the /brwrn, and swear to that article, and Marius made his
appearance among the rest. A profound silence ensued, and all eyes
Were fixed upon him, when, bidding adieu to the fine tilings he had
said m the senate, he told the audience, '^ Thai he was not so
opinionated as to pretend absolutely to prejudge a matter of such
importance, and therefore lie would take the oath, and keep tlie law
too, provided it was a law." This proviso he added merely to give
a colour to his impudence, and was sworn Immediately*.

The people, charmed with his compliance, expressed their sense of
it in loud acclamations, while the patricians were abashed, and held
his double dealing in the highest detestation. Intimidated by ihe
people, they took the oath, however, in their order, till it came to
Metelius. But Metelius, though his friends exhorted and entreated
him I0 be conformable, and not expose himself to those dreadful pe-
nalties which Saturninus had provided for such as refused, shrvmk
not from the dignity of his resolution, nor took the oath. 'J har great
man abode by his princij)les; he was ready to suffer the greatest ca-
lamities rather than do a dishonourable thing; and as he qiMitL-d tlie
forum, he said to tliose about him, " To do an ill action is base; to
do a good one, which involves you in no danger, is nothing more
than common; but it is the property of a good man to do great and
good things, though he risks every thing by it."

* Thus Marius made the first step tow.trds llie rum of the Rouiuii coiiMirniioii, which
happened not long alter. If the sennte were to s\v«:.r to coulirm whatever the pecplc
should decree, whether good or bad, the^' ceased to have a weiglii lu ihe scale, and the
government became a deiuocracjr- And as the people grew so ^(jrrupt as to lai>e the
highest price that was olVered them, absolute power must be advancing wiili hastj
strides. Indeed, a nation whicli \i<x% no principle of public viitue left, is n^t fit lo be
governed b^ any other.

68 Plutarch's lives.

Saturninus then caused a decree to be made, that the consuls
should declare Metellus a person interdicted the use of fire and
water, whom no man should admit into his house. And the meanest
of the people, adhering to that party, were ready even to assassinate
him. The nobility, now anxious for Metellus, ranged themselves
on his side; but he would suffer no sedition on his account. In-
stead of that, he adopted a wise measure, which was to leave the
city. " For," said he, " either matters will take a better turn, and
the people repent and recal me, or, if they remain the same, it will
be best to be at a distance from Rome." What regard and what
honours were paid Metellus during- his banishment, and how he lived
at Rhodes in the study of philosophy, it will be more convenient to
mention in his life.

Marius was so highly obliged to Saturninus for this last piece of
service, that he v/as forced to connive with him, though he now ran
out into every act of insolence and outrage. lie did not consider
that he was giving the reins to a destroying fury, who was making
his way in blood to absolute power and subversion of the state. All
this while Marius was desirous to keep fair with the nobility, and at
the same time to retain the good graces of the people: and tiils led
him to act a part, than which notiiing can be conceived more un-
generous and deceitful. One night some of the first men in the
state came to his house, and pressed him to declare against Satur-
ninus: but at that very time he let in Saturninus at another door,

unknown to them. Then pretending a disorder in his bowels, he

went from one party to the other; and this trick he played several
times over, still exasperating both agjilnst each other. At last the
senate and the equestrian order rose in a Ijody, and expressed their
indi"-nation in such strong terms, that he was obliged to send i\ party
of soldiers into the forum to snjipross the sedition. Saturninus,
Glaueias, and the rest of the cabal, fled into the capitol. There they
were besieged, and at last forced to yield for want of water, llie pipes
bein't' cut off. When tlu'* could hold out no longer, they called for
Marius, and surrendered theni'^<')ves to him ujmn tlie public faith.
He tried every art to save them, but nothing v.-ould avail; they iiu
sooner came down into tlie forum., than tliey were ^sll put i«» il>e
sword*, lie was now become equally odiou^ both ro the nobiiir;.
and the commons, so that when tb.e time for thv election of cr)i<(-;
came on, contrary to expectation, he declined offering himself, a in-
permitted others of less note to be chosen. But though it was l;i^
fear of a repulse that made him sitt>till, lie gave it another colour, pre •

.♦ Tde people de«r?tc:ieH tlieoi v.th clubs and stoae?.

CAIUS MARIUS. 6f)

tending he did not choose to make himself obnoxious to the people by
a severe inspection into their lives and manners.

An edict was now proposed lor the recal of Metcllus, Marius op-
posed it witli all his power; but, finding his endeavours fruitless, he
gave up the point, and the people passed the bill with pleasure. Un-
able to bear the sight of Metellus, he contrived to take a voyage to
Cappadocia and Galatia, under pretence of ofl'ering some sacrifices
which he had vowed to the mother of the gods. But he had another
reason which was not known to the people. Incapable of making
any figure in peace, and unversed in political knowledge, he saw
that all his greatness arose from war, and that, in a state of inaction,
its lustre began to fade. He therefore studied to raise new com-
motions. If he could but stir up the i^siatic kings, and particularly
Mithridates, who seemed most inclined to quarrel, he hoped soon to
be appointed general against him, and to have an opportunity to fill
the city with new triumphs, as well as to enrich his own house with
the spoils of Pontus, and the wealth of its monarch. For this rea ■
son, though Mithridates treated liim in the politest and most respect-
ful manner, he was not in the least mollified, but addressed iiim in
the following terms: " Mithridates, your business is cither to render
yourself more powerful than the Romans, oi to submit quietly to their
commands." The king was quite amazed. He had often heard of
the lilx?rty of speech that prevailed among the Romans, but that was
the first time he experienced it.

At his return to Rome he built a house near the fo7'U7)i, either for
the convenience of those who wanted to wait on him, which was the
reason he assigned, or because he hoped to have a greater concourse
of people at his gates. In this, however, he was mistaken. He had
not those graces of conversation, that engaging address, which others
were masters of; and therefore, like a mere Im[)kMnent of war, he
was neglected in time of peace. He was not so much concerned
at the preference given to others, but that which Sylla had gained
afllicted him exceedingly ; because he was rising by means of the
envy which the patricians bore /tim, and his first step to the admi-
nistration was a quarrel with him. But when Boccluis, king of Ni:-
midia, now declared an ally of the Romans, erected in the capitol
some figures of victory adorned with trophies, and placed bv litem a
set of golden statues, which represented him delivering Jugiirrha into
the hands of Sylla, Marius was almost distracted. He considered this
as an act by which Sylla wanted to rob him of the glory of his achieve-
ments, and prepared to demolisii these nioimnients by force. Sylla,
on his part, as strenuously opposed him.

This sedition was just upon the point ol' t];imlMg out. when the

'O I'LUTARCH S LIVES.

war of the allies intervened*, and put a stop to it. The most war-
like and most populous nations of Italy conspired a^'ainst Rome, and
were not far from subverting the empire. Their strength consisted
not only in the weapons and valour of their soldiers, but in the cou-
rage and capacity of their generals, wlio were not inferior to those
of Rome.

This war, so remarkable for the number of battles and the variety
of fortune that attended it, added as much to the reputation of Sylla
as it diminished tiiat of Marius. The latter now seemed slow in his
attacks, as well as dilatory in his resolutions; whether it were that age
had quenched his martial heat and vigour, (for he was now above sixty-
iSve years old) or that, as he himself said, his nerves being weak, and
his body unwieldy, he underwent the fatigues of war, which were in
fact above his strength, merely upon a point of honour How-
ever, he beat the enemy in a great battle, wherein lie killed at least
six tliousand of them, and, through the whole, lie took care to give
them no advantage over him. Nay, he suffered them to diaw a line
about him, to ridicule, an<l challenge him to the combat, without
being in the least concerned at it. It is reported, that when Po-
pedius Silo, an officer of the greatest eminence and authority among
the allies, said to him, " If you are a great general, Marius, come
down and fight us;" he answered, *' If you are a great general, Silo,
make me come down and fight." Another time, when the enemy
gave the Romans a good opportunity of attacking them, and they-
were afraid to embrace it, after both parties were retired, he called
bis soldiers together, and made this short speech to them : " I know
not which to call the greatest cowards, the enemy or you; for nei-
ther dare they face your backs, nor you theirs." At last, pretend-
ing to be incapacitated for the service by his infirmities, he laid down
the command.

Yet, when the war with the confederates drew to an end, and
several applications were made, through the popular orators, for the
command against Mitlnidates, the tribune Sulpitlus, a bold and dar-
ing man, contrary to all expectation, brought forth Marius, and no-
minated him pro-consul and general in the Mithridatie war. The
people, upon this, were divided, some accepting Marius, while
others called for Sylla, and bid Marius go to the warm baths of BaiaR
for cure, since, by his own confession, he was quite worn out with
age and defluxions. It seems Marius had a fine villa at Misenum,
more luxuriously and effeminately furnished than became a man who
had been at the iiead of so many armies, and had directed so many

' This was also called the Marsiaii war. It broke out iu the six hundred and sixty-
second jear «f Rome, Yid. Fior. lib. iii. c, 18.

CAirs MARirs. 71

campaigns. Cornelia is said to have bought this house for seventy-
five thousand drachmas ; yet, not long after, Lucius Lucullus pave
for it five hundred thousand two hundred: to such a height did ex-
pense and luxury rise in the course of a few years.

Marius, however, affecting to shake off tiie inlirniitics of age, went
every day into the diuipus Martins^ wlicre he took the most robust
exercises along with the young men, and showed iiinisclf nimble in
liis arms, and active ou horseback, though ids years h;<d now made
him heavy and corpulent. Some were pleased with these things,
and went to see the spiiit he exerted in the exercises. But the more
sensible sort of people, when they beheld it, could not help pitying
the avarice and ambition of a man who, though raised from poverty
to opulence, and Trom the meanest condrtion to greatness, knew not
how to set bounds to ids good fortune. It sliocked them to think
that this man, instead of being happy in the admiration he liad
gained, and enjoying his present possessions in peace, as if he were
in want of all things, was going, at so great an age, and after so
many honours and triumjihs, to Cappadjcia and the Euxine sea, to
fight with Archelaus and Neoptolemus, tiie lieutenants of Mithri-
dates. As for the reason that Marius assigned for this step,
uamely, that he wanted himself to train up his son to war, it was
perfectly trifling.

The commonwealth had been sickly for some time, and now her
disorder came to a crisis. Marius had found a fit instrument for
her ruin in the audacity of Sulpitius; a man who, in other respects,
admired and imitated Saturninus, but considered liini as too timid
and dilatory in his proceedings. Uetermined to commit no such er-
ror, he got six hundred men of the equestrian order about him as hi5
guard, whom he called his Anti-senate.

One day while the consuls were holding an assembly of the peo-
ple*, Sulpitius came upon them witii his assassins. 'I'he consuls
immediately fled, but he seized the son of one of them, and killed

him on the spot Sylla (the other consul) was pursued, but escaped

into the house of Marius, which nobody thought of; and, when the
pursuers were gone by, it is said that Mariuis himself let him out at
a back gate, from whence he got safe to the camp. But Sylla, in
his commentiu-ies, denies that he fled to the house of Marius. He
writes, that he was taken thither to debate about certain edicts which
they wanted him to pass against Ins will : that he was surrounded
with drawn swords, and carried forcibly to tiiat house: and that at
last he was removed from thence to \\\i: forum, where he was com-

' SjIIa and Ponipeius Rufu) were consuls. It was tlie >jn uf ih« latter ibat was siaint

PLUTARCH S LIVES.

pelled to revoke the order of vacation *, which hud been issued by him
and liis colleague.

Sulpitius, now carrying all before him, decreed the command of
the army to Marius; and Marius, prej)arii)g for his march, sent two
tribunes to Sylla, with orders that he should deliver up the army to
them. But Sylla, instead of resigning his charge, animated liis
troops to revenge, and led them, to the number of thirty thousand
foot and five thousand horse, directly against Rome. As for the
tribunes whom Marius had sent to demand the army of Sylla, they
fell upon them and cut them in pieces. Marius, on the other hand,
put to death many of Sylla's friends in Rome, and proclaimed liberty
to all slaves that would take up arms in his behalf. But, we are
told, there were but three that accepted this oft'er. He could, there-
fore, n^alic but a slight resistance; Sylla soon entered the city, and
Marius was forced to fly for his life.

As soon as he had quitted Rome, he was abandoned by those that
accompanied him. They dispersed themselves as tliey could, and,
night coming on, he retired to a liitle house he had near Rome,
called Salonium. Thence he sent his son to some neighbouring
farms of his father-in-law Mutius to provide necessaries. How-
ever, he did not wait for his return, but went down to Ostia,
where a friend of his, called Numerius, had prepared him a ship,
and embarked, having with him only Granius, his wife's son by a
former husband.

When young Marius had readied his grandfather's estate, he
hastened to collect such things as he v»'anted, and to pack them up.
But, before he could make an end, he was overtaken by day-light,
and was near being discovered by the enemy; for a party of horse
had hastened thither, on suspicion that Marius might be lurking
thereabouts. The bailiff of those grounds got sight of them in time,
and hid the young man in a cart-load of beans. Then he put to his
team, and, driving up to the party of horsemen, passed on to Rome.
Thus young Marius was conveyed to his wife, who supplied him with
some necessaries; and, as soon as it grew dark, he made for the sea,
\vhere, finding a siiip ready to sail for Africa, he embarked, and pass-
ed over to that country.

In the mean time, the elder Marius with a favourable gale coasted
Italy. But being afraid of falling into the hands of Geminius, a
leading man in Tanacina, who was his professed enemy, he directed
the mariners to keep clear of that place. The mariners were willing

• If tliat order had not been revoked, no public business could liavc been done;
consequently Mariu? could not have been appointed to the command aguinst Mitbii-
dates.

CATU5 MARIUS. 73

enough to oblige him; but the wind shifting on a sudden, and blow-
ing hard from sea, they were afraid they should not be able to wea-
ther the storm. Besides, Murius was indisposed and sea-sick j they
concluded therefore to nuike land, and with great difficulty got to
Circffium. There, fuiding that the tempest increased, and their pro-
visions began to fail, they went on shore, and wandered up and
down, they knew not whither. Such is the method taken by persons
In great perplexity, they shun the present as tlic greatest evil, and
seek for hope in the dark events of futurity. The land was tlieir
enemy, the sea was the same: it was dangerous to meet with men;
it was dangerous also not to meet with them, because of their extreme
want of provisions. In tlie evening they met with a fcvv- herdsmen,
who had notiiing to give them : but happening to know Iviarius, they
desired he would immediately quit those parts, for a little before
they had seen a munber of horse upon that very spot riding about in
search of liim. lie was now involved in all manner of distress, and
those about him ready to give out through hunger. In this extre-
mity he turned out of' the road, and threw himself into a thick wood,
where he passed the night in great anxiety. Next day, in distress
for v/ant of refreshment, and willing to make use of the little strength
he had, before it quite forsook him, lie moved down to the sea- side.
As he went, he encouraged his companions not to desert him, and
earnestly entreated them to wait for the accomplishment of his last
hope, for which he reserved himself upon the credit of some old pro-
phecies. He told them, that when he was very young, and lived in
the country, an eagle's nest fell into his lap, with seven young ones
in it*. His parents, surprised at the sight, applied to the diviners,
who answered, that their son would be the most iilustiious of men,
and tl^at he would seven times attain the highest office and authority
in his country.

Some say this had actually happened to Marlus; others are of
opinion, that the persons who were then abmit him, and heard lilin
relate it on that as well as several other oeca-iions dining his exile,
gave credit to it, and conmiiitL'd it lu writing, though noihing could
he more fabulous. For an e.u/le has not mure tiian two young ones
at a time. Nay, even .\iu.siciis is accused of a false assertion, wlien
he says. The eagle lays three eggs, s'lls un twoy and luit( hcs but
one. However this may be, it is agreed on all hands that iMarius,
during his banishment, and in the greatest extremities, often said,
*' He should certainly cuuie to a seventh consulship."

They were not above two miles and a half from the city of Min-

• Marius might as well avail liirasrif of this i'uble a\ nf the prophecies of Marlht.

Vol. 2. No. 18. j.

74 rUITARCH's LIVES.

tumae, when they espied at some considerable distance a troop of
horse making towards then), and at tlie same time happened to see
two barks sailing near the shore. They ran down, therefore, to the sea
with all the speed and strength they had; and when they had reached
it, pluntrod in, and swam towards the shipj, Granius gained one of
them, and passed over to an opposite island, called ^Enaria. As for
Marius, who was very heavy and unwieldy, he was borne with much
dilTiculty by two servants above the water, and put into the other
ship. The party of horse were by this time come to the sea-side,
from whence they called to the ship's crew either to put ashore im-
mediately, or else to throw Marius overboard, and then they might
go where they pleased. Marius begged of them with tears to save
him ; and the masters of the vessels, after consulting together a few
moments, in which they changed their opinions several times, re-
solved to make answer, " Tiiat they would not deliver up Marius."
Upon this, the soldiers rode ofl' in great rage; and the sailors, soon
departing from their resolution, made for land. They cast anchor in
the mouth of the river Liris, where it overflows and forms a marsh,
and advised Marius, who was much harassed, to go and refresh him-
self on shore, till they could get a better wind. This, they said,
would happen at a certain hour, when the wind from the sea would
fall, and that from the marshes rise. Marius believing them, they
helped him ashore; and he seated himself on the grass, little think-
ing of what was going to befal him. For the crew immediately went
on board again, weighed anchor, and sailed away; thinking it neither
lionourable to deliver up Marius, nor safe to protect him.

Thus deserted by all the world, he sat a good while on the shore
in silent stupefaction. At length recovering himself, with much
difTieulty, he rose and walked in a disconsolate manner through thos<'
wild and devious places, till, by scranibling over deei> bogs and
ditches full of water and mud, he came to the cottage of an old man
who worked in the fens. He threw himself at his feet, and begged
liim " to save and shelter a man, who, if he escaped tlie present
danger, would reward him far beyond his hopes." The cottagei',
whether he knew him before, or was then moved with his venerable
aspect, told him, " His hut would be suHicient, If he wanted only to
repose himself; but if he was wandering about to elude the search
of his enemies, he would hide liim in a [dace much safer and more
retired." Marius desiring him to do so, the poor man took him Into
the fens, and bade him hide himself in a hollow place by the river,
where he laid upon him a quantity of reeds and other light things,
that would cover, but not oppress him.

In a short time, however, he was disturbed with a tumultuous

CAIUS MARIUS. 75

jioisc from the cottage. Vov (ioininius hud scut a numhcr ol iiu-n
from Tarracina in pursuit of him; and one party coming that way,
loudly threatened the old man for having entertained and concealed
an cnen)y of the Romans. Marlus, upon this, quitted the cave,
and, having stripj^ed himself, plunged into the hog amidst the thick
water and mud. This expedient rather discovered than screened
him. They hauled him out naked, and covered with dirt, and car-
ried him to Minturnsp, where they delivered him to the magistrates:
for proclamation had heen made through all those towns, that a
general search should he made for Marius, and that he should be
put to death wherever he was found. The magistrates, however,
thought proper to consider of it, and sent him under a guard to tlie
house of Faimia. This woman had an inveterate aversion to Ma-
rius. When she was divorced from her husband Tinnius, she de-
manded her whole fortune, which was considerable, and Tinnius al-
leging adultery, the cause was brought before Marius, who was then
consul for the sixth time. I'pon the trial it apjH'ared that Fannia
was a woman of bad fame before her marriage, and that Tinnius was
no stranger to her character when he married her. Besides, he had
lived with her a considerable time in the state of matrimony. The
consul, of course, reprimanded them both. The husband was order-
ed to restore his wife's fortune, and the wife, as a proper mark of her
disgrace, was sentenced to pay a fine of four drachmas.

Fannia, however, forgetful of female resentment, entertained and
encouraged Marius to the utn)ost of her power. He acknowledged
her generosity, and at the same time expressed the greatest vivacity
and contidonee. 'J'he oceasicMi of this was an auspicious omen.
When he was conducted to her house, as he approached, and the
gate was opened, an ass came out to drink at a neiglibouring foun-
tain. The animal, with a vivacity uncommon to its species, fixed
its eyes steadfastly on Marius, then brayed aloud, and, as it passed
him, skipped wantonly along. 'I'he conclusion wtiii-b he drew from
this omen was, that the gods meant he should seek his safety by sea;
for that it was not in consecjuence of any natural thiist that the ass
went to the fountain '*'. 'Ibis circumstance he mentioned to Fan-
nia, and having ordered the door of his chamber to be secured, he
went to rest.

However, the magistrates and councilofMinturn;p concluded that
Marius should immediately be put to death. No citizen would un-
dertake this olVice ; l)Ht a draL,oon, either a (iaul or a Cinil)rian (for
both are mentioned in history), went up to him sword in hand, with

* All tiiat was cxtra«riliuary in (liis circuniMauce was, that the a»», l.ke the sheep, is
cidom 9CCU to driuk.

7(5 tlutarch's lives.

an intent to despatch him. The chamber in which he lay was some-
what gloomy, and a light, they tell you, glanced from the eyes of
Marius, which darted on the face of the assassin; while, at the same
time, he heard a solemn voice saying, " Dost thou dare to kill
]V|arius?" Upon this, the assassin threw down his sword and fled,
crying, " I cannot kill JNiarius." The people of Minturnfe were

struck with astonishment — pity and remorse ensued should they

put to death the preserver of Italy? was it not even a disgrace to
them that they did not contribute to his relief? " Let him go,"
snid they, " let the exile go and await his destiny in some other re-
gion ! It is time we should deprecate tlic anger of the gods, who
bave refused the poor, the naked wanderer, the common privileges
of hospitality !" Under the influence of this enthusiasm, they im-
mediately conducted him to the sea-coast. Yet in the midst of their
^ officious expedition, they met with some delay. The Marician
grove, which they liold sacred, and sufler nothing that enters it to be
removed, lay immediately in their way; consequently they could not
pass througli it, imd to go round it would be tedious. At last an
old man of the company cried out, that no place, however religious,
was inaccessible, if it could contribute to the preservation of Marius.
No sooner had he said this, tiian he took some of the baggage in his
hand, and marched through the place. The rest followed with the
same alacrity, and when Marius came to the sea-coast, he found a
vessel provided for him by one Beheeus. Some time after he presented
a picture representing this event to the temple of Marica*. When
Marius set sail, the wind drove him to tlie island of y5i^neria, where
he found Granius and some other friends, and with them he sailed
for Africa. Being in want of fresh water, they were obliged to put
in at Sicily, where the Roman qutestor kept such strict watch, 'that
Marius very narrowly escaped, and no fewer than sixteen of the water-
men were killed. From thence he immediately sailed for the island of
Meninx, where he first heard that his son had escaped with Cethegus,
and was gone to implore the succour of Hiempsal, lung of Numidia.
This gave him some encouragement, and immediately he ventured
fpr Caiihagc.

The Roman governor in Africa was Sextiiius. He had neither
received favour nor injury from Marius, but the exile hoped for
something from his pity. He was just landed with a few of his
men, when an officer came and thus addressed him : " Marius, 1
come from the prsetor Sextiiius to tell you, that he forbids you to set
foot in Africa. If you obey not, he will support the senate's decree,

* Yirjil meulioqs this njnjpli, JEa. 7.

....." Et Kymplia genitum Laureate Maric4."

CAIl'S MART US. 77

and treat you as a public enemy." Muiius, upon liearing this, was
struck dumb with grief and indignation. He uttered not a word lor
sonic time, but stood regarding the ofheer wiih a menacing aspect.
At Icngtli the officer asked him, wliat answer he should carry to the
governor. " Go and tell him," said the unfortunate man, with a
sigh, *' that thou hast seen the exiled Marius sitting on the ruins of
Carthage*." Thus, in the happiest manner in the worUI, he proposed
the fate of that city and his own, as warnings to the praetor.

In the mean time hiempsal, king of Nutnidia, was unresolved
liow to act with respect to young Marius. He treated him in an iio-
nourable manner at iiis court, hut, wlienever he desired leave to de-
part, found some preteiice or other to detain iiim. At ilu same time
it was [>lain that these delays did not proceed from any intention of
serving him. An accident, however, set him free. 'J he young man
was handsome. One ot the king's concubines was affected with liis
misfortunes. Pity soon turned to love. At first he rejected the
woman's advances. But when he saw no other way to gain his
liberty, and IV-und that her regards were rather delicate than gross,
•he accepted the tender of her heart, and by her means escaped with
his friends, and came to his father.

After f no first Si.iutations, as they walked along the shore, they
saw tvi'o scorpions fighting. This appeared to Marius an ill omen;
they went, .'. ureforc, on board a fishing-boat, and made for Cercina,
an island not far distant from the continent. 1 hey were scarce -ot
out to sea, when they saw a jiariy of the king's iiorse coming ai full
speed towards the place where they embarked : so that Marius thought
he never escaped a more instant danger.

He was now informed, th;it while Sylla was engaged in Ba?otIa
with the lieutenants of Mithridates, a quarrel had happened between
the consuls at Romef, and that they had recourse to arms. Octa-
vius, having the advantage, drove out Cinna, who was aiming at ab-
solute power, and appointed Cornelius Merula consul in his room.
Cinna collected forces in other parts of Italy, and maintained tlic
war against them.^ Marius, upon this news, determined ti> hasti'u to
Cinna. He took with him s(ime Marusian horse, which lie had levied
in Africa, and a few others that were come to him from Italy, in c|ll
not amounting to above a thousand men, and wnU iliis handJul began
his voyage. He arrived at a port of 'i'uscany called Telanion,
and, as soon as he was landed, prociaiujcd liberty to the slaves.

* Tlicrc is not., pciliaj't, an^ il.iiig uoblir, or a greater jjryofotgcuius, tliaii this sav-
ing, in Matiiis's wliule lilc.

t Tlie year of Rome six hundred niii! sixty-*ii, aiul ciglity-fivc vcars before C'hrjjt,
Cinua was for recalling the cjilei; aud Octavius was a^aioit it.

7S Plutarch's lives.

Tlie name of .Marlus 1)1 uught (]o\\ II iiuinbt'is of freemen too, hus-
bandmen, shepherds, and such like, to the shore; the ablest of which
he ioHstcd, and In a short time liad a great arn)y on foot, with
which he filled forty ships. lie knew Octavius to be a man of good
principles, and disposed to govern agreeably to justice; but Cinna
was obnoxious to his enemy Sylla, and at that time in open war a-
gainst the established government. He resolved, therefore, to join
Cinna with all his forces. Acc^ordingly he sent to acquaint him,
that he considered him as consul, and was ready to obey liis com-
mands. Cinna accepted his offer, declared him pro-consul, and sent
him the fasces and other ensigns of authority. But Marius declined
them, alleging that such pomp did not become his ruined fortune.
Instead of that, he wore a mean garment, and let his hair grow as it
had done from tiie day of his exile. He was now, indeed, upwards
of seventy years old, but he walked with apace affectedly slow. This
appearance was intended to excite compassion. Yet his native fierce-
ness, and something more, might be distinguished amidst all this look
of misery; and it w.ts evident that lie was not so much humbled as-
exasperated by his misfortunes.

Wlien he had saluted Cinna, and made a speech to the army, he
immediately began his operations, and soon changed the face of af-
fairs. In the first place, he cut off tlie enemy's convoys with his
fleet, plundered their store-ships, and made himself master of the
bread-corn. In the next place, he coasted along, and seized the sea-
port towns. At last Ostia itself was betrayed to hiin. He pillaged
the town, slew most of the inhabitants, and threw a bridge over the
Tiber, to prevent tjie carrying of any provisions to Rome by sea.
Then he marched to Rome, and posted himself upon the hill called
JanicuUim.

Meanwhile, the cause did not suffer so much by the incapacity of
Octavius, as by his anxious and unseasonable attention to the laws ;
for, when many of his friends advised him to enfranchise the slaves,
he said, " He would not grant such persons the freedom of that city,
in defence of wliose constitution he shut out Marius."

But upon the arrival of Metellus, the son of that Metellus who
commanded in the African war, and was afterwards banished by
Marius, the army within the walls, leaving Octavius, applied to him
as the better officer, and entreated him to take the command; add-
ing, that they should fight and conquer, when they had got an able
and active general. Metellus, however, rejected their suit with in-
dignation, and bade them go back to the consul; instead of which^
they went over to the enemy. At the same time MetcUus withdrew,
giving lip the city for lost.

CAIUS MARIUS. 7<7

As for Octavius, he stayed at the persuasion of certain C luild»fian
diviners and expositors of the Sibylline hooks, who promised iiiui that
all would he well. Octavius was indeed one of the most uprii^htmcu
among the Romans : he supported his dignity as consul without giv-
ing any ear to flatterers, and regarded the laws and ancient usuages of
his country as rules never to he departed from. Yet he had all the
weakness of superstition, and spent more of his time with fortuoe-
tellers and prognostlcators, than with men of political or military abi-
lities. However, before Marius entered the city, Octavius was
dragged from the tribunal, and slain by persons commissioned for
that purpose, and it is said that a Chaldaean scheme was found in his
bosom as he lay. It seems unaccountable, that of two such generals
as Marius and Octavius, the one should be saved, and the other ruin-
ed, by a confidence in divination.

While affairs were in this posture, the senate assembled, and sent
some of their own body to Cinna and Marius, with a request that
they should come into the city, but spare tbc inhaljitants. Cinna,
as consul, received them, sitting in the cliair of state, and gave them
an obliging answer. But Marius stood by the consul's chair, aiwl
spoke not a word. He showed, however, by the gloominess of his
look, and the menacing sense of his eye, that he would soon fill tlte
city witli blood. Immediately after this, they moved forward to-
wards Rome. Cinna enteied the city with a strong guardj but
Marius stopped at the gates, with a dissimulation dictated by his re-
sentment. He saidj " He was a banished man, and the laws pro-
hibited his return. If his country wanted his service, she nmst repeal
the law which drove him into cxile^" as if lie had a real regard for the
laws, or was entering a city still in possession of its liberty.

The people, therefore, were summoned to assemble for that pur-
pose. But, before tiuee or four tribes had given their suffrages, he
put off the mask, and, without waiting for the formality of a rej>eal,
entered with a guard selected from the slaves that had repaired to JiLs
standard. These he called his Bardia^ans*. At the least word or
sign given by Marius, they murdered all wbom he marked for des-
truction. So that when Ancharius, a senator, and a man of praeto-
rian dignity, saluted Marius, and he returned not the salutation, thev
killed him in his presence. After this, they considered it as a signal
to kill any man who saluted Marius in the streets, and was not taken
any notice of: so that his very friends were seized wiih horror, when-
ever they went to pay their respects to him.

When they had butchered great numbers, Clnna's revenge begau

* M. de Thou conjfclurcd tliat we sliould read Uard3-eta>, because thert wa* a fierce
and barbarous people to Spain of tiiat name. Sjujc iji;i!jiiscript> liave <)r!i.cau«.

fio i'lutahcii s lives.

to pall : it was satiated with blood. — But the fury of Mavius seemed
rather to increase: his appetite for slaughter was sharpened by in-
dulgence, and he went on destroying all who gave him the least
shadow of suspicion. Every road, every town was full of assassins^
pursuing and hunting the unhappy victims.

On this occasion it was found, that no obligations of friendship,
no rirlits of hospitality, can stand the shock of bad fortune. For
there were very few who did not betray those that had taken refuge
in their houses. The slaves of Cornutus, therefore, deserve the
liighcst admiration. They hid their master in the house, and took
a dead body out of the street from among the slain, and hanged it by
the neck: then they put a gold ring on the finger, and showed the
corpse in that condition to Marius's executioners ; after which they
dressed it for the funeral, and buried it as their master's body. No
one suspected the matter; and Cornutus, after being concealed as long
as it was necessary, was conveyed by those servants into Galatla.

Mark Antony, the orator, likewise found a faithful friend, but did
not save his life by it. This friend of his was in a low station of
life; however, as he had one of the greatest men of Rome under his
roof, he entertained him in the best manner he could, and often sent
to a neic^hbouring tavern for wine to him. The vintner finding that
the servant who fetched it was something of a connoisseur in tasting
the wine, and insisted on having better, asked him, *^ Why he was
not satisfied w^ith the common new wine he used to have, but wanted
the best and the dearest?" The servant, in tbe simplicity of his
lieart, told- him, as his friend and acquaintance, that the wine was
for Mark Antony, who lay concealed in his master's house. As soon
as he was gone, the knoAying vintner went himself to Marius, who
was then at supper, and told him he could put Antony into his power:
upon which, Marius clapped his hands in the agitation of joy, and
would even have left his company, and gone to llie place himself^,
had not he been dissuaded by his friends. However, he sent an of-
ficer, named Annius, with some soldiers, and ordered him to bring
the licad of Antony. When they came to the house, Annius stood
at the door, while the soldiers got up by a ladder into Antony's
chamber. Wiien they saw him, thdy encouraged each other to tlie
execution ; but such was the power of his eloquence, when he plead-
ed for his life, that, so far from laying hands upon him, they stood
motionless with dejected eyes, and wept. During this delay, Annius
goes up, beholds Antony addressing the soldiers, and the soldiers
confounded by the force of his address. Upon this, he reproved
them for their weakness, and with his own hand cut off the orator's
head. Lutatius Catulus, tbe colleague of Marias, who had jointly

CAIUS MARIUS. SI

triumphed with him over the Cun!)ri, findinj^ that every intercessory
effort was vain, shut himself up in a narrow chamber, and suffered
himself to he suffocated by the steam of a largo coal fire. When the
bodies were thrown out, and trod upon in the streets, it was not pity
they excited; it was horror and dismay. But what sliocked the peo-
ple much more, was the conduct of the Eardiaeans, v, ho, after they
liad murdered tiic masteis of families, exposed the nakedness of their
children, and indulged their passions with their wives; in short, their
violence and rapacity were beyond all restraint, till Cinna and Serto-
rius determined in council to fall upon them in their sleep, and cut
them ofl^to a man.

At this time the tide of affair:? took a sudden turn. Aews was
brought that Syila had put an eud to the Alitluidatic war, and that,
after having reduced ihe pro\inces, he was returning to Rome with
a large army. This gave a short respite, a breathing from these in-
expressible troubles, as the apprehensions of war had been univer-
sally prevalent. Marius was now chosen consul the seventh time,
and as he was walking out on the kalends of January, ihe first day of
the year, he ordered Scxtus Lucinus to be seized, and thrown dov, a
the Tarpeian rock; a circumstance which occasioned an unhappy
presage of approacliing evils. The consul himself, worn out with a
series of misfortunes and distress, found his faculties fail, and trem-
bled at the approach of wars and conflicts. For he considered tliat
it was not an Octavius, a Merula, the desperate leaders of a small
sedition, he iiad to contend with, but Sylla, the conqueror of Mith-
ridates, and the banisher of Marius. Thus agltatcv!, thus revolving
(he miseries, the flights, the dangers he had experienced both by
land and sea, his inquietude affected him even by night, and a voice
seemed continually to pronounce in liis ear, ^^

Drcail are the sltiinhtTS of !!:t.- distant lion.

tinable to support the painfulness of watching, lie had recourse to
the bottle, and gave in to those excesses which by no means suited
his years. At last, when, by intelligence from sea, l.c was convinced
of the approach of Sylla, his apprehensions were heightened to tha
greatest degree. The dread of his ajiproaeh, ihe pain of continual
anxiety, threw him itito a pleuritic fever: and in this state Posido-
nius, the philosopher, tells us he found him, when he went to speak
to him on some affairs of his embassy, liut Caius Piso, the histo-
rian, relates, that walking out with his friends one evening at sujjpcr,
h\i gave them a short history of his life, and after expatiating on the
uncertainty of fortune, concluded that it was beneath t'.ie digriity of a
wise man to live in subjection to that (iekU; deity. Upon this, he
took leave of his friend"^; and betaking himself to his bed, died seven
Vol. 2. No. 19. m

82 PLUTARCH 9 LIVES.

(lays after. There are those who impute his deatli to the cxetss ot
his ambition, whieii, aecording to their account, threw liim into a
delirium; insomuch that he fancied he was carrying on the war
against Mitiiridates, and uttered all the expressions used in an en-
gagement. Such was the violence of his ambition for that command !
Thus, at the age of seventy, distinguished by the unparalleled ho-
nour of seven consulships, and possessed of a more than regal for-
tune, Marius died with the chagrin of an unfortunate wretch, who had
not obtained what he wanted.

Plato, at the point of death, congratulated himself, in the first
place, that he was born a man; iii the next place, that lie had the
happiness of being a Greek, not a brute or barbarian ; and, last of all,
that he was the cotemporary of Sophocles. Antipatcr of Tarsus, too,
a little before his death, recollected the several advantages of his
life, not forgetting even his successful voyage to Athens. In settling
accounts with Fortune, he carefully entered every agreeable circum-
stance in tliat excellent book of the mind, his memory. How much
wiser, how much happier than those who, forgetful of every blessing
they have received, hang on the vain and deceitful hand of hope, and
while they are idly grasping at future acquisitions, neglect the enjoy-
ment of the present! Though the future gifts of fortune are not in
their power, and though their present possessions are not in the
power of fortune, they look up to the former, and neglect the latter.
Their punishment, however, is not less just than it is certain. Before
philosophy and the cultivation of reason have laid a proper founda-
tion for the management of wealth and power, they pursue them with
that avidity which must for ever harass an undisciplined mind.

Marius died ^n the seventeenth day of his seventh consulship.
His death was productive of the greatest joy in Rome, and the citi-
zens looked upon it as an event that freed them from the worst of
tyrannies. It was not long, however, before tiiey found that they had
changed an old and feeble tyrant for one who had youth and vigoui
to carry h.is cruelties into execution. Such they found the son of
Marius, whose sanguinary sjjirlt shewed itself in the destruction of
numbers of the nobility, liis martial Intrepidity and ferocious be-
haviour at first procured him the title of the son of Mars, but his con-
duct afterwards denominated him the son of Venus. When lie was.
besieged in Prieneste, and had tried every little artifice to escape, he
put an end to his life, that he might not fall into the hands of Sylla.

LYSANDER. 83

LYSANDER.

AMONG the sacred deposits of the Acanthians at Delphi, one has
tliis inscription, Brasidas and tiik Acanthii took this from
IKK Athenians*. Hence many arc of opinion that the marble
statue which stands in the chapel of that nation, just by the door, is
the statue of Brasidas. But in fact it is Lysander's, whom it perfectly
represents, with his hair at full growthf, and a length of beard, both
after the ancient fashion. It is not true, indeed, (as some would
have it), that while the Argives cut their hair in sorrow for the loss
of a great battle J, the Lacedaemonians began to let theirs grow in the
joy of success. Nor did tiiey give in to this custom when the Bac-
chiadae§ fled from Corinth to Laceda?mon, and made a disagreeable
appearance with their shorn loci^s: but itis derived from the institu-
tion of Lyeurgus, who is reported to have said, that long lialr makes
the handsome more heantifuJ, and the ughj more terrible.

Aristoclitas II, the father of Lysander, is said not to have been of
the royal line, but to be descended from the Heraclidie by another
family. As for Lysander, he was bred up in poverty, No one con-
formed n)ore freely to the Spartan discipline than he. He had a firm
heart, above yielding to the charms of any pleasure, except that
which results from the honour and success gained by great actions;
and it was no fault at Sparta for young men to be led by this sort of
pleasure. There they choose to instil into their children an early
passion for glory, and teach them to he much affected by disgrace,
as well as elated by praise. And he that is not moved at these things
is despised as a person of a mean soul, iniambitious of tiie improve-
ments of virtue.

That love of fame, then, and jealousy of honour, which ever influ-
enced Lysander, were imhi!)ed with his education, and consequently

* Brasidas, wlicn general ol' llic Laccdinuouiaiis, ppfsuaclfd the pt-oplc ol" Acatilhut
to q lit the Atlieniiui inu-n-sl, mxl to receive llic Sj)art.ui^ iii(u llieir city. In coii»e-
<]iieiice of wjiicii lie Joined with them in cunsccrutiiig certain .\theiiiau spoils to
i^pollo. T!ie stiillic, llifri'l'Dre, |>rii]iiilil v «ii> his, ihomjU riularcli thilllv* otherwise.
Vid. Thucyil. lib iv.

t Why inigh' nut llijsuln«, who w.is a l.acid imkuii.ui, uaJ a coteiapor.'ry ol L_\saii-
tlcr, be represciiled with long hair as well as he?

X 1 his was Ihc opinion of Herodotut, hut perfectly groundless.

{ The Bacchiada' iiad kept up an wligarchy inCuriiiili for two huiulr''d years, l)Ut wore
at lust expelled by (^ypseiiis, who made liimsolf absolute iua"'t<.r there. lUroicl. 1. v.

II Paus.inin') calls him .\rijlocritus.

84 I'M'TAIICH'S LIVES.

raturc is not to be blamed for them, but tiie attention that lie paid
the great, in a manner tliat did not become a Spartan, and that
easiness with which he bore the j^ride of power, whenever his own
interest was concerned, may be ascribed to his disposition. This
complaisance, huwevLr, is considered by some as no small part
of polities.

Aristotle somewhere observes*, that great geniuses are generally
of a melancholy turn, of which he gives instances in Socrates, Plato,
and Hercules; and he tells us that Lysander, though not in his
youth, yet in his age, was inclined to it. But what is most peculiar
in his character is, that thoug'n he bore poverty well himself, and
was never either conquered or corrupted, by money, yet he tilled
Sparta with it, and with the love of it too, and robbed her of the
glory she had of despising riches. For, after the Athenian war, he
brought in a great quantity of gold and silver, but reserved no part
of it for himself. And when Diony^ius the tyrant sent his daughter
some rich Sicilian garments, he refused them, alleging, " He was
afraid those fine clothes would make them look more homely." Be-
ing sent, however, soon after, ambassador to Dionysius, the tyrant
offered him two vests, that he might take one of them for his daugh-
ter; upon which he said, " His daughter knew better how to choose
than he," and so took them both.

As the Peloponnesian war was drawn out to a great length, the
Athenians, after their overthrow in Sicily, saw their fleets driven out
of the sea, and themselves upon the verge of ruin. But Alcibiades,
on his return from banishment, aj)plied himself to remedy this evil,
and soon made such a change, tliat the Athenians were once more
equal in naval conflicts to the Lacedtemonians. Hereupon the
Lacedaemonians began to be afraid in their turn, and resolved to pro-
secute the war with double diligence; and as they saw it required an
able general, as well as great preparations, they gave the command at
sea to Lysander f.

When he came to Ephesus, he found that city well inclined to the
Lacedaemonians, but in a bad condition as to its internal policy, and
in danger of falling into the barbarous manners of the Persians; be-
cause it v/as near Lydia, and the king's lieutenants often visited it.
Lvsander, therefore, having fixed his quarters there, ordered all his
t^tore-ships to be brought into their iKubour, and built a dock for the
galleys. By these means he filled their port with merchants, their
market with business, and their houses and shops with money; so

• rroblem, sect. 30.

+ In the first year of tiie ninety-eighth Olympiad, four hundred and six years be-
fore Christ.

LYSANDER. 8 a

tliat, fr<jin tiinc and his services, I'^plicsus began to conceive hopes of
that greatness and splendour in wliich it now floarisl\es.

As soon as ho heard that Cyrus, the king's son, was arrived at
Sardis, he went thither to confer witii him, and to acquaint liim with
the treachery of Tissaj)herncs. That viceroy liad an order to assist
the Lacedaemonians, and to destroy the naval force of the Athenians;
but, by reason of his partiality to Alclbiadcs, he acted with no vigour,
and sent such poor supplies, that the fleet was almost ruined. Cyrus
was very glad to find this charge against Tissaphernes, knowing liiin
to btt a man of bad character in general, and an enemy to him in
particular. By this and the rest of his conversation, but most of all
by the respect and attention which lie paid him, Lysander recom-
mended himself to the young prince, and engaged him to prosecute
the war. When the Laceda2monIan was going to take his leave, Cy-
rus desired him, at an entertainment provided on that occasion, not
to refuse the marks of his regard, but to ask some favour of him.
*' As you arc so very kind to me," said Lysander, " I beg you would
add an ohohis to the seamen's pay, so that, instead of three uholi a-
day, they may have four." Cyrus, charmed with this generous an-
swer, made him a present of ten thousand pieces of gold*. Lysan-
der employed the money to increase the wages of his men, and by
this encouragement in a short time almost emptied the enemy's
ships: for great numbers came over to him, when they knew they
should have better pay; and those who remained became indolent
and mutinous, and gave their oflicers continual trouble. But though
Lysander had thus drained and weakened his adversaries, he was
afraid to risk a naval engagement, knowing Aleiljiades not only to
be a commander o/ extraordinary abilities, but to have the advantage
in number of ships, as well as to have been successful in all the bat-
tles he had fought, wheihcr by sea or land.

However, when Alcii)iades was gone from Samus to l'lioe;ea, and
had left the command cf the fleet to his pilot Antiochus, the pilot,
to insult Lysander, and show his own bravery, sailed to the harbour,
of Ephesus with two galleys only, where he hailed the Laeediemonian
fleet with a great deal of noise and laughter, and passed by in the
most insolent manner imaginable. Lysander, resenting the artVont,
got a few of his ships under sail, and gave chace. But w lien he saw
the Athenians come to support Antiochus, he called up more of his
galleys, and at last the action became general. Lysander gained the
victory, took fifteen ships, and erected a trophy. Hereupon the peo-
ple of Athens, incensed at Aleibiades, took the command from him;
and as lie found himself siiiihted and censured by the army at

* Purici,

Po rLFTAiu H M i.r\ F,S.

blamos too, he quitted it, and withdrew to Chersonesus. This bat-
tle, though not considerable in itself, was made so by the misfor-
tunes of Alcibiadi-s.

Lysander now invited to Ephesus the boldest and most enterpris-
ing inhabitants of the Greek cities in Asia, and sowed among them
the seeds of tJiose aristocratical forms of government which after-
wards took place. He encouraged them to enter into associations,
and to turn their thougiits to politics, upon promise, that when
Athens was once subdued, the popular government in their cities too
should be dissolved, and the administration vested in them. His
actions gave them a confidence in. his promise: for those who were
already attached to him by friendship or the rights of hospitality, he
advanced to the highest honours and employments, not scrupling to
join with them in any act of fraud or oppression, to satisfy their ava-
rice and ambition. So that every one endeavoured to ingratiate him-
self with Lysanderj to him they paid their court; they fixed their
liearts upon him, persuaded that notliing was too great for them to
expect, while he had the management of affairs. Hence it was that,
from the first, tliey looked with an evil eye on Callicratidas, whosuc-
ceeded him in the command of the fleet; and though they after-
wards found him the best and most ujirigh.t of men, they were not
satisfied with his conduct, which they thouglit had too much of the
Doric* plainness and sincerity. It is true, they admired the virtue
of Callicratidas, as tlicy would the beauty of some hero's statue; but
they wanted the countenance, the indulgence and support they had
experienced in Lysander, insomuch that, when he left them, they
were quite dejected, and melted into tears.

Indeed, he took every method he could think of to strengthen
their aversion to Callicratidas. He even sent bacTi to Sardls the re-
mainder of the money which Cyrus had given him for the supply of
the fleet, and bade his successor go and ask for it, as he had done, or
contrive some other means for the maintenance of his forces. And
when he was upon the point of sailing, he made this declaration:
" I deliver to you a fleet that is mistress of the seas." Callicratidas,
willing to show the insolence and vanity of his boast, said, " Why
do not you then take Samos on the left, and sail round to Miletus,
and deliver the fleet to me there? for we need not be afraid of pass-
ing by our enemies in that island, if we are masters of the seas."
Lysander made only this superficial answer, '* You have the
command of the ships, and not I;" and immediately set sail for Pe-
loj)onnesus.

* Diicier refers tliis lo the Doriau music. But the Doric manners had a simplicity,-
in thc')i/as well as the raasic.

LYSANDER. 87

Callicrati(l:!s wxi left in great dlfTiculties, for lie had nut l^rouglit
money from liome with him, nor did he choose to raise contiihutions
from the cities, which were aheady distrcsseiK The only way left,
therefore, was to go, as Lysander had done, and beg it of tjje king's
lieutenants. And no one was more unfit lor such an office than a
)nan of his free and great spirit, who thought any loss that Grecians
might sustain from Grecians preferable to an abject attendance at
the doors of barbarians, who had indeed a great deal of gold, but no-
thing else to boast of. Necessity, however, foreed him into Ljdia,
where he went directly to the palace of Cyrus, and bade the porters
tell him that Callicratidas, the Spartan admiral, desired to speak with
him. " Stranger," said one of the fellows, " Cyrus is not at lei-
sure; he is drinking." — " 'Tis very well," said Callicratidas, with
great simplicity, " I will wait here till he has done." But when he
found that these jicople considered him as a rustic, and only laughed
at him, he went away. He came a second time, but could not gain
admittance. And now lie could bear it no longer, but returned to
Ephesus, venting execrations against those who lirst cringed to the
barbarians, and taught them to be insolent on account of their wealth.
At the same time he |)rotested, that as soon as he was got back to
Sparta, he would use his utmost endeavours to re^'oncile the Gre-
cians among themselves, and to make them formidable to the bar-
barians, instead of their poorly petitioning those people for assistance
against each other. But this Callicratida*^, who had sentiments so
worthy of a .Spartan, and who, in point of justice, magnanimltv, and
valour, w-as ecjual to the best of tbe Cj reeks, fell soon after in a sea-
fight at Arginusie, where hi- lost the d;iv.

Affairs being now in a declining condition, the confederates sent
an embassy to Sparta to desire tliat the conunand of the navy miglit
be restored to Lysander, promising to support the cause with nmch
greater vigour, if he had the direction of it. Cvrus, ti»o, made the
same requisition. Ikit tliongh the law forbade the same person to be
chosen admiral twice, yet the Laceda'moriians, l)cing willing to
oblige their allies, vested a nominal eomniand in one Aracus, while
Lys.'.nder, who was called only lieutenant, bad the power. His
arrival was very agreeable to those who had, or wanted to have, the
chief authority in the Asiatic cities; for he had long given them hopes
that the democracy would be abolished, :uid the govjrnmcnt devolve
entirely upon them.

As for those who loved an open and generous proceeding, when
they compared Lysander and Callicratidas, the former apjjcared only
a man of craft and sul)tlcty, who directed his operations by a set of
artful expedients, and measured the value of justice by the advantage

8S PLUTARCH S LIVES.

it hroiiglit; who, in short, thought interest the tiling of superior ex-
cellence, and that nature had made no difference between truth and
falsehood, but cither was recommended by its use. ^^'hen he was
told it did not become the descendants of Hercules to adopt such
artful expedients, he turned it off" with a jest, and said, " Where the
lion's skin falls short, it must be eked out with the fox's."

There was a remarkable instance of this subtlety in his beliaviour
at Miletus. His friends and others with whom he had connexions
there, who had promised to abolish the popular government, and to
drive out all that favoured it, had changed their minds, and recon-
ciled themselves to their adversaries. In public he pretended to re-
joice at the event, and to cement the union ; but in private he loaded
them with reproaches, and excited them to attack the commons.
However, when he know the tumult was begun, he entered the city
in haste, and running up to the leaders of the sedition, gave them a
severe reprimand, and threatened to punish them in an exemplary
manner; at the same time lie desired the people to be perfectly easy,
and to fear no further disturbance while he was there. In all which
he acted only like an artful dissembler, to hinder the heads of the ple-
beian party from quitting the city, and to mala? sure of their being put
to the sword there. Accordingly there was not a man that trusted to
his honour who did not lose his life.

There is a saying, too, of Lysandcr's, recorded by Androclidesy
\jliich shows the little regard he had for oaths. " Children," he
said, " were to be cheated with cockles, and men with oaths." In
this he followed the example of Polycrates of Samos; though it ill
became the general of an army to Imitate a tyrant, and was unworthy
of a Laccdijemonian to hold tlic gods in a more contemptible light than
even his enemies : for he who overreaches by a false oath, declares
that he fears his enemy, but despises his God.

Cyrus, having sent for Lysandcr to Sardis, presented him with
great sums, and promised more. Nay, to show how high he was in
his favour, he went so far as to assure him, that if his father v.ould
give him nothing, he would supply him out of his own fortune; and
if every thing else failed, he would melt down the very throne on
which he sat when he administered justice, and v/hich was all of
massy gold and silver. And when he went to attend his father in
Media, he assigned hiin the tribute of the towns, and put the care o£
his whole province in his hands. At parting he embraced, and en-
treated him not to engage the Athenians at sea before his return,
because he intended to bring with him a great fleet out of Phoenicia,
and Cilicia.

After the departure of the prince, Lysandcr did not choose to fight

LVSANDER. S9

imlj : — ' . • ■ ■ . :

the enemy, who were not iufciioi- to him in fuicc, nor yet to lie idle
with such a number of ships, and therefore he cruised ahout and re-
duced some islands. -'Egiua and Salamis he pillaged, and from
thence sailed to Attica, where he waited on Agis, who was come
down from Decelea to the coast to show his land-forces what a power-
ful navy there was, which gave them the command of the seas in a
manner they could not have expected. Lysander, however, seeing
the Athenians in chace of him, steered another way back through the
islands to Asia. As he found the Hellespont unguarded, he attacked
Lampsacus hy sea, while Thorax made an assault upon it by land;
in consequence of which the city was taken, and the plunder given
to the troops. In the mean time, the Athenian fleet, which consisted
of a hundred and twenty .^hips, had advanced to ILleus, a city in the
Chersoncsus. There getting intelligence that Lampsacus was lost,
they sailed immediately to Scstt)s, where they took in provisions, and
then proceeded to i^gos Potanios. They were now just opposite
the enemy, who still lay at anchor near Lampsacus. The Athenians
were under the command of several officers, among whom Philuclcs
Was one, the same who had j.-crsuaded the people to make a decree
that the prisoners of war should have their right thumbs cut oft', that
they might be disabled from handling a pike, but still be service-
able at the oar.

For the present they all went to rest, in hopes of coming to an
action the next day. But Lysander had anotlicr design. He com-
manded the seamen and pilots to go on board, as if he intended to
fight at break of day. Tiiese were to wait in silence for orders, the
land-forces were to form on the shore, and watch the signal. At
sun-rise the Athenians drew up in a line directly before the Lacedjje-
monians, and gave the challenge. Lysander, though he had manned
liis ships over night, and stood facing the enemy, did not accept of it;
on the contrary, he sent orders by his piimaces to those ships that were
in the van not to stir, but to Keep the line without making the least
niotion. In the evening, when the Athenians retired, he would not
suft'er one man to land, till two or tluee gallics, which he had se!»t
to look out, returned with an account that the enemy were disem-
baikcd. Next morning they ranged themselves in tiie same man-
ner, and the like was practised a day or two longer. This made the
Athenians very confident; thev considered their adversaries as a dai-
tardly set of men, who durst nut quit their station.

Meanwhile, Alcibiades, who lived in a castle of his own in the
Chersoncsus, rode to the Athenian can)p, and represented to the ge-
nerals two material errors they had committed. The fir.st was, that
they had stationed their ships near a dangerous and naked shore; the
Vol. 2. No. 13. n

f)0 PMlTARflfs LI\'ES.

Other, that tliey were so far from Scstos, from wljence they were
forced to fetch all their provisions. He told them it was their busi-
ness to sail ti) tiie port of Sestos without loss of time, where they
would be at a greater distance from the enemy, who were watching
their opportunity with an army commanded by one man, and so well
disciplined, that they would execute his orders uj^on the least signal.
These were the lessons he gave them, but they did not regard
l»im. Nay, Tydcus said, with an air of contempt, " You are not
general now, but we." Alcibiadcs even suspected some treachery,
and therefore withdrew.

On the fifth day, when the Athenians had offered battle, they re-
turned, as usual, in a careless and disdainful manner. Upon this
Lysander detached some galleys to observe them, and ordered the
officers, as soon as they saw the Athenians landed, to sail back as fast
as possible, and when they were come half way, to lift up a brazen
shield at the head of each ship, as a signal for him to advance. He
then sailed through all the line, and gave instructions to the captains
and pilots to have all their men in good order, as well mariners as
soldiers, and, when the signal was given, to push forward with the
utmost vigour against the enemy. As soon, therefore, as the signal
appeared, the trumpet sounded in the admiral-galley, the ships began
to move on, and the land-forces hastened along the shore to seize
the promontory. The space between the two continents in that place
is liftecen furlongs, which was soon overshot by the diligence and
spirit of the rowers. Conon, the Athenian general, was the first that
descried them from land, and hastened to get his men on board.
Sensible of the impending danger, some he commanded, some he
entreated, and others he forced into the ships. But all his endea-
vours were in \ain. His men, not in the least expecting a surprise,
were dispersed up and down, some in the market-place, some in the
fields; some were asleep in the-ir tents, and some preparing their
dinner. All this was owing to tlie inexperience of their commanders,
which had made them quite regardless of what might happen. The
shouts and the noise of tiie enemy rushing on to the attack were now
heard, when Conon fled with eight ships, and escaped to Evagoras
king of Cyprus. The Peloponneslans fell upon the rest, took those
liiat were emptv, and disabled the others, as the Athenians were em-
barking. Their soldiers, coming unarmed, and in a straggling man-
ner, to defend the ships, perished in the attempt^ and those that fled
were slain by that part of the enemy which had landed, LysandcF
took three thousand prisoners, and seized the whole fleet, except the
sacred galley called Peralus, and those that escaped with Conon.
Wiien he had fastened the captive galleys to his own, and plundered

lynander, 91

the camp, he returned to Lampsacus, accoinpanied with the flutes

and songs of triumph. This great action cost liim but little blood;
in one hour he put an end to a long and tedious war*, whicii had
been diversified beyond all others by an incredible variety of events.
This cruel war, which had occasioned so many battles, appeared ia
such different forms, produced such vicissitudes of fortune, and de-
stroyed more generals than all the wars of Greece put together, was
terminated by the conduct and capacity of one man. Some, tliere-
fore, esteemed it tlie effect of a divine? interposition. There were
those who said tliat the stars of Castor and l*ollux appeared on each
side the helm of Lysander's sliip, when he first set out against the
Athenians. Others thought that a stone which, according to the
common opinion, fell frou) heaven, was an omen of tin's ovcrtlirow.
It fell at /Egos Potamos, and was of a prodigious size. The people
of the Chersonesus iiold it in great veneration, and show it to this
day f. It is said that Anaxagoras had foretold that one of those bo-
dies which are lixctl in the vault of heaven would one day be loosened
by some shock or convulsion of the whole machine, and fall to the
earth. For he tauglit that the stars are not now in the places where
they were originally formed; that, being of a stony substance, and
heavy, the light they give is caused only by the reflection and refrac-
tion of the ether; and that they are carried along, and kept in their
orbits, by the rapid motion of the heavens, which, from the begin-
ning, when the cold ponderous bodies were separated from the rest,
hindered them from falling.

But there is another and more probable opinion, which liolds, that
falling stars are not emanations or detached parts of the elementary
fire, that go out the moment ihey are kindled; nor yet a (punitltv of
air bursting out from some compression, and taking fire In the upper
region, but that they arc really heavenly bodies, which, from some
relaxation of the rapidity of their motion, or by some Irregular con-
cussion, are loosened iuul fall, not so much ni)on the habitable part
of the globe as into the ocean, which is the reason that their sub-
stance is seldom seen.

Damaehusf, however. In his treatise concerning religion, confirms
the opinion of Anaxagoras. He relates that, for sevcntv-five days

• 'lliis wur lasted t\vrnt^-»cvcii ycuT%.

t lliis victory was gaiutil the lourtli ycur of the niiiety-tliird Olynipind, four Liin-
tlrcd and llircc years before the birth of Christ. And it is pretended that Anaxu^drat
bad delivered his prediction sixty-two year* before tlie b.iltle. I'lin. hb. xi. c. j!J.

X Not Uaniachus, but Dinmachus of Plaliv.i, .1 very fabuloui writer, and i^'norant
of the ntntlieniatics, in wbic'li, as vrvll as history, he pretended to ^rcat knunlidcc.
"•trab. lib. i.

92 Plutarch's lives.

together, before that stone fell, there was seen in the heavens a large
body of fire, like an inflamed cloud, not fixed to one place, but car-
ried this way and that with a broken and irregular motion; and that,
by its violent agitation, several fiery fragments were forced from it,
which were impelled in various directions, and darted with the cele-
rity and brightness of so many falling stars. After this body was
fallen in the Chcrsonesus, and the inhabitants, recovered from their
terror, assembled to see it, they could find no inflammable matter, or
the least sign of fire, but a real stone, which, though large, was no-
thing to the size of that fiery globe they had seen in the sky, but ap-
peared only as a bit crumbled from it. It is plain that Damachus
must have very indulgent readers, if this account of his gains credit.
If it is a true one, it absolutely refutes those who say that this stone
was nothing but a rock rent by a tempest from the top of a moun-
tain, which, after being borne for some time in the air, by a whirl-
wind, settled in the first place where the violence of that abated.
Perhaps, at last, this phenomenon, which continued so many days,
was a real globe of fire, and when that globe came to disperse and
draw towards extinction, it might cause sucii a change in the air, and
produce such a violent whirlwind, as tore the stone from its native
bed, and dashed it on the plain. But these are discussions that be-
long to v.'ritings of another nature.

When the tlu'ee thousand Athenian prisoners were condemned by
the council to die, Lysander called Philocles, one of the generals,
and asked him what punishment he tliought he deserved, who had
given his citizens such cruel advice with respect to the Greeks ? Phi-
locles, undismayed by his misfortunes, made answer, " Do not start
a question where there is no judge to decide it; but now you are a
conqueror, proceed as you would have been proceeded with, had you
been conquered." After this he bathed, and dressed himself in a rich
robe, and then led his countrymen to execution, being the first, ac-
cording to Theophrastus, who offered his neck to the axe.

Lysander next visited the maritime towns, and ordered all tlie
Athenians he found, upon pain of death, to repair to Athens. His
design was, that the crowds he drove into the city might soon occa-
sion a famine, and so prevent the trouble of a long siege, which must
liave been the case, if provisions had been plentiful. Wherever he
came, he abolished the democratic and other forms of government,
and set up a Lacedjjemonian governor, called Hannostes, assisted by
ten archons, who were to be drawn from the societies he established.
These changes he made as he sailed about at his leisure, not only
in the enemy's cities, but in those of his allies, and by this means
in a manner engrossed to himself the principality of all Greece. For^

LVSANDER. ^3

in appointinj]^ governors, lie had no regard to family or opulenqc, but
Ohose them from among his own friends, or out of the brotherhoods
he had erected, and invested them witii full power of life and death.
He even assisted in person at executions, and drove out all that op-
posed his friends and favourites. Thus he gave the Greeks a very

indifttrent specimen of the Lacedaemonian government Therefore

Theopompus*, the comic writer, was under a great mistake when he
compared the Lacedaemonians to vintners, who at first gave Greece
a delightful draught of liberty, but afterwards dashed the wine with
vinegar. The draught from the Ijcginning was disagreeable and
hitter; forLysandcr not only took the administration out of the liands
of the people, but composed his oligarchies of the boldest and jnost
factious of tiie citizens.

When he iiad despatched this business, wliieh did not take up any
long time, he sent messengers to Lacedaemon with an account that
he was returning with two hundred ships. He went, however, to
Attica, w^here he joined the kings Agis and Pausanias, in expectation
of the immediate suricnder of Athens, But finding that the Athe-
nians made a vigorous defence, he crossed over again to Asia. There
he made tlie same alteration in the government of cities, and set up
liis decemvirate, after having sacrificed in cacli city a number of peo-
ple, and forced others to ([uit their country. As for the Samiansfj
he expelled them all, and delivered their towns to the persons whom

they had banished And when he had taken Sestos cut of the hands

of the Athenians, he drove out the Sestians too, and divided both the
city and territory among his ])Ilots and boatswains. This was tlie
first step of his which the Lacediemonians disapproved : they annulled
what he had done, and restored the Sestians to their countrv. But
in other respects the Grecians were well i;atisfied with Lysander's
conduct. They saw with pleasure the yEginetae recovering their citv,
of which they had long been dispossessed, and the Mclians and Scio-
naEans re-established by him, while the Athenians were driven out,
and gave up their claims.

By this time he was informed that Athens was greatly di>tresscd
by famine; upon which he sailed to the IMraHis, and obliged the
city to surrender at discretion. The Lacedemonians say, that Ly-
sander wrote an account of it to the cphori in these words: " Athens
is taken;" to which they returned this answer, " If it is taken, that

* Murelus shows from a p;issjgc in Tlicodorus Mctocliiti-s, that wc should read here
Theopompus the hiitorian, instead o( Theopompus the comic u-rifcr.

t These things Hid not liappeii iu the order they are here related. Saraos ■was
not taken till a considerable tim'' after t!ic long walls of Athens were demoluhed, Xe-
:ioph, HcUcn, ii,

^4 i'LUTARCH « LIVES.

is sufficient." But this was only an invention to make the matter
look more plausible. The real decree of the ephori ran thus: " The
Laccdfemonians have come to these resolutions: you shall pull dowa
the Piraeus and the long walls; quit all the cities you are possessed
of, and keep within the bounds of Attica. On these conditions you
shall have peace, provided you pay what is reasonable, and restore the
exiles*. As for the number of ships you are to keep, you must com-
ply with the orders we shall give you."

The Athenians submitted to this decree, upon the advice oi The-
ramcnes the son of Anconf. On this occasion, we are told, Clco-
menes, one of the young orators, thus addressed him : " Dare you go
contrary to the sentiments of Themistocles, by delivering up those
■walls to the Lacedaemonians which he built in defiance of them?"
Thcramenes answered, " Young man, I do not in the least counter-
act the intention cf Themistocles; for he built the walls for the pre-
servation of tlie citizens, and we for the same purjwse demolish them.
If walls only could make a city happy and secure, Sparta, which has
none, would be the unhappiest in the world."

After Lysander had taken from the Athenians all their ships, ex-
cept twelve, and their fortifications were delivered up to him, he en-
tered their city on the sixteenth of the same month Munychion,
(April), the very day they had overthrown the barbarians in the na-
\'al fight at Salainls. He presently set himself to change their form
of government: and finding that the people resented his proposal,
he told them, " That they had violated the terms of their capitula-
tion ; for their walls were still standing, after the time fixed for the
demolishing of them was past; and that, since they had broken the
first articles, tJiey must expect new ones from the council." Some
say, he really did propose in the council of the allies to reduce the
Athenians to slavery; and that Erianthus, aTheban officer, gave it as
his opinion, tliat the city should be levelled with the ground, and the
.spot on which it stood turned to pasturage.

Afterwards, however, when the general officers met at an enter-
tainment, a musician of Phocis happened to begin a chorus in the
Electra of Euripides, the first lines of which arc thcse__^

Unhappy daughter of the great Atrides,
Tliy straw crown'd palace I approach.

The whole company were greatly moved at this incident, and could
not help reflecting how barbarous a thing it would be to raze that

• The Lacedaemonians knew tliat if tlie Allicnian exiles were restored, ihej would be
friends and partisans of theirs; and if they were not restorcdj they should have a prc'.ext
for distressing tlie Athenians when they pleassd.

t Or Asnon,

LYSANDER. ^5

noble city, wliicli had procluced so many great and illustrious men.
Lysander, however, finding the Athenians entirely in his power, col-
lected the musicians in the city, and iiaving joined to tliem the hand
belonging to the camp, pulled down tiie walls, and burnej the
ships to the sound of their instruments; while the confederates,
crowned with flowers, danced and hailed the day as the first of
their liberty.

Immediately after this, he changed the form of their government,
appointing thirty archons in tiic city, and ten in tlie Pirseus, and
])lacing a garrison in the citadel, the command of which he gave to a
Spartan named Callibius. This CaUibius, on some occasion or other,
lifted up his staff to strike Autolycus, a wrestler wiiom Xenophon has
mentioned in his St/mposiacs ; upon which Autolycus seized him by
the legs, and tiirew him upon the ground. Lysander, instead of re-
senting tiiis, told Callibias, by way of reprimand, " He knew not
they were freemen whom he had to govern." Tiie thirty tyrants,
however, in complaisance to Callibius, soon after put Autoly-
cus to death.

Lysander*, when he had settled these affair.*, sailed to Thrace f-
As for the money that remained in his coffei-s, the crowns and other
presents, which were many and very considerable, as may well be
imagined, since his power was so extensive, and he was ii\ a manner
master of all Greece, he sent them to Laccdaemon by Gylippus, who
had the chief command in Sicily — Gylippus, they tell us, opened
the bags at the bottom, and took a considerable sum out of each, and
then sewed them up again; but he was not aware that in every bag
there was a note which gave an account of the sum it contained.
As soon as he arrived at Sparta, he liid the money he had taken out
under the tiles of his house, and then delivered the bags to ihcep/ioriy
with the seals entire. They opened tljiin, and coiU)ted the money,
but found that the sums differed tVoni the bills. At this they were
not a little embarrassed, till a servant of (iylippus told them enig-
matically, '' a great number of t)wls roosted in the CeramicusJ."
INIost of the coin then bore the impression of an oul, in respect
to the Athenians.

• Xc'tioplioii <a_vs, lie went now againsl S:iino5.

t Plutarcli slieuld liavc intniioiicd iu this place the coiiqui-st ol llic iile of Thasoi,
bnd in what a cruel manner I.ysunder, coiitraiv to his solemn prolni^e, massacred such
of the inliabilants, as hud been in llic interest of Athens. This i» related hy Polya-nus.
But as Plutarch tells us altcrwards that he hehaved in this manner to the Milesians, per-
haps the story is the same, and there may be o mistuke only in the nntues.

t Cerajuicus was the name of a place lu Athens, It likcvrise sij^nifies the tiling of
* bou5e.

^f^' I'lutarch's live?.

Gylippusj having sullied his fornier great and glorious actions by
so base and unworthy a deed, quitted Laccdaemon. On this occa-
sion, in particular, the wisest among the Spartans observed the influ-
ence of money, which would corrupt not only the meanest, but the
most respectable citizens, and therefore were very warm in their re-
flections upon Lysander for introducing it. They insisted too, that
the ephori should send out all the silver and gold, as evils destructive
In the proportion they were alluring;

In pursuance of this, a council was called, and a decree proposed
by Sciraphidas, as Theopompus writes, or, according toEphorus, by
Phlogidas, '' That no coin, whether of gold or silver, should be ad-
mitted into Sparta, but that they should use the money that had long
obtained." This money was of iron, dipped in vinegar, while it was
red hot, to make it brittle and unmalleable, so that it mighf not be
applied to any other use. Besides, it was heavy and difficult of car-
riage, and a great quantity of it was but of little value. Perhaps, all
the ancient money was of this kind, and consisted either of pieces of
iron or brass, which, from their form, were called ohelisci; whence
we have still a quantity of small money called oholi^ six of which
make a drachma or handful, that being as much as the hand can
contain.

The motion for sending out the money was opposed by Lysander's
party, and they procured a decree that it should be considered as the
public treasure, and that it should be a capital crime to. convert any
of it to private uses, as if Lycurgus had been afraid of the money,
and not of the avarice it produces. And avarice was not so much
prevented by forbidding the use of money in the occasions of private
persons, as it was encouraged by allowing it in the public; for that
added dignity to its use, and excited strong desires for its acquisition.
Indeed, it was not to be imagined, that while it was valued in pub-
lic, it would be despised in private, or that what they found so ad-
vantageous to the state should be looked upon of no concern io
themselves. On the contrary, it is plain, that customs depending
upon national institutions much sooner affect the lives and manners
of individuals, than the errors and vices of individuals corrupt a whole
nation. For when the whole is distempered^ the parts must be af-
fected too; but when the (disorder subsists only in some particular
parts, it may be corrected and remedied by those that have not yef
received the infection. So that these magistrates, while they set
guards, I mean law and fear of punishment, at the doors of the citi-
zens, to hinder the entrance of money, did not keep their minds un-
tainted with the love of it; they rather inspired that love by e^ihibiting

LYSANDER. 97

wealth J as a great and admirable thing. But we have censured this
conduct of theirs in another place.

Lysander, out of the spoils he had taken, erected at Delphi hii
own statue, and those of his ofliccrs in brass ; he also dedicated in gold
the stars of Castor and Pollux, which disappeared* before the battle
of Leuctra. The galley made of gold and ivory f, which Cyrus sent
in congratulation of his victory, and which was two ciiliits long, was
placed in the treasury of Brasidas and the Acanthians. Alexandrides
of Delphi writes]:, that Lysander deposited there a talent of silver,
fifty-two mincE, and eleven staters: but this is not agreeable to the
accounts of his poverty we have from all historians.

Though Lysander had now attained to greater power than any Gre-
cian before him, yet the pride and loftiness of his heart exceeded it.
For he was the first of the Grecians, according toDuris, to whom al-
tars were erected by several cities, and sacrifices offered as to a god§.
To Lysander two hymns were first sung, one of which began thus —

To the fani'd leader of the Grecian baiid>,
From Sparla's ample plains ! sing lo pajan !

Nay, the Samians decreed that the feasts which they had used to ce-
lebrate in honour of Juno should be called the feast of Lysander. He
always kept the Spartan poet Choerikis in liis retinue y, that he might
be ready to add lustre to his actions by the power of verse. And
when Antilochus had written some stanzas in his praise, he was so
delighted that he gave him his hat full of silver. Antimachus of Co-
lophon, and NIceratus of Heraclea composed each a panegyric that
bore his name, and contested in form for the prize. He adjudged
the crown to Niceratus, at which Antimachus^ was so jnueh oftend-

* They were stolen. Plutarch inentioas it as an omen of the dreadful loss the Spar-
tans were lo suffer in that b'.iUle.

t So Aristobulus, tlie Jewish prince, prc«.ented Ponipey wiiii a golden vineyard or
garden, valued at five hundrnl talents. Thai vineyard was consecrated in ilie temple
of Jupiter Olyinpius, as this galley was at Delphi.

X 'I'nis Alexandrides, or lallier Anaxamlrides, wrote an account of the offerings stolea
from ihe temple at Del]ihi.

^ What uicense the ujeanr.nss of human naliire can ofler to one of llicir own species!
nay, tovne who, having no re;;ard to honour or virtue, scarce deserved llic name of a
man! The Samians worshipped hiu), as the Indians do the devil, that lie might do them
no more luirt; that, after one dreadful sacritice lo his cruelty, lie might seek no more.

II There were three poets ut thib naiue, but iiiiir works are all lo^t. The /ir^t, who
was of Samos, sung the victory of the Athenians over Xerxes, lie flourished about the
scvcuty-fiflh Olyni|)iad. The second was this Cha?rilus of S[)nrla, who flourished about
seventy years alter the first. The third was he who atlended Alexander the Grear, above
seventy years after the lime of T.ysHuder's (Hicerihis.

5f According to others, he was nf Claros. He wns reckoned nert to Homer in lierois
poetry. But some thought him loo pompous and verbose.

Vol. 2. No. 19. Q

98 Plutarch's lives.

cdj that he suppressed liis poem. Plato, who was then very young,
and a great admher of Antimachus's poetry, addressed him while un-
der this chagrin, and told him, hy way of consolation, " That the ig-
norant are sufferers by their ignorance, as the blind are by their want
of sight. Aristonous, the lyrist, who liad six times won the prize at
the Pythian games, to pay his court to Lysander, jjromised him, that
if he was once more victorious, he would declare himself Lysander's
retainer, or even his slave.

Lysander's ambition was a burden only to the great, and to persons
of equal rank with himself. But that arrogance and violence which
grew up in his temper along with his ambition, from the flatteries with
which he was besieged, had a more extensive influence. He set no
moderate bounds either to his favour or resentment. Governments,
unlimited and unexamined, were the rewards of any friendship or
hospitality he had experienced; and the sole punishment that could
appease his anger was tlie death of his enemy; nor was there any
way to escape.

Tiiere was an instance of this at i\Iiletus. He was afraid that tiio
leaders of the plebeian party there would secure themselves by flight;
therefore, to draw them from their retreats, lie took an oath not to
do any of them the least injury. They trusted him, and made their
appearance; but he immediately delivered them to the opposite party,
and they were put to death, to the number of eight hundred. Infi-
nite were the cruelties he exercised in every city against those who
were suspected of any inclination to popular government. For he
not only consulted his own passions, and gratified his own revenge,
but co-operated, in this respect with the resentments and avarice of
all his friends. Hence it was that the saying of Eteocles the Lace-
dfemonian was reckoned a good one, " That Greece could not bcav
two Lysanders." Theophrastus, indeed, tells us, that Archistratus*
had said the same thing of Alcibiades. But insolence, luxury, and
vanity were the most disagreeable part of his character; whereas
Lysander's power was attended with a cruelty and savageness of man-
ners that rendered it insupportable.

There were many complaints against him which the Laeedcr^moni-
ans paid no regard to. However, when Pliarnabazus sent ambassa-
dors to Sparta to represent the injury he had received from the depre-
dations committed in his province, the cphori were incensed, and put
Thorax, one of his friends and colleagues to death, having found
silver in his possession contrary to the late law. They likewise or-
dered Lysander home by their scytale, the nature and use of whicl;

* It should be read Arclitsiratu?.

LYSANDER. 99

was this: Whenever the magistrates sent out an admiral or a ge-
neral, they prepared two round pieces of wood, with so much exact-
ness, that tliey were pcriectly equal hotli in length and thickness.
One uf these they kept tlicmsehes, the other <v'as delivered to the of-
ficer then employed These pieces of wood were called *c^#a/<?.

When they had any secret and important orders to convey to- him,
they took a long narrow scroll of parchment, and rolled it about
their own staff", one fold close to another, and then wrote their busi-
ness on it. This done, they took off the scroll, and sent it to the ge-
neral. As soon as lie received it, he applied it to his staff", which be-
ing just like that of the magistrates, all the folds fell in with one
another, exactly as they did at the writing: and though before the
characters were so broken and disjointed that nothing could be made
of them, they now became plain and legible. The parchment, as
well as the staff", is called sci/talc, as the thing measured bears the
name of the measure.

Lysander, who was then in the Hellespont, was much alarmed at
the sci/iak: Pharnabazus being the person wliose impeachment he
most dreaded, he hastened to an interview with him, in hopes of be-
ing able to compose their diff'ercnces. When they met, he desired
him to send another account to the magistrates, signifying that he
neither had nor made any complaint. He was not aware, as the pro-
verb has it, that " He was playing the Cretan with a Cretan."
Pharnabazus promised to comply with his request, and wrote a letter
in his presence agreeable to his directions, but had contrived to have
another by him to a quite contrary eft"ect. When the letter was to be
sealed, he palmed that on Lysander which he had written privately,
and wiiich exactly resembled it. Lysander, on his arrival at Lace-
dtemon, went, according to custom, to ihe senate-house, and dcdivcred
Pharnabazus's letter to the magistrates, assuring himself that the
heaviest charge was removed. For he knew that the Lacedaemonians
paid a particular attention to Pharnabazus, because, of all the king's
lieutenants, he had done them the greatest sei vices in tlic war.
When liie epiiori had read the letter, they showed it to Lysander. He
now found to his cost, that " others have art besides Ulysses," and in
great confusion left the senate-iiouse.

A few days after, he applied to the magistrates, and told them he
was obliged to go to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and otfer the sa-
crifices he had vowed before his battles. Some say, that when he
was besieging the city of the Aphytaians in Thrace, Ammon actually
appeared to him in a dream, and ordered him to raise the siege; that
he complied with that order, and bade the Aphytteans sacrifice to
Ammon; and for the same reason now hastened to pay his devotions

100 I'LUTARCH S LIVES.

to that deity in Lybia. But it was generally believed that he only
used the deity as a pretext, and that the true reason of his retiring
^^'as his fear of the ephori, and his aversion to subjection. He chose
lather to wander in foreign countries than to be controlled at home.
His haughty spirit was like tiiat of a horse which has long ranged
the pastures at liberty, and returns with reluctance to the stall, and
ft) his former burden. As for the reason which Ephorus assigns for
this voyage, I shall mention it Jjy and by.

With much difficulty he got leave of the ephori to depart, and
fake his voyage. While he was upon it, the kings considered that
it was by means of the associations he had formed, that he held
the cities in subjection, and was in effect master of all Greece.
Tiiey resolved, therefore, to drive out his friends, and re-establish
the popular governments. This occasioned new commotions. First
of all, the Athenians, from the castle of Phyle*, attacked tlie thirty
tyrants, and defeated them. Immediately upon this, Lysandcr re-
turned, and persuaded the Lacedaemonians to support the oligarchies^
and to chastise tlie people ; in consequence of which, they remitted
a hundred talents to the tyrants to enable them to carry on the war,
and appointed Lysander himself their general. But the envy with
which the kings were actuated, and their fear that he would take
Athens a second time, led them to determine that one of them should
attend the expedition. Accordingl-y Pausanias marched into Attica,
in appearance to support the thirty tyrants against the people, but
in reality to put an end to the wai', lest Lysander, by his interest in
Athens, should become master of it again. This he easily effected,
by reconciling the Athenians among themselves, and composing the
tumults, he dipt the wings of Lysander's ambition. — Yet as the
Athenians revolted soon after, Pausanias was blamed for taking the
curb of the oligarchy out of the mouth of the people, and letting
tlicm grow bold and insolent again. On the contrary, it added to
the reputation of Lysander : he was now considered as a man who
took not his measures either through favour or ostentation, but in
all his operations, how severe soever, kept a strict and steady eye
upon the interests of Sparta.

Lysander, indeed, had a ferocity in his expressions, as well as
actions, which confounded his adversaries. When the Argives liad
a dispute with him about their boundaries, and thought their plea
better than that of the Lacedaemonians, he showed them his sword,
and said, " He that is master of this can best plead about boun-
daries."

* A castle above Athens, strongly situated. Xsiioplion often mention* it in t!ie
second book of Lis Grecian History.

LYSANDER. lOl

When a citizen of Mcgara treated him with great freedom in a
certain conversation, he said, " My friend, those words of tlilue
should not come but from stron-r walls and hulwarks."

When the Boeotians hesitated upon some propositions he made
them, he asked them, " Whether he should trail or push his pikes
amongst them."

The Corinthians having deserted the league, he advanced close up
to their walls, hut the Laccdcemoiiians, he found, were very loath to
begin the assault. A hare just then happening to start out of the
trenches, he took occasion to say, *' Are not you ashamed to dread
those enemies who arc so idle that the very hares sit in quiet under
their walls."

When king Agis paid the last tribute to nature, he left behind him
a brother named Agesilaus, and a reputed son named Leotychidas.
Lysander, who had regarded Agesilaus with an extraordinaiy affec-
tion, persuaded him to lay claim to the crown, as a genuine descen-
dant of Hercules ; whereas Leotychidas was suspected to be the son
of Alclbiades, and the fruit of a private commerce which he had
with Timsea the wife of Agis, during his exile in Sparta. Agis,
they tell us, from his computation of the time, concluded that the
child was not his, and therefore took no notice of Leotychidas, but
rather openly disavowed him througli the whole course of his life.
However, when he fell sick, and was carried to Heraea*, he was
prevailed upon by the entreaties of the youth himself, and of his
friends, before he died, to declare before many witnesses that Leo-
tychidas was his lawful son. At the same time, he desired all per-
sons present to testify these his last words to the Lacedaemonians,
and then immediately expired.

Accordingly they gave their testimony in favour of Leotychidas.
As for Agesilaus, he was a man of uncommon njerit, and supported
besides by the interest of Lysander ; but his affairs were nearly being
ruined by Diophites, a famous interpreter of oracles, who applied
this pro]jhecy to his lameness :

Beware, proud Sparta, lest a iii:iiir.t'd empire t
Thy boasted strength impair; lor other woes
Than thou bchold'sl awnit ihec — borne away
By the strong tide of w.s.

• Xenophon (lib. ii.) tells us that Agis full sick at ILrxa, a cil} of Arcadia, on his
way from Delphi, and that lie was carried to Sparta, and died there.

t The oracle considered the two kings of Spaita as its two legs, the supports of its
freedom; which in fact they were, by being a ehetk upon each other. The Laccd.e-
luonians were, therefore, admonished to beware of a /(ime goicr/iHit/U, of having their
republic converted into a raonarc'iy, wliicb, indeed, proved tlicir ruiu at List. ViJ*
Justiii, lib. vi.

102 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

Many believed this interpretation, and were turning to Leotychidas.
But Lysander observed, tliat Diophites had mistaken the sense oV
the oracle ; for that the deity did not give hirtiself any concern about
their being governed by a lame king, but meant that their govern-
ment would be lame, if spurious persons should wear the crown
amongst the race of Hercules. Thus, partly by his address, and
partly by his interest, he prevailed upon them to give the preference
to Agesilaus, and he was declared king.

Lysander immediately pressed him to carry the war Into Asia, en-
couraging him witii the hope of destroying the Persian monarchy,
and becoming himself the greatest .of mankind. He likewise sent
instructions to his friends In Asia, to petition the Lacedaemo-
nians to give Agesilaus the conduct of the war against the barbarians.
They complied with his order, and sent ambassadors to Laccdsemon-
for that purpose. Indeed, this command which Lysander procured
Agesilaus, seems to have been an honour equal to the crown itself.
But ambitious spirits, though in other respects not unfit for affairs
of state, are hindered from many great actions by the envy they
bear their fellow- candidates for fame: for thus they make those
their adversaries who would otherwise have been their assistants irv
the course of glory.

Agesilaus took Lysander with him, made him one of his thirty
counsellors, and gave him the first rank in his friendship. But where
they came Into Asia, Agesilaus found that the people, being un-
acquainted with him, seldom applied to him, and were very short
in their addresses ; whereas Lysander, whom they had long known,
had them always at his gates or in his train, some attending out of
friendship, and others out of fear. Just as it happens in tragedies,,
that a principal actor represents a messenger or a servant, and is
admired in that character, while he v/ho bears the diadem and
sceptre is hardly listened to when he speaks ; so in this case the
counsellor engrossed all the honour, and the king had the title of
commander without the power.

Doubtless, this unseasonable ambition of Lysander deserved cor-
rection, and he was to be made to know that the second place only
belonged to him. But entirely to cast off a friend and benefactor,
and, from a jealousy of honour, to expose him to scorn, was a step
unworthy the character of Agesilaus. He began witii taking busi-
ness out of his hands, and making it a point not to employ him oi>
anj^'occasion wljere he might distinguish himself. In the next place,
those for whom Lysander Interested himself were sure to miscarry,
and to meet with less indulgence than others of the meanest station^
Thus the king gradually undermined hi? power.

LYSANDER. 103

When Lysantler found that he failed in all his applications, and
diat his kindness was only a hinderance to his friends, lie desired
them to forbear their addresses to him, and to wait only upon the
king, or the present dispensers of his favours. In consequence of
tiiis, they gave him no further trouble about business, but still con-
tinued their attentions, and joined him in the public walks and
ether places of resort. This gave Agcsilaus more pain than ever,
and his envy and jealousy continually increased; insomuch, that
while he gave commands and governments to common soldiers, he
appointed Lysander his carver. Then, to insult the lonlans, he bade
them " go and make their court to his carver."

Hereupon Lysander determined to come to an cxpLinaiion with
kirn, and their discourse was very laconic : "Truly, Agesilaus, you
know very well how to tread upon your friends." " Yes," said he,
*'• when they want to be greater than myself. It is but fit that those
who arc willing to advance my power should share it." " Perhaps,"
said Lysander, " this Is rather what you say, than what I did. I
beg of you, however, for the sake of strangers who have their eyes
upon us, that you will put me in some post where I may be least
obnoxious, and most useful to you."

Agreeably to this request, the lieutenancy of the Hellespont was
granted him ; and though he still retained his resentment against
Agesilaus, he did not neglect his duty. He found Spithridates*, a
Persian remarkable for his valour, and with an army at his com-
mand, at variance with Pharnabazus, and persuaded him to revolt
to Agesilaus. This was the only service he was employed upon;
and when his commission was expired, he returned to Sparta in
great disgrace, highly incensed against Agesilaus, and mere dis-
pleased than ever with the whole frame of government. He resol-
ved therefore now, without any further loss of time, to bring about
the change he had long meditated in the constitution.

When the Heraclidifi mixed with the Dorians, and settled in Pe-
loponnesus, there was a large and flourishing tribe of them at Sparta.
The whole, however, were not entitled to the regal succession, init
only two families, the Eurytionidie and the Agida' ; while the rest
had no share in the administration, on account of their high birth.
For, as to the common rewards of virtue, the y were open to all nun
of distinguished merit. Lysander, who uas of this lineage, no
sooner saw himself exalted by his great actions, and supported with
friends and power, but he became uneasy to think that a city which
pwed its grandeur to him, should Ijc ruled by others no better de-

* So Xcnoplion calls lilra, not Mltliridatcs, the common reading ia Plutarc!). In-
deed, some menuscripts liavc it Spithridntes iuthe Life of Agesilaus.

104 I'Ll'TARCH S LIVES.

scended than himself. Hence he entertained a design to alter the
settlement, which confined the succession to two families only, and
to lay it open to all the Iieraclid;e. Some say his intention was to
extend this high honour not only to all the Hcraclidae, but to all
the citizens of Sparta ; that it might not so much belong to the
posterity of Hercules, as to those who resembled Hercules in that
virtue which numbered him with the gods. He hoped, too, that
when the crown was settled in this manner, no Spartan would have
better pretensions than himself.

At first he prepared to draw the citizens into his scheme, and com-
mitted to memory an oration written by Cleon of Halicarnassus for
that purpose. But he soon saw that so great and difficult a reforma-
tion required bolder and mere extraordinary methods to bring it to
bear. And as in tragedy machinery is made use of, where more na-
tural means will not do, so he resolved to strike the people with
oracles and prophecies, well knowing that the eloquence of Cleon
would avail but little, unless he first subdued their minds with divine
sanctions, and the terrors of superstition. Ephorus tells us, he first
attempted to corrupt the priestess of Delphi, and afterwards those of
Dodona, by means of one Pherecles; and having no success in either
application, he went himself to the oracle of Ammon, and ofiTered the
priests large sums of gold. They too rejected his offers with indig-
nation, and sent deputies to Sparta to accuse him of that crime.
When these Lybians found he was acquitted, they took then- leave
of the Spartans in this manner — " Vv'e will pass better judgments,
when you come to live among us in Lybia." It seems there was an
ancient prophecy, that the Lacedasmonians would some time or other
settle in Africa. This whole scheme of Lysander's was of no ordi-
nary texture, nor took its rise from accidental circumstances, but
was laid deep, and conducted with uncommon art and address ; so
that it may be compared to a methematical demoiistration, in which,
from some principles first assumed, the conclusion is deduced
through a variety of abstruse and intricate steps. We shall there-
fore explain it at large, taking Ephorus, who was uotii a historian
and philosopher, for our guide.

There was a woman in Pontus, who gave it out that she was preg-
nant by .* polio. Many rejected her assertion, and many believed
it. So that when sb.e was delivered of a son, several persons of the
greatest eminence took particular care of his education, and for
some reason or other gave liim the name of Silenus. Lysandcr took
this miraculous birth for a foundation, and raised all his building
upon it. He made choice of such assistance as may bring the story
into reputation, and put it beyond suspicion. Then he got anothev

LYSANDER. 105

Story propagated at Delphi, and spread at Sparta, ^* Tliat certain
ancient oracles were kept in the private registers of tlie priests,
which it was not lawful to touch or to look upon, till in some future
age a person should arise, who could clearly prove himself the son
of Apollo, and lie was to interpret and publish those oracles." The
way thus prepared, Silenus was to make his appearance, as the son
of Apollo, and demand the oracles. Tiie priests, who were in com-
bination, were to inquire into every article, and examine him
strictly as to his hirth. At last they were to pretend to be convinced
of his divine parentage, and to shew him the books. Silenus was
then to read in public all those prophecies, particularly that for
which the whole design was set on foot ; namely, "That it would
be more for the honour and interest of Sparta to set aside the pre-
sent race of kings, and choose others out of the best and most wor-
thy men in the commonweakh." But when Silenus was grown up,
and came to undertake his part, Lysander had the mortification to
see his piece miscarry by the cowardice of one of the actors, wliose
heart failed him just as tiie thing was going to be put in execution.
However, nothing of this was discovered while Lysander lived.

He died before Agesilaus returned from Asia, after he had engaged
his country, or ratiier involved all Greece, in the Boeotian war. It
is indeed related variously, some laying the blame upon him, some
upon the Thebans, and others upon both. Those wiio charge the
Thcbans with it say, they overturned tiie altar, and profaned the
sacrifice* Agesilaus was offering at Aulus; and that Androclides and
Amphitheus, l)cing corrupted with Persian money f, attacked (he
Phoeians, and laid waste their country, in order to draw upon the
Lacedaemonians the Grecian war. On the other hand, they who
make Lysander the author of the war inform us, he was highly

* Besides this aff.iir of t!u' sacrifice, the T.iiccdremonians were oiTendcd nt the Tho-
bans for ihi-ir claiiiiiiig tlie tontlis of the treasure taken at Uecelcii, as well iis for re-
fusing to attend thciu in their cx|iedition against the l*ira,'us, and dissuadiiij: the Corin-
thinns from joining in thut enterprise. Indeed, the Thebans hegati lu be jealous of
the growing power of the LaccdaMuuniHiis, and did not want to see the Athenians,
whose weij;ht liad been considerable in the b.ilance of power, entirely* ruined. Xcncpii.
Gr. 11 lit. lilr. iii.

t '1 hesc were not tlie only persons who jind taken the PcrM.jn money. Titliraiistcs,
alarmed at the progress A|;e>iilaus was luakiny; in Asia, sfnt Tiniocrntcs the Rhodian
MitU fifty talents to be distributed among the leading men in the states of Greece. —
Those of Corinth and .\rgos had iheir share, as well ns the Thebans. In consequence of
this, the Tiiehans persuaded the Locrians to pillage a track of land that was in dispute
lietwecn the I'hocians an I the Tlu-bnni. The Phocisni made reprisals. The Thebans
supported the Locrians; wliercupon the l'!:oii.niJ applied to the Spartans, and the \ra;
became general.

\ou 2, No. 19, P

lo6 Plutarch's lives.

— , — ■ I ■ II 1 1^

dispkasecl that the Thebans only, of all the confederates, should
claim the tenth of the Atlienian spoils taken at Decelea, and com-
plain of his sending the money to Sparta. But what lie most re-
sented was, their putting the Athenians in away of delivering them-
selves from the thirty tyrants whom he had set up. The Lacedae-
monians, to strengthen the hands of those tyrants, and make them
more formidable, had decreed, "That if any Athenian fled out of
the city, he should be apprehended, wherever he was found, and
obliged to return; and that whoever opposed the taking such fugi-
tives should be treated as enemies to Sparta." The Thel)ans on
that occasion gave out orders that deserve to be enrolled with the
actions of Hercules and Bacchus. They caused proclamation to be
made, " That every house and city should be open to such Athenians
as desired protection; that whoever refused assistance to a fugitive
that was seized, should be fined a talent; and that if any one should
caiTy arms through E(Jiotia against the Athenian tyrants, he should
not meet with tl;e least molestation." Nor were their actions un-
suitable to these decrees so humane, and so worthy of Grecians.
When ThrasybuUis and his company seized the castle of Phyle, and
laid the plan of their other operations, it was from Thebes they set
out; and ihc Tiiebans not only supplied them with arms and money,
hut gave them a kind reception and every encouragement. These
were the grounds of Lysander's resentment against them.

He was naturally prone to anger, and the melancholy tliat grew
upon him with years nuide him still more so. He therefore impor-
tuned the ephori to send liim against the Thebans. Accordingly lie
was employed, and marched out at tiie head of one army, and Pau-
sanias v.-as soon sent after him with another. Pausanias took a cir-
cuit by mount Cith;rron to enter BcEotla, and Lysander went through
Phocis with a very consideral)le force to meet liiui. The city of Or-
chonicnus was surrendered to him as he was upon his march, and he
took Lebadia by storm, and plundered it. From thence he sent
letters to Pausanias, to desire him to remove from Platjea, and join
him at TIaliartus; for he intended to be there himself by break of
day. But the messenger was taken by a Theban reconnoitering
party, and the letters were carried to Thebes. Hereupon the Tiie-
bans intrusted their city with a body of Athenian auxiliaries, and
marched out themselves about midnight for Ilaliartus. They reach-
ed the town a little before Lysander, and entered it with jiart of
their forces. Lysandei at first thought pro[)er to encamp upon an
eminence, and wait for Pausanias. But when the day began to de-
cline, he grew impatient, and ordered the LacedjEmonians and
confederates, to arms. T][ien he led out his troops in a direct line

LYSANDER. 10/

along the high-road up to the walls. The Thebaus who remained
without, taking the city on the Icl't, fell upon his tear at the; foun-
tain called Cissusa*.

It is fabled that the nurses of Bacchus washed hiiu in this fountain
immediately after his birth. The water is, indeed, of a bright and
shining colour like wine, and a most agreeable taste. Not far off
grow the Cretan canes fj of which javelins are made; by whicli the
Haliartians would prove that Hhadamanthus dwelt there. Besides,
they show his tomb, which they call Alea. The monument of Alc-
mena, too, is near that place; and nothing, they say, can be more
probable than that she was buried there, because she married Rha-
damanthus after Amphitryon's death.

The other Thebans, who had entered the city, drew up with tlie
Haliartians, and stood still for some time. But when they saw Ly-
sander with his vanguard approaching the walls, they rushed out at
the gates, and killed him, witii a diviner by his side, and some few
more; for the greatest part retired as fust as possible to the main
body. The Thebans pursued their advantage, and presseil upon
them with so much ardour, that they were soon j)ut to the rout, and
lied to the hills. Their loss amounted to a thousand, and that of
the Thebans to three hundred. The latter lost their lives by chas-
ing the enemy into craggy and dangerous ascents. These three
hundred had been accused of favouring the Lacedaemonians; and,
being determined to wipe off that stain, they pursued with a rashness
which proved fatal to themselves.

Pausanias received the nesvs of this misfortune as he was upon
bis march from Plat;ea to Thesj)Ia, and he contiimed his route in
good order to Ilaliartus. Thrasybulus likewise brought his Athe-
nians thither fro)n Thebes. Pausanias wanted a truce, that he might
article for the dead; but tlie older Spartans could not thi:»k of it
without indignation. They went to him, and declared, '' That they
would never recover the body of Lysander by truce, but by arms;
lluit, if they conquered, they should bring it olV, and bury it with
honour, and if they were worsted, they should fall gloriously upon
the same spot with their commander." Notwithstanding these re-
presentations of the veterans, Pausanias saw it would be very dllTl-
cult to tu-at the Thebans, now tlushed with victory ; and that even if
he should have the advantage, he could hardly without a truce carry

* The name of tliis fountnin sIcjuM pn^bablj be corrcclcii from Tausaniaj and
Strabu, and read Tilphusa or Tilphosa.

t Strabo tells us, Ilaliartus was deitroycd by the Romans in the war with Perscji.
He also iiientiuns a lake near it which produces canes or reeds, not for sliaftj ol' jareliDi,
kut for pipe* or flute*, riutarch, loo, mention* the latter use in the Lifeof Sylls.

108 Plutarch's lives.

oft' the body, which lay so near the walls. He therefore sent a he-
rald who settled the conditions, and then retired with his army. As
soon as they were got out of the confines of Boeotia, they interred Ly-
sander in the territories of the Penopjeans, which was the first ground
belonging to their friends and confederates. His monument still re-
mains by the road from Delphi to Chieronea. While the LacedaR-
monians had their quarters there, it is reported that a certain Pho-
cian, who was giving an account of the action to a friend of his
that was not in it, said, " The enemy fell upon them just after Ly-
sandcr had passed the Hoplites." While the man stood wondering
at the account, a Spartan, a friend of Lysander's, asked the Phociaii
what he meant hy Hoplites*, for he could make nothing of it. ^' I
mean," said he, " the place wiiere the enemy cut down our first
ranks. The river that runs by the town is called Hoplites." The
Spartan, when he heard this, burst into tears, and cried out, " How
inevitable is fate!" It seems Lysander had received an oracle
couched in these terms

Fly from Hoplites and the earth-born dragou
That stings thee in the rear

Some say the Hoplites does not run by Haliartus, but is a brook
near Coronea, whicli mixes with the river Phliarus, and runs along
to that city. It was formerly called Hoplias, but is now known by
tiie name of Isomantus. The Haliartian who killed Lysander was
named Neochorus, and he bore a dragon in his shield, which it was
supposed the oracle referred to.

They tell us too, that the city of Thebes, during the Peloponue-
sian war, had an oracle from the Ismenian Apollo, which foretold the
battle at Deliumf, and this at Haliartus, though the latter did not
happen till thirty yeais after the other. The oracle runs thus

Beware tlie confines of tlie wolf; nor spread
'1 liy snares for foxes on th' Orchalian hills.

Tlie country about Delium he calls the confines, because Ba-otia
there borders upon Attica, and by the Orchalian hill is meant that in
particular called AlopecuaXi o" that side of Helicon which looks to-
xvards Haliartus.

* Hoplites, though the name of that river, signifies also a heavy-anned soldier.

t The battle of Delium, in which the Athenians were defeated by the Thebans, was
fought in the first year of the eighty-ninth Olympiad, four hundred and twenty-two
years before Christ j and that of Ilaliattut full twenty-nine years after. But it is com*
nion for historians to make use of a round uuinber, except in cases where great pre-
cision is required.

♦ That is,/c.i-/ii//.

LYSANDER. I09

After the death of Lysander, the Spartans so much resented tlie
whole behaviour of Pausanias with respect to that event, tliat they
summoned him to he tried for his Hie. Vc did not appear to answer
tliat charge, but fled to Tegea, and took refuge in Minerva's temple,
wliere he spent the rest of his days as her suppliant.

Lysandev's poverty, which was discovered after ills death, added
lustre to his virtue. It was then found, that notwithstanding the
money which had passed through iiis hands, the authority he had ex-
ercised over so many cities, and indeed the great empire he had been
possessed of, he had not in tjic least improved his family fortune.
This account we have from Tlieopompus, whom we more easily be-
lieve when he commends than when he finds fault; for he, as well as
many others, was more inclined to censure than to praise.

Ephorus tells us, that afterwards, upon some disputes between the
confederates and the Spartans, it was thought necessary to inspect
the writings of Lysander, and for that purpose Agcsilaus went to his
house. Among the other papers, he found that political one, calcu-
lated to show how proper it would be to take the right of succession
from the Eurytionid<e and AgidcB, and to elect kings from among
persons of the greatest merit. He was going to produce it before
the citizens, and to show what the real principles of Lysander were :
but Lacratidas, a man of sense, and the principal of the ep/iori, kept
him from it, by representing, " How wrong it would be to dig
Lysander out of his grave, when this oration, which was written
in so artful and persuasive a manner, ought rather to be buried
with him."

Among the other honours paid to the memory of Lysander, that
wliich I am going to mention is none of the least. Some persons,
who had contracted themselves to his daugliters in his lifetime, when
they found he died poor, fell oft' from tiieir engagement. The Spar-
tans fined them for courting the alliance while they had riches in
view, and breaking off when they discovered that poverty which was
the best proof of Lysander's probity and justice. It seems, at Sparta
there was a law which punished not only those who continued in a
state of celibacy, or married too late, but those that married ill; and
it was levelled cliiefly at persons who married into rich rather than
good families. Such are the particulars of Lysander's life, which
history has supplied us with.

110 Plutarch's lives.

SYLLA.

LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA was of a patrician family. One
of his ancestors, named Rufinus*, is said to have been consul, but
to have fallen under a disgrace more than equivalent to that honour.
He was found to have in his possession more than ten pounds of
plate, which the law did not allow, and for that was expelled the se-
nate. Hence it was that his posterity continued in a low and obscure
condition; and Sylla himself was born to a very scanty fortune-
Even after he was grown up, he lived in hired lodgings, for which ho
paid but a small consideration; and afterwards he was reproached
with it, when he was risen to such opulence as he had no reason to
expect : for one day as he was boasting of the great things he had
done in Africa, a person of character made answer, " How canst
thou be an honest man, who art master of such a fortune, though thy
father left thee nothing?" It seems, though the Romans at that time
did not retain their ancient integrity and purity of manners, but were
degenerated into luxury and expense, yet they considered it as no
less disgraceful to have departed from family poverty, than to have
spent a paternal estate. And a long time after, when Sylla had made
himself absolute, and put numbers to death, a man who was only
the second of his family that was free, being condemned to be thrown
down the Tarpeian rock for concealing a friend of his that was in the

proscription, spoke of Sylla in this upbraiding manner: ^' I am his

old acquaintance; we lived long under the same roof: I hired the
upper apartment at two thousand sesterces, and he that under nie at
three thousand." So that the difference between their fortunes was
then only a tiiousand sesterces, which, in Attic money, is two
hundred and fifty drachmas. Such is the account we have of his
origin.

As to his figure, we have the whole of it in his statues, except
his eyes. They were of a lively blue, fierce, and menacing; and the
ferocity of his aspect was heightened by his complexion, which was
a strong red interspersed with spots of white. From his complexion,

• Publius Corncliui Ruiinus was twice consi>l ; tlie firsi time in the year of Rome
four hundred and sixtj-three, and the second thirteen years after. He was expelled thft
•mate two years after his second consulship, when Q. Fabricius Lucinus, and Caius
iEmilius Papus, were censors. Velleius Paterculus tells us, Sylla was the sixth in de-
scent from this Rufinuj, which might very well be; for between tiie first consulship of
Rufinus, and the first campaign of Sylla, there was a space of a hundred and eighty-
fight yean.

SYLLA. Ill

they tell us, he had the name of Sylla*; and an Athenian humorist
drew the following jest from it|:

*' Sylla's a mulberry strew'd o'er with meal." Nor is it foreign

to make these observations upon a man who in his youth, before he
emerged from obscurity, was such a lover of drollery, that he spent
his time with mimics and jesters, and went with them every length
of riot. Nay, when in tiie height of his power he would collect the
most noted players and buffoons every day, and, in a maimer unsuit-
able to his age and dignity, drink and join with them in licentious
wit, while business of consequence lay neglected. Indeed, Sylla
would never admit of any thing serious at his table; and though at
other times a man of business, and rather grave and austere in his
manner, he would change instantaneously, whenever he had com-
pany, and begin a carousal. So that to bulFoons and dancers he was
the most affable man in the world, the most easy of access, and they
moulded him just as they pleased.

To this dissipation may be iniinited his libidinous attachments, his
disorderly and infamous love of pleasure, which stuck by liim even
in age. One of his mistresses, named Nicopolis, was a courtesan,
but very rich. She was so taken with his company and the beauty
of his person, that she entertained a real passion for him, and at her
death appointed him her heir. His mother-in-law, who loved him
as her own son, likewise left him her estate. \\h\\ these additions
to his fortune, he was tolerably provided for.

He was appointed qu.'estor to Marius in his first consnlsliip, and
went over with him into Africa to carry on the war wiih .lugiinlia.
In the military department he gained great honour, and, among other
things, availed himself of an opj)ortunity to make a friend of Bocchus
king of Numidia. The ambassadors of that jjrinee had just escaped
out of the hands of robbers, aiul w ere in a very indifferent condition,
when Sylla gave them the most humane reception, loaded them witli
presents, and sent them back with a strong guard,

Bocchus, who for a long time had both hated and feared his son-
in-law Jugurtha, had him then at his court. He had taken refuge
there after his defeat; and liocchus, now meditating to betray him,
chose rather to let Sylla seize him, than to deli\i r him up himself.
Sylla communicated the affair to Marius, and taking a small ])arty
with him, set out upon the expedition, dangerous as it was. What,
indeed, could be more so than, in hopes of getting another man into
Ills power, to trust himself with a barbarian who was treacherous to
his own relations ? In fact, when Bocchus saw them both at his dispo-

* Sil or S^l is a yellow kind of carili, wliich when buret becomes red. Hence S^lim'
ffut Color, iu Vitruvivui^ signifies purple.

tI2 PM1TARCH :5 LIVES.

sal, and that he was under a necessity to betray eitlicr the one or tlie
other, he debated long witii himself which should be the victim. At
last he determined to abide by his first resolution, and gave up Ju-
gurtha into the hands of Sylla.

This procured Marius a triumpli ; but envy ascribed all the glory of
it to Svlla, which IMarius in his heart not a little resented ; especially
when he found that Sylla, who was naturally fond of fame, and from
a low and obscure condition now come to general esteem, let his
ambition carry him so far as to give orders for a signet to be engraved
with a representation of this adventure, which he constantly used in
sealing his letters. The device was, Bocchus delivering up Jugurtha,
and Sylla receiving him.

This touched Marius to the quick. However, as he thought Sylla
not considerable enough to be the object of envy, he continued to
employ him in his wars. Thus, in his second consulship, he made
him one of his lieutenants, and in his third gave him the command
of a thousand men. Sylla, in these several capacities, performed
many important services. In that of lieutenant, he took Copillus,
chief of the TectosagtT, prisoner ; and in that of tribune, he persuaded
the great and popular nation of the Marsi to declare themselves
friends and allies of the Romans. But finding Marius uneasy at his
success, and that, instead of giving him new occasions to distinguish
himself, he rather opposed his advancement, he applied to Catulus
the colleague of Marius.

Catulus was a worthy man, but wanted that vigour which is neces-
sary for action. He therefore employed Sylla in the most difficult
enterprises, which opened him a fine field both of honour and power.
He subdued most of the barbarians that inhabited the Alps, and in a
time of scarcity undertook to procure a supply of provisions;
which he performed so effectually, that there was abundance not
only in the camp of Catulus, but the overplus served to relieve that
of Marius.

Sylla himself uritcs, that Marius was greatly afflicted at this cir-
cumstance. From so small and childish a cause did that enmity
spring, which afterwards grew up in l)lood, and was nourished by civij
wars and the rage of faction, till it ended in tyranny and the confu-
sion of the whole state. This shows how wise a man Euripides was,
and how well he understood the distempersof governments, when he
called upon mankind to beware of ambition*, as the most destructive
of demons to tiiose that worship her.

Svlla by this time thought the glory he had acquired in war suffix
cient to procure him a share in the administration, and therefore im-

• Phocnissa, v. 531,

SYLLA. 113

mediately left the camp to go and make his court to the people. The
office he solicited was that of the liti/ prcctorship, hut he failed in
the attcmj)t. The reason he assitrns is tliis: the people, he says,
knowing the friendship IntwecM him and Kocchus, expected, if he
was a-dile hefore his pra'torsiiij), tJiat he would treat them with mag-
nilicent huntings and comljats of African wild heasts, and on that
account chose other pra?tors, that he might he forced upon the
ifidileship. But the suhscquent events showed the causr alleged by
Sylla not to be the true one: for the year following* he got himself
elected praetor, partly by his assiduities, and partly by his money.
While he bore that office, he happened to be provoked at Ticsar,
and said to him angrily, " I will use mi/ authority against you."
CiEsarf answered, Inughing, " You do well to c.ill \i yours, for you
bought it."

After his prjetorship, lie was sent into C'appadocia. His pretence
for that expedition was the re-establishment of Ariobarzanes; but
his real design was to restrain the enterprising spirit of Mithridate?,
who was gaining himself dominions no less respectable than his pater-
nal ones. He did not take many troops with him out of Italy, but
availed himself of the service of the allies, whom he found well af-
fected to the cause. AVith these he attacked the Cappadocians, and
cut in |)ieccs great numbers of them, and still more of the Armenians,
who came to their succour; in consequence of which Gordius was
driven out, and Arinbarzanes restored to his kingdom.

During his encampment on the banks of the Euphrates, Orobazus
came ambassador to him from Arsaces, king of I'arthia. There had
as yet been no intercourse between the two nations; and it must be
considered as a circumstance of Sylla's good fortune, that he was the
first Roman to whom the Parthians applied for friendship and alli-
ance. At the time of audience he is saiil to have ordered tiirce chairs,
one for Ariobarzanes, one for Orobazus, and another in the middle
for himself. Oroba/us was afterwards put to death l)y the king of
I'arthia, for submitting so far to a Komnn. As for Sylla, some com-
mended his lofty behaviour to the barbarians; while others blamed
it, as insolent and out of season.

It is reported, that a certain Chaleidian J, in the train of Orobazus,
looked at Sylla's face, and ol)served very attentively the turn ot bis
ideas, and the motions of his body. These he compared witii the

• The year of Rome six hundred and fifty-seven.

t This tnujt hove been Scxtiis Julius CjDsar, wlio waj consul lour ycar> aiicr S_\ lia'j
jjriiorsliip. Cuius Julius Citsar was only lour years old wlicn i«\lla wai prxlor.

% Ol CIihIcis, the natropolis of CliakidcDe in Syria; itTlutarch did not rather wril«
Chaldatun.

Vol. 2. No. 19. O

114 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

rules of liis art, and then declared, *^ That he must infallibly be one
day the greatest of men ; and that it was strange he could bear to be
any thing less at present."

At his return, Censorinus prepared to accuse him of extortion, for
drawing, contrary to law, vast sums from a kingdom that was in alli-
ance with Rome. He did not, however, bring it to a trial, but drop-
ped the intended impeachment.

The quarrel between Sylla and Marius broke out afresh on the
following occasion: Bocchus, to make his court to the people of
Rome and to Sylla at the same time, was so officious i\s to dedicate
several images of Victory in the Capitol, and close by them a figure
of Jugurtha in gold, in the form he had delivered him up to Sylla.
Marius, unable to digest the affront, prepared to pull them down, and
Sylla's friends were determined to hinder it. Between them both
the whole city was set in a flame, wlien the confederate war, which
had long lain smothered, broke out, and for the present put a stop
to the sedition.

In this great war, which was so various in its fortune, and brought
so many mischiefs and dangers upon the Romans, it appeared from
the small execution Marius did, that military skill requires a strong
and vigorous constitution to second it. Sylla, on the other hand,
])erfurmed so liiany memorable things, that the citizens looked upon
him as a great general, his friends as the greatest in the world, and
his enemies as the most fortunate. Nor did he behave, with respect
to that notion, like Timothcus the son of Conon. The enemies of
that Athenian ascribed all his success to fortune, and got a picture
drawn, in v.hich he was represented asleep, and fortune by his side
taking cities for him in her net. Upon this he gave way to an inde-
cent passion, and complained that he was robbed of the glory due ta
his achievements. Nay, afterwards, on his return from a certain ex-
pedition, he addressed the people in these terms: — " INIy fellow cl-
ti/:2ns, you nmst acknowledge that in this fortune has no share." It
is said, the goddess piqued herself so far on being revenged on this
vanity of Timothcus, that he could never do any thing extraordinary
afterwards, but was baffled in all bis undertakings, and became so oIj-
noxious tothe people, that they banished him.

Sylla took a different ccurse. It not only gave Inm pleasure to
hear his success imputed to fortune, but lie encouraged the opinion,
thinking it added an air of greatness, and even divinity, to his ac-
tions. Whether he did this out of vanity, or from a real persuasion
of its truth, we cannot say. -However, he writes in iiis Commenta-
ries, " That his instantaneous resolutions, and enterprises executed
in' a manner different from what he had intended, always succeeded

SYLLA. 115

' I ■

better than those on which he bestowed the most time and fore-
thought." It is philn, too, from tliat saying of his, '* That he was
born rather for fortune than war," that he attributed more to for-
tune tlian to valour. In short, he makes himself entirely the crea-
ture of fortune, sinee he aserihes to her divine influence the good
understanding that always subsisted between him and Metellus, a
man in the same sphere of life with himself, and his fatlier-in-law:
for whereas he expected to find hini a man troublesome in ofTicc, he
proved, on the contrary, a quiet and oi)lii,'-ing colleague. Add to this,
that in the Commentaries inscribed to IjucuHus, he advises him to
depend upon nothing more than that which Heaven directed liini
to in the visions of the night. lie tells us further, that when he was
sent at tiie head of an army against the confederates, the earth opened
on a sudden near Laverna*, and that there issued out of the chasm,
which was very large, a vast quantity of fire, and a flame that €hot up
to the heavens. The soothsayers heing consulted upon it, made an-
swer, " That a person of courage and superior beauty should take
the reins of government into his hands, and suppress the tumults
with which Rome was then agitated." Sylhi says, he was tlic man ;
for that his locks of gold were suflieient proof of his beauty, and
that he needed not hesitate, after so many great actions, to avow
liiujself a man of courage. Tiius much concerning his confidence
in the gods.

In other respects he was not so consistent with himself. Rapa-
cious in a high degree, but still more liberal; in preferring or dis-
gracing whom he pleased, equally unaccountable; submissive to
those who might be of service to him, and severe to those who want-
ed services from him : so that it was hard to say whether he was
more insolent or more servile in his nature. Such was his inconsis-
tency in punishing, that he would sometimes put men to the most
cruel tortures on the slightest grounds, and sometimes overlook the
greatest crimes; he would easily take some persons into favour after
the most uni)ardonable ofll-nees, while he took vengeance of others,
for small and trifling faults, by death and eonfiscati(.)n of goods. 'I'hese
tilings can be no otherwise reconcileil, than ])y c(mcluding th:it he
was severe and vindictive in his temper, but occasionally checked
tiiose inclinations where his own interest was concerned.

In this very war with the confederates, his soldiers despatched
with clubs and stones a lieutenant of his, named All)inus, who had
been honoured with the pra'torship; yet he siilVi it-d them, after such

• In the Salarian wa^- llicrc was a ^Tove ;unl tciiijile couMcralcd to tli«: gocKiru
L&vcrua,

1 1 G Plutarch's lives.

a crimCj to iscupe M'itli impunity. He only took occasion from
thence to boast, tiiat he should find they would exert themselves
more during the rest of the war, because they would endeavour to
atone for that oftence by extraordinary acts of valour. The censure
he incurred on this occasion did not afleet him. His great object
was the destruction of Marius; and finding that the confederate war
was drawing towards an end*, he paid his court to the army, that he
might be appointed general against Marius. Upon his return to
Rome, he was elected consul with Quinctus Pompelus, being then
fifty years old, and at the same time he entered into an advantageous
marriage with CiEcilia, daughter of Metellus the high-priest. This
match occasioned a good deal of popular censure. Sarcastical songs
were made upon it; and, according to Livy's account, many of the
principal citizens invidiously thought him unworthy of that alliance,
though they had not tliought him uuworthy of the consulship. This
lady was not his first wife, for in the early part of his life he married
Ilia, by whom he had a daughter; afterwards he espoused iElia^ and
after her Cu^lia, whom, on account of her barrenness, he repudiated,
without any other marks of disgrace, and dismissed with valuable
presents. However, as he soon after married Metella, the dismis-
sion of Coslia became the object of ceiisurc. Metella he always,
treated with the utmost respect; insomuch that when the people of
Rome were desirous that he should recal the exiles of Marius's party,
and could not prevail with him, they entreated Metella to use her
good offices for th.em. It was thought, too, that when he took
Athens, that city had harder usage because the inhabitants had
jested vilely on Metella from the walls. But these things happen-
ed afterwards.

The consulship was now but of small consideration with him in
comparison of what he had in view. His heart was fixed on obtain-
ing the conduct of the Mithridatic war. In this respect he had a
rival in Marius, who was possessed with an ill-timed ambition and
madness for fame, passions which never grow old. Though now
imwieldy in his person, and obliged, on account of his age, to give
lip his share in the expeditions near home, he wanted the direction
of foreign wars. This man, watching his opportunity in Rome,
when Sylla was gone to the canij) to settle some matters that re-
mained unfinished, framed that fatal sedition which hurt her more
essentially than all the wars she had ever been engaged in. Hcavti^
sent prodigies to prefigure it. Fire blazed out of its own accord
from the ensign staves, and was with difficulty extinguished

• la the year of Rome six Luudrcd and sixty-five.

SYLLA. 1 1 7

Three ravens brought their young into tlie city, and devoured them
there, and then carried the remains back to their nests. Some rats
liaving gnawed the consecrated gold in a certain temple, the sacris-
tans caught one of them in a trap, where slie brought forth five
young ones, and ate three of them. And what was most consider-
able, one day when the sky was serene and clear, there was heard in
it the sound of a trumpet, so loud, so shrill, and mournful, that it
frightened and astonished all the world. The Tuscan sages said it
portended a new race of men, and a renovation of the world : for
they observed, that there were eight several kinds of men, all dilB-
rent in life and manners: that heaven had allotted each its time,
which was limited by the circuit of the great year; and that when
one came to a period, and another race was rising, it was announced
by some wonderful sign either from earth or from heaven. So that
it was evident at one view to those who attended to these things, and
were versed in them, that a new sort of men was come into the
world, with other manners and customs, and more or less the care
of the gods than those who preceded them. They added, that in
this revolution of ages many strange alterations happened; that di-
vination, for instance, should be held in great honour in some one
age, and prove successful in all its predictions, because the deity
afforded pure and perfect signs to proceed by; whereas in another
it should be in small repute, being mostly extemporaneous, and

calculating future events from uncertain and obscure principles.

Such was the mythology of the most learned and respectable of the
Tuscan soothsayers. \\'hile the senate were attending to the inter-
pretations in the tem[)le of Bellona, a sjnurow, in sight of the whole
body, brought in a grashopper in her mouth, and after she had turn
it in two, left one part atnong them, and carried the other oft". 1 he
diviners declared, they ai)prehended from this a dangerous .scoition and
dispute between the town and the country : for the inhabitants of
the town are noisy like the grashopper, and those of the country are
domestic beings like the sparrow*.

Soon after this Marius got Sulpitlus to join him. This man was
inferior to none in desperate attempts. Indeed, instead uf iiujuiring
for another more emphatically wicked, you must ask in what instance
of wickedness he exceeded himself. lie was a eomjjound t)f cruelty,
impudence, and avarice, and he could conmiit the most horrid and
infamous of crimes in cold blood. Ho sold the freedom of Home

* Tlic original is obscure and imperfect in tins place; consequently- corru,H. Bry-
an says it should be restored from the ninnuscript thus: — The itthabttmttt oj the town are
noisy like the sparrow, and ihote of the d^untrii frequent the fields tike the graihopper,—'
There is, iadced; on aaouj-tuous lUQiiusciipt wLicli gives us that rcaUtog.

lis Plutarch's LIVES.

openly to persons that had been slaves, as well as to strangers, and
had the money told out upon a table in theyw7<;«. He had always
about him a guard ofthree hundred men well armed, and a company
of young men of the equestrian order, whom he called his Anti-
senate, 'i'liough he got a law made that no senator should contract
debts to the amount of more than two thousand drachmas, yet it ap-
peared at his death that he owed more than three millions. This
wretch was let loose upon the people by Marius, and carried all before
him by dint of the sword. Among other bad edicts which he procured,
one was that which gave the command in the Mithridatic war to
Marius. Upon this the consuls ordered all the courts to be shut up.
But one day, as they were holding an assembly before the temple of
Castor and Pollux, he set his ruflians upon them, and many were
slain. The son of Pompey the consul, who was yet but a youth,
was of the number. Pompey concealed himself, and saved his life.
Sylla was pursued into the house of ]Marius, and forced from thence
to the fortr/n, to revoke the order fur the cessation of public business.
For this reason Sulpitius, when he deprived Pompey of the consul-
ship, continued Sylla in it, and only transferred tlie conduct of the
war with Mitiuidates to Marius. In consequence of this, he imme-
diately sent some military tribunes to Nola to receive the army at
the hands of Sylla, and bring it to Marius. But Sylla got before
them to the camp, and his soldiers were no sooner acquainted with
the commission of those officers, than they stoned them to death.

Marius in return dipped his hands in the blood of Sylla's friends
in Rome, and ordered their houses to be plundered. Nothing now
was to be seen but hurry and confusion, some flying from the camp
to the city, and some from the city to the camp. The senate were
no longer free, but under tlie direction of Marius and Sulpitius; so
tliat when they were informed that Sylla was marching towards
Rome, they sent two praetors, Brutus and Servilius, to stop him.
As they delivered their orders with some haughtiness to Sylla, the
soldiers prepared to kill them, but at last contented themselves
with breaking their fasces, tearing off their robes, and sending them
away with every mark of disgrace.

The very sight of them, robbed as they were of the ensigns of
their authority, spread sorrow and consternation in Rome, and an-
nounced a sedition, for which there was no longer either restraint or
remedy. Marius prepared to repel force with force. Sylla moved
from Nola at the head of six complete legions, and had his colleague
along with him. His army, he saw, was ready at the first word to
march to Rome, but he was unresolved in his own mind, and appre-r
hensivc of the danger. However, upon his offering sacrifice, the

S\'LLA. 119

soothsayer Posthumius had no sooner inspected the entrails, than he
stretched out both his hands to Sylla, and proposed to be kept in
chains till after the battle, in order for the worst of punishments, if
everything did not soon succeed entirely to the general's wish. It
is said too, that there appeared to Sylla in a dream the goddess
whose worship the Romans received from the Cappadoclans, whe-
ther it be the Moon, Minerva, orBellona. She seemed to stand by
liim, and put thunder in his hand, and having called his enemies
by name one after another, bade him strike them : they fell, and were
consumed by it to ashes. Encouraged by this vision, v.hich he related
next morning to his colleague, he took his way towards Rome.

When he had reached Picina*, he was met by an embassy, that
entreated him not to advance in that hostile manner, since the senate
had come to a resolution to do him all the justice he could desire.
He promised to grant all they asked ; and, as if he intended to encamp
there, ordered his oflicers, as usual, to mark out the ground. The
ambassadors took their leave with entire confidence in iiis honour.
But as soon as they were gone, he despatched Basillus and Caius
Mummius to make themselves masters of the gate and the wall by
the i^squiline Mount. He himself followed with the utmost expe-
dition. Accordingly Bassillus and his party seized the gate, and en-
tered the city. But the unarmed multitude got upon the tops of the
houses, and with stones and tiles drove them back to the foot of the
wall. At that moment Sylla arrived, and seeing the opposition hii
soldiers met with, called out to them to set fire to the houses. He
took a flaming torch in his own hands, and advanced before them.
At the same time he ordered liis archers to shoot fiie-arrows at the
roofs. Reason had no longer any power over him ; passion and
fury governed all his motions; his enemies were all he thought of;
and in the thirst for vengeance, he made no account of his friends,
nor took the least compassion on liis relations. Such was the case,
when he made his way with fire, which makes no distinction between
the innocent and guilty.

Meanwhile Marius, who was driven back to the temple of Vesta,

proclaimed liberty to the slaves that would repair to his standard

But the enemy pressed on with so nuuii vigour, thai he was lereed
to quit the city.

Sylla immediately assembled the senate, and got Marius and a
few others condemned to death. The tribune Sulpitius, who was
of the number, was betrayed by one of his own slaves, and brought

* There bring no place between Nola and Rome ciilled I'icin.r, I.ubino< ibink? \%e
»houId read Pictsr, which was a place of public cntcrl;ilnn>eiit about t«cnt)-fivc mllo
from the capital. Strabo and Antoninus mention it »s such.

120 riA'TARCII S LIVES.

to the block. Sylla gave the slave his freedom, and tlien had hiii>
thrown down the Tarpelan rock. As for Marius, he set a price
upon Kis head; in which he neither behaved with frratitude nor good
policy, since he had not long before fled into the house of Marius,
and put his life in his hands, and yet was dismissed in safety. Had
Marius, instead of letting him go, given him up to Sulpitius, who
thirsted for his blood, he might have been absolute master of Rome.
But he spared his enemy; and a few days after, when there was an
opportunity for his making a suitable return, met ntot with the same
generous treatment.

The senate did not express the concern which this gave them; but
the people openly, and by acts, showed their resentment and reso-
lution to make reprisals : for they rejected his nephew Nonius, who
relied on his recommendation, and his fellow- candidate Servius, in
an ignominious manner, and appointed others to the consulship,
whose promotion they thought would be most disagreeable to him.
Syllapretcodedgrcat satisfaction at the thing, and said, "He was
quite happy to see the people by his means enjoy the liberty of pro-
ceeding as they thought proper." Nay, to obviate their hatred, he
proposed Lucius Cinna, who was of the opposite faction, for con-
sul, but first laid him under the sanction of a solemn oath to assist
}\'ux\ in all his affairs. Cinna went up to the Capitol with a stone in
his hand; there he swore before all the world to preserve the friend-
ship between them inviolable, adding this imprecation, " If I be
guilty of any breach of it, may I be driven from the city as this stone
is from my hand !" at the same time he threw the stone upon the
ground. Yet, as soon as he was entered upon his office, he begatv
to raise new commotions, and set up an impeachment against Sylla,
of which Verginius, one of the tribunes, was to be the manager. But
Sylla left both the manager and the impeachment behind him, and
set forward against Mithridates.

About the time that Sylla set sail from Italy, Mithridates, we
are told, was visited with many evil presages at Pergamus. Among
the rest, an image of victory bearing a crown, which was contrived
to be let down l)y a machine, broke just as it was going to put the
crown upon his head, and the crown itself was dashed to pieces upon
the floor of the theatre. The People of Pergamus were seized with
astonishment, and Mithridates felt no small concern, though his
affairs then prospered beyond his hopes : for he had taken Asia from
the Romans, and BIthynia and Cappadocia from their respective
kings, and was set down in quiet at Pergamus, disposing of rich
governments and kingdoms among his friends at pleasure. As for
his sons, the eldest governed in peace the ancient kingdoms of Pon-

SYLLA. 1 21

tus and Bosphorus, cxtcndim^ as far as the deserts above the Maeotic
lake; the other, named Ariarathes, was subduini; Thraee and Ma-
cedonia with a great army. His generals, with their armies, were
reducing other consideralile phices. Tlie principal of these was
Archeluus, who commanded the seas with his fleet, was conquering
the ( yclades, and all the other islands within the hay of Malea, and
was master of Eubopa itself. He met, indeed, witii some check at
Clueronca. There BriUius Sura, lieutenant to Sentius, who com-
manded in Macedonia, a man distinguished by his coura^^e and capa-
city, opposed Archelaus, who was overflowing Ba'Otia like a torrent,
defeated him in three engagements near Clijcronea, and confined
him again to the sea. But as Lucius Lucullus came and ordered
him to give place to Sylla, to wliom that province and the conduct
of the war there was decreed, he immediately quitted Boeotia, and
returned to Sentius, tliough his success was beyond all that ho could
have flattered himself with, and <.ireecc was ready to declare again
for the Romans on account of his valour and conduct. It is true,
these were the most shining actioris of Brutius's life.

When Sylla was arrived, the cities sent ambassadors with an offer
of opening their gates to him. Athens alone was held by its tyrant
Aristion for Mithridates. He therefore attacked it with the utmost
vigour, invested the Piraeus, brought up all sorts of engines, and
left no kind of assault whatever unattempted. Had he waited a
while, he might, without the least danger, have taken the upper
town, which was already reduced i)y famine to the last extremity;
but his iiaste to return to Rome, where he apprehended some change
in affairs to his prejudice, made him run every risk, and spare nei-
ther men nor money, to bring this war to a conclusion: for, besides
his other warlike cqui[)age, he had ten thousand yoke of mules,
which worked every day at the engines. As wood began to fail, by
reason of the immense weights which broke down his machines, or

their being i)urnt by the enemy, he cut down the sacred groves

The shady walks of the Academy and the l^ycanim in tiie su!)urbs
fell before his axe. And as the war recpiired vast sums of money to
support it, he scrupled not to violate the lady treasiires of Cireecc,
but took from Kpidaurus, as well as Olympia, the most beautiful
and precious of their gifts. He wrote also lo the Amphietyones at
Delphi, " That it would be best for them to put the treasures of
Apollo in his hands ; for either he would keep them safer than they
could, or, if he applied them to his own use, would return the full
value." Caphis the IMioeian, one of his friends, was sent upon tnis
commission, and ordered to have every thing weighed to him.

Caphis went to Delphi, but was loath to touch the sacred depo>i •
Vol. 2. No. 19. u

122 Plutarch's lives.

and lamented to the Ampliictyones the necessity he was under, with
many tears. Some saiJ they heard the sound of the lyre in the in-
most sanctuary; and Caphis, either heheving it, or willing to strike
Sylla with r. religious terror, sent him an account of it. But he wrote
back in a jestiijg way, "That he was surprised Caphis should not
know that music was the voice of joy, and not of resentment. He
might, therefore, boldly take the treasures, since Apollo gave him
them with the utmost satisfaction."

These treasures were carried off, without hcing seen by many of

the Greeks. But, of the royal offerings, there remained a silver urn

which, being so large and heavy.that no carriage could b ear it, the

Amphictyoncs were obliged to cut it in pieces. At sight of this they

called to mind one while Flaminius and Manius Acilius, and another

while Paulus ^milius; one of whom having drix'eu Antiochus out

of Greece, and the others subdued the kings of Macedonia, not only

licpt their hands from spoiling the Grecian temples, but expressed

their regard and reverence for them, by adding new gifts. Those

great men, indeed, were legally commissioned, and their soldiers

were persons of sober minds, who had learned to obey their generals

without murmuring. The generals, with the magnanimity of kings,

exceeded not private persons in their expenses, nor brought upon the

state any charge but what was common and reasonable. In short, they

thought it no less a disgrace to flatter their own men than to be afraid

of the enemy. But the commanders of these times raised themselves

to high posts by force, not by merit; and as they wanted soldiers to

fight their countrymen, ratlicr than any foreign enemies, they were

obliged t(» treat them with great complaisance. While they thus

bought their services at the price of ministering to their vices, they

were not aware tliat they were selling their country, and making

themselves slaves to the meanest of mankind, in order to command

the greatest and the best. This banished Marius from Rome, and

afterwards brought him back against Sylla. This made Cimia dip

bis hands in the blood of Octavius, and Fimbria the assassin in

that of Flaccus.

Sylla opened one of the first sources of this corruption: for, to
draw the troops of other oflicers from them, he lavishly supplied the
wants of his own. Thus, while by one and the same means he was
inviting the former to desertion, and the latter to luxury, he had
occasion for infinite sums, and particularly in this siege. For his
passion for taking Athens was irresistibly violent; whether it was
that he wanted to fight against that city's ancient renown, of which
nothing but the shadow now remained, or whether he could not bear
the scoffs and taunts with which Aristion, in all the wantonness of
ribaldry, insulted him and Metella from the walls.

SYLLA. 123

The composition of this tyrant's \\e?st was insolence and cruelty.
He was the sink of all the follies and vices of Mithrldates. Poor
Athens, which had got clear of innumerable wars, tyrannies, and
seditions, perished at last by this monster, as by a deadly disease. —
A bushel* of wheat was now sold there for a thousand draciimas.
The people ate not only the herbs and roots that grew about tiie cita-
del, but sodden leather and oil bags, while he was indulging himself in
riotous feasts and dancings in the day-time, or mimicking and laugliing
at the enemy. He let the sacred lamp of the goddess i^o out for
want of oil; and when the principal priestess sent to ask him for
luilf a measure of barley, he sent her that quantity of pepper. The
senators and priests came to entreat him to ta^;e compassion oti the
city, and capitulate with Sylla, but he received theui with a shower
of arrows. At last, when it was too late, he agreed with much diffi-
culty to send two or three of the companions of his riots to treat of
peace. These, instead of making any proposals that tended to save
the city, talked in a lofty manner about Theseus and Eumolpus, and
the conquest of the Medes; which provoked Sylla to say, " Go, my
noble souls, and take back your fine speeches with you; for my part,
I was not sent to Athens to learn its antiquities, but to chastise its
rebellious people."

In the mean time, Syllu's spies heard some old men, who were
conversing together in the Ceramicus, blame the tyrant for not
.securing the wall near the Heptachalcos, which was the only place
not impregnable. They carried this news to Sylla; and he, far from
disregarding it, went by night to take a view of that part of the wall,
and found that it might he scaled. He then set inmiediatelv about
it; and he tells us in his Commentaries, that Marcus Teiusf was
the first man who mounted the wall. "^iVius there met svith an
adversary, and gave him such a violent blow on the skull, that he
broke his sword; notwithstanding which, he stood firm and kept his
place.

Athens t, therefore, was taken, as the old men had foretold

Sylla having levelled with the ground all that was between the Pineaa
gate and that called the Sacred, entered the town at midnight, in a
manner the most dreadful that can be conceived. All the trumpets
and horns sounded, and were answered by the siiouts and clang of
the soldiers let loose to plunder and destroy. They rushed along the
streets with drawn swords, and horrible was the slaughter they made.

• I\Iedinuius. See tlie latjle.

t Probably it should be Atcina. In the Life of Ciassus one At-iui i:> mentioned as a
tribune of the people.

t Athens was taken eigiity-four years before the birth of Christ.

121 TLUTARf h's lives.

The number of the killed could not be computed; but we may form
some judgment of it by the quantity of ground which was overflowed
with blood : for, beside those tliat fell in other ])arts of the city, the
blood which was slied in the market-place only covered all the Cera-
micus as far as Dipylus. Nay, there are several who assure us that
it ran through the gates, and oversjjrcad the suburbs.

But though such numbers were put to the sword, there were as
many who laid violent hands upon themselves, in grief for their sink-
ing country. What reduced the best men among them to this des-
pair of finding any mercy or moderale terms for Athens, was the
well-known cruelty of Sylla. Yet, partly by the intercession of
Midia and Calliphon, and the' exiles who threw themselves at his
feet, partly by the entreaties of the senators who attended him in
that exjjedition, and being himself satiated with blood besides, he
was at last prevailed upon to stop his hand; and, in compliment to
the ancient Athenians, he said, " He forgave the many for the sake
of the few, the living for the dead."

He tells us in his Commentaries, that he took Athens on the
kalends of INIareh, which falls in with the new moon in the month
of Anthcsterion; when the Athenians were performing many rites in
memory of the destruction of the country by water; for the deluge
was believed to have happened about that time of the year*.

The city thus taken, the tyrant retired into the citadel, and was
besieged there by Curio, to whom Sylla gave that charge. He held
out a considerable time, but at last was forced to surrender for want
of water. In this the hand of Heaven was very visible: for the very
same day and hour that Aristion was brought out, the sky, which
before was perfectly serene, grew black with clouds, and such a
quantity of rain fell, as quite overflowed the citadel. Soon after
this, Svlla made himself master of the Pirieus, the most of which
he laid in ashes, and among the rest, that admirable work, the arse-
nal built by Philo.

During these transactions, Taxilcs, Mii.hridates's general, came
down from Thrace and Macedonia with a hundred thousand foot, ten
thousand horse, and four- score and ten chariots, armed with scythes,
and sent to desire Arohelaus to meet bin) there. Archelaus had then
his station at Munychia, and neither chose to quit the sea, nor yet
fight the Romans, but was persuaded his point was to protract the
war, and to cut off the enemy's convoys. Sylla saw better than he
tbe distress he might be in for provisions, and therefore moved from
that barren country, which was scarce sufiicient to maintain his
troops in time of peace, and led them into Boeotia. Most people

* Tlie deluge ofOg^ges happened in Attica near seventeen hundred years before.

SYLLA. 125

thought this an error in his counsels, to (juit the roci<s of Attica,
where Iiorse coukl liardly act, and to expose himself on the large and
open plains of Boeotia, when he knew tiie ciiief strength of the bar-
barians consisted in cavalry and chariots. But, to avoid hunger and

fan)ine, he was forced, as we have observed, to hazard a battle.

Besides, he was in pain for Hortensius, a man of a great and enter-
prising spirit, who was bringing him a considerable reinforcement
from Thessaly, and was watched by the barbarians in the straits.
These were the reasons which induced Sylla to inarch into Bopotia.
As for Hortensius, Caphis, a countryman of ours, led him another
way, and disappointed the barbarians. He conducted him by Mount
Parnassus to Tilhora, wiiich is now a large city, but was then only
a fort situated on the brow of a steep precipice, where the Phocians
of old took refuge when Xerxes invaded their country. Hortensius,
having pitched his tents there, in the day-time kept off the enemy,
and in the night made his way down the broken rocks to Patronis,
where Sylla met him with all his forces.

Thus united, they took possession of a fertile hill in the middle of
the plains of Elateia, well sheltered with trees, and watered at the
bottom. It is called Philoboeotus, and is much commended by
Sylla for the fruitfulness of its soil and its agreeable situation. When
they were encamped, they appeared to the enemy no more than a
handful. They had not indeed above fifteen hundred horse, and
liot quite fifteen thousand foot. The other generals in a manner
forced Archelaus upon action; and when they came to put their
forces in order of battle, they filled the whole plain with horses,
chariots, bucklers, and targets. The clamour and hideous roar of
so many nations, ranked thick together, seemed to rend the sky;
and the pomp and splendour of their aj)pearance was not without its
use in exciting terror. For the lustre of their arms, which were
richly adorned wjth gold and silver, and the colours of their Median
and Scythian vests, intermixed with brass and polished steel, when
the troops were in motion, kindled the air with an awful Hame like
that of lightning.

The Romans, in great consternation, shut themselves up within
their trenches. Sylla could not, with all his arguments, remove
tlieir fears ; ai»d, as he did not choose to force them into the field in
this dispirited condition, he sat still ami hoie, though with eieat

reluctance, the vain boasts and insults of the barbarians This was

of more service to him than any other measure he could have adoj)ted.
The enemy, who iield him in great contempt, and were not before
very obedient to their own generals, by reason of their number, now
forgot all discipline^ and but few of them remained within thtir in

126 Plutarch's lives.

troncliments. Invited by rapine and plunder, the greatest part had
dispersed themselves, and were got several days journey from the
camp. In tlicse excursions, it is said, they ruined the city of Pano-
pea, sacl<cd Lebadia, and pillaged a temple where oracles were
delivered, without orders from any one of their generals.

Sylla, full of sorrow and indignation to have these cities destroyed
before his eyes, was willing to try what effect labour would have
upon his soldiers. He compelled them to dig trenches, to draw the
Cepliisus from its channel, and made them work at it without inter-
mission, standing inspector himself, and severely punishing all whom
he found remiss. His view in this was to tire them with labour, that
they might give the preference to danger ; and it answered the end
lie proposed. On the third day of their drudgery, as Sylla passed by,
they called out to him to lead them against the enemy. Sylla said,
*' It is not any inclination to fight, but an unwillingness to work,
that puts you upon this request. If you really want to come to an
engagement, go sword in hand and seize that post immediately.'*
At the same time he pointed to the place where had formerly stood
the citadel of the Paropotamians, but all the buildings were now de-
molished, and there was nothing left but a craggy and steep moun-
tain, just separated from mount Edylium by the river Assus, which
at the foot of the mountain falls into the Cepliisus. The river grow-
ing very rapid by this confluence, makes the ridge a safe place for an
encampment. Sylla seeing those of the enemy's troops called Chal-
caspides hastening to seize that post, wanted to gain it before them,
and, by availing himself of the present spirit of his men, he suc-
ceeded. Archelaus, upon this disappointment, turned his arms
against Chajronea: the inhabitants, in consequence of their former
connexions with Sylla, entreated him not to desert the place; upon
which he sent along with them the military tribune Gabinius with one
legion. The Chteroneans, with all their ardour to reach the city, did
not arrive sooner than Gabinius : such was his honour, when engaged
in their defence, that it even eclipsed the zeal of those who implored
1/is assistance. Juba tells us, that it was not Gabinius, butEricius*,
who was despatched on this occasion. In this critical situation,
however, was the city of Chaeronea.

The Romans now received from Lebadia and the cave of Tropho-
nius very agreeable accounts of oracles that promised victory. The
inhabitants of that country tell us many stories fiboat them ; but
what Sylla himself writes, in the tenth book of his Commentaries, i&

* It is probable it should be read Hirtius; for so some manuscripts have it, where tho
same person is mentioned again afterwards.

SYLLA. 1 27

this: Quintus Titius, a man of soiiie note among the Ronians em-
ployed in Greece, came to hiin one day after lie had gained the battle
of Cha^ronea, i-nd told him, that Tiophonius foretold another battle
to be fought shortly in the same place, in which he should likewise
prove victorious. After him came a private soldier of his own, with
a p-omise from heaven of the glorious success that would attend
Ills ali'airs in Italy. Both agreed as to the manner in which these
prophecies were communicated: they said the deity that appear-
ed to them, both in beauty and majesty, resembled the Olympian
Jupiter.

When Sylla had passed the Assus, he encamped under Mount
Edylium, over against Archelaus, who had strongly intrenched him-
self between Ancontium and Edylium, near a place called Assia.
Thiit spot of grounu bears the name of Archelaus to this day. Sylla
passed one day without attempting any thing. The day following,
lie left Muiffiua with a legion and two cohorts to harass the enemy,
who were already in some disorder, while he himself went and sacri-
ficed on the banks of the Cephisus. After the ceremony was over,
he proceeded to Chc-eronea to join the forces tliere, and to take a
view of Thuiium, a post wiiieh the enemy had gained before him.
This is a craggy eminence, running up gradually to a point, which we
express in our language by the term Oi'thopagus. At the foot of it
runs the river IMorius*, and by it stands the temple of Apollo Thu-
rius. Apollo is so called from Thuro the mother of Clueron, who,
as history informs us, was the founder of Chseronea. Others say,
that the heifer whi"h the Pythian Apollo appointed Cadmus for his
guide first presented herself there, and ihat the jilace was thence
named Thurium; for the Phcenicians call a heifer Tlior.

As Sylla approached Chseronea, the tribune who bad the city in
charge led out his troops to meet him, having himself a crown of
laurel in his hands. Just as Sylla received them, and began to ani-
mate them to the intended enterprise, Homoloicus and Anaxidamus,
two Chaeroneans, addressed him, with a jiromise to cut oft' the corps
that occupied 'i'huriiim, if he would give tbein a small paity to sup-
port them in the attempt: for there was a p.iiii whieb the barbarians
were not apprised of, leading from a place called IVtroehus, by the
temple of the Muses, to a part of the mountain that overlooked them ;
from whence it was easy either to destroy them with stones, or drive
them down into the plain. Syll.i finding the character of these men
for courage and rulelity supported by Gabinius, ordered them to put
the thing in execution. Meantime he drew up his forces, and placed

* This ri?er is afterwards called Molus ; but whicli u tlie right reading ii uucertaio.

128 1'lutarch's lives.

the cavalry In the wings, taking tlie right liimself", and giving the left
to Muraena. Callus-* and Hortenslus, his lieutenants, commanded
a body of reserve in the rear, and kept watch upon the heights, to
prevent their being surrounded. For it was easy to see that the ene-
my were preparing witl\ their wings, which consisted of an infinite
number of horse, and all their ligiit-armed foot, troops that could
move with great agility, and wind away at pleasure, to take a circuit,
and quite enclose the Roman army.

In the mean time, the two Chfleroneans, supported according to
Sylla's order, by a party commanded by Ericius, stole unobserved up
Thurium, and gained the summit. As soon as they made their ap-
pearance, the barbarians were struck with consternation, and sought
refuge in flight ; but in the confusion many of them perislied by means
of each other : for, unable to find any firm footing, as they moved down
the steep mountain, ihcy fell upon the spears of those that were next be-
fore them, or else pushed them down the precipice. All this while the
enemy were pressing upon them from above, and galling them be-
liind, insomuch that three thousand men were killed upon Thurium.
As to those who got down, some fell into the hands of Muraena, who
met them in good order, and easily cut them in pieces; others who
fled to the main body under Archelaus, wherever they fell in with it,
filled it with terror and dismay; and this was the thing that gave the
ofllicers most trouble, and principally occasioned the defeat. Sylla,
taking advantage of their disorder, moved with such vigour and ex-
pedition to the charge, that he prevented the eft'ect of the armed cha-
riots. For the chief strength of those chariots consists in the course
they run, and in theimpetuosity consequent upon it; andif they have
but a short compass, they are as insignificant as arrows sent from a bow

not well drawn This was the case at present with respect to the

barbarians. Their chariots moved at first so slow, and their attacks
were so lifeless, that the Romans clapped their hands, and received
them with the utmost ridicule. They even called for fresh ones, as
they used to do in the Hippodrome at Rome.

l^pon this the infantry engaged. The barbarians, for their part,
tried what the long pikes would do; and, by locking their shields to-
gether, endeavoured to keep themselves in good order. As for the
Romans, after their spears had had all the effect that could be ex-
pected from them, they drew their swords, and met the scimitars of
the enemy with a strength which a just indignation inspires. For
Mithridates's generals had brought over fifteen thousand slaves upon

• Guarin. after Appiaa's Mithrid. reads Galha. And so it is in several manuscripts.
Dacier proposes tcrread Eulbus, which name occurs afterwards.

SYLLA. 15.9

a proclamation of liberty, and placed them among the heavy-armed
infantry; on which occasion, a certain centurion is said thus to have
expressed himself: " Surely these arc the Saturnalia; for we ne-
ver saw slaves have any share of liherty at another time." However,
as their ranks were so close, and their files so deep, that they could
not easily be broken, and as they exerted a spirit which could not be
expected from thcni, they were not repulsed and put in disorder,
till the archers and slingers of the second line discharged all their
fury upon them.

Archelaus was now extending his riglit wing in order to surround
the Romans, and Hortcnsius, with the cohorts under his command,
pushed down to take him in Hank. But Archelaus, by a sudden ma-
noeuvre, turned against iiim with two thousand horse whom he had
at hand, and by little and little drove him towards the mountains;
so that, being separated from the main body, he was in danger ui be-
ing quite hemmed in by the enemy. Sylla, informed of this, pushed
up with his right wing, which bad not yet engaged, to the assistance
of Hortcnsius. On tiie other hand, Archelaus conjecturing, from
the dust that flew about, the real state of the ease, left Hortcnsius,
and hastened back to the right of the Roman army, from whence
Sylla had advanced, in liopes of finding it without a commander.

At the same time Taxiies led on the Cliahaspidea against iMu-
raena, so that shouts were set up on both sides, which were re-echoed
by the neiglibouring mountains. Sylla now stopped to consider which
way he should direct his comse. At length, concluding to return to
liis own post, he sent Hortcnsius with fnir cohorts to the assistance
of Murajna, and himself with the litth made up to his right wing with
the utmost expedition. He found that w itht)ut him it kept a good
coutitenance against the trooj)s of Archelaus; hut as soon as he ap-
peared, his men made such prodigious etlbits, that they routed
the enemy entirely, and pursued them to the river and Mount A-
contium.

Amidst this success, Sylla was not unmiiuU'ul of MuraMia's danger,
but hastened with a relnt'orcemcnt to that ([uarter. lie found him,
however, victorious, and therefore hail nothing to do but to join in
the pursuit, (ireat numbers of the barbarians fell in the ficUl of bat-
tle, and still gn-atcr as they were endeavouring to gain their in-
trcnchmcnts; so that out of so many myriads, only ten thousand men
reached C halcls. Sylla says he njissed only fourteen of his men, and
two of th.cse came up in the evening. For this reason he inscribed
his trophies to Jfars, to J'irtori/y and l cutis, to show that he was
no less indebted to good fortune, than to capacity and valour, for the
advantages he had gained. The tr.»i)hy 1 am speaking of was crect-
VoL, 2. No. ly, s

130 Plutarch's lives.

ed for tiie victory wan on the j)lain, where the troops of Archelaus
beguLi to give way, and to fly to the river Molus. The other trophy
upon the top of Thuiium, in memory of their getting above the bar-
barians, was inscribed in Greek charaeters to the valour of Homolo-
ciits and AnaxiJamiis.

He exhibited games on tliis occasion at Tlicbcs, in a theatre
erected for that purpose near the fountain of Cb^dlpus*. But \\\e
judges were taken from other cities of Greece, by reason of the im-
placable hatred lie bore the Thehans. He deprived them of half
their territories, which he consecrated to the Pythian Apollo and the
Olympian Jupiter, leaving orders, that out of their revenues the mo-
ney should be re])aid which he had taken from their icmples.

After this, he received news that Flaccus, who was of the opposite
faction, was elected consul, and that he was bringing a great army
over the Ionian, in pretence against Mithridates. but in reality against
him. He therefore marched into Thessaiy to meet him. However,
when he was arrived at Melitea, intelligence was brought him from
several quarters, that the countries behind lum were laid waste by
another army of the king's, superior to the former. Dor)lauswas
arrived at Chalcis with a large fleet, which brought over eighty thou-
sand men of the best equipped and best diiciplined troops of Mith-
ridates. With these he entered Boeotia, and made himself master of
the country, in hopes of drawing Sylla to a battle. Archelaus re-
monsir.ited against that measure, but Dorylaus was so far from re-
garding him, that he scrupled not to assert, that so many myriads of
men could not have been lost without treachery. But Sylla soon
turned buck, and showed Dorylaus how prudent the advice was which
he had rejected, and what a proper sense its author had of the Roman
valour. Indeed, Dorylaus himself, after some slight skirmishes with
Sylla at Tilphosium, was the first to agree that action was not the
thing to be pursued any longer, but that the war was to be spun out^
and decided at last by dint of money.

However, the plain of Orchomenus, where they were encamped,
being most advantageous for those whose chief strength consisted in
cavalry, gave fresh spirits to Archelaus. For, of all the plains of
Boeotia, the largest and most beautiful is this, which, without either
tree or bush, extends itself from the gates of Orchomenus to the fens
in which the river Melas loses itself. That river rises under the walls
of the city just mentioned, and is the only Grecian river which is na-
vigable from its source. About the summer solstice it overflows like
the Nile, and produces plants of the same nature; only they are

* Pausanias tells us this fountain was so called, because (Edipus there washed oil' Uie
blood he was stained with iu the murder of his father.

SVLLA. ].31

meagre and l)ear but little fruit. Its course is short, great part of it
soon stopj)ing in those dark aud muddy fens. Tlie rest falls into the
river Ct'phisus, about the place where the water is bordered witli sucii
excellent canes for flutes.

The two armies being encamped opposite each otlier, Archelaus
attempted not any thing. But Sylla began to cut trenches in seve-
ral parts of tlie field, that he might, if possible, drive the enemy
from the firm ground, which was so suitable for cavalry, and force
them upon the morasses. The barbarians could not bear this, but,
upon the first signal from their generals, rode up at full speed, aiul
handled the labourers so rudely, that they all dispersed. The corps
too, designed to support them was put to flight. Sylla that moment
leaped from his horse, seized one of the ensigns, and j)ushcd through
the middle of the fugitives towards the eneniy, crying out, " Here,
Romans, is the bed of honour I am to die in. Do you, when you arc
asked where you betrayed your general, remendier to say it was at
Orcho.menus." These words stopped them in their flight; besides,
two cohorts came from the right wing to his assistance, and at the
head of this united corps he repulsed the enemy.

Sylla then drew back a little to give his troops some refreshment;
after which he brought tliem to work again, intending to draw a line
of circumvallation round the barbarians. Hereupon they returned
in better order t!)an before. Diogenes, son-in-law to Archelaus, fell
gloriously as he was performing wonders on the right. Their arciiers
were charged so close by the Romans, that they had not room to ma-
7iage their bows, and therefore took a quantity of arrows in their
hands, which they used instead of swords, and with tliem killed se-
veral of their adversaries. At last, however, they were broken and
shut uj) in their camp, whore they passed t'lie night in great misery,
on account of tlieir dead and wounded. Next morning Sylla drew
out his men to continue the trench; and as numbers of the barbari-
ans came out to engage him, he attacked and routed them so eflec-
tnally, that, in the terror they were in, none stood to guard the camp,
and he entered it with then). The fens were then filled with the
blood of the slain, and the lake with dead bodies; insomuch, ihat
even now many of the weapons of the barbarians, bows, helmets,
fragments of iron breast-plates, and swords, are found buried in
the nuid, though it is almost two hundred years since that battle.
Such is the account we have of the actions of Cheeronca and Or
chomenus.

Meanwhile Cinna and Carbo behaved with so much rigour arsd in-
justice at Rome to persons of the greatest distinction, that many, to
avoid their tyranny, retired to Sylla's camp, as to a safe harbour; so

132 Plutarch's lives.

tluit, in a little time, lie iiad a kiiul of senate about him. Metclla,
>viih much tlillicuhy, stole from Rome with his children, and came
to tell him that his enemies had burnt his house and all his villas,
and to entreat his return home, where his hel]) was so n)ueh wanted.
He was much perplexed in his deliberations, neither ehoosing to ne-
gleet his alUictcd country, nor knowing how to go and leave such an
important object as the Mithridatic war in so unHnished a state, when
he was addressed by a merchant of Delium, called Archelaus, on the
part of the general of that name, who wanted to sound him about an
accommodation, and to treat privately of the conditions on which it
should be concluded.

Sylla was so charmed with the thing, that he hastened to a perso-
nal conference with the general. Their interview was on the sea-
coast near Delium, where stands a celebrated temple of Apollo.
Upon their meeting, Archclaus proposed that Sylla should quit the
Asiatic and Pontic expedition, and turn his whole attention to the
civil war, engaging on tiie king's behalf to supply him with money^
vessels, and troops. Sylla proposed in answer, that Archelaus should
quit the interest of Mithridates, be appointed king in his place, as-
sume the title of an ally to the Romans, and put the king's shipping
in his hands. When Archelaus expressed his detestation of this
treachery, Sylla thus proceeded : " Is it possible, then, that you Ar-
clielaus, a Cappadocian, the slave, or, if you please, the friend of a
barbarous king, should be .shocked at a proposal, which, however in
some respects exceptionable, must be attended with the most advan-
tageous consequences? Is it j)ossiblc, that to me the Roman general,

to Sylla, you should take upon you to talk of treachery? As if yon

were not that same Archelaus wlio at Cha^ronca fled with a handful
of men, the poor remains of a hundred and twenty thousand, who hid
liimsclf two days in tlie marshes of Orchomenu'--, and left the roads
of Pneotia blocked up with heaps of dead bodies." Upon this Ar-
chelaus had recourse to entreaty, and begged at last a peace for Mith-
ridates. This was allowed upon certain conditions: Mithridates was
to give up Asia and Paphlagonia, cede Bitliynia to Nicomedes, and
Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes. He was to allow the Romans two thou-
sand talents to defiay the expense of the war, besides seventy armed
galleys fully equij)ped. Sylla, on the other hand, was to secure
Mithridates in the rest of his dominions, and procure him the title of
friend and ally to the Romans.

These conditions, being accepted and negotiated, Sylla returned
through Thessaly and Macedonia towards the Hellespont. Archc-
laus, who accompanied him, was treated with the greatest respect,
and when he happened to fall sick at Larissa, Sylla halted there for

SYI.I.A. 131

some time, and showed liiiu all the attcntiuii he cnuld huvc pnid to
Ills own gent'ral ofticcrs, or even to his colleague hinise'if. This cir-
cumstance rendered the battle of Cha^ronca a iitth; sus|)ecie<I, as if it
Iiad been gtnncd by unfair means; and wliat added to tiie suspicion
was, the restoring of all the prisoners of Miihridatcs, except Aris-
tlon, the avowed enemy of Arehelaus, who was taken ofl" by jx'ison.
liut wliat conlirmed the whole was the cession of ten thousand acres
in Eubo^a to the Cappadocian, and the title that was given hiui of
friend and ally to the Romans. S\ Ha, however, in his Commentaries,
obviates all these censures.

During his stay at I>;uissa, he received an embassy from Mithri-
dates, entreating him not to insist upon his giving up Paphlagonin,
and representing that tlie demand of shipping was inadniissablc.

Sylla heard tiiese remonstrances with indignation " What," said

he, " does Mithridatcs pretend to keep raphlagonia, and refuse to
send the vessels I demanded? Mithridatcs, whom 1 should have ex-
pected to entreat me on his knees that 1 would spare that right hand
which had slain so many Romans — But I am satisfied that, when 1
return to Asia, he will change his stile. W'jiile he resides at I'erga-
mus, lie can direct at ease the war he has not seen." The ambassa-
dors were struck dumb with this indignant answer, while Arehelaus
endeavoured to sooth and aj)pease the anger of Svlla by every miti-
gating expression, and bathing his hands with his tears. At lengtii
he prevailed on the Roman ireneral to send him to Mitliridates, as-
suring him tliat he would obtain his consent to all the articles, or i»e-
jish in the attempt.

Sylla, upon this assurance, dismissed him, and invaded Media,
wliere he committed great dei)redations, and then returned to Mace-
donia. He received Arehelaus at Pliilippi, u lu) informed Jiiin that
he had succeeded ))erfectly well in his ncg<»(i;uion, but that Mithri-
datf's was extremely desirous of an interview. His reason for it wa5
this: Fimbria, who had slain the consul I'laccus, one of the lieads of
the opposite faction, and defeated the king's generals, was now
marching against Mithridatcs hiujself. Mitliridates, alarmed at tjji*-,
wanted to form a friendship with Svlla.

Their interview was at Dardanus in the e.-wntiv of Troas. Mitii
ridates came with two hundred galleys, :m army of twenty thou.vtnd
foot, six thousand horse, and a gr^at numbir t»f armed chariots.
Sylla had no more than four colioits niul t^o hundred horse. Mith-
ridatcs came forward, and oHered him his hand, but Sylla lirsl asked
him, " Whether he would stand to the conditions that Arehelaus
had settled with him?" The king hekitated upon it, and Sylla then
said, '' It is for petitioners to speak first, and for conquerors to hear

134 Plutarch's lives.

in silence." IMitliridates then Logan a long h i^angue, In whie!) he
endeavoured to apologize for himself, l)y throwing the blame partly
upon the gods and partly upon the Romans, At length Sylla inter-
rupted hiin — " I have often," said he, " heard that Mithridates was
a good orator, but now I know it by experience, since he has been
able to give a colour to such unjust and abominable deeds." Then
be set forth in bitter terms, and in sa.-b a manner as could not b«
replied to, the king's shameful conduct, and in conclusion asked him
again, *' Whether he would ab? le by rhe conditions settled with Ar-
chelaus?" l^pon his answrring ii) the affirmative, Sylla took him
in his arms and saluted !iim. Then he presented to him the two
kings, Ariobarzancs and Nicmedes, and reconciled them to each
other,

Mithridates having delivered up to him seventy of his sliips, and
five hundred archers, sailed back to Pontus. Sylla perceived that iiis
troops were much offended at the peace: they thought it an insuft'er-
able thing that a prince, w!io, of all the kings in the universe, was
the bitterest enemy to Rome, who had caused a hundred and fifty
thousand Romans to be murdered in Asia in one day, should go off
with the wealth and spoils of Asia, which he had been plundering
Mid oppressing full four years. But he excused himself to them
by observing, that they should never have been able to carry on
the war against both Fimbria and Mithridates, if they had joined
tiieir forces.

From thence he marched against Fimbria, who was encamped at
Thyatira; and having marked out a camp very near him, he began
upon the intrenchment. The soldiers of Fimbria c;mie out in their
vests, and saluted those of Sylla, and readily assisted them in their
work. Fimbria, seeing this desertion, and withal dreading Sylla as
an implacable enemy, despatclied himself upon the spot.

Sylla laid a fine upon Asia of twenty thousand talents; and besides
this, the houses of private persons were ruined by the insolence and
disorder of the soldiers he quartered upon them : for he commanded
every householder to give the soldier who lodged with him sixteen
drachmas a-day, and to provide a supper for him and as many friends
as he chose to invite. A centurion was to have fifty drachmas a-
day, and one dress to wear within doors, and uiiothcr to appear with
in public.

These things settled, he set sail for Ephesus with his whole fleet,
and reached the harbour of Piraeus the third day. At Athens he got
himself initiated in the mysteries of Ceres, and from that city he took
with him the library of Apellicon and leian, i>i which were m^st of
the works of Aristotbi and Theophrastus, books m thai time iioc suf-

SYLLA. 135

ficiently known to the woiKJ. \^'llen they were hrought to Ilomc, it
is siiid that Tyitniiio »).c frjamrii.trian prei)arc(l many of them for
pu]>licatiun, andthut ViidronLus the u'ludlan, getting the nianu-
scripts by )iis means^ did actually publish them, together with those
indexes that arc now m every body's hands. The old Peripatetics
appear, indeed, to |-. ive been men of curiosity and erudition ; but
th.y had neither niet with many of Aristotle's and Tlieophrastus's
books, nor were fliose they did meet witli correct copies; because the
inheritance of Neleus tlie Scepsian, to whom Thcophrastus left liis
works, fell into mean and obscure hands,

During SUa's stay at Athens, he felt a painful nimibncss In his
feet, which -^ivd^ui axWs i\\c lisj)i/iii^ of t/te gout. This obliged him
to sail to 'Edepsum for the beii'ht of the warni-batbs, w here he
h>unged away the day with niiiiiics and buHoons, and all the train
of Bacchus. One day as he was walking by the sea-iide, some
fishermen prcsvuted him with a curious dish of fish. Delightctl
wlti- the present, he asked the people of what country they were ;
and when he htard they were Alioans, " What," said he, "are any
of the Alseans alive?" for, in pursuance of his victory at Orchomc-
nus, he had ra/*.(l three cities of Bit'otla, Anthcdon, Larymna, and
Alaeie. The jjoor men were struck dumb with fear, but he told
tliem with a smile, " They might go away (|uite happy, f(»r they had
brought very respectable mediators with tiicu)." 'I'be Aluians tell
us, that from that time they took courage, and re-established them-
selves in their old habitations.

Sylla, now recovered, passed through The.ssaly and Macedonia to
the sea, intending to cross over from Dyrrachium to liruiidiLsium
with a fleet of twelve hundred sail. In that neighbourhood stands
ApoUonia, near which is a remarkable sjxjt of ground called Xym-
pha^um*. The lawns and meadows are of incompaiaMc verdure,
though interspersed with springs from wiiich continually issues fire.
In ibis place, we are told, a saiyr was taken ;isleej), exactly such as
statuaries and painters represent to us. lie was bronglit to Svlki
and interrogated in many languages who he was; but he uttered
nothing intelligible ; his accent being harsh and inarticulate, some-
thing l)etween the neighing of a horse and the bleating of a goat.
Sylla was shocked with his appearance, and ordered him to be taken
out of his presence.

When he was upon the point of embarking with bis troops, he

* In ibis place ihc N^uiplis liatl an orocic, of ilic maimer of consulting winch, Diou
(I. 41.) relates scvirul ridiculous stories. Strabo, speaking o| ii m h^s scTrnlli book
tclU US the N\)nipba:um is a rock^ out of >vUich isiues fire, and that bcocaih it flow
Hrcanis of flaming bituuicii.

i3b I'Ll TARCIl's LIVES.

began to be afraid, tliat as soon as tliey reached Italy, they would
disperse and retire to their respective cities. Hereupon they came
to him of their own accord, and took an oatli that they should stand
by him to the last, and not wilfully do any damage to Italy. And
as they saw he would want large sums of money, they went and col-
lected each as much as they could alVord, and brought it him. He did
not, however, receive their contribution, but having thanked them
for theirattachment, and encouraged them to hope the best, he set sail.
Hehad togo,ashe himself tells us, against fifteen generals of the other
party, who had under them no less than twohundredand fifty cohorts.
But heaven gave him evident tokens of success. He sacrificed im-
inediatcly upon his landing at Tarentum, and the liver of the victim
had the plain impression * of a crown of laurel, with two strings
banging down. A little before his passage, there were seen in the
day-time upon Mount Hephaeumf in Campania, two great he-goats

engaged, which used all the movements that men do in fighting

The phenomenon raised itself by degrees from the earth into the air,
where it dispersed itself in the manner of shadowy phantoms, and
quite disappeared.

A little after this, young Marius, and Norbanus the consul, with
two very powerful bodies, presumed to attack Sylla, who, without
any regular disposition of his troops, or order of battle, by the mere
valour and impetuosity of his soldiers, after having slain seven thou-
sand of the enemy, obliged Norbanus to seek a refuge within the
walls of Capua. This success he mentions as the cause why his sol-
diers did not desert, but despised the enemy, though greatly superior
in numbers. He tells us, moreover, that an enthusiastic servant of
Pontius, in the town of Silvium, announced him victorious upon
the communicated authority of Bellona, but informed him at the

same time, that if he did not hasten, the Capitol would be burnt

This actually hapi>ened on the day predicted, which was the sixth of
July. About this time it was that Marcus Lueullus, one of Sylla 's
officers, who had no more than sixteen cohorts under his command,
found himself on the point of engaging an enemy who had fifty :
though he had the utmost confidence in the valour of his troops, yet,
as many of them were without arms, he was doubtful about the onset.
While he was deliberating about the matter, a gentle breeze bore
from a neighbouring field a quantity of flowers, that fell on the

• Tli« priests traccl tlie fijiUres they wanler] upon tlie liver on llieir hands, and by
Lolding it very close, easily made the impression upon it, while it was warm and
pliant.

t There is no such mountain as Hephxum known. Livy menlions the hills ofTifata
near Capua.

SYLLA. 137

shields and helmets of the soldiers in such a manner that they ap-
})eared to he crowned with i^arlands. This circunistancc had such au
effect upon them *, tliat they charged the enemy with double vigour and
courage, killed eighteen thousand, and became complete masters of
the field, and of the camps. 'I'his Marcus Lucullus was brother to
That Lucullus who afterwards concjucred Mitln idates and Tigranes.

Sylla still saw himself surrounded with armies and powerful ene-
Hiies, to whom he was inferior in point of force, and therefore liad
recourse to fraud. He made Sclpio, one of the consuls, some pro-
posals for an accommodation, upon which many interviews and con-
ferences ensued. But Sylla, always finding some pretence for
gaining time, was corrupting Scij)io's soldiers all the while by means
of his own, who were as well practised as their general in every art of
solicitation. They entered their adversaries' cainp, and, inixing
among them, soon gained them over, some by money, some by fair
promises, and others by the most insinuating adulation. At last
Sylla advancing to their intrcnchinents with twenty cohorts, Scipio's
men saluted them as fellow-soldiers, and came out and joined them;
so that Scipio was left alone in his tent, where he was taken, but
immediately after dismissed in safety. These twenty cohorts were
Sylla's decoy-hirds, by which he drew forty more into his net, and
then brouglit them altogether into his camp. On this occasion
Carbo is reported to have said, that in Sylla he had to contend both
with a fox and a lion, but the fox gave him the most trouble.

The year following, young Marius being consul, and, at the head
of fourscore cohorts, gave Sylla the challenge. Sylla was very ready
to accept it that day in particular, on account of a dream he had the
night before. He thought he saw old Marius, who had now been
long dead, advi.sing his son to beware of the ensuing dav, as big
with mischief to him. This made Sylla impatient for the combat.
The first step he took towards it was to send lor Dolabclla, who had
encamped at some distance. The enemy had blocked up the roads,
and Sylla's troops were much harassed in endeavouring to open
them. Jk'sides, a violent rain happened to fall, and still more iu-
C(;tnmodcd then) in their work. Hereujxin the olVicers went and
entreated Sylla to deter the Ixittle till another day, showing him how

* Tlir utc that tbc aiicirnt Roiiiiiiin us well as (irci-ks made of cnlhuslajm onil siipcr-
•liliuii, ill war p.ir(iciildrlv, wn» so grout aixl )o trciiuciil, tliot it a|)j)cars to lake off
much from tlie idea hI lliPir native courage and valour. The sli|:liiest rirciitnslJiicr, a*
in tlic iniprobuble instance rcfcrretl to, ol' n prclernotnrni kind, or bearnig (lie least
t'ladow of u religious cereni'jny, wuuM animate Ihcm to those exploits, Mthicb, ihouKh
» rational valour was certainly capable of cfi'ecling them, wiihoul such influence ibev
would never have undertaken.

Vot.i?. No. ly. T

13>^ pli'tarch's lives.

his men were beaten out witli fatigue, and seated upon the ground
M'ith their shields under them. Sylhi yielded to their arguments,
though with great reluctance, and gave tliem orders to intrench
themselves.

They were just begun to put these orders in execution, wlicn
Marius rode boldly up in hopes of finding them dispeised and in great
disorder. Fortune seized this moment for accomplishing Sylla's
dream. His soldiers, fired with indignation, left their work, struck
their pikes in the trench, and with drawn swords and loud shouts ran
to the charge. The enemy made but a slight resistance; they were
routed, and vast numbers slain m their flight. Marius himself fled
to Praencste, where he found the gates shut ; but a rope was let down,
to which he fastened himsclfj and so he was taken up in safety over
the wall.

Some authors indeed write, and among the rest Fenestalla, that
Marius saw nothing of tlic engagement, but that, being oppressed
with watching and fatigue, he laid himself down in a shade, after
the signal was given, and was not awaked without diflieulty when
all was lost. Sylla says, he lost only three- and -twenty men in this
battle, though he killed ten thousand of the enemy, and took eight
thousand prisoners. He was equally saccessful with respect to his
lieutenants Pompey, Crassus, Metellus, and Servilius, who, with-
out any miscarriage at all, or with none of any consequence, defeated
great and powerful armies; insomuch, that Carbo, who was the
cliief support of the opposite party, stole out of his camp l)y night,
and passed over into Africa.

The last conflict Sylla had was witli Telesinus the Samnitc, who
entered the lists like a fresh champion against one that was weary,
and v/as near throwing him at the very gates of Rome. Telesinus
had collected a great body of forces, with the assistance of a Luca-
nian named Lamponir.s, and was hastening to the relief of Marius,
who was besieged in Praeneste. But he got intelligence that Sylla
and Pompey were advancing against him by long marches, the one
to take him in front, and the other in rear, and that he was in the
utmost danger of being hemmed in, both before and behind. Jn
this case, like a man of great abilities and experience of the most
critical kind, he decamj)ed by night, and marched with his whole
army directly towards Rome; which was in so unguarded a condition,
♦hat he nn'ght have entered it without difficulty. But he stojjped
•when he was only ten furlongs from the Colline Gate, and contented
himself with passing the night before the walls, greatly encouraged
and elevated at the thought of having outdone so many great ccm-
manders in point of generalship.

SVLLA. 139

■^ ' — e

Early next luoiuing, the youiii^ nobility inouiiicd tlieir hurseS)
and fell upon him lie defeated tlicni, :ind killed a considerable
number; among the lest fell Appius Claudius, a younj^ mm of spirit,
and of one of the most illustrious families in Rome. The city was now
full of terror and confusion — the women ran about the streets, be-
wailini; themselves, as if it was just going to be taken by assault—,
when Balbus, who was sent forward by Sylla, appeared advancing at
full speed with seven hundred horse, lie stoped just long enough
to give his horses time to cool, and then bridled them again, and
proceeded to keep liie enemy in play.

In the moan time Sylla made his appearance, and having caused
his first ranks to t:ike a sj)eedy refreshment, he began to put tliem ill
order of battle. Dolabella and Torcjuatus pressed him to wait some
time, and not lead his men in that fatigued condition to an engage-
ment that must prove decisive. For he had not now to do with
Carbo and Marius, but with Samnites and Lucanians, the most in-
veterate enemies to the Roman name. However, he overruled their
motion, and ordered the trumpets to sound to the charge, thougli
it was now so late as the tenth hour of the day. There was now no

battle during the whole war fought with such obstinacy as this

The right wing commanded by Crassus, had greatly the advantage;
but the left was much distressed, and began to give waj'. Sylla made
up to its assistance. He rode a white horse of unct)mmon spirit and
swiftness; and two of the enemy, knowing him by it, levelled their
spears at him. He himself perceived it not, but his groom did, and
with a sudden lash made the horse spring forward, so that the spears
only grazed his tail, and fixed themselves in the ground. It is said,
that in all his battles he wore in his bosom a small golden image of
Apollo, wliieh he Ijrought from Delphi. On this occasion he kissed

it with particular devotion *, and addressed it in these terms: '' O

Pythian Apollo, who hits conducted the fortunate Cornelius Sylla
through so many engagements with honour; when thou hait brought
him to the threshold of his country, wilt »hou let him fall there in-
gloriously by the hands of his own citizens?"

After this act of devotion, Sylla endeavoured to rally his men:
some he entreated, some he threatened, and others he forced back
to the charge. Rut at length his whole left wing w.is routed, an J
)te was obliged to mix with the fugitives to regain liis camp, after
having lost many of his friends of the highest disiinciion. A great
number, too, of those who came out of the city to see the battle, were
trodden under foot and perished. Nay, Rome itself was thought to

* hy this It appears, that the heathens made the sttne 9>e of the rna^i i,i tb«ir
god*, which the Rooiuujsti do of iiuagcs tad irhcf.

140 PL11TARCH*S LIVES.

be absolutely lost; and the siege of Pra&neste, where Marius had
taken up his quarters, nearly being raised. For, after the defeat,
many of the fugitives repaired thither, and desired Lucretius Ofella,
who had the direction of the siege, to quit it immediately, because
(they said) Sylla was slain, and his enemies masters of Rome.

But the same evening, when it was quite dark, there came persons
to Sylla's camp, on the part of Crassus, to desire refreshments for
him and his soldiers: for he had defeated the enemy, and pursued
them to Antemna, where he' was set down to besiege them. Along
with this news, Sylla was informed that the greatest part of the ene-
my was cut oft' in the action. As soon, therefore, as it was day, lie
repaired to Anteinna. There three thousand of the other faction
sent deputies to him to intercede for mercy; and he promised them
impunity, on condition that they would come to him after some
notable stroke against the rest of his enemies. Confiding in his
honour, they fell upon another corps, and thus many of them were
slain by the hands of their fellow-soldiers, Sylla, however, col-
lected these, and what was left of the others, to the number of six
thousand, into the Circus, and at the same time assembled the senate
in the temple of Bellona. The moment he began his harangue, his
soldiers, as they had been ordered, fell upon these six thousand poor
wretches, and cut them in pieces. The cry of such a number of
people massacred in a place of no great extent, as may well be Ima-
gined, was very dreadful. The senators were struck with astonish-
ment. But he, with a firm and unaltered countenance continuing
his discourse, " Bade them attend to what he was saying, and not
trouble themselves about what was doing without; for the noise
they heard came only from some malefactors, whom he had ordered
to be chastised."

Hence it was evident, to the least discerningamongthe Romans, that
they were not delivered from tyranny; they had only changed their
tyrant. Marius, indeed, from the first, was of a harsh and severe
disposition, and power did not produce, it only added to his cruelty.
Bat Sylla, at the beginning, bore prosperity with great moderation;
and tijou rh he seemed more attached to the patricians, it was thought
he would protect the rights of the people: he had loved to laugh fron)
his youth, and hud been so compassionate tiiat he often melted into
tears. This change in him, therefore, could not but cast a blemish
upon power. On his account it was believed, that high honours
and fortunes will not suffer men's manners to remain in their origi-
nal simplicity, but that it begets in them insolence, arrogance, and
inhumanity. Whether power does really produce such a change
of disposition, or whether it only displays the native badness &t

STLLA. 141

the licart, belongs, however, in aiiotlici department of letters to
make inquiry.

Sylla, now turning himself to kill and to destroy, filled the city
with massacres, wliitii had neither number nor bounds. He even
gave up many persons, against w horn he had no complaint, to the
private revenge of his creatures. At last one of tiie young nohilitv,
named Caius Metellus, ventured to put these questions to him in
the senate — " Tell us, Sylla, when we shall have an end of our
calamities? how far thou wilt proceed, and when we may hope thon
wilt stop? V\'e ask thee not to spare those whom thou hast marked
out for punishment, but we ask an exemption from anxiety for thosr
whom thou hast determined to save." Sylla said, ** He did not yet
know whom he should save." ** Then," replied Metellus, ** lei
us know whom thou intendest to destroy;" and Sylla answered,
" He would do it." Some, indeetl, ascribe the hist reply to Aulidius,
one of Sylla's flatterers.

Immediately upon this, he proscribed eighty citizens, witiiout
consulting any ol the magistrates in the least. And as the public
expressed their indignation at this, the second day after he proscribed
two hundred and twenty more, and as many on the third. Then he
told tlje people from the rostrum, " He had now proscribed all tliat
he remembered ; and such as he had forgot, must come into some
future proscription." Death was the punishment he ordained for
any one who should harbour or save a person proscribed, without
excepting a brother, a son, or a parent! Such was to be the reward
of luimanity ! But two talents were to be the reward of murder,
whether it were a slave that killed his master, or a son his father! —
The most unjust circumstance, however, of all, seemed to be, that
he declared tlie sons and grandsons of proscribed persons infamous,
and confiscated their goods!

The lists were put up not only at Rome, but in all the cities of
Italy. Neither temple of the gods, nor pateriml dwelling, nor hearth
of hospitality, was any protection against murder. Husbands were
despatched in tlu- bosoms of their wives, and sons in those of iheir
mothers. And the sacrifices to resentment and revenge were no-
thing to those who fell on account of their wealtli; so that it was .a
common saying among the rufiians, " His fine house was the dcatii
of such a one, his gardens of another, and his hot-baths of a third."
Quintus Aurolius, a quiet man, who thought he could have no share
in those miseries, but that which compassion gave him, came one
day into the fori(/n, and out of curiosity read the names of the pro-
scribed. Finding his own, however, among the rest, he cried out,
*' Wretch that I am! my .Mban villa pursues me;" and he had not
gone far before a rufliaii camcupand kiih.l him.

}4^ PLl'TARCH » LIVES.

In the mean time young Marius being taken*, slew hiniscir
Sylla then came to Piaeneste, where at first he tried tlie inhabitants,
and had them executed singly. But afterwards, finding he had not
leisure for such formalities, he collected them to the number of twelve
thousund, and ordered them to l)e put to death, excepting only one
who had formerly entertained him at his house. This man with a
noble spirit told him, " He would never owe his life to the destroyer
of his country;" and, voluntarily mixing with the crowd, he died
with his fellow-citizens ! The strangest, however, of all his proceed-
ings was that with respect to Cataline. This wretch had killed his
own brother during the civil war, and now he desired Sylla to put
him among the proscribed, as a person still alive; whicli he made no
ditBculty of doing. Cataline in return went and killed one Marcus
Marius, who was of the opposite faction, brought his head to Sylla,
as he sat on his tribunal in the forum, and then washed his hands
in the lustral water f at the door of Apollo's temple, which was
just by.

These massacres were not the only thing that afflicted the Ro-
mans. He declared himself dictator, reviving that office in his own
favour, though there had been no instance of it for a hundred and
twenty years. He got a decree of amnesty for all he had done : and,
as to the future, it invested him with the power of life and death, of
confiscating, of colonizing, of building or demolishing cities, of giv-
ing or taking away kingdoms at his pleasure. He exercised his
power in such an insolent and despotic manner with regard to con-
fiscated goods, that his applications of them from the tribunal were
more intolerable than the confiscations themselves. He gave to
handsome prostitutes, to harpers, to buffoons, and to the most
wicked of his enfranchised slaves, the revenues of whole cities and
provinces, and compelled women of condition to marry some of
these ruffians.

He was desirous of an alliance with Pompcy the Great, and made
Lim divorce the wife he had, in order to his marrying i5imilia, the
daughter of Scaurus by his own wife Metella, though he had to
force her from Manius Glabrio, by whom she was pregnant. The
young lady, however, died in childbed in the house of Pompey, her
second husband.

* He was not taken; bat, as he was endeavouring to make his escape by a subterra-
neous passage, lie found it beset b^ Sulla's soldiers; whereupon he ordered one of his
slaves to kill him.

t Here is another instance of a heathen ciiifoni adopted by the Romanists. An ex-
cIustOQ from the use of this holy water was considered by the Greeks as a sort of ex-
communication. We find (Edipus prohibiting it to the murderers of Laius. Sophoc.
Qldip. act. li. sc. 1.

SYLLA. 143

Luort'tius Ofc'lla, who had bcsit-gfcl Mariiis in Prfencstc, now as-
pired to the consulship, and prepared to sue for it. Sylla forbade
liim to proceed; and when he ;>a\v that, in confidfiue of his intfrest
with tlic people, he appeared notwithstanding in j)iihlic as a candi-
date, he sent one of the centurions who attondt-d him to despatcli that
brave man, while he himself sat on his tiibunal in the temple of Cas-
tor and Pollux, and looked down upon the mUrder. The people
seized the centurioii, and brought him with loud complaints be-
fore Sylla. He commanded silence, and told them the thing was
done by his order; the centurion therefore was to be dismissed im-
mediately.

About this time he led up his triumph, which was magnificent for
the display of wealth, and of the rciyal spoils, which were a new spec-
tacl-*; but that which crowned all was the procession of the exiles.
Some of the most illustrious and most powerful of the citizens fol-
lowed the chariot, and called Sylla their saviour and father, because
by his means it was that they returned to their country, and were re-
stored to their wives and children. \\ hen the triumph was over, he
gave an account of his great actions in a set speech to the people,
and was no less particular in relating the instances of his good for-
tune than those of his valour. He even concluded with an order,
that for the future he should be called Felix (that is, the Fortunate).
Kut in writing to the Grecians, and in his answers to the applica-
tions, he took the additional name of Epajihroditus (the favourite
of Venus). The ihscription upon the trophies left among us is,
Lucius Cornelius Sylla Kpaphroditus. And to the twins he
had by Metclla, he gave the names of Faustus and I'austa, which, iu
the Roman language signifies aitsjtidous and /tap/ii/.

A still stronger proof of his placing more confidence in his good
fortune than in his achievements, was his laying down the dictator-
ship. After he had put an infinite number of |)eoplc tt) death, broke
in upon the constitution, and changed the form of pwernmcnt, he
had the hardiness to leave the pco])le full power to choose consuls
again; while he hiinself, without pretending to any direction of their
suffrages, walked about i\\c ffriim as a private man, and put it in the
power of any person to take his life. In the first election he had the
mortification to see his enemy .Marcus Lepidus, a bold and enfeqiris-
ing man, deelare«l consul, not by his own interest, but bv that of
Pompey, who on this occasion exerted himself with the people. And
when he saw ron)|)ey goitig ofl" happy in his victory, he called him
to him, and said, " No doubt, young man, your iM)Iitiis arc very cx-
rtllent, since you have preferred Ix^pidus to Catulus, the worst and
IDOst stupid of men to the best. It is high time to awake and be

141 MATARCII S LIVES,

on your guard, now you have strengthened your adversary against
yourself." Sylla spoke this from something like a proplietic spi-
lit, for Lepidus soon acted with the utmost insolence, as Pompey's
declared enemy.

Sylla gave the people a magnificent entertainment on account of
his dedicating the tenths of his suhstance to Hercules. The provi-
sions were so over-abundant, that a great quantity was thrown every
day into the river; and the wine that was drank was forty years old
at least. In the midst of this feasting, which lasted many days, Me-
tella sickened and died. As the priests forbade him to approach her,
and to have his house defiled with mourning, he sent her a bill of di-
vorce, and ordered her to be carried to another house while the breath
was in her body. His superstition made him very punctilious in ob-
serving these l.nws of the priests; but, by giving into the utmost
profusions, he transgressed a law of his own, which limited the ex-
pense of funerals. He broke in upon his own sumptuary law, too,
with respect to diet, by passing bis time in tlie most extravagant ban-
quets, and having recourse to debauches to combat anxiety.

A few months after he presented the people with a show of gladia-
tors. And as at that time men and women had no separate ])laces,
hut sat promiscuously in the theatre, a woman of great beauty, and
of one of the best families, happened to sit near Sylla. She was the
daughter of Messala, and sister to the orator Hortensius; her name
Valeria; and she had lately been divorced from her husband. This
woman, coming behind Sylla, touched him, and- took off a little of
the nap of his robe, and then returned to her seat. Sylla looked at
her, quite amazed at her familiarity; when she said, " Wonder not,
my lord, at what 1 have done; I had only a mind to share a little in
your good fortune." Sylla was far from being displeased; on the
contrary, it appeared that he was flattered very agreeably: for he sent
to ask her name, and to inquire into her family and character. Then
followed an rxcliange of amorous regards and smiles, which ended
in a contract and marriage. The lady, perhaps, was not to blame :
but Sylla, though he got a woman of reputation and great accom-
plishments, yet came into the match upon wrong principles. Like a
youth, he was caught with soft looks and languishing airs, things that
are wont to excite the lowest of the passions.

Yet, notwithstanding he had married so extraordinary a woman, he
continued his commerce with actresses and female musicians, and
sat drinking whole days with a parcel of buffoons about him. His
chief favourites at this time were Roscius the eommedian, Sorex the
mimic, and Metrobius, who used to act a woman's part;

jj( ^ jff.-lif * iff iif -'if * •* * * ■*

SYLLA. 145

These courses added strength to a distemper that was but slight at
tlie heginiiing, and for a lon<^ time he knew not that he liad an ab-
scess within him. This abscess corrupted )iis flcsli, and turned it all
into lice: so that, though he had many persons employed botli day
and night to clean him, the part taken away was nothing to that
which remained. His whole attire, his baths, his basons, and his
food, were filled with that perpetual flux of vermia and corruption.
And though he bathcil many times a-day to cleanse and purify him-
self, it was in vain: the corruption came on so fast, that it was im-
possible to overcome it.

We are told, that among the ancients, Acastus, the son of Pelias,
died of tiiis sickness; and of those that come nearer our times. Ale-
man the poet, Pherccydes the divine, Callisthcnes theOlynthian, who
was kept in close prison, and Alucius the lawyer. And if after these
we may take notice of a man who did not distinguish himself by any
thing laudable, but was noted another way, it may be mentioned,
that the fugitive slave Eiinus, who kindled up the Scrri/c war in
Sicily, and was afterwards taken and carried to Rome, died there of
this disease.

Sylla not only foresaw his diatli, but has left something relating
to it in his writings. He finished the twenty-second book of his
Commantaries only two days before he died: and he tells us that the
Chaldeans had predicted, that, after a life of glory, he would depart
in the height of his prosperity. He further acquaints us, that jiis
son, who (lied a little before Metella, appeared to him in a dream,
dressed in a mean garinenr,and desired him to bid adieu to his cares,
and go along with him to his mother Metella, with whom he should
live at ease, and enjoy the ciiarms of tranquillity. He did not, how-
ever, withdraw liis attention from public allairs. It was but ten days
before his death that he reconciled the contending parties of Pu-
teoli*, and gave them a set of laws for the regulation of their police.
And the very day before he died, upon information that the quaestor
Granius would not pay what he was indebted to the state, but waited
fur his death to avoid paying it at all, he sent for him into his ;ipart-
ment, planted his servants about him, and cMiiercd them to strangle
him. The violence with which he spoke .strained him so much, that
the inqioslhume broke, and he voided a vast quantity of blood. His
strength now failed fast, and, after he had passed the niglit in great
agonies, he expired. He left two young children by Metella; ar.d
Valeria, after his death, was delivered of a daughter called Posthu-
mia; a name given of course by the Romans to such as are born after
the death of their father

• In the Cireck VichiTTachij, wliith is nnolhcr name for Pulcoli,

Vol. 2. No. 13. u

146 I'lA'TARCHS LIVt?.

Many of Sylla's enemies now combined with Lepidus to prevent
his havintr the usual honours of burial: but Pompcy, though he was
somewhat displeased at Sylla, because, of all his fiiends, he had left
liiin only out of his will, in this case interposed his authority, and
prevailed upon some, by his interest and entreaties, and on others by
menaces, to drop their opposition. Then he conveyed the body to
Rome, and conducted the whole funeral not only with security, but
with honour. Such was the quantity of spices brought in by the
women, that, exclusive of those carried in two hundred and ten great
baskets, a figure of Sylla at full length, and of a lictor besides, was
made entirely of cinnamon and the choicest frankincense. The day
bappened to be so cloudy, and the rain was so much expected, that
it was about the nintii hour* before the corpse was carried out.
However, it was no sooner laid upon the pile, than a brisk wind blew,
and raised so strong a flame, that it was consumed immediately. But
after the pile was burnt down, and the fire began to die out, a great
rain fell, which lasted till night. So that his good fortune continued
to the last, and assisted at his funeral. His monument stands in the
Campifs ]\far/iits; and they tell us he wrote an epitaph for himself,
to this purport: '' No fiiend ever did me so much good, or enemy so
much harm, but I repaid him wjth interest,"

LYSANDER AND SYLLA COMPARED.

WE have now gone through the life of Sylla, and will proceed to
the comparison. This, then, Lysander and he have in common, that
they were entirely indebted to themselves for their elevation. But
Lysander has this advantage, that the high offices he gained were with
the consent of the people, while the constitution of his country was
in a sound and healthy state; and that he got nothing by force, or
by acting against the laws —

In civil broils ll)e worst of men may rise.

So it was then in Rome. The people were so corrupt, and the re-
public in so sickly a condition, that tyrants sprung up on every side.
Nor is it any wonder if Sylla gained the ascendant, at a time when
wretches like Glaucias and Saturninus expelled such men as Metel-
lus; when the sons of consuls were murdered in the public assem-
blies; when mea supported their seditious purposes with soldiers

• Three in the afttrnj^n.

LYSANDER AND SYLLA COMTARCD. 147

purcliascd with money, and law.s were euaLtcd witli fiiv and sword,
and every species of violence*.

In such a state of thinjj^s, I do not hl.unc the man who raised him-
self to supreme power; all I say is, that when the commonwealtli
was in so depraved and desperate a condition, power was no evidence
of merit. But since the laws and puhlic virtue never flourished more
at Sparta than when Lysander was s<Mit upon the highest and most
important commissions, we may conclude that he was \\\(t hest among
the virtuous, and first among the great. Tims the one, though he
often surrendered tlie command, had it as often restored to him by
his fellow-citizens, becavisc his virtue, which alone has a claim to
the prize of honour, continued still the samef. The other, after he
was once appointed general, u<iu?ped the command, and Kept in arms
for ten years, sometimes styling himself consul, sometimes pro-consul,
and sometimes dictator, hut was always in reality a tyrant.

It is true, as we have observed above, Lysander did .ittempt a
change in the Spartan consitution, but he took a milder and more
legal method than SyUa. It was by persuasion J, not by arms, he
proceeded: nor did he attempt to overturn every thing at once. He
only wanted to correct the establishment as to kings. And indeed it
seemed natural, that in a state wiiich had the supreme direction of
Greece, on account of its virtue, rather than any other superiority,
merit should gain the scejitre. For as the hunter and the jockey do
not so much consider the breed, as the dog or horse already bred,

(for what if the foal should prove a mule)? so the jiolitieian would

entirely miss his aim, if, instead of inquiring into the qualities of u
person for first matiistrate, he U>oked upon nothing but his family.
Thus the Spartans deposed some of their kings, because they had not
princely talents, but were jicrsons of nn worth or consequence. \'iec
even with high birth is dishonouraljle: and the honour whieli virtue
enjoys is all her own; family has no share in it.

They were both guilty of injustice, but I^ysanderyr^;- his friends,
and Sylla aijai/ist his. Most of Lysander's frauds were committed
for his creatures, and it was to advance to high stations and absolute
power that he dipped his hands so much in blood: whereas Sylla en-
vied Pompey the army, and Dolabella the naval command he liad

* W'c need no other instances than tins to sliow (lut a republican goTernment will
never do in corrupt times.

t What kind ut' virtue cnn Plutarcli possibly uiKribc to Lysan ler^--u'i!rss he meant
military virtue. Undoubtedly he was a man of the p,rciitrsi duplicity ot' character, of
the grc-itcst profaneness — for he corrn[)tcd the pricsi^, and prostitated the bunovir i»f ths
gods, to gratify his pcr>uiinl envy auJ umbitiun.

i It wa^ by liypoctisy, by prufasa and iu<pif>ut expedient*.

14S I'LUTARCH S LIVES.

given them ; and he attempted to take them away. And when Lu-
cretius OfcHa, after the greatest and most faithful services, solicited
the consulship, he ordered him to he despatched hefore his eyes.
Terror and dismay seized all the world, when they saw one of his hest
friends thus murdered.

If we consider their behaviour with respect to riches and pleasure,
we shall find the one the prince, and the other the tyrant. When
the power and authority of Lysander were so extensive, he was not
guilty of one act of intemperance or youthful dissipation. He, if any
man, avoided the sting of that proverb, Limis ivithin iloorSj and
foxes wiiliotit; so sober, so regular, so worthy of a Spartan, was his
manner of living. Sylla, on the other hand, neither let poverty set
bounds to his passions in his youth, nor years in his age: but, as
Sallust says, while he was giving his countrymen laws for the regula-
tion of marriages, and for promoting sobriety, he indulged himself in
adultery and every species of lust.

By his debaucheries he so drained the public treasures, that he was
obliged to let many cities in alliance and friendship with Rome pur-
chase independence and the privilege of being governed only by their
own laws; though at the same time he was daily confiscating the rich-
est and best houses in Rome. Still more immense were the sums he
squandered upon his flatterers. Indeed, what bounds or moderation
could be expected in his private gifts, when his heart was dilated
with wine, if we do but attend to one instance of his behaviour in
public? One day as he was selling a considerable estate, which he
wanted a friend to have at an undcr-price, another oftered more^and
ihe crier proclaiming the advance, he turned with indignation to the
people, and said, " What outrage and tyranny is this^my friends, that
1 am not allowed to dispose of my own spoils as I please?"

Fiir from such rapaciousness, Lysander, to the spoils he sent his

countrymen, added his own share. Not that I praise him in that;

for perhaps he hurt Sparta more essentially by the money he brought

into it, than Sylla did Rome by that whhch he took from it. I only

mention it as a proof of the little regard he had for riches. It was

.something very particular, however, that Sylla, while he abandoned

himself to all the profusion of luxury and expense, should bring tha.

Romans to sobriety; whereas Lysander subjected the Spartans to

those passions which he restrained in himself. The former acted

worse than his own laws diret^tcd, and the other brought his people

to act worse than himself: for he filled Sparta with the love of that

which he knew how to despise. Such they were in their political ca^

pacity.

As to military achievements and acts of generalship, the number

LYSANDER AND SVLLA COMPARED. M^

of victories, and the dangers he had to combat, Syllais beyond com-
parison. Lysander, indeed, gained two naval victories, to whicli
we may add his taking of Athens; for though that aflair was not difii-
cult in the execution, it was glorious in its consequences. As to his
miscarriage in Bceotia and at Haliartus, ill fortune, periiaps, liad
some concern in it, but it was principally owing io indiscretion,
since Jie would not wait for the great reinforcement which the king
was bringing from Plataea, and which was upon the jx)int of joining
liim, but with an ill-timed resentment and ambition marched up to
the walls. Hence it was that he was slain by some troops of no con-
sideration, who sallied out to the attack. He fell not as Clcombrotu5
did at Leuctra, who was slain as he was making head against an im-
petuous enemy ; n«t like Cyrus, or Epamlnondas, who received a
mortal wound as he was rallying his men, and ensuring to them the

victory. These great men died the death of generals and kings

But LysaiKler threw away his life ingloriously, like a common soldier

or desperate adventurer By his death he showed how ri;^ht the

ancient Spartans were in not choosing to fight against stone-walls,
wliere the bravest man in the world may be killed ; I will not say by
an insignificant man, but by a child or a woman. So Achilles is
said to have been slain by Paris at the gates of Troy. On the other
hand, so many pitched battles were won by Sylla, and so many my-
riads of enemies killed, that it is not easy to number them- He
took Rome itself twice*, and the Piraeus at Athens, not by famine
as Lysanticr had done, but by assault, after be had defeated Archc-
laus in several great battles at land, and forced him to take refuge in
his fleet.

It is a material point, too, to consider what generals they had to
oppose. I can look upon It as no more than the play of ciiildrcn
to have beaten Antiochus, who was no betterthan Aleibiadcs's pilot,
and to have outwitted Phlloclcs the Atlienian demagogue,

A man whose tongue wns sliarpcncd — not Ins sword.

Mithrldates would not have conijiared them uiih his groom, no»
Marius with one of his lietor.^. But Sylla hail to contciw! with [jrlnees,
consuls, generals, and tribunci, of the highest Intluenee and abili-
lies; and, to name but a few of them, who among the Komans was
more formldaljle tiian Marias; among the kings, more powerful
than Mithrldates ; or, among the people of Italy, more warlike th:ni
Lamponius and Teleslnus ? yet Sylla Ijanished the first, subdued tli*-
second, and killed the other two.

• Whatever military merit he n»tj;ht ilisphij in other battles, he had ccrfnir.Ijr none ia
the taking of Roiue. For it was not generahhip, but notw^'Hr i' -i f :.)«!^:',t <i. i ,».
bii hand».

130 I'LUTARCH S LIVES.

Wliat is of more consequence, in my opinion, than any thing yet
mentioned, is, that Lysander was supported in all his enterprises by
Wis friends at iiome, and owed all his success to their assistance ;
w hercas Sylla, a banished man, overpowered by a faction at a time
when his enemies were expelling his wife, destroying his house, and
putting his friends to death, fought the battles of his country, on
the- plains of Bopotia, against armies that could not he numbered,
and was victorious in her cause. This was not all: Mithridates
offered to second him with all his power, and join him with all his
forces, against his enemies at Rome; yet he relaxed not the least
of his demands, nor showed him the least countenance. He would
not so much as return his salutation, or give him his hand, till lie
promised in person to relinquish Asia, to deliver up his ships, and
to restore Bithynia and Cappadocia to their respective kings. — There
was nothing in the whole conduct of Sylla more glorious, or that
showed greater magnanimity. He preferred the public good to his
own : like a dog of generous breed, he kept his hold till his adversary
had given out, and after that he turned to revenge his own cause.

The different methods they observed with respect to the Athenians
contribute not a little to mark their characters. Sylla, though they
bore arms against him for Mithridates, after he had taken their city,
indulged them with their liberty, and the privilege of their own laws :
Lysander showed no sort of compassion for a people of late so glori-
ous and powerful, but a])olished the popular government, and set
over them the most cruel and unjust of tyrants.

Perhaps we shall not be wide of the truth, if we conclude, that
in the life of Sylla there are more great actions, and in Lysander's
fewer faults; if we assign to the Grecian the prize of temperance and
prudence, and to the Roman that of valour and capacity for war.

CIMON.

PERIPOLTAS the diviner*, who conducted king Ophcltas and
his subjects from Thessaly into Bceotia, left a family that flourished
for many years. The greatest part of that family dwelt in Chseronea,
where they first established themselves after the expulsion of the bar-
barians. But as they were of a gallant and martial turn, and never
spared themselves in time of action, they fell in the wars with the

* Plutarch here introduces an obscure and dirty story, for the sake of talking oi
iht place of hii pativity.

riMON. 151

Medes and the Gauls There remained only a young orphan, named

Damon, and surnamed Peri|X)ltas. Damon, in beauty of person
and dignity of mind, far exceeded all of his age, hut he was of a harsh
and morose temper, unpolished by education.

He was now in the dawn of youth, when a Roman officer, who
wintered with his company in Chieronca, conceived a criminal jwssion
ioi him, and as he found solicitations and presents of no avail, he was
preparing to use force. It seems he despised our city, whose affairs
were then in a bad situation, and whose smallncss and poverty ren-
dered it an object of no importance. As Damon dreaded some vio-
lence, and witiial was highly provoked at the past attempts, he formed
a design against the officer's life, and drew some of his comrades
into the scheme. The number was but small, that the matter might
be more private; in fact, they were no more than sixteen. One
night they daubed their faces over with soot, after they had drank
themselves up to a pitch of elevation, and next morning fell upon
t!ie Roman as he was sacrificing in the market-place. The moment
ihey had killed him, and a number of those that were about him, they
fled out of the city. All was now in confusion. The senate of Chiero-
nea met and condemned the assassins to death, in order to excuse
themselves to the Romans. But, as the magistrates supped together
according to custom, Damon and his accomplices returned in the
evening, broke into the town-hall, killed every man of them, and
tlien made off again.

It happened that Lucius Lucullus, who was going upon son>e ex-
jx^dition, marched that way. He stoi)pcd to make an inquiry into
tJie affair, which was quite recent, aiid found that the city was so
far from being accessary to the death of the Roman officer, that it
was a considerable sufferer itself. He tJicrefore withdrew the garri-
son, and took the soldiers with him.

Damon, for his part, eoniiiiitied depredations in the adjacent coun-
try, and greatly harassed the city. 'J'he C'lucroneans endeavoured
to decoy him by frecpient messages and decrees in his favour; and
when they had got him among them again, they appointed him mas-
ter of the wrestling-ring, but soon t(X)k opportunity to despatch him,
as he was anointing himself in the bagnio. Our fathers tell us, that
for a long time certain spectres appeared on ihat spot, and sad groans
were heard ; for which reason the doors of the bagnio were ualleil
up: and, to this very day, those who live in that neighbourhood
imagine that they see strange sights, and are alarmed with doleful
voices. There are some remains, however, of Damon s family, who
Uvc mostly in the town of Stiris in Thocis. Tiiese are called, ar-

Jb2 riA'TAKCn s lives.

cording to tlie JEoVic dialect, Asholomenoi, tiiat is, Sooty-facedj
on account of tlieir ancestor liavingsmceredhis face with soot, when
1)0 went about the assassination.

The people of Orchonienus, who were neighbours to the Chsero-
Bcans, having some prejudice against them, hired a Roman informer
to accuse the city of the murder of those who fell by the hands of
Damon and his associates, and to prosecute it as if it had been an
individual. The cause came before the gorernor of Macedonia,, for
the Romans had not yet sent pr«;tors into Greece; and the persons
employed to plead for the city appealed to the testimony of Lucullus.
Upon this the governor wrote to Lucullus, who gave a true account
of the affair, and by that means delivered Clueronea from utter ruin.

Our forefathers, in gratitude for their ])reservation, erected a
marble statue to Lucullus in the market-place, close by that of
Bacchus. And though many ages are since elapsed, we are of opi-
nion tliat the obligation extends even to us. We arc persuaded too,
that a representation of the body is not comparable to that of the
mind and the manners, and therefore, in this work of lives com-
pared, shall insert his. We shall, however, always adhere to the
truth; and Lucullus will think himself sufficiently repaid by our
perpetuating the memory of his actions. He cannot want, in re-
turn for his true testimony, a false and fictitious account of himself.
When a painter has to draw a fine and elegant form, which happens
to have some little blemish, we do not want him entirely to pass
over that blemish, nor yet to mark it with exactness: the one would
spoil the beauty of the picture, and the other destroy the likeness.
So in our present work, since it is very difficult, or rather impossi-
ble, to find any life wh:itevcr without its spots and errors, we must
set the good qualities In full light, with all the likeness of truth.
But we consider the faults and stains that proceed either from some
sudden pjission or from political necessity, rather as defects of virtue
than signs of a bad heart; and for that reason we shall cast them a
little into shade in reverence to human nature, which produces no
specimen of virtue ahbolutcly pure and perfect.

When we looked out for one to put in comparison with Cimon,
Lucullus seemed the propcrest person. They were both of a warlike

turn, and both distinguished themselves against the barbarians

They were mild in their administration; they reconciled the contend-
ing factions in their country. They both gained great victories,
and erected glorious trophies. No Grecian carried his arms to more
distant countries than C Imon, or Roman than Lucullus. Hercules
and Bacchus only exceeded them ; unless we add the expeditkms of

CIMON. 1 63

Perseus aijainst the Etliioj)ians, Mcilcs, and Armenians, and that
of Jason against Colchis. Hut the scenes of these last actions are
laid in such very ancient times, that we have some doubt whether
the truth could reach us. This also they have in common, that they
left their wars unHiiished; tJjcy both pulled their enemies down,
J)Ut neither of them tjave them their death's-blow. 'I'he principal
mark, however, of likeness in their characters, is their affability
and gentleness of deportment in di»ing the liorKJiirs of their houses,
and the niagnificence and splendour with whicii they furnished their
tables. Perhaps there arc some other resemblances which we pass
over, that may easily be collected from their history itself.

Cimon was th^^ soti of Miltiades and ilegesipyla. That lady wa^'
a Thracian, and daughter to king Olorus, as it stands recorded in
the poems of Archelaus and Mclanthius, written in honour of Cimon,
so that Tluicydides the historian was his relation, for his fatjier was
called Olorus; a name that had been lung in the family, and he had
gold mines in Thrace. Thucydides is said, too, to have been killed
inScapte Hyle^, a place in that country. His remains, however,
were bidught into Attica, am] his monument is shown among those
of Cimon's family, near the tomb of Elpinice, sister to Cimon. But
Thucydides was of the ward of Alinius, and Miltiades of that of
Lacias. Miltiades was condemn«;il to pay a fine of fifty talents, for
vvjueh he was thrown into |)risi)n by the govcrnn)ent, and there he
died. He left his son Cimon very youn/i, and his daughter Elpinice
was not yet marriageable.

Cimon, at first, was a person of no reputation, l;ut censured as a dis-
orderly and riot JUS young man. 1 le was even compared to his grand-
father Cimon, who, for his stupidity, was called Coalonos (that
is, Ideot). Stcsimbrotus the Thasiair, who was his cotemjiorary
says he had no knowledge of music, or any other accomplis!,im.'iit
which was in vogue among the Greeks, and that he had not the
Ie;ujt spark of the Attic wit <»r eloi|uence; but that there was a "•••nc-
rosity and sincerity in his behaviour which showed the lomixjsition
of his soul to be rather of the Peloponnesian kind. J^ike the Her-
cules of Kurypides, he was

liuu^li and unlirk'tl, Imt gri-at on great occutiiju) :

and therefore wc may well add that article to the account Stesliu-
hrotus has given of him.

In his youth he was accused of a criminal lonmieiee with his sister
Elpinicef. 'I'liere are other inst.mccs, indeed, mentioned of Elpi-

• Scapte llyte ligniSes a wood full <<f trenchts. btrplianiit («le Urb.) mIIi it
Scaptesule.

t Some ay EJpinicc wat onlj bnil Statet (o Ciinoii, and that ■« >uci ha aiarr:«d b--

Vol. 2. No. ly. \

154 ri.rrvRcn's lives.

nice's irregular conduct, particularly with respect to Polygnotus the
painter. Hence it was, we are toltl, that when he painted the
Trojan woman in the portico then called PU'sinnnctimi*, hut now
Pockilw, he drew El|)inice's face in the character of Laodicc. Po-
lygnotus, howevet, was not a painter hy profession, nor did he
receive wages for his work in the portico, hut painted uitliout reward,
to rcconimciid himself to his countrymen. So the historians write,
as well as the poet Melanthius in these verses

The tcmplfsoftlie gods.

The fanes of heroes, and Cecropian halls.

His liberal hand adorn'd.

It is true, there are some who assert that Elpinlce did not live in a
l)rivate commerce with Cimon, hut that she was publicly married
to him, her poverty preventing her from getting a husband suitable to
her birth. Aftervvards Callias, a rich Athenian, falling in love with
her, made a proposal to pay the government her father's fine, if she
would give him her hand, which condition she agreed to, and, with
her brother's consent, became his wife. Still it must be achnow-
ledged that Cimon had his attachmcntr. to the sex: witness his mis-
tress Asteria of Salamis, and one Menotra, on whose account the
poet Melanthius jests upon him in his elegies. And though he was
legally married to Isodice the daughter of Euryptolemus the son of
Megacl'.'s, yet he was too uxi^rious \V\\]\c she lived, and at her death
he was inconsolal)le, if we may judge from the elegies that were ad-
dressed to him by way of comfort and condolence. Pansetius the
philosoplicr tliinks Archclaus the pliysician was author of those ele-
gieS) and, from the times in wliich he Nourished, the conjecture
seems not improbable.

The rest of Cimon's conduct was great and admirable. In courage
he was not inferior to Miltiades, nor in prudence to Themistodes,
and he was confessedly an honcster man than either of them. He
could not be said to come short of them in abilities for war: and
even wliile he was young, and without military experience, it is sur-
prising how much he exceeded them in poliMcai virtue. When The-
niistocles, upon the invasion of the Medcs, advised the people
to cpiit tlicir city and territory, and retire to the Straits of Salamis to
try their fortunes in a naval combat, the generality were astonished
at the rashness of the enterprise. But Cimon, with a gay air, led
the way with his friends through the Ceramicus to the citadel, carry-
ing a bridle in his hand to dedicate to the goddess. This was to show

the laws of At!i .ns uot forbidding hira to marr}' one that was sister only by the father's
side. Cornelius Nepos expressly affirms it.

•.Diogfenes, Soidas, aud others, call it Pcisianaclion.

CIMON. 155

that Athens had no need of cavalry, but of marine forces, on the
present occasion. After he had consecrated the bridle, and takeu
down a shiehl from the wall, lie paid bis devotions to the ginldess,
and then went down to the sea ; by wbich means he inspired num-
bers with courajre to entbark. Besides, as the poet Ion informs us,
he was not uidiandsonie in his person, but tall and majestic, and
had an abundance of hair, whicb. curled upon his shoulders. He
distinguished himself in so extraordinary a manner in the battle,
that he gained not only the j)ra:se but the hearts of his couniryuK'n;
insomuch that many joined his train, and exhorted him to think of
designs and actions worthy of those at Marathon.

When lie applied for a share in the administration, the people re-
ceived him with pleasure, liy this time they were weary of The-
mistocles, and as they knew Cimon's engaging and humane behaviour
to their whole body conseciuent upon his natural mildness and can-
dour, they promoted him to the highest honours and oflices in the
state. Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, contributed not a little to
his advancement. He saw the goodness of his disposition, and
set him up as a rival against tbe keenness and daring spirit of The-
n)istocles.

When tl\c Medes were driven out of (.ircece, Cimon was elected
admiral. The Athenians had not now the chief connnand at sea,
but acted under the orders of l*ausania.s the Laced. e.iionian. The
fnst thing Cimon did was to equip his countrymen in a more com-
modious manner, and to make them much better seamen than the
rest. And as I'ausanias began to treat with the barl)arians, and
write letters to the king about betraying the fleet to them, in conse-
quence of which he treated tiie allies in a rough and haughty style,
and foolishly gave intitinany unnecessary and oppressive ai.i> of autho-
rity; Cimon, on the other hand, listened to the complaints of the
injuri-d with so nmch gentleness and humanity, that be insensibly
gained the command of Clreece, not by arnis, but l>y lii.^ kind and
obliging manners. For tbe greatest part of the allies, no longer able
to l)ear the severity and pride of Puusanias, put themselves under
the direction of C imon and Aristides. At the siune time they wrote
to the rj>fi(tri, to desire them to recal Paubanins, by whom Sparta was
so dishonoured, and all (ireece so uiueh discomposed.

It is reliited, that wben Paus;mias was at Hyzantimn, he cast his
eves \ipon a young virgin named Cleonice, of a noble family there,
and insisted on having her t'oi a mistress. The parents, intimidated
by his power, were under the hard necessity of giving up their
daughter. The voung woman begned that the light miglit be takeu
out of his apartment, that she might go to his bed in secrecy and
gilcncc, WhcQ she entered, he was asleep, and she unfortunately

156 rLUTARCH's MVEj<.

stumbled upon the candlestick, and threw it down. The noise
wj'kcd him suddeidy, and he, in his confusion, thinking it was an
enemy comiiip to assassinate him, unsheathed a daL^t^er that lay by
him, and plunged it into the virgin's heart. After this he could never
rest. Her image appeared to him every night, and with a mcnac
ing tone repeated this heroic verse

(io to the late wliicli jnide and lust prepare!

The allies, highly incensed at this infamous action, joined Cimon
to besiege him in Byzantium. But he found means to escape thence ;
and as he was still haunted by the spectre, he is said to have applied
to a temple al Heraclea*, where the mnnes of the dead were con-
sulted. There he invoked the spirit of Cleonicef, and entreated
lier pardon. She appeared, and told him, " He would soon be de-
livered from all his troubles, after his return to Sparta :" in which,
it seems, his death was enigmatically foretold |. These particulars
we have from many historians.

All the confederates had now put themselves under the conduct
of Cimon, and he sailed with them to Thrace, upon intelligence
that some of the most honourable of the Persians, and of the king's
relations, had seized the city of Eion upon the river Strymon, and
greatly harassed the Greeks in that neighbourhood. Cimon engaged
and defeated the Persian forces, and then shut them up in the town.
After this, he dislodged the Thracians above the Strymon, who
had used to supply the town with provisions, and kept so strict a
guard over the country that no convoy** could escape him. By this
means, the place was reduced to such extremity, that Butes, the
king's general, in absolute despair, set fire to it, and so perished
there with his friends and all his substance.

Inconsequence of this, Cimon became master of the town ; but
there was no advantage to be reaj)ed from it worth mentioning, be-
cause the barbarians had destroyed all by fire. The country about it,
however, was very beautiful and fertile, and that he peopled with
Athenians, For tliis reason the Athenians permitted him to erect there
three marble /A'/ mfc, which had the following inscriptions:

Wliere Strjmon with his silver waves
The I'iffy towrrs of Kion lavej,
The liaplfbs Mode, xvjtii fiiniine prest,
'ihc force of Grecian arms confcst.
* Hcraclea »^ii a place near Ol^inpia. Pausaiii.is a[iplicd to the necromancers
^lierc, called Psycbagogi, whose olfice it was to call up departed spirits,

t Thus we find that it was a custom in the Fagan as well as in the Hebrew tlicology
to conjure up the spirits of the dead, and that the witch of Endor was not the onl_y witch
in the world.

% The Lacedaemonians having resolved to seise I.iin, he fled for refuge to atcoiple of
Miatrva, called Lhdcioicoi. There thej shut him up and starved lain.

C1M.0N. 157

Let him, wlio, bora in distant days,
Ucliold these inuuumciits ol praise —
'1 liese lorins i!iat valour's glor^ save —
And si-c how Athens cruwiis the brave.
Fur hunuur (eel the patriut sigh.
And for liis country leurn to die.

Al'iir to Phrjgia's fati-d laiidi

When Mncstheus leads hik Attic baii'!<,

Behold ! he bears in Hoiocr still

The puini of oiilitarj skill.

In every age, on every coast,

Tts thus the sons of Athens boast!

Though Cimon's name does not appear in any of these itiscriptions,
yet his cotemporaries considered tliem as the highest pitch of ho-
nour: for neither Themistocles nor Miltiades were favoured with any
thing of that kind. Nay, when tlie latter asked only for a crown of
olive, Sochares, of the ward of Decelea, stood up in the midst of the
assembly, and spoke against it, in terms tliat were not candid in-
deed, but agreeable to the people. He said, '" Mihiades, when you
shall fight the harl)arians alone, and conquer alone, then ask to have
honours paid you alone." What was it then that induced them to
give the preference so greatly to this action of Cimon? was it not
that under the other generals they fougiit for their lives and exist-
ence as a people, hut under him they were able to distress their ene-
mies, by carrying war into the countries where they had established
themselves, and by colonizing Eion and Amphipolis? They planted
a colony too in the isle of Scyros '^, which was reduced by Cimon on
the occasion 1 am going to mention: the Dolopes, wlio then held it,
paid no attention to agriculture. They had so long been addicted to
piracy, that at last they spared not even the merchants and strangers
who came into their ports, but in that of Ctesium idundered some
Thcssalians who came to traffic with them, and j)ut them in prison.
These prisoners, however, found means to escape, and went and
lodged an impeachment against the place before the Ampliictyones,
(who commanded the whole island to make restitution). 'I'hose who
had no concern in the robbery were unwilling to pay any thing, and,
instead of that, called v\\nn\ tlie persons who committed it, and hail
the goods in their hands, to make satisfaction. Hut these pirates,
appiehensive of the conseciuence, sent to invite Cimon to come with
his ships and take tlie town, which they promised to deliver np to
him. In pursuance of thi.s, Cimon took the island, expelled the [^o
Jopes, and cleared the /Egean sea of corsairs.

• Tbis happened about the beginning of llic scvcnty-icveoth Olympiad.

158 riA TARCn's lives.

This dojie, he recollected that their ancient hero, Theseus, the son
of iEgeus, had retired from Athens to Scyros, and was there trea-
cherously killed by king Lycomedes, who entertained some suspicion
of him. And as there was an oracle which enjoined the Athenians
to bring back his remains*, and to honour him as a demi-god, Cimoii
set himself to search for his tomb. This was no easy undertaking,
for the people of Scyros had all along refused to declare where he
lay, or to suffer any searcli for his bones. At last, with much pains
and inquiry, he discovered the repository, and put his remains, deco-
rated with all imaginable magnificence, on boiird his own galley, and
carried them to tiie ancient seat of that hero almost four hundred
years after he had left itf-

Nothing could give the people more pleasure than this event. To
commemorate it, they instituted games in which the tragic poets
were to try their skill; and the dispute was very remarkable. So-
phocles, then a young man, brought his first piece upon the theatre:
and Aphcpsion the archon, perceiving that the audience were not
unprejudiced, did not appoint the judges by lot in the usual manner.
The method he took was this: when Cimon and his oflicers had en-
tered the theatre, and made the due libations to the god who pre-
sided orer the games, the archon would not suffer them to retire, but
obliged them to sit down and select ten judges upon oath, ooe out of
each tribe. The dignity of the judges caused an extraordinary emu-
lation among tlie actors. Sophocles gained the prize; at which /Es-
chylus was so much grieved and disconcerted, that he could not beac
to stay much longer in Athens, but in anger retired to Sicily, where
he died, and was buried near Gcla.

Ion tells us, that when he was very young, and lately come from
Chios to Athens, he supped at Laomedon's with Cimon. After sup-
per, when the libations were over, Cimon was desired to sing, and
he did it so agreeal)ly, that the company preferred him, in point of
politeness, to Thcmistocles : for he, on a like occasion, said, " He
had not learned to sing or play upon the harp; but he knew how ta
raise a small city to wealth and greatness." The conversation after-
wards turned upon the actions of Cimon, and each of the guests
dwelt upon such as appeared to him the most considerable: he, for
his part, mentioned only this, which he looked upon as the most art-
ful expedient he h.d made use of: a great number of barbarians were
made prisoners in Sestos and at Byzantium, and the allies desired

• This oracle was delivered to them fonr years before ; in tlic first year of the sevcnty-
sixlh Olympiad.

t Piutarrh could not make a mistake of four hundred years, We are gersuaded,
therefore, that he wrote eight hundred.

CIMOV. 159

Cimon to make a divisiotj of the booty. Ciinon placed the prisoners,
quite naked, on one side, and all their ornaments on the otlier. Tlie
allies complained the shares were not equal; whereupon he bade
them take which part they pleased, assuring them that the Athenians
would be satisfied with that they left, llerophytus the Samian ad-
vised them to make choice of the Persian spoils, and of course the
Persian captives fell to the share of the Athenians. For the present,
Cimon was ridiculed in private for the division he had made, because
the allies had chains of j^old, rich collars and bracelets, and robes of
scarlet and purple to show, while the Athenians had nothing but a
parcel of naked slaves, and tliose very unfit for labour. But a little
after, the friends and relations of the prisoners came down from
Phrygia and Lydia, and gave large sums for their ransom ; so that
Cimon, with the money, purchased four months provisions for his
ships, and sent a quantity of gold besides to the Athenian treasurj-.

Cimon by this time had actjulrcd a great fortune; and what he had
gained gloriously in the war fr<tm the enemy, he laid out with as
much reputation upon his fellow-citizens. He ordered the fences of
his fields and gardens to be thrown down, that strangers, as well as
his own countrymen, might freely partake of his fruit. He had a
supper provided at his house every day, in which the dishes were
plain, but sufficient for a multitude of guests. Every poor citizen
repaired to it at pleasure, and had his diet without care or trouble;
by which means he was enabled to give proper attention to public
affairs. Aristotle, indeed, says this supper was not provided for all
the cili/ens in general, but only for those of his own tribe, which was
that of Lacia*.

When he walked out, he used to have a retinue of young men well
clothed; and if he lia|)|)cne(l to meet an aged citizen in a mean dress,
he ordered some one of them to change clothes with him. This was
great and noble. But, besides this, the same attendants carried with
them a quantity of money, and when they met in the market-place
with any necessitous person of tolerable appearance, they took care
to slip some pieces into his hand as privately as possible. Cratinus,
the comic writer, seems to have referred to these circumstHnces iu
one of his pieces entitled Archilochi.

Kvrii I Mclrul)iu«, (liuu^li n trrivencr, (toped

Tu (IBM a cliccrful and a «lcck old agr.

And lire to my la«t hour n( Ciinon't table:

Cimon! the bett and noblest uf (he Greeks!

Whosr; widc-sprrad bonnlv vK'd witb (hat o( HcATen I

Pul, iih I hc't ({oiic before mc I

* Cimon's ward being ar(crwards cilird Ocneit, it mutt he reconciled with ihn placf
tr:::'. Stephauuj, who tells ui, the Lactadt tFtre a peopit of tht ward Oenrit.

i6u PLUTARtri's LIVES.

Georgias the Leontinc gives him this character: " He got riches tcf
use them, and used them so as to be honoured on their account."*
And Critias, one of the thirty tyrants, in his elegies thus expresses
rhe utmost extent of his wishes:

The wealth of Scopas'* heirs, tiie soul of Cinioii,
And tlie fam'd trophies of Agesilaos.

Lichas the Lacedaemonian, we know, gained a great name an)ong
tlie Greeks by nothing but entertaining strangers who came to see tlie
public exercises of the Spartan youth. But the magnificence of Ci-
mon exceeded even the ancient hospitality and bounty of the Athe-
nians. Tliey, indeed, tauglit the Greeks to sow bread-corn, to avail
themselves of the use of wells, and of the benefit of fire; in tliese
things they justly glory. But Cimon's house was a kind of common
hall for all the people; the first-fruits of his lands were theirs;
whatever the seasons produced of excellent and agreeable, they freely
gathered; nor were strangers in the least debarred from them; so
that he in some measure revived the communityof goods, which pre-
vailed in the reign of Saturn, and which the poets speak so much of.
Those who malevolently ascribed this liberality of his to a desire of
flattering or courting the people were refuted by the rest of his con-
duct, in wliich he favoured the nobility, and inclined to the constitu-
tion and customs of Lacedaemon. When Themistocles wanted to
raise the power and privileges of the commons too high, he joined
Aristides to oppose him. In like manner he opposed Ephialtes, who,
to ingratiate himself with the people, attempted to abolish the court
of Areopagus. He saw all persons concerned in the administration,
except Aristides and Ephialtes, pillaging the public; yet he kept his
own hands clean, and in all his speeches and actions continued to
tlie last perfectly disinterested. One instance of this they give us in
his behaviour to Rhoesaccs, a barbarian who liad revolted from the
king of Persia, and was come to Athens with great treasures. This
man, finding himself harassed by informers there, applied to Cimon
for his protection; and, to gain his favour, placed two cups, the
one full of gold, and the other of silver darics, in his antichamber.
Cimon, casting his eye upon them, smiled, and asked him, " Whe-
thcrheshould choose lo have him his mercenary or his friend ?" — "My
friend, undoubtedly," said the barbarian. " Go, then," said Cimon,
*' and take these things back with you; for If I be your friend, your
money will be niine whenever I have occasion for it."

About this time the allies, though they paid their contiibutions,
bc'an to scruple the furnishing of ships and men. They wanted to

* Scopas, a rich Tbessalian, b meutioncd in the Life of Cato.

CIMON'. lb' I

Lid adieu to the troubles of war, and t(j lili tlic ground in cjuict and
tranquillity, particularly as the harhariaiis kept at home, and gave
them no disturbance. I'he other Athenian generals took every me-
thod to compel them to make good their quota, and by prosecutions
and fines rendered the Athenian government oppressive and invidi-
</us. Hut Cimon took a dillerent course wiicn he had the command:
lie used no compulsion to any (jrecian; he took money and ships
unmanned of such as did not choose to serve in person; and thus
suffered them to be led by the charms of ease to domestic employ-
ment, to husbandry atid manufactures; so that of a warlike people
tliey became, through an inglorious attachment to luxury and plea-
sure, quite unfit for any thing in the military department. On the
other hand, he made all the Athenians in their turns serve on board
his ships, and kept them in continual exercise. By these means he
extended the Athenian dominion over the allies, who were all the
while j)aying him lor it. The Athenians were alwavs upon one ex-
pedition or other, had their weapons for ever in their h.mds, and
were trained up to every fatigue of service; hence it was that the
allies learned to fear and flatter them, and, instead of being their
fellow-soldiers as formerly, insensibly became their tributaries aud
subjects.

Add to this, tiiat no man humbled tiie pride and arrogance of the
great king more than Cimon. Not satisfied with driving him out of
Greece, he pursued his footsteps, and, without suflering him to take
breath, ravaged and laid waste some parts of his dominions, and ilrew
over others to the (irecian league; insomuch that in all Asia, from
Ionia to Panijdiylia, there was not a 1\ rsian standard to be seen. As
soon as he was informed that the king's fleets and armies lay upon
the l'ainj)hylian coast, he wanted to intimidate them in suvh a man-
ner that they should never more venture beyond the C'helidoniau
isles. For this purjjose, he set sail from Cnidus and Triopium with
a Htet of two hundred galleys, which Themistocles had, in their first
construction, made liglit, and fit tn turn wiih the utmost agibiv.
(Jimon widened them, and joined a platform to the deck of each, that
there might in time of action be room ft)r a greater nundjcr of tt>ui-
batants. When he arrived at I'haselis, which was inhabited by
(IreeUs, but v.oidd neither receive his fkct, nor revolt from the kinjr,
he ravaged their territories, and advanced to assault their walls.
Hereupon the C hians who were among his forces, having of old had
a friendship for the people of Phaselis, (m one side endeavoured ui
pacify Cimon, and on the other addressed themselves to the i.
men, by letters fastened to arrows which they shot over the \\ <.
At length they reconciled the two parties ; the conditions were, tb.it
\oi.J. No. 11). Y

i6t

I'M T\RCH S LI\ ES.

the Phasflites should pay down ten talents, and should tollow Cinion's
standard at^^ainst the barbarians.

J'pl.nius says, Tiihraustes commanded the kin^''s fleet, and Phe-
rendates his land-forces; hut Callisthenes will have it, that Ario-
iTiandes the son of Gohryas was at the head of the Persians. He
tells us further, that lie lay at anchor in the river Eiirymedt)n, and (!i(i
not yet choose to come to an engagement with the (irteks, because
he expected a reinforcement of eigbty Phrenician ships from Cyprus.
On the other hand, Cinxm wanted to prevent tint junction, and
therefore sailed with a resolution to compel the Persians to fi^rht, if
they declined it. To avoid it, they pushed up the river. But when
Cimon came up, they attempted to make head against him with six;
hundred ships, according to Phanodcmus, or, asEphorus writes, with
tiiree hundred and fifty They performed, however, nothing worthy
of such a floet, but presently made for land. The foremost got on
shore, and escaped to the army, which was drawn up hard by. The
Cirocks laid b.old of the rest, and handled them very roiigldy, as
well as their ships. A certain proof that the Persian fleet was very
numerous is, that though many in all probability got away, and many
others were destroyed, yet the Athenians took no less than two hun-
dred vessels.

The barbarian land-forces advanced close to the sea; hut it ap^
peared to Cimon an arduous undertaking to make good his landing
by dint of the sw( rd. and with his troops, who were fatigued with the
late action, to engage those that were quite fresh, and many times
their number. Notwithstanding this, he saw the courage and spirits
of his men elevated with their late victory, and that they were very
desirous to be led against the enemy. He therefore disembarked his
lieavy-armed infantrv, vet warm from the late action. They rushed
torward with loud shouts, and the Persians stood and received then>
with a good countenance. A sharp conflict ensued, in which the
bravest and most distinguished among the Athenians were slain. At
last, with much dinieulty, the barbarians were put to the rout; many
wcie killed, and many others were taken, together with their pivilion^
full of all manner of rich spoil.

Thus Cimon, like an excellent champion, won two prizes in one
day, and by these two aetions outdid the victory of Salamis at sea,
and of Plataea f)n land. He added, however, a new trophy to his
victories. \ '[K)n intelligence that the eighty Phrpnician galleys, which
were not in the battle, were arrived at Hydrus*, he steered that way

* A» no jocli place as Hjdruj is to be found, Luhimis thinks we should read Svdra,
which was a maritime town of Cilicia. Dacier proposes to read H^drussa, which was
one of the Cyclados. But, perhaps Hjdrus is ouiy a corruption of Cyprus: for Pol^a-

tl.MON. 16'3

us fust as possible. They liad not receivi'd any certain accuunt of
the forces to whose assistance tfa-y were iroint'; and as this siLsprnse
much intiuiidaied them, they were easily defeated, with the loss of all
their ships and most of ihcir i:u ii.

These events so humhied ihc king of Persia, tlial he tame into
that famous peace which liniitcd him to the distance of a day's jour-
ney* on horsehack from the Grecian sea; and by which he cii^^cd
thiit none of his j:^lleys or other ships of war should ever come with-
in the Cyanean and Chciidonian isles. Lallisthenes, indeed, denies
that the kinjr a^'reed to these conditions; but he allows that Ins sub-
sequent beltaviour was equivalent to such an agreement; for his fears
i'onse(|uent upon the defeat made Inm retire so far from Greece, thai
Pericles, with fifty shijis, and Kphialtes, with no more than thirty,
sailed beyond the Chciidonian rocks williout meeting with any fleet
of the biirlMjrians. However, in the coMection of Atheni;in decrees
made by Craterus, there is a coj)y of the arlich s of this pi'acc, which
are in substance the same as we have related them. We are told al-
so, that the Athenians built an altar to Peace on this occasion, and
that they paid particular honours to Callias, who negotiated the
treaty. So much was raised from the sale of the sp<»ils, that, besides
what was reserved for other occasions, the people had money enough
to build the wall <jn the south side of the citadel. Nay, such was
the treasure this expedition aHorded, that with it were laid the foun-
rlations of the long walls called Legs; tin y were not linished, indeed,
till sv)nn' time at'tcr. .And as the place where they weie to he ercctej
was marshy and full of water, C imon, at his own cxjHUse, had the
bottom secured by ramming down large stones, and binding theiu
with gravel. He, too, first adorned the city with those elegant and
i.oble places for e.\ercise and disputation, which a little after came to
be so much admired. He planted \\n: J'urum with plane-trees; and
whereas the Academy before was a dry and unsightly pjat, he brou^'ht
water to it, and sheltered It with grovi^s, so that it abounded viitii
clean alleys and shady walks.

By this time the Persians refused to evacuate the Chersnnesus,
Htid, instead of that, call«<l down the Thracinns to their ii^sislance.
Cituon set out ngainht tlu in frojn Atlieiib with a very fewgallc\s;
and as they lo«)ked upon him with contempt on that account, he at-
tacked them, ami with four ships only took thirteen of theirs. Thus
lie expelled the I'crsians, and beat thcThracians too; by which suc-

nut(lib. i.) Icll> us, Ctmon >»ikd thinirr iiDinrdiatcljr aflrr hit (wulolJ *ic(orT. Aoii
iir addi. that he wcnl di*^ujKd lu • Faataa dicM, wbici) ui«u( l>« with u view Iw dccciv*
ttie Fhcnician (^alle^t.

* four bur.v'.icd lutlwD(|*.

l64 Plutarch's lives.

cess he reduced the whole Chersonesus to the obedience of Athens,
Alter this, he defeated at sea the Thasians, who had revolted from
the Athenians, took three-and-thirty of their ships, and stormed
their town. The gold mines which were in the neighbouring conti-
nent he secured to his countrymen, together with the whole Tluisian
territories.

From thence there was an easy opening to invade Macedonia, and
possibly to conquer great part of it; and as he neglected the oppor-
tunity, it was thought to be owing to the presents which king Alex-
ander made him His enemies therefore, impeached him for it, and
brought him to his trial. In ins defence, he thus addressed his
judges: — " 1 have no connexion with rich lonians or Thessalians,
whom other generals have applied to, in hopes of receiving compli-
ments and treasures from tliem. IMy attachment is to the Macedo-
nians *, whose frugality and sobriety I honour and imitate; things
preferable witli me to all tiic wealth in the world. I love, indeed, to
enrich my country at the expense of its enemies." Stesimbrotus,
who mentions this trial, says, Eipinice waited on Pericles at his own
liouse, to entreat that he would behave with some lenity to her bro-
ther: for Pericles was the most vehement accuser he had. At pre-
sent he only said, " You are old, Eipinice, much too old to transact
such business as this." However, when the cause came on, he was
favourable enough to Cimon, and rose up only once to speak during
the whole impeachment, and tlien he did it in a slight manner. Ci-
mon, therefore, was honoural)ly acquitted.

As to the rest of his administration, he opposed and restrained tiie
people, who were invading tl.e righ s of tiie nobility, and wanted
to appropriate the direction of every thing to themselves. But when
he was gone out upon a new expedition, they broke out again, and
overturning the constitution and most sacred customs of their coun-
try, at the instigation of Ei)hialti-s, they took from the council of
Areopagus those causes that used to come before it, and left it the
cogni/ance of but very few. Thus, by bringing all matters before
themselves, they made the government a perfect democracy: and
this they did with the concurrence of Pericles, who by this time was
grown very j)owerful, and had espoused thuir party. It was with
great indignation that Cimon found, at his return, the dignity of that

• The nnnuscripis in general have Laccdaitnoiiiaiis, and ilial is probaLly tlic true
reading; lor Ciinon is well knc •• ii to ha\e liad a strong atlachincnt lo i hut people.
Btitdts, the Macedonians were not u sober pooijle. As to what some obji^ct, that it is
■ranc-e he should make no mention of ibe Miicedunians, when he was ac 'us-d of being
biiovd by them, tl* answer is cus^, wc are not te;taiii that i'lutarcli has given us ■<H
Ci.i:on'5 utltiiCC

LIMUN. tbb

high court insulted; and he set himself to restore its juiisdiciioii,
and to revive such an aristocracy as hail ui)taiiied under (. lisihenes.
Upon this, his adversaries raised a great clamour, and exasperated
the |)eo|)le against liini, not lorgetting those stories about hi^ sister,
and his attachment to the Lucedu?moniaMs. Hence those verses t4'
Eupolis about Cimon : —

He'i nut a villian, but a dcbauclicr,
Whose carclciM hcurl ib lost on wine uud uoiiu-ii.
The liiue Irns bccii, lie slept iii Lac-eda;iiiui:,
And left poor £l|>iiiice here alone.

But if, with all his negligence and love of wine, he took so many
cities, and gained so many victories, it is plain that if he had been a
sober man, and attentive to business, none of the (Jrceks, either
Jjcfore or after him, could have exceeded him in great and glorious
actions.

From his first setting out in life, lie had an attachment to the Lace-
daimonians. According to Stesimbrotus, he called one of the twins
he had by a Clitonian woman, Laceda^monius, and the other ICleus;
and Pericles often took occasion to reproach them with their mean
descent by the mother's side. But Diodorus the geoprapher writes
that he had both tiicsc sons, and a third named Thessalus, by Isodice,
daughter to Eury[)tolemus, the son of Megacles.

Tiie Spartans contributed not a little to the promntion of Cimon.
Being declared enemies to Themistoclcs, they much rather chose
to adhere to Cimon, though but a young man, at the headofattaiis
in Athens, llie Athenians, too, at first saw this with pleasure,
because they reaped great advantages froui the rcgaid which the
Spartans had for Cimon. When they began to take the lead anjong
the allies, and were gaining the chief direction of all the business
of the league, it was no uneasiness to them to see the honour and
esteem he was hehl in. Indeed, Cimon was liie man thev pitched
ujKjn for transacting that business, on account of hi:> humane be-
liaviour to the allies, and his intcjest with the Ijaccdjcmoniuns. But
when they were become great and powerful, it gave them jwiin to
uee Cimon still adoring the Spartans ; for he was uKvhvs magnifvin"
that people, at their expense; and partlculaily, ais Stesimbrotus trll.s
us, when he had any fault to find with them, he used to sav, ♦' The
Lacediemonians would not have done so." On ihisaccount his coun-
trymen began to en\y and to hate him.

They had, however, a still heavier complaint against him, which
took its rise as follows: In the fouith year of the leign «if .Irchidn-
imis, the son of Zeuxidanuis, there hajipened the gieutesl earth-
quake at Sparta that ever w.,s lieard of. 'I'lie ground in many parts

l66 Plutarch's lives.

oi'Laconia was ckft asunder; mount Taygctus folt tlie shock, and
Its ridges were torn ofl"; the whole citv was dismantled, except five
houses. The young men and boys were exercising in the portico, and
it is said, that a little before the earthquake, a hare crossed the place,
upon which the young men naked and anointed as they were, ran
out in sport after it. The building fell upon the boys that remained,
and destroyed them all together. Their monument is still called,
from that event, Sismatia.

Archidamus, amidst the present danger, perceived another tliat
was likely to ensue, and, as he saw the people busy in endeavouring
to save their most valuable moveables, he ordered the trumpets to
give the alarm, as if some enemy were ready to fall n])on them, that
they might repair to him immediately with their weapons in their
liands. This was the only thing which at that crisis saved Sparta;
for the Helots flocked together on all sides from the fields to dis-
patch such as had escaped the earthquake; but, finding them armed
and in good order, they returned to their villages, and declared open
war. At the same time they pursuaded some of their neighbours,
among whom were the Mcssenians, to join them against Sparta.

In this great distress, the Lacedaemonians sent Pcriclidas to Athens
to beg for succours. Aristoplianes *, in his comic way, says,
*' There was an extraordinary contrast between his pale face and his
red robe, as he sat a suppliant at the altars, and asked us for troops."
Ephlaltes strongly opposed and protested against giving any assist-
ance to re-establish a city wliich was rival to their own, insisting
that they ought rather to sufl'er the pride of Sparta to be trodden un-
der foot. CImon, however, as Critias tells us, preferred the relief
of Sparta to the enlargement of the Athenian power, and persuaded
the people to march with a great army to its aid. Ion mentions the
words which had the most etiect upon them : he desired them, it
seems, " not to suffer Greece to be maimed, nor to deprive their
own city of its companion."

When he returned from assisting the Lacedaemonians, he marched
with his army through Corinth. Lachartus complained in high term*
of his bringing in his troops without permission of the citizens: " for,*
said he, " when we knock at another man's door, we do not enter
■without leave from the mastef." — *' But you, Lachartus," answered
Cimon, " did not knock at the gates of Cleone and Megara, but
broke them in pieces, and forced your way in, upon this principle,
that nothing should be shut against the strong." Wiih this bold-
ness and propriety, too, did he speak to tl.e Corinthian, and then
pursued his march.

* Lysistrata, I. 1110.

CIMON. 167

After this, the Spartans talktl in the Athenians a second time
against tlic Mcsscnians and liclots in Ithonie*; hut when they were
arrived, they were more afraid of their spirit of enterprise than of the
enemy; and therefore, of all their allies, sent tlicni only back again*
as persons suspected of some dis!iononral)le disijjn. Tliey returned
full of resentment of course t, and now openly declared themselves
against the partisans of the Lacedaemonians, and particularly against
Cimon. In consequence of this, on a slight pretence, they banished
him for ten years, the term to which the ostracism extends.

In the mean time, the Lacedremonians, in their return from an
expedition in which they had delivered Delphi from the IMiocians,

encamped at Tanagra. The Athenians came to irive them battle

On this occasion, Limon appeared in arms among those of his own
tribe, which was that of Oeneis, to fight for his country against the
Lacedffimonians. When the council of five hundred heard of it,
they were afraid that his enemies would raise a clamour against him,
as if he was oniy come to throw things into confusion, and to bring
the Laced«monians into Athens, and therefore forbade the generals
to receive him. Cimon, upon this, retired, after he had desired
Euthippus the Aiiapl.lystian, and the rest of his friends, who were
most censured as partisans of Sparta, to exert themselves gloriously
against tlic enemy, and by their behaviour to wipe otlthe asj)ersion.

These brave men, in number about a hundred, took Cimon's armour
(as a sacred pledge) into the midst of their little band, formed them-
selves into a close body, and fought, till they all fell, with the
greatest ardour imaginable. The Athenians regretted them exceed-
ingly, and repented of the unjust censures they had fixed upon them.
Their resentment against Cimon, too, soon abated, partly from the
remembrance of his past services, and partly fri)m the difficulties
they lay under at the present juncture. They were beaten in the
great battle fought at Tanagra, :iiid they expected another army

would come against them from IVloponnesus the next spring

Hence it was that they recalled ( imon fiom banishment, and Peri-
cles himself was the first to propose it. WUU so much candour were
differences managed then, so moderate the resentments of men, and
so easily laid down, where the public good recjulred it! Ambition
itself, the strongest of all passions, yielded to the interests :iiid ne-
cessities of their eomitiv.

Cimon, soon after his return, put an end to the war, and recon-
ciled the two cities. After the peace was made, he saw the .Athc-

• T'lC SporlHus wrrc nut skilled iii sirgci.

t The Athenians, in resrnimrnt of this nffront, lirolr the alliance with Sn.irta, aud
Joined io coHfedcrai-y wiih tbc Argivej.— r/ii(c;c/. lib. 1.

iGr

IM.lTAItC H S M\ K

nians could not sit down quietly, but still wanted to be in motion, and
to apgrandi/e themselves by new oxpedifions. To prevent their
excitin;^ further trouhles in Greece, and giving; a handle for intestine
wars, and lu'avy coiiiplaints of the allies against Athens, on account
of their formidable fleets traversini^ the seas al)oul the islands and
round IVIopnnnesus, he fitted out a fleet of two hundred sail, to
carry war into Egypt and Cyprus*. This, he thought, would answer
two purposes ; it would accustom the Athenians to conflicts with
the barbarians, and it would improve their snbstance in an honour-
able manner, by bringing the rich spoils of their natural enemies
iiito Greece.

When all was now ready, and the army on the point of embarking,
Cimon had this dream : an angry bitch stemedto bay at him, and,
something between barking and a human voice, to utter these

uords : Cnme on ; land my wlwlpa tt'ith pleasure shall receive

ihcc. Though the dream was hard to interpret, Astyphilus the Posi-
donian, a great diviner, and friend of Cimon, told him it signified

his death. He argued thus : a dog is an enemy to the man he barks

at; and nothing can give his enemy greater pleasure than his death.
The raixttjrc of the voice pointed out that the enemy was a Mede,
for the armies of the Medes are composed of Greeks and barbarians.

After this dream, he had another sign in sacrificing to Bacchus.

When the priest had killed the victim, a swarm of ants took up the
clotted blood by little and little, and laid it upon Cimon's great toe.
This they did for some time, without any one's taking notice of it;

* Tltc lii«lory of il»c frst expedition is lliis: wliik Cimon was employed in liis eutcr-
prise aqainst CypriM, laarus king of Lvbia, liaving lirouiilit ihc greiilest part of L<iv»lt
Ejypl to revolt from Artaxcrxej, called in the Allienians to assist liiio Co complete liis
conquest. IKrriipori the Athenians quitted Cvprns, and sailed into Epjpt. They
made tUeinoelves masters of ilie Nile, and attacking .Memphis, »r?ized two of the out-
works, and attempted llie third, called the white wall. But the expedition proved very
nnfortiinnte. ArtHxcrxes sient -Me;;;il)3zns with a powerful nrniy into K|:}pt. He de-
fcated the rehel.s and the Lyhiaiit tlicir associates, drove the Gr<-cLs Iroiii Aleniphis,
fhat tlietn up in the inland of Prospitis eighteen mnnihs, and at l:l^l forced them to sur-
render. They almost hII [lerislitd in tlrat war, which lasted six years. Inaru.s, in \\o-
Istion of the pulilic faith, was crucified.

The second expedition was undertaken « few years after, and was not more success-
ful. The Ailicnians went aguinst Cyprus with two liundred p.illfys. While they were
brsiegins; Cilium there, Amyrtaius the Saite applied to thciu fur succours in Kgypi, and
Cimon sent liim sixty of his galleys. S'<me say he weut with llic<a himself; others, that
lie continued before Citiuin. Bnt nothing of moment was transacted at this time to the
prejudice of the Persians in Epy|)t, Howev.-r, in the tenth year of Daring Notlins,
Amyrt*ns issued from the fen^, and, being joined by all the Egyptians, drove the
Persians out of the kingdom, and b< came king of the whole country. — Thuojd. 1. ii,
Diod. Sic. I. xi.

CIMON. 16'9

at last Cimoii hinjself observed it, and at the same instant the sooth-
sayer came and showed him the liver without a head.

The expedition, iiOwever, could not now be put otF, and therefore
he set sail. Hr sent sixty ot his pilleys against Egypt, and with
the rest made for tlie Asiatic coast, where he defeated the kiiit^'s
fleet, consisting of IMioPMician and Cilician ships, made himself
master of the cities in that circuit, and watched his opportunity to
penetrate itito Egypt. Every thing was great in the designs he
formed. He thought of nothing less than overturning the whole
Persian empire; and the rather because he was informed that
Thcmistocles was in great reputation and power with the barbarians,
and had promised the king to take the conduct of the Cirecian war,
whenever he entered upon it. But Thcmistocles, they tell us, in
despair of managing it t<3 any advantage, and of getting tiie lictter
of the good fortune and valour of Cinion, fell by his own hand.

When (i/non had formed these great projects, as a first step to-
wards them, he cast anchr)r before Cyprus. From thence he sent
p<Msons in whom he could confide with a private question to the
oiacle of Jupiter Ammon; for their errand was entirely unknown.
Nor did the deity return them any answer, but, immediately ujk)u
their arrival, ordered them to return, " Because Cimon," said he,
" is already with me." The messengers, upon this, took the road to
the sea; and when they reached the (Jreciaii camp, which was then
on the coast of Egypt, they found that C imon was dead. They
tlun Inquired what day he died, and comparing it wit'.j the time the
oracle was dcliveied, they perceived that his dcp.irture was enig-
matically pointed at in the ex[)ression, '^That he was already with
the gcnls."

Acct»r(ling to most •authurs, lu* died a natural death, during the
siege of Citium ; but sonic say he died of a wound he received in an
engagement with the barbarians.

The last advice he gave those about him was to sjiil awiiv iinrne-
'liately, and to conceal his death. Accordingly, before the enemy
or their allies knew the real state of the case, they returned in safety,
by the gr neralship uf Cimon, exercised, as Phanodemus says, thirty
days after his death.

After he was gone, there was not one (Ircclan general who did
any thing considerable against the barbarians. The leading orators
were little better than incendiaries, who set the Greeks one against
another, and involved them in intestine wars; nor was there any
healing hand to interptwe. Thus the king's nfVhirs had time to re-
cover themselves, and inexpressible niin was brought U|X)n the
|>owcrs of Ci recce. Long after this, indeed, AgcsiUus cariicd his
Vofc. 2. No. 20. Z

170 1»L11TARCH*S LIVES.

arms into Asia, and renewed the war for a time against the king's
lieutenants on the coast; but he was so soon recalled by the sedi-
tions and tumults which broke out afresh in Greece, that he could
do nothing extraordinary. The Persian tax-gatherers were then left
amidst the cities in alliance and friendship with the Greeks ; whereas^
while Cimon had the command, not a single collector was seen, nor
■o much as a horseman appeared, within four hundred furlongs from
the sea coast.

That his remains were brought to Attica, his monument there is
a sufficient proof, for it still bears the title of Cimonia. Neverthe-
less, the people of Citium have a tomb of Cimon which they hold in
great veneration, as Nausicrates the orator informs us ; the gods
having ordered them in a certain famine not to disregard his manes,
but to honour and worship liim as a superior being, isuch was this
Grecian general.

LUCULLUS.

THE grandfather of LucuUus was a man of consular dignity;
Pvletellus, surnamed Numldicus, was his uncle by his mother's side.
His father was found guilty of eml)ez2ling the public money, and his
mother, Csecilia, had but an indifferent reputation for chastity. As for
LucuUus himself, while he was but a youth, before he solicited any
pul)lic charge, or attempted to gain a share in the administration, he
made his first appearance in impeaching Semllus the augur, who
liad been his father's accuser. As he had caught Servllius in some
act of injustice in the execution of his office, all the world com-
mended the prosecution, and talked of it as an indication of extra-
ovdinary spirit. Indeed, where there was no injury to revenge, the
Romans considered the business of impeachments as a generous pur-
suit, and they chose to have their young men fasten upon ciiminals,
like so many well-bred hounds upon tjicir prey.

Tlie cause was argued with so much vehemence, that they came
to blows, and several were wounded, and some killed. In the end,
however, Servilius was acquitted. But though LucuUus lost his
cause, he had great command both of the Greek and Latin tongues;
insomuch that Sylla dedicated his Commentaries to him, as a person
who could reduce the acts and incidents to much better order, and
compose a more agreeable history of them, than himself j for his

LUCULLUS. 171

eloquence was not only occasional, or exerted when necessity called
for it, like that of other orators who beat about in the foruviy

At iiports the vaulting tuiuijr iu ttir main.

But when they are out of it,

Arc drj, inelegant, and dead —

He had applied himself to the sciences called liberal, and was deep
in the study of hwnanitif from his youth ; and in his age he withdrew
from public labours, of which he had a great share, to repose himself
in the bosom of philosophy, and to enjoy the speculations she sug-
gested; bidding a timely adieu to ambition after his difference with
Pompey. To what we have said of his ingenuity and skill in lan-
guages, the following story may be added: While he was but a

youth, as he was jesting one day with Hortensius the orator, and
Sisenna the historian, he undertook to write a short history of the
Marsi, either in Greek or Latin verse, as the lot should fall. They
took him at his word, and, according to the lot, it was to be in
Greek. That history of his is still extant.

Among the many proofs of his affection for his brother Marcus,
the Romans speak most of the first. Though he was niucli older
than Marcus, he would not accept of any office without him, but
waited his time. This was so agreeable to the people, tliat, in his
absence, they created him «dile along with his brother.

Though he was but a stripling at the time of the Marsian war,
there appeared many instances of his courage and understanding.
But Syila's attachment to him was principally owing to his con-
stancy and mildness. On this account he made use of his services
from first to last in his most important affairs. Amongst other
things, he gave him the direction of the mint. It was he who coined
most of Sylla's money in IVloponncsiis during the Mitlindatic war.
From him it was calli'<l Luciillia; and it continued to be diietly in
use for the occasions of the army, for the goodness of it made it pass
with ease.

Some time after ihis, Sylla engaged in the siege of Athens; and
though he was victorious by land, the superiority nf the enemy at sea
straitened him for provisions. For this reason he despatched Lu-
eullus into I'^gypt and Lybia t<» procure him a su,)ply of ships. It
was then the depth of winter; yet he scriip!«'d not to sail with three
small Greek brigjintincs, and as many small Khodian galleys, whirh
were to meet strong seas, and a nunil)er of the enemy's ships which
kept watch on all sides, because tlieir strength lay there. In spite
of this op[)osition he reached Crete, and brought it over to sylla's
interest.

From tjicnce he passed to Cyrene, where he delivered the people

172 plutauch's lives.

from the tyrants and civil wars with which they had been harassed,
and re-established their constitution. In this he availed himself of
a saying of Plato, who, when he was desired to give them a body of
laws, and to settle their government upon rational principles, gave
them this oracular answer, "It is very difficult to give laws to so
prosperous a people." In fact, nothing is harder to govern than
man, when fortune smiles; nor any thing more tractable than he,
when calamity lays her hands upon him. Hence it was that Lucullus
found the Cyrenians so pliant and submissive to his regulations.

From Cyrene he sailed to Egypt, but was attacked by pirates on
his way, and lost most of the vessels he had collected. He himself
escaped, and entered the port of Alexandria in a magnificent man-
ner, being introduced by the whole Egyptian fleet set off to the
best advantage, as it used to be when it attended the king in per-
son. Ptolemy*, who was but a youth, received him >vhh all demon-
strations of respect, and even lodged and provided him a table in
his own palace ; an honour which had not been granted before to
any foreign commander. Nor was the allowance for his expenses
the same which others had, but four times as much. Lucullus, how-
ever, took no more than was absolutely necessary, and refused the
Icing's presents, though he was offered no less than the value of
eighty talents. It is said, he neither visited Memphis, nor any other
of the celebrated wonders of Egypt; thinking it rather the business of
a person who has time, and only travels for pleasure, than of him
who had left his general engaged in a siege, and encamped before
the enemy's fortifications.

Pioleniy refused to enter into alliance with Sylla, for fear of
bringing war upon himself; but he gave Lucullus a convoy to escort
him to Cyprus, embraced him at parting, and respectfully offered
him a rich emerald set in gold. Lucullus at first declined it; but,
upon the king's showing him his own picture engraved on it, he was
afraid to refuse it, lest he should be thought to go away with hostile
intentions, and in consequence have some fatal sclieme formed against
him at sea.

In his return, he collected a number of ships from the maritime
towns, excepting those that had given shelter and protection to pi-
rates, and with this fleet he passed over to Cyprus. There he found
that the enemy's ships lay in wait for him under some point of land;
and therefore he laid up his fleet, and wrote to the cities to provide
him quarters and all necessaries, as if he intended to pass the winter

• Palroerius takes this for Ptolemy Auletes ; but Auletes was not king till the year
before Christ sixiy-five. It must, therefore, have been Ploieray Latfiyrus j for Sylla
-oncludtd the peace with Mithridates in the year before Christ eij^'hty-two.

LUCULLUS. 173

tliere. But, as soon as the wind sen'ed, he immediately launched
«gain, and proceeded on his royagc, lowering his sails in the day
time, and hoisting them again when it grew dark ; by which strata-
gem he got safe to Kliotlcs. There he got a fresh supply of ships,
and found means to persuade the people of Cos and Cnidus to quit
Mithridates, and join him against the Samians. With his own forces
he drove the king's troops out of<.'.liios, took Epigonus, the Colo-
phonian tyrant, prisoner, and set the people free.

At this time Mithridates was forced to abandon Perganuts, and
had retired to I'itana. As Fimbria shut him up by land, he cast Wis
eyes upon the sea, and, in despair of facing in the field that bold
and victorious officer, collected his ships from all quarters. J^mhria
saw this, but was sensible of his want of naval strength, and there-
fore sent to entreat Lucullus to come with his fleet, and assist liiin
in taking a king who was the most warlike and virulent enemy the
Romans had. " Let not Mitinidatcs," said he, ** the glorious prize
which has been sought in so many labours and conflicts, escape;
as he is fallen into the hands of the Romans, and is already in their
net. When he is taken, who will have a greater share in the honour
than he who stops his flight, and catches him as he goes? If I shut
him up by land, and you do the same by sea, the palm will be all
our own. What value will Rome then set upon the actions of Sylla
at Orchomenns and Chjeronea, though now so much extolled?"

There was nothing absurd in the proi)osal. Every body saw, that
if Lucullus, who was at no great distance, had brought up his fleet,
and blocked up the hari)our, the war would have been at an end, and
I hey would all have been delivered from infinite calamities. But
whether it was that he preferred his fidelity, as Sylla's lieutenant,
to his own interest, and that of the public ; whether he abhorred Fim-
bria as a villain, whose ambition had lately led him to nmrder his
general and his friend; ov whether, by some everruliiig influcme of
fortune, he reserved Mithridates for his own antagonist, he abso-
lutely rejected the ])roposal. He sulVered him to get out of the har-
bour, and to luugh at Fimbria's land-foices.

After this, he had the honour of beating the king's fleet twice.
The first time was at Lectum, a promontory of Troas; the second
at Tenedos, where he saw Neoptoh inus at anchor with a more con-
siderable force. Upon this, Lucullus advaneed before the rest of
his ships in a Rhodian galley of five banks of oars, commanded by
Demagoras, a man very faithful to the Romans, and exj)erieneed in
naval affairs. Neoplt)U'mus met him with great fury, and ordered
the master of his ship to strike against that of Lucullus. But De-
magoras fearing the weight of the admiral's galley, and the shock

1/4 pia'Tarch's lives.

of its brazen beak, thought it dangerous to raeet him a-head. He
therefore taoked alwut, and received him a-stern, in which place he
received no great damage, because the stroke was upon the lower
parts of the ship, which were under water. In the mean time the
rest of his fleet coming up, Lucullus ordered his own ship to tack a-
gain, fell upon the enemy, and, after many gallant actions, put them
to flight, and pursued Neoptolemus for some time.

Tiiis done, he went to meet Sylla, who was going to cross the sea
from the Chersonesus. Here he secured the passage, and helped to
transport his army. When the peace was agreed upon*, Mithridates
sailed into the Euxine sea, and Sylla laid a fine upon Asia of twenty
thousand talents. Lucullus was commissioned to collect the tax,
and to coin the money j and it was some consolation to the cities, a-
midst the severity of Sylla, that Lucullus acted not only with the ut-
most justice, but with all the lenity that so difficult and odious a
charge would admit of.

As the Mityleneans had openly revolted, he wanted to bring them
to acknowledge their fault, and pay a moderate fine for having joined
Marius's party. But, led by their ill genius, they continued obsti-
nate. Upon this, he went against them with his fleet, beat them in
a great battle, and shut them up within their walls. Some days af-
ter he had begun the siege, he had recourse to this stratagem. In
open day he set sail towards Elea, but returned privately at night,
and lay close near the city. The Mityleneans then sallying out in a
bold and disorderly manner to plunder his camp, which they thought
he had abandoned, he fell upon them, took most of them prisoners,
and killed five hundred who stood upon their defence. Here he got
six thousand slaves, and an immense quantity of other spoil.

He had no hand in the various and unspeakable evils which Sylla
and Marius brought upon Italy; for, by the favour of Providence he
was engaged in the aftairs of Asia: yet none of Sylla's friends had
greater interest with him. Sylla, as we have said, out of particular
regard, dedicated his Commentaries to him; and, passing Pompey
by, in his last will, constituted him guardian to his son. This seems
to have first occasioned those differences and that jealousy which
subsisted between Pompey and Lucullus, both young men, and full of
ardour in the pursuit of glory.

A little after the death of Sylla, Lucullus was chosen consul along
with Marcus Cotta, about the hundred and seventy-sixth Olympiad.
At this time many proposed to renew the war with Mithridates; and

* This peace was concluded ia the year of Rom« six handled and si:ctj-mnc, eight
year^ before the death sf Sylla.

IX'CT'LLUS. 175

Cotta himself said, " Tlie fire was not extiiig-uished, it only slept in
embers." Lucullus, therefore, was much concerned at having the
Cisalpine Gaul allotted as his province, which promised him no op-
portunity to distinguish himself. Hut the honour Fompcy had ac-
quired in Spain ?ave him most trouble; because that general's supe-
rior reputation, he clearly saw, after the Spanish war was ended,
would entitle him to the command against Mithridates. Hence it
was, that when Ponipey applied for money, and informed tiie f7>vern-
ment that, if he was not supplied, he must leave Spain and Strtorius,
and bring his forces back to Italy, Lucullus readily exerted himself
to procure the supplies, and to prevent his returning upon any pre-
text whatever during his consulship. He knew that ever}- mrasure
at home would be under Fompey's direction, if he caint- with such
an army; for at this very time the tribune Cethegus,who had the lead,
b»*cause he consulted nothing l)ut the humour of the people, was at
enn/ny with Lucullus, on account of his detesting that tril»utu''s life,
polluted as it was with infamous amours, insolence, and every spe-
ciis of pioHigacy. Against this man he declared open war. Lucius
Qutntiu.s, an.tther tribune, wanted to annul the acts of Sylla, and dis-
order the whole face of attairs, which was now tolerably composed.
But Lucullus, by private representations and public remonstrances,
drew him from his purpose, anrl restrained his ambition. Thus, in
the most polite ami salutary way imaginable, he destroyed the seeds
of a very dangerous disease.

About this time news was brought of the death of Octavius, go-
vernor of Cilicia. There were many competitors for that province,
and they all paid their court to Cethegus, jls the person most likely
to procure it for them. Lucullus set no great value upon liiat govern-
ment ; but, as it was near Cappadocia, he concluded, if he could ob-
tain it, that the Romans would nut tliitik of employing any other ge-
neral against Miihridaies. IY)r this reason, he exerted all his art to
secure the province to himself. At last he was necessitnted, against
the bent of his disposition, to give into a measure which was iiulirect
and illiberal, but very conducive to his pur[)ose.

There was a woman theti in Home named Prfpcia, famed for
beauty and enchanting wit, but in other respeits no better than a
common prostitute. By ai)plying her interest with those who fre-
quented hei house, and were fond of her comj).iny, to serve her
friends in the administration, aiul in other afthirs, she added to her
other accomplishments the reputation of bj'ing a useful friend, and
a woman of business. This exalted her not a little. But when she
had captivated Cethegus, who was then in the height of his glor)-,
and carried all before him in Home^ the whole power fell into her

17^ I'Lutarch's live*.

hands. Nothing was done without the favour of Cethegus, nor by
Cethegus without the consent of Precia. To her Lucullus applied,
by presents and the most insinuating compliments; nor could any
thing have been more acceptable to a vain and pompous woman than
to see l>erself flattered and courted by such a man as Lucullus. The
consequence was, that Cethegus immediately espoused his cause, and
solicited for him the province of Cilicia. When he had gained this,
he had no further need either of Precia or Cethegus. All came into
his interest, and with one voice gave him the command in the Mith-
ridatic war. He, indeed, could not but be considered as the fittest
person for that charge, because Pompey was engaged with Sertorius,
and Metellus had given up his pretensions on account of his great
age ; and these were the only persons who could stand in competitiou
for it with Lucullus. However, his colleague Cotta, by much appli-
cation, prevailed upon the senate to send him with a fleet to guard
the Propontis, and to protect Bithynia.

•Lucullus, with a legion now levied in Italy, passed over into Asia,
where he found the rest of the troops that were to compose his army.
These had all been long entirely corrupted by luxury and avarice;
and that part of them called Fimbrians was more untractable than
the rest, on account of their having been under no command. At
the instigation of Fimbria, they had killed Flaccus, who was consul^
and their general too, and had betrayed Fimbria himself to Sylla; and
they were still mutinous and lawless men, though in other respects
brave, hardy, and experienced soldiers. Nevertheless, Lucullus in
a little time subdued the seditious spirit of these men, and corrected
the faults of the rest; so that now they first found a real commander^
whereas before they had been brought to serve by indulgence and
every promise of pleasure.

The affiiirs of the enemy were in this posture: Mithridates, Hkea'
sophistical warrior, had formerly met the Romans in a vain and os-
tentatious manner, with forces that were showy and pompous indeed,
but of little use. Baffled and disgraced in his atteinpt, he grew
wiser; and therefore, in this second war, he provided troops that
were capable of real service. He retrenched that mixed multitude
of nations, and those bravadoes that were issued from his camp, in a
barbarous variety of language, together with the rich arms, adorned
with gold and precious stones, which he now considered rather as the
spoils of the conqueror, than as adding any vigour to the men that
wore them. Instead of this, he armed them with swords in the Ro-
man fashion, and with large and heavy shields; and his cavalry he
provided with horses rather well trained than gaily accoutred. His
infantry consisted of a hundred and twenty thousand, and his cavalry

of sixteen tliousand, besidtjs armed chaiiots to tlie number of a hun-
dred. His navy was not etjuipped, as brfore, with eilded paviilionK,
baths, and delicious apartments lor the uomen, but uitli all maimer
of weajK)ns, oHensive and defensive, and money to pay the troops.

In thii respectable form he invaded Bithynia, where the cities re-
ceived liim with pleasure; and not only that country, but all Asia,
returned to its former distempered incliir.itions, by reason of the in-
tolerable evils that the llomau usurers and tax-gatherers had brought
npon them. These" LucuU us aftenvaixls drove away, like so many
harpies which robbed the poor iniiabitants of their food. At present
he was satisfied with reprimanding them, and bringing them to ex-
ercise their office with more moderation; by which means he kept
the Asiatics from revolting, when their inclination lay almost univer-
sally that way.

' While Lucullus was em}^oyed in these matters, Cotta, thinking ho
had found his opportunity, piopared to give Mithridatcs battle. And
as lie had accounts from many hands that Lutiillus was coming up,
and was already encamped iu Plnygia, he did every tiling to expedite
the engagement, in onler to |jrevent l^icullus from having any share
in the triun)ph, which he believed was now all his own. He was
defeated, however, botii l)y sea and land, with the loss of sixty ships,
xitid all their crews, as well as four thousand land-forces; after which
he was shut up in Chalcedon, and had no resource, except in the as-
sistance of Lucullus. Lucullus was achised, notwithstanding, to
fake no notice of Cotta, but to marcii forvrard into the kingdom of
Mithridatcs, which he would find in a defenceless state. On this
occasion the koldiers were loudest in their complaints. They repre-
seat4.nl that Cotra had, by his rash counsels, not only ruined himself
and his own men, but done them, too, great prejudice; since, had
it not been ior his error, they might have coiujuered without loss.
But liucullus, in a set speech upon this subject, told them, '* lie
had rather «leliver one Knuian tnit ol the enemy's hands, than take all
the enenjy hud." And when Archelaus, who formerly had com-
manded the king's forces in lia;otia, but now was conte over to tlic
Romans, and fought lor then), aNscrred, '' Tiiat if Lucullus would
but once make his appearance in i*ontns, all would immediately fali
before him;" he said, " lie would not act in a ujore cowardly man*
i»er than Inniters, uoi" pass the wild beasts by, and }^o to their empty
dens." He had no sooner uttered these words, than he marcned
against Mithridatcs with thirty thousand foot, and two thousand li.e
hundred horse.

When be got siglit of the cnemvj he was astonished at their iiuni-
Voi.'2. No. ;.U AA

178 Plutarch's lives.

bers, and determined to avoid a battle and gain time. But Marius*,
a Roman officer, whom Strtorius had sent to Mithridates out of Spain
with some troops, advanced to meet Lucullus, and gave him the
challenge. Lucullus accepted it, and put his army in order of bat-
tle. The signal was just ready to be given, when, without any visi-
ble alteration, there was a sudden explosion in the air, and a large
luminous body was seen to fall between the two armies; its form
was like that of a huge tun, and its colour that of molten silver.
Both sides were so allected with the phenomenon, that they parted
without striking a blow. This prodigy is said to have happened in
Phrygia, at a i;lace called OtryiE.

Lucullus, concluding that no human supplies could be sufficient
to maintain so many myriads as Mithridates had for any lensrth of
time, especially in presence of an enemy, oidered one of the pri-
soners to be brought before him. The first question he put to him
was, how many there were in his mess? and the second, what provi-
sions he had left in his tent? When he had this man's answer, he
commanded him to withdraw; and then examined a second and a
third ''n like manner. The next thing was to compare the quantity
of provisions which Mithridates had laid in, with the number of sol-
diers he had to support; by which he found, that in three or four
days they would be in want of bread-corn. This confirmed him in
his design of gaining time; and he caused great plenty of provisions
• to be brought into his own camp, that in the midst of abundance he
might watch tin; enemy's distress.

Notwithstanding this, Mithridates formed a design against the
Cyzicenians, who were beaten in the late battle near Chalcedonf,
and had lost three thousand men and ten ships. To deceive Lu-
cullus, he decamped soon after supper, one dark tempestuous night;
and marched with so much expedition, that at break of day he got
before the town, and posted himself upon Mount Adrastia|. As
soon as Lucullus perceived he was gone, he followed his steps; and
without failing unawares upon the enemy in the obscurity of the
night, as he niight easily have done, he reached the place of his des-
tination, and sat down at a village called Thraceia, the most com-
modious situation imaginable for guarding the roads, and cutting off
the enemy's convoys.

He was now so sure of his aim, that he concealed it no longer

* Ai)pian calU hiin Varius.
t Along with Cotta,

+ So called from a lemple in tlie city consecrated by Adrastus to the goddess Nerae*
V5, who frain thence had the name of Adraatia.

LLCULLL'S. 179

from his men; but when they had iutrenclied themselves, and re-
turned from their labour, called them together, and lold them, with
great triumph, " In a few days he would piin thcni a victory which
should not cobt one drop ol blued."

Miihridates had planted his troops in ten ditlerent posts about the
city, and with his vessels blocked up tlie tilth which piirts it from
the continent*, so that it w;is invested on all sides. I'he Cyzice-
nians were prepared to combat the greatest difficulties, and to suft'er
the last extremities in the Roman cause; but they knew not where
Lucullus was, and were much concerned that they could get no ac
count of him. 'lliou;;!! his camp was visible enouirh, the enemy had
the art to impose upon tliem. Pointing to the Romans who were
posted on the heights, '' Do you see that army?" said they; ''Those
are the Armenians and Medcs, whom Tigranes has sent as a rein-
forcement to Mithridates." Surrounded with such an immense
number ofeuemies, as they thought, and having no hope of relief
but from the arrival of Luculhis, they were in the utmost conster-
nation, d;'

When Demonax, wlu)m Aciielaus found means to send into the
townf, brought them news that Lucullus was arrived, at lirst they
could hardly believe it, imagining he came only with a feigned story,
to encourage tiiem to bear up in their present distress. However,
the same momenta boy made his api)earance who had been :i prisoner
among the enemy, and had ju.st made his escape. I pon their asking
him where Lucullus was, he laughed, thinking them only in jest;
but when he saw they were in earnest, he pointed with his finger to
the Roman caujp. This sufficiently revived their drooping spirit.s.

In the lake Dascylitis, near Cyzicus, there were vessels erf a consi-
derable size. Lucullus hauled up the larirest of them, put it u}H)n a
carriage, and diew it down to the sea. Then he put on board it ns
many soldiers as it could coi\tain, and ordered tin in to get into
Cyzicus, which they effected in the night.

It seems, t(X), that Heaven, delighted with the valour of the Cj'zi-
cenians, supported them with several remarkable signs. The feast
of Proserpine was come, when they were to sacrifice a black heifer to
her; and as they had no living animal of that kind, they made one
of paste^, and were approaching the altar with it. The victim bred

* Strtbo tmjt, Cjctcui lies upon the Prt/pontii, tud ii tn island joined to lb« coni>>
ncot by two bridgt*; iicat wlticli i« ■ city ul the tame nirac, wilii two tiartx'un capable
ol coiilaium^ two hundn-d vcsicis— 6(>a6. lib. lii.

t Djr lite aMiitaiicc ol bUdders he twain into the town. — Florut, lib. iii.

I Ihc P^vthagurciuis. who ihuuiibt it uiilawtul to kill any aiiiiaal, *eem to hafe b«ra
tbc first among the Greeks wUu ull'crcd ibc figures ol aniwAli lu paste, icwrli, or tooic

J 80 Plutarch's live^.

(or that purpose pastured whh the rest of their cattle on the other
side of tiie frith. Oa that very day she parted from the herd, swam
alone to the town, uiid presented herselt before the altar. The same
goddess appeared to Aristogorus, the public secretary, in a dicani,
and said, '' Go and tell your fellow-citizens to take coinage, for I
shall bring the African piper against the trumpeter of Pontus."

While the Cyzicenians were wondering at this oracular expression,
in the morning a strong wind blew, and the sea was in the utntost
agitation. The king's machines erected against the walls, the wonder-
ful work of Niconidus the 'f hessalian, by the noise and cracking, first
announced what was to come. Then a south wind, incredibly vio-
lent, arose, and in tlie siiort space of an hour broke all the engines
to pieces, and destroyed the wooden tower, which was a hundred
cubits high. It is moreover related, that Minerva was seen by m^ny
at Ilium, in their sleep, all covered with sweat, and with part of
her veil rent; and that slie said she wivs just come from assisting tlx^
people of Cyzicus. Nay, they showed at Ilium a j)illar which Itad
an inscription to that purpose.: i

As long as Mithridates was deceived by his officers, and kept in
ignorance of the famine that prevailed in the camp, he lamented his
miscarriage in the siege. — But wiien he came to be sensible of the
extremity to which his soldiers were reduced, and that tliey were
forced to cat even human flesh*, all his ambition and spirit of con-
tention died away. He foimd Lucullus did not make war in a the-
atrical ostentatious manner, but aimed his blows at his very heart,
and left nothing unattemptcd to deprive him of provisions. He
therefore seized liis opportunity, while the Roman was attacking a
certain fort, to send otl almost all his cavalry arxi iiis beasts c>f bur-
den, as well as the least useful part of bis infantry, into Bithynia.

\\ hen Lucullus was apprised of their departure, he retired during
the night into hi.s camp. Next morning there was a violent storm ;
nevertheless he began the pursuit with ten cohorts of foot, besides his

eavalrv All the way he was greatly incommoded l)y the srK>w ; and

the cold was so piercing, tliat several of his soldiers sunk under it,
and were forced to stop. With the rest he overtook the enemy at

other coipposition. Tlic poorer sort yf Egyptians arc said lo have done the bame from
ifcothcr principfc.

* There is something extremely improbable in this. It docs not appear that IMithri-
fUtes wan so totally hlockcfl up by Lrtcullus us to reduce him to this cxfrt- inity ; and
•ven had that been the case, it cavtaiuFy \\->oul(l Have l»e«ii niore etigibie to huve risked
a battle, than to have submitted lo the dieadlHt alteriiatiire here mentioned. But
wlicrtfi^rc eat bunwuj flssh, when at>cr\Tards «« are expressly told that they had beasts
lo seiul auar? There i«, to the best of our knowledge and belief, us little foundaiiua
lA. bitawH for tl»i» ptactic?, as there i.< in oat'ir*.

lAXULLLs. 181

the river lllivndiuus, and marie such havoc amone thorn, that the
wometi of Apollonia came out to plunder the convoys, ami to strip
the slain.

Tlic 8laiii, as may well l)o imajrincd, were very nurrxjTous, and
Lucuiius made fifteen thousand prisoners; hrsidt's which, he took
six thousand horses, and an intinlte nuriiher of Ijensts of hurOcn. Ami
he nihde it his business to lead them all by the enemy's camr>.

1 caimot help wonderini; at Siillust's sayin;», that this was the frr^t
time that the Romans saw a camel *. How could he thitik that tho^e
who formerly under Scipio conquered Antiothus, and lately defeated
Archelaus at Orcliomenus and (Jhaeronea, should be unae(|uainted
with tluit animal?

Mithridates now resolved upon a speedy flit'lit; and, to amiwe
Luculius with employment in another (juarter, he sent liis iulmiral
Aristonicusto tlue Grecian sea. liut, just as lie was on the ptnnt of
sailinir, he was betrayed to LucuUus, toj^ether with ten thousand
pieces of tfold, which he took with him to corrupt some part of the
Komau forces. After this, Mithridates made his escape bv sea, and
left liis generals to get off with the army in the best marmer they
could. Lucullus, cominc: up with them at the river Crnnieus, killed
full twenty thousand, and made a protli-^ious number of prisoners.
It is said that in this campaign the eneniy lost near three hundred
thousand men, reckoning the scrvantu of the army as well as
soldicrs-

LucuUus immediiUely entered Cvzicum, where he wns reeerved
whhevei-y testimony of joy and res|)ect. After which he went to t'lie
Hellespont to collcrt ships to make up a fleet. On tliis occasion he
touched at Troas, and slept there in the temple of Venus. The
goddess, he dreamt, stood hy him, and Jiddressed him us follows:

f)<»!«t tlifMi ilirn sicfp, prrdt niotiarclt of tlic woods*
ihe faws'* arc ruiilioft iu>ur ttft. ■ .'■

Upon this he arose, and calling his friends toc^«ther while it was
yet dark, related to them the vision. Me had hardly made an end,
when messengers arrived from Ilium with an aecount thit thev li:ui
seen, oil" the tireeian harbourf, thirteeti of the king's large gallevs
steering toward.s Ivcmnos. He went in j)ursuit of them without
losing a mmuent, took them, and killed their admiral I^idorus.
When this was dcjue, he made all the sail he could after some

• Livy exprcs It tills u<, Uutc \v«r^ ciMnf^l* in Antiochu<i's nrmv. " Rcfofr tli«
«»v»lry were pUced ilic citariod nrrn«(J wilb tcvtiiej, anti canicli of that <p»-t;r> called
•druiDcdaries." — Lie. lib. xxivii. c. W.

i Plut»rcb rnrnji^ the harbour where t1,e Grecnni Ijrd:d .»'»•<. ft . • ., . .. ;,

the liege •£ Troy.

182 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

others which were before. These lay at anchor by the island ; and
as soon as the officers perceived his approach, they hauled the ships
ashore, and fighting from the decks, galled the Romans exceed-
ingly. The Romans had no chance to surround them ; nor could
their galleys, which were by the waves kept in continual motion,
make any impression upon those of the enemy, which were on firm
ground, and stood immoveahle. At last, having with much difficulty
found a landing-place, he put some of liis troops on shore, who,
taking them in the rear, killed a numljer of them, and forced the
rest to cut th^ir cables, and stand out to sea. In the confusion, the
vessels dashed one against another, or fell upon the beaks of those
of LucuUus. The destruction consequently was great. Marius, the
general sent by Sertorius, was among the prisoners. He had but
one eye; and Lucullus, when he first set sail, had given his men a
strict charge not to kill any person with one eye, in order that he
might be reserved for a death of greater torture and disgrace.

After this, he hastened to pursue Mithridatcs himself, whom he
hoped to find in Bithynia blocked up by Voconius. He had sent
this officer l)efore with a fleet to Nicodcmia, to prevent the king's
escape. But V^oconius had loitered in Samothrace al)out getting
himself initiated in the mysteries*, and celebrating festivals.
Mithridates in the mean time had got out, and was making great
efforts to reach Pontus, before Lucullus could come to stop him; but
a violent tempest overtook him, by which many of his vessels were
dashed to pieces, and many sunk. The whole sliore was covered
with the wreck which the sea threw up for several days. As for the
king himself, the ship in which he sailed was so large, that the pilots
could not make land with it amidst such a terrible agitation of the
waves, and it was by this time ready to founder with the water it had
taken in. He therefore got into a shallop belonging to some pirates,
and trusting his life to their hands, beyond all hope was brought safe
to Hcraclea in Pontus, after having passed through the most un-
speakable dangers.

In this war Lucullus behaved to the senate of Rome with an ho-
nest pride, uhith had its success. They had decreed him three
thousand talents to enable him to fit out a fleet. But he acquainted
them by letters, that he had no need of the money, and boasted that,
without so much expense, and such mighty preparations, he would

• The iD3steric3 of the CaL-ni. The worsbip of tlicse gods was probably broaglit
from Fhcenicia ; for C^iin, in the language of thai country, signifies powerful. Tbcy
were reverenced as the ma;t trciacudous of superior beings; the more so, because of
the IU3 slejiyus and awful soltinnilies of thcix worship. Some have pretended to give us
an account of their names, tloui^h they were locked up in the profouadest secrecy.

LUCULIX'S. 183

f — ■ -~

drive Mithridatcs out of tlie sea with the sliips the allies would trive
him. And he performed his promise by the assistance of a superior
power; for the tempest which ruined the I\)iitic fleet is said to have
been raised by the resentnu nt of Diana of IViapus, for their plunder-
ing her temple, and beating down her statue.

IjUcuHus was now advised by many of his officers to let tlic war
sleep awhile; but, without regardini^ their opinion, he j)enetrated
into the kingdom of Pontus, by way of Hithynia and Galatia. At
Hrst he found provisions so scarce, that he was forced to have thirty
thousand Gauls follow him, each with a measure** of wheat u])on his
shoulders. Hut as be proceeded farther in his march, and bore down
all opposition, he came to such plenty, tiiat an ox was sold for one
drachma, aiul a slave for four. The rest of the booty was so little
n\i;arde(i, that some left it behind them, and others destroyed it;
for, amidst such abundance, they could not find a purchaser. Hav-
ing, in the excursions of their cavalry, laid waste all the country as
far as Thcmiscyrae and about the river Thermodon, they complained
tliut LucuUus took all the towns by capitulation, instead of storm,
and gave not up one to the soldiers for plunder. *' Now," said they,
** you leave Amisus, a rich and flourishing ci(y, which might be easily
taken, if you would assault it vigorously ; and drag us after Miihri-
dates into the waste* of Tibarene and Chaldaea."

Lucullus, however, not ihinkinj; they would break out into tliat
rage which afterwards aj)peared, neglected their remonstrance-s.
He took more pains to excuse himself to those who blamed his slow
progress, and his losing time in reducing towns and villages of little
consequence, while Mithridates was again gathering power. *'This
is the very thing," said he, *' that 1 want, and aim at, in all my
operations, that Mithridatcs may get strength, and collect an army
respectable enough to make him stand an engagement, and not con-
tinue to fly before us. Do not you see what vast and boundless de-
serts lie behind him? Is not Caucasus, with all its immense train of
mountains at hand, sufficii'nt to hide him, and numberless other
kings who wish to avoid a battle? It is l»ut a few days journey from
the country of the Cabirif into Armenia, where Tigranes, king of
king^, is seated, surrounded with that jH)wer which has wrested Asia
from the Parthians, which carries (irecian colonies into .Media, sub-
dues Syria and I'alestine, cuts oil the Seleucid»e, and carries their

* Mrdimtuiv

f Hcucr It appears, as well ai frato a pa(«a(;e in Straho, that there traj a district
on the borders of I'tirvgia callril Cabiri. IiiJcrJ, tlio wor»hip of tho»e god* had pre-
vailed in scvrral parts of Asia, and ihrv arc supposed to bare had bomigc paid them
»t Rome under the title of Din Pcici.

184 Plutarch's LiVE3.

wives and daughters into captivity. This priuce is nearly allied to
Mithridates; he is his son-iu-la\v. Do you think he will disregard
hiin, ^rhen he comes as a suppliant, and not take up arms in his
cause? Why will youthen be in such haste to drive Mithridates out
of his dominions, and risk the bringing Tigraties upon us, who has
ioug wanted a pretence for it? And surely he cannot find a more
specious one than that of succouring a faiher-iii-law, and a king
reduced to such extreme necessity. What need is there tlien for us
to ripen this affair, and to teach Mitliridates what he may not know,
who are the confederates he is to seek against us, or to drive him,
against his inclination and iiis notk^ns of honour, into the arms of
Tigranes ? Is it not better to give him time to make preparations,
and regain strength in his own territories, that we may have to meet
the Colchians, the Tibarenians, and Cappadocians, whom we \vAve
often beaten, rather than the unknown forces of the Medcs and tbe
Arnicnians ?"

Agreeably to these sentiments, Lueullus spent a great deal of
time before Amisus, proceeding very slowly in the siege. After
the winter was past, he left that charge to Mursena, and marched
against Mithridates, who was encamped on the jjlains of the Cabiri,
with a resolution to wait for the Romans there. His army consisted
of ft)rty thousand foot and four thousand liorse, which he had lately
collected ; and in ti)ese he placed the greatest confidence. Nay, he
passed the river Lycus, and gave the Romans the challenge to meet
hira in the field. In conseqitence of this, the cavalry engaged, and
the Romans were put to the rout. Pomponius, a man of some dig-
nity, was wounded and taken. Though much indisposed with his
wounds, he was brought before Mithridates, who asked him, "Whe-
ther, if he saved bis life, he would become his friend ?" "On con-
dition you will be reconciled to tiie Romans," said he, " I will; but
if not, i must remain your enemy." The king, struck with admira-
tion of his patriotism, did him no injury.

Luculi as was apprehensive of further danger on the plain, on account
of the enemy's superiority in horse, and yet he was loath to take to
the mountains, which were at a considerable distance, as well as
wootly and difficult of ascent. While he was in this perplexity, some
Greeks happened to be taken, who had hid themselves in a cave.
Arteraidorus, the eldest of them, undertook to conduct him to a post
where he might encamp in the utmost security, and where there
stood a castle which commanded the plain of the Cabiri. Lucullus
gave credit to his report, and began his march in the night, after he
had caused a number of fires to be lighted in his old camp. Having
got safely through the narrow passes, he gained the heights, and in

LUCCLLUS. 18j

tlje morning appeared above the enemy's iieadii, in a situation where
lie niii^'ht fight witli advantage, when he chose it, and might not be
compcMed to it, if he !ia(l a mind to sit still.

At present, nelihor l^in. alius nor AJIthridatcs was inclined to risk a
battle: hut some of the king's soldiers happening to pursue a deer,
a jjarty of Jtoinans went out to infi'rcipt tliem. This l)rought on a
; sharp skirmish, numbers continually coming up on each side. At
i length the king's troops had the advantage.

The Romans beholding from the camp the flight of their fellow-
soldiers, were greatly disturbed, and ran to LucuUus to entreat him
to lead them out, and give the signal for battle. But he, willing to
sliow them of how nuich iinpoiiance in all dangerous conflicts the
presence of an ai)le general is, ordered them to stand still; and des-
cending into the plain himscll", seized the foremost of the fugitives,
and commanded them to face a])out. They obeyed, and tlie rest
rallying with them, they easily put the enemy to flight, and pur-
sued them to tiieir intrenchments. Lucullus, at his return, inflicted
on the fugitives the usual i)unishment. He made them strip to their
vests, take oH" their gii<!les, and then dig a trench twelve feet long:
the rest of the troops all the while standing and looking on.

In the army of Mithridates there was a Dardarian grandee named
Olthacus. The Dardarians are souje of those barbarous people who
live near the lake M;eotis. Olthacus was a man iit for every warlike
attempt that required strength and courage, and in council and con-
trivance inferior to none. Besides these accomplishments, he was
aftable, easy, and agreeable in the commerce of the world. He w:is
;|lvvays involved in some disj)ute, or jealousy at least, of the other
great men of his country, wiio, like him, aimed at the chief authority
in it: and to bring Mithridates into his interest, he undertook the
daring enter|)rise of killing Lucullus. Mithridates ei.»nimended his
design, and publicly gave him some allVonts, to afford him ;jpreteni.c
for resentment. Olihaeus laid h(»lil of ii, and n>dc oil' to l^ueullus,
who received him with pleasure; for his reputation was well known
in the camp; and, upon trial, the Uom;m general found his presence
of mind and his address so extraordinary, that he took liim to hii
table and iiis council-board.

When the Danlarian thouglit he had found his opporiuniiy, he
ordered his servants to have his horse ready without the i;amp. It
was now mid-day, and the soldiers were sitting in tiie sun, or other-
wise reposing themselves, when he went to the general's pavilion,
expecting that none would pretend to hinder the admission of a
man who was intimate with Lucullus, and who said he had business
of importance to communicate: and he had certainly entered; if
Vol. 2. No. 20. na

!86*

riATAKOH S LIV'K.N.

sleep, which lias been the ruin of many other generals, hud not saved
IaicuHus. Menedemus, one of his chamberlains, was then in waii-
intr, and he told Oltliacus, '■' This was not a proper time to see
LucuUus, beonusc, after lontr watehinj^ and fatiirue, he was now tak-
ing some rest." Olthacus did not take this denial, but said, "I
must enter, whether you will or not, for 1 have threat and nt'cessary
business to lay before him." Menedemus, incensed at his insolence,
answered, " Nothing is more necessary than the preservation of
TaicuHus," and thrust him hack with both hands. Olthaeas, fearing
his design was discovered, withdrew j)rivately from the camp, took
)jorse, and returned to IMrtluidates without elVeeting any thing.
Thus the crisis, in other matters as well as in medicine, either save*
or destroys.

After this, Sornatius wassen-t out uith ten cohorts to escort a con-
voy. Mithridates detached against him one of his officers named
Menander. An cngagen)ent ensued, and the barbarians were routed
with great loss. Another time Luculkis despatched Adrian with »
considerable corps to protect the party employed in collecting provi-
sions and supplying his camp. JMitlnidates did not let him pass
unnoticed, but sent IMetiemachus and Myron against th«n), with*
strong body of cavalry, and another of infantyy. All these conibat-
ants, except two, the Romans put to the sword. Mithridates dis-
sembled his loss, j)rctending It was small, and entirely owing to the
misconduct of the commanding-officers. But when Adrian passed
by his camp in great pomp, with many waggons loaded with provi-
:jions and rich spoils in his train, the king's spirits began to droop,
and tlic most distressing terror fell upoti his army. They determined^
therefore, to quit that post.

The nobility about the king began to send off their baggage with
nl! the privacy they could, but would not suffer others to do the
?::nnc. The soldiers, finding themselves jostled and thrust back in
the gateways, vrere so much provoked at that treatment, that they
turned upon them, fell to plundering the baggage, and killed several
of them. Dorylaus, one of the gi-nerals, lost his life for nothing
but a purple robe which he had on. llermaeus, a priest, vfas trod-
den under foot at the gate. Mithridates himself, without any at-
tendant or groom to assist him, got out of the camp amidst the
crov.d. Of all his royal stud there was not one horse left him; but
at last Ptolemy the eunuch, seeing him carried along with the tor-
rent, and happening to be on horse-back, dismounted and gave him
Ins. The Komans pressed hard upon him, and indeed came uptime
enough to have taken him. He was in fact almost in their hands;
but their a\'arice saved him. The prey, which l:ad been pursued

LILULLIS. 187

throuL''h iiuiiiberless coiiHUts and dangers, cscajKil, and ihe vict»»ri-
ous Liiculliis was robbfdut" tlie reward of his loils. 'I'he liorst' wldch
the kint( rode was ahiiosi i)'.t:ruikcii, when a hjuic loaded with goUl
canu* l)etwe<Mi him and his pursuers, either hy Hccidcnt, or by tlx
king's eonirivanci'. The tioldiciii iiinnf«liatcly began to rifle the
load, and came to blows about the contenib, which gave Mithridates
time to p:t oft*. Nor was this the only disadvantage Lutullus expe-
rienced Irom their avariec. Calli-siratus, ti»e king's* secretary, was
taken, and the Koniaii general had ordered liini to be brought before
him ; but those who had the ciiargcof it. pi-reeiving he hutl live hun-
dred crowns in liis girdle, despatched him f^r tlic money. Vet to
Siich men as tticse he gave up the plunder of ihe enemy's camp.

After this he took (.'alalia, ai;d n:any other plaecs of strength, in
v^hich he found much treasure, lie likewise found in their prisoQ-t
many Greeks, and several of the kiiij^'s own relations cordined; and
as they had long thought themselves in the most desperate circum-
stanecK, the liberty which they gained, by the favour of Lacullus,
appeared to them not so mucji a deliverance as a resurrection and
new life. One of the king's sisters, named Nyssa, very happily for
her, was of the number. I'iie other sisters ami wives of.Mithriilates,
who seemed placed more remote from datigcr, and at a distiince from
war, all jKiished niiseral>ly : he sent llie eunuch IJacchides to Phta"-
nacia, witii orders to sec thcni put to death.

Auioni^ the rest were two oi his sisters, Uoxaiia and Statiia, who
were about the age of forty, und still virgins; and two of his wives,
both ionians, Bernice (»f Chios, and Moninie of Miletus. The latter
n-as mocli celebrated among the Cireeks. 'I'houi'^h the king had tried
every expedient to bring her to listen to a lawless passion, und made
her a present of fifteen thousatul crowns ait one time, she rejected
all his solicitations till he agreed to marriage, sent her a diadem, und
fieclarcd her queen. IJefore the hist sad messaj^c, she hud passciihvr
time very unhappily, and looked with grief and itidignatiun on thai
beauty which, instead of a husband, had procured her an imperious
master, and, instead of the domestic coiniorts of marriage, a guard
of barbarians. Hanished far from Circece, she had loikt the real bles-
sings of life, and, where she hoped for happiue^.s, found nothing but
u (iieaui.

\Vi)en Biicciiidescame, and infoiincd those prioresses they must
die, but tliat they weie at lilxMty to cIioom- the (Lath nutst eiisy and
agreeable tu them, Monlme snatched the diadem Irom lur hetui, up-
plied it to her neck, that it might do the fatal oiVice. hut it broke,
und the princess said, " O cursed band! wouldki thou not at least

188 l'LrTARCir.> M\ E^.

serve me on this occasion?" Then spitting upon it, she threw it

from her, and stretched out her nock to Bacchidcs.

Bcrnice took poison; and as her mother, who was present, bogG^eJ
a share of it, she granted her request. 'J'hey both drank of it, and its
force operated surticiently upon the weaker body; but Bcrnice, not

liaving taken a proper quantity, was long of dying Bacchidcs

therefore strangled her. Koxana, one of the unmarried sisters, after
having vented the most bitter imprecations and reproaches against
Mithridates, took poison. Statira, however, died without one un-
kind or ungenerous word. She rather cnnimcnded her brother, when
he must have his anxieties about his own life, for not forgetting them,
but providing that they might die free and undishonoured. These
events were very disagreeable to tiie native goodness and humanity
of LucuUus.

He continued his pursuit of Mithridates as far as Talaura; where
liaving learned that he was fled four days before into Armenia to Ti-
granes, he turned back again. He subdued, however, the Chaldaeans
and Tibarenians, and reduced tlie Less Armenia, with the towns and
castles. Then he sent Appius to I'igranes to demand Mithridates;
and in the mean time returned to Amisus, which his troops were still
l)esieging. The length of the siege was owing to Callimachus, who
commanded in the town, and was an able engineer, skilled in every
art of attack and defence. By this he gave the Romans much trou-
ble, for which he suffered afterwards. Lucuilus availed hiniself of
a stratagem, agaiiist which ho had not guarded. He made a sudden
assault at the time when Callimachus used to draw off his men for
refreshment, 'i'hiis he made himsoif master of some part of the
wall; upon wliich, Callimachus, cither envying the Romans the
plunder of the place, or with a view to facilitate his own escape, set
fire to the town, and quitted it; for no one paid any attention to those
who fled by sea. The flames spread with great rapidity around the
walls, and tho soldiers prepared themselves to pillage the houses,
Lucullus, in c(Mnnnsoration of a fine city thus sinking into ruin, en-
deavourid to assist it from without, and ordered his troops to cxtin-
guisli tho fire. But they paid no regard to him; they went on col-
lecting the spoils, and clashing their arn)s, till he was forced to give
up the plunder to them, in hopes of saving the city from the flames.
It happened, however, quite otherwise. In rumniaging every corner
with torches in thoir hands, they set fire to many of the houses
themselves. So that when Lucullus entered the town next morning,
he said to his friends, with tears in his eyes, " I have often ad-
mired the good fortune of Sylla, but never so much as I do this day.
He desired to save Athens, and succeeded. I wished to imitate

LUCULLIS. 18f)

him on this occasion; but, iiistiad of that, the gotls have classed me
with Muinmiiis*."

Nevertheless, he cjideavoured to restore the place, as far as its un-
happy circumstances would permit. A shower, which providentially
fell about the time it was taken, extinguished the fire, and saved many
of the buildincfs; and, durini; his stay, he rebuilt most of those that
were destroyed. Such of the inhabitants as had fled he received with
j)leasure, and added to them a drau^rht of other (ireiks, who were
willinir to settle there. At the same time he |!;5ive tluin a territory of
a hundred and twenty furlongs.

The city was a colony of Athenians, planted here at a time when
their power was at the hei[rht; and they were masters of the sea.
Hence it was, that those who fled from the tyranny of Aristion retired
to Amisus, and were admitted to the privile;^e of citizens ; fortunately
enough gaining abroad what they lost at home. The remainder of
them lyueullus now clothcfl in an honourable manner, gave each two
hundred drachmas, and sent them back into tlieir own countr\-.
'J yrannio, the gi*ammarian, was of the number. Muraena begged hira
of I^ueullus, and afterwards enlVanehised him; in which he acted
ungenerously by his superior officers present. Lucullus would not
have been willing that a man so honoured for his learning should be
first considered as a slave, and then set free. The real liberty he was
born to must be taken away before he could have this seeming free-
dom. Hut this was not the only instance in which Mur.ena acted
with less generosity than became an oflicer of his rank.

Lucullus then turned towards the cities of Asia, that he might
bestow the time which was not emjiloyed in war on the promotion of
law and justice. 'I'hesc had long lost their influence in that province,
which was overwhelmed with unsjieakable misfortunes. It was de-
solated and enslaved by the fartners of the revenue, and by usurers.
The poor iidiabitants were forced to sell the most beautiful «)f their
sons and daughters, the ornatnents and olVerings in tluir tempK*s,
their jiaintings, and the statues of their gods. The last rc\souree was
to serve their creditors as slaves. 'Iheir sulVerings prior to this were
more cruel and insiipjM)rtal)Ie; prisons, racks, tortures, exposures to
the burning sun in smnmer, and in winter to the extremity of cold,
amidst ice or mire; insonuieh that servitude seemed a happv de-
liverance, and a scene of peace. Lucullus, finding the cities in
such dreadful distress, soon rescued the oppressed from all their
burdens.

In the first place, he ordered the creditors not t« take above one

• llic dc5ii"^cr of Curtail).

190 Plutarch's lives.

in the hundred for a month's interest*: in the next place, he al^o-
lished all interest that exceeded the principal: the third and most
important re<,'ulation was, that the creditor should not take ahove a
fourth part of the debtor's income. And if any one took interest
upon interest, he was to lose all. By these means, in less than four
years, all the debts were paid, and the estates restored free to the
proprietor?. The public fine which Sylla had laid upon Asia was
tircnty thousand talents. It had been paid twice; and yet the merci-
less collectors, by usury upon usury, now brought it to an hundred
and twenty thousand talents.

These men, pretending they had been unjustly treated, raised a
clamour in Rome against Lucullus, and hired a number of popular
orators to speak against him. — They had, indeed, a considerable in-
terest, because many persons who had a share in the administration
were their debtors. Lucullus, on the other hand, was beloved not
only by the nations which had experienced his good offices; the
hearts of the other provinces were his, and they longed for a governor
who had made such numbers happy.

Appius Clodius, who was sent ambassador to Tigranes by Lucul-
lus, and who was his wife's brother, at first fell into the hands of
guides that were subjects to Mithridates. These men made him
take an unnecessary circuit of many days journey in the upper coun-
tries; but at last an enfranchised servant of his, a Syrian by nation,
discov'ered to him the imposition, and showed him the right road.
He then bade adieu to his barbarian guides, and in a few days passed
the Euprates, and reached Antioch of Daphne f.

There he had orders to wait for Tigranes, who was then employed
in reducing some cities of Phoenicia; and he found means to bring
over to the Roman interest many princes who submitted to the Ar-
menian out of nure necessity. Among these was Zarbienus, king
of Gordyene. A number of the cities too, which Tigranes had con-
quered, privately sent deputies to Clodius; and he promised them all
the succour Lucullus could give, but desired they would make no
immediate resistance. The Armenian government was, indeed, an
insupportable burden to the Greeks; particularly, the king's pride,
through a long course of prosperity, was become so enormous, that

* Tins wa^ the legal interest among the Romans. Whence we roajf learn the con».
pantive scarcity of money in those times.

t Among several cities of that name, this was the principal. It was called, however,
by way of distinction, the Antioch of Daphne. Dapline was a beautiful village, about
forty furlongs Iroin it, consecrated to the nyraph of that name, and adorned with grovei
of alurge extent, several of them probably of laurel; in the midst of Vi^liich itood the
temple of Apollo and Diana, The grove and temple were a sanctuary.

LUCULLUS. 191

he thouj^ht whatever is great and admirable In tlic eyes of the world
was not only in his power, but even made for him. For, thomrh his
prospeets at tirst were small and contemptible, he had subdued many
^ntions, and humbled the Parthian power more than any prince be<
fore him. He had colonized Mesopotamia with (Jreeks, whom he
draughted in great numbers out of Ciliiia and Cappaducia. He had
drawn the wemVe* Arabians from their wandering way of life, and
placed them nearer to Armenia, that he might avail himself of their
mercantile abilities. He had many kings at his court in the capa<
city of servants, and four in particular as mace-bcarers or footmen,
who, whenever he rode on horseback, ran before in short jerkins,
and, when he sat to give audience, stood by with their hands clasped
together; which hist circumstance seems a mark of the lowest slav-
ery, a token tliat they had not only resigned their liberty, but that
they were prepared rather to su.Ter than to act.

Appius, not in the least disconcerted at all this pomp, plainly set
forth his commission at his first audience, "That he was come to
demand Mithridates, whom Lucullus claimed for his triumph; other-
wise he must declare war against Tigrancs." Whatever cfl'orts that
prince made to receive the message with an easy countenance atid
kind of a smile, it was visible to all that he was affected at the younjj
man's bold address. This was indeed the first free speech he liad
heard for five-at^d-twenty years, for so long he luid been a king, or
rather a tyrant. However, the answer he gave Appius was, " That he
would not deliver up Mithridates; and if the Romans began the war,
he was able to defend himself." He was displeased with Lucullus,
for giving him, in his letter, barely the title of king, and not that of
king of kings; and therefore, in his answer, he would not address hinj
as Imperaior . This did not hinder him from sending magnificent
presents to Appius; and, when he found he did nut accept them, he
sent more. ;\t last Appius, that he might not seem to reject them
out of any particular pitjue, took a cup, and sent back all the rest.
Then he returned with the utmost expedition to his gcmial.

Before this, Tigranes had not deigned to admit Mithridates into
l)is presence, nor to speak to a prince who was so nearly allied \o
him, and who had lately h^st so great a kingdom. He l-.ad sent him
in a contemptuous manner to remote marshes and a sickly air, where
he was kept like a prisoner. Hut now he called him to court with
great marks of honour and regard. In a private conference, they
exculpated themselves at the exj>ense of their friends. Metrodorus,
the Scepsian, was of the number ; an able speaker, and a man of ex*
tensive erudition, who had been it] such high favour, that he wa5

* Probat)l;r >o called from llif ir living in tciil<.

IQ? VIA TAIU iTs LI\ LS,

Styled the king's father. It sccuis, when he went ambassador from
Mithridates to tlie Armenian court, to lieij assistance against the
Romans, Tigranes said, " \\ hat would you, Metrodorus, advise nie
to in this case ?" Whether it was that he had the interest of Tigranes
in view, or whether he wanted to see Mithridates absolutely ruined,
he answered, " As an ambassador, I should exhort you to it ; but, as
your counsellor, I should advise you against it." Tigranes disco-
vered this to jMithridates, not imagining he would resent it in the
manner he did. The unfortunate jjrince immediately put Metrodorus
to death; and Tigranes greatly repented the step he had taken,
though he was not absolutely the cause of that minister's death, but
only added stings to the hatred Mithridates had long entertained for
him. This appeared when his private memorandums were taken,
in which Metrodorus was found among those marked out for the
axe. Tigranes buried him honourably, and spared no expense in
his funeral, though he had been the cause of his death.

Amphicrates, the orator, likewise died at that court ; if wc may
be allowed to record his name for tlie sake of Athens. He is said to
have been banished his country, and to have retired to Seleucia upon
the Tigris, where the inhabitants desired him to open a school of
rhetoric, but he answered in the niost contemptuous manner, and
with all the vanity of a sophist, "That a plate could not contain a
dolphin." From thence he went to tlie court of Cleopatra, the
daughter of Mitliridates, and wife of Tigranes, where he soon made
himself so obnoxious, that he was forbidden all intercourse with the
Greeks; upon which he starved himself to death. Cleopatra bestowed
upon /lo/iy too, a magnificent funeral, and his torn!) is near a place
called Sapha.

Lucullus, having estal)lished peace and good laws in Asia, did not
neglect what might be conducive to elegance and pleasure; hut,
duriug his stay at Ephesus, entertained the Grecian cities with
shows, triumphal feasts, and trials of skill between wrestlers and
gladiators. The cities, in return, instituted a feast to his honour,
which they called Lucnllia; and the real ailection that inspired tliem
with the thought was more agreeable than the honour itself.

When Aj)plus was returned, and had acquainted him that it was
necessary to go to war with Tigranes, he went back h) Pontus, and
put himself at the head of his troops. His first operation was to lay
siege to Sinope, or rather to a corps of Cilicians who had thrown
themselves into that town on tlie part of Mithridates. These, on the
approach of Lucullus, put a great number of the inhabitants to
the sword, and after setting fire to the place, endeavoured to escape
in the nli^ht. But Lucullus, discovering their intention, entered the

LtCVLLUS. 193

town, ami having killed ci^ht thousand of them who were left be-
hind, restort'd their effects to the old inhabitants, and exerted him-
self greatly in saving tlie eity from the flames. His particular in-
ducement was the following dream : he dreamed that a person stood
by hioj, and said, " Go forward, Liicullus; for Autolycus is coming
to meet you." ^^'hen ho awoke, he could form no conjecture about
the signification of the dream. However, he took the city the same
day, and, in pursuing the Cilicians to their ships, he saw a statue
lying on the shore, which tliey had not been able to get on board.
The work was one of the master-pieces of Sthenis; and he was told
tliat it was the statue of Autolycus, the founder of Sinopc. This
Autolycus is said to have been the son of Deimachus, and one of
those Thessalians who assisted Hercules in the war against the Ama-
zons*. In his voyage back, along witji Deniolcon and Phlogius, his
ship struck on a rock of the Chersonesus called Pedalion, and he lost
it. He and his friends, however, saved their lives and their arms,
tmd went to Sinope, which they took ironi the Syrians. The Syrians,
who then held it, we are told, were so called, because they were the
descendants of Syrus, the son of Apollo and Sinope the daughter of
Asopus. When LucuUus heard this, he recollected the obser\ation
of Sylla in his Commentaries, " That nothing more deserves our be-
lief and attention than what is signified to us in dreams."

After news was brought that .Mithridates andTigranes were on the
point of entering Lycaonia and Ciiica with all their forces, in order
to seize Asia before him, he could not help thinking it strange that
the Armenian did not make use of Mitjiridafes when in his glory, nor
join the armies of Pontus while ihey were in their full strength, hut
surtered them to be broken and destroyed; and now at last, with cold
hopes of success, began the war or rather threw himself down head-
Vjng with those who could stand no longer.

Amidst these transactions, Machares, the son of Mithridntes, who
was master of the liosphorns, sent Lueullus a coronet of gold of a
(.houKnnd crowns value, and big-^ed to be numbered an;oii? the friends
and allies of Rouje. LucnUus, now con^;luding that the first war was
finished, leftSornutius with a eori>s of six thousand n>en, to settle the
affairs of that province, and with twelve thousand foot, and less ihna
three thousand horse, n)arched to meet another war. It seemed u-
mazing temerity to go with a handful of men against so many war-
like nations, so n»any myriads of cavalry, and such a vast country,
intersected with deep rivers, and barricaded wiih mountains for ever

♦ Str«bo Ulls u», Autoljcu* wu one of the .ArftnnautS; wU, »nfr hit voyage loCol-
chi», »ettlcd al Sinopr, and had di»ine honours paid him after Ils d<kih.— ^C-jft. ;.b j^j

Vol. 2. No. JO. cc

1^4 i'IA'tarch's lives.

covered with snow. Of course his soldiers, who were not otlierwise
under the best discipline, now followed with great reluctance, and
were ready to mutiny. On the otlur hand, the pojiular orators cla-
moured again:.t him in Rome, representing tiiat lie levied war after
war; not that the public utility required it, but that he might always
keep the command and continue in arms, and that he might accumu-
late riches at the risk of the commonwealth. These at last succeeded
in their design, wliich was to recal Lucullus.

At present he reached the Euphrates by long marches. He found
it swoln and overflowing by reason of the late rains, and was appre-
hensive he should find much delay and difficulty in collecting boats,
atid making a bridge of them. But in the evening the flood began
to subside, and lessen in such a manner in the night, that next morn-
ing the river appeared much wiiiiiii the channel. The people of the
country, seeing Httle islands in its bed, which had seldom been visi-
ble, and the stream breaking gently about them, considered Lu-
cullus as something more than mortal; for they saw the great river
put on a mild and obliging air to him, and afford him a ijuick and
easy passage.

He availed himself of the op}>ortui>ity, and passed it with iiis army.
An auspicious omen appeared immediately after. A number of hei-
fers, sacred to the Persian Diana, the goddess whom the inhabitants
of those parts ptirticularly worship, pastured on the other side. These
licifers are used only in the way of sacrifice; at other times tlie>
range at large, marked with the figure of a torch, as a token of their
designation; and it was diflicult to take them when they are wanted.
]But now tlie army had no sooner crossed the river, than one of theui
'.vent and stood by a rock which is deemed sacred to the g(xldess, and
hanging down her head in the manner of those that are bound, offer-
ed herself to Lucullus as a victim. He sacrificed also a bull to the
Euphrates, on account of his safe passage.

He staved there that whole day to refresh his army. The next day
he marched through Sophene, without doing the least injury to those
who submitted and received his troops in a proper manner. Nay, when
his )nen wanted to .stop and lake a fort that was .supposed to be full
of treasure, he pointed to Mount Taurus, which appeared at a dis-
tance, and said, " Yonder is the fort you are to take; as for these
things, tlicy will of course belong to the cor.qucror." Then, pushing
hjs march, he crossed the Tigris, and entered Armenia.

As Tigranes ordered the fir>.t nian who brought him an account of
the enemy's arrival, to lose hi.^ head for his reward, no one afterwards
presumed to mention it. He remained in ignorance, though the
hostile fire already touched liim^ and with pleasure heard his flatter-

I.UCILLI s. \^5

fr» say, " LucuHus would be a ^reut general, it he waited for Ti-
granes at Kpljesus, and did not quit Asia at tlie sight of his v^i ar-
mies." Thus it is not every man that can licai much wine, nor can
an ordinary mind bear great prosperity without staggering. The first
of his friends who veiitur«d to tell him the truth was Mithrobarzanes,
and he was but ill rewarded for the liberty he had taken. He wa.**
sent against Lucullus with three tlwusand horse, ai»d n more respect-
able body of foot with orders to take the Roman general alive, but ta
tread the rest under iils feet.

Part of the Roman forces were pitching thiir tents, and the rest
were upon tl«e march, when their scouts brought intelligence that the
barbarians were at hand. He had, thcrefvue, his apprehensions, that
if they attacked him before his troops were all assembled aiid formed,
they might be put in disorder. The measure he took was to stay and
intrench himself: mean time he sent his lieutenant Sextilius with
sixteen iiundrcd horse, and not many more infantry, includinii: both
the ligijt and the heavy-armed, with orders, when he approached the
enemy, to stop and amuse them, till he should be infornu'd that
the intrcnchmcnts were finished.

Sextilius was willing to obey his orders, but Miihrol»ar/anes came
upon him so l)oldly, that he was forced to fight. Mithrobarzanes be-
haved with great bravery, but fell in the action — Then his troops
took to flight, and were must of them cut in pieces.

After this, 'i'igranes left Tigraiioeerta, the great city which he had
built, and retired to Mount Taurus, where he intended to collect all
his forces. Hut Lueullns, not giving him much time for prepara-
tion, sent Muruina to harass and cut oil" the panics on one side, a^
fast as they came up; on the other side, Sextilius advanced against a
large corps of Arabians, which was going to join the king. Sextilius
came upon the Arabians as they were encamping, and killed the
greatest part of them. Mui'£na, following the steps <.tf 'I'igranes,
took his opportunity to attack hiui, as he was leading a great army
along a rugged and narrow ilefiie. The king himself ii]ci\, abandon-
ing all his baggage. Many of the .\rmenians were put to the sword,
and greater numbers made piisoners.

I>ucullu>, after this success, marched against TIgranocerta, and
invested it with his army. There were in that city many Cireeks who
had been transplanted out of Cilicia, and many barbarians whose lor
tunes had been no better than that of the Greeks, Adial>enians, As-
syrians, (iordyenians, and C'appadociaiis, whose cities Ti;:ranes had
demolished, and then removeil the iidiabitants, and compelled them
to settle in that he had built. '1 he place was full of treasure and
rich ornaments; every private person, as well a*; grande**, t ) make

19^ tlutarch's lives.

their court to tlic kin^, striving which should contribute most to its
embellishment. For this reason Lucullus carried on the siege with
great vigour, in the opinion thatTigrancs would, contrary to his bet-
ter judgment, be provoked to give liim battle. And he was not mis-
taken. Mithridates, by messengers and letters, dissuaded the king
much from hazarding a battle, and advised him only to cut off
the Roman convoys with his cavalry. Taxiles too, who came on
the part of Mithridates to co-operate with Tigranes, entreated him
to avoid meeting the Roman arms, which ht assured him were in-
vincible.

At first the king heard him with patience. But when the Arme-
nians and Gordyenians arrived with all their forces; when the kings
of the Medcs and Adiabenians had brought in their armies; when
numbers of Araljians came from the coasts of th*. Babylonian sea*,
Albaniaiis from the Caspian, and Iberians from the nighbourhood of
the Albanians; besides a considerable body, gained by presents and
persuasion, from those nations about the Araxes that live without re-
gal government; then nothing was expressed at the king's table or
council-board, but sanguine hopes and barbarian menaces. Taxiles
was in danger of his life for attempting to oppose the resolution to
give battle, and Mithridates himself was accused of envying the glo-
rious success that would attend his son-in-law.

Tigranes, therefore, would not wait for him, lest he should share
with him the honour of the victory, but advanced immediately with
all his forces ; and is said to liave expressed to his friends some un-
easiness, ^' That he should have to do only with Lucullus, and not
try his strength at once with all the generals of Rome." Indeed,
these boasts of the king do not appear entirely frantie and destitute
of reason, while he was surveying so many nations and princes under
his standard, such astonishing numbers of heavy-armed infantry, and
60 matjy myriads of cavalry. He had twenty thousand archers and
slingers, and lifty-five thousand horse, of which seventeen thousand
were clad in steel, according to the account Lucullus sent to the se-
nate. His infantry, divided into companies and battalions, consisted
of a hundred and fifty thousand men; and there were thirty-five
thousand pioneers, and other labourers, to make good the roads, to
prepare bridges, to cleanse the course of rivers, to provide wood, and
to answer all the occasions of the army. These were drawn up be-
hind, to give it a greater appearance of strength and numbers.

When he had passed Mount Taurus, and spread his troops upon
the plain, he could see the Roman army besieging Tigranocerta.
The mixed multitude of barbarians in the city likewise saw him^

• The Persiaq gulf.

T.rm.Lus. jcff

and in a menacing manner pointed to their king's armies from the
walls.

LncuUus, l)cfore the battle, held a council of war. Some advised
him to quit the siege, and meet Tigranes with all his forces; others
were of o|)itii()n, that he should continue the siege, and not leave
so many enemies behind him. He told them, that neither, sepa-
rately, gave good council, but both together did. He therefore di-
vided his forces, and loft Muraria before the |)lacc with six thousand
men; while he, with the rest of the infantry, consistinLT of twenty-four
cohorts, which contained not more than ten thousand combatants,
with all his cavalry, and al)out a thousand slingers aiul archers,
marched airainst Tigranes.

He encamped on a large plain with a river before him, where his
army, appearing no more than a handful, aflbrded much matter of
mirth to the flatterers of the king. Some ridiculed the diminutive
appearance; others, by way <jf jest, cast lots for the spoil. And there
was not one of the generals and princes who did not ct)me and desire
to be employed alone upon that service, while Tigrancs needed only
to sit still and look on. The king, too, thinking he must show him-
self facetious on the occasion, made use of that celebrated expres-
sion, " That if they came as ambassadors, there were too many
of them; if as soldiers, too few." Thus they passed the first day
in raillery.

Next morning, at break of day, Lucullus drew out his arniv. The
camp of the barbarians was on the east side of the river; but the ri-
ver, where it is most formidable, makes a bend to the wtst. As Lu-
cullus marched hastily down to that (juarter, Tigranes thought he was
retreating. I'pon this he called to Taxiles, and said with a scornful
smile, *' Seest thou not these invincible Roman legions taking to
flight?" Taxiles answered, " I wish from my soul, my lord, that
your good genius may work a miracle in your favour, but these le-
gions do not use their best accoutrements in a mere march. They
do not wear their polished shields, nor take their bright helmets out
of their cases, as you see they have now drme. All this splendid ap-
pearance indicates their intention to fighf, and to advance against
their eiu-mies as fast as pos>ible."

W bile Taxiles v,as yet speaking, they saw the eagle of the forcmo.st
legion make a motion to the right by order of Lucullus, and iJic co-
horts proceed in good order to pass the river.

, Then Tigranes, with nuich ditfieulty, awaked from his intoxication,
and exclaimed two or three times, " Are these men coming agains-t
>is?" After this he drew out his forces in a ha^ty and disorderly

!9S Plutarch's lives.

manner, taking himself the command of the main body, and giving
the left wing to the king of the Adiabenians, and the right to the king
oi" the Medes. Before this right wing were placed most of the ca-
valry that were armed in steel.

As Luculhis was going to pass the river, some of his officers ad-
monisht'd hiin to beware of that day, which had been an inauspicious,
or (as they call it) a black one to the Romans; for on that day Cae-
pio's army was defeated by the Cimbri. Lucullus returned that me-
morable answer, " I will make this day an auspicious one for Rome."
It was the sixth of October.

Having thus spoken, and withal exhorted his men to exert them-
selves, he advanced at the head of them against the enemy. He was
armed with a breast-plate of steel, formed in scales, which cast a
surprising lustre; and the robe he wore over it was adorned with
fringe. He drew his sword immediately, to show his troops the ne-
cessity of coming hand to hand with an enemy who were accustomed
to fight at a distance; and by the vigour of their charge not to leave
them room- to exercise their missive weapons. Observing that the
enemy's iieavy-armed cavalry, uport which they placed their de|>end-
ence, was covered by a hill that was plain and even at the top, and
which, with an extent of only four furlongs, was not very difficult to
ascend, lie despatched his Thracian and Gaulish horse with orders to
take them in flank, and to strike at nothing but the shafts of their
pikes, 'j !)eir whole strength, indeed, consists in the pike, and they
kave no other weapon, either offensive or defensive, that they can
use, by reason of their heavy and unwieldy armour, in which they
arc as it were immured.

Meanwhile he began to climb the hill with two companies of in-
fantry, and the soldiers followed him with great readiness, when they
saw him, incumbered as he was with his araiour, the first to labour
on foot up the ascent. When he had reached the summit, he stood
on the roost conspicuous part of it, and cried out, " The victory is
ours, my fellow-soldiers, the victory is ours!" At the same time he
advanced agiiinst the heavy-armed cavalry, and ordered his men not
to make any use of ti>eir javelins, but to come to close action, and to
aim their blows at their enemies' legs and thighs, in which parts alone
they were not armed. There was no need, however, to put this in
execution; for, instead of standing to receive the Romans, they set
up a cry of fear, and most despicably fled without striking a stroke.
In their flight, they and their horses, heavy with armour, ran back
upon their own infantry, and put them in confusion; insomuch, that
all those myriads were routed without standing to receive one wound;,

LLCULLUg. 199

or spilling one drop of blood. Mullitades, however, were slain in
their flight, or rather in their attempt to fly; th<"ir ranks became so
thick and deep, that they cntiingU'd and inijieded each other.

Tigriincs rode oflF, one of the first, with a few attendants ; and see-
ing his son taking his share in his misfortune, he took the diadem
from his head, gave it him with tears, and desired him to save him-
self in the best manner he could by taking some other road. TItc
young prince did not venture to wear it, hut put it in the hands of
one of his most faithful servants, who happened afterwards tc be
taken and brought to Luculhis: by this means tlic royal diadem of
Tigranes added to the honours of the spoil. It is said that of the
foot there fell above a hundred thousand, and of ll\c horse very few
escaped; whereas the Romans had but five killed, and a hundred
wounded. Antiochus the philosopher*, in his Treatise concerning
the gods, speaking of this action, says, the sun never beheld such
another. Strabof, another philosopher, in his Historical Commen-
taries, iuforms us that the Romans were ashamed, and ridiculed each
other, for having employed weapons against such vile slaves. And
Livy tells us, the Romans, with such inferior numbers, never en-
gaged such a multitude as this. The victors did not, indeed, make
up the twentieth part of the vanquished. The most able and expe-
rienced comnianders among the Romans paid the highest compli-
ments to the generalship of Lucullus, principally because he had de-
feated two of the greatest and most powerful kings in the world by
methods entirely different; tlie one by an expiditious, and the other
by a slow process. He ruined JMIthridates, wl:en in flie height of his
power, by protracting the war, and Tigranes, by the celerity of his
movements. Indeed, among all the generals in the world, there
have been very few instances of any one's availing himself of delay
for execution, or of ex|)edition for security.

Hence it was that Miihridates made no li;\ste to come to action, or
to join Tigranes; imagining that Lucullus would pnKied with his
usual j'aution and slowness. But as sooti as he met a fi.w .\rmeni-
ans on the road with the greatest marks of consternation upon fhem,
he formed some conjecture of whiit liad happcr.ed; and when many
more came up naked and wounded, he was too well assured of the
loss, and inquired for Tigranes. Though he found him in the most
destitute and deplorable condition, he did not oftlr him tiie least insult.
Instead of that, he dismounted, and bewailed with him rlieir comnum
misfortunes; gave him his own royal equipage, and held up to liini a
pros[)ect of better success. 'J'hey l>egan to levy other furces.

• Antiochuj of Ertcalon. Cicero waj liis liisciple.

t Strabo, the geographer and historian, was also a pliliu$opher of the Sloic form.

SOO PLUTARCH S LIVES.

la Tii^ianocerta the Greeks had mutinied against the barbarians,
and wanted to dolivcr up the city to Lucullus. Accordingly he gave
the assault, and took it. After he had secured the royal treasures,
he gave up the plunder of the town to his soldiers, and they found
there, besides other rich booty, eight thousand talents in coined
money. Lucullus added eight hundred drachmas to each man's
share.

Being informed that there were found in the town a number of
such artists as are requisite in theatrical exhibitions, whom Tigranes
had collected from all jmrts, for opening the theatre he had built,
he made use of them in the games and other public diversions in ho-
nour of his victory.

He sent back the Greeks to their own countries, and furnished
them with necessaries for that purpose. He likewise permitted the
barbarians, who had been compelled to settle there, to return to
their respective abodes. Thus it happened, that, by the dispersion
of the people of one city, many cities recovered their former inha-
bitants. For which reason Lucullus was reverenced by them as a
patron and founder. He succeeded also in his other undeitakings
agreeably to his merit; being more desirous of the praise of justice
and humanity than of that which arises from military achievements :
for in those the army claims no small part, and fortune a greater;
whereas the others are proofs of a gentle disposition and subdued
mind, and by thern Lucullus brought the barbarians to submit with-
out the sword. The kings of the Arabs came over to him, and put
their possessions in his power; the whole nation of Sophcne followed
their example; and the Gordyenians were so well inclined to serve
him, that they were willing to quit their habitations, and follow hiu>
with their wives and children. The cause was this: —

Zarbienus, king of (aordycne, unable, as has been said, to sup-
port the tyranny of Tigranes, applied privately through Appius to
Lucullus, and desired to be admitted as an ally. This application
being discovered, he was put to death, with his wife and children,
before the Romans entered Armenia. Lucullus, however, did not
forget it, but, as he passed through Gordyene, took care that Zar-
bienus should have a magnificent funeral, and adorned the pile with
gold stufts and royal vestments found among the spoils of Tigranes.
The Roman general himself set fire to it, and, together with the
friends and relations of the deceased, offered tlie accustomed liba-
tions, declaring him his friend, and an ally of tlie Roman people.
He caused a monument, too, to be erected to his memory, at a
considerable expense : for there was found in the treasury of that
prince a great quantity of gold and silver; there were found also ia

LUCl'LLUS. iOl

his storeliuuscs tlirec millions ut' iiiediiiiiii ot wheat. '1 his wtis a suth-
cicnt provibioi) fur the suhhers; uiid Luculhis was much udmired
for making the war maintain itselt, and carrying it on without taking
one drachma out of the public treasury.

AUuit this time there came an cnjbassy from the king of I'artliia
to solicit his friendship and alliance. Lucullus received the proposal
with pleasure, and sent ambassadors in his turn; w!to, when they
were at that prince's court, discovered that he was unresolved whjit
part to act, and that he was privately treating with 'I'igranes for
Mesopotamia, as a reward for the succours with which he should
furnish him. As soon as Lucullus was sensible of this, he deter-
mined to let Tigrancs and Mithridatcs alone, as adversaries already
tired out, and to try his strengtii with the Parthian, Ijy entering his
territories. He thought it would be glorious, if, in one expedition,
during the tide of good hjrLune, like an able wrestler, he would ihrow
three princes successively, and traverse the dominions of three of the
most powerful kings under the sun, perpetually victorious.

For this reason, he sen; orders to Sornatios and his ofticers in
Pontus to bring their forces to hiui, as he intended to begin his
march for Parihia from Gordyene. These officers had already found
their soldiers refractory and obstinate, but now they saw tlieoi abso-
lutely muiinous, and not to be wrought upon by any meihud of persua-
fcion or of force. On the conirary, ihey loudly declared they would
Dot even stay there, hut would go and leave Pontus itself unguarded.
^^ henan account of this behaviour was brutighi to Lucullus, it cor-
rupted the troops he had with him; and they were very ready to
receive these impressions, loaded as they were with wealth, eiiervated
with luxury, and panting afk;r repose, i'pon hearing, therefore,
of the bold terms in wnich the others had expressed iheujselves, they
said they acted like men, and set an example worthy of imitation:
*' And surely," continued they, "our services entitle us to a dis-
charge, that we may return to our own country, and enjoy ourselves
in securiiy and quiet."

'I'liese speeches, and worse ihau ihcse, coming to the ears of Lu-
cullus, he gave up all ihuughts of his Parthian exptdilion, and
marched once more ag.iinst Tigrnncs. It was now the hei>;ht of
summer, and yet, when he had gained the summit of Mount Tau-
rus, be saw with regret the cum only green : so backward are the
seasons in those parts, by reason of the cold thai prevails there*,
lie descended, however, into the plain, and beat the Armenians,
who ventured to face him, in two or throe skirmishes. Then he

* This particular i> con^riacJ bj modetu Ukveilcri. Ttic;r i'H os tbe mow litt thtrt
till AugiMt.

Vol. J, No. 20. »d

562 riA TAUcii's Livi:s,

plundered the villages at pleasure, and, by taking the convoys de-
signed forTigranes, brought that want upon the enemy which he had
dreaded himself.

He omitted no measure which might bring them to a decisi\'e bat-
tle: he drew a line of circumvallation about their camp; he laid
waste their country before their eyes; but they had been too often
defeated to think of risking an engagement. He therefore marched
Jtgainst Artaxata, the capital of Tigrarres, where he had left hi*
wives and cliildrcn, concluding he would not suffer it to be taken
without attempting its relief.

It is said that Hannibal the Carthaginian, after Antioehus was
subdued by the Romans, addressed himself to Artaxas king of Arme-
hia. While he was at that prince's court, besides instructing him
in other important matters, he pointed out to him a place which,
though it then lay neglected, afforded the happiest situation ima-
ginable for a city. He gave hirn the plan of one, and exhorted him
to put it in execution. The king, charmed with the motion, desired
him to take the direction of the work; and in a short time there was
seen a beautiful and large city, which bore that prince's name, and
was declared the metropolis of Armenia.

When Luculhis advanced to lay siege to this place, the patience
of Tigranes failed him. He marched in quest of the Romans, and
the fourth day eni^amped over against them, being separated from
them only by the river Arsanias, which they must necessarily pass
in their march to Artaxata. Lucullus having sacrificed to the gods,
in full persuasion that the victory was his own, passed over in order
of battle, with twelve cohorts in front. The rest were placed in the
rear, to prevent their being surrounded by the enemy; for their mo-
tions were watched by a large and select body of cavalry, covered
by some flying squadrons of Mardian archers and Iberian spearmen,
in whose courage and skill, Tigranes, of all his foreign troops,
placed the highest confidence. Their behaviour, however, did not
distinguish them. They exchanged a few blows with the Roman
horse, but did not wait the charge of the infantry. They dispersed
and fled, and the Roman cavalry pursued them in the different
routes they had taken.

Tigranes, now seeing his advantage, advanced with his own ca-
valry. Jyueullus was a little intimidated at their numbers and the
splendour of their appearance, ye therefore called his cavalry off
from the pursuit, and in the mean time was the foremost to advance
against the nobility*, wlio, with the flower of the army, were about

* In the original it is SatrapenOn; by which, in all pmbability, is meant the king'i
b*dy-guaid, caDMSiing chiefly of the nobility. According to Livy, no lets ttMm sixfj

LUCULLUS. 203

the kind's person. But they Hed at ilie siglit ol hun, without :>trik-
ing u blow. Of the three king's that were then in the aciiuu, the
flight ol" -Mithridutes seems to have been the luost dlsj^'iaeelul, for he
did not st:uid the very shouts uf the Kumaus. The puiiiut eonii-
nued the wliole night, until, weuried with the carnage, and satis-
ticil with the prisoners and the booty tlicy made, the Romans drew
off. Livy tells us, that in the tornicr battle liK-re were greater
numbers killed and taken piisoaersj but in this, persuos of lughtr
quality.

Lucullus, elevated w ith bis success, resolved to penetrate the up-
per country, and to finish the destruction of this barbarian prince.
It was now tlie autumnal equino.x, and he met w ith storms he did
Hot expect. Tiie snow fell almost constantly ; and, when the sky
wa.s clear, the frost was so intense, that, by reason of the extreme
cold, the horses could hardly drink of the rivers; nor could they pass
them but with the utmost diihculty, because the ice broke, and cut
the sinews of their legs. Besides, tlie greatest part of their march
was through close and woody roads, where the troops were diiily wet
with the snow that lodged upon the trees ; and they had only damp
places wherein to pass the nii^ht.

They had not, therefore, lollowed Luculius many days, before they
began to be refractory. At first tiity had recourse to entreaties, and
sent their tribunes to intercede foi ihcm. Afterwards they met in a
more tumultuous manner, and theii murmurs were heard all over the
camp by night; and this, perhaps, is the surest toketi of a mutiny.
Lucullus tried what every milder mesisure could do: he exhorted
them only to compose themselves a little longer, until they destroyed
the Armc-niun Caithage, l>uiil by Hannibal, the greatest enemy tu
the Roman name. But, finding his eloquence inellectual, he march-
ed buck, and passed the ridt^e of Mount Tauius anoihcr way. He
came down into Mygdonia, an open and fertile country, where stands
a great and populous city, which the barbarians called Xi^ibis, atul
the CJreeks Antioch ofMygdonia'. Ciouras, brother to Tigranes»
had the title of governor, on account of his dignity; hut the com-
mander, in fact, was Callimachus, who, by his great abilities as an
engineer, liud given IaicuIUis so much trouble at Amisus.

Lucullus, having invested the place, availed himself of all tlie arts
that ;ue \ucd iu a siege, and preyed on with so much vigour,

orTi^r^Qcs'i fticndf and (rtat of&crri walked in the proccalon of Lacutlut'i Iriamph.
Not U it tu be wa:i.tcr(d at ilui hr had ■ guard of bit own nubilitj, wti«u lie ttad coa«
qucrcd prinrr* (ur hi^ mriiial iH-rvMit*.

* It OTaj callol Auiiucii, hrcaaic. lu U> dcUcwttt wiUkl uid t>UMia| Mtustioa, i( r*-

204 viA:rARCn*<; livls.

that he carried it sword in hand. Gouras surrendered himself, and
he treated him with great humanity. He would not, however, listen
ro Calli:iiaclu:.s, though he offered to discover to him a vast quantity
of hidden trtasurc, hul put him in fetters, in order that he might
suftcr capital punishment for setting fire to the city of Amisus, and
hy that means depriving him of the honour of showing his clemency
to thf Circfks.

lii';^.LTto, one might say, fortune had followed Lucullus, and fought
for him. liut from this time the gales of her favour fell; he could
do nothing but with infinite difficulty, and struck upon every rock in
his way. lie hehaved, indeed, with all the valour and persevering
spirit of a good gen'Tal, but his actions had no longer their wonted
glory and favourahlc acceptance with the world. Nay, tossed as he
was on the waves of fruiiltss contention, he was in danger of losing
the glory he had already acquired. For great part of his misfortunes
he might hiame hiniscll ; because, in the first jilace, he would never
s'udy to oblige the common soldiers, but looked upon every compli-
ance with their inclinations as the source of his disgrace and the de-
struction of his authority. What was of still greater consequence,
lie could not behave in an easy afiiible manner tu those who were
upon a footing with him in point of rank and birth, but treated them
with hauglMiness, and considered himself as greatly their supe-
rior. I'liLsf blemishes Lucullus had an)idst many perfections. He
was tall, wi-11-madi-, graceful, eloquent, and had abilities for the ad-
ministration as well as for the field.

Shllust tells us, the soldiers were ill-affected to him from the be-
ginnin;: of the war, because he made them keep the field two winters
sucees.sivcly, the one before Cyzicum, and the other before Amisus.
The rest of the winters were very disagreeable to them; they either
passed them in hostilities against some enemy, or, if they happened
to be among friends, they were obliged to live in tents: for Lucullus
nevtr ofce suftered bis troops to enter any Grecian city, or any otlut
in alliance with Home.

\Vhile the soldiers were of themselves thus ill-disposed, they were
made still more mutinous by the demagogues at home, who, through
envv to Lucullus, accused him of proir.icting the war from a love of
command and of the riches it procured him. He bad almost the en-
tire direction (ihey said) of Cilicia, Asia, Rithynia, Paphlagonia, Ga-
latia, PoDtus, Armenia, and all the provinces as far as the Phasis;
and now he was pillaging the royal palaces of Tigranes, as if he had
been sent to strip, not to subdue kings. iSo Lucius Quiniius, one of
the tribunes, is said to have expressed himself; the same who was
principally concerned in procuring a decree that Lucullus should

LrCl'LLUS. 205

htne a successor sent him, and that most of his troops sliuuld have
their discharu'c.

To these njlsfurtunes was added another, whteh absolutely ruined
the affairs of Lucullus. I\ihlius Clodius, a man of the utmost inso-
lence and effrontery, ums brother to his wife, who was so abandoned
a woman, that it was believed slie had a criminal commerce wiih him.
He now bore arms under Lucullus, and imairined he had not the post
he deserved; for he wanted the first: and, on acoount of his disor-
derly life, many were put bi fore him. Finding this, he practised
with the Fimlirian troops, and endcrivoured to set them airainst I>u-
cullus, l)y flattcrinj^ speeches and insinuations, to which they were
neither unaccustomed, nor unwillint; to attend : for these were the
men whom Fimbria had formerly persuaded to kill the consul Flaccus,
and to appoint him their peneral. Still retaining such inclinations,
ttjey received Clodius with ]>ha^ure, and called him the soldier's
friend. He did, indeed, pretend to be concerned at iheir suft'erings,

and used to say '* Shall there no period be put to their wars and

toils? shall they go on fighting one nation after another, and wear
out their lives in wandering over the woild? .And what is the reward
of so maiiy laborious expeditions? What, but to guard the waggons
and camels of Lucullus, loaded with cups of gold and precious stones !
whereas Pompey's soldiers, already discharged, sit down with their
wives and ( hildren u[)on fertile estates, and in agreeable towns; not
for having driven Mithridates and Tigranes into inaccessible deserts,
and destroying the royal cities in Asia, but for fighting with fugitives
in Spain, and slaves in Italy. If we njust for ever have our swords
in our hands, k-t us reserve all our hearts, and what remains of our
limbs, for a general who thinks the wealth of his men his greatest
ornament."

TIjcsc complaints against Lucullus corrupted his soldiers in such
a manr>er, that they would neither follow him ntrtinst Tigranes, nor
yet against Mithridates, who fronj .Armenia had thrown himself into

Pontus, and was beginning to recover his authority there. They

pretended it was impracticable to march in the winter, ond therefore
loitered inGordycne, expecting Pompey or some other general would
come as successor t<» I^ucullus. Hut when inti-lligence was btought
that .Mithridates had defeated Fabius, ai>d was marching aguitist Sor-
natius and Triarius, they were ashamed of their innction, and told
Lucullus he might lead them wherevi-r he picasrd.

Triarius, being informed of the approach ol Ivucullus, was ambi-
tious, before he arrived, to seize the victor)*, which he thiHJght per-
fectly secure; in consequence of which he ha/arded and K>st a great
battle, it is said that about seven thousand Romans were kille<l, a-

ao6 Plutarch's lives.

moDg whom were a hundred aiul fifty centurions, and twenty-four
tribunes. Mitliiidates likewise took tlieir camp. Lucullus arrived
a few days after, fortunately enough forTriaiius, whom he concealed
from the soldiers, who wanted to wreak their vengeance upon him.

As Miihridates avoided an action with Lucullus, and cliosetowait
for Tigianes, who was coming with a great army, Lucullus, in or-
der to prevent their junction, determined to go in quest ofTigranes
once moro. But, as he was upon his march, the Fimbriaus mutinied
and deserted his stiiudard, alleging that they were discharged by an
express decree, and no longer obliged to serve under Lucullus, when
those provinces were consigned to another. Lucullus, on this oc-
casion, submitted to many things beneath his dignity. He applied
to the private men one by one, going round to tlieir tents with a
supplicating aspect, and with tears in hiseyesj nay, he condescended
to take some of them by the hand. But they rejected all his ad-
vances, and, throwing down their empty purses before him, bade
him go and fight the enemy himself, since he was the only person
that knew how to make his advantage of it.

However, as the other soldiers interposed, the Fimbrians were
prevailed upon to stay all the summer, on condition that if no enemy
faced them in the field during that time, they should be at liberty

to retire Lucullus was obliged either to accept this proposal or to

abandon the country, or to leave it an easy prey to the barbarians.
He kept the troops together, therefore, without pretending to exer-
cise any act of power upon them, or to lead them out to battle;
thinking it all he could expect, if they would but remain upon the
spot. At the same time he looked on, while Tigrancs was ravaging
Capparlocia, and Mithridates was growing strong and insolent again ;
though he had acquainted the senate by letter that he was absolutely
conquered, and deputies were come to settle the afl'airs of Poatus,
aj a province entirely reduced. 'J'hese deputies, on their arrival,
found that he was not even master of himself, but exposed to every
instance of insult and contempt from his own soldiers. Nay, they
treated their general with such wanton mockery, as, when the sum-
mer was past, to arm and challenge the enemy, who were now re-
tiring into quarters. They shouted as in the charge, made passes in,
the air, and then left the camp, calling Lucullus to witness that
they had stayed the time ihey promised him.

Fompcy wrote to the other legions to attend him. For, through
his interest with tjic people, and the flattering insinuatiuns of the
orators, he was already appointed general against Mithridates and
Tigrancs. To the senate, indeed, and all the best of the Romans,
Lucullus appeared to have very hard treatment, since a person wa&

LI CU LLL'S. 207

»-■■ ■■ ' «. .

vent tu succeed him, aot so much in the war as in his triumph; and
he was robbed rather of the prize of lioiiour than of the conimand.
Those th:it were on the spot lound the m.ttier siill more invidious.—.
Luculius had no ionper the power either of rewarding or punishing.
Pompey suffered no man to wait upon him ahout atiY business what-
ever, or to pay any re^rd to the reu:ulations Ik* had made in con-
currence with the ten commissioners. He forbade it by express aiid
public orders ; and his inHuence was great, on account of his conaiog
with a more respectable army-
Yet their friends thoucHit it |>roper that they should come to on in-
terview, and accordingly they did so in a village of Galatia. They
addressed each other with much politeness, and with mutual com-
pliments on their great success. Luculius was the older man, bat
Pompe}' had superior dignity, for lie had commanded in more wars,
and had been honoured with two triumphs. Each had the fasces car-
ried before him, adorned with laurel on account of their respective
victories: but as Fompey had travelled a long way througli drv and
parched countries, the laurels about h'lsfasoes were witliercd. The
Jictors that preceded Luculius, observing this, freelv gave them a
sufficient quantity of their fresh and green ones, wliich Pompe}''K
friends considered as an auspicious circumstance. And, in fact,
the great actions of Luculius did cast a lustre over this expedition ai
Pompey.

This interview, however, had no good eftcc-t: they parted witk
greater rancour in their hearts than they entertained at their meet-
ing. Pompey annulled the acts of Luculius; and taking the rest of
his troops front him, left him only sixteen hundred men for his tri-
umph; and even these followed him with reluctance. So ill quali-
fied or so unfortunate was Luculius, with respect to the first and
greatest requisite in a general gaining the hearts of his soldiers.
Had this been added to his many other great and admirable talents,
his courage, his vigilance, his prudence, and Justice, the lloman
empire would not have been terminated, on the side of A.sia, hv
the Euphrates, but by the Hyrtanian sea and the extremiti«*s of the
earth. For Tigranes had already conquered the other nations; and
the power of the Piirthians was ntither so great nor so united in it-
self, during this expedition of JjUcuIIus, us it w;js afterwards in the
timeof Crassus. On the contrary, they were we.skened by intestine
wars and by hostilities with their neighbours, insomuch that they
were not able to repel the insults of the Armenians. In my opinion,
indeed, the advantages which his countiy reaped from Luculius were
Tiot equivalent to the calamities which he occasioned others to bfing
upon it. The trophies uf Armenia, ju-jt in the neii?ht

SOS 1'LI'TARCh's L'VES.

Parthla; the palms of Tiu'ianooerta and Nisibis, with all their va?t
wealth carried in triumph to Rome; and the captive diadem of Ti-
pranes adornincr the show, drew Crassus into Asia, as if its hnrharou*;
inhaijitants had been a sure and easy prey. However, when he met
the Parthian arrows, he soon found that the success of Lucullus was
cwinij to his own coura^^e and capacity, and not to the folly and
ctleminacy of tiie enemy.

Upon his return to Rome, Lucullus found his brother Marcus im-
peached by Memmius for the practices he had been /guilty of during h«s
qusestorship, by order of Sylla. And when Marcus was acquitted,
Memmius turned afjainst Lucullus himself, allesjing that he had
converted a great deal of the booty to his own private use, and had
wilfully protracted the war. By these means he endeavoured to ex-
asperate the people against him, and to prevail with th(*m to refuse
him his triumph. Lucullus was in great danger of losing it ; but at
this crisis the first and greatest men in Rome niixed with the tribes,
and, after much canvassing, and the most engaging application, with
great difficulty procured him the triumph.

Its glory did not consist, like that of others, in the length of the
procession, or in the astonishing pomp and quantity of sj)oils, but
in exhibiting the enemy's arms, the engines and other warlike equi-
page of the kings. With these he had adorned the Circus Flaminius,
and they made a vcrv agreeable and respectable show. In the pro-
cession there were a few of the heavy-armed cavalry, and ten chariots
armed with scythes — These were followed by sixty grandees, either
friends or lieutenants of the kings. After them were drawn a hun-
dred and ten galleys with brazen beaks The next objects were a
statue of Mithridates in massy gold, full six feet high, and iiis shield
set with precious stones. Then came up twenty exhibitions of silver
vessels, and two-and-thirty more of gold cups, arms, and gold coin.
All these things were borne by men. These were followed by eight
mules, which carried beds of gold, and fifty-six more loaded with
silver bullion. After these came a hundred and seven other mules,
bearing silver coin to the amount of near two million seven hundred
thousand drachmas. The procession was closed with the registers of
the money with wiiich he had furnli,hed Pompey for the war with
the pirates, what he had remitted the quresturs for the public trea-
sury, and the distributions he had made among the soldiers, at the
rate of nine hundred and fifty drachmas each man. The triumph
concluded with a magnificent entertainment provided for the whole
city and the adjacent villages.

He now divorced Clodia for her infamous intrigues-, and married
Servilia the sister of Catoj but this second match was not more for-

LUCL'LLLS. 209

tunatc than the lirst. Scrvilia waiitcii no stain wliicli Cludia had,
except that of a fomincrcc with ht-r Ijiothcrs. In other respects she
Was t'lpially profligate ami abominable, jlc forced himself, however,
to endure her a long time out of reverence to Cato, but at last repu-
diated her also.

'I'hc senate had conceived threat ho|)es of Lucullus, that he would
prove a counterpoise to the tyranny of l^onipey, and a protector of
the whole patrician order; the rather because he had acquired so
much honour and authority by his threat actions, lie pive up the
cause, liowever, and quitted all pretensions to the adn»inistrati<in :
whether it was that he saw the constitution in too sicklv and declin-
ing a condition to be corrected, or whether, as otheis will have ir,
that being satiated with public lujiiours, and having gone through
many labours and conflicts, which had not die most fortunate issue,
he chose to retire to a life of case and indulgence. And thev ccim-
niend this change in his conduct, as much better than the distem-
pered measures of Marius, who, after his victories over the C'imbri
and ail his glorious achievements, was not content with the admira-
tion of his countrymen, but, from an insatiable thirst of power, con-
tended, ill the decline of life, with the ambition of voung men, fall-
ing into dreadful crimes, ami into sufl'erings still more dreadful.
'' How mueh happier," said they, " w«)uld it have been lor C'icent
if he had retired after the aifaii of C ataline; and for Scipio, if he had
furled his i^ails \% hen he had added Xumantia to Carthage. For there is
I period when we should bid adieu to political contests; these, as well
as those of wrestlers, being al^surd, w hen the strength and vi^iiur o(
life is gone."

On the other hand, Crassus and Pompey ridiculed Lucullus fur
giving into a life of pleasure and expense; thinking it full as unsea-
sonable at his time of life to |)lunge into luxury, as to direct the ad-
ministration, or lead armies into die field. Indeed, the life of Lu-
cullus does look like the ancient comedv*', where first ue sec irrcat
.ictiims, both political and military, anil afterwards feasts, debauchc*
(I had almost said masquerades) races by torch-light, and evtr>- kind
of frivolous anjusement. Vur, iunong frivolous amusements, I can-
not but reckon his sumj)tuous villas, walks, and baths, and still more
>o, the paintingH, statues, and other works of art, which he collected
at an immense expense; idly squandering away upon them the vast
fortune which he had amassed in the warsf: iusoinuch, that even

• lh« ancirnt lotirical or coaiic piece* were partly tra|ic>l, aitd partly coreic. Tb«
Cjclopi of F.uripidct ii the ouljr piece o( iliat kind wtucli i> cjiiixit.

t Plut«rcir» philo»opl»y teciD« a hulc loa tevtre oo tliit occniion; for it it O'M cmt
fe »ce how public fortuuc* of ibii lind can be more properly laid out {^a la (be cbc«u-

Vol. J. No. ;.'0. bk

210 PLUTARCH S LIVES,

now, when luxury has made so much greater advances, the gardens
of Lucullus are numbered with those of kings, and the most magni-
ficent even of those. When Tubero, the Stoic, beheUl his works on
the sea-coast near Naples, the hills he had excavated for vaults and
cellars, the reservoirs he had formed about his houses to receive the
sea for the feeding of his fish, and his edifices in the sea itself, the
philosopher called him Xerxes in a gown*. Besides these, he had
the most superb pleasure-houses in the country near Tusculum, a-
dorned with grand galleries and open saloons, as well for the pros-
pect as for walks. Pompcy, on a visit there, blamed Lucullus for
having made the villa commodious only for the summer, and abso-
lutely uninhabitable in the winter. Lucullus answered with a smile,
'* What then, do you think 1 have not so much sense as the cranes
and storks, which change their habitations with the seasons?"

A praetor, who wanted to exhibit magnificent games, applied to
Lucullus for some purple robes for the chorus in his tragedy; and
he told him he would inquire whether he could furnish him or not.
Next day he asked him how many he wanted. The praitor answered,
" A hundred would be sufficient:" Ujwn which Lucullus said, " He
might have twice that number, if he pleased." The |>oet Horace
makes this remark on the occasion :

Poor is the hoiue, where plenty h.is not btorcs
That miss the lunsttr's eye

His daily repasts were like those of a man suddenly grown rich;
pompous not only in tlie beds, which were covered with purple car-
petsj the side-boards of plate set with precious stones, and all the
entertainment which musicians and comedians could furnish; but in
the vast variety and exquisite dressing of the provisions. These
things excited the admiration of men of unenlarged minds. Pompey,
therefore, was highly applauded for the answer he gave his i)hyslc!an
in a fit of sickness. The physician had ordered him to eat a thrushf,
and his servants told him, " That, as it was summer, there were no
thrushes to be found, except in the menageries of Lucullus." But
he would not suffer them to apply for them there; and said to his

ragemcnt of the arts. It is to be observed, however, that the inunense weulili Lucullus
reserved to himself in his Asiatic expedition, io some measure, justifies the coiupiaiots of
Iii* arniT on that subject.

* *l"hi» refers to the bills Lticullos bored for tJie completion of his vaults, or for (lie ad-
nission of water. Xerxes liitd bored tliroiigh Mount Athos, and aade a passage under
It fur his ships.

t Tlie Greek hichle, also sigrifies a sea-fish, as appears from Aristotle and Athenaeus;
and it is not easy to say which is here meant j for Lucullus was no less curious in his
fishponds than in his aviaries; and, by admitting salt- water into them, could be sup-
plied Vitb nrcry.tpeciei throu jb erery «cason.

LUCLLLl?. 2\\

— r- .. i m mmmmmmmmmmwam

physician, *■'■ Must Pompey then luive died, if Lucullus haU not bceu
an epicure?" At the i>;uue time lie bade them provide hiiu &o{ut;tiiiag
which was to be htid without diliiculty.

Cato, though he was u friend as well ds rclaiian tu I^ucullus, was
j»o much displeased with the luxury in winch lie lived, lliut wlicn a
yuung man made a long and unseasonable speech in the house about
frugality and teiuperance, Cato rose up and said, *' Will you never
liavc done? Do you, who have the wealtii of Crassus, and live lik«:
Lucullus, pretend to speak like Cato!" But some, tliough tlicy
allow that tliere was such a rebuke, say it came from another
person.

Tliat Lucullus wa^ not only dciii;hte<l witli this way of living, but
even piijued himself upon it, ajjpears from several ol Itis reinaikablc
sayings. He eiHertuitied for a coUvsiderable time some Greej(s who
had travelled to Home, till, remenjbering the simplicity of diet in
their own country, they were ashamed to wait on him any longer, aiul
desired to beexcui>ed, on aecomit of the daily expense they brought
upon hiiU. He smiled, and said, "It is tr^e, my Grecian friends,
some part of this provision is for you, but the greatest part is for Lu-
cullu6." Antther time, wiien he happened to sup alone, and saw
but one tiiblc and a very moderate provision, he called the servant
who had the care of tiiesc matters, and eivpressed his dissatisfaction,
'i'he servant said, he thought, as nobody was invited, his master would
not want an expensive supper. "Wluxt!" said he, " didst thou
not know that this evening Luculius sups witli Lucullusr" As this
was the subject of mucli conversation in Rome, C iccro and Pompey
adtlressed hiui one day in lUvforinji, when he appeared ti» lie per-
fectly disengaged. Cicero was i>ne of his most intimate friends, and
though he had souje dilference with PdMipey about the conmjjind of
the arn»y, ypl tbey used to see each other, and converse freely and
familiarly.-^Cicero, after the etmimon salutations, asked him,
" Whetjier be was at leisure to see ci»mpaiiy ':" He answered, '* No-
thing could be more agreeable," and pressed them to come to his
bouse. *' Then wc will wait on you," said Cicero, '* this evening,
on oondilion you give us notiiing but what is provided for yourself."
IakuUus auitle some diHWulty of accepting the ct>ndition, and de-
sired tbem ti> put orttlieir favour till another day. lint they iiusi^tcd
it siuNjkl be tluit very evening, and would not suH'er him to speak to
his servau:*, lei.t he .should order some addition to the supper; only,
at his re<|ue>t, tlicy allowed him to tell »>ne of them, in their presence,
*' He should sup that evening in the .\pollo;" which wa.s the name
t>f oi>e of his niost magnificent rooms. The persons invited had na
wUan tff bis stiatagem ; but, ii sevuis each of Im dining-rooms Uad

218 I'LL TAKCh's LIVES.

its particular allowance for provisions, and service of plate, as well
as other furniture; so that the servants, hearing what room he would
sup in, knew very well what expense they were to go to, and what
side-board and carpets they were to use. The stated charge of an
entertainment in the Apollo was fifty thousand drachmas, and the
whole sum was laid out that evening. Pompcy, of course, when he
saw so vast and expensive a provision, was surprised at the expedi-
tion with which it was prepared. In this respect Lucullus used his
riches with all the disregard one might expect to be shown to so
many captives and barbarians.

But the great expense he incurred in collecting books deserves a
serious approbation. The number of volumes was great, and they
were written in elegant hands ; yet the use he made of them was
more honourable than the acquisition. His libraries were open to
all; the Greeks repaired at pleasure to the galleries and porticoes, as
to the retreat of the muses, and there spent whole days in conversa-
tion on matters of learning; delighted to retire to such a scene
from business and from care. Lucullus himself often joined these
learned men in their walks, and conferred with them; and when he
was applied to about the affairs of their country, he gave them his
assistance and advice. So that his house was in fact an assylum and
senate-house to all the Greeks that visited Rome.

He had a veneration for philosophy in general, and there was no
sect which he absolutely rejected. But his principal and original
attachment was to tlie Academy; not that whicli is called the New,
though that Hourished and was supported by Philo, Avho walked in
the steps of Carneades; but the Old Academy, whose doctrines were
then taught by An.iochus of Ascalon, a man of the most persuasive
powers. Lucullus sought his friendship with great avidity; and
having prevailed with him to give him his company, set him to op-
pose the disciples of Philo. Cicero was of the number, and wrote
an ingenious book against the old academy, in which he makes Lu-
cullus defend tiic j)rincipal doctrine in dispute, namely, that there is
such a thing as certain knowledge, and himself maintains the con-
trary. The book is entitled Lucullls. They were, indeed, as we have
observed, sincere friends, and acted upon the same principle in the
administration; for Lucullus had not entirely abandoned the concerns
of government; he only gave up the point as to the first influence
and direction. The contest for that, he saw, might be attended not
only with danger but disgrace, and therefore he soon left it to Cras-
sus and Cato. When he had refused to take the lead, those who
looked upon the power of Pompcy with a suspicious eye, pitched
upon Crassus and Cato to support the patrician interests, _«.LuculliiSj

notwithstanding, gave his attendance in t\\efortim, when the busi-
ness of his friends required it; and lie did the same in the senate-
house, when tlicre was any ambitious design of Pompey to combat.
He got Pompey's orders annulled, which he had made after the con-
quest of the two kings; and, with the assistance of Cato, tlircw out
his bill for a distribution of lands among his veterans*.

This threw Pompey intotiie arms of Crassus and Caesar; or rather,
lie conspired with them against tlic commonwealth: and having filled
the city with soldiers, drove Cato and Lucullus out of iheybri/w,and
got his acts established by force.

As these proceedings were highly resented by nil who had the hi
tcrest of their country at heart, Pompey's paity instructed one Vec-
tius to act a part, and gave it out that they had detected him in a de-
sign against Pompey's life. When Vectius was examined in the se-
nate, he said, it was at the instigation of others; but, in tlie assembly
of the people, he affirmed Lucullus was the man who put him upon
ir. No one gave credit to the assertion; and, in a few days after, it
^vas very evident that the wretch was suborned to accuse an innocent
man, when his dead body was thrown out of the prison. I'ompey's
party said he had laid violent hands upon himself: but the marks of
the cord that had strangled him, and of the blows he had received,
showed plainly that he was killed by the persons who suborned him.

This event made Lucullus still more unwilling to interfere in the
concerns of government ; and when ( ieero was banisheil, and Cato
sent to Cyprus, he quitted them entirely. It is said, that his un-
derstanding gradually failed, and that before his death it was abso-
lutely gone. Curntlius Nepos, indeed, asserts, that this failure of
his intellects was not owing to sickness or old age, but to a potion
given him by an enfranchised slave of his, named Callisthcnes. Nor
did Callisthcnes give it him as a poison, but as a love potion. How-
ever, instead of conciliating his master's regards to him, it deprived
him of his senses; so that, during the last years of his life, his bro-
ther had the care of his estate.

Nevertheless, when he died, he was as much regretted by the
people as if he had departed in that height of glory to which his merit
in war and in the administration had raised him. They crowded to the
procession ; and the body being carried into the forum by son)e
young men of the first quality, they insisted it should be burieil in

• Plu(arcli sn^s simply ncmcun tiiia, a certain diitribnlLon. Aniiol ami Dacicr f^ny it
wus of money. Uut w<: or^rcv with the Latin and former English (ranshtlor, that it was
of land?. Indeid, tliis nppe.iti to Lnve been the cose, from the ancient historians; wlio
inform U9, that it was in the same bill that Ponjpey moved t>> have all hi^ net* in t)ic Eait
iioufirmed, and a dMtiibution of lauds made among his reteraii*.

214 Plutarch's lives.

' ' ' ■ ■ r ' ■ ' - — —

the Campus 3Jiiriius, as that of Sylla had been. As this was a mo-
lion entirely unexpected, and the preparations for the fuiicral there
eould not easily he made, his brother, with much entreaty, prevailed
with tlieni to have tlie o))sequies performed on the Tusculan estate,
where every thing was provided for that purpose. Nor did he long
survive him. As he hud followed him close in the course of years
and honours, so he was not far behind him in his journey to the
grave ; to which he bore the character of the best and most aifec-
tionate of brothcrs,

CIMON AND LUCULLUS COMPARED.

WE cannot bat think the exit of Lacullus happy, as he did not
live to see that change in the constitution which fate was preparing
for his country in the civil wars. Though the commonwealth was
in a sickly state, yet lie left it free. In this respect the case erf
Cimou was particular^ similar: for he died while Greece was at the
height €f her prosperity, and before she was involved in those trou-
bles which proved so fatal to her. It is true, there is this diiference,
Cimon died in his camp, in the office of general 5 not like a man
-who, fatigued with war, and avoiding its conflicts, sought the re-
ward of his military labours, and of the laurels he had won, in the
delicacies of the table, and the joys of wine. In this view Plato was
right in his censure of the followers of Orpheus, who had placed
the rewards of futurity provided for the good in everlasting intoxica-
tion. No doubt, ease, tranquillity, literary researches, and the
pleasures of contemplation, furnish the most suitable retreat for a man
iQ years, who has bid adieu to military and political pursuits. But
to propose pleasure as the end of great achievements, and, after
long expeditions and commands, to lead up the dance of Venus, and
riot in her smiles, was so far from being worthy of the famed acade-
my, and a follower of the sage Xenocrates, that it rather became a
disciple of Epicurus. This is the more surprising, because Cimon
seems to liave spent his youth in luxury and dissipation, and LucuUus
in letters and sobriety. It is certainly another thing, notwithstand-
ing, to cb.angc for the better; and happier is the nature in which
vices gradually die, and virtue flourishes.

They were equally wealthy, but did not apply their riches to the
same purposes. For we cannot compare the palace at Naples, anc^
the Belvidercs amidst the water, which Lucullus erected with th«

CTMON AND LUCULLUS CO.MPARED. 215

barbarian spoils, to the south wall of the citadel whieli Cimoii built
with the treasure he had brout^ht from tlie wars. Nor can the sump-
tuous table of Lucullus, which savfjured too much of eastern magni-
fieence, be put in competition with the open and benevolent table
of Cinion. The one, at a moderate charge, daily nourished great
numbers of poor; the other, at a vast expense, pleased the appe-
tites of a few of the rich and the voluptuous. Perhaps, indeed, some
allowance must be made for the diflerence of the time. We know
not whether Cimon, if he had lived to be old, and retired from the
concerns of war and of the state, might not have given into a more
pompous and luxurious way of living; for he naturally loved wine
and company, was a promoter of public feasts and games, and re-
markable, as we have observed, for his inclination for the sex.
But glorious entcq)rises and great actions, being attended with
pleasures of another kind, leave no leisure for inferior gratifications:
nay, they banish them from the thoughts of persons of great abili-
ties for the field and the cabinet. And if Lucullus had finished his
days in high commands, and amidst the conflicts of war, I am per-
suaded the most envious cavalier could have found nothing to re-
proach him with. So much with respect to their way of living.

As to their military character, it is certain they were able com-
manders botli at sea and land. But as the champions, who in one
day gain the garland, not only in wrestling, but in the Pancration^ ,
are not simply called victors, but, by the custom of the games, the
fiowers of the victory ; so Cimon, having crowned Greece with two
victories gained in one day, the one at land, the other a naval one,
deserves some preference in the list of generals.

Lucullus was indebted to his country for his power, and Cinion
promoted the power of his country. The one found Rome com-
manding the allies, and umler her auspices extended her eon-
quests; the other found Athens obeying instead of commanding,
and yet gained her the chief authority among her allies, as well as
conquered her enemies, 'i'he Persians he defeated, and drove them
out of the sea, and he [>ersu:uled the LacediEinonians vi.;luntarilv to
surrender the command.

If it be the greatest work of a general to bring his men to obey
liim from a principle of alVection, we shall find Lucullus greatly de-
ficient in this respect. He was despised by his own troops, whereas
Cimon commanded the veneration not only of his own sv>l(!iers, but
of all the allies. The former was deserted by his own, and the latter
was courteil by strangers. The one set cut with a fine army, and
returned alone, abandoned by that army; the other went outwith

* Tlie Paacratiou cotuiitcd of boxing «nJ wfc^tling tpgctJKr.

2l6 1*LUTARCH*S LIVES.

troops subject to the orders they should receive from another general,
and at his return they were at the head of the whole league. Thus
he gained three of the most diftieult points imaginable, peace with
the enemy, the lead among tiie allies, and a good understanding
with Sparta.

They both attempted to conquer great kingdoms, and to subdue all
Asia, but their purposes were unsuccessful. Cinton's course was
stopped by fortune; he died with his commission in his hand, and
in the height of his prosperity. Lucullus, on the other hand, can-
not possibly be excused as to the loss of his authority, since he must
either have been ignorant of the grievances of his army, which ended
in so incurable an aversion, or unwilling to redress them.

This he has in common with Cimon, that he was impeached by
his countrymen. The Athenians, it is true, went further; they
banished Cimon by the ostracism, that they might not, as Plato ex-
presses it, hear his voice for ten years. Indeed, the proceedings of
the aristocratical party arc seldom acceptable to the people ; for,
while they arc obliged to use some violence for the correction of what
is amiss, their measures resemble the bandages of surgeons, whieh
are uneasy at the same time that they reduce the dislocation. But
in this respect, perhaps, we may exculpate both the one and the
other.

Lucullus carried his arms much the farthest. He vyas the first
who led a Roman army over Mount Taurus, and passed the Tigris.
He took and burnt the royal cities of Asia, Tigranocerta, Cabira,
Sinope, Nisil)is, in the sight of their nspective kings. On the
north he penetrated as far as the Phasis, on the east to Media, and
on the south to the Red sea, by the favour and assistance of the
princes of Arabia. He overthrew the armies of the two great kings,
and would certainly have taken them, had they not fled, like savages,
into distant solitudes and inaccessible woods. A certain proof of the
advantage Lucullus has in this respect is, that the Persians, as if
they had suftered nothing from Cimon, soon made head against the
Greeks, and cut in pieces a great army of theirs in Egypt; whereas
Tigranes and Mitluidatos could eiTcct nothing after the blow they
had received from Lucullus. Mithrldates, enfeebled by the conflicts
he had undergone, did not once venture to face Pompey in the
field; instead of that, he fled to the Bosphorus, and there put a pe-
riod to his life. As for Tigranes, he delivered himself naked and
unarmed to Pompey, took his diadem from his head, and laid it at
his feet; in whicii he complimented Pompey, not with what was
his own, but with what belonged to tlie laurels of Lucullus. The
poor prince, by the joy with wiiich he received the ensigns of royalty

MCIAS. 217

again, confessed that he had absolutely lost them. However, ho
must be deemed the greater g'eneral, ;is well as the greater chainnioii,
who delivers his advers:irv, weak and breathless, to the next eom-
batant.

Besides, Cimon lomul the king of Persia extremely weakened, and
the pride of his people humbled, by the losses and defeats they had
experienced from 'I'bemistocles, Pausanias, and Ijeotychidas; and
their hands could not make much resistance, when their hearts were
iTone. But Lucullus met Tigranes fresh and unfoiled, elated and ex-
ulting in the battles he iiad fought, and the victories he had won*.
\or is the number of the enemy's troops which Cimon defeated, in
the least to be compared to those who gave battle to IauuIIus.

In sliort, when we weigh all the advantages of each of these great
men, it is hard to say to which side the balance inclines. Heaven
appears to have favoured both; directing the one to what he should
do, and warning the other what he should avoid: so that the gods
bore witness of tlu-ir virtue, and regarded them as persons in whom
there was something divine.

NICIAS.

WE have pitclied upon Crassus as a proper person to be put In
parallel with Niclas ; and the misfortunes which befcl the one in
Parthia, with those which overtuok the other in Sicily. But we have
an apology to make to the reader on another account. As we arc
now undertaking a history, where Thucydides, in the pathetic, has
even outdone himself, and in energy and variety of conip<>8i(Ion Is
perfectly inimitable, we hope no one will suspect we have tlic ambi-
:iou of Timaeus, wlio flattered himself he could exceed the power of
Thucydides, and make Philiszusf pass for an inelegant and ordinary
writer, I'nder the influence of that deception, Timieus plunges

* M. l)«cirr (liiulcf, that if, br jiJct the other adrantagct just meotioned, the o<lvtD>
lagc be also allowed Lucullus in respect of the nural^er ul »> >'!>'•'•••!• it« )ia«J «icleaied,
the baUitce must clearly incline to lu* »i(ie.

Dui, while he i4j* itiis, he src>u« (u have torgot the |>rclc;<.'i:i.i ) ^ null ut had t>"'^*^
Ctmun, lu respect tu his conliiiuiiig Ins labourt lor bis cuuntrj i« the lait bour oi bl>
liie ; tbe more excellriit use and appiicotion ofrichrsj hi* knowing bow 10 g«m aad

beep (hs hearts of !i.» «.iMirr« 1. ;.l l... .•.linin.- InKorlnnt vic'o. ;«« 11:1 tiio .htlrrrnt

•Jeinents io one dav

t Philislut was s>i nblc ^ vrn'T, t.'jnt Ligoio caiU lil<a tt..- j w Ui^ci 1 :. .cj-UiJc*.

Vol. 2. No. JO. fk

218 tli'Tarch's lives.

into the midst of the battles both at sea and hind, and speeches ir>
which those historians shine the most. However, he soon appears,

Not like a footman by tlie Lydiancar,

as Pindar expresses it, but a shallow puerile writer*, or, to use the
words of the poet Diphilus,

A heavy animal

Cas'd ill Sicilian lard

Sometimes he falls into the dreams of Xenarchusf: as where he
says, " He could not but consider it as a bad omen for the Athe-
nians, that they had a general with a name derived from victory J,
who disapproved the expedition." As also, " That by the mutila-
tion of the HernKP, the gods presignified that they should suffer
most in the Syracusan war from Hermocrates the son of Hermon§."
And again, *' It is probable that Hercules assisted the Syracusans,.
because Proserpine delivered up Cerberus to him; and that he was
offended at the Ailienians for supporting the iEgesteans, who were
descended from the Trojans his mortal enemies, whose city he had
sacked in revenge for the injuries he had recei\'ed from Laomedon."
He made these fine observations with tiie same discerinnent whidi
put him upon the finding fault with the language of Philistus, and
censuring the writings of Plato and Aristotle.

For my part, I cannot but think, all emulation and jealousy
about expression betrays a littleness of mind, and is the characte-
ristic of a sophist; and when that spirit of contest attempts things
inimitable, it is perfectly absurd. Since, therefore, it is impossible
to pass over in silence those actions of Nicias which Thucydides
and Philistus have recorded, especially such as indicate his manners
and disposition, which often lay concealed under the weight of his
misfortunes; we shall give an abstract from them of what appears
most necessary, lest we should be accused of negligence or indo-
lence. As for other mutters not generally known, which are found
scattered in histuiians, or in ancient inscriptions and decrees, we
shall collect them with care ; not to gratify a useless curiosity, but

* Tiraseus might have his vanity, and, if he lioped to eicel Thucydides, he certainly
had. Yet Cicero and DmcJorus speak of him as a very able historian. Longinus recon-
ciles the censure and the praise. He says, sonittimes you find him in the grand and
sublime. But, blind to Lis own defects, he is much inclined to censure others, and is
so fond of thinking out of the comnioa road, that he olten sinks into the utmost
puerility.

t Xenarchiu, the Peripatetic, was master to Strabo; and Xenarchus, the comic poet,
was author of several pieces of bumour: but wc know no historian of that name.

J That is, Nicias. Kite signifies victory,

§ Longinus quotes this passage as an example of the frigid style, and of those pue-
lihiies he had condemned ta Tiioaeus.

MCIAS. 2\^

by drawing from them the true lines of this general's thuracter, to
serve the purposes of real instruction.

The first thing 1 shall mention relating to him is the observatlou
of Aristotle, that three of the most worthy men in Athens, wlio had
a paternal regard and friendship for the people, were, Niciastheson
<)f Nieeratus, Thuc ydides the son of Milcsias, and Tlieraraencs the
son of Agnon. The last, indeed, was not so remarkahL- in this re-
spect as the other two; for he had been reproached with Im hirth,
as a stranger come from the isle of Ceos: and from his want of firm-
ness, or rather versatility, in matters of government, he was called
/he Buskin ^\

Tliucydides wjis the oldest of the three; and when Pericles acted
a Mattering part to the iMO|)le, he often opposed him in behalf of
the nobility. Though Nitias was much the younger man, he gained
st»me reputation while Pericles lived, insomuch that he was several
times his colleague in the war, and often commanded alone. But
when IVricles died, he was soon advanced to the head of the ad-
ministration, particularly by the iiifhienee of the rich and great, who
hoped he would prove a barrier against the daring insolence of Cleon.
He had, however, the good wishes of the j)eople, and thev contri-
buted their share to his advancement.

it is true Cleon had considerable interest, whieh he gjiined by
making his court to the old men, and by his frequent donations
to the poor citizens. Yet even many of those whom he studied to
oblige, seeing his avarice and eflVontery, came over to Nicias; for
the gravity of Nicias had nothing austere or morose in it, but was
mixed with a reverence for the j)eoj)le, in which fear seemed to be
prevalent, and consequently was very agreeable to them. Indeed,
he was tiaturally timid and cold-hearted ; but this defect was con-
cealed i)y the long course of success with which fortune favoured his
expeditions; and his timidity in the assemblies of the people, and
dread of persons who matle a trade of impeachments, was a popular
thing. It contributed not a little to gain him the regards of the
multitude, wh<» are afraid of those that despise them, and love to
promote those that fear them ; because, in general, the greatest ho-
nour they can ht)pe to obtain is not to be despised by the great.

As I'ericks kept the reins of government in his hands bv means
of real virtue, and by the force of his ehxpienee, he had no need to
hold out false colours, or to use any urtitice with the people. Nicias
was dcfirietit in those groat endowments, but had superior riches;
and he applied them to the puriK)se.s of popularity. On the other
* The rorm of (he buikm w» luch Ibal it might be worn iitdifferrDllj oo cultrr Icj^

320 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

hand, he could not, like Cleon, divert and draw the people by an
easy manner and tlie sallies of buffoonery; and therefore he amused
them with the chorusses of tragedy, with gymnastic exercises, and
such like exhibitions, which far exceeded, in point of nmgnificencc
and elegance, all that went before him, and those of his own times
also. Two of his offerings to the gods are to be seen at this day;
the one a statue of Pallas, dedicated in the citadel, which has lost
part of its gilding; the other a small chapel in the temple of Bac-
chus, under the tripods, which are commoidy offered up by those
who gain the prize in tragedy. Indeed, Nicias was already victori-
ous in those exhihitions. It is said, tiiat in a cliorus of that kind,
one of his slaves appeared in the character of Bacchus. The slave
was of an uncommon size and beauty, bat liad not yet arrived at
maturhy; and the people were so charmed with him, that they gave
him long plaudits. At last Nicias rose up and said, *' He should
think it an act of impiety to retain a person in servitude who seemed,
by the public voice, to be consecrated to a god;" and he enfran-
chised him upc-n the spot.

I] is rcirulations with respect to Delos are still spoken of as worthy
of tlie deity who })rcsides there. Before his time, the choirs which
the cities sent to sing the praises of Apollo* landed in a disorderly
manner, because the inhal)itants of the island used to run up to the
ship, and press them to sing before they were disembarked; so that
they were forced to strike up as they were putting on their robes and
garlands. But when Nicias had the conduct of this ceremony,
known bv the name of Tlieoria, he landed first in the isle of Rhenia
with the ciioi], the victims, and all the other necessary preparations.
He had taken care to have a bridge constructed before he left Athens,
which should reach from that isle to Delos, and which was magnifi-
cently gilded, and adorned with garlands, rich stuffs, and tapestry.
In the night he threw his bridge over the ciiannel, which was not
large, and at break of day he marched over it at the head of the pro-
cession, with his choir richly habited, and singing hymns to the
god. After the sacrifices, the games, and banquets, were over, he
consecrated a palm-tree of brass to Apollo, and likewise a field
which he had purchased for ten thousand drachmas. The Delians
were to lay out the income in sacrifices and feasting, and at the same
time to pray for Apollo's blessing upon the founder. This is in-
scribed on a pillar, which he left in Delos as a monument of his

* There was a select band of music annually sent by the principal cities of Greece,
tbe procession was called Theoria, and it was looked upon as an honourable coramissiou
to have the tnanageracnl of it.

MCIAS. 1221

benefaction. As for the palm-tree, it was broken by the winds,
and the frat^nient falling upon a great statue * whieh the people of
Naxos had «>et up, demolished it.

It is obvious tliat most of these things were done for ostentation,
and with a view to popularity. Nevertheless, we may collect, Uom
the rest of his life and conduct, that religion had the principal share
in these dedications, and that popularity was but a secondary motive;
for he certainly was rcmarkabh- fur his fear u( the gods, and, as
Thucydidcs observes, he was pious to a degree of superstition f. It
is related in the dialogues of I'asiphon, that he sacrilieed every day,
and that he had a diviner in his house, wlio, in appearance, inquired
the success of the public atVairs, but in reality was much oftener
consulted about his own; j):uticularly as to the success of his silver
inlnes in the borough of Laurium, which in general allbrded a large
jevcnue, but were not worked without danger. He maintained there
a multitude of slaves; and the greatest ])art of his fortune consisted
in silver; so that he had many retainers, who asked favours, and
were not sent away empty; for he gave not only to iliose who de-
served his bounty, but to such as might be able to do him harm;
and bad men found resources in his fears, as well as good men in
his liberality. The comic poets bear witness to what I have advanced.
Teleclides introduces a trading informer speaking thus: — " Charicles
would not give one mina to j^rcvent my declaring that he was the
first fruits of his mother's amours; but Nicias, the son of Xiccratus,
l^ave me four; why he did it, I shall not say, tlioiii^h 1 know it per-
fectly well; for Nicias is my frientl, a very wise man besides, in my
opinion." J'^upolis, in his Jfttrria, brings another informer upon
the stage, who meets with some poor ignorant man, and thus ad-
dresses him: —

^' Informer. How long is it siiue yousaw Nieias?

" Poor uian. 1 never saw him before this moment, when he ^tood
in the market-place.

" Liformcr. Take notice, my friends, the man c»)nfes»;cs he iias
seen Nicias. And for what pur[)ose eould he see him, but to sell
him his vote? Nicias, therefore, is plainly taken in the fact.

" Poet. Ah, fools! do you think you can ever persuade the world
tiiat so gcK)d a man as Nicias was taken in mal-practices.'"

CIcon, in Aristophanes, says, in a menacing tone, ** I will out-
bawl the orators, and make Nicias tremble \." And IMirynieus

* A statue which ihc Naxiani bad dedicated lo Apullo. The pcdctlal ba» bcca d\>-
covered by some modern tra\cllers. t Tliuc^d. lib. %ii.

X This is in the Eqmtcs of .\riitophanc', ^rr. .I.*)?. It is not Clecn, but Agoracrilai
who fpealci.

222 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

glances at his excessive timidity, when, speaking of another person,
he says, " I know him to bean honest man and a good citizen, one
who does not walk the streets with a downcast look likeNicias."

Willi this fear of informers upon him, he would not sup or con-
verse with any of the citizens, or come into any of those parties
^hich make the time pass so agreeably. When he was archon, he
used to stay in court till uight, being always the first that came, and
the last that went away. When he had no public business upon his
hands, he shut iiimself up at home, and was extremely difficult of
access; and if any persons came to the gate, his friends went and
begged them to excuse Nicias, because he had some affairs under
consideration which were of great importance to the state.

The person who assisted him most in acting this farce, and gain-
ing him the reputation of a man for ever intent upon business, was
one Hiero, who was brought up in his house, had a liberal educa-
tion, and a taste of music given him there. He passed himself fur
the son of Dionysius, surnamed Chalchu», some of whose poems
are still extant, and who, having conducted a colony into Italy,
founded the city of Timrii. This Hiero transacted all the private
business of Nicias with the diviners; and whenever he came among-
the people, he used to tell them, " What a laborious and miserable
life Nicias led for their sakes. He cannot go to the bath, said he,
'' or the table, but some affair of state solicits his attention; and he
neglects his own concerns to take care of the public. He can scarce
find time for repose till the other citizens have had their first sleep.
Amidst these cares and labours, his health declines daily, and his
temper is so broken, that his friends no longer approach him with
pleasure; but he loses tliem too, after having spent his fortune in
your service. Meanwhile other statesmen gain friends, and grow
rich in their employments, and are sleek and merry in the steerage
of government."

In fact, the life of Nicias was a life of so much care, that he
might have justly applied to himself that expression of Agamemnon,

In vain the glare of pomp proclaims mc master,
I am servant of tlie people

Nicias perceived that the commons availed themselves of tlie ser-
vices of those who were distinguished for their eloquence or capa-
city; but that they were always jealous and on their guard against
their great abilities, and that they endeavoured to humble them,
and to obstruct their progress in glory. This appeared in the con-
demnation of Pericles, the banishment of Damon, the suspicions
they entertained of Antipho the Rhamnusian, but, above all, in
the despair of Pachcs, who had taken Lesbos, and who^ being called

NiciAS. 223

to give ati acouuiit of his conduct, drew his sword, and killed hiin-
self in open court.

Warned by these examples, he endeavoured to avoid sueh expe-
ditions as he thought Jong and difficult, and, when he did take the
command, he made it his business to proceed upon a sure plan. For
this reason he was generally successful; yet he ascribed his success
to fortune, and took refuge under the wings of the divinity : con-
tenting himself with a smaller portion of honour, lest envy should
rob him of the whole.

The event showed the prudence of his conduct: f<<r thuugli the
Athenians received many great blows in those times, none of them
could be imputed to Nicias. When they were defeated by the Clial-
cideans in Thrace, Calliades* and Xenophon had the command;
Demosthenes was general when they miscarried in .^tolia; and,
when they lost a thousand men at Deliumf, they were under the
conduct of Hippocrates. As for the plague, it was connnonly
thought to be occasioned by Pericles, who, to draw the burghers
out of the way of the war, shut them up in the city, where tiiey con-
tracted the sickness by the change of situation and diet.

None of these misfortunes were imputed to Nicias: on the con-
trary, he took Cythera, an island well situated for annoying Laconi^t,
and at that time inhabited by Lacedaemonians. He recovered many
places in Tlirace which had revolted from the Athenians. He shut
up the Megarenslans within their walls, and reduced the island of
Minoa. From thence he made an excursion soon after, and got
possession of the port of Nisaea. He likewise made a descent upon
the territories of Corinth, beat the troops of that state in a pitched
battle, and killed great immbers of them: Lycophion, their general,
was among the slain.

He happened to leave there the bodies of two of his men, who
were missed in carrying off the dead. But, as soon as he knew it,
he stopped his course, and sent a herald to the enemy to ask leave to
take away those bodies. This he did, though there was a law and
custom subsisting, by which those who desire a treaty for carrying
off" the dead give up the victory, and are not at liberty to erect a tro-
phy. And, indeed, those who are so far masters of the field, tliat
theeuemy caimot bury their dead without i)ermission, appear to he
conquerors, because no man would nsk that as a favuui which he

• I'trhapi \vr should rca«1 Collias. Sec Mciiaj;. on Diog. I.jcrl ii. 15.

t Delivitu III Ha;nli3. DcUm, the cuniaion rcadiu,;, is undoubtedly wron^. Itia
Athenians bad no lucb Iu>k (here. Dut their defeat at UeUuni it rcUicd at lai^e bjr
Thucjdido», I. IV.

224 rUITARCH S LIVES.

could command. Nlcias, however, chose rather to lose his laurels
than to leave two of his countrymen unburied*.

After he had ravaj^cd the coast of Laconia, and defeated the Lace-
dfemonians who attompted to oppose him, he took the fortress of
Thyrfcaf, then held by tlic .Eginetje, made the garrison prisoners,
and carried them to Athens. Demosthenes having fortified PyloslJ:,
the Peloponnesians besieged it both by sea and land. A -battle en-
sued, in which they were worsted, and about four hundred Spartans,
threw themselves into the isle of Sphacteria. The taking of tiiera
seemed, and indeed was, an important object to the Athenians.
But the siege was difficult, because there was no water to bajia'd
upon the spot, and it was troublesome and expensive to get convoys
thither; in summer they were obliged to take a long circuit, and in
winter it was absolutely impracticable. They were much perplexed
about the affair, and repented their refusing the terms of peace which
the Lacedaemonians had offered by tiieir ambassadors.

It was through Cleon that the embassy did not take effect; he op-
posed the peace because Nicias was for it. Cleon was his mortal
enemy, and, seeing him countenance the Lacedaemonians, persuaded
the people to reject their propositions by a formal decree. But when
they found that the siege was drawn out to a great length, and that
there was almost a famine in their camp, they expressed their re-
sentment against Cleon. Cleon, for his part, laid the blame upon
Nicias, alleging that if the enemy escaped, it must be through his
slow and timid operations: "Had I been the general," said he,
" they could not have held out so long." The Athenians readily
answered, " Why do you not go now against these Spartans?" And
Nicias rose up and declared, " He would freely give lip to him the
command in the affair of Pylos; bade him take what forces he
pleased; and instead of showing his courage in words, where there
was no danger, go and perform some actions worthy the attention of
his country."

♦ The burning of the dead was a duty of great importance in the Iieathen world.
The fable of the ghost of an uubiiried person not being allowed to pass the Styx is well
known, .\bout eight years after the death of Nicias, the Athenians put six of their
penerals to death, for not interring those soldiers that were slain in the battle of
Arginusr:?.

t Thy raja was a fort situated between Laconia and the territory of the Argivei. I:
belonged of rijiht to the Lacedienionians, but they gave it to the iEginets, who iiad
been expelled their country.

X The Peloponnesians and their allies had entered Attica under the conduct of Agis
the son of Archidamus, and ravaged the country. Demosthenes, the Athenian general,
made a diversion by seizing and fortifying fylus. This brough; Agis back to the defence
ct his O'.vn couut'V. Thucjd. 1. ir.

MCIAS. 2€5

Cleon, disconcerted with the unexpected offer, declined it at first;
but when he found the Athenians insisted upon it, and tliat Nicias
took his advantage to raise a clamour against him, his pride was liurt,
and he was incensed to such a degree, that he not only undertook
the expedition, but declared, "lie would, In twenty day>, either
put the enemy to the sword, or bring them alive to Athens."

The people laughed at his declaration*, instead of giving it any
credit. Indeed, they had long been accustomed to divert themselves
with the sallies of his vanity. One day, for instance, \vi)en a general
assembly was to be held, they had sat waiting for him a long time.
At last he came, when their patience was almost spent, with a gar-
land on his head, and desired them to adjourn until the day following :
*' For to-day," says he, " 1 am not at leisure; I have strangers to
entertain, and I have sacrificed to the gods." The Athenians oidy
laughed, and immediately rose up and dismissed the assembly.

Cleon, however, was so much favoured by fortune in this com-
mission, that he acquitted himself better than any one since De-
mosthenes. He returned within the time he had fixed, after he had
made all the Spartans who did not fall in battle deliver up their arms,
and brought them prisoners to Athens.

This reflected no small disgrace upon Nicias. It was considered
as something worse than throwing away his shield, meanly to quit
his command, and to give his enemy an opportunity of distinguish-
ing himself by his abdication. Hence Aristophanes ridicules him in
his comedy called The Birds. " By heaven, this is no time for us
to slumber, or to imitate the la/y operations of Nicias." And in
Ids piece entitled The Husbandman, he introduces two Athenians
discoursing thus

" First Athenian. I had rather stay at home and till the ground.

" Second Athenian. And who hinders thee?

** First Athenian. You hindirr me. And yet I am willing to pay
a thousand drachmas to be excused taking the eommi-^^ioii.

" Second Athenian. Let us see. Your thousand diaehmas, with
those of Nicias, will make two thousand. We will excuse you."

Nicias, in this affair, was not only unjust to himself, but to the
state. He suffered Cleon by this means to gain such an ascend«nt
as led him to a degree of pride antl effrontery that was insupportable.
Many evils were thus brought upon the commonwealth, of which
Nicias himself had his full share. We cannot buf consider it as one
great corruption, that Cleon now l)anished all decorum from the

* The wiser sort hoped either to have the pleasure of seeinc: the Ijicedctnoniani
brought priaoners to Athens, or else of getting rid of the importuuate prcteusiofit of
Cleon.

Vol. 2. No. 20. og

226 I'LUTARCH's lhes.

general assembly. It was he who in liis speeches first broke out
into violent exclamations, threw back his robes, smote upon his
thigh, and ran from one end of the rostrum to the other. This soon
introduced such a licentiousness and disregard to decency among
those who directed the aflairs of state, that it threw the whole go-
vernment into confusion.

At this time there sprung up another orator at Athens. This was
Alcibiadcs. He did not prove so totally corrupt as Cleon. As it is
said of the land of Egypt, that, on account of its extreme fertility,

There, plenty sows tlie fields witli Iierbs salubrious.
But scatters many a baneful weed between- • • •

So in Alcibiades there were very diffinent qualities, but all in ex-
tremes; and these extremes opened a door to many innovations; so
that when Nicias got clear of Cleon, he had no time to establish any
lasting tranquillity in Athens: but, as soon as he had got things into
a safe track, the ambition of Alcibiades came upon him like a tor-
rent, and bore him back into the storms of war.

It happened thus: tlie persons who most opposed the peace of
Greece were Cleon and Brasidas. Wax helped to liide the vices
of the former, and to show the good qualities of the latter. Cleon
found opportunity for acts of injustice and oppression, and Brasidas
for great and glorious actions. But, after they both fell in the battle
near Amphipolis, Nicias applied to the Lacedaemonians on one
hand, who had been for some time desirous of peace, and to the
Athenians on the other, now no longer so warm in the pursuits of
v.'ar. In fact, both parties were tired of hostilities, and ready to let
their weapons drop out of their hands. Nicias, therefore, ivsed his
endeavours to reconcile them, and indeed to deliver all the Greeks
from the calamities they had suffered, to bring them to taste the
sweets of repose, and to re-establish a long and lasting reign of hap-
piness. He immediately found the rich, the aged, and all that were
employed in tl)e culture of the ground, disposed to peace ; and by
addressing himself to the rest, and expostulating vtith them respec-
tively, he soon abated their ardour for war.

His next step was to give the Spartans hopes of an accommoda-
tion, and to exhort tl:em to propose such measures as might eH'ect it.
Tliey readily confided in him, because they knew the goodness of
his heart; of which there was a late instance in his humane treat-
ment of their countrymen wlio were taken prisoners at Pylos, and
who found their chains greatly ligiitened by his good offices.

They had already agreed to a suspension of arms for one year;
during which time they often met, and enjoyed again the pleasures
of ease and security, the company of strangers as well as nearer

NItlAS. 227

friends, and expressed their mutual wishes for the continuance of a
h'fe undisturbed with the hurrors of war. It was with great delight
they heard the chorus in such a strain as this:

Arancl^f freely now Ims I'-avc

Mt-r wfl)» aruuiid m_v ^pour to wcatt-.

lliey recollected with pleasure the saying, "That in time of peace
f men are awaked not hy the sound of tlie trumpet, but the crowing
of the cock." They execrated those who said it was decreed hy fate
that the war should last three times nine years*; and this free inter-
course leading them to canvass every point, tlicy at last signed the

peace t-

It was now the general opinion that they wore at the end of all
tlieir troubles. Nothing was talked of but Nicias. He, tlicy said,
■was a man beloved of the gods, who, in recompence of his piety,
had thought proper that the greatest and most desirable of all bles-
sings should bear his name. Is is certain they ascribed the peace to
Nicias, as they did the war to Pericles And, indeed, the one did
plunge them, upon slight pretences, into numberless calamities, and
the other persuaded them to bury the greatest of injuries in oblivion,
and to unite again as friends. It is, therefore, called the Xiccan
peace to this very day.

It was agreed in the articles that both parties should restore the
towns and the prisoners they had taken; and it was to be determined
by lot which of them should do it first: but, according to Theo-
phrastus, Nicias secured the lot by dint of money, so that the Lacc-
dcemonians were forced to lead the way. As the Corinthians and
Boeotians were disjileased at these proceedings, and endeavoured,
by sowing jealousies between the contracting powers, to renew the
war, Nicias persaadeil the Athenians and Lr.ced.emonians to confirm
the peace, and to support each other by a league olVensive andtleten-
sive. This, he expected, would imimidate those who were iiu liiud
to fly otf.

During these transactions, Aleiliiatles at first made it his busines.s
privately to oppose the jience; for hi- was naturally disinclined to in-
action, and was, moreover, offended at the LacedaMiionians on
account of their attachment to Nicias, ai'.d their neglect and disregard
of hitn. liut when he found this private ojjposition inetl'ectual, he

• •' 1 rcinnuhcr," ^ay'» 'riiiirydidi'';, " llml tliritu^lioni tin- «liolc w.ir innny iu«iii-
taiiicd i( wu> tu lusl llircc liiiirt nine jciirs. And if wc rickon (lie fn»i Irn vcar* ■>( llic
war, (he truic, vi-ty ^lu>rt iind ill ub^irvcd, tliiit rolluwed it^ (he lirulics ill riccutrd.
and Uic wur that win rcnc'«cd tiicrcu|iun, we »iiall find the umclc lull^ juttilitcl by liio
event."— 'Aiifi/d, I. ».

t Pence fur fifty years was agreed upoD aud sigocJ titc year fullowiugi but it was
ioua broken n^jain.

2:28 Plutarch's LrvEs.

took another method. In a little time he saw the Athenians did not
look uppn the Lacedaemonians with so obliginu; an eye as before,
because they thought themselves injured by the alliance which their
new friends had entered into with the Breotians, and because they
had not delivered upPanactus and Amphipolis in the condition they
founil them. He therefore dwelt upon these points, and endeavoured
to inflame the people's resentment, liesides, he persuaded, and at
last prevailed upon, the republic of Argos, to send an embassy for
the purpose of negociating a treaty with the Athenians.

\Vhen the Lacedifimonians had intelligence of this, they sent am-
bassadors to Athens with full powers to settle all matters in dispute.
These plenipotentiaries were introduced to the senate, and their
proposals seemed perfectly just and reasonable, Alcibiades upon
this, fearing they would gain the people by the same overtures, cir-
cumvented them by perfidious oaths and asseverations, " promising
he would secure the success of their commission, if they would not
declare that they came with full powers; and assuring them that no
other method would be so effectual." They gave credit to his insi-
nuations, and went over from Nicias to him.

Upon introducing them to the people, the first question he asked
them was, " Whether they came with full powers?" They denied it,
as they were instructed — Then Alcibiades, beyond all their expec-
tation, changing sides, called the senate to bear witness to their
former declarations, and desired the people " Not to give the least
credit or attention to such manifest prevaricators, wjio, upon the same
point, asserted one thing one day, and another thing the next." Their
confusion was inexpressible, as may well be imagined, and Nicias was
struck dumb with grief and astonishment. The people, of course,
sent inmiediately for the deputies of Argos to conclude the treaty
■with them. But at that very moment, there happened a slight
shock of an earthquake, which, favourably for Nicias, broke up the
assembly.

Next day they assembled again, and Nicias, by exerting all his
powers, with much difficulty prevailed upon them not to put the
last hand to the league with Argos; but instead of that, to send him
to Sparta*, where, he assured them, all would be well. When he
arrived there, he was treated with great respect, as a man of honour,
and one who had shown that republic great friendship: however, as
the party that had favoured the Boeotians was the strongest, he could
effect nothing f. He returned, therefore, not only with disrepute

* There were otliers joined in commission with liim.

+ Nicias insi.^ted that the Spartans should reaounce tbeir alliance with the Boeotian!,

because they had not acceded to the peace.

NICIAS. 229

and disgrace, but was apprehensive of worse consequences from the
Athenians, who were greatly chagjincd and provoked, tliat, at his
persuasion, they had set free so many prisoners, and prisoners of such
distinction: for those brought from Pylos were of the first families
in Sparta, and had connexions with the greatest personages there.
Notwithstanding this, they did not express their resentment in any
act of severity; they only elected Alcibiades general, and took the
Mantineans and Eleans, who had quitted the Lacedaemonian interest,

into league with them, along with the Argives They then sent a

marauding party to Pylos, from tiience to make excui>ions intoLa-
conia. Thus the war broke out afresh.

As the quarrel between Nieias and Alcibiades rose daily to a prealLT
height, the ostracism was proposed. To this the people have re-
course at certain periods, and by it they expel for ten years any one
who is suspected for his authority, or envied for bis wealth. IJotli par-
ties were greatly alarmed at the danger, not doubting that it would fall
to tlie lot of one of them. The Athenians detested the life and
manners of Alcibiades, and at the same time they dreaded his en-
terprising sjiirit, as we have related more at large in his life. As for
Nieias, his riches exposed him to envy, and the rather, because there
was nothing social or popular in his manner of living; on the contra-
ry, his recluse turn seemed owing to an inclination for oligarchy, and
perfectly in a foreign taste. Besides, he had combated their opinions,
and, by making them pursue their own interest against their inclina-
tion, was of course become obnoxious. In one word, the whole was
a dispute between the young who wanted war, and the old who were

lovers of peace The former endeavoured to make the ostracism

fall upon Nieias, and the latter on Alcibiades:

hul in &e(!i(!un» b.id iiiiii rue 10 liuimur.

The Athenians being divided into two factions, the subtle.st and most
profligate of wretches gained ground. Such was I fyperbolus, of the
warxl (jf Perithois; a man whose boldness was not owing to any well-
grounded influence, but whose influence was owing t«) his boldness;
and w ho disgraced the city by the credit he had accpiired.

This wretch had no apprehensions of bani.\lmu*nt by the honour-
able suffrage of the ostracism, because he knew himself filter for a
gibbet. Hoping, however, that if one of these gr<at men were ba-
nished, he should be able to make head against the other, he dis-
senjbled not his joy at this spirit of party, but strt)ve to eXasj)eiate
the people against both. Nieias and .Mcibiadcs, taking notice of his
malice, came to a private interview, in w hieh they agreed to unite
their interests; and by that means avoided the ostracism themselves,
3nd turned it upon Hypcrbolus.

S30 I'LUTARCH's LIV£>.

At first tlie people were pleased, and laughed at the strange turn
things had taken; but, upon recollection, it gave them great uneasi-
ness to think that the ostracism was dishonoured by its falling upon a
person unworthy of it. They were persuaded there was a dignity in
that punishment ; or rather, that to such men as Thucydides and
Aristidcs it was a punishment; whereas to Hyperbol us it was an
honour which he might be proud of, since his profligacy had put
him on the same list with the greatest patriots. Hence Plato, the
comie poet, thus speaks of him: *' No doubt, his crimes deserved
chastisement, but a very different chastisement from that which he
received. The shell was not designed for such wretches as he.'*

In fact, no one afterwards was banished by it. He was the last,
and Hipparchus the Cholargian, a relation of the tyrant, was the
first. From this event it appears how intricate are the ways of
Fortune, how incomprehensible to human reason. Had Nicias run
the risk of the ostracism, he would either have expelled Alcibiades,
and lived afterwards in his native city in full security; of, if it had
been carried against him, and he had been forced to retire, he would
have avoided the impending stroke of misery, and preserved the re-
putation of a wise and exjierienced general. I am not ignorant that
Theophrastus says Hyperbolus was banished in the contest between
Phasax and Alcibiades, and not in that with Nicias : but most histo-
rians give it as above related.

About this time the iiigesteans and Leontines sent an embassy to
desire the Athenians to undertake the Sicilian expedition. Nicias
opposed it, but was overruled by the address and ambition of Alci-
biades. Indeed, Alcibiacfes iiad previously gained the assembly by
his discourses, and corrupted the people to such a degree with vain
hopes, that the young men in their places of exercise, and the old
men in the shops andotiier places where they conversed, drew plans
of Sicily, and exhibited the nature of its seas, with all its ports and
bearings on the side next Africa: for they did not consider Sicily as
the reward of their operations, but only as a place of arms, from
whence they were to go upon the conquest of Carthage; nay, of all
Africa, and to make themselves masters of the seas within the Pillars
of Hercules.

While they were so intent upon this expedition, 'Nicias had not
many on his side, either among the commons or nobility, to oppose
it: for the rich, fearing it might be thought they were afraid to serve
in person, or to be at the expense of fitting out men of war, sat silent,
contrary to their better judgment. Nicias, however, opposed it in-
defatigably, nor did he give up his point after the decree was passed
for the war, and he was elected general along with Alcibiades and

, MCI AS. 231

I^iiachus, and his name first in the suffrages. In the first assem-
bly that was held after that, he rose to dissuade them, and to protest
against their proceedings. In conclusion, he attacked Alcibiadcs (or
plunging the state in a dangerous and foreign war, merely with a
view to his own emolument and tame. But his arguments had no
effect. They tliought a man of his experience the fitter to conduct
this enterprise, and that nothing could contribute more to its success
than to unite his caution with the fiery spirit of Alcibiades, and the
boldness of Lamachus. Therefore they were still more confirmed
in their choice. Besides, Demostratus, who of all the orators took
most pains to encourage the people to that war, rose and said, he
would soon cut off all the excuses of Niciits; and immediately he
proposed and carried an order that the generals should have a discre-
tionary power to lay plans and put them in execution, both at home
and abroad.

It is said, indeed, that tlie priests strongly opposed the expedition.
But Alcibiades had other diviners to set against them; and he gave
it out, that certain ancient oracles promised the Athenians great
glory in Sicily. The envoys, too, who were sent to consult the
oracle of Jupiter Amnion, returned with an answer, importing that
the Athenians would take all the Syracusans.

If any of the citizens kt)ew of bad presages, tliey took care to con-
ceal them, lest they should seem to pronounce any thing inauspicious
of an enterprise which their coutrymen had too much at heart. Nor
would any warnings have availed, when they were not moved at tlic
most clear and obvious signs. Such was the mu ilation of the
Her?)ue*f whose heads were all struck off in one night, except that
which was calied the Mercury of Andocides, and which lias been
consecrated by the tribe of ^Egeis, before the door of the person just
named. Such also was the pollution of the altar of the twelve gods.
A man got astride upon it, and there emasculated himself with a
stone. A{ the temple o( Delphi there was a golden statue of Pallas,
which the Athenians had erected upon a palm-tree of brass, in com-
memoration of the victory over the Medes. The crows came and
mutilated it with their beaks, and pecked off the golden fruit from the
tree.

The Athenians, however, said these were only fictions propagated
at Delphi, at the instigation of the Syracusans. A certain (Oracle
ordered them to fetch a priestess of Minerva in)m Cla/omena' ; and
when she came, they found her name was Ilrsi/dtiu, bv which the
deity seemed to exhort thenj to continue in (luiet. Meton, the astro-

• These Hfrmtr, or stalMcs of Mercury, wi-re squore figure* placed Sv the Alhenitm
»t ilie ijatci of thf-ir temples aod the door* of thnr huuici.

232 l'Ll'TARCH*S LIVES.

loger, whether he was struck by these signs, or whether, by the eyt
of human reason, he discovered the impending danger (for he had a
command in tlie army), feigned iiimself mad, and set fire to his
house. Others say, he used no pretence of madness, but having
burnt down his house in the night, addressed himself next morning
to the assembly, in a forlorn condition, and desired the citizens, in
compassion for his misfortunes, to excuse his son, who was to have
gone out captain of a galley to Sicily.

The genius of Socrates*, on this occasion, warned that wise man,
by the usual tokens, that tlie expedition would prove fatal to Athens.
He mentioned this to several of his friends and acquaintance, and
the warning was generally talked of. Many were likewise greatly
discouraged on account of the time when the fleet happened to be
sent out. The women were then celebrating the feasts of Adonis,
during which there were to be seen in every quarter of the city images
of the dead and Tuneral processions; the women accompanying them
with dismal lamentations. So that those who took any account of
omens were full of concern for the fate of their countrymen. They
trembled to think that an armament fitted at so vast an expense,
and which made so glorious an appearance, would soon lose its
consequence.

As for Nicias, he showed himself a wise and worthy man, in op-
posing the expedition while it was under consideration; and in not
suffering himself, after it was resolved upon, to be dazzled by vain
hopes, or by the eminence of his post, so as to depart from bis
opinion. Nevertheless, when he could neither divert the people
from their purpose, nor by all his efforts get himself excused from
taking the command, but was placed, as it were, by violence at the
liead of a great army, it was then no time for caution and timid delay.
He should not then have looked back from his ship like a child;
nor, by a multitude of protestations that his better counsels were
overruled, have disheartened his colleagues, and abated the ardour
of his troops, which alone could give him a chance for success. He
should have immediately attacked the enemy with the utmost vigour,
and made Fortune blush at the calamities she was preparing.

But his conduct was very different. VVlien Lamachus proposed
to make a descent close by Syracuse f, and to give battle under the
walls, and Alcibiades was of opinion they should first reduce the
cities that owned the authority of Syracuse, and then march against
the principal enemy, Nicias opposed both. He gave it for coasting
along Sicily without any act of hostility, and showing what an arma-
ment they had. Then he was for returning to Athens, after having

* III ri:<Qg. t Vid. Thucyd. 1, vi.

MLIA^. 233

left a small iciiifoiceuicut uiili the -Egcsteaiis, as a taste of the
Athenian strength. Thiib he intercepted all their .selieincs, and
broke down their spirits.

The Athenians, soon after litis, called Akihiadcs home to take his
trials and Nicias reinainedj j<jined, indeed, with another in commis-
sion, but first iu authoiiiy. 'Inhere was now no end of his delays.
He either made an idle parade of sailing along tlie coast, or else .sat
still deliherating; until the spirit of confidence, which buoyed up his
own troops, was evai'orated and gone, as well as the consternation
with which the enemy were seized at the thbi sight of his ar-
mament.

It is true, before the departure of Alcibiades, they had sailer! to-
wards Syracuse with sixty galleys, fifty of which they drew up in line
of battle before the harbour, and the other ten they sent in to recon-
noitre the place. These advanced to the foot of the walls, and, by
proclamation, invited the Leontincs to return to their old habita-
tions*. At the same time they happened to take one of the enemy's
vessels with the registers on board, in which all the Syracusans were
set down according to their tribes. They used to be kept at some
distance from the city, in the tiini)le of Jupiter Olympius, but were
then sent for to be examined, in order to the forming a list of per-
soiii able to bear arms. \\ hen these registers were brought to the
Athenian generals, and such a prodigious number of names was dis-
played, the divinera were greatly concenied at the accident, thinking
the propliecy, that the .Vthenians should take all the Syracusans,
jiilghl possibly in thibhave its entire accomj)lishnuMit. It is asserted,
however, that it had its accomplishment on another occasion, when
Calippus the Athenian, after he had killed Dion, made himself mas-
ter of .Syracuse.

When Alcibiades tpillied Sicily with a small ntinue, the whole
power devolved upon Xicias. Lauuichus, indeed, was a man of
great courage and honour, and he Ireely exposed his person in time
of action; but his circumstances were so mean, that whenever he
gave iu his accounts of a campaign, he cliarged a small sum for
clothes and sandaL. Xicias, on the contrary, boidc.s his other ad-
vantages, derived great authority from his eminence i)olh :is to wealtii
and name. We are told, that on another occasion, when the Athe-
nian generals met on a council of war, Xicias desired Sophoiilcs thi*
poet to give his opinion first, because he was the oKKv' n> >■<. " h

* Tlicy urJcrcH priiclamulioi) to bcnimlrhy a limll. rI;.H ih' \ iri. . v <>.:r c .nc
to rcttote the Lconliix i tu their coiinlry, in virtue of the rclniion atid aJliitiictf bciwrva
jIjciu. In consequence oi wliicli, «uclt ut tliu Lcoittincs ai were iti Syracuse had uv>>
Clung to do but lit rtiuiit to llit .\lbcutju>, who wouIJ take CAtc to couduct llicitt.

Vol. -'. No. -^o. uu

234 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

is true," said Sophocles, " I am older in respect of years : but you
are older in respect of service." In tlie same manner lie now brouglit
Lamachus to act under his orders, though he was tlie abler general;
and his proceedings were for ever timid and dilatory. At first he made
the circuit of the island with his ships at a great distance from the
enemy, which served only to raise their spirits. His first operation
was to lay siege to the little town of Ilybla ; and not succeeding in
that affair, he exposed himself to the utmost contempt. Afterwards
he retired to Catana, without any other exploit than that of ruining
Hyccara, a small place subject to the barbarians. Lais, the courte-
san, who wi.s then a girl, is said to have been sold among the pri-
soners, and carried from hence to Peloponnesus.

Towards the end of the summer, he was informed the Syracusans
were come to that degree of confidence, that they designed to attack
hini. Nay, some of their cavalry rode np to his trendies, and aslied
his troops, in great derision, " Whether they were not rather come
to settle in Cat.ma themselves, than to settle the Leoniines in their
old habitations?"

NiciiiS now, at last, with much difficulty, determined to sail for
Syracuse. In ordi.-r to land his forces, and encamp them without
running any risk, lie sent a person to Catana before him, who, under
pretence of being a der-cner, should tell the Syracusans, that if they
wanted to surprise the enemy's camp in a defenceless state, and
make themselves masters of their arms and baggage, they had no-
thing to do but to march to Catana with all tlieir forces on a day
that he mentioned. For the Athenians, he said, passed the greatest
part of their time within the walls; and such of the inliabitants as
were friends to the Syracusans had delernnned, upon their approach,
to shut in the enemy, and to burn their fleet. At the same time,
he assured them their partisans were very numerous, and waited with
impatience for their arrival*.

Tills was the best act of generalshipNicias performed in Sicily.
Having drawn, by tliis means, tlie enemy's forces out of Syracuse,
so that ii was left almost without defence, he sailed thither from Ca-
tana, made himself master of their ports, and encamped in a situa-
tion where the enemy could least annoy him by that in which their
chief strength consisted, and where he could easily exert the strength
in which he was superior.

The Syracusans, at their return from Catana, drew up before the
walls, and Nieias immediately attacked and beat them. They did
not, however, lose any great number of men, because their cavalry

• Nieias knew he could not make a descent from Iiis sliips near Syracuse, because
the inhabitants were prepared for hiru ; nor could he go by land for want of cavalry.

NKJIAS. 235

stopped the Aiheniaiis in their pursuit. As Nicias had broken duwa
all tlie hridj^'cs that were upon the river, he gave Hermocrates op-
portunity to encoura^^e the Syracusans, by ol)serviiiL'', " That it was
ridiculous in Nicias to contrive means to prevent fighting; as if
figliting was not the business he came about." Their consternation,
indeed, was so great, liiat, instead of the fifteen generals they had,
• tliey chose three others, and the people promised upon oath to in-
dui|(e them with a power of acting at discretion.

The temple of Jupiter Olympius was near the camp, and the Athe-
nians were desirous to take it, because of the quantity of its rich
offerings in gold and silver. But Nicias industriously put oft* the
attack, and suffered a Syracusan garrison to enter it; persuaded that
the plunder his troops might get there would be of no service to the
public, and that he should bear all the blame of the sacrilege.

The news of the victory soon spread over the whole island, but
Nicias made not tiie least improvement of it. He soon retired to
Naxos*, and wintered there; kecplngan army on foot at a great ex-
pense, and ctlectiiig but little; for only a few Sicilians came over to
him. The Syracu^ans recovered their spirits again so as to make
another excursion to Catana, in which they ravaged the country, and
burnt the Athenian camp. Meanwhile all the world censured Nicias,
and said, tliat by his long delil)erations, delays, and extreme caution,
he lost the time for action. \\'lR'n he did act, there was nothing to
be blamed in t!ie manner i)f it ; for he was as bold and vigorous io
executing, as he was timid and dilatory in forming a resolution.

When he had once determined to return with l.is forces to Syra-
cuse, he conducted all his movements will) so much prudence, expe-
dition, and safety, that he had gained the peninsula of Thapsos,
disembarked his men, and got possession of Epipola?, before the
enemy knew of his approach. He Ijcat, on this occasion, some in-
fantry that were soiit to succour the foit, and made three hundrcrt
prisoners; he likewise routed th'Ir cavalry, which wab tliougl. I in-
vincible.

lUit what most astonii^hed the Sicilians, and appeared incredible
to the (irceks, was, tiiat in a short space of time he enclosed Syra-
cuse with a wall, a city not less than Athens, and much more ditti-
cult to be surrounded by such a work, by reaion of the unevenness
of the ground, tlie vicinity of the sea, and tiic adjoining marshes.
Add to ihis, that it w;\s almost ciVected by a man whose health wis
by no means ecjual to such an undertaking, for he wasafllictcil with
tlic stone; and if it was not entirely finished, wc must impute it to
that circumstance.

* A t.iy bctwcpii Sjracujc and Cata.i*

236 Plutarch's lives.

I cannot, indeed, but admire the attention of the general, and the
invincible courage of the soldiers, in effecting what they did, in thia
as well as other instances. Euripides, after their defeat and death,
wrote this epitaph for them :

Eiglit trophies tliosp from Syracuse obtaiii'H,
Ere yet the gods were pniti.il.

And in fact we find that the Athenians gained not only eight, but
several more victories of the Syracusans, till the gods or fortune de-
clared against them, at a time when they were arrived at the higliest
pitch of power. Nicias forced himself, Ix'yond what his health
would allow, to attend most of the actions in person : but when his
distemper was very violent, he was obliged to keep his bed in the
camp, with a few servants to wait upon him.

Meantime Lamachus, who was now commander in chief, came
to an engagement with the Syracusans, who were drawing a cross
wall from the city, to hinder the Athenians from finishing theirs.
The Athenians, generally having the advantage, went in too disor-
derly a mannrer upon the pursuit; and it happened one day that
Lamachus was left almost alone to receive the enemy's cavalry.
Ctillicrates, an ofTicer remarkable for bis strength and courage, ad-
vanced before them, and gave Lamachus the challenge, which he
did not decline. Lamachus received the first wound, which proved
mortal, but he returned it upon his adversary, and tiiey fell both
togetjier. The Syracusans remaining masters of the body and arms
of Lamachus, carried them off; and, without losing a moment,
marched to the Athenian camp, where Nicias lay without any guards
to defend him. Roused, however, by necessity and the sight of
his danger, he ordered those about him to set set fire to the mate-
rials before the intrenchments which were provided for the machines,
and to the machines themselves. This put a stop to the Syracusans,
and saved Nicias, together with the Athenian camp and baggage.
For as soon as they beheld the flames rising in vast columns betweerv
the camp and them, they retired.

Nicias now remainded sole commander, but he had reason to
form the most sanguine hopes of success. The cities declared for
him, and ships laden with provisions came daily to his camp; his
affairs being in so good a train that the Sicilians strove which should
first express their attachment. The Syracusans themselves, des-
pairing of holding out much longer, began to talk of proposals for
an accommodation. Gylippus, who was coming from Lacedaemon
to their succour, being informed of the wall with which they were
enclosed, and the extremities they were reduced to, continued his

MCIA3. J37

voyage, not with a view to Sicily, which he gave up for lost, but, if
possible, to save the Greek cities in Italy. For tlie renown of tlie
Athenians was now very extensive; it was reported that the)' carried
all before them, and that they had a general whose prudence, as
well as goo<l fortune, rendered him invincible. Nicias himself, con-
trary to lils nature, was suddenly elated by his present strength and
^uccess; the more so, because he was persuaded, upon private intel-
ligence from Syracuse, as well as more public application, that the
city was about to capitulate. Hence it was that he took no account
of the approach of Gylippus, nor placed any regular guard to pre-
vent his coming ashore; so that, screened by this utter negligence,
Gylippus landed with safety. It was at a great distance from Syra-
cuse, and he found means to collect a considerable army. But the
Syracusans were so far from knowing or expecting his arrival, tbat
they had assembled that very day to consider of articles of capitula-
tion; nay, some were for coming to terms tiiat moment, })efure the
city was absolutely enclosed: for there was but a small part of the wall
unfinished, and all the necessary materials were upon the spot.

At this critical and dangerous instant Gongylus arrived from
Corinth with one galley of three banks of oars. The whole town
was in motion, as mighty naturally be expected. He told them,
Gylippus would soon come with several other ships to their succour.
They could not give entire credit to Gongylus; but, while thev were
weighing the matter, a messenger arrived from Gylippus, with or-
ders that they should march out to join him. Immediately upon
this, they recovered their spirits and armed. Gylippus soon arrived,
and put his troops in order of battle. As Nicias was drawing up
against him, Gylippus rested his arms, and sent a herald with an
offer of safe conduct to the Athenians, if they would (juit Sicilv.
Nicias did not deign to give him any answer. But son»e of the sol-
diers asked him, by way of ridicule, " Whether the Syracusans were
become so strong by the arrival of one Larc(!:emonian cloke and
staff, as to despi.se the Athenians, who had lately knocked ofl'the
fetters of three hundred Spartans, and released then), though ull
abler men and better-haired than Gylippus?"

Timeeus says, the Sicilians set no great value upon Gylippus: for
in a little time they discovered his sordid avarice and meanness;
and, at his first appearance, they laughed at his cloke and head of
hair. Yet the same historian relates, that as soon as Ciylij-jjus showed
himself, the Sicilians gathered about him as birds do :il)out an owl,
and were ready lo follow him wherever he pleased. And the latter
account has more truth iti it than the former. In the stall' and cloke

938 rLUTARCH*S LIVES.

they beheld the symbols of the Spartan dignity, and therefore re-
paired to them. Thucydidcs also tells us, that Gylippus was the
ooly man who saved Sicily; and Philustus, a citizen of Syracuse,
and an eye-witness of those transactions, does the same.

In (he first engagement the Athenians had the advantage, and
killed some of the Syracusans. Gongyliis of Corinth fell at the same
time. But the next day, Gylippus showed them of what consequence
experience in a general is; with the very same arms and horses, and on
the same spof, by only altering his order of battle*, he beat the
Athenians, and drove them to their camp. Then taking the stones
and other materials which they had brought for their wall, he con-
tinued the cross wall of the Syracusans, and cut through theirs in
such a manner, that if they gained a victory, they could make na
advantage of it.

Encouraged by this success^ the Syracusans manned several ves-
sels; and beating about the country with their cavalry and allies,
they made many prisoners. Gylippus applied to the towns in per-
son, and they readily listened to him, and lent him all the assistance
in their power. So that Nicias, relapsing into his former fears and
despondence at the sight of such a change of affairs, applied to the
Athenians by letter, either to send another array, or to rccal that
which he had ; and at the same time he desired them by all means
to dismiss him from the command, on account of his infirmities.

The Athenians had designed some time before to send another
army into Sicily; but the envy which the first success of Nicias had
excited, had made them put it off upon several pretences. Now,
however, they hastened the succours. They likewise came to a re-
solution, that Demosthenes should go in the spring with a respect-
able fleet, and that Eurymedonfj without waiting till winter was
over, should carry money to pay the troops, and acquaint Nicias
that the people had pitched upon Euthydemus and Menander, offi-
cers who then served under him, to assist him in his charge.

Meantime Nicias was suddenly attacked both by sea and land-
At first, part of his fleet was worsted : but in the end he proved vic-
torious, and sunk many of the enemy's ships. He could not, how-
ever, succour his troops by land, as the exigence of the case required.
Gylippus made a sudden attack upon the fort of Plemmyrium, and
took it; by which means he became master of the naval stores of

* He had tlie address to impute the late defeat to himself, and to assure his men
that their behaviour was irreproachable. He said, that by ranging them the day before
between walls, where tlicir cavalry and archers hud not rooru to net, he had preventecj
their conquering'.

t Eiirj^reed'ja went with ten galleys.

NICIAS. 2.39

the Athenians, and a great quantity of treasure, which had been
lodged there. Mfist of the garrison were either killed or taken
prisoners. Hut what was still a greater hlo\r to Nicias, by the loss
of this place he lost the convenience of his convoys: for, while he
had Plemmyriuin, the communication was safe and easy; but, when
that was taken, his supplies could not reach him without the utmost
difficulty, because his transports could not pass without fighting tlic
enemy's ships, which lay at anchor under the fort.

Besides, the Syracusans tliought their fleet was beaten, not by
any superior strength they had to combat, but by their going in
a disorderly manner upon the pursuit. They therefore fitted out a
more respectable fleet, in order for another action. Nicias, how-
ever, did not choose at present to try the issue of another naval fight,
but declared it very absur'l, when a large reinforcement of ships and
fresh troops w/mc liastening to jum under the conduct of Demos-
thenes, to hazard a battle with a force so much infericr and so 111
provided.

On the other hand, Menander and Kuthydemus, who were ap-
pointed to a tenjporary share in the command, were led by their
amljition and jealousy of Demosthenes and Nicias to strike some
extraordinary blow, in order to be beforehand with the one, and to
outdo the most shining actions of the otlier. Their pretence was
the glory of Athens, which, tliey said, would be utterly lost, if they
showed any fear of the Syracusan fleet. Thus they overruled Nicias,
and gave battle. But tliey were soon defeated by a stratagem of
Ariston the Corinthian, who was a most excellent seaman*. Their
ieft wing, as Thucydides relates, was entirely routed, and they lost
great numbers of their men. This loss threw Nicias into the great-
est consternation. He reflected upon the checks he had met with
while he had the sole command, and that he had now ml^^carried
again through the obstinacy of his colleagues.

While he was indulging tliese reflections, Demosthenes appeared
before the port with a very gallant and formidalde fleet : he had
sevcnty-ihrce galleys f, on hoard ol which were five thousand heavy-
armed soldiers ; and archers, spearmen, and slingers, to the nimiber
of three thousand. 'I'luir armour glittered, the streamers waved,
and the prows of the ships were adorned with a variety of rich paint-

• Arislon advised the cnpt.iins of llip pallcys to have rcfrcihmcnts ready for tliojr
men on tlie shore, wliilc ihe AUicuians imagined llicy went into llic town for Iheio.
The Athenians, thus deceived, landed nnd went 10 dinner likewiu*. In ihe mean time
the S^racusuns, huviog made ancxpcdiiious uicul, re-eiiibnrked, and attacked the AiLc-
clan ships, \»licn there wasscnrcu any body tu defend them.

t Diodorus Siculus make) theiu tlirec huudred and ten,

240 rLl'TARCH s live;>.

ings. He advajiced wiih loud cheers and martial inusicj and the
whole v/as conducted in a theatrical manner, to strike terror into
the enenriy.

The Syracusans were ready to fall into despair again. They saw
no end or truce to their miseries; their labours and conflicts were all
to begin aiuw, and they ha4 been juodigal of their blood to no pur-
pose. Nicias, however, had not long to rejoice at the arrival of
such an army. At the first interview, Demosthenes wanted him to
attack the enemy, that they might take Syracuse by an immediate and
decisive stroke, and return again with glory to Athens. Nicias,
astonished at his heat and precipitation, desired him to adopt no
lash or desperate measures. He assured him delay would make
against the enemy, since they were already in want of money, and
their allies would soon quit both them and their cause. Consecjuently,
■when tiiey began to feel the hard hand of necessity, they would
apply to liim again, and surrender upon terms, as they were going
to do before. In fact, Nicias had a private understanding with se-
reral persons in Syracuse, who advised him to wait with [)atiencc,
because the inhabitants were tired out with the war, and weary of
Gylippus; and, when their necessities should become a little more
pressing, they would give up the dispute.

As Nicias mentioned these things in an enigmatical manner, and
did not choose to sj)eak out, it gave occasion to the other generals
to accuse him of timidity. " He is coming upon us," said ihey,
*' with his old delays, dilatory, slow, over-cautious counsels, by
which the vigour and ardour of his troops was lost. When he should
have led them on immediately, he waited till their spirit was gone,
and the enemy began to look upon them with contempt." The
other olfieers, therefore, listened to Demosthenes, and Nicias at
last was forced to give up the point.

Upon this, Demosthenes put himself at the head of the land-
forces, and attacked Epipolie in the night. As he came upon the
guards by surprise, he killed many of them, and routed those who
stood upon their defence. Not content with this advantage, lie pro-
ceeded till he came to the quarter where the Boeotians were posted.
These closed their ranks, and first charged the Athenians, advan-
cing with levelled pikes, and with all the alarm of voices; by which
means they repulsed them, and killed a considerable number. Ter-
ror and confusion spread through the rest of the army. They who
still kept their ground, and were victorious, were encountered by
those that tied: and they who were marching down from Epipolifi to
support the foremost bands were put in disorder by the fugitives;
for they fell foul of one anotherj aud took their frlcadi for enemies.

NiriA';. 211

The confusion, iiukfd, was inexpressible, occasioned by their fears,
the uijcertaiiitv of thiir niovciiu-nts, and the iinjwssibillty of dis-
ccriiini; objects sts they could have wished, in a nitrlit wljich was
neither quite dark nor sullkiently clear; the moon being near her
setting, and the littli- light she gave rendered useless by her shade
of so niaiiy bodies and weapons moving to and fro. Ilcncc the ap-
prehensions of mteting with an enemy made the Athenians suspect
their friends, and threw tiienj into the utmost perplexity and distress.
They happened, too, to have the moon upon their l)acks, which,
casting their shadows i)efore them, Ijoth hid the nunilier of their
men, and the glittering ofiheirarms; whereas the reflection from
the shields of the enen)y made them appear more numerous and
better armed than tluy really were. At last they turned their backs,
and were entirely routed. The enemy pressed hard upon tlain on all
sides, and killed great numbers. Many others met their death in
the weapons of their friends. Xot a few fell headlong from the rocks
or walls. The rest were dispersed abtiut the fields, wluie they were
picked up the next morning by tiie cavalry, and |)ut to ihe sword.
The Athenians lost two thousand men in thib action; and very few
returned with their arms to the head-(juarters.

This was a severe blow to Nicias, though it was what he expected;
and he inveighed against the rash proceediiigs of Demosthenes.
'J'hat g<neral defended himself as well as he could, l)ut at the same
time gave it as his opinion, that they should embark and return home
as fast as possi!)le " We cannot hope," said he, " either for an-
other armv, or to coiupier with the forces we have \ay, supj)osing
we had the advantage, wo ought lo relinijuish a situati )n which is
well known at all times to be unhealthy for the troops, and which
now we find still more fatal from the season of the year." it was,
itideed, the beginning of autumn; nunjl>ers were sick, and the whole
army was dispirited.

Nevertheless, Nicias could not bear to hear of returning home;
not that he was afraid of any opposition fronj the Syiaeusans, but
he dreaded the .Athenian tribunals and unfair impeuclunents there.
He therefore replied, " I'hit there was no great and visible danger
at present; and, if iliere were, he had rather die by the hands of the
enemy than those of his fellow-citizens." in this respect he greatly
differed from Lrto of Hy/.antium, who afterwards said to his coun-
trymen, " i had rather die for you than with you." Nicias added,
** That if it should appear necessary to encamp in another place,
they might consider of it at their leisure."

Demosthenes urged tltc matter no farther, because his former
counsels had proved unfortunate. And he was luuic willing to sub-

VoL. '2. No. 20. ii

242 PLl'TARCH S LIVES.

niit, because he saw others persuaded that it was the dependence
Nicias had on his correspondeuce in the town which made him so
strongly oppose their return to Athens. But as fresh forces came to
the assistance of the Syracusans, and the sickness prevailed more
and more in the Athenian canij), Nicias himself altered his opinion,
and ordered the troops to he ready to cndiark.

Every tiling accordingly was prepared for embarkation, and the
enemy paid no attention to these movements, because they did not
expect them. But in the night there happened an eclipse of the
moon, at which Nicias and all the rest were struck with a great panic,
either through ignorance or superstition. As for an eclipse of the
sun, which happens at the conjunction, even the common people
had some idea of its being caused by the Interposition of the moon;
but they could not easily form a conception by the interposition of
what body, the moon, when at the full, should suddenly lose her
light, and assume such a variety of colours. They looked upon it,
therefore, as a strange and preternatural phenomenon, a sign by
which the gods announced some great calamity.

Anaxagoras was the first who with any clearness and certainty
showed in what manner tlie moon was illuminated and overshadowed.
But he was an author of no anti<pii(y*, nor was his treatise nmcli
known; it was confined to a few hands, and communicated with
caution, and under the seal of secrecy: for the people had an aver-
sion to natural philosophers, and those who were then called Me-
teorolesche [inquirers into the nature of meteors], supposing that
they injured the Divine Power and Providence by ascribing things to
insensate causes, unintelligent powers, and inevitable necessity,
Protagoras was forced to fly on account of such a system; and An-
axagoras was thrown into prison, from whence Pericles with great
difficultv got him delivered. Even Socratesf, who meddled not
with physics, lo..t his life for philosophy. At last the glory of Plato-
enlightened the world, and his doctrine was generally received, both
on account of his life, and his subjecting the necessity of natural
causes to a more powerful and divine principle. Thus he removed
all suspicion of impiety from such researches, and brought the
study of mathematics into fashion. Hence it was, that his friend
Dion, though the moon was eclipsed at the time of his going from

* He wa» cotcniporary uiili Pericli's, and with Xicias too; for he died the first
vrar pt the eij^hly-eighlh 01_) iiipiad, aiid Nicias was killtd iii the fourth ^ear of the
ninety-first.

t Socrates tells us, in his Apologj, tliat he had been accused of a criminal curiosity
in prying into the heavens and into the abysses of the tarfh. Hoivcvcr, he could ngi
be said to lose his lile for his philosophy so luuch as for his iheolo^v.

NKIAS. 243

Zacytithus against Dionysius, was not in the least disconcerted, but
pursued his voyage, and expelled the tyrant.

It was a great utihappiness to Nieias that he had not then with him
an able diviner. Stilbides, whom he employed on such occasions,
and who used to lessen the iniliience of his superstition, died a little
before. Supposing the ecli[)se a prodigy, it could not, as I'hiio-
chorus observes, be inaus|)icious to those who wanted to flv, but, on
the contrary, very favouralde; for whatever is transacted with fear,
seeks the shades of darkness ; light is the worst eneniv. Besides, on
other occasions, as Autielides* remarks in jiis commentaries, there
were only three days that people refrained from business, after an
ecHjjse of either sun or moon ; whereas Nieias wanted to stay another
entire revolution of the moon, as if he could not see her as bright as
ever the moment she passed the shadow caused by the interposition
of the earth.

He quitted, however, almost every other care, and sat still o!)
serving his sacrifices, till the enemy came upon him, and invested
his walls and intrenchments with their land-forces, as well as cir-
cled the harbour with their fleet. Not only the men from the ships,
but the very boys from fishing-boats and small barks, challenged the
Athenians to come out, and ollered them everv kind of insult. One
of these boys, named Heraclides, who was of one of the best families
in ISyracuse, advancing too far, was pur^ned by an Athenian vessel,
and very near being taken. His uncle i'ollichus, seeing his danger,
made up with ten galleys whieh ucie under his command; and
others, in fear of I\»lliclais, advanced to support hnn. A sharp
conflict ensued, in which the Syracusans were victorious, and \a\-
jymedon and numbers more were killed.

The Athenians, not brooking any farther delay, with great in-
dignation called upon tliiir geueials to lead them oti by land. For
the Syraeu-sans, imnu'diatcly alter the victorv, blocked up the
harbour. Nieias, however, woulil not agree to it: thinking it u
cruel thing to abandon so nlany ships of burden and near two hun-
dred galleys. He therefore embarked his best infantrv, an<l n selcit
number of archers and spearmen, and ntanned with them a hundred
at)d ten galleys, as far as his rowers would supply him. The rest of
his troops he drew up on the shore ; abandoning his great camp and
his walls which reached to the temple of Hercules. '1 he Syraeusans
liud not for a long time otlVred the usual sjicrihces to that deity, but
now both the priests and generals went to observe the solemnity.

* This sliould prububly be rrad Anticlidcs; fur he nrcins to be tbc mine pcrtoQ
\vLoiu riuturcli but mvutioucd in the Lite of Alcxaudcr, aud lu bi> bu uud Oaicu.

•44 tlutajrch's lives.

Their troops were embarked, and the inspectors of the entrails
promised the Syracusans a glorious victory, provided tiiey did not
begin the attack, but only repelled force with force : for Hercules,
they said, was victorious only in standing upon the defensive, and
waiting to be attacked. Thus instructed, tiie Syracusans set out.

Then the great sea-fight began, remarkable not only for the
vigour that was exerted, but for its causing as great a variety of pas-
sion and agitation in the spectators as in the combatants themselves;
for those who looked on from the shore could discern every dittcrcnt
and unexpected turn it took. The Atheiiiuis sulVcred not more harm
irom the enemy than they did fiom their own order of battle and the
nature of th.cir armament. Their sbi{)s were all crowded together,
and were heavy and unwieldy besides, while those of the enemy were
so light and nimble, that they could easily change their situation,
and attack the Athenians on all sides. Add to this, that the Syra-
cusans were provided with a vast quantity of stones, which seldom
failed of their effect, wherever discharged ; and the Athenians had
nothing to oppose to them but darts and arrows, the flight of which
was so diverted by the motion of the ship, that few of them could
reach their mark. The enemy was put upon this expedient by Aris-
ton the Corinthian, who, after he had given great proofs of his cou-
rage and ability, fell the moment that victory was declaring for the
Syracusans.

After this drcadiul defeat and loss, there was no possibility of
escaping by sea. At the same time the Atiienians saw it was ex^
tremely dilBcult to save themselves by land. In this despair, they
neither opposed the enemy, who were seizing their vessels close ta
the shore, nor demanded their dead. They thought it not so de-
plorable a eireunistance to leave the dead without burial, as to aban-
don the sick and wounded. And though they had great miseries
before their eyes, they looked upon tiieir own case as still more un-
l;appy, since tlicy h::d many calamities to undergo, and were to
meet the same fate at last.
» They did, however, design to begin their march in the night.
Gylii)pus saw the Syracusans employed in sacrifices to the gods, and
in entertaining their friends on account of the victory and the feast
of Hercules; and he knew that neither entreaty nor force would
prevail with them to leave the joys of festivity, and oppose the ene-
my's flight. But * Herraocrates found out a method to impose upon

* Ilermocrates was sensible of wlmt i nportance it was to prevent Nicias from retiring
bj land. With an army of forty liiousand men which lie had still left, lie mii^ht have
fortified bimselt'ia some part of Sicily, aad leucwcd the war.

Nicias. He sent persons in whom he could coufiile, who were to
])reten{l that they came from the old correspondents of that general
^vithin the town; and that thi-ir business was to desire him not to
march in ilie nii-'lit, bec.uisetheSyracusans hud hiid several ambushe*
for him, and seized all the passes. The stratageni had its efl'ect.
Nicias sat still, in the siujplicity of his heart, fearini^ he should really
fall into the enenn's snares. In the morning the enemy got out be-
fore him. 'I'hen, indeed, they did seize all the difficult passes; they
threw uj) works apiinst the fords, broke down t!ie bridges, and
planted their cavalry wherever the ground was open and even: so
that the Athenians could not move one step without fighiing.

These poor men lay close all that day and the night following,
and then began their march with tears and loud lamentations, as if
they had been going to quit their native country, not that of the ene-
my. They were, indeed, in great want of provisions; and it was a
)niserable circumstance to leave their sick and wounded Iriends and
comrades behind them; yet they looked upon their present misfor-
tunes as small in comparison of those they had to expect.

But, among the various spectacles of misery, there was not one
more pitiable than Nicias himself, (Oppressed as he was with sick-
ness, and unworthily reduced to hard tliet and a scanty provision,
when his infirmities required a liberal supply. Vet, in spite of his
ill health, he acted and endured many thinL;s wliich the more loljust
underwent not without diiruuity. All this while his troops could
not but observe it was not for his own sake, or any attachment to
life, that he submitted to such labours, but that he seemed still to
cherish hope on their account. \\ hen sorrow and fear brought others
to tears and complaints, if Nicias ever dropped a tear among the
rest, it was plain he did it from a reflection on the miserable and dis-
graceful issue of the war, which he hoped to have liuished wiih great
honour ami success. Nor was it only the sight olhis present misery
that moved them, but when they recollected the speeches and warn-
ings by which he endeavoured to dissuade the people from the expe-
dition, they could not but think his lot much more uidiappy than be
deserved. All their hopes, too, of assistance from heaven abandoned
them, when they observed that so religious a man as Nicias, one
who harl thought no exjiense too great in the service of tlie gods, had
no better fortune than the meanest and most jirofliirite person in
the army.

Notwithstanding all these dilVuulties, he still endeavoured, by
Uie tone of his voice, by his looks, and e\ery expression of kiiidne&s
to the soldiers, to show himself superior to his misfortunes. Nay,
through a march of eight days, though attacked and harassed all the

246 I'M'TARCH's LIVE5).

way by the enemy, he preserved his own division of the arnjy tolci-
ably entire; till Demosthenes was taken prisoner, and the troops he
had the conduct of were surrounded, after a brave resistanee, at u
small place called Polyzelium. Demosthenes then drew his sword
and stabbed himself, but as the enemy came immediately upon him
and seized him, he h^d not time to give himself the finishing stroke.

Some Syraeusans rode up to Xieias with this news, and he sent a
flew of his own cavalry to know the certainty. Finding, from their
account, that Demosthenes and his party were really prisoners, he
begged to treat with Gylippus, and oifered hostages for paying the
Syraeusans the whole charge of the war, on condition they would
suffer the Athenians to quit Sicily. The Syraeusans rejected the
proposal with every mark of insolence and outrage, and fell again
upon a wretched man, who was in want of all manner of neces-
saries *.

He defended liimself, however, all that night, and continued his
inarch the next day to the river Asinarus. The enemy galled his
troops all tl>c way, and, when they came to the banks of the river,

pushed them in Nay, some, impatient to quench their burning

thirst, voluntarily plunged into the stream. Then followed a most
cruel scene of blood and slaughter, the poor wretches being mas-
sacred as they were drinking, At last, Nicias threw himself at the
feet of Gylippus, and said, " Gylippus, you should show son>c com-
passion aaiitlst your victory. 1 ask nothing for myself. W hat is life
to a man whose misfortunes are even proverbial? But, with respect
to the other Athenians, melhinks you should remember that the
chance of war is uncertain, and with what humanity and moderation
they treated you, when they were victorious."

Gylippus was somewhat aH'ected both at the sight of Nicias and at
his speech. He knew the good ollices he had done the Lacedtfimo-
nians at the hist treaty of peace, and was sensible it would contiibute
greatly to his honour, if he could take two of the enemy's generals
.prisoners. Therefore, raising Nicias from the ground, he bade him
take courage, and gave orders that the other Athenians should have
quarter. But, us the order was slowly communicated, the numbev
of those that were saved was greatly inferior to that of the slain^
though the soldiers spared several unknown to their officers.

When the Syraeusans had collected all the prisoners they could
find into one body, they dressed some of the tallest and straigluest
trees that grew by the river, as trophies, with the arms they had

•■ But were these brave people to blame.' Was it not natural for thcni to u.se every
means in their power to hurau aud weaken an eueni; who bad aoibuiousl^ cou>idercd
llijir countrj as a propertj i

NICIA«5. 347

taken from the enemy. After which they marched homeward with
garlands on their heads, and with their horses adorned in the most
splendid nianncr, havinu^ first sliorn tliose of the Athenians. TIjus
they entired the city as it were in tiininph. after the happy tennina-
tion of the sharpest dispute that ever subsisted between Grecians,
and one of the most coin[)lete victorifs the sun ever beheld, gained by
;i tjlorious and persevering exertion of firmness and valour.

A general assembly of the people of Syracuse and of its alKcs was
then held, in which Eur)'cles* the orator prop<Jsed a decree, ** Tliat.
in the first place, the day they took Nicias should lie observed as a
festival, with the title o{ Asiuaria, from the river where that j^rcat
event took place, and ti»at it should be entirely employed in sacri-
fices to the pods." This was the twenty-seventh d;iy of the month
Cameus, called by the Atlu-nians Mctfr^if/ii'ouf. " As to the pri-
soners, lie proposed that the Athenian servants and all the allies
should be sold for slaves ; that such of the Athenians as were free-
men, and the Sicilians their partisans, should be confined to the
quarries; and that the generals should be put to death." As the
Syracusans accepted the bill, Hermoerates rose up and said, " It was
a more glorious thing to make a good use of victory than to gain
one." But his motiun raised a great ferment in the assembly.
Gylippus expressing his desire to have the Athenian generals, that
he might carry them prisoners to Laceda?m<':', the Syracusans, now
grown insolent with their good fortune, loaded him with reproaches.
Indeed, they could not well bear his severity and Lacedcemunian ri-
gour in command, while the war lasted. Besides, as Timaeus ob-
serves, they had discovered in him an avarice and meannes*., which
was a disease he inherited from his father Cleandiidcs, wl.o was ba-
nished for taking of bribes. The son, out of the thousand talents
which Lysander sent by hint to Sparta, purloined thirty, and hid
them under the tiles of his house. Being detected in it, he fled his
country with the utmost disgrace, as we have related more ut larjje in
the life of Lysander.

Tinijeus does not agree with Philistus and Thucydides, that De-
mosthenes and Nicias were stoned to death by the Syracusans. In-
stead of that, he tells us, that Hermoerates sent one of his people
to acquaint those two generals with what was passing in the assem-
bly, and the messenger being admitted by the guards l>efore the court

* Dittdorus Sicylut calli liim Diocl««.

t Though il it not rasy, as wc have observed in a furiocr uole, to bring lite Gr«ct*o
noaths to tally wiili ours, yet wc agree in ihii |>ljce with Daaer, that Septcmbei it
probably mean', or part of it; because Plutartb Lad ani atKiTr, that the uckiic<» bad teC
in with autumn.

24S PLUTARCH S LIVES.

was dismissed, the unhappy men despatched themselves. Their bo-
dies were thrown without the gates, and lay there cxpsoed to the
view of all those who wanted to enjoy the spectacle. I am informed
that a shield, said to be that of Nicias, is shown to this day in one of
the temples at Syracuse; the exterior texture of which is gold anfl
purple, and cxccutetT witli surjxising art.

As to the other Athenians, the greatest i)art perished in the quar-
lies to which they were confined, by diseases and bad diet; for they
were allowed only a pint of barley a-day, and iialf a pint of water.
iVIany of those who were concealed by the soldiers, or escaped by
passing as servants, were sold for slaves, and stigmatized with the
figure of a liorse upon their foreheads. Several of these, however,
submitted to their fate with patience ; and the modesty and decency
with which they behaved were such, tliat they were either soon re-
leased, or treated in their servitude with great respect by their
masters. ,

Some there were who owed their preservation to Euripides. Of
all the Grecians, his was the muse whom the Sicilians were most in
love with. From every stranger that landed in their island, they
gleaned every small specimen or portion of his works, and communi-
cated it with pleasure to each otiier. It is said, that on this occasion
a number of Athenians, upon their return home, went to Euripides,
and thanked him in the most respectful manner for their obligations
to his pen ; some having been enfranchised for teaching their mas-
ters what they remembered of his poems, and others having got re-
freshments, when they were wandering about after the battle, for
singing a few of his verses. Nor is this to be wondered at, since
they tell us, that when a ship from Caunus, which happened to be
pursued by pirates, was going to take shelter in one of their ports,
the Sicilians at first refused to admit her; upon asking the crew
whether they knew any of the verses of Euripides, and being an-
swered in the affirmative, they received both them and their vessel.

The Athenians, we are told, did not give credit to the first news
of this misfortune, the person who brought it not appealing to de-
serve their notice. It seems, a stranger who landed in the Pirajus,
as he sat to be shaved in a barber's shop, spoke of it as an event al-
ready known to the Atiienians. The barber no sooner heard it, but,
before the stranger could communicate it to any other person, he ran
into the city, and applying to the magistrates, informed them of the

news in open court. Trouble and dismay seized all that heard it

Tiie magistrates immediately summoned an assembly, and introduced
the informant. There he was interrogated, of whom he had the in-
telligence; and, as he could give no clear and pertinent answer^ he

MARCUS CRASSUS. 249

was considcrfd as a forger of false news and a public inecndian*.
In this li'^ht he was fastened to the wlieel, where he bore I'le ic;rture
for some time, till at leiigtli some credible persons arrived, who gave
a distinct account of the whole disaster. With so much difticulty
did the misfortunes of Nicii's find credit ainonu' tiie Atiienians, though
he had often forewarned them that they would certainly happen.

MAllCrs CRASSUS.

MARCUS CRASSUS, whose father had borne the office of cen-
sor, and been honoured with a triumph, was brought up in a small
house with his two brothers. These married while their p;irents were
living, and they all ate at the same table. This, we may suppose,
contributed not a little to render him sober and moderate in his diet.
Upon the death of one of his brothers, he took the widow and chil-
dren into his house. \\ ith respect to women, there was not a man
in Rome more regular in his conduct; though, when somewhat ad-
vanced in yeai-s, he was suspected of a criminal commerce with one
of the vestal virgins, named Licinia. Licinia was impeached by one
Plotinus, but acquitted upon trial. It seems the vestal had a beauti-
ful country-house, which Crassus wanting to have at an under price,
paid his court to the lady with great assiduity, and thence fell under
that suspicion. Misjudges, knowing that avarice was at the bottom
of all, accpiitted him of the charge of corrupting the vestal; and Ye
never let her rest till .she had sold fiim her liouse.

The Romans say, Crassus had only that one vice of avarice, which
cast a shade upon his many virtues. He appeared, indeed, to ha\6
but one bad quality, because it was so much stronger and more pow-
erful than the rest, that it quite obscured them. His love of money
is very evident from the size of his estate, and his manner of raising
it: at first it did not exceed three hundred talents; but, durhig his
public employments, after he had consecrated the tenth of his sub*
stance to Hercules, given an entertainment to the people, and a sup>
ply of bread-corn to each ciii/en for three months, he found, upon (i^
exact computation, that he was master of seven th(NJsaiid one hundrci

* Casnulwn woul<J mfrr from liriuc, thiit (he Atbminiit liad • ln«r for pjniiljiitg tb*
forgers uf fa>«<-' iict*>. Hut tliii pcr>uii n»t puu^led, ni'i so iiii!c)i as a forger uf f^tf
new* at a public iiicriidiar^, who, b^ eicinug grouudlcu (urgjs in ibe p«ojilf, «^4cd
and abetted thnr riiemics.

Vol. 2. No. 20. KK

$^50 ________ plutarCh*s lives.

talents. The groatcst part of this fortuiu>, if we may tlcclare the
truth, to his extreme disgrace, was gleaned from war and from fires ;
for he made a traflicof the puhlic cahimities. When Sylla had taken
Rome, and sold the estates of those whom he had put to death,
which lie hoth reputed and called tiie spoils of his enemies, he was
desirous to involve all persons of consequence in his crime, and he
found in Crassus a man who refused no kind of gift or purchase.

Crassus ohscrved also how liable the city was to fires, and how
frequently houses fell down ; which misfortunes were owing to the
weight of the buildings, and their standing so close together*. In
consequence of this, he provided himself with slaves who were car-
penters aud masons, and went on collecting them till he had up-
wards of five hundred. Then he made it his business to buy houses
that were on fire, and otliers that joined upon them ; and he com-
monly had them at a low price, by reason of the fear and distress the
owners were in about the event. Hence in time he became master
of great part of Rome. But though he had so many workmen, he
built no more for himself than one house in which he lived : for he
used to stay, " That those who love building will soon ruin them-
selves, and need no other enemies."

Tliough he had several silver mines, and lands of great value, as
well as labourers who turned them to the best advantage, yet it may
be truly asserted, that the revenue he drew from these was nothing
in comparison of that produced by his slaves ; such a number had
he of them, and all useful in life, readers, amanuenses, book-keepers,
stewards, and cooks. He used to attend to their education, and often
gave them lessons himself; esteeming it a principal part of the busi-
ness of a master to Inspect and tiike care of his servants, whom he
considered as the living instruments of economy. In this he was
certainly right, if he thought, as he often said, that other matters
sliould be managed by servants, but the servants by the master. In-
deed, economics, so far as they regard only inanimate things, serve
only the low purposes of gain ; but where they regard human he-
- ings, tiicy rise higher, and form a considerable branch of politics.
' He was wrong, however, in saying that no man ought to be esteemed
rich, who could not, with his own revenue, maintain an army: for,
as Archidamus observes. It never can be calculated what such a mon-
ster as war will devour; nor consequently can It be determined what
fortune is sufficient for Its demands. Very diiferent in this respect
were the seutinients of Crassus from those of Murjus. When the
latter had made a distribution of lands among his soldiers, at the rate

• The streets were narrow and crooked, and the houses chiefly- of wood, after the
Gauls had burnt the city. -^

MARCUS CRASSUS. 251

of fourteen acres a man, and found that tla-y wanted more, he said,
*' 1 hope no Koruan will ever think that portion of land iixt littk
ivhich is suihcicnt to maintain hiui."

It must be acknowledged thatCrassus behaved in agenerous man-
ner to strangers; his house was always open to then). To wjueh wc
may add, that he used to lend money to his friends without interest.
Nevertheless, his rigour in demanding his money the very day it was
due, often made his appearing favour a greater inconvenience than
the paying of interest would have been. As to his invitations, they
were most of them to the conunonalty; and though there was a sim-
plicity in tlie provision, yet at the same time tliere was a neatness
and unceremonious welcome wliicj) made it more agreeable thau
more t\|)ensive tables.

As to his studies, he cultivated oratory, most particularly that of
the l>ar, which had its superior utility. And though he might be
reckoned equal, upon tl>e whole, t*) the first-rate speakers, yet, by his
care and application, he exceeded tijose whom nature had favoured
more : for there was not a cause, however unimportant, to which he
did not come prepared. Besides, when Pompey, and C«sar, and
Cicero refused to speak, he often rose, and finished the argument in
favour of the defendant. This attention of his to assist any unfor-
tunate citi/cn was a very popular thingj and his obliging manneria
his conimon addiess hail an equal cliaiin. There was not a Roman,
however mean and insignificant, whom he did not salute, or whose
salutation he did not return by name.

His knowledge of history is also said to have been very extensive,
and he was not without a taste of Aristotle's philosophy. In thfc
latter branch he was assisted by a p'ailosopher named Alexander*, a
man who gave the most glorious proofs of his disinterested and mild
dispositioji during his acfiuaintunce with Ciassus: for it is not easy
W say whether his poverty was greater when he entered or when he
lift his house. lie wius the only friend thalCrassus would take with
him into the country; on wiiich occasions he would lend him a eloke
for the journey, but demand it again when he returned to Rome....
The patience of that man is tjuly ailniirable, particularly when wc
consider that the philosophy he professed did not hntk upon |X)verty
us a thing inditVerent f. I^ut this was a later circumstance in the life
of Crassns.

When the faction of Cinna and Maiius prevailed, it stMui .ip^'v..iuJ

* Xvlaiiilcr lonjrrliirn t)ii« mijjhl he Alcinndcr the Milrilati, w>ia i« alw) c*Jif\l
Toljtiiitor ki)d ('omrliui; and wito >• mkI to hare fluuritiicd ta the liaa ol SjJIa.

t Afwiotlc't at weU at Pltto'i i>)ulo»uphy fcckoaeil nclif* M»B»g Mai Ua»i»g«, u^
iooicd oppB (hem M couducnc k> virtue.

252 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

that they were not returning for any benefit to tlieir country, but for
the ruin and destruction of the nobility. Part of them they had al-
ready caught and put to death; among whom were the father and
brother of Crassus. Crassus himself, who was then a very young
man, escaped the present danger: but as lie saw the tyrants had their
hunters beating about for him on all sides, he took three friends and
tc.j strvants with him, and fled with surprising expedition into Spain,
wh^^ic he had attended his father during his pratorship, and gained
himself fiiends. There, too, he found the minds of men full of ter-
ror, and all trembling at the cruelty of Marius, as if he had been ac-
tually prcsenr. Therefore he did not venture to apply to any of his
friends in public: instead of that, he went into a farm which Vibius
Pasiunus haii cji.t;guOU6 tv^ the sea, and liM himself in a spacious
cave there. T'v nee he sent one of hi? servants to sound Vibius ; for
his provisions already begati to la-i. Vibius, delighted to hear that
he had escaped, inquired the number of people he had with him, and
the place of his retreat. He did not wait on him in person, but sent
immediately for the steward of that farm, and ordered him to dress
a supncr e.cry day, carry it to the foot of the rock, and then retire in
silence. He charged him not to be curious in examining into the
affair, under pain of death; and promised him ids freedom, if he
proved faithful in his commission.

The cave is at a small distance from the sea. The surrounding
rocks which form it admit only a slight and agreeable breath of air.
A little beyond the entrance, it is astonishingly lofty, and the com-
pass of it is so great, that it has several large caverns, like a suit of
rooms, one within another. It is not destitute either of water or
light. A spring of excellent water flows from the rock ; and there
are small natural apertuvci, where the rocks approach each otiier at
top, through which day-light is admitted. By reason of the thick-
ness of the rock, the interior air, too, is pure and clear; the foggy
and moist part of it being carried away with the stream.

Crassus, in this assylum, had his provisions brought every day by
the steward, who neither saw nor knew him or his people, though
lie was seen by them, because they knew his time, and watched for
his coming. And he brought, not only what was sufficient for use,
but delicacies too for pleasure : for Vibius had determined to treat
his friend with all imaginable kindness. He reflected that some re-
gard should be had to his time of life, and, as he was very young,
that lie should have some particular indulgences on that account.
To supply his necessities only, he thought looked more like con-
straint than friendship. Therefore, one day he took with him two
handsome maid-servants, and walked towards the sea. When they

MARCUS CRASSUS. 253

came to tlie cave, he siicwed liscin ilic entrance, and l)ade tlicni gu
boldly in, for they had nothing to fear. Crassus, seeing them, was
afraid his retreat was discovered, and began to examine wlio they
were, and what they wajitcd. Tliey answered, as they were in-
structed, " That tliey were come to seek their master, who lay con-
cealed there." Upon which he perceived it was only a j)iece of gal-
lantry in Vibius, who studied to divert him. He received the dam-
sels, therefore, and kept them all the time he stayed there ; and they
served to carry his messages to Vibius, and to bring answers back.
Fenestella savs*, he saw one of them wlicn she was very old, and
often heard her tell the story witli pleasure.

Crassus spent eight months in this privacy, at the end of whieli he
received intelligence that CuAia. was dead. Then he immediately
made his appearance, and numbers repaired to him ; out of which
he selected a corps ot two thousand five hundred men. ^^'ith these
he visited the cities, and most historians agree that he pillaged one
tailed Malaca : but others tell us, he absolutely denied it, and dis-
claimed the thing in the face of tlu>sc who spread the report. After
this he collected vessels, and passed over into Africa to join Metel-
lus Pius, an officer of great reputation, who had raised considerable
forces. He did not, however, stay long there. Upon some dilVer-
enoe with Metellus, he applied himself to Sylla, who received him
with pleasure, and ranked him among his principal friends.

When Sylla was returned to Italy, he chose to keep the young men
he had about him in exercise, and sent them upon various commis-
sions. Crassus he despatched to levy troops among tiie Marsi ;
and, as his passage lay through the enemy's country, he demanded
guards of Sylla. " I give thee for guards," said he, in an angrj'
tone, " I give thee for guards, thy father, thy brother, thy friends,
thy relations, who have been unjustly and abominably sacrificed, and
whose cau:^e I am going to revenge upon their hiurderers."

Crassus, roused and inflamed with these words, passed boldly"
through the midst of the enemy, raised a considerable army, and
shewed his attachment, as well as excited his courage, in all Sylla's
conflicts. Hence, we are told, came his first competition and dis-
pute with Pomp<'y for the palm of honour. l*ompcy was the younger
man, and had this great disadvantage besides, that his father was
more hated than any man in Home. Yet his genius broke forth with
such lustre on these occasions, that Sylla treated him with more rc-

* Fenestella wrote several booLs of uiinalj. He iniglit very «cil have seen one of
these slaves when she was old ; for he dtd nol die till lUc bixlb year of ihe reign of Ti-
beriw, nor until he was atrtaty years of age.

2i4 FLUTARCH S LIVES.

spect than he generally shewed much older men, or even those of
his own rank : for he used to rise up at his approach, and uncover
his head, and salute him as Tmperator.

Crassus was not a little piqued at these livings, though there waa
no reason for his pretensions. He had not the capacity of Pompey;
besides his innate blemishes, his avarice and meanness, robbed his
actions of all their grace and dignity. For instance, when he took
the city of Tudor in Umbria, he was supposed to have appropriated
the gi'catest part of the plunder to his own use, and was represented
in that light to Sylla. It is true, in the battle fought near Rome,
which was the greatest and most decisive of all, Sylla was worsted,
his troops repulsed, and a number of them killed. Meantime, Cras-
sus, who commanded the right wing, was victorious, and having
pursued the enemy till night, sent to inform Sylla of his success, and
to demand refreshments for his men.

But, in the time of the proscriptions and confiscations, he lost all
the credit he had gained; buying great estates at an under price, and
often begging such as he had cast his eye upon. Nay, in the coun-
try of the Brutians, he is said to have proscribed one man without
Sylla's order, merely to seize his fortune. Upon this Sylla gave him
Dp, and never after employed him in any public affair.

Though Crassus was an exquisite flatterer himself, yet no man
was more easily caught by flattery than he. And what was very par-
ticular, tiiough he was one of the most covetous men in the world,
no man was more averse to or more severe against such that resem*-
bled him*. But it gave him still more pain to see Pompey so suc-
cessful in all his employments, to see him honoured with a triumph,
and saluted by tlie citizens with the title of the Great. One day he
happened to be told, " Pompey the Great was coming: upon which
he answered, with a scornful smile, " How big is he?"

As he despaired of rising to an equality with him in war, he be-
took himself to tJie administration : and by paying his court, by de-
fending the impeached, by lending money, and by assisting and
canvassing for persons who stood for ofiices, he gained an authority
and influence equal to that which Pompey acquired by his military
achievements. There was something remarkably peculiar in their
case. The name and interest of Pompey were much greater in
Rome, when he was absent and f distinguishing himself in the
field; when present, Crassus often carried his point against him.

• It was observed by the late ingenious Mr. Shenstone, that a coxcomb will be the
first to find out and expose a coxcon)b. Men of the same virtues love eacli other for
the sake of those virtues; but amypathy in vice or folly lias generally a contrary effect.

t This- was not peculiar to Pompey; it was the case of Marias aud auny ubers.

MARCUS rRA<;>!'«:. ?55

This must be imputed to the state and ^andeur that he aflected: he
seldom showed himself in public, or aj)peared in the assemblies of
the people; and he very rarely served those who made application to
liim; imagining by that means he should iiave his interest etitirc
when he wanted it himself. Crassus, on the contrary, had his ser-
vices ever ready for those who wanted them ; he constantly made
his appearance; he was easy of access; his life was spent in busi-
ness and good offices; so that his open and obliging manner got the
better of Pompey's distance and state.

As to dignity of person, powers of persuasion, and engaging turn
of countenance, we are told they were the same. But the emulation
with which Crassus was actuated never carried him on to hatred and
malignity. It is true, he was concerned to see Pompey and Caesar
held in great honour, but he did not add rancour and malevolence to
liis ambition; though Caesar, when he was taken by pirates in Asia,
and strictly confined, cried out, " O Crassus, what pleasure will it
give thee to hear that I am taken!" However, they were afterwards
upon a footing of friendship; and when Cfesar was going to set out
for his command in Spain, and his creditors were ready to seize his
equipage, because he could not satisfy them, Crassus was kind
enough to deliver him from the embarrassment, by giving security
for eight hundred and thirty talents.

Rome was at this time divided into three parties, at tlie head of
which were Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus. For as to Cato, his re-
putation was greater than his power, and his virtue more admired
than followed. The prudent and steady part of the city were for
Pompey; the violent and enterpri^'hig gave into the prospects of
CfEsar ; Crassus steered a middle course, and availed himself of botii.
Crassus, indeed, often changed sides, and neither was a fimi friend
nor an implacable enemy. On the contrary, he frequently gave up
either his attachments or resentments indillereiitly, when his in-
terest required it; insomuch that in a short space of time he would
appear either in support or opj)osition to the same persons and lawsi,
lie had some influence founded in love, and some in fear; bui fear
was the more serviceable [)rinciple of the two. An instance of the
latter we have in Licinius, who was very troul)lesome to the magis-
trates and leading orators of his time. \N hen he was asked, whv h^
did not attack Crassus among the rest? he answered, *' He wen:,
wisps upon his horns*"." So the Romans used to serve u vicioiK
bull, for a warninj,' to all persons that passed hitn.

When the gladiators t(M)k up arms and ravaged Italy, their insur-
rectioo was cumiuouly called tlic war of Spartacus. Its oijgia was
• Thi» p»f«rd into a proverb.

256 Plutarch's lives.

tliis: one Lcntulus Baiiatus kept at Capua a number of gladiators,,
the greatest part of wliich wore Gauls and Thracians; men not re-
duced to that emplovinent tor any ciiuies they had eointnitted, but
forced upon it by the injustice of their niasicr. Two hundred of
them, therefore, agreed to make their escape. Though the plot
was discovered, threescore and eighteen of them, by their extreme
vigilance, were beforehand with their master, and sallied out of
town, having first seized all the long knives and spits in a cook's
shop. On the road they met some waggons carrying a quantity of
gladiators' arms to another place. These they seized and armed tiiem-
selves with them. Then they retired to a place of strength, and
made choice of three leaders*. The first was Spartacus, whose ex-
traction was from one of those Thracian hordes called Nomades.
This man had not only a dignity of mind, a strength of body, but a
discernment and civility superior to his fortune. In short, he was
more of a Greek than a barbarian in his manner.

It is said, that when he was first brought to Rome to be sold, a
serpent was seen twisted about his face as he slept. His wife, who
was of the same tribe, having the gift of divination, and being a re-
tainer besides to the orgies of Bacchus, said it was a sign that he
would rise to something very great and formidable, the result of which
would be happy f. This woman still lived with him, and was the
companion of his flight.

The fugitives first distinguished themselves by defeating a party
sent against them from Capua, whose arms they seized and wore with
great satisfaction; throwing away those of gladiators, as dishonour-
able and barbarous. Clodius t^e prietor;!: was then sent against
them from Rome with a body of three thousand men; and he be-
sieged them on the hill where they were posted. There was but
one ascent, which was very narrow and rugged, and there he placed
a sufficient guard. The rest was all a craggy precipice, but covered
with wild vines. The fugitives cut off such of the branches as might
be of most service, and formed them into a ladder of sufficient
strength, and so long as to reach the plain beneath. By the help of
this ladder they all got down safe, except one. This man remained
above only to let down their arms, and, when he had done that, he
descended after them.

The Romans knowing nothing of ti:is manoeuvre, the gladiators
came upon their rear, and attacked them so suddenly, that they fled

• Spartacus, Cbrpus, and (Eiiomuus. This war began in the year of Rome 680;
before Christ 71.

t His end was happy for a gladiator. He died fighting gallantly at the head of h\i
troops. * C'.odius Claber.

MARCUS CRASSUS. 25/

in great consternation, and left their caniptotheeneniy. Spartacus
was there joined i)y tiie herdsmen and sh(rj)!jerds of the country, men
of great vigour, and remarkably swift of foot. Some of tliese he c1;m1
in heavy armour, and the rest served as reconnoitering parties, and
for otlier jjurposes of tlie ligiit-armcd.

The next general sent against these gladiators was l*uhlius Vari-
nus*. They first routed his lieutenant Furius, who engaged them
with a detachment of two thousand men. i\fter this Spartacus
watched the motions of C'ossinius, who was ap|)oiiited assistant And
chief counsellor to Variiuis, and was now marching against him with
a considerable force. His vigilance was such, that he was v.rv near
taking Cossinius in the bath at Salenie; and ti)Ough he did esca{>e
with much difliculty, Spartacus seized his baggage. Then he pur-
sued his steps, and took his camj), liaving first killed great numbers
of the Romans. Cossinius himself was among the slain. His sub-
sequent operations were equally decisive. He beat Varinus in several
engagements, and took his llcforsand the very horse he rode.

By thij> time he was become great and formidable. Nevertheless,
his views were moderate: he had too much understanding to hope
the conquest of the Romans ; and thcref»>re led his army to the Alps,
with an intention to cross them, and then dismiss his troops, that
they might retire to their respective countries, some to Thrace, and
some to Gaul. But they, relying upon their numbers, and elated
with success, would not listen to his proposal. Instead of that, they
laid Italy waste as they traversed it.

It was no longer the indignity and disgrace of this revolt that af-
flicted the senate; it was fear and danger ; and they now employed
both the consuls in this war, as one of the most difficult and im}>or-
tjnt they had ever had upon li.eir hands, (iellius, one of the con-
suls, having surprised a body of Germans, who were so rash and self-
opinionated as to separate from the troops of Spartacus, defeated
them entirely, and put them to the sword. LcHtulus, the other con-
sul, endeavoured to surround Spartacus with his forces, which were
very considerable. S|)aitaeiis met him laiily in the field, beat his
lieutenants, and strij)ped tlieni of their baggage. He then con-
tinued his route lowaid.s the Alps, l)ui was opposed by Cassius, who
commanded in that part of Gaul which lay about the 1\), and came
against him at the liead of ten tiiousand men. A battle ensued, in
which Cassius was defeated with great loss, and saveil himself not
without difljculty.

No sooner w ere the senate informed of these miserable procec<l-

• In tho different editions of Livy Epiiton, it is read \ ueouj, Vafiuiu5, i^c.

Vol. 2. No. -'1. ll

258 rLl'TARCH S LlVEb.

ings, ilian they expiesscd ihe greatest indignation ugai;ist the con-
suls, and gave ordeis that they should be superseded in the com-
niund. Crassus, was the person they pitched upon as a succts!jor,
ana many of tlie nobility served under him as volunteers, as well on
account ot his political influence, as IVoni his personal regard. He
Went ana posted himself on the Picene, in order to intercept Spar-
tacus, who was lo nuircii that way. At the same time he sent his lieu-
tenant Mummius, roiuul with two legions; giving him strict orders
only to fwllow the enemy, and by no means to hazard either battle or
skirmish. Mummius, howe\'er, upon the first promising ocreasion,
engaged Spartacus, and was entirely routed. Numbers fell upon
the field of oattle, and many otneis iluew away their arms, and fled
for their lives.

Crasaus gave Mummius a severe reprimand, and new-armed his
m< , but insisted wiihal that tbey shu id find security for their keep-
ing those arms they were now intrusted with. The firsr five hun-
dred, who had shown the greatest marks of cow.irdiee, he divided
into fifty parts, and put one in each decade to deatn, to whose lot it
might happen to fall; thus reviving an ancient custom of military
punishment which had long been disused. Ituleed, this kind of pun-
ishment is the greatest mark ol mfamy; and being put in execution
in sight of the whole army, is attended with many awful and af-
fecting circumstances.

After thus ch;>stising his men, he ltd them against the enemy.
But Spartacus turned back and retired through Lucania to the
sea. The rebel, happening to find a number of vessels in harbour
belonging to ine Cilieian pirates, resolved to make an attempt upon
Sicily, wher. , at the head of two thousand men, he thought he could
easily rekindle the Servile war, which had but lately been smother-
ed^, and wiiich wanted little fuel to make it flame out again. Ac-
cordingly the pirates entered into agreement with him; but they had
no sooner taken his money, than they broke their engagement, and
sailed another way. wSpartaeus, thus deceived, left the sea, and in-
trenched himself in the peninsula of Khegium.

When Crassus came up, he observed that the nature of the place
suggested what measures he should take; inconsequence of which
he determined to build a wall across the Isthmus. This, he knew,
would at once keep his soldiers from idleness, and cut oft'theenemy's
supplies. The work was great and difficult; nevertheless he finished
it, beyond all expectation, in a short time; drawing a trench from
sea to sea three hundred furlongs in length, fifteen feet in breadtji,

• It was but nineteen years before, that a period was put to the Servile war in Sicily.

MARTIS ( RAiiSLIS. 91^

uud as many in ilcpih; he built a wall also ubov« it, cf considerable
hcii^lit and streiiL-lli.

.S{mriacus Ht tirst made a j»'st of tlte undertaking: but wlicn liis
)j1u kdcv began to fail, and he wanted to go farther* he saw th« 11
before him, and at thi -ime time was conscious t.. it the pciii.isula
was exhausted. He waiehed his opportunity, however, in a snowy
and teuipestuous Tiii;ht, to fill np the trencli with earth, woot' >nd
other materials, and so pa-^scd i* with a third part of his arr'- . Lras-
•sus now beijan to tear, that vSpartaeu*;, in 'he spiiit of t. . rprise,
would march immedutely to itume. liui wln-n he < b^erved that a
number of the enemy, upon some ditfercr- • »r otlier, si ^aratcd
and encamped upon the Lueanian lake, he recovered his spirits.
The water of this lake is said to ciiange in such a manner as : /Hie-
times to be sweet and fresh, atid at other times so sail mat it is im-
possible to think it. Crassus fell upon liiis p.uty, and drove them
from the lake, but coiilil not do any great execution, o; mtinue the
pursuit far, because Spartacus made his ap[)earance, and rallied his
fugitives.

Crassus now repented of having written to the sennte, that it was
uecessary to rtvul Lucullusfrom TliracCy (nul Ponij^n/ fi om 'Spain f
and iiastened to fini-ih the war himself; for he was seiiMbie that the
general who should come to his assistance would rol) him ot all
the honour. He resolved, therefore, in the first pj.iee, to attack the
troops which had revolted, and formed a si-parate bt»(lv, undiT
the command of two olVicers named Canniclus and ( 'stns. \\ ith this
view, he sent a corps of six thousand men before to sci/e an emi-
nence which he thought would be of service to him, but ordered
them to coiuluet their enterprise with all imaginary secrecy. They
observed his directions; and, to conceal their marcli ih- '"Cttcr,
covered their helmets and the rest of" their arms. Two n »mrn|
however, who were sacrificing beiore 'lie ei»emy's camp, dis- c ..red
theiii; and tliey wouln piobrsbly have met ■'• t:i ta'e, ' fl not Crassus
advanced im nediatety, and given the enemy nnttle. Thi< was the
most obstiiii.ie anion in the whole war. Twi-'ve thous . ; three
hundred o\ the enemy were killed, i>i which number there were o^fy
two found woinided . n the back; the rest die<l in their ranks, after
the bravest e\ertioi.s of valour.

Spauacus, after this defeat, retired towards the »iountains of
Pfteiiu; and Unintus, one uf Crassus's oH.cers, alio . ropha the
quaestor, marched alter to liaruss his rear: but Spartacus facing
about, the Roinaiis lied in the most dast; rdly mann«'r. and wuh
great difficulty cariiid of?" the cjuatstor, v lio was wounded. This
success was the ruin of Spartacus. It t^uve ihe fugitives suco spuits.

26o Plutarch's lives.

that they would no longer decline a decisive action, or be obedient
to their officers; but as they were upon the road, addressed them
^vith their swords in their hands, and Insisted on marching back
through Lucania with the utmost expedition to meet the Romans,
and face Crassus in the field.

This was the very thing that Crassus desired. He was informed
that Pompey was approaching, and of the many speeches to the
people on occasion of the ensuing election, in which it was asserted
that this laurel belonged to him, and that, as soon as he made his
appearance, he would, by some decisive stroke, put an end to the
war.

Crassus, therefore, hastened to give that stroke himself, and,
with the same view, encamped very near the enemy. One day,
when he had ordered his soldiers to dig a trench, the gladiators at-
tacked them as they were at work. Numbers came up continually
on both sides to support the combatants ; and at last Spartacus, see-
in"" what the case necessarily required, drew out his whole army.
When they brought hitn his horse, he drew his sword and killed him,
saying, at the same time, " If 1 prove victorious, I shall have horses
at command; if I am defeated, I shall have no need of this." His
aim was to find Crassus, and he made his way through showers of
darts and heaps of the slain. He did not, indeed, reach him, but
he killed with his own hand two centurions who ventured to engage
bim. At last, those that seconded him fled. He, however, still
stood his ground, and, though surrounded by numbers, fought with
great gallantry till he was cut In pieces.

Crassus, on this occasion, availed himself of every circumstance
with which fortune favoured him; he performed every act of gene-
ralship ; he exposed his person in the boldest manner; yet he was
only wreathing a laurel for the brows of Pompey. Pompey met, it
seems, those who escaped out of the field, and put them to the
sword. In consequence of which, he wrote to the senate, *'That
Crassus had Indeed beaten the fugitive gladiators in a pitched battle;
but that it was he who had cut up the war by the roots*."

Pompey, on his return to Home, triumphed in a magnificent
manner for his conquest of .Sertorius and Spain. As for Crassus, he
did not pretend to ask f.>r the greater triumph; and even the less,
which is led up on foot, under the name of an ovation, seemed to
have no propriety or decorum in the conquest of fugitive slaves In
what resnectthisditlVrs fr(;ni the other, and whence the term ovation
is derived, we have considered in the life of Marcellus.

• " Lahore alicno magno partam gloriain verbis in so transmovcl qui habet saleru.''

Tcrrrn, • ■

MARCUS CRASSUS. ?bl

Pompey was immediately culled to the consulship; and though
Crassus had interest enough of his own to encourape him to \\iypc
tor the same honour, yet hr scrupled not to solicit his good offices.
Pompey received the application with pleasure; for he was desirous
by all means to hnve Crassus under an obligation to him. He there-
fore readily espoused his cause; and at last, when he made iiis
speecli to the people, said, " He was as much indebted to them for
the colleague they had given him, as for their favour to himself."
However, the same good understanding did not long continue; they
diftered about almost every article that came before them; and those
disputes and altercations prevented their doing any thing coireidei-
able during their whole consulship. The most remarkable tiling
was, that Crassus oftered a great sacrifice to Hercules, entertained
the people at ten thousand tables, and gave them a supply of bread-
corn for three months.

When they held one of the last asseml)lies, in-fore tliey quitted
their charge, a Koman knight, named Onatius Aurclius, who had
spent most of his time in a retired manner in the country', and was
a man of no great note, mounted the rostrum, and gave the people
an account of a vision that appeared to him. "Jupiter," s;iid lie,
*' appeared to me in a dream, and commanded me to inform voii in
this public manner, that you are not to sutler the consuls to lav down
their oflice before they arc reconciled." He had no sooner ended
his spt-ecli, than the people insisted that they should be reconcile^!.
Pompey stood without making any motion towaids it, but C rassus
went and otVered him his hand: " 1 am not asliamed, my fellow-ciii-
zcns," said he, " nor do 1 think it beneath me, to make the lirst
advances to Pompey, whom you distinguished with the name of
Great while he was but a beardless youth, and whom you honoured
with a triumph before he was a senator."

These were (he only memorable tln'ngs in the consulate of Cras-
sus As for his censorship, it passed without any thing worth men-
tioning*. He made n«i incjuisition into the lives and manners ui the
senators; he did not review the ecjuestrian order, or number the
people. Lutatius Citulus, one of the best-natured men in the world,
was his colleague; and it is saiil, that when Crassus wanted to adopt
a violent and unjust measure, I mean the niaking I'^gvpt tributarv to
Rome, Catulus strongly opjKJsed it; and lience arose that difTerence
in consequence of which they resigned their charge.

VVhert till' great conspiracy of C ataline, which brought the cojn-
monwealth to the verge of destruction, broke out, Crassus was sus-

* lie vra ccQior six jreari alter bis cuiisulibip, sizlj-tlirrc jrcan before the kirtti of
Cbrit.

26-2 piaitarch's lives.

pected of having some conceni In it. Nay, lliere was one who
named him among the conspirators ; but no one gave credit to his
inlormation "". It is true, Cicero, in one of his orations, openly ac-
cuses botli Crassus and Cissar of that crime ; but that oration did not
appear in public till both those great men were dead. On the other
hand, the same Cicero, in the oration lie delivered relating to his
consulship, expressly says, that Crassus came to him one night, and
put a letter in his hand, which showed the reality of the plot into
which they were then inquiring. Ik' that as it may, it is certain
that Crassus, after this, conceived a mortal hatred for Cicero, and
would have shown it in some act of violence, had not his son Pub-
lius prevented it. Publius was a man of letters, and eloquence had
a particular charm for him : hence his at.achmcnt to Cicero was so
great, that when the bill for his banishment was proposed, he went
into mourning, and persuaded the rest of the Roman youth to do the
same. At last he even prevailed with his father to be reconciled
to him.

About this time Caesar returned from his government to solicit the
consulship. Finding Crassus and Poujpey again at variance, he
would not apply to either in particular, lest he should make the
other his enemy; nor could he hope to succeed without the assist-
ance of one of them. In tins dilemma he determined, if possible,
to effect a good understanding once more between them ; for which
purpose he represented, "That, by levelling their artillery against
each other, they raised the Ciceros, the Catuli, and the Catosj who
would be nothing, if they were once real friends, and took care to
act in concert. If that were the case," said he, "with your united
interests and counsels you might carry all before you."

These representations had their ell'ect; and, by joining himself to
the Icasrue, he formed that invincible triumvirate which ruined the
senate and people of Rome. Not that either Crassus or Pompey
gained any advantage from their union ; but Caesar, by the help of
both, clinibed to the highest pinnacle of power. An earnest of this
he had in his being unanimously elected consul. And, as he ac-
quitted himself in his office with great honour, they procured hini

• Sallnst sa\s otherwise. He tells us it did <ii)pear incredible to some, but others
believed it. Yet not tiiiiikiiig it advisable to exasperate a man of so much power, they
joined his retainers and those wlia owed hun money, in crying it was a calumny, and la
saying the senate ought to exculpate him; which accordingly they did. Some were of
opinion, and Crassus himself among the rcit, that the informer was suborned by Cicero,
liut what end could Cicero l-ave in accusing a man of his consequence, unless it were
to alarm the senate and people the raoie with a sense of their danger' And what could
Crassus propose to himself in entering into a plot to burn a tity in which his property
was so large?

MARCUS CKA^sls. ^^.l

the command ol" armies, and dcciocd liiin the province of Gaul,
where he was establislied as in an impregnable castle; for they ima-
gined, if they did hut secure to liin) the province that was fallen to
his lot, they might share the rest between them at their leisure.

It was the immoderate love of powir which led Pompey into this
error. And (rassus, to his old disease of avarice, now added a new
one. The achievements, the victories, and triumphs of Caisar,
raised in Crassus a passion for the same; and he could not he content
to be beneath him in this respect, though he was so mucli superior
in others. He therefore never let himself rest till he met an in-
glorious fate, and involved his country in the most dreadful cala-
mities.

On Caesar's coming from Gaul to the city of Lucca, numbers went
to wait upon him, and, among Uic rest, Crassus and Pompey.
These, in their private conferences, agreed with him to carry mat-
ters with a higher hand, and to make themselves absolute in Rome.
For this purpose C.fsar was to remain at the head of his armv, and
the other two chiefs to divide the rest of the jrovinces and armies
between them. There was no way, lutwevcr, to carry their scheme
into execution, without suing for another consulship; in which
Caesar was to assist by writing to his friends, and bv scndiiura num-
ber of his soldiers to vote in the election.

When Crassus and Pompey returned to Rome, their designs were
very much suspected; and the general discourse was, that the late
interview boded no good to the commonwealth. Hereujion M;u-
ccllinus and Domitius* asked I'ompey itr full suiate, " ^^ hether he
int'Midcd to solicit the consulship?" To wliich he answered, " Pcr-
liaps I may — perhaps not." And up-on their interrog-a'ing In'm a
second time, ht s;iid, " If I solicit it, I shall solicit it for men of
honour, and 'lot for men of a meaner priiici[tle." :\s this answer
ap])cared to have too much of haugntiness and contempt, Crassus
expressed more moderati<jM: " If it be for the public rood, I shall
solicit it if not, I shall forbear."

By this some other candidates, and among the rest Domitius
were imboldeiied to ap[K'ar; but as soon as Pompey and Crassus
declared themselves, the rest dropped their pretensions: or.'.v Do-
mitius was exhorted and encouraged by his fiiend and klnsmar. i:\rn
" not to al)andoM his prospects, but to stand boldly up for the liber-
ties of his country. As for Pompey and Crassus," he said, "they
wanted not the consulship, but absolute power; nor was it so naich
their aim to be chief magistrates at home, as to seize the provinces,
and to divide the armies between them."

* Dom'ttiui Aenpbarbui.

264 Plutarch's lives.

Cato having thus rxprcssed his real .sentiments, drew Doinitius
almost forcibly into xhcforion, and numbers joined them there; for
thoy were picatlv surjirised at this step of Crassus and Pompey.
*' Why do ihiy demand," said they, '^ a second consulship? Why
together? Why not with others? Have we not any persons of merit
surticient to entitle them to be colleagues with either Crassus or
Pompey?"

Pompey's party, alarmed at these speeches, threw off the mask,
and adopted the most violent measures. Among other outrages, they
waylaid Domitius as he was going to the place of election before day,
accompanied by his friends, killed the torehbearer, wounded many
of his train, and Cato among the rest. Then they shut them up
together, till Crassus and Pompey were elected.

A little after this, they confined Domitius to liis house, by plant-
ing armed men about it, drove Cato out of the foniniy and killed
several wlio made resistance. Having thus cleared the way, they
continued Caesar in his government for five years more, and got
Syria and both the Spains for their own provinces. Upon casting
lots, Syria fell to Crassus, and the Spains to Pompey.

The allotment was not disagreeable to the multitude. They chose
to have Pompey not far from Rome; and Pompey, who passionately
loved his wife, was very glad of the opportunity to spend most of his
time there. As for Crassus, as soon as it appeared that Syria was
his lot, he discoveied the greatest joy, and considered it as the prin-
cipal happincssof his life; insomuch that, even before strangers and
the populace, lie could hardly restrain his transports. To his inti-
mate friends he opened himself more freely, expressing the most
sanguine hopes, and indulging in vain elevations of heart, unsuit-
able to his age and disposition; for, in general, he was far from be-
ing p<jmpous, or Inclined to vanity. But now, extravagantly elated
and corrupted by his flattering prospects, he considered not Syria
and the Parthians as the termination of his good fortune; but in-
tended tn make the expedition of Luculluf* against Tigranes, and of
Pompey against Milhridates, appear only the sports of children.
HLs design was to penetrate to the 'Bactrians, the Indians, the
Eastern Ocean; and in bis hopes he had already swallowed up
the East.

In the law relating to the government of Crassus. no mention
was made of a war in its neighbourhood; but all the world knew
Crassus had an eye to it. And Caesar, in the letter he wrote to him
from Gaul, commended his design, and encouraged him to attack
the Parthians. But when he was going to set out, Ateius, one of
the tribunes, threatened to stop him, and numbers joined the tri~

MARCUS CRASSfS. 265

bune's party. They could not, without indignutiun, think of his go-
ing to begin hu.itililics against a |)cople who had dour iht-ni no in-
jury, and were in fact thiir ullich. C rassus, alarnud at tl»is, (loj»ir-
cd Pomp«y to conduct him out of Koine. He knew the dignity of
Ponipey, and the veneration ilic populace liad for him ; and on tins
occasion, though many were prepared to withstand Cra.ssus, and to
raise a clamour against him, yet, when they saw I'ompey marching
before him with an open and gay coutitcnunce, tliey dropped their
iesentment and made way in silence.

Ateius, however, advancid to meet him. In the first place, by
the authority of his oHice, lie commanded him to stop, and protested
against his enterprise. Then he ordered one of his ollieers to .seize
him; but the other tribunes interpi^smg, the olTicer let Crassus go,
Ateius now ran before to the gate, and placed there a censer with
tire in it. At the approach of Crassus, he sprinkled incense upon it,
ottered libations, and uttered the most horrid imprecation.-, invoking,
at the same time, certain dreadful and strange tTods. The Romans
say, these nu'sterious and ancient iuiprecdtions have sueh power *^,
that the object of them never escapes their cllect ; nay, tiuy add,
that the person wiio uses them is sure to be unhappy; so that they
arc seldom used, and never luit upon a great t>icasion. Ateius was
much blamed for his rash zeal. It was for lis cnuntiy's sake that
he was an adversary to Crassus, and yet it was his country he had
laid under that dieadful curse.

Crassus, pursuing his journey, canie to Brundiisium; and, though
the winter storms made the voyage dangerous, he put to sea, and
lost a immijcr of vessels in his ,^ass.i,e. As soon i\- he I'.i : eollecteil
the rest of his troops, he conii.iaed his route by laiul f ough Gala-
cia. There he paid his respects • D i' - iru>, wlu», : louirh an old
man, was building a new liiy. Lrassu iighed, aii'i i>aid, " Vou
begin to build at the twelfth '.. )ur of the u o :* TIj • king laiiglu ' in
liis turn, and answered, '* You d«) not set out very early in thi motn-
ing agaiust the Parthians!" Ciassu., indeed, was theti abovi sixty
years of agef, and he looked much oluer than he was.

Upon his arrival in Syria, his allair> prospeied at tirst according to
his expectation. He threw a bridge over ih«^ LIupL.a'.es with case,
and Ids army passed it without t)|)position. Mm.y ciius in Mesopo-
tamia voluntarily icceived him, and une only stood upon its defence.
The prince wlu) povernrd it <• i- named Ajjoi.otiius. The Romans
having lost about a hundie.l men before it. Crjisus marched against

• Uirm demtatiu

Nulli es|ii«tur vicdcni. //
t Cni»«iM5ri outiipou lUis upcdiliou la tlic vrar oi IWtuc OL'^^.

Vol. 2. No. 21. hm

266 Plutarch's lives.

it with all his forces, took it by assault, plundered it of every thinj^
valuable, and sold the inhabitants for slaves. The Greeks called
that city Zenodotia*. Crassus, upon takinu^ it, suffered his army to
salute him Itnpcrator ; a tiling which reflected no small disgrace
upon him : it showed the meanness of his spirit, and his despair of
effecting any thing considerable, when he valued himself upon such
a trifling acquisition.

After he had garrisoned the towns that had submitted with seven
thousand foot and a thousand horse, he returned into Syria to win-
ter. There he was joined by his son, whom Caesar had sent to him
from Gaul, adorned with military honours, and at the head of a
thousand select horse.

Among the many errors which Crassus committed in this war, the
first, and none of the least, was his returning so soon into Syria. He
ought to have gone forward, and strengthened himself with the ac-
cession ot Babylon and Scleucia, cities always at enmity with the
Parthians: instead of which, he gave the enemy abundant time to
prepare themselves. Besides, his occupations in Syria were greatly
censured, having more of the trader in them than of the general.
Instead of examining into the arms of his soldiers, keeping them in
exercise, and improving their strength and activity by proper re-
wards, he was inquiring into the revenues of the cities, and weigh-
ing the treasures in the temple of the goddess of Hierapolisf. And
though he fixed the quotas of troops which the states and principali-
ties were to furnish, he let them off' again for a sum of money; which
exposed him to the contempt of those whom he excused.

The first sign of his future fortune came from this very goddess,
•whom some call Venus, some Juno, others Nature, or that great
principle which produces all things out of moisture, and instructs
mankind in the knowled_'-e of every thing that is good. As they were
going out of the temple, young Crassus stumbled and fell at the
gate, and his father fejl upon him.

He was now drawing his troops out of winter quarters, when am-
bassadors came from Arsaccs, and addressed him in this short
speech: " If this army was sent against the Parthians by the Roman
people, that people has nothing to expect but perpetual war and en-
mity irrcconcilcahle: but if Crassus, against the inclination of his
country (which they were informed was the case), to gratify his own

. • Zcnodotia, in tlie province of Osrhociie.

t About twenty miles from the Euphrates there was a city t.nowii l>j llic several names
of Bambyce, Edessa, and IIlcrapoli>.. By the Syrians it was called Magog. The goddess
A'.argaiia was worshipped there with j^reat devotion, Locianmeraioiii licr temple as the
richest ia ihe world.

NfARCUS CRASSUS. 26/

avarice, has undertaken this war, aiii i..vadedone of the Parthian
provinces, Arsaccs will act with more moderation. He will take
compassion on Crassus's age, and let the Roniarjs^o, though in tact
he considers them rather as in prison than in garrison." To this
Crassus made no return hut a rodomontade: he said, *' He would
give them his answer at SL-kucia." Upon whicii, Vagiscs, the old-
est of the aml)assad<)rs, laughnl : and turning up tiie palm of his
hand, replied, " Crassus, here will hair grow before thou wilt sec
Seleucia."

The ambassadors tlun returned to their king Orodes*', and told
him he must prepare for war. Meantime, some Romans escaped
with difficulty from the cities they garrisoned in Mesopotamia, and
brought a very alarming account of the cneiny. "They said they
had been eye-witnesses to iheir innnense numbers, and to their
dreadful manner of Hghtinir, when they attacked the towns." And
as it is usual for fear to magnify its object, they added, "It is
impossible either to escape them when they pursue, or to take them
when they fly. They have a new and strange sort of arrows, which
are swifter tlian lightning, and reach their mark before you can see
they arc discharged; nor are ihcy less fatal in their ctVects than swift
in their course. The oflensive arms of their cavalry pierce through
every thing, and the defensive arms are so well tempered that no-
thing can pierce them."

The Roman soldiers were struck with this account, and their cou-
rage began to droop. They had imagined that the Part hians were
not dirt'erent from the Armenians and Cappadociaiis, whom Lucullus
had beaten and driven before him till he was weary; and, conse-
quently, that the hardest part of the expedition would be the length
of the way, and the trouble of pursuing men who would never stand
an engagement, liut now they f\)und they had war and danger to
look in the face, which they had not tliouglit of; insomuch that se-
veral (jf the principal cjtlicei^ were of o|)inion that Crassus ought to
stop, and call a couiiiil to tunsiiler whether new measures ought
not to i)e taken. Of this numijer was Cus^ius the tjUiCitor. Be-
sides, the soothsayers whispered, that the sacrifices were not accepted
by the gotls, and the signs appeareil always inauspicious to the ge-
neral. However, he |)aid no attention to them, nor to any but those
who were for hastening his march.

* lU-rc the kiii^ of I'.irtliiu is called Orudi'*, wliu Itrfurc was railed ArMco. Ar>aco»
wns probably a name cuminon to the kings of dial country, and Orodcs the prop<.r name
of this prince. He was the ion of I'hrnatrs the Second, and made hii way to ihe crown
tliruiigli the blood of lii.i elder brother Mithridalcs. Fot this l.c docrvcJ^j died itie
lamckiud of deaths

268 Plutarch's lives.

He was the more confirmed in his intentions by the arrival of
Artavasdes *, king of Armenia. That prince came with six thousand
horse, which, he said, were only his body-guard. He promised
Crassus ten thousand more armed at all points, and thirty thousand
foot, all to be maintained at his own expense. At the same time,
he advised him to enter Parthia by way of Armenia. " Ry that
means," said he, "you will not only have plenty of provisions,
which 1 shall take care to supply you with, but your march will be
safe, as it will be along a chain of mountains, and a country almost
impracticable for cavalry, in which the Parthirin strcngtji consists."
Crassus received his tender of service and his noble offer of succours
but coldly; and said, "He should march through Mesopotamia,
where he had left a number of brave Romans." Upon this the Ar-
menian bade him adieu, and returned to his own country.

As Crassus was passing the Euphrates at Zeugma, he met with
dreadful bursts of thunder, and lightnings flamed in the face of his
troops. At the same time, the black clouds emitted a hurricane
mingled with fire, which l)rokc down and destroyed great part of his
bridge. The place which he had marked out for a camp, was also
t\vice struck with lightning. One of the general's war-horses, richly
caparisoned, running away, with his rider, leaped into the river, and
was seen no more. And it is said, when the foremost eagle was
moved, in order for a march, it turned back of its own accord. Be-
sides these ill tokens, it happened that when the soldiers had their
provisions distributed, after they had crossed the river, they were first
served with lentils and salt, which are reckoned ominous, and com-
monly placed upon the monuments of the dead. In a speech of
Crassus to the army, an expression csca[)cd him, which struck them
all whh horror. He said, " He had broke down the bridge that
not one of them might return." And when he ought, upon per-
ceiving the impropriety of the expression, to have recalled or ex-
plained it to the intimidated troops, his obstinacy would not permit
him. To which we may add, that in the sacrifice offered for the lus-
tration of the army, the nrusjHwhiiv'iv.ji; put the entrails in his hands,
he let thrm fall. All that attended the crcmoriy were struck with
astonishment ; but he only said with a smile, " See what it is to be
old ! My sword, however, shall not slip out of my hands in this
manner."

Immediately after this, he began his march along the side of the
Euphrates with seven legions, near four thousand horse, and almost
as many of the light-armed. He had not gone far before some of

* In the text he is here called Artabases; but as Plutarch called him Artavasdes
every where afterwards, we thought it proper to put it so here.

MARCrS CRASSl'S. ^9

his scouts returned and told lilm, tliat tlu'V liad nut f<iuii<l so much
as one man in their excursions, hut that there were many vestiges of
cavalry, who appcarud to liave fled as If they had heen pursued.

Crassus now hegan to he more saii|:uine in his hopes, and tlic
soldiers to hold the enemy in contempt, upon a supjjosition that they
durst not stand an encounter. Nevertheless, C'assius addressed him-
self to the pencral apain, and advised him " to secure his troops in
some fortified town till he should have some account of the enemy
that mii^ht he depended upon. If he did not choose that, he desired
him to keep alonj^ the river till he reached Seleucia : for hy this
means he would he constantly supplied with provisions from the ves-
sels that would follow his camp ; and the river preventing his being
surrounded, he would always have ir in his power to fight upon equal
terms."

While Crassus was weighing these counsels with much delihera-
tion, there arrived an Arahian chief named Ariamnes". This art-
ful and perfidious man was the principal instrument of all the ca-
lamities which fortune was preparing for the ruin df Crassus. Some
of his officers, who jiad served under Pompey, knew how much Ari-
amnes was indebted to that general's favour, and that in conse-
quence he passed for a well-wisher to thi llomans. Rut now, gained
by the Parthian officers, he concerted with then^ a scheme to draw
Crassus from the river and the higher grounds into an immense plain,
where he might easily he surrounded : for the enemy tliought of no-
thing less than fighting a pitched battle wiih the Romans.

This barbarian, then, addressing himself to Crassus, at first
launched out into the j)raises of Pompey as his benefactor, f«)r he
was a voluble and artful spciki-r; then he expressed his admiration
of so fine an army ; hut, uitluil, took occasion to blame Crassus for
his delays, and tin time he spent in preparing; as if weapons, and
not rather active hands and feet, were rc(juired against a j)eoj>le who
iiad long been determined to retire with their most valuable etfects,
and with their families and friends, to the Scythians and livrcanians.
** Or, suppose you have tt) fight," said he, ** you ought to hasten
to the encounter !)efi)re the king recovers his spirits, and collects all
his forces. At present, he has only sitit out Sureiia and ISillaces to
amuse y<iu, and to prevent your pmsuit of himsilf. For his part,
he will take care not toapj)ear in the field "

This story was false in every circumstance: forOrodes had divided
his army into two parts ; uiih one of which he was ravaging Arme-
nia, to wreck his vengeance upon Art.ivasdes ; Surena was left with
the other to make head against the Komaiis. Not that the king (as
* Appiao aiid DiOu Caimu« <.«II him Acbarus or .\gbatu5.

270 I'LUTARCH S LIVES,

some Avill have it) had any contempt for the Romans: for Crassus,
one of the most powerful men Rome had produced, was not an an-
tagonist whom he should despise, and think it a fairer field of honour
to go and fight with Artavasdes, and lay waste Armenia. On the
contrary, it is highly probable, it was his apprehensions of danger
which made him keep at a distance, and watch the rising event ; in
order to which he sent Surena before him to make trial of the ene-
my's strength, and to amuse them with his stratagems. For Surena
was no ordinary person; but in fortune, family, and honour, the first
after the king; and in point of courage and capacity, as well as in
size and beauty, superior to the Rarthians of his time. If he went
only upon an excursion into the country, he had a thousand camels
to carry his baggage, and two hundred carriages for his concubines.
He was attended by a tliousand heavy-armed horse, and many more
of the light-armed rode before him. Indeed, his vassals and slaves
made up a body of cavalry little less than ten thousand. He had the
hereditary privilege in his family to put the diadem upon the king's
head when he was crowned, \^'hcn Orodes was driven from the
throne, he restored him ; and it was he who conquered for him
the great city of Seleucia, being the first to scale the wall, and
beat oft" the enemy with his own hand. Though he was then not
thirtv years old, his discernment was strong, and his counsel esteemed
the best. These vrcre the talents by which he overthrew Crassus,
who laid himself oj)cn to his arts, first by a two sanguine confi-
dence, and afterwards by his fears and depressions under misfor-
tunes.

When Crassus had listened to the lure of Ariamnes, and left the
river to march into the plain, the traitor led him a way that was
smooth and easy at first ; but after a while it became extremely dif-
ficult, by reason of the deep sands in which he had to wade, and
the sight of a vast desert without wood or water, which aftbrded no
prospect of repose err hope of refreshment : so that his troops were
ready to give out, not only through thirst and the difiiculty of the
march, but through the comfortless and melancholy view before
them of a country where there was neither tree nor stream to be
seen, no hill to shelter them, no green herb growing, but the bil-
lows of an immense sea of sand surrounding the whole army.

These thie.irs gave them sufficient reason to suspect they were be-
trayed ; but when the envoys of Artavasdes arrived, there was no room
tf) doubt it. Tliat prince informed Crassus, " That Orodes had
invaded his kingdom with a great army, so that now he could send the
Romans no succours. Therefore he advised them to march towards Ar-
menia, where, with their united forces, they might give Orodes battle^

M \K(n's ( R \cm«;. ^^l

If Crassus did not relish this advice, he conjured him at least never
to encamp uj)on any ground favourahle to the cavalry, hut to keep
close to the mountains." Crassus, in his resentment and infatuation,
would send no answer in writini^; he only said, " He was not at
leisure now to think of the Armenians, hut 1 y and by he would
come and cliastisc tlicir kintr fur his pcrfidi(iusiicss," Cassius was
again extremely chagrined, hut would not make any more remon-
strances to the general, who was already offended at the liherty he
had taken, fie applied, however, to the harl)arian in luivate, in such
Terms as these : " O thou vilest of impostors, wliat malevolent da?tnon
lias hrought thee amongst us ? By what potions, hy what enchant-
ments, hast thou prevailed upon Crassus to i)our his army into tins
vast, this amazing desert ; a march more fit for a Numidian rohlicr
than for a Roman general ? " The barbarian, who had art enough
to adapt himself to all occasions, humbled himself to Cassius, and
encouraged him to hold out and have patience only a little hmcrcr.
As for the soldiers, he rode about the ranks under a pretence of Ibr-
tifying them against their fatigues, and made use of several taunting
expressions to them: '* What," said he, " do you imagine that vou
are marching through Campania ? Do you expect the fountains, tlu*
streams, the shades, the baths, and houses of refreshment you meet
with there? And will you never remember that you are traversing
the barren confines of the Ar:il>ians and Assyrians?" Thus the
traitor admonished, or rather insulted the Homans, and gut otl" at
last before his imposture was discovered. Nor was this without the
general's knowledge ; he even persuaded him then, th;it he was go-
ing upon some scheme to put the enemy in disorJcr.

It is said, that Crassus on that day did not appear in a jnirple roln*,
such as the Roman generals used to wear, but in a i)lack one, ami,
when he perceived his mistake, h'j went andih;inged it. Some of the
standards too were so rooted in the ground, th;it they t'oulJ not l)e
moved without the greatest eftbrts. Crassus only laughed at the
omen, and hastened his march the more, making the foot keej) up
with the cavalry. Meantime, the remains of a reconnoitering party
returned with an account that their connadcs were killed liy the Tar-
thians, and that they had escaped with great dilVicidty. ,\t the same
time they assured hinj, that the enemy was advancing witli \erv nu-
merous forces, and in the highest spirits.

This intelligence spread great dismay among the lrooj»s, and
Crassus was the niost terrified of all. In his confusi«in, he had
scarce understaiuling enough about him to 6n\\v up his army pro-
perly. At first, agreeably to the opinion of Cnssius, he extended
the front of his infantry so as to occupy a great sjiacc of ground, to

'il'-Z rtUTARCH S LIVES.

prevent their being surrounded, and distributed the cavalry in the
wings ; l)ut soon altering his mind, he drew up the legions in a close
square, and made a front every way, each front consisting of twelve
cohorts. Every cohort had its troop of horse allotted it, that no
part might remain unsupported by the cavalry, but that the whole
might advance with equal security to the charge. One of the wings
was given to Cassius, the other to young Crassus, and the gene|"al
placed himself in the centre.

In this order they moved forward, till they came to a river called
Balissus, which, in itself, was not considerable, but the sight of it
gave great pleasure to the soldiers, as well on account of their heat
and thirst, as the fatigues of a march through a dry and sandy de-
sert. Most of the officers were of opinion, that they ought to pass
the night there, and after having got the best intelligence they could
of the number of the enemy and their order, advance against them
at break of day : but Crassus, carried away by the eagerness of his
son, and of the cavalry about him, who called upon him to lead
them to the charge, commanded those who wanted refreshment to
take it as they stood in their ranks. Before they had all done, he
began his march, not leisurely and with proper pauses, as is neces-
sary in going to battle, but with a quick and continued pace till they
came in sight of the enemy, who appeared neither so numerous nor
so formidable as they had expected : for Surenahad concealed his main
force behind the advanced guard, and, to prevent their being disco-
vered by the glittering of their armour, he had ordered them to co-
ver it with their coats or with skins.

When both armies were near enough to engage, and the generals
had given the signal, the field resounded with a Ixorrid din and
dreadful bellowing : for the Parthians do not excite their men to ac-
tion with cornets and trumpets, but with certain hollow instruments
covered with leather, and surrounded with brass bells, which they
beat continually. The sound is deep and dismal, something between
tlie howling of wild blasts and the crashing of thunder ; and it was
from sage reflection they had adopted it, having observed, that of all
the senses, that of hearing soonest disturbs the mind, agitates the
passions, and unhinges the understanding.

While the Romans were trembling at the horrid noise, the Par-
tliians suddenly uncovered their arms, and ajtpeared like battalions
of fire, with the gleam of their breast-plates, and their helmets of
Marglan steel polished to the greatest perfection. Their cavalry,
too, completely armed in brass and steel, shed a lustre no less strik-
ing. At th*. head of them appeared Surena, tall and well made;
but his femiuiiie beauty did not promise such courage as he was

NrARcrs cR.\';<i-':. 273

possessed of: for lie was tlri'sscd in the fasliion of tie Mci'trs, with
his face paiutei!, and his hair curled and e(|ually parted; while tlie
rest of the Parthians wore their h^iir in L'reat disorder, like the Sey-
thians, to make themselves look more terrihie.

At first, the barharians intended to have* clnrjrcd with their pikes>
and opened a way through their f(»reiiiost ranks ; hui when they saw
the depth of the Koinan hattalions, the closeness «»f tlu-ir order,
and the hinincss of thrir standiufr, they drew li.ick, iin'), under the
appearance of hreakiiiii: tlieir ranks aiui dispersin/r, wlu-ehd about
and surroundeil the Konians. At that instant C'lassus ordered Wis
archers and light infantry to l)Otrin the charge : hut thev had not
gone far before they were saluted with a shower of arn<ws, whicii
came with such force, and did so much execution, as drove tlu m
hack upon the hattalions. 'I'his was the higiniiing of disordf r and
consternation among the heavy-arnud, \\ luii tluy hiluld liie force
and strength of the arrows, against whii.h no aimcur was pro«-f, and
whose keenness noihing could resist. The l'aithi;:ns iiow separated,
and began to exercise their ar.ilUry u\Hn\ the Kumans on all sides,
at a considerable distance ; not needing to take any exact ain>, by
reason of the closeness and depth of the square in wliieb their
adversaries were drawn up. 'Jheir bows were large and strt)ng, yet
capable of bending till the arrows were dn.wn to the head; the
force they went with was eonsequently \eiy great, and tlie wounds
they gave mortal.

The Uomans were now in a dreadful sitiiaiii»n. If they stood still,
they were pierced through ; if they advanced, they c.juld muke no
reprisals, and yet were sure to meit their fate: for ihe l*»ithiai;s
shoot as they fly ; aiul this they do with dexterity iufciioroidy to thr
Scythians. It is indeed :in excellent expedient, because they save
themselve!» bv retiring, and, bv lighting all the while, escape the
disgrace of flight.

\\ iiilc the Romans had any hopes that the Parthians would spend
all their arrows aiul (piit the e()nil).it, or else advai ee bund to hand,
tiiey bore their clistresses witii |;aiience ; but as soon as it was per-
ceived that beiiind the enemy there was a niimbei of camels loaded
with arrows, frunj wluuee the lirsl ranks, after they em}ttled their
quivers, were supplieil, Crassus, seeing no end to his sulVtiings, was
greatly distressed. The step he took wasj to send orders to his stui
to get up with the enemy and charge them, it possible, betore he
was quite surrounded : for it was prineipally against iiim that one
wing of the rarthian civaliy directed their eflorts, in hupts of tak-
ing him in the re;ir. Ipon this the young man t(.K»k thirteen hun-
dred horse, of which tljose he had from Cn'sar wade a thousand, tive

Vol. 2. Xu 21. s^

274 ril'TARCn's LIVES.

hundred archers, and eiglit cohorts of infantry, which were next at
hand, and wheeled al)OUt to come to the charge. However, the
Parthians, wlicthcr it was that they were afraid to meet a detach-
ment tliat came against them in such good order, which some say
was the case, or whether they wanted to draw young Crassus as far
as they possibly cmild from his father, turned their baci<s and fled'^.
The young man crieil out, T/irj/ dare not stand us, and followed at
full speed. So did Censorinus and Megabacchus f ; the latter a man
noted for his strength and courage, and the former a person of se-
jiatorial dignity, an^ an excellent orator. Both were intimate
iriends of young Crassus, and nearly of his age.

The cavalry kept on, and such was the alacrity and spirit of hope
with which the infantry were inspired, th;it they were not left be-
hind : for they imagined they were only pursuing a conquered enemy.
But they had not gone far before they found how much they were
deceived. The pretended fugitives faced about, and, many others
joining them, advanced to the encounter. The Romans, upon this,
made a stand, supposing the enemy would come to close quarters
with them, because their number was hut small. The Parthians,
however, only formed a line of their heavy-armed cavalry opposite
their adversaries, and then ordered their irregulars to gallop round,
and beat up the sand and dust in such a manner, that the Romans
could scarce either see or speak for the clouds of it. Besides, the
latter were drawn up in so small a compass, and pressed so close up-
on each other, that they were a very fair mark for the enemy

Their death, too, was lingering: they rolled about in agonies of
pain, with the arrows sticking in them, and, before they died, en-
deavoured to pull out the barljed points which were entangled within
their veins and sinews; an etVort that served only to enlarge their
woimds, and add to their torture.

Many died in this miserable manner, and those who survived were
not fit for action. When Publius;^ desired tlicni to attack the
lieavy-armed cavalry, they showed him their haniis nailed to their
shields, and their feet fastened to the ground, so that they could nei-
ther fight nor fly. He therefore encouraged his cavalry, and advanced
with great vigour to the charge. But the dispute was by no means

* li was their common metliod not to itaiid .1 pitclied battle with troops that were
in any degree their match. In retreating and advancing, as occasion requireil, they
knew the advantage they had in the swiftness of their horse?, and iii the excellence of
t'leir archers.

t It is not easy to say what the Roman name Magabaccl-.tis could be the corruption
of. Xy lander tvlls us he found in an old translation Crifi. FlancH$. Probably that trans-
lator might '-..ire the authority of some manuscrip'.

: Young Crassii^.

MARCl'S CRASSUS. 4^5

upon an equality, cither in respect of attack or defence : for his incu
had only weak and short javelins to attempt the Parthian cuiriisscs,
which were made either of raw hides or steel; while the enemy's
stronjij pikes could easily make an impression upon the naked or
light-armed Gauls, 'i'hese were the truups in which he placed iiis
chief confidence, and indeed he worked wonders with them. They
laid hold on the pikes of the i);ul)arians, and, grap[>ling with them,
jmlled them from their horses, and threw them on the ground, where
they could scarce stir, by reason of tlie weight of their armour.
Many of them even quitted their own horses, and getting under those
of the Parthians, wounded theni in the belly; upon which the horses,
mad with pain, plunged, and threw their riders, and treading tliem
under foot along with the enemy, at last fell down dead upon hoth.
V\ hat went hardest against the Cjauls was heat and thirst, for they
had not been accustomed to either. And they had lost most of their
horses by advancing furiously against the enemy's pikes.

They had now no resource but to retire to their infantry, and to
carry off young Crassus, who was much wounded. But happening
to see a hill of sand by the way, they retired to it; and having
placed tiieir horses in the middle, they locked their shields together
all around, imaginitig that would prove the best defence against the
barbarians. It happened, however, (juitc otherwise. V\ hile they
were upon plain ground, the foremost raiiks aflorded some shelter to
those behind; but uj)on an eminence, the unevenness of the ground
showed one above another, and those behind iiigher than those be-
fore, so that there was no chance for any of them to escape: they
fell pnjmiscuously, lamenting their inglorious fate, and the impos-
sibility of exerting themselves to the last.

Voung Crassus hail with him twu (ireeks, named llieronymus
and Nicomaehus, who had settled in that country in the town of
Carrie. 'I'hese advi.>ed him to retire with them, and to make his
escape to Isehntf, a city which hatl ail«>pted the Roman interests,
and was at no great distance. Hut he answered, " There was no
death, howe\er dreadful, the fear of which enuld make him leave so
many brave men dying for his sake." At the sanie time he desired
them to save themselves, and then embraced and dismissed them.
As his own hand was transfixed with an arrow, and he could not use
it, he ofl'ered his side to his armour-bearer, and ordered him to strike
the blow. C ensorinus is saiil to have died in the same manner. As
for Megabaeihus, he tlesj)atched hiuiself with his own hanil, and
the other principal olVuers h»llowed his example. 'J'he rest lell by tlic
Parthian pikes, after they had defended themselves gallantly ta
the last. The enemy did uut make above five hundred prisoucrs.

276 Plutarch's lives.

When they had cut off the head of young Crassus, they marched
with it to his father, wiiose aifairs were in this posture : after he had
ordered his son to charge the Parthians, news was hrought him that
tl>ey fled with great precipitation, and that the Romans pursued
t'ncm with equal vivacity. He perceived also, that on his side the
enemy's operations were comparatively feeble ; for the greatest part
of tiiein were gone after his son. Hereupon he recovered his spirits
in some degree, and drew his forces back to some higlicr ground,
expecting every moment his son's return from the pursuit.

Pubiius had sent several messengers to inform him of his danger;
but the first had fallen in with the barbarians, and were cut in
pieces; and the last having escaped with great difficulty, told him
his son was lost, if he had not large and immediate succours. Cras-
sus was so distracted by different passions, that he could not form
any r;itiona! scheme. On the one hand, he was afraid of sacrificing
the vvliole armv, and on the other, anxious for the preservation of
iiis son ; but at last he resolved to marcli to his assistance.

Meantime the enemy advanced with loud shouts and songs of
victory, which made them appear more terrible; and all the drums
bellowiiig again in the ears of the Romans, gave the notice of another
entragcmcnt. The Parthians coming forward with the head of Pub-
iius upon a spear, demanded, in the most contemptuous manner,
whether they knew the family and parents of the young man! —
" For," said they, " it is not possible that so brave and gallant a
youth should be the son of Crassus, the greatest dastard and the
meanest wretch in the world."

This spectacle broke the spirits of the Romans more than all the
calamities they had met with. Instead of exciting ihem to revenge,
as might have been expected, it produced a horror and tremor which
ran through the whole army. Nevertheless, Cras.?us, on this me-
lancholy occasion, behaved with greater magnanimity than he had
ever shown before. He marched up and down the ranks, and cried,
'^' Romans, this loss is mine. The fortunes and glory of Rome stand
safe and undiminished in you. If you have any pity for me, who
am bereaved of the best of sons, show it in your resentment again.st
the enemy. Put an end to their triumph: avenge their cruelty. Be
not astonished at this loss; they must always have something to suf-
fer who aspire to great things. LucuUus did not pull down Tigranes,
nor Scipio Antiochus, without some expense of blood. Our ances-
tors lost a thousand ships before they reduced Sicily, and many great
officers and generals in Italy; but no previous loss prevented their
subduing the conquerors : for it was not by her good fortune, but

MARCUS CRASSUS. 2/7

by the perseverance and fortitude with which she combated adver-
sity, that Rome has risen to l;cr present hcii^ht of power."

Crassus, ihou^jh iie thus endea* xtured to animate his troops, did
not find many to listen to him with pleasure He was sensible their
depression still continued, when he oidered thetn to shout for
the battle : for their shout was feel^le, languid, and unequal, while
that of the barbarians was bold and strong. When the attack began,
the light-arincd cavalry taking the Romans in flank, galled them with
their arrows; while the heavy-armed, charging them in front with
their pikes, drove them into a narrow space. Some, indeed, to
avoid a more painful death from the arrows, advancetl with the re-
solution of despair, but did not do much execution; all the advan-
tage they had was, that they were speedily despatched by the large
wounds they received from tlic broad heads of the enemy's strong
pikes, which they pushed with such violence, that tlicy often pierced
through two men at once*.

The fight continued in this manner all dav ; and when the bar-
barians ea'ne to retire, they said, " They wouUl give Crassus one
night to bewail his son; if he did not, in the mean time, consider
better, and rather choose to go and surrender himself to Arsaces,
than be carried." Then they sat down near the Roman armv, and
passed the night in great satisfaction, hoping to finish the affair the
next day.

It was a melancholy and dreadful night to the Romans. They
took no care to bury the (had, tior any notice of the wounded, many
of whom were exj)iring in great agonies. l'2very man had his own
fate to deplore. That fate appeared inevitable, whether they re-
mained where they were, or threw themselves in the night into that
boundless plain. They found a great objection, too, against retir-
ing, in the wounded, who would retard their flight, if they attempted
to carry them olf, and alarm the enemy with their cries, if they
were left behind.

As for Crassus, though they believed him the cause of all their
miseries, they wanted him to make his aj)pearance and speak to
them ; but he had covered his head, chosen darkiu'ss for his companion,
and stretched himself upon the ground; a sad example to the vulgar,
of the instability of fortune; and, to men of deeper thought, of the
effects of rashness and ill-placed amhition. Not contented with be-
ing the first and greatest among many millions of meti, he had con-
sidered himself in a mean light, hecause there were two above him.

Octavius, one of his lieutenants, and Cassius, endeavoured to

• There is nothing incredible in ih:s, for it is frequently done by the Tartars ui ihe
aame mode of fighting at lhi« day.

S278 . Plutarch's lives.

raise hitn from the ground and console him, hut found that he gave
himself entirely up to despair. They then, hy their own authority,
summoned the centurions and other officers to a council of war, in
which it was resolved that they should retire. Accordingly they
"began to do so without sound of trumpet, and silently enough at
first : but when the sick and wounded perceived that they were
going to be deserted, their doleful cries and lamentations filled the
whole army with confusion and disorder. Still greater terror seized
them as they proceeded, the foremost troops imagining that those
behind were enemies: they often missed their way, often stopped to
put themselves in some order, or to take some of the wounded olF
the beasts of burden, and put others on. By these things they lost
a great deal of time; insomuch that Ignatius only, who made the
best of his way with three hundred horse, arrived at Carrae about
midnight. He saluted the guards in Latin, and when he perceived
they heard him, he bid them go and tell Coponius, who commanded
there, that Crassus had fought a great battle with the Parthians.
Then, without explaining himself fartiier, or acquainting them who
he was, he made off as fast as possible to Zeugma; by which means
he saved himself and his troop; but, at the same time, was much
"blamed for deserting his general.

However, Crassus found his advantage in the liint given to Copo-
nius. That officer, considering that the hurry and confusion with
which the message was delivered betokened no good, ordered his
men to arm ; and as soon as he was apprised that Crassus was march-
ing that way, he went out to meet him, and conducted his army
into the town.

Though the Parthians in the night perceived the flight of the Ro-
mans, they did not pursue them; but at break of day they fell upon
those that were left in the camp, and despatched them, to the num-
ber of four thousand. The cavalry also picked up many others who
were straggling upon the plain. One of the Roman officers, named
Varguntinys, who had wandered in the night from the main body
with four cohorts, was found next morning posted upon a hill. The
barbarians surrounded the little corps, and killed them all, except
twenty men. These made their way through the enemy sword in
hand, who let them pass, and they arrived safe at Carrae.

A rumour was now brought to Surena, that Crassus, with the
best of his officers and troops, had escaped, and that those who had
retired into Carrae were only a mixed multitude, not worth his no-
tice. He was afraid, therefore, that he had lost the fruits of his
victory; but not being absolutely certain, he wanted better informa-i
tion, in order to determine whether he should besiege Carrae or pur-

MARCUS CRASSUS. 2/9

sue Crassus, wherever lie might have fled : for this purpose lie des-
patched an interpreter to the walls, who was to call Crassus or
Cassius in Latin, and tell thcni that Surena demanded a conference.
As soon as the business of the interpreter was made known to Cras'
sus, he accepted the proposal. And, not long after, certain Ara-
bians arrived from the same quarter, who knew Crassus and Cassius
well, having been in the Roman camp before the battle. These
seeing Cassius u[)on the walls, told liim, " Surena was ready to con-
clude a peace with them, on condition they would be upon terms of
friendship with the king his master, and give up Mesopotamia: for
lie thought this more advantageous to both than coming to extremi-
ties." Cassius embraced the overture, and demanded that the time
and place might be fixed for an interview between Surena and Cras-
sus; which the Arabians undertook for, and then rode off.

Surena, delighted to lind that the Romans were in a place where
they might be besieged, led his Parthians against them the next day.
These barbarians treated them with great insolence, and told them,
if they wanted either peace or truce, they might deliver up Crassus
and Cassius bound. The Romans, greatly afflicted at finding them-
selves so imjMjsed upon, told Crassus he must give up his distant
and vain hopes of succour from the Armenians, and resolve upon
flight. This resolution ought to have been concealed from all the
inhabitants of Carrifi till the moment it was put in execution : but
Crassus revealed it to Andromachus, one oi the most perfidious
amongst them, whom he also chose for his guide. From this traitor
the Parthians learned every step that was taken.

As it was not their custom, nor consequently very practicable for
them to fight in the night, and it was in the night that Crassus
marched out, Andromachus contrived that they might not be far
behind. With this view he artfully led the Romans sometimes one
way, sometimes another, and at last entangled them among deep
marshes and ditches, where it was difhcult to get either forward or
backward. There were several who conjectured, from this shifting
and turning, that Atjdromachus had some evil design, and there-
fore refused to follow him any farther. As for Cassius, he returned
toCarra^; and when his guides, who were Arabians, advised him to
wait till the n»oo[) had passed the Scorpion, he answered, " I am more
afraid of theSagittary*=." Then making the best of his way, he got
into Assyria with five hundred horse. Others, finding faithful
guides, reached the mountains of Sinnaca, and were perfectly secure,
before it was light. These, ahout five thousand in number, were un-
der the conduct of Octavius, a man of great merit and honnir.

* Alludiiit; to tlie Fartliinii nrtliers.

280 Plutarch's lives.

Meantime day overtook Crassus, wliilej through tlie treaehery of
Androaiaclius, he was wandering in bogs and other impracticable
ground. He had with iiini only four cohorts of infantry, a very
small number of horse, and five lictors. At length he regained the
road with much la])our and difliculty, but by this time the vncmy
was coming up. He was not above twelve furlongs behind the corps
under Octavius. — However, as he could not join him, all he could
do was to retire to a hill, not so secure against cavalry as Sinnaca,
but situated under those mountains, and connected with them by a
long ridge which ran through the plain. Octavius, therefore, could
sec the danger Crassus was in, and he immediately ran down with a
small band to his assistance. Upon this, the rest, reproaching them-
selves for staying behind, descended from the heights, and falling
upon the Parthians, drove tliem from the hill. Then they took
Crassus in the midst of them, and fencing him with their shields,
boldly declared, that no Parthian arrow should touch their general,
while any of them were left alive.

Surena now perceiving that the Parthians were less vigorous in
their attacks, and that if night came on, and the Romans gained the
mountains, they would be entirely out of his reach, formed a strata-
gem to get Crassus into his hands. He dismissed some of his pri-
soners, after they had heard the conversation of the Parthian soldiers,
who had been instructed to say, that the king did not want perpetual
war with the Romans, but had rather renew the friendship and alli-
ance by his generous treatment of Cnassus. After this manoeuvre,
the barbarians withdrew from the combat, and Surena, with a few
of his principal oflicers, advancing gently to the hill, where he un-
strung his bow, and, olFering his hand, invited Crassus to an agree-
ment. He said, " The king had hitherto, contrary to his inclinations,
given prooofs of his power, but now he would with pleasure show
his moderation and clemency, in coming to terms with the Romans,
and suffering them to depart in peace,"

The troops received this proposal of Surena with joy : but Crassus^
whose errors liad all been owing to the Parthian treachery and deceit,
and thought this sudden change in their behaviour a very suspicious
circumstance, did not accept the overture^ but stood deliberating.
Hereupon tlie soldiers raised a great outcry, and bade him go down^
Then they proceeded to insults and reproaches, telling him, " He
was very willing to expose them to the weapons of the Parthians,
but did not dare to meet them himself, when they had laid down
their arms, and wanted only a friendly conference."

At first he had recourse to entreaties, and represented, that if
they would but hold out the remainder of the day, they might in the

MARCUS CRA^SLS. 2BI

night gain the mountains and rocks, which would ))e inaccessible to
cavalry. At the same time he pointed to the ivay, and bes^ged of
them not to fjrego the hopes of safety, when they had it so near:
but when he found they received his address with anger, and clash-
ing their arms in a menacing manner, he was terrified, and began
to go; only turning round a moment to speak these few words:
" You Octavius, and you F\*(ronius, and all you Roman officers
that are present, are witnesses of the necessity I am under to take
this step, and conscious of the dishonour and violence I suffer. But,
when you are safe, pray tell the world that 1 wis deceived by the
enemy, and not that I was abandoned by my countrymen."

However, Octavius and Petronius would not stay behind; they
descended the hill with him. His lictors, too, would have followed^
but he sent them back. The first persons that met him, on the part
of the barbarians, were two Greeks of the halt breed. They dis-
mounted, and made Criissus a low reverence, and addressing him ia
Greek, desired he would send some of his people to see that Sarena
and his company came unarmed, and without any weapons concealed
about them. Crassus answered, " That if Iris life had been oi" any
account witli him, he should not have trusted himself in their
Ijands." Nevertheless, he sent two brothers of the name of Roscius
before him to inquire upon what footing, and how many of each side
were to meet. Surena detained those messengers, and advanced in
person, with his principal ofticers on horseI)ack. " What is this,''
said he, "I behold? A Roman general on foot, when we are on
horseback!" Then he ordered a horse to be brought for him. But
Crassus answered, "Tiierewas no error on either side, since each
came to treat after the manner of his country." "Then," said
Surena, " from this niomont there shall be pearc and an alliance
between Orodes and the Ivomans; but th.e treaty iv.ust bcsioiR-d upon
the banks of the Luphrates; for you Romans remember your agree-
ments very ill." Then he oflered him his hand; and when Crassus
would have sent for a horj.c, he told him, "There was no need; the
king would supply him with one." At the same time a horse was
brought, with furniture of gold, and the equenies having mounted,
Crassus began to drive him forward. 0>.-tavius then laid hold on the
bridle; in which he was followed by Petronius, a legionary tribune.
Afterwards \hc rest of the Romans whoatiended endeavoured to stop
the horse, and to draw olV lliust*who pressed iq)«)n Crassus on eacU
side. A scuJlle and tumult ensued, which ended in blows. There-
upon Octavius (hew his sword, and killed one of the Parthian
grooms; and another coming behind Octavius despatched him.
Petronius, who had no aims to defend him, received a strolcc oa
Vol. 2. Nt). I'l. go

282 Plutarch's lives.

his breast-plate, but leaped from his horse un wounded. Crassus
was killed by a Parthian named Pomaxaethres * ; though some say
another des|)atched Mm, and Pomaxffithres cut oft'his head and right
hand. Indeed, all these circumstances must be rather from conjec-
ture than knowledge: for part of those who attended were slain in
attempting to defend Crassus, and tiie rest had run up the hill on
the first alarm.

After this, the Parthians went and addressed themselves to the
troops at the top. They told them, Crassus had met with the re-
ward his injustice deserved; but as for them, Surena desired they
would come down boldly, for they had nothing to fear. Upon this
promise some went down and surrendered themselves — Others at-
tempted to get off in the night; but very few of those escaped. The
rest were hunted by the Arabians, and either taken or put to the
sword. It is said, that in all there were twenty thousand killed,
and ten thousand made prisoners.

Surena sent the head and hand to Orodes in Armenia; notwith-
standing whieli he ordered his messengers to give it out at Seleu-
cia thai he was bringing Crassus alive. Pursuant to this report,
he prepared a kind of mock procession, which, by way of ridicule, he
called triumj)!!. Cains Pacianus, who of all the prisoners most re^
sembled Crassus, was dressed in a rich robe in the Partiiian fashion,
and instructed to answer to the name of Crassus, and title of general.
Thus accoutred, he marched on horseback at the head of the Ro-
mans. Before him marched the trumpets and lictors, mounted
upon camels. Upon the rods were suspended empty purses, and,
on the axes, heads of the Romans newly cut off. Behind came the
Seleucian courtesans with music, ringing scurrilous and farcical
songs upon the effeminacy and cowardice of Crassus.

These things were to amuse the populace: but, after the farce
was over, Surena assembled the senate of Seleucia, and produced
the obscene books of Aristides, called 31ilesiacs. Nor was this a
groundless invention to blacken the Romans: for the books being
really found in the baggage of Rustiusf, gave Surena an excellent
opportunity to say many sharp and satirical things of the Romans^
who, even in the time of war, could not refrain from such libidinous
actions and abominable books.

This scene put the Seleucians in mind of the wise remark of vEsop.
They saw Surena had put the Milesian obscenities in the fore par^
of the wallet, and behind they beheld a Parthiaq sybaris t, with ^

• Appian calls him Max setb res, and in some copies of Plutarch he is called Axathres.

t One of the Bodleian manuscripts lias it Roscius.

t Sybaris was -a town in Lucania, famous for its luxury and effeminacy.

MARCUS CRASSU3. 283

long train of carriages full of harlots; insomuch that his army re-
sembled the serpents sq/iala:. Fierce and formidahlc in its head,
it presented nothintd; hut }/ikcs, artillery, and war-horses; while tlie
tail ridiculously enough exhibited prostitutes, musical instruments,
and nights spent in singing and riot with those women. Rustius
undoubtedly was to blame; but it was an impudent thing in the
Parthians to censure the Milesiacs, when many of the Arsacidffi who
filled the throne were sons of Milesian or Ionian courtesans.

During these transactions, Orodes was reconciled to Artavasdes
the Armenian, and had agreed to a marriage between that prince's
sister and his son Pacorus. On this occasion they freely went to
each others entertainments, in which many of the Greek trat'edics
were presented: for Orodes was not unversed in the Gri-tian litera-
ture; and Artavasdes had written tragedies himself, a-; well as ora-
tions and histories, some of which arc still extant. In one of these
entertainments, while they were yet at table, the head of Crassus
was brought to the door. Jason, a tragedian of the city of Tralles,
Was rehearsing the Bacchaj of Euripides, and the tragical adven-
tures of Pentheus and Agave. All the company were expressing
their admiration of the pieces, when Sillaces, entering tlie apart-
,ment, prostrated himself before the king) and laid the head of Cras-
sus at his feet. The Parthians welcomed it with acclamations of joy,
and the attendants, by the king's order, placed Sillaces at the table.
Hereupon Jason gave one of the actors the habit of Pentheus, in
which he had appeared, and putting on that of Agave, with the
fratitic air, and all the enthusiasm of a Bacchanal, sung that jKut
where Agave presents the head of Pentheus upon her thyrsus, fancy-
ing it to be that of a young lion u

Well arc our toils repaid : On yoiiiJer mountain
\\ e pierc'd the lordly savnije.

Finding the company extremely d(ilighted, he went on

The Chorus asks, " Who j^avc the gloriuuk blow?"
Agave answers, " Mine, niiuc is the prize."

Pomaxaethres, who was sitting at the tabl-*, upon hearing this,
Started up, and would have taken the head from Jason, insisting
that that part belonged to him, and not to the actur. The king,
highly diverted, made Pomaxaethres the presents usual on such occa-
sions, and rewarded Jason with u talent. The expedition of Crassus
was a real tragedy, and such was tUeexodiuni*, or farce after it.

* Exodium, in its origiDai •erne, signified the unrarejling of the plot, the calaitropht
of a tragedy; an<l it retained tiiKt seiistj anronu: the Greeks. But when the Roman*
begau to act their light satiric.il pieces (of wliich tliry hadalwajs bveu verT Aiad) alter
tbeir tragedies, tbey applied the tcri^ to tljos« pieces.

2S4 rujTAncu> Livts.

However, the Divine Justice punished Orodes for his cruelty,
and Surena for his perjury. Orodes, envyinp: the glory Surena had
acquired, put him to death soon after. And that prince, havine;
lost his son Pacorus in a battle with the Romans, fell into a lan-
guishing disorder, which turned to a dropsy. His second son,
Phraates, took the opportunity to give him aconite; but finding the
poisoti worked only upon the watery humour, and was carrying oft'
the disease with it, he took a shorter method, and strangled him
■^.-ith his own hands*.

NICIAS AND CRASSnS COMPARED.

ONE of the first things tliat occurs in this comparison is, that
Nicias gained his wealth in a less exceptionable manner than Cras-
sus. The working of mines, indeed, does not seem very suitable
to a man of Nicias's character, where the persons employed are
commonly malefactors or barbarians, some of which work in fetters,
till the damps and un\vhoksou)e air put an end to their being. But
it is comparatively an honourable pursuit, when put in parallel with
getting an estate by the confiscations of Sylla, or by buying houses
in the midst of fires. Yet Crassus dealt as openly in these things as

* Tliere have been more execrable characters, but there is not perhaps, in the his-
tory of mankind, one more contemptible than that of Crassus. Ilis ruling passion was
the most sordid hist of wealtli, and the whole of his conduct, political, popular, and
military, was subservient to this. If at an^' time he gave into public munificence, it was
■with him no more than a species of commerce. By thus treating the people, he was
la3'ing out his mone^' in the purchase of provinces. When Syria fell to his lot, the
transports he discovered sprung not from the great ambition of carrying the Roman
eaoles over the east: they were nothing more than the joy of a miser, when he stumbles
upon fi hidden treasure. Duz/.led wiih the prospect of barbarian gold, he grasped wiih
eacerness a command for which he had no adequate capacity. We find him embarrassed
by the slightest ditficultics in his military operations, and, when his obstinacy would
permit him, taking his measures from the advice of his lieutenants. We look with in.
di"nation on the Roman sfjuadrons standing, by his dispositions, as a mark for the
Partliian archers, and incapable of acting cither on the offensive or the defensive. The
Romans could not be ignorant of the Parthian method of attacking and retreating, when
they had before spent so much time in Armenia. The fame of their cavalry could not
Le unknown in a country where it was so much dreaded. It was, therefore, the first
business of the Roman general to avoid those countries which might give them any ad-
vantage in the equestrian action. But the hot scent of eastern treasAire made him a dupe
even to the policy of the barbarians j and, to arrive at this the nearest way, he sacrificed
the lives of thirty thousand Romans,

MCIAS AND CRASSUS COMI'ARr.D. 255

he did in agriculture and usury. As to the other matters wliioh he
was censured for, and which he denied, nannoly, his niakin;^ money
of his vote in the senate, his extorting it from the allies, his over-
reaching silly women by flattery, and his undenaking the defence of
bad men; nothing like these things was ever imputed by Slander her-
self to Nicias. As to his wasting his money upon those who made
a trade of impeachments, to prevent their doing him any harm, it
was a circumstance whi<li exposed him to ridicule, and unworthy,
perhaps, of the characters of Pericles and Aristidcs, but necessary
for him, who had a timidity in his nature. It was a thing which
Lycurgus, the orator, afterwards made a merit of to the people;
when censured for having bought off one of these trading informers,
" Ireioice," said he, "that, after being so long employed in the
administration, I am discovered to liave given money, cmd not
taken it."

As to their expenses, Nicias appears to have been more jniblic-
<pirited in his. His offerings to the gods, and the games and trage
dies with which he entertained the people, were so many proofs of
noble and generous sentiments. It is true, all that Nicias laid out
in this manner, and, indeed, his wiiole estate, amounted only to a
small part of what Crassus expended at once in entertaining so many
myriads of men, and supplying them with bread afterwards. Rut ii
would be very strange to me, if there should be any one who does
not perceive that this vice is nothing but an inequality and inconsis-
tency of character; particularly when he sees u;en laying out thot
money in an honourable manner which they have got dishojiourably.
So much with regard to their riches.

If we consider their behavitiv.r in tlic administration, v.'c sliall not
find in Nicias any instance of cunning, injustice, violence, or ef-
frontery: on the contrary, he suffered Alcibiadcs to impose upon
him, and he was modest, or rather timid, in his applications to the
people. Whereas Crassus, in tvtrning from his friends to his ene-
mies, and baik again, if his interest required it, is justly accused of
an illiberal duplicity. Nor could he deny that he used violence to
attain the consulship, when he hired ruffians to lay their hands upon
Cato and Domitius. In the assembly that was held for the allotment
of the provinces, many were wounded, and four ciii/ens Killed; nay,
Crassus himself struck a senator, named Lucius Annaliiis, whoop-
posed his measures, upon the face with his fist fa circunjstancc which
escaped us in his life), and drove him out of \\iv forum covered
with bltiod.

But if Crassus was too violciit and tyrannical in l»is ptoceeding^,
Nicias was as much too timid. Ilis poltroonery and mean sid)in:^>ijn

28^ Plutarch's lives.

to the most abandoned persons in the state deserves the greatest re-
proach. Besides, Crassus showed some magnanimity and dignity of
sentiment in contending, not with such wretches as Cleon and Hyper-
bolus, but with the glory of Ctesar, and the three triumphs of Pompey.
In fact, he maintained the dispute well with them for power, and
in the high honour of the censorship he was even beyond Pompey:
for he who wants to stand at the helm should not consider what may
expose him to envy, but what is great and glorious, and may by its
lustre force envy to sneak behind. But if security and repose are to
be consulted above all things, if you arc afraid of Alcibiades upon
the rostruniy of the Lacedeemonians at Pylos, and of Perdiccas in
Thrace, then surely, Nicias, Athens is wide enough to afford you
a corner to retire to, where you may weave yourself the soft crown of
tranquillity, as some of the philosophers express it. The love Kicias
had for peace was, indeed, a divine attachment, and his endeavours,
during his whole administration, to put an end to the war, were
worthy of the Grecian humanity. This alone places him in so ho-
nourable a light, that Crassus could not have been compared with
him, though he had made the Caspian Sea or the Indian Ocean the
boundary of the Roman empire.

Nevertheless, in a commonwealth which retains any sentiments of
virtue, he who has the lead should not give place for a moment to
persons of no principle; he should intrust no charge with those who
want capacity, nor place any confidence in those wIjo want honour.
And Nicias certainly did this in raising Cleon to the command of the
army; a man who had nothing to recommend him but his impudence
and his bawling in the rostrum. On the other hand, I do not com-
mend Crassus for advancing to action in the war with Spartacus,
with more expedition than prudence; though his ambition had this
excuse, that he was afraid Pompey would come and snatch his lau-
jels from him, as Mummius had done from Metellus at Corinth. But
the conduct of Nicias was very absurd and mean-spirited : he would
not give up to his enemy the honour and trust of commander in
chief, while he could execute that charge with ease, and had good
hopes of success; but as soon as he saw it attended with great dan-
ger, he was willing to secure himself, thougii he exposed the public
by it. It was not thus Themistocles behaved in the Persian war. To
prevent the advancement of a man to the command who had neither
capacity nor principle, which he knew must have been the ruin of
his country, he prevailed with liim, by a sum of money, to give up
his pretensions. And Cato stood for the tribuneship, when he saw
it would involve him in the greatest trouble and danger. On the
contrary, Nicias was willing «nough to be general, when he bad only

NICIAS AVD CRASSUS COMPARED. 287

■— ■' I , ' '• 'li "I ' 1 . ■!■ ■ _ » S S

to go against Miiioa, Cythera, or the poor Melians; but if there was*
occasion to fight with the Lacedaemonians, he put off his armour,
and intrusted the shij)s, the men, the warlike stores, in short, the
entire direction of a war which required the most consummate pru-
dence and experience, to the ignorance and rashness of Cleon, in
which he was notoniy unjust to iiimsclf and his own honour, hut to
the welfare and safety of his country. This made the Athenians send
him afterwards, contrary to his inclination, against Syracuse. They
thouglit ii was not a conviction of the improbability of success, but
a regard to his own ease, and a want of spirit, which made him wil-
ling to deprive them of the conquest of Sicily.

There is, however, this great proof of his integrity, that though
he was perpetually against war, and always declined the command,
yet they failed not to appoint him to it, as the ablest and best general
they had. But Crassus, though he was for ever aiming at such a
charge, never gained one, except in tlie war with the gladiators;
and that only because Pompey, Metellus, and both the Lucullus's,
were abseni. This is the more remarkable, because Crassus was ar-
rived at a high degree of authority and power. But, It seems, his
best friends thought him (as the comic poet expresses h)

In all trades skill'd, except tlie trade ut' war.

However, this knowledge of his talents availed the Romans but lit-
tle; his ambition never let them rest till they assigned him a province.
The Athenians employed Nicias against his inclination; and it was
against the inclination of the Romans that Crassus led them out.
Crassus involved his country in misfortunes; but the misfortunes of
Nicias were owing to his country.

Nevertheless, in this respect, it Is easier to commend Nicias than
to blame Crassus. The capacity and skill of tite former, as a general,
kept him from being drawn away with the vain hopes of his country-
men, and he declared iVom the first that Sicily could not be con-
quered: the latter called out the Romans to the Parthian war, as an
easy undertaking. In this he found hifnself sadly deceived; yet his
aim was great. While Cjesar was subduing the west, the Gauls,
the Germans, and Britain, he attempted to penetrate to the Indian
Ocean on the east, and to concjuer all Asia: things which Pompey
and Luculhis would have etrected, if they had been able. But though
they were both engaged in the same designs, and made the same at-
tempts with Crassus, their characters stood uiMtnpeached, both as to
moderation and probity. If Crassus v.'as opposed by one of the tri-
bunes in his Parthian expedition, Pompey was opposed by the senate,
when he got Asia for his province. And when Ctesar had routed
three hundred thousand German^;, Cato voted that he should be given

288 Plutarch's lives.

up to that injured people, to atone for the violation of the peace:
but the Roman people, paying no regard to Cato, ordered a thanks-
giving to the gcHis for fifteen days, and thought themselves happy in
tl»e advantage gained. In what raptures, then, would they have
been, and for how many days would they have offered sacrifices, if
Crassus could have sent them an account from Babylon that he was
victorious; and if he had proceeded from thence through Media,
Persia, Hyrcania, Susa, and Bactria, and reduced them to the form
of Roman provinces? For, according to Euripides, if justice must
be violated, and men cannot sit down quiet and contented with their
present possessions, it should not be for taking the small town of
Scandia, or razing such a castle as Mendc; nor yet for going in
chacc of the fugitive /Eginetae, who, like birds, have retired to an-
other country: the price of injustice should be high; so sacred a
thing as right should not be invaded for a trifling consideration, for
that would be treating it with contempt indeed. In fact, they who
commend Alexander's expedition, and decry that of Crassus, judge
of actions only by the event.

As to tlieir military performances, several of Nicias's are very"
considerable. He gained many battles, and was very near taking
Syracuse. Nor were all his miscarriages so many errors; but they
were to be imputed partly to his ill health, and partly to the envy of
bis countrymen at home. On the other hand, Crassus committed
so many errors, that Fortuiie had no opportunity to show him any
favour; wherefore we need not so much wonder that the Parthian
power got the better of his incapacity, as that his incapacity prevailed
over the good fortune of Rome.

. As one of them paid the greatest attention to divination, and the
other entirely disregarded it, and yet both perished alike, it is hard
to say whether the observation of omens is a salutary thing or not.
Nevertheless, to err on the side of religion, out of regard to ancient
and received opinions, is a more pardonable thing than to err through
obstinacy and presumption.

Crassus, however, was not so rcproachable in his exit: he did not
surrender himself, or submit to be bound, nor was he deluded with
vain hopes; but, in yielding to the instances of his friends, he met
his fate, and fell a victim to the perfidy and injustice of the bar-
barians: whereas Nicias, from a mean and unmanly fondness for life,
put himself in the enemy's hands, by which means he came to ;',
baser and more dishonourable end.

SERTORIUS. 289

SERTORILS.

IT is not at all astonisiiing that Fortune, in the variety of her mo-
tions through a course otnumhcrless ages, happens often to hit upon
the same point, and to produce events perfectly similar: for if the
numher of events he infinite, Fortune may easily furnish herself
with pnrallels in such abundance of matter: if tlicir number be
limited, there must necessarily be a return of the same occurrences,
when the whole is run through.

Some tiiere are who take a pleasure in collecting those accidents
and adventures they have met with in history or conversation, wliich
have such a characteristical likeness as to appear the effects of reason
and foresight. For exaniple, there were two eminent persons of the
name of Artis*; the one a Syrian, the other an Arcadian, who
were both killed by a boar. There were two Acteons. one of which
was torn in pieces by his dogs, and the other by his lovers f- Of the
two Scipios, one conquered Carthage, and the other demolished it.
Troy was taken three times; the first time by Hercules, on account
of Laomcdon's horses ; the second time by Agamemnon, through
means of the wooden horse J; the third by Charidemus, ahorse
happening to stand in the way, and hindering the Trojans from shut-
ting the gates so quickly as they should have done. There are two
cities that bear the names of the most odoriferous plants, /«a§ and
Smi/nta, J'iolet and Myrrh; and Homer is said to have Ijeen born
in the one, and to have died in the other. To tiiese instances we
may add, that some of the generals who have been the greatest war-
riors, and have exerted their capacity for stratagem in the most suc-
cessful maimer, have had but one eye; I mean Philip, Antigonus,

* Pauianias, in his Achaics, mentions one Attis or Attcs, the son of Calaus the
riir^giaii, wliu iiitruduccd tlic worsliip ot° the niutluT ot' (lie gods anionj; (lie I^sdians.
He was iiiinscif under a natural incapacity ot° having children, and therefore he niiglit
possibly be the (lr!>t who propobcd that all the priests ot that goddess should be eunuchs.
Paiisunias adds, that Jupiter, displeased at his being so great a I'aruurite with her, sent
a boar, which ravaged the fields, niui .slew Attis, as well as roany of the Lydiuni.
We know nothing ol anv other All is.

t Acleon, the son ot Arisla2u<>, whs torn in pieces by his own dog«; and Acteon, the
sou ol Mclissus, by the Bacchiadx. See the Scholiast upon ApoUumtit, buuk iv.

% These are all wooden instances of events, being under the guidance ot an inielli*
gent being. Nay, they are such puerilities as Tiina;us hiinselt' scarce ever gave into.

§ Some suppuic los to have been an island rutlier than a town, luit il it was aa
i:iland, there uiiglil be a twwn in il of iLc saiue name, which wj> oltcu (he case lu iLt
Creek islands.

Vol. 2. No. 21. it

200 PLUTAUCn S LIVES.

Hannibal, and Sertoiius, whose life we are now going to write; a
man whose conduct with respect to women was preferable to that of
Philip; who was more faithful to his friends than Antigonus, and
more humane to his enemies than Hannibal. But, though he was
inferior to none of them in capacity, he fell short of them all in
success. Fortune, indeed, was ever more cruel to him than his
most inveterate and avowed enemies; yet he showed himself a match
for Metellus in experience, fur Pompey in noble daring, for Sylla
in his victories, nay, for the whole Roman people in power; and
was all the while an exile and a sojourner among barbarians.

The Grecian general who, we think, most resembles him, is
Eumcnes of Cardia*. Both of them excelled in point of generalship;
in all the art of stratagem, as well as courage. Both were banished
their own countries, and commanded armies in others; and both
had to contend wltli Fortune, who persecuted them so violently,
that at last tjiey v/ere assassinated through the treachery of those very
persons whom th.ey had often led to victory.

Quintus Sertorius was of a respectable family in the town ofNur-
sia, and country of the Sahiiies. Having lost his father when a
child, he had a liberal education given him by his mother, whom,
on that account, he always loved with the greatest tenderness. Her
name was Rhea. He was sufficiently qualified to speak in a court of
justice; and by his abilities that way gained some interest, when but
a youth, in Rome itself: but his greater talents for the camp, and
his success as a soldier, turned his ambition into that channel.

He made his first campaign under Caepiof, when the Cimbri and
Teutones broke into Gaul. The Romans fought a battle, in which
their behaviour was but indifferent, and they were put to the rout.
On this occasion Sertorius lost his horse, and received many wounds
himself; yet he swam the river Rhone, armed as he was with his
breastplate and shield, in spite of the violence of the torrent: such
was his strength of body, and so much had he improved that strength
by exercise.

The same enemy came on a second time with such prodigious
numbers, and such dreadful menaces, tliat it was difficult to prevail
with a Roman to keep his post, or to obey his general. Marius had
then the command, and Sertorius offered his service to go as a spy,
and bring him an account of the enemy. For this purpose, he took

• In the Thraciau Chcrsonesus,

t In the printed text it is Scipio; but two manuscripts give us Cccpio. And it cer-
tainly was Q. Servilius Capio who, with the consul Cn. Mallius, was defeated by the
Cimbri, in the fourth year of the hundred and sixty-eighth Olympiad, a hundred ancj
three years before the Christian era>

SERTORIIS. 291

a Gauli.sh lial)it, and liaviiig learned as much of the hin^ua^'e as
might suffice for common address, he niint::led with the harbarians.
Wlien he had seen and heard enough to let him into the measures
ihcy were taking, he returned to Marius, who honoured him witii
tlie established rewards of valour; and, during that whole war, he
gave such proofs of his courage and capacity as raised him to dis-
tinction, and perfectly gained him the confidence of his general.

After the war with the Cimbri and Teutones, he was sent as a
legionary tribune, under J)idius, into Spain, and took uj) his winter-
quarters in Castulo*, a city of the Celtiberians. 'I'iie soldiers,
living in great plenty, behaved in an insolent and disorderly manner,
and commonly drank to intoxication. The barbarians, seeing this,
held them in contempt; and one night, having got assistance from
their neighbours the Gyriso^nians f, they entered the houses where
they were quartered, and put them to the sword. Sertorius, with a
few more, having found means to escape, sallied out, and collected
all that he had got out of the hands of the barbarians, 'i'luii he
marched round the town, arid finding the gate oj)en at which the
Gyrisounians had been jjrivately admitted, he entered, but tt)ok care
not to commit tiie same error they had done. He placed a guard
there, made himself master of all the quarters of the town, and slew
all the inhabitants who were able to bear arms. After this execution,
he ordered his soldiers to lay aside their own arms and clothes, and
take those of the barbarians, and to ioliow him in tliat form to the
city of the Gyrisuenians. The people, deceived by the suits of ar-
mour and habits they were acquainted with, opened tlieir gates,
and sallied forth in expectation of meeting their friends and fellow-
citizens in all the joy of success: the consequence of which was,
that the greatest part of them were cut in pieces at the gales; the
rest surrendered, and were sold as slaves.

By this manueuvre, the name of Sertorius became famous in
Spain, and, upon his return to Rome, he was aj)pointed qutestor iu
Cisal|jine Gaul. That app(jintnient was a very sea.sonable one; for
the Marian war soon breaking out, and Sertorius being empKyed to
levy troops and to j)rovi(le arms, he proceeded in that commissiou
with such expedition and aelivuy, that, while elieminacy and su-
pineness was spreading among the rest of the Rom.in youth, he was
considered as a man of spirit and enterprise.

Nor did his martial intrepidity aluite, when he anived at the de-
gree of general. His personal exploits were still great, and he faced

• A town of New Castile, oil tin- coiilincs of Aiidulusia.

t The GyrisoBiiiaus being a people wlioiu *c know noilur.g of, it has been conjectured
tint wo jhould read Oridans. The UnsJ«i.$ were of th»l district — Sco Ctlluriut,

2^2 flutarch's lives.

danger in the most fearless manner 5 in consequence of wliich he
had one of his eyes struck out. This, however, he always gloried in.
He said, others did not always carry about with them the honourable
badges of their valour, but sometimes laid aside their chains, their
truncheons, and coronets; while he had perpetually the evidences
of his bravery about him, and those who saw his misfortune at the
same time beheld his courage. The people, too, treated him with
the highest respect: when he entered the theatre, they received
him with the loudest plaudits and acclamations: an honour which
officers distinguished for their age and achievements did not easily
obtain.

Yet when he stood for the office of tribune of the people, he lost
it through the opposition of Sylla's faction; which was the chief
cause of his perpetual enmity against Sylla. When Marius was over-
powered by Sylla, and fled for his life, and Sylla was going to carry
on the war against Mithridates, Octavius, one of the consuls, re-
mained in Sylla's interest; but Cinna, the other consul, whose
temper was restless and seditious, endeavoured to revive the sinking
faction of Marius. Sertorius joined the latter; the rather because
he perceived that Octavius did not act with vigour, and that he dis-
trusted the friends of Marius.

Some time after, a great battle was fought by the consuls in the
forum, in which Octavius was victorious, and Cinna and Sertorius,
having lost not much less than ten thousand men, were forced to fly.
But as there was a number of troops scattered up and down in Italy,
they gained them by promises, and with that addition found them-
selves able to make head against Octavius again. At the same time
Marius arrived from Africa, and offered to range himself under the
banners of Cinna, as a private man under the consul. The officers
were of opinion that they ought to receive him; only Sertorius op-
posed it. Whether it was that he thought Cinna would not pay so
much attention to him, when he had a man of so much greater name
as a general in his army; or whether he feared the cruelty of Marius
would throw all their affairs into confusion again, as he indulged his
resentments without any regard to justice or moderation, whenever
he had the advantage; he reinonstrated, that as they were already
superior to the enemy, they had not much left to do; but if they
admitted Marius among them, he would rob them of all the honour
and the power at the same time, for he could not endure an associate
in command, and was treacherous in every thing where his own in-
terest was concerned.

Cinna answered, that the sentignents of Sertorius were perfectly
right, but that he was ashamed, and indeed knew not how to reject

SERTORirS. 993

Marius, when he had invited him to take a part in the direction of
dfTairs. Sertorius replied, "I imagined that Marius had come of his
own accord into Italy, and pointed out to you what in that case was
most expedient for you to do: but, as he carne upon your invitation,
you should not have deli!)erated* a moment whether he was to be
admitted or not. You sliould have received him immediately. True
honour leaves no room for doubt and hesitation."

Cinna then sent for Marius; and the forces being divided into
three parts, each of these three great officers had a command.
When the war was over, Cinna and Marius gave into every manner
of insolence and cruelty. Sertorius alone neither put any man to
death to glut his own revenge, nor committed any other outrage :
on the contrary, he reproached Marius with his savage proceedings,
and applying to Citma in private, prevailed with him to make a mor£
moderate use of his power. At last, finding that the slaves wiwrn
Marius had admitted his fellow-soldiers, and afterwards employed
as guards of his tyrannyf, were a strong and numerous bodv; and
that, partly by order or permission of Marius, partly by their native
ferocity, they proceeded to the greatest excesses, killing their mas-
ters, abusing their mistresses, and violating the children; he con-
cluded that these outrages were insupportable, and shot them all
with arrows in tlieir camp, though their number was not less than
four thousand.

After the death of Marius, the assassination of Cinna tliat followed
it, and the appointment of young Marius to the consulship, con-
trary to the will of Sertorius and the laws of Rome, Carbo, Scipic,
and Norbanus, carried on the war against Sylla, now returned to
Italy, but without any success : for sometimes the officers behaved
in a mean and dastardly n)anner, and sometimes the trooj)s deserted
in large bodies. In this case Sertorius began to think his presence of
no importance, as he saw their affairs under a miserable direction
and tliat persons of the least understanding had most power. He
was the more confirmed in this opinion, when Sylla encamped near
Scipio, and anmsing him with caresses, under pretence of an ap-
proaching peace, was all the while corrupting his troops. Sertorius
advertised Scipio of it several times, and told him what the event
would be, but he never listened to him.

Then giving up Home for lost, he retired w iih the utmost exjjc-
dition into Spain: hoping, if he could get the government there into
his hands, to be able to aflbrd protection to such of his fi ieiids as
might be beaten in Italy. He met with dreadful storms on his wav,
and when he came to the mountains adjoining to Spain, the harba-

• Qui delibcrant dftC!\ cruiit. — Tacit. t Tbe Eardiaarxs

294 I'LI'tarch's lives.

rians insisted that lie sliould pay toll, and purchase his passage over
them. Those that attended hiui were fired with indignation, rrnd
thought it an insuilerahle thing for a Roman proconsul to pay toll t(i
such a crew of harbarians. But he niade lii;l)t of the seeming disgrace,
and said, "Time was the thing he purchased, than which nothing
in the world could he more precious to a man engaged ill great at-
tempts." He therefore satisfied tlie demands of the mountaineers,
and passed over into Spain without losing a moment.

He found the country very populous, and abounding in youth fit
for war, but at the same time the people, oppressed by the avarice
and rapacity of former governors, were ill-disposed towards any
Roman government whatever. To remove this aversion, he tried to
gain the better sort by his affable and obliging manner, and the po-
pulace by lowering the taxes. But his excusing them from providing
quarters for the soldiers was the most agreeable measure : for ho
ordered his men to pass the winter in tents without the walls, and
he set them the example. He did not, however, place his whole
dependence upon the attachment of the barbarians. Whatever Ro-
mans had settled there, and were fit to bear arms, he incorporated
with his troops; he provided such a variety of warlike machines, and
built such a number of ships, as kept the cities in awe: and though
his address was mild and gentle in peace, he made himself formi-
dable by his preparations for war.

As soon as he was informed that Sylla had made himself master
of Rome, and that the faction of Marius and Carbo was entirely sup-
pressed, he concluded that an army would soon be sent against him
under the conduct of an able general. For this reason he sent Ju-
lius Salinator, with six thousand foot, to block up the passes of the
Pyrenees. In a little time Caius Annius arrived on the part of Sylla;
and seeing it impossible to dislodge Salinator, he sat down at the
foot of the mountain, not knowing how to proceed. While he was
in this perplexity, one Calpurnius, surnamed Lenarius, assassinated
Salinator, and his troops thereupon quitting the Pyrenees, Annius
passed them, easily repulsing with his great army the few that op-
posed him. Sertorius, not being in a condition to give him battle,
retired with tliree thousand men to New Carthage; where he em-
barked, and crossed over to Africa. The Maurusian coast was the
land he touched upon: and his men going on shore there to water,
and not being upon their guard, the barbarians fell upon them, and
killed a consideralde number; so that he was forced to make back
for Spain. He found the coasts guarded, and that it was impracti-
cable to make a descent there; but having met with some vessels of
Cllician pirates, he persuadt-d them to join him^ and made his land-

SERTORIl'S. 205

inp ^oo(i in tlw i«.|.iiHl of Pityusa*, forcing his way ilirmigli ilif
guards whicli Aniiiiis had placed there.

Soon after Annius made his appearance with a numerous fleet, on
board of which were five thousand men. Scrtorius ventured to engage
him, though Ills vessels were small, and made rather for swift sailing
than strcnijth. But a violent west wind sj)ringiiig up raised such a
storm, that the greatest part of Sertorius's ships, being t(Ki light to
bear up against it, were (hi^cn ujion the rocky shore. Scrtoriui
himself was prevented hv the storm from making liis way at sea, and
by the ejiemy frfim landing; so that he was tossed about by the wavcj
for ten days together, atul at last escaped with great dink-iiltv.

At length the wind abated, and he ran in among some scattered
islands In that quarter. Tiierc he landed; but, finding they were
without water, he put to sea agjiin, crossed the straits of Cades,
and, keeping to the right, landed a little above the mouth of the
river Ba^tis, which, runnii\g through a large track to discharge itself
in the Atlantic 0,ean, gives name to all that j)art of Spain through
which it passes f. There he found some mariners lately arrivid from
the Atlantic Islands J. These arc two in number, separated only by
a narrow channel, and are at the distance of four hundred leagues §
from the African coast. They are called the luntuuate Islands.
Rain seldom falls there, and, when it does, it falls moderatclv; but
they generally have soft breezes, which scatter such rich dews, that
the soil is not oidy good for sowing and planting, but spontaneously
produces the most excellent fruits, and tht»se in such idmndaiice
that the inhabitants have nothing more to do than to indulge them-
selves in the enjoyment of ease. The air is always pleasant and
salubrious, through the hapjiy temperature of the seasons, and their
insensible transition into each other. For the north and east winds
which blow from our continent, in the immense track they have to
pass, arc dissipated and lost; while the sea winds, that is the south
and west, bring with tluin from the ocean ■-liirlit and gentle showers
but ofteneronly a refreshiri'^^ moisture, whieh impercej)tibly scatters
jdenty on their plains: so that it is generally believed, even amoii'*'
the barbarians, that tluse are the ICIysian I'ii-NN, and the Seats
of the Blessed, whiih Ilonur has described in all the charms of
verse II .

Sertorius, iiearing these wonders, eone«'Ived a strong desire to {"w
himself in those islands, where he might live in perfect tran(ini|jitv
at a distance frt)m tlie evils i f tyranny and war. The Cilieians, \\\\o

• Now /iic-<i. ^ In llic .irigiiRl, tin thcutandfurhngt.

t B*t\ca, now Andalutia, P OdyM. IV.

\ TLc Canaries.

^6 Plutarch's lives.

wanted neither peace nor repose, but riches and spoils, no sooner
perceived this tlian they bore away for Africa to restore Ascalis, the
son of Iplitha, to the throne of Mauritania. Sertorius, far from
giving himself up to despair, resolved to go and assist the people who
were at war with Ascalis, in order to open to his troops another
prospect in this new employment, and to prevent their relinquishing
him for want of support. His arrival was very acceptable to the
3IoorSy and he soon beat Ascalis in a pitched battle, after which he
beseiged him in the place to which he retired.

Hereupon Sylla interposed, and sent Paccianus with a consider-
able force to the assistance of Ascalis. Sertorius, meeting him ia
the field, defeated and killed him; and having incorporated his troops
with his own, assaulted and took the city of Tingis*, whither Ascalis
and iiis brothers had fled for refuge. The Africans tell us, the body
of Antaeus lies there; and Sertorius, not giving credit to what the
barbarians related of his gigantic size, opened his tomb for satis-
faction. But how great was his surprise, when (according to the
account we have of it) he beheld a body sixty cubits long. He im-
mediately offered sacrifices, and closed up the tomb; which added
greatly to the respect and reputation it had before.

The people of Tingis relate, that, after the death of Antaeus,
Hercules took his widow Tinga to his bed, and had by her a son
named Sophax, who reigned over that country, and founded a city,
to which he gave his mother's name. They add that Diodorus, the
son of Sophax, subdued many African nations with an strmy of
Greeks, which he raised out of the colonies of Olbians and Myce-
neans, settled here by Hercules. These particulars we mention for
the sake of Juba, the best of all royal historians ; for he is said to
have been a descendant of Sophax and Diodorus, the son and grand-
son of Hercules.

Sertorius, having thus cleared the field, did no sort of harm to
those who surrendered themselves, or placed a confidence in him.
He restored tliem their possessions and cities, and put the govern-
ment in their hands again j taking nothing for himself but what they
voluntarily offered him.

As he was deliberating which way he should next turn his arms,
the Lusitanians sent ambassadors to invite him to take the command
among them : for they wanted a general of his reputation and expe-
perience to support them against the terror of the Roman eagles;
and he was the only one on whose character and firmness they could
properly depend. Indeed, he is said to have been proof against the

• In the text Tingene. Strabo tells us tlie barbarians call it Tinga^ that Artemidorus
cives it the name of Linga; and Eratosthenes that of Lixus.

SfeRTORIUS. 997

impressions both of pleasure and fear; intrepid in tinne of danger,
and nt»t too mucli elated with more prosperous fortune; in any trrent
and sudden attempt as dariny- as any general of his time, and where
art and contrivance, as well as despatch, was necessary for seizing a
pass, or securing a strong-hold, one of the greatest masters of stra-
tagem in the world ; noble and generous in rewarding great actions^
and in punishing offences very moderate.

It is true, his treatment of the Spanish hostages in the latter part
of his life, which bore such strong marks of cruelty and revenge,
seems to argue that the clemency he showed before was not a real
virtue in him, but only a pretended one, taken up to suit his occa-
sions. I think, indeed, that the virtue which is sincere, and founded
upon reason, can never be so conquered by any stroke whatever, as
to give place to the opposite vice: yet dispositions naturally humane
and good, by great and undeserved calamities, may possibly he soured
a little, and the man may change with his fortune. This, I am
persuaded, was the case of Sertorius; when fortune forsook him,
his disposition was sharpened by disappointment, and he became
severe to those who injured or betrayed him.

At present, having accepted the invitation to Lusitania, he took
his voyage from Africa thither. Upon his arrival, he was Invested
with full authority as general, and levied forces, with which he re-
duced the neighbouring provinces. Numbers voluntarily came over
to him, on account of his reputation for clemency, as well as the
vigour of his proceedings. And to these advantages he added artifice
to amuse and gain the people.

That of the hind was none of the least'*". Spanus, a countryman
who lived in those parts, happening to fall in with a hind which had
newly yeaned, and which was flying from the hunters, failed in his at-
tempt to take her; but, chaimed witli the uncommon colour of the
fawn, which was a perfect white, he j)ursued and took it. By good
fortune Sertorius had his camp in that neighbouihood; and whatever
was brought to him, taken in hunting, or of the procUictions of the
field, he received willi jileasure, and returned the civility with in-
terest. The countryman went and olVcred him thi- f.iwn. He re-
ceived this present like the rest, and at iirst took no extraordinary
notice of it: but in time it became so tractable and fond of him,
that it would come when he called, follow him wherever he went,
and learned to bear the hurry and tumult of the camp. By little
and little he brought the people to believe there was something sa-
cred and mysterious in the aft'air; giving it out that the fawn was a
gift from Diana, and that it discovered to him many important sc-

* Scrtoriui had learned these arts of Mariui.

Vol. 2. No. 21. QO

29S Plutarch's lives.

crets; for he knew the natural power of superstition over the minds
of the barbarians. In pursuance of this scheme, when the enemy
was making a private irruption into the country under his commandy
or persuading some city to revolt, he pretended the fawn had appear-
ed to him in a dream, and warned him to have his forces ready.
And if he had intelligence of some victory gained by his officers, he
used to conceal the messenger, and produce the fawn crowned with
flowers for its good tidings, bidding the people rejoice and sacrifice
to the gods on account of the news they would soon hear.

By this invention lie made them so tractable, that they obeyed his
orders in everything without hesitation, no longer considering them-
selves as under the conduct of a stranger, but the immediate direc-
tion of Heaven. And the astonishing increase of his power, far
beyond what they could rationally expect, confirmed them in that
persuasion: for with two thousand six hundred men, whom he called
Romans (though among them there were seven hundred Africans,
who came over with him), and an addition of four thousand light-
armed Lusitanians, and seven hundred horse, he carried on the war
against four Roman generals, who had a hundred and twenty thou-
sand foot, six thousand horse, two thousand archers and slingers,
and cities without number under their command; though at first he
had twenty cities only. Nevertheless, with so trifling a force, and
such small beginnings, he subdued several great nations, and took
many cities. Of the generals that opposed him, he beat Cotta at sea
in the straits over against Mellaria; he defeated Phidiusj who had
the chief command in Baetica, and killed four thousand Romans
upon the banks of the Baetis. By his questor he beat Domitius
and Lucius Manlius*, proconsul of the other Spain; he likewise
slew Thoraniusf, one of the officers sent against him by Metellus,
together with his whole army. Nay, Metellus himself, a general of
as great reputation as any the Romans then had, was entangled by
him in such difficulties, and reduced to such extremities, that he
was forced to call in Lucius LoUius from Gallia Narbonensis to his
assistance, and Pompey the Great was sent with another army from
Rome with the utmost expedition. For Metellus knew not what
measures to take against so daring an enemy, who was continually
harassing him, and yet would not come to a pitched battle, and who,
by the lightness and activity uf his Spanish troops, turned himself
into all manner of forms. He was sufficiently skilled, indeed, in
set battles, and he commanded a firm heavy-armed infantry, which

* Lusius in the text again is corrupt. We read it Lucius Manlius from Oro»ius
and Livy,
•t Florus has it ThoritLS.

SERTORIUS. 29$

knew how to repulse and bear down any thing that would make head
against ilieni, but had no experience in climbing mountains, or ca-
pacity to vie in flying and pursuing men as swift as the wind; nor
could his troops bear hunger, eat any thing undressed, or lie upon
the ground without tents, like those of Sertorius. Besides, Metcl-
lus was now advanced in years, and, after his many campaigns and
long service, had begun to indulge himself in a more delicate way of
living: wbereas Sertorius was in the vigour of his age, full of spirits,
and had brought his strength and activity to the greatest perfec-
tion by exercise and abstemiousness. He never indulged in wine,
even when he had nothing else to do; and he had accustomed him-
self to bear labour and fatigue, to make long marches, and pass
many successive nights without sleep, though supported all the
whilr with mean and slender diet. By bestowing his leisure on
hunting, and traversing all the country for game, he had gained
such a knowledge of the impracticable as well as the open parts of
it, that when he wanted to fly, he found no m inner of difficulty in
it; and if he had occasion to pursue or surround the enemy, he
could execute it with ease.

Hence it was that Metellus, in being prevented from coming to
any regular action, suffered all the inconveniences of a defeat; and
Sertorius gained as much by flying as he could have done by conquer-
ing and pursuing: for he cut his adversary oft" from water, and pre-
vented his foraging. If tlie Romans began to march, he was on the
wing to harass them; and if they sat still, he galled them in such a
manner, that they were forced to quit their post. If they invested a
town, he was soon upon them, and by cutting otf their convoys, as it
were, besieged the besiegers; insomuch that they began to give up
the point, and to call upon Metellus to accept the chalk nge that
Sertorius had given; insisting that general should fight with gene-
ral, and Roman with Roman: and when he declined it, they ridi-
culed and abused him. Metellus only laughed at them, and he did
perfectly right; for, as Theophrastus say.s, "A general should die
like a general, and not like a common soldier."

He found that the Langobritce were very serviceable to Sertorius.
and perceived, at the same time, that he might suon bring them to
sm render for want of water; for they had bat one well in the clty^
and an enemy niight immediately make himself master of the springs
in the suburbs, and undei the walls. He therefore advanced against
the town; but euneludiiig he should take it within two days, lie or-
dered his troopii to take only five days provibious with them. But
Sertorius gave the people speedy assistance. He got two thousand
skins, and filled them with water, prouiising a good reward 'or the

300 1»LITARCH*S LIVES.

care of each vessel or skin. A number of Spaniards and Moors
offered their service on this occasion; and liaving selected the
strongest and swiftest of tliem, he sent them along the mountains,
with orders, when they delivered these vessels, to take all useless
persons out of the town, that the water might be fully sufficient for
the rest during the whole course of the siege.

\^ hen Mctclkis was informed of this manoeuvre, he was greatly
concerned at it; and, as his provisions began to fail, he sent out
Aquilius* with six thousand men to collect fresh supplies. Serto-
rius, who had early intelligence of it, laid an ambush for Aquilius,
and upon his return, three thousand men, who were placed in the
shady channel of a brook for the purpose, rose up and attacked him
m the rear. At the same time Sertorius himself, charging him in
front, killed a considerable number of his party, and took the rest
prisoners. Aquilius got back to Metellus, hut with the loss both of
his horse and his arms: whereupon Metellus retired with disgrace,
greatly insulted and ridiculed by the Si)aniards.

This success procured Sertorius the admiration and esteem of the
Spaniards; but what charmed them still more was, that he armed
them in the Roman manner, taught them to keep their ranks, and
to obey the word of command; so that, instead of exerting their
strength in a savage and disorderly manner, and behaving like a mul-
titude of banditti, he polished them into regular forces. Another
agreeable circumstance was, that he furnished them with abundance
of gold and silver to gild their helmets, and enrich their shields; and
that he taught them to wear embroidered vests and magnificent coats j
nor did he give them supplies only for these purposes, but he set
them the example f. The finishing stroke was his collectriig, from
the various nations, the children of the nobility into the great city of
Osca + , and his furnishing them with masters to instruct them in the
Grecian and Roman literature. This had the appearance only of an
education, to prepare them to be admitted citizens of Rome, and to
fit them for important coimmissions; but, in fact, the children were
so mruiy hostages. Meanwhile the parents were delighted to see
their sons in gowns bordered with purple, and walking in great state
to the scjiools, without any expense to them: for Sertorius took the
whole upon himself, often examining besides into the improvements

* The common reading in the Greek text is Aquinus, but the maiiuscripts give us
Aquilius.

t Alexander liad taken the same metliod before him among tlie Persians : for he
ordered thirty thousand Persian bojs to be taught Greek, and trained in the Macedo.
nian manner.

t A city in Hispania Tarraconeqsis.

SERTORIUS. 301

they made, and distributinc^ propiM nwards to tliosc of most nurit,
among which were the gohlcn oriiameius furling down from the neck,
called by the Komans IndUc.

It was then tiie custom in S|)aln for the hand which fought near
the general's person, when he fell, to die witii lum. This manner

of devoting themselves to deatl), the barbarians call a lAhatioii*

The other generals had hut a few of these guards or knights compa-
nions; whereas Sertorius was attended by many myriads, who had
laid themselves under that obligation. It is said, that when he was
once defeated near the walls of a town, and the enemy were pressing
hard upon him, the Spaniards, to save Sertorius, exposed them-
selves without any j)recauti()n. They passed him upon their shf)ul-
ders, from one to another, till he had gained the walls, and when
their general was secure, then they dispersed, and fled for their own
lives.

Nor was ho beloved by the Spanish soldiers only, but bv those
which came from Italy too. \\ hen I'erpenna V'eiito, who was of
the same party with Sertnrjus, came into Spain wiih a great (piantity
of money, and a respeeialde armv. intending to prucecd in his ope-
rations against Metellus, upon his own bottom, the troops disliked
the scheme, and nothing was talked of in the camp but Sertorius. __
This gave great uneasiness to Perpenna, who was much elated with
his high birth and opulent fortune. Nor did the matter stop here.
I'pon their having intelligence that Pompey had passed the ]\rences,
the soldiers took up their arms and standards, and loudly called upon
Perpenna to lead them to Sertorius ; threatening, if he would not
comply, to leave him, and go to a general who knew how to save
both himself and those under his command: so that Perpenna
was forced to yield, and he went and joined Sertorius with liftv-tluec
cohortsf.

Sertorius now found himself at the head of a great armv; for, l)e-
sides the junction of l*erpenna, all the countries within the Iberus
had adopted his interest, and troops were daily flocking in on all
sides, liut it gave him pain to see them beiiave with the disorder
and ferocity of barbarians ; to iind tiiem ealling upon hjni to i,'ive
the signal to charge, anil impatient of the least ddav. Ifr tried
what mild representations would do, and they had no elVect. They
still continued obstinate and clamorous, often demanding the combat
in a very unseasonable manner. At last he permitted them to engaL"-*
]Q their own way, in consetjuence of which they would sufler g.eat

• In Gaul the pprsous who laid themselves under this obligalioii were called Sctdarii.
C<ri. dc Belt. Col. 1. iii.

■\ A cjliort is the tciitli part ola Itjjion.

302 Plutarch's lives.

loss, though lie designed to prevent their being entirely defeated

These checks, he hoped, would make them more willing to be under
discipline.

The event answered his expectation ; they fought and were beaten ;
hut making up with succours, he rallied the fugitives, and conducted
them safe into the camp. His next step was to rouse them up out
of their despondence: for which purpose, a few days after, he
assembled all his forces, and produced two horses before them; the
one old and feeble, the other large and strong, and remarkable besides
for a fine flowing tail. By the poor weak horse stood a robust able-
bodied man, and by the strong horse stood a little man of a very
contemptible appearance. Upon a signal given, the strong man
began to pull and drag about the weak horse by the tail, as if he
would pull it ofl'j and the little man to pluck off the hairs of the
great horses tail, one by one. The former tugged and toiled a long
time, to the great diversion of the spectators, and at Idst was forced
to give up the point; the latter, without any difficuly, soon stripped
the great horse's tail of all its hair*. Then Sertorias rose up, and
said, " You see, my friends and fellow-soldiers, how much greater
are the effects of perseverance than those of force, and that there are
many things invincible in their collective capacity, and in a state of
union, which may gradually be overcome when they are once sepa-
rated. In short, perseverance is irresistible. By this means, time
attacks and destroys the strongest things upon earth. Time, I say,
who is the best friend and ally to those that have the discernment to
use it properly, and watch the opportunities it presents, and the worst
enemy to those who will be rushing into action whep it does not call
them." By such symbols as these, Sertorius applied to the senses of
the barbarians, and instructed them to wait for proper junctures and
occasions.

But his contrivance with respect to the Characitani gained him as
much admiration as any of his military performances whatever. The
Characitani arc seated beyond the river Tagus. They have neither
cities nor villages, but dwell upon a large and lofty hill, in dens and
caverns of the rocks, the mouths of which are all to the north. The
soil of all the country about it is a clay, so very light and crumbly,
that it yields to the pressure of the foot, is reduced to powder with the
least touch, and flies about like ashes or unslaked lime. The barba-
rians, whenever they are apprehensive of an attack, retire to these
caves with their booty, and look upon themselves as in a place per- -
fectly impregnable.

It happened that Sertorius, retiring to some distance from Metellus^

• Horace alludes to this, 1. ii. ep. 1.

SERTORIUS. 303

encamped under this hill; and tVie savage inhabitants, imagining he

retired only because he was beaten, offered him several insults

Sertorius, either provoked at such treatment, or willing to show them
he was not flving from any enemy, mounted !iis horse the next day,
and went to reconnoitre the place. As he could see no part in which
it was accessible, he almost despaired of taking it, and could only
vent his anger in vain menaces. At last he observed that the wind blew
the dust in great quantities towards the mouths of the caves, which,
as I said before, are all to the north*. The north wind, which some
call C'tEiiasf, prevails most in those parts; taking its rise from the
marshy grounds, and the mountains covered with snow. And as it
was then the height of summer, it was remarkably strong, having
fresh supplies from the melting of the ice on the northern peaks; so
that it blew a most agreeable gale, which in the day-time refreshed
both these savages and their flocks.

Sertorius reflecting upon what he saw, and being informed by the
neighbouring Spaniards that these were the usual appearance";,
ordered his soldiers to collect vast quantities of that dry and crumbly
earth, so as to raise a mount of it over against the hill. The barba-
rians, imagining he intended to storm their strong holds from that
mount, laughed at his proceedings. The soldiers went on with their
work till night, and then he led them back into the camp. Next
morning, at break of day, a gentle breeze sprang up, wiiich moved the
lightest part of the heap, and dispersed it like smoke; and as the sun
got up higher, the Ccecias blew again, and by its violence covered all
the hill with dust. Meantime the soldiers stirred up the heap from
the very bottom, and crumbled all the clay; and some galloped up
and down to raise the light earth, and thicken the clouds of dust in
the wind, which carried them into the dwellings of the Characltani ;
their entrances directly facing it. As they were caves, and of course
had no other aperture, the eyes of the inhabitants were soon filh'd,
and they could scarce breathe for the suffocating dust which they
drew in with the air. In these wretched circumstances they hcldoui
two days, thoiigli with great difliculty, and the third day surrendered
themselves to Sertorius at discretion, wlio, by reducing them, did
not gain such an accession of strength as of honour: for an ho-
nor it was to subdue those by policy whom his arms could not
reach.

While he carried on the war against Metcllus only, his success in
general was imputed to the old age and inactivity of his advcr^arv,
who had to ctintcnd with a bold young man, at the head of troops so

• Media inter Aquiloiicra ct Exortimi /Equinoctialom, — Plin. I. u. c. 4*
t Narraat ct in I'onto Cxciaa in sc traljere nube?. — lb.

304 rLtlTARCH's LIVES.

tight, that they might pass rather for a marauding party than a regular
army. But when I'ompey had passed the Pyrenees, and Sertorius
took post against him, every art of generalship on both sides was
exhausted, and yet even then it appeared that, in point both of attack
and defence, Sertorius had the advantage. In this case, the fame
of Sertorius greatly increased, and extended itself as far as Rome^,
where he was considered the ablest general of his time. Indeed, the
honour Pompcy had acquired was very considerable, and the actions
he had performed under Sylla set him in a very respectable light,
insomuch that Sylhi had given him the appellation of the Great, and

he was distinguished with a triumph even before he wrote man

This made many of the cities, which were under the command
of Sertorius, cast their eyes upon Pompey, and inclined them to
open their gates to him. But they returned to their old attach-
ment, upon the unexpected success that attended Sertorius at
Lauron*.

Sertorius was besieging that place, and Pompay marched with his
whole army to its relief. There was a hill at some distance from the
walls, from which the city might be greatly annoyed. Sertorius
hastened to seize it, and Pompey to prevent him; but the former
gained the post. Pompey, however, sat down by it with great satis-
faction, thinking he had been fortunate enough to cut. Sertorius off
from the town; and he sent a message to the Lauronites, " That
they might be perfectly easy, and sit quietly upon their walls, while
they saw him besiege Sertorius." But when that general was in-
formed of it, he only laughed, and said, " I will teach that scholar
of Sylla" so in ridicule he called Pompey, " that a general ought to
look behind him, rather than before iiim." At the same time he
showed the besieged a body of six thousand foot in the camp, which
he had quitted in order to seize the hill, and which had been left there
on purpose to take Pompey in the rear, when he should come to
attack Sertorius in the post he now occupied.

Pompey, not discovering this manauivre till it was too late, did not
dare to begin the attack, lest he should be surrounded. And yet he
was ashamed to leave the Lauronites in such extreme danger. The
consequence was, that he was obliged to sit still and see the town
lost. Tiie people, in desjwir of assistance, surrendered to Sertorius,
who was pleased to spare the inhabitants, and let them go free; but
he laid their city in ashes. This was not done out of anger, or a spirit
of cruelty, (for he seems to have indulged his resentment less than
any other general whatever) but to put the admirers of Pompey to tlve
blush; while it was said among the barbarians, that though he was
* \ city of Hither Spain, five leagues from Valencia.

SERTORILS. 305

at hand, and almost warmed himself at the flame, he suffered his
allies t© perish.

It is true Sertorius received many checl<s io the course of the war ;
but it was not where he acted in person; for he ever continued in-
vincible; it was through his lieutenants. And such was liis manner
of rectifying the mistakes, that he met with more applause than his
adversaries in the midst of their success; instances of which we have
in the battle of Sucro with Pompey, and in that of Tuttia* with both
Pompey and Metellus.

As to the battle of Sucro, we are told it was fought the sooner,
because Pompey hastened it to prevent Metellus from having a share
in the victory. This was the very thing Sertorius wanted, to try his
strength with Pompey, before Metellus joined him. Sertorius came
up and engaged him in the evening. This he did out of choice, in
the persuasion that the enemy, not being acquainted with the country,
would find darkness a hinderance to them, whether they should have
occasion to fly or to pursue. When they came to charge, he
found that he had not to do with Pompey, as he could have wished,
but that Afranius commanded the enemy's left wing opposite to///;/?,
who was at the head of his own right wing. However, as soon as he
understood that his left gave way to the vigorous impressions of
Pompey, he put his right under the direction of other officers, and
hastened to support that wiiich had the disadvantage. By rallying
the fugitives, and encouraging those who kept their ground, he
forced Pompey to fly in great confusion, who before was pursuing:
nay, that general was in the greatest danger; he was wounded, and
got oft' with difficulty : for the Africans, who fought under the banners
of Sertorius, having taken Pompey's horse, adorned with gold and
other rich furniture, left the jjursuit to quarrel about dividing the
spoil. In tlie mean time, when Sertorius was flown from hi^ right
wing to succour the other in distress, Afranius overthrew all before
him, and closely pursuing the fugitives, entered their camp with
them, which he pillaged till it was dark; he knew nothing of Pom-
pey's defeat, and was unable to keep the soldiers from plundering, if
he had desired it. At this instant Sertorius returns, with the laurels
he had won, falls upon the troops of Afranius, which were scattered
up and down the camp, and destroys great numbers of them. Next
morning he armed, and took the licld again; but perceiving that
Metellus was at hand, he drew olf and decamped. He did it, how-
ever, witii an air of gaiety : " If the old woman," said he, " had not

* Grsvius conjectures tbat we should rcjd Turia, the Turuis bein^ a river virhi<;ji falls
into the Sucro.

Vol. 2. No. .21. RR

30b PLUTARCH S LIVES.

been here, I would have flogged the boy well, and sent him back to
Rome."

He was, notwithstanding, nnith afliicted for the loss of his hind:
for she was an excellent engine in the management of the barbarians,
\vho now wanted encouragement more than ever. By good fortune,
some of his soldiers, as they were strolling one night ab'uit ihe
country, met with her, and, knowing her by the colour, brongiit iier
to him. Sertorius, happy to find her again, promised the soldiers
large sums, on condition they would not mention the affair. He
carefully concealed the hind, and a few days after appeared in public
with a cheerful countenance, to transact business, telling the barbarian
officers that he had some extraordinary happiness announced to him
from heaven in a dream. Then he mounted the tribunal for the
dcspatcii of such afl'airs as might come before him. At that instant
the hind being let loose near the place, by those who had the charge
of her, and seeing Sertorius, ran up with great joy, leaped uporj ti>e
tribunal, laid her head upon his lap, and licked his right hand in
the manner to whicli s]ic had long been trained. Sertorius returned
her caresses with all the tojcens of a sincere affection, even to the
shedding of tears. Tiie assembly at first looked on with silent asto-
nishment; but afterwards they testified their regard for Sertoiius
with the loudest plaudits and acclamations, as a person of a superior
nature, beloved by the gods. With tliesc impressions they conducted
him to his pavilion, and resinned all the hopes and spirits with which
he could have wished to insj)ire them.

He watched the enemy so close in the plains of Saguntum, that
they were in great want of provisions ; and as they were determined
at last to go out to forage, and collect necessaries, this unavoidably
brought on a battle. Great acts of valour were performed on both
sides. Memmius, the best officer Pompey had, fell in the hottest of
the fight. Sertorius carried all before him, and througii heaps of the
slain, made his way towards Metellus, who made great efforts to
oppose him, and fought with a vigour above his years, but at last was
borne down with the stroke of a spear. All the Romans who saw or
beard of his disaster, resolved not to abandon their general; and
from an impulse of shame as well as anger, they turned upon the
enemy, and sheltered Metellus with their shields, till others carried
him oft' in safety. Then they charged the Spaniards with great fury,
and routed them in their turn.

As victory had now changed sides, Sertorius, to secure a safe retreat
for his troops, as well as convenient time for raising fresh forces, had
Vhf? art to retire Into a city strongly situated upoi? a mountain. He

SERTORIUS?' 307

repaired tlic walls, and barricaded the gates, as though he tlioughtof
nothing less than standing a siege. The enemy, however, were
deceived by appearances. They invested the place, and in the ima-
gination that thev should make themselves masters of it without diffi-
cuhv, took no care to pursue the fugitive barbarians, or to prevent
the new levies which the officers of Sertorius wore making. These
officers he had sent to the towns under his connnand, with instructions
when they had assembled a surticlcnt number, to send a messenger
to acquaint him with it.

I'pon the receipt of such intelligence, he sallied out, and having
made his way through th-j enemy without much trouble, he joined

his new-raised troops, and returned with that additional strength

He now cut otf the Roman convoys both by sea and land : at land,
by laying ambushes, or hemming them in, and, by the rapidity of his
motions, meeting them in every (juarter: at sea, by guarding the
coast with his light piratical vessels. In consequence of this, the
Romans were obliged to separate. Mctellus retired into Gaul, and
Pompey went and took uj) his winter-quarters in the territories of the
Vacccians, where he was greatly distressed for want of money ; inso-
much th^dt he informed the senate he should soon leave the country
if they did not supply him; for he had already sacrificed his own
fortune in defence of Italy. Indeed, the common discourse was,
that Sertorius would be in Italy before Pompey: so far had lils
capacity prevailed over the most distinguished and the ablest generals
in Rome.

The opinion which Mctellus had of him, and the dread of his
al)ilities, was evident from a proclamation then published; in wlilch
Mctellus offered a reward of a hundred talents of silver, and twenty
thousand acres of land, to any Roman who should take him ; and
if that Roman was an exile, he -promised he sliould be restored to
ins country. Thus he plainly discovered his despair of conquering
Ills enemy, by the price which he set upon him. When he happened
once to defeat him in a pitciied battle, lie was so elated with the
advantage, and thought the event so fortunate, that he suffered
himself to be saluted as Imperatur : and the cities received him with
sacrifices and every testimony of gratitude to the gods at their altars-
Nay, it is said he received crowns of victory, tliat he made most
magnificent ei tertainments on t!ir occasion, and wore a triumphal
robe. Victories in effigy, descended in machines, with trophies cf
gold and garlands in their hands; and choirs of boys and virgins
sung songs in his praise. These circumstances were extremely
ridiculous, since he expressed 5>o m)ich joy, and such superabundant

308 PLUTARCH S LIVF.5,

vanity, while he called Sertorius a fugitive from Sylla, and the poor
remains of Caibo's faction.

On the Dtlier hand, the magnanimity of Sertorius appeared in every
step he took. The patricians who had been obliged to fly from Rome,
and take refuge with him, he called a senate. Out of them he
appointed quaestors and lieutenants, and in every thing he proceeded
according to the laws of his country. What was of still greater
moment, tiiough lie made war only with the arms, the money, and
the men of Spain, he did not suffer the Spaniards to have the least
share in any department of govcriunent, even in words or titles. He
gave them Roman generals and govertiors, to make it appear thattlic
liberty of Rome was his great object, and that he did not want to set
up the Spaniards against the Romans. In fact, he was a true lover
of his country, and his passion to be restored to it was one of the first
in his heart. Yet in his greatest misfortunes, he never departed
from his dignity: on the other hand, when he was victorious, he
would make an of^cr to Mctellus or Pompey to lay down his artns,
on condition he might be permitted to return in the capacity of a
privite man. He said, he had rather be ti»e meanest citizen in
Rome, tiian an exile with the command of all the other countries
in the world.

This love of his country is said to have been in some measure owing
to the attachment he had to liis mother. His father died in hia
infancy, and he had his education wholly from her; consequently
his aft'ections centered in her. His Spanish friends wanted to
constitute him supreme governor j but having information at that
time of the death of his mother, he gave himself up to the most
alarming grief: for seven whole days he neither gave the word, nor
would be seen by any of his friends. At last his generals, and others
who were upon a tooling with him in point of rank, beset his tent,
and insisted that he should rise from the ground, and make his
appearance, to speak to the soldiers, and to take the direction of their
aflfairs, which were then as prosperous as he could desire. Hence
niany imagined that he was naturally of a pacific turn, and a lover
of tranquillity, but was brought, against his inclination, by some
means or other, to take upon him the command; and that when
he was hard pressed by his eneniics, and had no other shelter but
that of war to fly to, he had recourse to it merely in the way of
self-defence.

We cannot have greater proofs of his magnanimity than those
that appear in his treaty with Mithridates. That prince, recovering
from the fall given him by Sylla, entered the lists again^ and renewed

SERTORIUS. 309

his pretensions to Asia. Ky tliis lime the fame of Sertorius had
extcMck'd itself into all parts of the world. The merchants who
traded to the west carried back news of hi* achievements, like
commodities from a distant country, and filled Pontus with his re-
nown. Hereupon Mithridates determined to send an embassy to
him ; induced to it by the vain speeches of his flatterers, who com-
pared Sertorius to Hannibal, and Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and in-
sisted that the Romans would never be able to bear up against two
suclj powers and two persons of such genius and abilities, when at-
tacked by them in different quarters; the one being the most excel-
lent of generals, and the other the greatest of kings.

In pursuance of this scheme, Mithridates sent ambassadors into
Spain with letters to Sertorius, and proposals to be made in confer-
ence; the purjKjft of which was, that the king would supply him with
money and ships for the war, on condition that he cuiihrmeJ his
claim to Asia, whicii he had lately given up to the Romans in the
treaty with Sylla.

Sertorius assembled his council, which he called the Setiate. They
were r.nanimous in their o])inions that he should accept the condi-
tions, and think himself happy in them, since they were only asked for
an empty name and title to things which it was not in their power to
give, and the king in return would supply them with what thev must
wanted. But Sertorius would by no means agree to it He said,
he had no objection to that prince's having Bithynia and Cajjpadocia,
countries accustomed to kingly government, and not belonging to
the Romans by any just title; but as to a province to which the Ro-
mans had an undecuable claim, a province which thev had been
deprived of by Mithridates, which he afterwards lost to Fimbria,
and at last had quitted upon the peace wiih Svlla, he ct»uld never
consent ih^t he .should be put in possession of it again. '' Rome '
said he, " ougiit to have her power extended by my victories, and it
is not my right to lise to power at iier expense. A man who lias any
dignity of .sentiment should compier with honour, and not use any
base means even to save his life."

Mithridates was perfectly astonished at this answer, and thus crm-
municated his surprise to his friends: " What ordi rs would Ser-
torius give us, when seated in the senaie-liouse at Home, if now,
driven as he is to the co.nsts of the Atlantic occhm, he prescribes
bounds to our empire, and threatens us with war, if we make any
attempt upon .\siar" The treaty, however, went t)n, amluas sworn
to. Mithridates was to have (iappadocia and Bitliynia, and Sertorius
to supply him with a general and some troops j the king, on the
other hand, was to furnish Sertorius with three thousand talents
and forty ships of war.

310 M.l'TARCH S LFVES.

The general whom Sertorius sent into Asia was a senator who had
taken refuge wiih him, named Marcus Marius. When Mithridatrs,
by his assistance, iiaJ taktMi souir cities in Asia, h", permitted that
OiBcer to enter thiin with his rods and axes, and voluntarily took the
second place as one of his train. JNlarius declared some of those
cities free, and excused others from imposts and taxes, telling them
tliey were indebted for these favours to Sertorius. So that Asia,
which laboured again under the exaction of the Roman tax-gatherers,
and the opi)ressions and insults of the garrisons, had once more a
prospect of sumc happier mode of government.

But in Spain, the senators about Sertorius, who looked upon them-
selves as on a footing with him, no sooner saw themselves as a match
for the enemy, than they bade adieu to fear, and gave into a foolish
jealousy and envy of their general. At the head of these was Per-
penna, who, elated with the vanity of birth, aspired to the com-
mand, and scrupled not to address his partisans in private with such
speeches as these: "What evil demon possesses us, and leads us
from bad to worse? We, who would not stay at home and submit to
the orders of Sylla, who is master both of sea and land, what are we
come to? Did we not come here for liberty? Yet here we arc volun-
tary slaves; guards to the exiled Sertorius. We suffer ourselves to
be amused with the title of a senate; a title despised and ridiculed
by all the world. O noble senators, why submit to the most morti-
fying tasks and labours as much as the meanest Spaniards and Lusi-
tanians V

Numbers were attacked with these and such like discourses; and
though they did not openly revolt, because they dreaded the power
of Sertorius, yet they took private methods to ruin his affairs, by
treating the barbarians ill, inflicting heavy punishments, and col-
lecting exhorbitant subsidies, as if by his order. Hence the cities
began to waver in their allegiance, and to raise disturbances; and
the persons sent to compose those disturliances by mild and gentle
methods made more enemies than they reconciled, and inflamed the
rising spirit of disobedience: insomuch that Sertorius, departing from
his former clemency and moderation, behaved with great injustice
and outrage to the children of the Spaniards in Osca, putting some
to death, and selling others for slaves.

The conspiracy daily gathered strength, and among the rest, Pcr-
pcnuadrewin Manlius*,whohada considerable command in the army.

^ Hf *■ -ir -tf ifr ^ *

He and his partisans then prepared letters for Sertorius, which im-

* Dacier thinks we should read Manius, by which he means Manius Antoiilus, who
gave Sertorius the first blow.

SERT0UIL5. oil

ported that a victor)- was gained by one of his ofticers,and great num-
bers of the enemy slain. Sortorius otftred sacrifice for the jrood
tidings; and I'cTpenna gave him, and liis own frietids who were bv,
and who were ail j)rivy to the design, an invitation to supper, which,
with much entreaty, he prevailetl uj)(»n him to accept.

The entertainments ut which Serttirius was pnscnt had been al-
ways attended with great order and decorum ; for lie could not bear
cither to see or hear the least indecency, and he had ever accustomed
tike guests to divert themselves in an innocent and irrej)ronchable
manner, liut, in the midst of the entertainment, the conspirator"!
began to seek occasion to quarrel, giving into the most dissolute dis-
course, and pretending drunkenness as th«: eause of their ribaldry.
All this was done to provoke him. However, either vexed at their
obscenities and design, or guessing at their designs by the manner of
their drawling them out, he changed his posture, and threw himself
))ack upon his couch, as though he neither heard nor regarded liiem.
Then l\'rj)enna took a eup of wine, and, as he was drinking, pur-
jjosely let it fall out of his hands. The noise it made bi-ing the sig-
nal for them to (all on, Antonv, who sat next t«) Sertorius, gave him
a stroke with his sword. Sertorius turned, and strove to get up; but
Antony, throwing himself u|)(>n his breast, held both his hands, so
that, not being able in the least to defend himself, the rest of the
conspirators despatched hiu] with many wounds.

Upon the first news of his death, most of the Spaniards aban-
doned Perpenna, and by their deputies surrendered themselves to
Pompey and Metellus. IVrpenna attempted somrthing with ilk)sc
that remained; but though he had the use of all that Sciturius h.id
prepared, he made so ill a figure, that it was evident he knew no

more how to command than how to obey He 'i:ave Pompev battle

and was soon routed and taken prisoner. Xor in this last distress
did he behave as became a general. He had the j)apers ot Sertorius
in his possession, and he oft'ered I'ompey the sight of oriijinal
letters from men of consular dignity, and the greatest interest in
Rome, by which they invited Sertorius into Italy in consccjuence of
the desire of numbers who wanted a change in tlie present face
of affairs, and a new administration.

Pomjjey, however, behaved not like a young man, but with all the
marks of a solid and improved understanding, and by his prudence
delivered Rome from a train of dreadful fears and new commotions.
He collected all those letters and the other papers of Sertorius, and
burnt them, without either reading them iiitnself, or suHlring any
other person to do it. As for Perpenna, he put him to death imme-
diately, lest he should mention the iKunc; of those who wrote tiie

312 Plutarch's lives.

letters, and thence new seditions and troubles should arise. Per-
penna's accomplices met the same fate; some of them being brought
to Pompey, and by him ordered to the block, and others who fled
into Africa shot by the Moors. None escaped but Aufidius, the
rival of Maiilius. Whether it was that he could not be found, or
tliey thought him not worth the seeking, he lived to old age in a vil-
lage of the barbarians, wretchedly poor, and universally despised.

EUMENES.

DURIS the historian writes, that Eumenes the Cardian was the
son of a poor waggoner in the Chersonesus, and yet that he had a
liberal education both as to learningand the exercises then in vogue*.
He says, that while he was but a lad, Philip happening to be in
Cardia, went to spend an hour of leisure in seeing how the young
men acquitted themselves in the pancrationfj and the boys in wrest-
ling. Among these Eumenes succeeded so well, and showed so
much activity and address, that Philip was pleased with him, and
took him into his train. But others assert, with a greater appear-
ance of probability, that Philip preferred him on account of the ties of
friendship and hospitality there were between him and the father
of Eumenes.

After the death of Philip, he maintained the reputation of being
equal to any of Alexander's officers in capacity, and in the honour
with which he discharged his commissions; and though he had only
the title of principal secretary, he was looked upon in as honourable
alight as the king's most intimate friends and counsellors; insomuch
that he had the sole direction of an Indian expedition ; and, upon the
death of Ilcpha2stion, when Perdiccas had the post of that favourite,
he succeeded Perdiccas. Therefore, when Neoptolcmus, who had
been the principal armour-bearer, took upon him to say, after the
death of Alexander, " Tiiat he had borne the shield and spear of that
monarch, and that Eumenes had only followed with his escrutoir;"
the Macedonians only laughed at his vanity; knowing that, besides
other marks of honour, Alexander had thought Eumenes not un-

• There were public schouls, where cliildrcn of all conditions were taught without
distinction.

t The pancration (as we liave already observed) was a composition of wrestling and
boiinz.

EUMENES. .313

worthy his alli.inct'-. for Harsinc, the daiit^htcr of Artabazus, who
was the first lady Alfxaiichr took to his bed in Asia, and who brought
him a son named llereules, had two sisters; one of whom, called
Apama, he gave to Ptolemy, and tlu- otlior, called also Barsinc, he
gave t<» Kiimrncs, at a time when he was selecting Persian ladies as
wives for his friends*.

Yet, it must be acknowledged, he wasoftrn in disgraee with A'ex-
ander, and once or twice in danger, too, on account of Heplurstion.
In the first place, Hepluesiion gave a musician, named Kvius, the
quarters which the servants of luimenes had taken np for him. L jxjn
this Eumenes went in great wrath to Alexander, with Mentorf, and
cried, " The best method they could take was to throw away their
arms, and learn to j>lav u|)on the flute or turn tragedians." Alex-
ander at first entered into his (|uarrel, and sharply rebuked Hcphaes-
tion: but he soon changed his mind, and turned the weight of his
displeasure upon Eumenes, thiidiing he had behavtd uitli inon- dis-
respect to liim than resentment against Hephfpstion.

Again, when Alexander wanted to send out Nearchus wiiii a lleet
to explore the coasts of the ocean, he found his treasury low, and
asked his friends for a supply Among the rest he applied to Eu-
menes for three hundred talents, who oHered him only a hundred,
and assured him, at the same time, he should find itdinu'iilt to C(»l-
lect that sum by his stewards. Alexander refused the olVer, but did
not remonstrate or complain. However, he ordered iiis servants
privately to set fire to Eumenes's tent, tliat lie might be forced to
carry out his money, and be ojienly convicted of the falsity. It
Iiappened that the tent was entirely consumed, and Alexander was
sorry on account of the loss of his papers — There was gold and sil-
ver found melted to the amount of more than a thousand talents, yet
even then the king took none of it. And having written to all his
grandees and lieutenants to send him copies of the despatches that
were lost, upon their arrival he put them again imder the care of
Eumenes.

Some time after, another tlispute happened between him and
Hcpluestion, on account of some present fioni the king to one of

• Alexander hud married Sintira, llic cldr»t daughter uf Duriuj, nnd giron the
youngc't, nuioed TryiH-li*. lo IIi-|ih»stioii. Thu was n measure well calcuUlcd fvr
establishing hini and his poslrriiy on ihc IVrsinn thmne; but it was obnoxious lo ihc
Maredoiiitiiis. 1 hrrclore, to support it mi vuv baud, and to obriate loconvnuenff i
cm tlic ullii-r, lio juiccii-d eighty virgins out oi the most honourable luinilics in Persia,
and pcrtuadcd his principal fiicuds ujid ullicers to marry them.

t ^Icntor was broUicr to .Mcwnuiv, whose widow, Harjinc, wns .Mcxandrr's mi»lre»|.
He was also brother in-law to .Vrtabazus; and the second Barsinc, whom Kuiucucs mar-
ried, seems to have been daughter to !VI<-iniiun and Mentor's tistcr.

Vol. 2. No. :!1. ss

314 Plutarch's lives.

them. Much severe and abusive language passed between them,
yet Alexander, for the |)resent, did not hiuk upon Eumenes with the
less regard. But llophasstion dying soon after, the king, in his un-
speakable affliction for that loss, expressed his resentment against ail
who he thought envied that favourite while he lived, or rejoiced at
his death. Eunn-nes was one of those whom he most suspected of
such sentiments, and he often mentioned the differences, and the
severe language those ditVerences had produced Eumenes, how-
ever, beirig an artful man, and happy at expedients, made the very
person through whom he had lost the king's favour, the means of
regaining it. He seconded the zeal and application of Alexander to
celebrate the memory of Hephaestion. He suggested such instances
of veneration as he thougiit might do most honour to the deceased,
and contributed largely and freely, out of his own purse, towards
the expenses of his funeral.

Upon the death of Alexander, a great quarrel broke out between
the phalanx and the late king's friends and generals. Eumenes, in
his heart, sided with the phalanx^ but in appearance stood neuter,
as a person perfectly indifferent; saying, it did not become him, who
was a stranger, to interfere in the disputes of the Macedonians. And
when the other great officers retired from Babylon, he staid there,
endeavouring lo appease that body of infantry, and to dispose thent
to a reconcihuiion.

After tliese tr()ul)Ks were past, and the generals met to consult
about dividing the provinces and armies among them, the countries
assigned Eumenes were Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, and the coast
of the Sea of Pontus, as far as Trapezus. These countries were not
then subject to the Macedonians, for Ariarathes was king of them;
but Leonatus and Antigonus were to go with a great army, and put
Eumenes in possessiciU — Antigonus, now elated with power, and
despising all the world, gave no attention to the letters of Perdiccas;
but Leonatus marched down from the u()per provinces into Phrygia,
and promised to imdertake the expedition for Eumenes. Immedi-
ately after this, Hecatajus, a petty tyrant in Cardia, applied to Le-
onatus, and desired him rather to go to the relief of Antipater and the
Macedonians, who were besieged in Lamia*. Leonatus, being in-
clined to go, called Eumenes, and attempted to reconcile him to
Hecatffius. They had long had suspicions of each other on account
of a family difference in point of politics; in consequence of which
Eumenes had only accused Hecataius of setting himself up tyrant in
Cardia, and had entreated Alexander to restore that people to their
liberty. He now desired to be excused taking a share in the Grecian
expedition, alleging he was afraid Antipater, who had long hated

* A city of Tbcssaly.

ELMENES. .>1j

him, to gratify himself as well as Heratseus, would make some at-
tempt upon his life. Upon which, Lcoiiatus, placinjr an entire
coiihileiice in him, operitii lo him all his heart. Ife told him the
assisting Antipatcr was nothing but a pretext, and that he designed,
as soon as he landed in Greeee, to assert his claim to Ma(e(U»nia.
At the same time he showed him letters from Cleopatra*, in which
she invited him to Pella, and promised to give him her hand.

VVMiether Eumenes was really afraid of Antipatcr, or whether he
despaired of any service from Leonatus, who was extremely obstinate
in his temper, and followed every imixilse of a precipitate an)bition,
he withdrew from hitn in tl)e night with all his equij)age, which
consisted of three hundred horse, two hundreil of his dt)mestics,
well armed, and all his treasure, amounting to five thousand talents.
With this he fled to Perdiccas; and, as he acquainted that general
with the secret designs of Leonatus, he was immediately taken into a
high degree of favour, and admitted to a share in his counsels, lu
a little time, too, Perdiccas in person conducted him into Cappa-
docia with a great army ; took Ariarathes piisoner, subdued all the
country, and established Kumenes in that government: in conse-
(juence of which Eumenes put the cities under the direction of his
friends, placed guards and garrisons, with proper olFiccrs at their
head, and api)ointcd judges and sujjerintendants of the revenue;
Perdiccas leaving the entire disposition of those things to him. After
this, he dejwrted with Perdiccas; choosing lo give him that testi-
mony of respect, and not thinking it consistent with his interest to
be absent from his court. IJut Perdiccas, satisfied that he could
himself execute tiie designs he was meditating, and perceiving that
the provinces he had left beiiind required an able and faithful guar-
dian, sent back Euujenes, wiien he had reached Cilicia. The pre-
tence was, that he might attend to the concerns of l.is own guvein-
jncnt; but the real intention, that he should secure the adjoining
province of Armenia, which was disturbed by the practices of Ne-
oplolemus.

Neoptolemus was a man of sanguine pursuits, and unbounded
vanity. J-lumcnes, however, endeavoured to keep him to his duty
by soothing applications. And as he saw the Macedonian infantry
were become extremely insolent and audacious, he anplicd himself
to raising a body of cavalry, which might be n counterpoise against
them: for this purpose he remitted the taxes, and gave other immu-
nities to those of his province who were good horsemen. He also
bought a great number of horses, and distributed them among such
of his courtiers as he placed the greatest confidence iu; exciting
* Ibc sister of Alexander,

3l6

PLUTARCH S LIVES.

them by honours and rewards, and training them to strength and
skill by a variety of exercises. The Macedonians, upon this, were
differently affected, sonic with astonishment, and others with joy, to
see a body of cavalry collected, to the number of six thousand three
lumdred, and trained in so short a space of time.

About that time, Craterus and Antipater, having reduced Greece,
passed into Asia to overthrow the power of Perdiccas; and news was
brought tliat their first intention was to enter Cappadocia. Perdiccas
himself was engaged in war with Ptolemy; he therefore appointed
Eumenes commander in chief of the forces in Arujcnia and
Cappadocia, and wrote to Alcctas and Neoplolemus to obey the or-
ders of that general, whom he had invested with discretionary powers.
Alcctas plainly refused to submit to that injunction; alleging that
the Macedonians would be ashamed to fight Antipater; and as for
Craterus, their affection for him was such, that they would receive
him with open arms. On the other hand, it was visible that Neop-
tolenius was forming some trcachcious scheme against Eumenes;
for, when called upon, he refused t(; join him, and, instead of
that, prepared to give him battle.

This was the first occasion on which Eumenes reaped tlie fruits
of his foresight and timely preparations: for, though his infantry
were beaten, with his cavalry he ])ut Neoptolcmus to flight, and
took his baggage. And while the j)halanx were disi)ersed upon the
pursuit, he fell u])on them in such good order with his horse, that
they were forced to lay down their arms, and take an oath to serve
him. Neoptolcmus collected some of the fugitives, and retired with
them to Craterus and Antipater. They had already sent ambassa-
dors to Eumenes to desire him to adopt their interests, in reward of
■which they would confirm to him the provinces he had, and give
him others, with an additional number of troops : in which case he
■would find Antipater a friend instead of an enemy, and continue in
friendship v^ith Craterus, instead of turning his arms against him.

Eumenos made answcT to these proposals, *' That having long
been on a footing of enmity with Antipater, he did not choose to be
his friend at a time when he saw him treating his friends as so many
enemies. As for Craterus, he was ready to reconcile him to Per-
diccas, and to compromise matters between them upon just and
reasonable terms: but if lie shotdd begin hostilities, he should sup-
i)ort his injured friend while he had an hour to live, and rather
sacrifice life itself than his honour,"

M'hcn this answer was reported to Antipater and Craterus, they
took some timie to deliberate upon the measures they should pursue.
jNleanwhile Xeoptolemir- arriving, gave them an account of the battle

El'MESES. .1I7

lie had lost, and requested assistance of them both, Ijut particuhtrly
of Craterus. He said, " The Macedonians had so extraordinary an
attachnient to liirn, that if they saw })iit his hat, or heard one accent
of his tongue, they wouUl immediately run to him wiiii tiicir swords
in tiieir hands." Indeed, the re|)utati()n of Craterus was very unreal
among them, and, after the deatii of Alexander, most of them
wished to he under his command. They remembered the risks he
had run of embroiling himself with Alexander for their sakes; how
lie had combated the inclination for Persian fashions, which in-
sensibly grew upon him, and supported the customs of his country
against the insults of barbaric pomp and luxury.

Craterus now sent Antipatcr into Cilicia, and taking a consider-
able part of tl\e forces hinisolf, marched along with Xeoptolemus
against Eumenes. If Eumenes foresaw his coming, and was pre-
])tired for it, we may imi)ute it to the vigilance necessary in a gene-
ral ; we see nothing in that of superior genius : but when, besides
his concealing from the enemy what they ought not to discover, he
iMTOught his own troops to action, without knowing who was their
adversary, and made them serve agalns: Craterus, witiiout finding
out that he was the othcer they had to contend with; in this we see
characteristical proofs of generalship: for he propagated a report,
that Neoptolemus, assisted by Pigris, was advancing again with
some Cappadocian and i'aphlagonian horse. The night he designed
to decamp, he fell into a sound sleep, and had a very extraordinarv
dream. He thought he saw two Alexanders prepared to trv their
strength against each other, and each at the head of a phalanx.
Minerva came to support the one, and Ceres the other. A sharp
conflict ensued, in which the Alexander assisted by .Mim-rva was
defeated, and Ceres crowned the victor with a wreath of corn. He
immediately concluded that the dream was in his favour, because he
had to fight for a country which was most of it in tillage, and which
liad then so excellent a crop, well advanced towards the sickle, that
the whole face of it had the ajijicarance of a profound peace. He
was the more confirmed in his opinion, wiien he found the eneinv'^
word was Mincnti (Oid ^Ih-xandcr : and in opposition to it he L:;i\.
Ceres and .tlrxaiKlcr. At the same time, he ordered his men \o
crown themselves, and to cover their arms with ears of corn. He ua>
several times upon the point of declaring to his principal oflicers and
captains what adversary they had to (>ontend with, thinking it a ha-
/nrdous undertaking to keep to himself a secret so in»p'>i tant, and
j)erhaps necessary for them to know, ^'et he abode by his first reso-
Intion, and trusted his own heart ni,]y with the dan-jer that might
ensue.

318 Plutarch's lives.

When he came to give battle, he would not set any Macedonian
to engage Craterus, but appointed to that charge two bodies of
foreign horse, commanded by Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus,
and Phoenix of Tenedos. They had orders to advance on the first
sight of the enemy, and come to close fighting, without giving them
time to retire; and if they attempted to speak or send any herald,
they were not to regard it: for he had strong apprehensions that the
Macedonians would go over to Craterus, if they happened to know
him. Eumenes himself, with a troop of three hundred select horse,
went and posted himself in the right vving, where he should have to
act against Neoptolemus. When they had passed a little hill that
separated the two armies, and came in view, they charged with such
impetuosity, that Craterus was extremely surprised, and expressed
his resentment in strong terms against Neoptolemus, who, he
thought, had deceived him with a pretence that the Macedonians
would change sides. However, he exhorted his officers to behave
like brave men, and stood forward to the encounter. In the first
shock, which was very violent, the spears were soon broke, and
they were then to decide the dispute with the sword.

The behaviour of Craterus did no dishonour to Alexander. He
killed numbers with his own hand, and overthrew many others who
assailed him in front: but at last he received a side-blow from a
Thracian, which bi ought him to the ground. Many passed over him
without knowing him; but Gorgias, one of Eumenes's officers, took
notice of him; and being well acquainted with his person, leaped
from his horse, and guarded the body. It was then, however, too
late ; he was at the last extremity, and in the agonies of death.

In the mean time, Neoptolemus engaged Eumenes. The most
violent hatred had long subsisted between them, and this day added
stings to it. They knew not one another in the two first encounters,
but in the third they did; and then they rushed forward impetuously,
with swords drawn, and loud shouts. The shock their horses met
with was so violent, that it resembled that of two galleys. The fierce
antagonists quitted the bridles, and laid hold of each other, each
endeavouring to tear off the helmet or the breastplate of his enemy.
While their hands were thus engaged, their horses went from under
them, and as they fell to the ground without quitting their hold, they
wrestled for the advantage. Neoptolemus was beginning to rise first,
when Eumenes wounded him in the ham, and by that means got
upon his feet before him. Neoptolemus being wounded in one knee,
supported himself upon the otiier, and fought with great courage
tindernealh, but was not able to reach his adversary a mortal blow.
At last, receiving a v.ouud in the neck, he grew faint, and stretched

EUMENES. 319

himself upon the ground. Eumenes, with all the eagerness of in-
veterate luitred, hastening to strip him of his arms, and loading him
with rcproaclus, did not observe that his sword was still in his hand;
so that Neoptolemus wounded him under the cuirass, where it
touches upon the groin. However, as the stroke was but feeble,
the apprehensions it gave him were greater than the real hurt.

When he had despoiled his adversary, weak as he was with the
wounds he had received in his legs and arms, he mounted his horse,
and made up to his left wing, which lie supposed might still be en-
gaged with the enemy. There, being informed of the fate of Cra-
terus, he hastened to him ; and finding his breath and his senses not
quite gone, he alighted from his horse, wept over liim, and gave
him his hand. One while he vented his execrations upon Neopto-
lemus, and another wliile he lamerited his own ill fortune, and the
cruel necessity he was under of coming to extremities with his most
intimate friend, and either giving or receiving the fatal blow.

Eumenes won this battle about ten days after the former. And it
raised him to a high rank of honour, because it brought him the palm
both of capacity and courage, but at the same time it exposed him
to the envy and hatred both of his allies and his enemies. It seemed
hard to them, that a stranger, a foreign adventurer, should have
destroyed one of the greatest and most illustrious of the Macedo-
nians with the arms of those very Macedonians. Had the news of
the death of Craterus been brought sooner to Perdiccas, none but he
would have swayed the Macedonian sceptre: but he was slain in a
mutiny in Egypt, two days before the news arrived. The Maccdo-
donians were so much exasperated against Eunienes upon the late
eveiK, that they immediately decreed his deatii. Antigonus and
Antipatcr were to take the direction of the war which was to carry
that decree into execution. Meantime ICumenes went to the king's
horses, which were pasturing aljout Mount Ida, and took such as he
had occasion for, but gave the keepers a disiharge for them. When
Antipatcr was apprised of it, he laughed, and said, " He could not
enough admire the caution of Eumenes, who must certainly expect
to see the account of the king's goods and chattels stated either on
one side or other."

Eumenes intended to give battle ujion the jilains of Lydia near
Sardis, both because he was strong in cavalry, and because he was
ambitious to show Cleopatra what a respectable force he had. How-
ever, at the request of that princess, who was atraid to give Antipa-
tcr any cause of complaint, he marched to the upper Phrygia, and
wintered in Celxnic. There Alcctas, Folemon, and Docimus, con-
tended with him for the command; upon which he said, *' ThL-^

320 I'Ll'TARCH S LIVES.

makes good the observation Every one thinks of advancing himself,

but no one thinks of the danger that may accrue to the public
weal."

He had promised to pay his army within three days, and as he had
not money to do it, he sold them all the farms and castles in the
country, together with the pcoj)le and cattle that were upon them.
Every captain of a Macedonian company, or officer who had a com-
mand in the foreign troops, received battering engines from Eu-
menes; and when he had taken the castle, lie divided the spoil among
his company, according to the arrears due to each particular man.
This restored him the affections of the soldiers: insomuch, that
when papers were found in his camp, dispersed by the enemy, in
which their generals promised a hundred talents and great honours
to the man who should kill Eumenes, the Macedonians were highly
incensed, and gave orders that from that time he should have a body-
guard of a thousand officer-like men always about iiim, who should
keep watch by turns, and be in waiting day and night. There was
not a man who refused that charge; and they were glad to receive
from Eumenes the marks of honour, which those who are called the
king's friends used to receive from the hands of royalty. For he,
too, was empoweied to distribute purple hats and rich robes, which
were considered as the principal gifts the kings of Macedon had to
bestow.

Prosperity gives some appearance of higher sentiments even to
persons of mean spirit, and we see something of grandeur and im-
portance about tlicm in the elevation where Fortune has placed
them : but he who is inspired by real fortitude and magnanimity will
show it most by the dignity of his behaviour under losses, and in the
most adverse fortune. So did EutJienes: when he had lost a battle
to Antigonus in tiie territory of the Orcynians in Cappadocia, through
the treachery of one of his officers, though he was forced to fly him-
self, he did not suffer the traitor to escape to the enemy, but took
him, and hanged him upon the spot. In his flight he took a different
way from the pursuers, and privately turned round in such a manner
as to regain tlic field of battle. There he encamped, in order to bury
the dead, whoin he collected, and burned with the door-posts of the
neighbouring vilhigcs. The bodies of tlie officers and common sol-
diers were burned upon separate piles; and, when he had raised
great monuments of earth over them, he decamped: so that Anti-
gonus, coming that way afterwards, was astonished at his firmness
and intrepidity.

Another time he fell in with the baggage of Antigonus, and could
easily have taken it, together with many persons of free condition^ a

EUMENES. . 321

great number of slaves, and all the wealth which had been amassed in
so many wars, and the plunder of so many countrits: but he was
afraid that his men, when p.)ssesse(i of such riches and spoils, would
think themselves too heavy for flight, and be too etiemlnate to bear
the hardship of long wandering from place to place; and yet time,
lie knew, was his principal resource for getting clear of Antigonus.
On the other hand, he was sensible it would be extremely difficult to
keep the Macedonians from Hying upon the spoil, when it was so
much within reach. He therefore ordered them to refresh them-
selves, and feed their horses before they attacked the enemy: in the
mean time he privately sent a messenger to Mcnander, who escorted the
baggage, to acquaint him, *' That Eumenes, in consideration ol the
friendship that had subsisted between them, advised him t«j provide
for his safety, and to retire as fast as possible from the plain, where
he might easily be surrounded, to the foot of the neighbouring
mountain, where the cavahy could not act, nor any troops fall up-
on his rear."

Mcnander soon perceived his danger, and retired. After which,
Kumenes sent out his scouts in the presence of all his soldiers, and
commanded the latter to arm and bridle their horses, in order fortlie
attack. The scouts brought back an account that Mcnander had
gained a situation where he could not be taken. Hereupon Eu-
menes pretended great concern, and drew off his forces. We are
told, that upon the report Mcnander made of tliis aflair to Antigo-
nus, the Macedonians launched out in the praises of Eumenes, and
began to regard him with an eye of kindness for acting so generous a
part, when it was in his power to have enslaved their chih'ic"^ ;tnd
dishonoured their wives. The answer Antigonus gave them vas this :
" Think not, iny good friemis, it was for your sakes he let them go;
it was for his own. He did not choose to have so many shackles
upon him, when he designed to lly."

After this, Eumenes, being forced to wander and fiy froin place
to place, spoke to many of his soldiers to leave him, either out of
care for their safety, or because he did not choose to have a body
of men after him, who were too few to stand a battle, and too many
to fly in privacy. And when he retired to the castle of Nora**, oi\
the confines of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, with only five hundred
horse and two hundred foot, ihere as^ain he gave all such ot his
friends free leave to depart, as did not like the inconveniences ot the
place, and the meanness of diet f, and dismissed them with great
marks of kindness.

* It wns ou\y two hundred and fifty paces ig circumference,
t A hundred k-U him ujion this uftr.

Vol. 2. No. 21. tt

322 PLUTARCH*S LIVES.

In a little time Antigonus came up, and, before he formed that
siege, invited him to a conference. Eumenes answered, *' Anti-
gonus had many friends, and generals to take his place, in case of
accidents to himself; but the troops he had the cure of had none to
command or to protect them after him." He therefore insisted that
Antigonus should send hostages, if he wanted to treat with him in
person. And when Antigonus wanted him to make his application to
him first, as the greater man, he said, '' While I am master of my
sword, I shall never think any man greater than myself." At last
Antigonus sent his ncpliew Ptolemy into the fort as a hostage, and
then Eumenes came out to him. They embraced with great tokens of
cordiality, having formerly been intimate friends and companions.

In the conference, which lasted a considerable time, Eumenes
made no mention of security for his own life, or of an amnesty for
what was past. Instead of that, he insisted on having the govern-
ment of his provinces confirmed to him, and considerable rewards
for his services besides: insomuch that all who attended on the oc-
casion admired his firmness, and were astonished at his greatness
of mind.

During the interview, numbers of the Macedonians ran to see
Eumenes; for, after the death of Craterus, no man was so much
talked of in the army as he. But Antigonus, fearing they should
offer him some violence, called them to keep at a distance; and,
when they still kept crowding in, ordered them to be driven off with
stoneis. At last he took him in his arms, and, keeping off the mul-
titude with his guards, with some difhculty got him safe again into
the castle.

As the treaty ended in nothing, Antigonus drew a line of circum-
vallation round the place, and having left a sufficient number of
troops to carry on the siege, he retired. The fort was abundantly
provided with corn, water, and salt, but in want of every thing else
requisite for the table. Yet with this mean provision he furnished
out a cheerful entertainment for his friends, whom he invited in their
turns, for he took care to season his provisions with agreeable dis-
course and the utmost cordiality. His appearance indeed was very
engaging. His countenance had nothing of a ferocious or war-worn
turn, but was smooth and elegant; and the proportion of his limbs
was so excellent, that they might seem to have come from the
chisel of the statuary. And though he was not very eloquent, he
had a soft and persuasive way of speaking, as we may conclude from
his epistles.

He observed that the greatest inconvenience to the garrison was
the narrowness of the space in which they were confined, enclosed

ELJMENES. 323

as it was with small liousts, and tlie whole of it not more than twQ
furlongs in circuit; so that they were forced to take their food with-
out exercise, and their horses to do the same. To remove the lau-
guur which is the consequence of tliat want, as well as to prcpane
ihem for flight, if occasion should oiler, he assigned a room fourteen
cubits long, tlie largest in all the fi»rt, for the men to walk in, and
gave them orders gradually to niend their pace. As for the horses^
he tied them to the roof of the stable with strong halters; then he
raised their heads and fore-parts by a pulley, till they could scarce
touch the ground with their fore-feet, but, at the same time, they
stood firm upon their hind-feet. In this posture the grooms plied
them with the whip and the voice; and the horses, thus irritated,
bounded furiously on their hind-feet, or strained to set their tore-
feet on the ground ; by which efFortb their whole body was exercised,
till they were out of breath and in a foam. After this exercise,
which was no bad one either for speed or strength, they had their
barley given them boiled, that they might sooner despatch and bet-
ter digest it.

As the siege was drawn out to a considerable length, Antigonus
received information of the death of Antipater in Macedonia, and of
the troubles ihat prevailed there through the animosities between
Cassander and Polyperchon. He now hade adieu to all inferior
prospects, and grasped the whole emj)ire in his schemes: in conse-
quence of which he wanted to make Eumenes his friend, and bring
him to co-operate in the execution of his plan. For this purpose
hesenttohirn Hieronymus*^ with proposals of peace, on condition he
took the oath that was oHered to him. Eumenes madu a correction ia
the oath, and left it to the Macedonians before the place to judge
which form was the most reasonable. Indeed Antigomis, to save
appearances, had slightly mentioned the royal family in ihe begiu"
ning, and all the rest ran in his own name. Eumenes, therefore,
put Olympias and the princes of the blood Hrst: and he propositi
to engage himself by oath of fealty, not to Antigonus only, but to
Olympias, and the princes, her children. This appearing to the
Macedonians much more consistent with justice thun the other, they
permitted ICumenes to take it, and then raised the siege. They like*
wise sent this oath to Antigonus, rit|uiriiig him to take it on the
other part.

Meaiitinu' Eumenes restored to the Cappadoeiansall the hostages
he had in Nora, and, in return, they furnished him with horses, beasti

* llirronynius was nfCardiii, aitd tUrrc/orc m couiitrjouin of £ureeur«. iic wMli
the bistorj of those }>riacts who diTiUei) \.\'it"i^i'» 'lnv^irwJ* VWiWHg thtoii et^flf
tbeit lucccssors.

324 PLl'TARrn's lAVES.

of burdet), and tents. He also collected great part of his soldiers
who had dispersed themselves after his defeat, and were stragglinp'
about the country. By this means he assembled near a thousand
liorse*, with which he marched off as fast as possible; rightly
judging he had much to fear from Antigonus. For that general not
only ordered him to be besieged again, and shut up with a circular
wall, but, in his letters, exj)ressed great resentment against the
Macedonians for admitting the correction of the oath.

While Eumenes was flying from place to place, he received letters
from Macedonia, in which the people declared their ap[)rehensions
of the growing power of Antigonus; and others from Olympias,
wherein siie invited him to come and take upon him the tuition and
care of Alexander's son, whose life she conceived to be in danger.
At the same time, Polyperchon and kintj Philip sent him orders to
carry on the war against Antigonus with the forces in Cappadocia.
They empowered him also to take five hundred talents out of the
royal treasure at Quiiidaf for the re-establishment of their own af-
fairs, and as much more as ho sliould judge necessary for the pur-
poses of the war. Antigcnes and Teutamus, too, who commanded
the Argt/raspiiles, had directions to support him.

These otficeis, in appearance, gave Eumenes a kind reception,
but it was not difficult to discover the envy and jealousy they had in
their hearts, and how much they disdained to act under him. Their
envy he endeavoured to remove, by not taking the money, which lie
told them he did not want. To remove their obstinacy and ambi-
tion for the first place was not so easy an affair; for, though
they knew not how to command, they were resolved not to obey.
In this case he called in the assistance of superstition. He said Alex-
ander liad appeared to him in a dream, and showed him a pavilion
with royal furniture, and a throne in the middle of it; after which
that prince declared, " If they would hold their councils, and des-
patch business there, he would be with them, and prosper every
measure and action which commenced under his auspices]:."

He easily persuaded Antigenes and Teutamus to believe he had
this vision. They were not willing to wait upon him, nor did he
choose to dishonour his commission by going to them. They pre-

• Diodorus Sicalas sajs two thousand. t In Caria.

% In consequence of this, according to Diodorus, Eumenes proposed to take a sum
out of the treasury, sufficient fur making a throne of gold; to place upon that tiiroiie
the diadem, tlie sceptre, and crown, and all the otlier ensigns of royalty belonging to
that prince; that every morning a sacrifice should he offered him by all the oflBcers;
and that all orders should be issued in his name. A stroke of policy suitable to the
genius of Eumenes.

El NfENES. 375

pared theretorf a royal pavilion, and a throne in it, which tht-y cal-
led tht' throne of Alexander; and thither they repaired to consult
upon the most important allairs.

From thenee they marched to the hii^her provinces, and, upon the
way were joined hy IVuccstas, a friend of JCumenes, and other go-
vernors of provinces. Thus the Macedonians were greatly strength-
ened, both in point of numbers, and in the most magnificent pro-
vision of all the requisites of war. But power and affluence had
rendered these governors so untractahle in society, and so dissolute
in their way of livittg, since the death of Alexander, and they came
together with a sj)irit of despotism so nursed by l>arbaric pride, that
they soon became obnoxious tr) each other, and no sort of harmony
could subsist between them. lU'sides, they flattered the Macedonians
without any regard to decorum, and supplied them with money in
such a maimer, for their entertainnients and sacrifices, that in u little
time their camp looked like a place of public reception for every
scene of intemperance; atul those veterans were to be courted
for military appointments, as the people are for their votes in a
republic.

J'Lumenes soon perceivcfl that the new-arrived grandees despised
each other, but were afraid of him, and watched an opportunitv to
kill him. He therefore pretended he was in want of monev, and
borrowed large sums of those that hated him most*, in order that
they might place some confidence it) him, or at least might give up
their designs upon his life, out of regard to the money lent him.
Thus he found guards for himself in the opulence of others; and,
though men in general seek to save their lives by giving, he pro-
\ ided for his safety by receiving.

While no danger was near, the Macedonians took bribes of all who
wante<l to corrupt them, and, like a kind of guards, dailv attended
the gates of those tlmt atVected the command. Hut, whet) /\ntigomis
came and encamped over atninst them, and aflairs called for a real
general, I'lumenes was jipplied to not only by the soldiers ; but the
very grandees, who had taken so much state upon them in time <if
peace and pleasure, freely gjive place to hitn, and took the post he
assigned thetn without tminnuritiL'. itideed, wheti Antiu'-onus at-
tempted to pass the river Tasitigris, tiot one of the other otlicers who
were ap|M)inted to guard it got any intelligence of hi^ motions: Ku-
nunes alone wa> at hand to oj'pose him; and he did it so cnectnallv,
"that he lilled the ( haiine] with dead I»odie>., and made four fh«)usaiul
prisoners.

The behaviour of the Macedonians, when Eumencj* happened to
* Fuur hundred thoosaiKl crownt.

326 Plutarch's lives.

be sick, still more particularly showed that they thought others fit
to direct in magnificent entertainments, and the solemnities of peace,
but that he was the only person among them fit to lead an army.
For Peucestas having feasted them in a sumptuous manner in Per-
sia, and given each man a sheep for sacrifice, hoped to be indulged
with the command. A few days after, as they were marching against
the enemy, Eumeues was so dangerously ill, that he was forced to
be carried in a litter at some distance from the ranks, lest his rest,
which was very precarious, should be disturbed with the noise.
They had not gone far before the enemy suddenly made their ap-
pearance, for they had passed the intermediate hills, and were now
descending into the plain. The lustre of their golden armour glit-
tering in the sun, as they marched down the hill, the elephants
with the towers on their backs, and the purple vests which the
cavalry used to wear when they were advancing to the combat,
struck the troop.s that were to oppose them, with such surprise, that
the front halted, and called out for Eumenes; declaring that they
would not move a step farther, if ne had not the direction of them.
At the same time they grounded their arms, exhorting each other to
stop, and insisted that their officers should not hazard an engage-
ment without Eumenes.

Eumenes no sooner heard this, than he advanced with the utmost
expedition, hastening the slaves that carried the litter. He likewise
opened the curtains, and stretched out his hand in token of his joy.
On the first sight of the general of their heart, the troops saluted
him in the Macedonian language, clanked their arms, and with loud
shouts challenged the enen)y to advance, thinking themselves in-
vincible while he was at their head.

Antigonus having learned from some prisoners that Eumenes was
so extremely ill, that he was forced to be carried in a litter, con-
eluded he should find no great difficulty in beating the other gene-
rals; and therefore hastened to the attack. But when he came to
reconnoitre the enemy's army, and saw in what excellent order it
was drawn up, he stood still some time in silent admiration. At
last spying the litter carried about from one wing to the other, he
laughed out aloud, as his manner was, and said to his friends,
" Yon litter is the thing that pitches the battle against us," After
this he immediately retreated to his intrenchments*.

* There are some particulars in Diodorus which deserve, to be inserted liere. After
the two armies were stparalcd, without coming to action, they encamped about three
furlonos distance from each other; and Antigonus soon finding the country where he
lay BO much exhausted, that it would be very difficult for him to subsiist, 8«nt deputies
to the confederate army, to solicit them, especially the governors of provinces, and the

The ^faccdoI)ians had hardly recovered themselves from their fears,
before they bepan to behave again in a disorderly and mutinous man-
ner to their officers, and spread themselves over almost all the pro-
vinces of Gabene for winter-quarters; insomuch that the first were
at the distance of a thousand furlongs from the last. Antigonus,
being informed of this circumstance, moved back against them
without losing a moment's time. He took a rugged roail, that af-
forded no water, because it was the shortest ; ho])ing, if he fell upon
them while thus dispersed, that it would be impossible for their offi-
cers to assemble them.

However, as soon as he had entered that desolate country, liis
troops were attacked with such violent winds and severe frosts, that
it was difficult for them to proceed; and they found it necessary to
light many fires: for this reason their march could not be concealed.
The barbarians who inhabited the mountains that overlook the de-
sert, wondering what such a number of fires could mean, sent
«ome persons upon dromedaries to Peucestas with an accourit of
them.

Peucestas, distracted with terror at tliis news, prepared for fliijht,
intending to take with him such troops as he could collect on

old Macedoaian corps, to desert Euincnes, and to join him; wliicli, at this titn^, tliejr
rejected with the highest indignaiiuu. Alter the deputies were dismissed, Kumenes
came into the assembly, and delivered liimselfin the folluwing fabie: — " A liun once
falling iu love with a yuung dunisel, deiiiundcd iit-r in marriuge of hfr father. J'lic
father luudv answer — I'lial he luuked on such an alliance us u grriit honour to his faioily,
but stixxl in fear of his claws and tcclh, lest, upon unj trifling diypuie that might hau>
pen between them after marriage, he might exercise them a little too ImsIiIv u|k>u Li*
daughter. To remove this objection, the amorous lion caused both his nails and teeth
to be drawn immediately; whercupuu the father tool a cudgel, and soon gut rid of his
cueni^." — " i'his," coniinucd he, " is the very thing uiuu-d u( by .\iiiiguuu), who is
liberal in promises, till lie has made himself master of your forces, and then beware uf
his teeth and paws." A few days after this, Eumenes having intelligence that .\ntigo>
uus intended to detaiup in the night, presently guessed that his design was to seek
quarters of refreshment for Ins army in the rich district of Gabene. To prevent tbis,
and at the same time to gain a passage into (hut country, he iiittructed some soldiers Iw
pretend they nerc deserters, and «ent ihiin into the camp ot Auiigonus, where thcv
reported that Eumenes intended to attack him in his trenches that verv night. lii^t,
while Antigonuj't troops were under arms, Kumeuci marched for Gabene, which at
length Antigonus suspected; and, having given proper orders to hit foot, marched im-
mediately afler liiiu with his cavalry. Early in the morning, from the lopof :i hill, he
discerned Eumenes with hii army below; and Eumenri, up<in sight of the cavalrv,
concluding that the whole army of Auiigonus was at hand, faced about, and di»i>o»cU
Ins troops in order of battle. Thus Euwcnct was deceived in liisluro; and, at tooo »%
Aniigonus's infantry came up, a sharp action followed, in whirh the victory teemed
won and lost several times. At last, however, Aniigonus had visibly the wor?t, being
ibrced to withdraw, by ion;: ninrche», into Medi.i. — Uiod. Sic. lib Itriii

.128 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

the way : but Eunienes soon disj)elle(l their fears and uneashiess, by
promising so to iin|ic(lc the enemy's march, tliat they would arrive
three days later tlian they were expected. Finding that they listened
to him, he sent orders to the officers to draw all the troops from
their quarters, and assemble them with speed. At the same time he
took his horse, and went with his colleagues to seek out a lofty piece
of ground, which might attract the attention of the troops marching
below. Having found one that answered his purpose, he measured
it, and caused a number of fires to be lighted at proper intervals, so
as to resemble a camp.

When Antigonus beheld those fires upon the heights, he was in
the utmost distress : for he thought the enemy were apprised of his
intention some time before, and were come to meet him. Not
choosing, therefore, with forces so harassed and fatigued with their
march, to be obliged to fight troops that were perfectly fresh, and
had wintered in agreeable quarters, he left the short road, and led
liis men through the towns and villages; giving them abundant time
to refresh themselves. But when he found that no parties came out
to gall him on his march, which is usual when an enemy is near,
and was informed by the neighbouring inhabitants that they had seen
no troops whatever, nor any thing but fires upon the hills, he per-
ceived that Eumcnes had outdone him in point of generalship; and
this incensed him so much, that he advanced with a resolution to
try his strength in a pitched battle.

Meantime the greatest part of the forces repairing to Eumenes, in
admiration of his capacity, desired him to take the sole command.
Upon this, x\ntigenes and Teutamus, who were at the head of the
Argyraspides^ were so exasperated with envy, that they formed a
plot against his life; and having drawn into it most of the grandees
and generals, they consulted upon a proper time and method to take
him off. They all agreed to make use of him in the ensuing battle,
and to. assassinate him immediately after. But J^^udamus, master of
tlie elephants, and Fhifidimus, privately informed Eumenes of their
resolutions; not out of any kindness or benevolent regard, but be-
cause they were afraid of losing the money they had lent him. He
coinmeiided them for the honour with which they behaved, and re-
tired to his tent. There he told his friends, " That he lived among
a herd of savage beasts," and immediately made his will. After
which, he destroyed all his papers, lest, after his death, charges and
impeachments should arise against the persons who wrote them, in
consequence of the secrets discovered there. He then considered
whether he should put the enemy in the way of gaining the vic-
tory, or take his flight through Media and Armenia into Cappadocia;

EUMENES. 329

but lie cuuld not fix upon any thing wliilc liis friends staid with him.
After revolving various expo'lients in hisntind, which was now ahnost
as changeable a.s his tortuiie, he drew up the forces, and endeavoured
to animate the Greeks and tin- harbaiians. On tiie otiierhand. the
phalairv n\u\ the yirgi/raspidts ha<le him be of good courage, assur-
ing him that the enemy would not stand the encoutitcr: for they
were veterans who had served under Philip and Alexander, and, like
so many champions of the ring, had never had a fall to that day.
Many of them were seventy years of age, and none less than sixty:
so that when they charged the troops of Antigonus, they cried out,
" Villains you fight against your fathers!" Then they fell furiousiy
upon his infantry, antl soon routed them. Indeed, none of the bat-
talions could stand the shock, and the most of them were cut in
pieces upon the spot. Ikit though Antigonus had such had success
in this quarter, his cavalry were victtirious, through the weak and
dastardly behaviour of Peucestas, and took all the baggage. Anti-
gonus was a man who had an excellent presence of uiind on the
most trying occasions, and here the place and the occasion befriended
him. It was a plain open country, the soil neither deep nor hard,
but, like the sea-shore, covered with a fine dry sand, which the
trampling of so many men and horses, during tiie action, reduced
to a small white dust, that, like a cloud of liuic, darkened the air,
and intercepted the prospect; so that it was easy for Antigonus to
take the baggage un perceived.

After the battle was over, Teutamus sent some jjf his corps to An-
tigonus, to desire him to restore the baggage. He told tii^m, he
would not only return the ^-irgi/raspidcs their b.ig^Mge, but treat
them, in all respects, with the greatest kindi.ess, provided tliey
would put Cumenes in his hands. The .^irg't/rnspiilts cnn)c into
that abjuiinabic measure, ami agreed to deliviiup that br. ve man
alive to hi>> enemies. In pursuance of this scheme, they appioached
him unsuspect«'d, and planted themselves about him: some htiuentcd
the loss of their baggage; some desired him to assume the spirit of
victory which he had gained ; others accused the rest ol their com-
manders. Thus watching their opportunity, thiy fell upon him,
took away his sword, and bound his hands behind lum with liis own
girdle.

Nicanor was sent by .\ntigonus to receive him. But, as ihev led
him through the midst of the Macedonians, he desired first to speak
to them; not for any request he had to make, but upon matters of
great importance to them. Silence being made, he ascei)<i«d an
eminence, and stretching out his hands, bound iis they were, he
said, *' What trophy, ye vilest of all the Maccdouians! what tro-

Vol. 2. No. '2\. ui;

.S3() PLl'TMKH S LIVKS.

phy could Anligonus liave wished to raise, like this which you are
raising, by delivering uj) your general bound? Was it not base
enough to aeki\owledge yourselves beaten, merely for the sake of your
baggage, as if victory dwelt among your goods and chattels, and not
upon the points of your swords; but you must also send your general
as a ransom for that baggai^c? For my part, though thus led, I am
not conquered; I have beaten the enemy, and am ruined by my fel-
low-soldiers. Hut I conjure you by the go<l of armies*, and the
awful deities who preside over oaths, to Kill me here with your own
hands. If my life be taken by another, the deed will still be yours:
nor will Antigonus complain, if you take the work out of his hands;
for lie wants not I'2umcncs alive, but li^umenes dead. If you choose
not to be the immediate instruments, loose but one of my hands, and
that shall do the business. If you will not trust me with a sword,
throw me bound as I am to wild beasts. If you comply with this last
request, I acquit you of all guilt with respect to me, and declare you
have behaved to your general like the best and honestest of men."

The rest of the troops received this speech with sighs and tears,
and every expression of sorrow; but the Arixyraspides cried out,
** I^ad him on, and attend not to his trifling: for it is no such great
matter, if an execrable Chersonesian, who has harassed the Macedo-
nians with infinite wars, have cause to lament his fate, as it would
be, if the best of Alexander's and Philip's soldiers should be dej^rived
of the fruit of their labours, and have their bread to beg in their old
age: and have not our wives already passed three nights with our
enemies?" So saying they drove him forward.

Antigonus, fearing some bad consequences from the crowd (for
there was not a man left in his camp), sent out ten of his best ele-
phants, and a corps of spearmen, who were iMedes and Parthians, to
keep them off. He could not bear to have Eumenes brought into his
presence, because of the former friendly connexions there had been
between them : and when those who took the charge of him asked in
what manner l-.c would have him kept? He said, " So as you would
keep an elephant or a lion." Nevertheless, he soon felt some im-
pressions of pity, and ordered them to take off his heavy chains, and
allow him a servant who had been accustomed to wait upon him.
He likc;\ise permitted such of his friends as desired it to pass whole
davs with him. and to bring him necessary refreshments. Thus he
spent some considerable time in deliberating how to dispose of him,
and sometimes listened to the applications and promises of Nearchus
the Cretan, and his own son l^emetrius, who made it a point to save

• Jupiter,

SERTORIUS AND ErMEVES tO.MrVRKlJ. .SJl'

him : but uU the other ofliccrs insisted that he should be put to death,
and uiyed Antigouus to give directions for it.

One day, we are told, i^uineiu-s asked his keeper, Oiiomarchus,
** Why Antigouus, now he had i^ot his eueiiiy into his power, did not
either iuiniediately dcsj);iteh him, or j^enerously reh'ase him?" Ono-
murchus answered in a contemptuous manner, '^ That in the L>attle,
and not now, he should have been so ready to meet death." To
which Kumenes re|)lied, ** liy heaven I was so! Ask those who ven-
tured to en:^apc me, if I was not. I do not know that I met with a

better man than myself." " \\ ell," said Onoinarchus, " now you

have found a better man tliaii yourself, why do not you patiently wait
his time?"

\\ hen Antigonus hiul rt-solved u[)on his death, he gave orders that
he hhould have no kind of food. J^y this means, in two or three days
time, he began to draw near his end: and then Antigonus, being ob-
liged to decamp u[)on sonje sudden emergency, sent an executioner
to despatch him. I'he body he delivered to his friends, allowing
them to burn it honourably, and to collect the ashes into a silver urn,
in order to I heir Ijeiiig sent to his wife and children.

Tluis died l^umenes: and divine justice did not go far to seek in-
struments of vengeance against the olhcers* and soldiers who had
betrayed him. Antigonus himself, detesting the Ari^tjidsjudts as
impious and savage wretches, ordered Ibyrtius, governor of Aracho-
siaf, under whose direction he pu^ them, to take every method to
destroy them; so that none of them might return ti) Macedonia, or
set his eyes uj)on the Cirecian sea.

si:RT()Uirs AM) i:imi:m:s ct).Mi'Ai{i:u.

THESJl are the nujst remarkabh- particulars which history hai.
given us concerning Eunienes and Sertorius. And now to come to
the comparison: we observe, lirst, that though they were both
strangers, alii-ns, and exiles, they had, to the end of their days, tlie
conaiiund of many warlike nations, and great and respectable oruxies.

• Aniigrnrs, comtuandcr in cliirf of Ibr Silier ShiriHt, w»«, bj order ofAniigonui,
put into a cufiin, and luinit «!rrr. Kudainut, ('ctbaiitt*, and maoj olhvri of ibt rnvmirt
of Kuiueiivi, cxprrirncrd a Iikr fate.

t A proTinco of I'artliia, ur.ir BaclriaDS.

332 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

Sertorius, indeed, has this advantage, that Ids fellow -warriors ever
freely gave up the command to him on account of his superior merit;
whereas many disputed the post of honour with Eumenes, and it was
his actions only that obtained it for him. The oflicers of Sertorius
were aml)itious to have him at their head; but those who acted
under Eumenes never had recourse to him, till experience had
showed them their own incapacity, and the necessity of employing
another.

The one was a Roman, and commanded the Spaniards and Lusi-
tanians, wlio for many years had been subject to Rome; tiie other
was a Chersonesian, and commanded the Macedonians, who had
conquered the whole world. It should be considered, too, that Ser-
torius the more easily made his way, because he was a senator, and
had led armies before; but Eumenes, with the disre])Utation of hav-
ing been only a secretary, raised himself to the first military employ-
ments. Nor had Eumenes only fewer advantages, but greater impe-
diments also, in the road to honour. Numbers opposed him openly,
and as many formed private designs against his life; whereas no
man ever opposed Sertorius in public, and it was not till towards the
last that a few of his own party entered upon a private scheme to de-
stroy him. 'J'he dangers of Sertorius were generally over when he
had gained a victory; and the dangers of Eumenes grew out of his
very victories, among those who envied his success.

Their military performances were equal and similar, but their dis-
positions were very diffLMcnt. Eumenes loved war, and had a native
spirit of contention; Sertorius loved peace and tranquillity. The
former might have lived in great security and honour, if he would not
have stood in the way of the great; but he rather chose to tread for
ever in the uneasy paths of power, though he had to fight every step
he took : the latter would gladly have withdrawn from the tumult of
public affairs; but vvas forced to continue the war, to defend himself
against his restless persecutors. For Antigonus would have taken
pleasure in emi)loying Eumenes, if he would have given up the dis-
pute for superiority, and been content with the station next to his;
whereas Pompey would not grant Sertorius his request to live a pri-
vate citizen. Hence, the one voluntarily engaged in war, for the
sake of gaining the chief command; the other involuntarily took the
command, because he could not live in peace. Eumenes, therefore,
in his passion for the camp, preferred ambition to safety; Sertorius
was an able warrior, but employed his talents only for the safety of
his person. The one was not apprised of his impending fate; the
other expected his every moment. The one had the candid praise

AGESILAUS. 333

of coufideiice in his friends; the other incurred the censure ol webk-
ness, for he would Imvc fltd*, but could not. The death of Ser-
torius did no tlishonour to liis life; he suffered that from his fellow-
soldiers which the enemy could not have effected. Eumenes could
not avoid his chains, yet, after the indignity of chains f, he wanted
to live; so that he could neither escaj)e death, nor meet it as lie
ought to have done; but, by having recourse to mean applications
and entreaties, put his mind in the power of the man who was only
Blaster of his body.

AGESILAUS.

ARCHIBAMUS J, the son of Xcuxidamus, after having governed
the Lacedaemonians with a very respectable character, left behind
him two sons ; the one named Agis, whom he had by Lampito§, a
woman of an illustrious fannly; the other much younger, named
Agesilaus, whoni he had by Eupolia, the daughter of iVlelisipj)idas.
As the crown, by law, was to descend to Agis, Agesilaus had no-
thing to expect but a private station, and therefore had a common
Lacedaemonian education ; which, though hard in respect of diet,
and full of laborious exercises, was well calculated to teach the
youth obedience. Hence Simonides is said to have called tiiat famed
city the mun-sulnluiii}^ Sparta, because it was the principal ten-
dency of her discipline to make die citizens obedient and submissive
to the laws; and she trained her youth as the colt is trained to the
manage. The law does not lay the young princes, who are educated
for the throne, under the same necessity \\\\i Agesilaus was singular
in this, that, before he came to govern, he had learned to obey.
Hence it was that he accommodateil himself with a better grace to
liis subjects than any other of the kings ; having added to his princely
talents and inclinations a lunuaiic niaiuirr .ind popular civility.

• I'pon notice of ilic inti-iitiou of Ins ciiiniii-s to ilcslroy liim nficr tlio b.ittip, he
delibrritcd whether he should -^ive up the victory to .\iUigonui, or retire into Cup.
padocia.

t Tills dors not apiienr from Plutiirch't accuuiu of him. He onlj drsirrd Aniigonni
either to give iriiinediate onlrrs lor Im rjr. uiion, or to »how hii gcneroji'y- iii relciuinr
bini.

% ArchidaniiM II.

$ Laropito, or Lampido, woi title: to .\rcbtdiiuiu bv the falbci'i jidc. — Vid. Vl^
Aicxbiad,

334 PLl'TARCH S LIVES.

While he was yet io one of the classes or societies of boys, Ly-
sander had that hoiiourable attachiiuiit to him which the Spartans
distinguish with the name of love. He was charmed witli his inge-
nuous modesty: for though he liada spirit above his companions, an
ambition to excel, which made him unwilling to sit down without
the prize, and a vigour and inipetuosity which could not be con-
quered or borne down; yet he was equally remarkable for his gen-
tleness, where it was necessary to obey. At the same time it ap-
peared that his obedience was not owing to fear, but to a principle
of honour, and that, throughout his whole conduct, he dreaded dis-
grace more than toil.

He was lame of one leg; but that defect, during his youth, was
covered by the agreeable turn of the rest of his person ; and the easy
and cheerful manner in which he bore it, and his being the first to
lally himself upon it, always made it the less regarded. Nay, that
defect made his spirit of enterprise more remarkable ; for he never
declined, on that account, any uiulcrtaking, however diilicult or
laborious.

We have no portrait or statue of him. He wonld not suffer any
to be made while he lived, and at his death he utterly forbade it. We
are only told, that he was a little man, and that he had not a com-
manding aspect. But a perpetual vivacity and cheerfulness, attended
with a talent for raillery, which was exj)ressed without any severity
either of voice or look, made him more agreeable, even in age, than
the young and the handsome. Theophrastus tells us, the ^jJtori
fined Archidamus for marrying a little woman. '' She will bring
us," said they, " a race of pigmies, instead of kings."

During the reign of Agis, Alcibiades, upon his quitting Sicily,
came an exile to Lacedaemon. And he had not been there long be-
fore he was suspected of a criminal commerce with Timaea, the wife
of Agis. Agis would not acknowledge the child w hich she had for his,
but said it was the son of Alcibiades. Duris informs us, that the
queen was not displeased at the supposition, and that she used to
whisper to her women, the child should be called Alcibiades, not
Leotychidas. He adds, that Alcibiades himself scrupled not to say,
" He did not approach Timfea to gratify his appetite, but from an
ambition to give kings to Sparta." However, he was obliged to
fly from Sparta, lest Agis should revenge the injury. And that
prince looking upon Leotychidas with an eye of suspicion, did not
take notice of him as a son. Yet, in his last sickness, Leotychidas
prevailed upon him, by his tears and entreaties, to acknowledge him
as such before many witnesses.
Notwithstanding this public declaration, Agis was no sooner dead

AGESILAUS. 53^

1 1— ^— »

than Lysander, who had vanquished the Atheivians at sea, and had
great power and interest in Sparta, advaneed Agesilaiis to the throne;
alleging that Lcotychidas was a hasiard, and consequently had no
right to it. Indeed, the generality of the citizens, knowing the vir-
tues of Agesilaus, and that he had heen educated with them in all
the severities of the Sj^rtan discipline, joined with pleasure in the
scheme.

There was then at S|>arta a diviner, named Diopifhes, well versed in
ancient prophecies, and sujiposed an able interpreter of every thine:
relating to the go<ls. This man insisted it was contrary to the divine
will, that a lame man should sit on the throne of Sparta; and on
the day the point was to be decided, he publicly read this oracle —

Beware, proud Sparta, K•^t a luainiod empire *
Thv boasted strength impair; for other woes
Ttian thou behold'it await thee — borne awaj
Bj the struiii{ tide of war

Lysandcr observing upon this, that if the vSpartans were solicitous
to act literally accordirtg to the oracle, they ought to beware of Lco-
tychidas: for that Heaven did not consider it as a matter of impor-
tance, if the king happened to have a lame foot: the thing to be
guarded against was the admission of a person who was not a genu-
ine descendant of Hercules; for that, would make the kingdom itself
lame. Agesilaus added, that Neptune had borne witness to the bas-
tardy of Lcotychidas, in throwing Agis out of his bed l)y an earth-
quake f; ten months after which, and more, Lcotychidas was born,
tlK)Ugh Agis did not cohabit with Timjea during that time.

By these ways and means Agesilaus gained the diadem, and at the
same time was put in possession of the private estate of Agis; Lco-
tychidas being rejected on account of his illegitimacy. Observing,
however, that his relations by the mother's side, though men of merit,
were very poor, he gave a moiety of the estate among them; by
which means the inheritance procured him respect and honour, in-
stead of envy and aversit)n.

Xenophon tells us, that, by obedience to the laws of his c<nintr>,
Agesilaus gjiined so much power, that his will was not disputed.

Tlie case wiis this: The principal authority was then in the hands

of the rphori and the senate. The ephnri were annual magistrates,
and the senators hail their ofl'ice for life. They were ln»ih appointed
as a barrier against the power of the kings, as we have observed in

* The two !rgt of the Spartau cunslilutiuii were the (wo kiitc^. which ihrtrfirr mutt
l>e in a m.iinied and ruined slate, whrii one of tlirm «a« k^'^^- '" toct, the cuii«e<
•jiicnce produced iiota ju«t and good monarch, but a trrant.

t See Xeuophon, (irttmn lli»t. book iii.

336 Plutarch's lives.

the life of Lycurgus. The kings, therefore, had an old and here-
ditary antipathy to them, and perpetual disputes subsisted between
tliem. But Lysander took a dift'erent course. He gave up all thoughts
of opposition and contention, and paid his court to them on every
occasion; taking care, in all his enterprises, to set out under their
auspices. If he was called, he went faster than usual: if he was
upon his throne, administering justice, he rose up when the ephori
approached: if any one of them was admitted a member of the se-
nate, he sent him a robe and an ox*, as marks of honour. Thus,
while he seemed to be adding to the dignity and importance of their
body, he was privately increasing his own strength, and the authority
of the crown, through their support and attachment.

In his conduct with respect to the other citizens, he behaved bet-
ter as an enemy than as a friend. If he was severe to his enemies, he
was not unjustly so; his friends he countenanced even in their unjust
pursuits. If his enemies performed any thing extraordinary, he was
ashamed not to take honourable notice of it : his friends he could not
correct when they did amiss; on the contrary, it was his pleasure to
support them, and go the same lengths they did; for he thought no
service dishonourable which he did in the way of friendship. Nay,
if his adversaries fell into any misfortune, he was the first to sym-
pathize with them, and ready to give them his assistance, if they
desired it. By these means he gained the hearts of all his people.

The ephori saw this, and, in their fear of his increasing power,
imposed a fine upon him; alleging this as the reason, that whereas
the citizens ought to be in common, he appropriated them to him-
self. As the writers upon physics say, that if war and discord
were banished the universe, the heavenly bodies would stop their
course, and all generation and motion would cease, by reason of that
perfect harmony; so the great law-giver infused a spirit of aml)ition
and contention into the Spartan constitution, as an incentive to vir-
tue, and wished always to see some difference and dispute among
the good and virtuous. He thought that general complaisance,
which leads men to yield to the first proposal, without exploring
each other's intentions, and without debating on the consequences,
was an inert principle, and deserved not the name ofharmonyf.
Some imagine tiiat Homer saw this; and that he would not have
made Agamemnon rejoice if, when Ulysses and Achilles contended

■* Emblems of magistracy and patriotism.

t Upon the same principle, we need not be greatlj alarmed at party disputes in our
own nation. They will not expire but with IJbert}'. And such fernieuts sre often
necessary to throw off vicious humours.

% Odyssey, lib. viii.

AGESlLAtS. 337

In such opprobrious term*?, if he had not expected tliat some great
benefit would arise to their affairs in general from this particular
ciuarrel among the great. This pr^int, however, cannot be agreed to
without some exception ; for violent dissensions are pernicious to a
state, and productive of the greatest dangers.

Agesilaus had not been long seated on the thror.e, before accounts
were brought from Asia that the king of Persia was preparing a great
flpet to dispossess the Lacedfemonians of their dominion of the sea.
Lysander was very desirous to be sent again into Asia, that he might
support his friends whom he iiad left governors and masters of the
cities, and many of whom, having abused their authority to the pur-
poses of violence and injustice, were banished or put to de;ith by
the people. He tlierefore persuaded Agesiiaus to enter Asia with his
forces, and fix the seat of war at the greatest distance from Greece,
before the Peisian could have finished his preijarations. .At thd
same time he instructed his fiiends in Asia to send deputies to
Lacedffiuion to desire Agesilaus might be appointed to tiiat com-
mand.

Agesilaus received tlieir proposals in full assembly of the people,
and agreed to undertake the war, on condition they would give him
thirty Spartans for his officers and counsellors, a select corps of twoi
thousand newly enfranchised helnts, and six thousand of the allies.
All this was readily decreed througii the influence of Lysander, and
Agesilaus sent out with the thirty Spartans. Lysander was soon at
tlie head of the council, not only on account of his reputation and
power, but the friendship of Agesilaus, who thought the procur-
itig him this command a greater thing than the raising him to the
throne.

While his forces were assembling at GercTCstus, lie went with his
friends to .Aulis; and passing the night there, he dreamed that a per-
son addressed him in this manner: " You are sensible, that, .since
Agamemnon, none has been appointed captain-general of all Greece
but yourself, the king of Sparta; and you are the only person who
have arrived at that honour. Since, therefore, you command the
same people, and go against the same enemies with him, as well as
take your departure from the san'.e place, you oug!it to propitiate
the goddess with the same sacrifice which he otlercd here before he
sailed."

Agesilaus at first thought of the s.i;.ririce ol Ij)hi^-cnia, whom her
father oftered in obedience to the sootbsavers. This cireuinstanec,
however, did not give him any puin. In the morning he related the
vision to his friends, and told them he would honour the goddess t\ith
what a superior Being might reasonably be supposed to take pleasure

VoL.:^. No. Jl. XX

338 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

in, and not imitate the savage ignorance of his predecessor; in con-
sequence of which, he crowned a hind with flowers, and delivered
her to his own soothsayer, with orders that he should perform the
ceremony, and not the person appointed to that office by the Boeo-
tians. The first magistrates of Bceotia, incensed at this innovation,
sent their officers to insist that Agcsilaus should not sacrifice contrary
to the laws and customs of Boeotia. And the officers not only gave
him such notice, but threw the tliighs of the victim from the altar.
Agesilaus was highly offended at this treatment, and departed in
great wrath with the Thebans. Nor could he conceive any hopes
of success after such an omen; on the contrary, he concluded his
operations would be incomplete, and his expedition not answer the
intention.

When he came to Ephesus, the power and interest of Lysandcr
appeared in a very obnoxious light. The gates of that minister were
continually crowded, and all applications were made to him; as if
Agesilaus had only the name and badges of command, to save the
forms of law, and Lysandcr had in fact the power, and all business
were to pass through his hands. Indeed, none of the generals who
were sent to Asia ever had greater sway, or were more dreaded than
he; none ever served their friends more effectually, or humbled their
enemies so much. These were things fresh in every one's memory;
and when they compared also the plain, the mild, and popular be-
haviour of Agesilaus with the stern, the short, and authoritative man-
ner of Lysandcr, they submitted to the latter entirely, and attended
to him alone.

The other Spartans first expressed their resentment, because their
attention to Lysandcr made them appear rather as his ministers than
as counsellors to the king. Afterwards Agesilaus himself was piqued
at it : for though he had no envy in his nature, or jealousy of honours
paid to merit, yet he was ambitious of glory, and firm in asserting
his claim to it. Besides, he was apprehensive that if any great action
were performed, it would be imputed to Lysandcr, on account of the
superior light in which he had still been considered.

The method he took to obviate It was this : his first step was to
oppose the counsels of Lysandcr, and to pursue measures different
from those for which he was most earnest. Another step was to re-
ject the petitions of all who appeared to apply to him through the in-
terest of that minister. In matters too, which were brought before
the king In a judicial way, those against whom Lysandcr exerted him-
self were sure to gain their cause, and they for whom he appeared
could scarce escape without a fine. As these things happened not
casually, but constantly and of set purpose, Lysandcr perceived the

AGESILAUS. 339

cause, and concealed it not from his friends. He told them, it was
on his account they were disgraced, and desired tliem to pay their
court to the kini,', and to those who had greater interest with him
than himself. Tliesc proceedings seemed invidious, and intended to
depreciate the king: Agesilaus, therefore, to mortify him still more,
appointed him his carver; and we are told, he said before a large
company, " Now let them go and pay their court to my carver."

Lysander, unable to bear this last instance of contempt, said,
" Agesilaus, you know very well how to lessen your friends." Age-
silaus answered, *' I know very well who want to be greater than
myself." *' But perhaps," said Lysander, " that has rather been so
represented to you than attenijited by me. Place me, however, where
I may serve you, without giving you the least umbrage."

V\)on this, Agesilaus appointed him his lieutenant in the Helles-
pont, where he persuaded Spithrldates, a Persian, in the province of
Pharnabazus, to come over to the Greeks, with a considerable trea-
sure, and two hundred horse. Vet he retained his resentujcnt, and
nourishing the remembrance of the afTront he had received, considered
how he might deprive the two families of the privilege of giving
kings to Sparta*, and open the way to that high station to all the
citizens. And it seems that he would have raised great commotions
in pursuit of his revenge, if he had not been killed in his expedition
into Bceotia. Thus, ambitious spirits, when they go beyond certain
bounds, do much more harm than good to the community: for if Ly-
sander was to blame, as in fact he was, in indulging an unreasonable
avidity of honour, Agesihuis might have known other methods to
correct the fault of a man of his character and spirit. But, under
the influence of the same passion, the one knew not how to pay pro-
per respect to his general, nor the other how to bear the imperfec-
tions of his friend.

At first Tissapheriies was afraid of Agesilaus, and undeitook by
treaty that the king would leave the Grecian cities to be governed
by their own l;iws ; but afterwards, thinking his strength sulliciently
increased, he declared war. 'i'his was an event very agreeable to
Agesilaus: he hoped great things from this expedition f. »nd he
considered it as a circumstance which would reflect dishonour ujion
himself, that Xenophon could eoiuluct tea thousand Cireeks Iroui the
heart of Asia to the sea, and beat the king of Persia whenever his
forces thought proper to engage him; if he, at the head of the La-

• The Eurylioniclw und the Agniw.

t lie told the I'trsun aiubassa.lof!., " lli- wa» much obliged to their master tor ihc
•tep he had taken, jiiicc, b^' tlic viuUtiuu ut bis o«lh, be hud luadc the godi cQCmics t*
Pcn>i«, and frieDd!> to tlrtcce."'

340 Plutarch's lives.

cedaemonians, who were masters both at sea and land, could not
distiiiguisli himself before the Greeks by some great and memorable
stroke.

To revenge, therefore, the perjury of Tissaphernes by an artilice
which justice recommended, he pretended immediately to march into
Caria; and when the barbaiian had drawn his forces to that quarter,
he turned short, and entered Phrygia. There he took many cities,
and made himself master of immense treasures; by which he showed
his friends that to violate a treaty is to despise the gods; whilst to
deceive an enemy is not only just but glorious, and the way to add
profit to pleasure. But as he was inferior in cavalry, and the liver of
the victim appeared without a head, he retired to Ejihesus to raise
that sort of troops which lie wanted. The method he took was, to
insist that e\ ery man of substance, if he did not choose to serve in
person, should provide a horse and a man. Many accepted the al-
ternative; and, instead of a parcel of indifferent combatants, such as
the rich would have made, he soon got a numerous and respectable
cavalry: for those who did not choose to serve at all, or not to serve
as horse, hired others who wanted neither courage nor inclination.
In this he professedly imitated Agamemnon, who, for a good mare,
excused a dastardly rich man the service*.

One day he ordered his commissaries to sell the prisoners, but to
strip them first. Their clothes found many purchasers; but as to
the prisoners themselves, their skins being soft and white, by reason
pi their having lived so much within doors, the spectators only laugh-
ed at them, thinking they would be of no service as slaves. Where-
upon Agesilaus, who stood by at the auction, said to his troops,
'^ These are the persons whom ye fight with;" and then pointing to
the rich spoils, " Those are the things ye fight for."

When the season called him into the field again, he gave it out
that Lydia was his object. In this he did not deceive Tissaphernes;
that general deceived himself: for, giving no heed to the declara-
tions of Agesilaus, because he had been imposed upon by^ them be-
fore, he concluded he would now enter Caria, a country not conve-
nient for cavalry, in which his strength did not lie. Agesilaus, as he

* Then Mcnclaiis his Podargus brings.

And the I'ani'd courser of the ting of kings ;

Whom rich Ecliepolus (more rich than bravc_)

To 'scape tlic wars, to Agaiuemnon gave,

(Allhe her name) at home to end his days.

Base wealth preferring to eternal praise. — Pope, 11. xxiij.
Thus Scipio, when he went to Africa, ordered the Sicilians either to attend him^i or la
give hira horses or men.

ACESILAUS. 341

Itad proposed, went and sat down oti the plains of Suidis, and Tissa*
pherncs was forced lo march tlutlu-r in great haste with succours.
The Persian, as he advanced with his cavahy, cut oft' a number of
the (irecks, who were scattered up and down for plunder. Aj^esi-
laus, however, c(»nsidorcil that the enemy's infantry could not yet be
come up, whereas he had all his forces about him; and therefore re-
solved to give battle immediately. Pursuant to this resolution, he
mixed his light-armed foot with the horse, and ordered them to ad-
vance swiftly to the t iianre, while he was bringing up the lieavy-
armed trooj)s, which would not be far behind. The barbarians were
soon put to flii^ht ; the Greeks pursued them to their canip, and killed
great numbirs.

In consequence of this success, they could pillage the king's
country in full security, and had all the satisfaction to see Tissapher-
nes, a man of aijaiidoned character, and one of the greatest enemies
to their name and nation, proj)irly punished: for the king immedi-
ately sent Tithr.iustes against him, who cut oft" his head. At the
same time he desired Agesilaus to grant him peace, promising him
large sums *, on condition that he would evacuate his dominions.
Agesilaus answered " His country was the sole arbitress of peace:
for his own |<aii, he rather chose to enrich his soldiers than himself;
and the great honour among the Creeks was to carry home s|x>ils,
and not presents, from their enenjies." Nevertheless, to gratify
Tithraustes for destroying Tissaphernes, the common enemy of the
Greeks, he decamjied and retired into Phrygia, taking thirty talents
of that viceroy to defray the cliaiges of his march.

As he was upon the road, he received the sn/talt from the magis-
trates of LacedaMnon, which invested him with the eonnnand of the
navy as well as army; an hcMiour which that city never granted to

any one but hiniself He was, indeed, (as Theopompus sonn-whcrc

says), confessedly the greatest and most illustrious man of his time;
yet he placed his dignity rather in his virtue than his power. Not-
withstanding, there was this flaw in his character; when he had the
conduct of the navy given him, he committed that charge to Pisander,
when there were other ofliccrs of greater age and abilities at hand.
Pisander was his wife's brctther, and, in comj)liment to her, he re-
spected that alliance more than the public good.

He took up his own quarters in the province of Pharnabazus,
where he not only lived in plenty, but raised considerable subsidies.

• He promiscfi nlvi ut restore the (Jrcnk ciliis in A»i» lo tlicir libcrljf, on cunditioa
that thej paid tlic cMnbluhfd trilule; and he hoped (he said) ihHl this condcKcn.
lioo would persuade AgesiUui to accept the peace, and lo return bomr ; the rather be-
C*u«e Tisjaphcrnci; who wa« guihv of the iint brcnch, was puDiihcd u he dcKrvcd.

342 Plutarch's ltvks.

From thence he proceeded to Paphlagonia, and drew Cotys, the king
of that country, into his interest, who had been some time desirous
of such a connexion, on account of the virtue and honour which
marked his character. Spithridatcs, who was the first person of con-
sequence that came over from Pharnabazus, accompanied Agesilaus
in all liis expeditions, and took a share in all his dangers. This
Spithridatcs had a son, a handsome youth, for whom Agesilaus had
a particular regard, and a beautiful daughter in the flower of her age,
whom he married to Cotys. Cotys gave him a thousand horse, and
two thousand men, draughted from his light-armed troops, and with
these he returned to Phrygia.

Agesilaus committed great ravages in that province; but Phar-
nabazus did not wait to oppose him, or trust his own garrisons. In-
stead of that, he took his most valuable things with him, and moved
from place to place, to avoid a battle. Spitiiridates, however, watch-
ed liim so narrowly, that, witli the assistance of Herippidas* the
Spartan, at last he made himself master of his camp and all his trea-
sures. Herippidas made it iiis business to examine what part of the
baggage was secreted, and compelled the barbarians to restore it; he

looked, indeed, with a keen eye into every thing This provoked

Spithridatcs to such a degree, that he immediately marcl'.cd off with
the Paphlagonians to Sardis.

There was nothing in the whole war that touched Agesilaus more
nearly than this. Besides the pain it gave him to think he had lost
Spithridatcs, and a considerable body of men with him, he was
ashamed of a mark of avarice and illiberal meanness, from which he
had ever studied to keep both himself and his country. These were
causes of uneasiness that might be publicly acknowledged; but he
had a private and more sensible one, in his attachment to the son of
Spithridatcs; though, while he was with him, he had made it a point
to combat that attachment.

One day Mcgul.>ates approached to salute him, and Agesilaus de-
clined tliat mark of his affection. The youth, after this, was more
distant in his addresses. Then Agesilaus was sorry for the repulse
he had given him, and pretended to wonder why Megabates kept at
such a distance. His friends told him, he must blame himself for
rejecting his former application. " He would still," said they, " be
glad to pay his most obliging respects to you, but take care you do not
reject thern again." Agesilaus was silent some time; and when he
had considered the thing, he said, ** Do not mention it to him: for
this second victory over myself gives me more pleasure than 1 should

• Herippidas was at the head of the new council of thirty sent to Agesilaus the se-
cond year of the war.

AGESILAUS. 343

have in turning all I look upon to gold." This resolution of his held
while Megabates was with him; hot he was so much allLCted at his
departure, that it is liaid to say how he would have behaved, if he had
found him again.

After this, Pharnaha/us desired a ct>nfcreMce with htui; and A(>ol-
lophanes of Cyzicus, at whose house tliey Jiad been both entertained^
procured an interview. Agesilaus came Brst to the place ap|)ointed
with his friends, and sat down ujxjn the long grass, under a sliadc, to
wait for Pharnaba/us. \\ hen the Persian grandee came, his servants
spread soft skins and beautiful pieces of tapestry for him; but, upon
seeing Agesilaus so seated, he was ashamed to make use of them, and
placed himself carelessly upon the grass in the same manner, though
Lis robes were delicate, and of the lincst colours.

After mutual salutations, Pharnabazus opened the conference;
and he liad just cause of comj)laint against the Lacedtemonians, after
the services he had done them in the Athenian war, and their late
ravages in his country. Agesilaus saw the Spartans were at a loss
for an answer, and kept their eyes fixed upon the ground; for
they knew that Pharnabazus was injured. However, the Spartan
general found an answer, wliich was as follows: " While we were
friends to the king of Persia, we treated him and his in a friendly
manner: now we are enemies, you can expect nothing from us but
hostilities. Tlierefore, while you, Pliarnal)a/us, choose to be a vassal

to the king, we wound him through your sides Only be a friend

and ally to the Greeks, and shake off that vassalage, and from tluit
moment you have a right to consider these battalions, these arms and
ships, in siiort, all that we arc or have, as guardians of your posses-
sions and your liberty, without which nothing is great or desirable,
among men*."

Pharnabazus then explained himself in these terms: " It the king
sends another lieutenant in my room, I will hi' for you; but wliile he
continues me in the govcrinnent, 1 will, to the best of mv power, re-
pel force with force, and make reprisals upon you for him."_.\gcsi-
laus, charmed with this reply, took his hand, and, rising up witli him,
said, " Heaven grant that with such sentiments as these you may he
our friend, and not our enemy I"

As Pharnabazus and his company were going away, his son, who
was behind, ran up to Agesilaus, and said, with a su)ile, ** Sir, 1 en-
ter with you into the rites of hospitality:" at the same time he gave
him a javelin which he had in his hand. Agesilaus received it; and,

* He addrd, " Howrvfr. if we ronlinuc nt w»r, I will, for llic futurr, troid rour
territoriet u much u puuiblr, and lallicr fonijc and r»i»e coulnbutiunt la to; lAhti
province." — Xen. Gitc. U'or, b. iv.

344 pia'Tarch's lives.

delighted with his looks and kind re^^rds, looked about for something
handsome to give n youth of his princely appearance in return. His
secretary Adaeus happening to have a horse with magnificent furni-
ture just by, he ordered it to be taken oft' and given to the young
man. Nor did he forget him afterwards. In ])rocess of time this
Persian was driven from his home by liis brothers, and forced to take
refuge in Peloponnesus. Agesilaus then took him into his protec-
tion, and served him on all occasions. The Persian had a favourite
in the wrestling-ring at Athens, who wanted to be introduced at
the Olympic g-ames; but, as he was past the proper age, they did not
choose to admit him*. In ibis case ihe Persian applied to Agesi-
laus, who, willing to oblige him in this as well as other things, pro-
cured the young man the admission he desired, though not without
much difficulty.

Agesilaus, indeed, in other respects was strictly and inflexibly-
just; but, where a man's friends were concerned, he thought a rigid
regard to justice a mere pretence. There is still extant a short
letter of his to Hydrieus the Carian, which is a proof of what we
have said. " If Nicias be innocent, acquit him: if he is not in-
nocent, acquit him on my account: however, be sure to acquit
him."

Such was the general character of Agesilaus as a friend. There
were, indeed, times when his attachments gave way to the exigencies
of the state. Once being obliged to decamp in a hurry, he was leav-
ing a favourite sick behind him. The favourite called after him, and
earnestly entreated him to come back ; upon which he turned and
said, " How little consistent are love and prudence!" This particu-
lar wc have from Hieronymus the philosopher.

Agesilaus had been now two years at the head of the army, and
was become the general subject of discourse in the upper provinces.
His wisdom, his disinterestedness, his moderation, was the theme
they dwelt upon with pleasure. Whenever he made an excursion,
he lodged in the temples most renowned for sanctity; and whereas,
on many occasions, we do not choose that men should see what we
are about, he was desirous to have the gods inspectors and witnesses
of his conduct. Among so many thousands of soldiers as he had,
there was scarce one who had a worse or a harder bed than he. He
was so fortified against heat and cold, that none was so well prepared
as himself for whatever seasons the climate should produce.

The Greeks in Asia never saw a more agreeable spectacle, than
when the Persian governors and generals, who had been insufferably ,

* Sometimes boys had a share in these exhibitions, who, after a certain age, were ex-
cluded the lists.

AGESILAUS. ■] r5

elated with power, antl had rolled in riches and luxury, humbly sub-
mittiiii; and payiiit^ their court to a man in a coarse cluak, and, Ufxju
one laconic word, conforinin^ to his secitimcnts, or rather transform-
ing themselves into another shape. Many thought that line of Ti-
motheus applicuhle on this occa>ion

Mxns b llic KoJ; iiud Grrrci- revi-rrj not oold.

All Asia was now ready to revolt from tlic Persians. Agcsilaus
brought the cities under excellent regulations, and settled their po-
lice, without putting lo death or huiishing a single sul»jcct. After
which he resolved to change the seat of war, and to remove it from
the Grecian .sea to the heart of Persia, that Hie king might have
to fight for Ecbatana and Susa, instead of sitting at his e:is«' there to
bribe the orators, and hire the states of Greece to destroy each othtr.
But, amidst these sciiemcs of his, Kpicy lida': the Spaitan came to
acquaint him that Sparta was involved in a Grecian war, and
that the ephori had sent him orders to come home and defend his
own country.

Uiibappy CrecL'i! batbarims lo cncli other!
VMiat better name can we give that envy which incited them to con-
spire and combine for their mutual destruction, at a time when For-
tune had taken them upon her wings, and was earrying them against
the barbarians! and yet they clipped her winrs with their own hands,
and brought the war home to themselves, whieli was Iiappilv removed
into a foreign country*". I cannc t, indeed, agree with Demaratus of
Corinth, when he says, tliose Greeks fell short of great happiness who

did not live to see Alexander seated on the throne of Darius But

] think the Greeks had just cause for tears, when they considered
that they left that to Alexander and the Macedonians whiih might
have been affected by the generals whom they slew in the fields of
Lcuctra, Coronea, Corinth, and Arcadia.

However, of all the actions of Agesilaus, there is none which had
greater proj)riety, or was a stronger instance of his obedience to the
laws and justice to tlie pnblie, than his inmieiliate return to Sparta.
Hannibal, though his afl'airs were in a desperate condition, and he
was almost beaten out of Italy, made a difTuulty of obeving the sum-
mons of his countrymen to go and defend them in u war at home.

• Tli«l corruption which brought the ititrs of Greece to ttkr Penitn goM undoubt-
edly dc»ervct ceniurr. Yet we mu»t tnkr Irnve Xn ub«ervr. that the divi«tuii« and jra-
lousie* wliich reigned in Greece »rrc the tupport of its iibertirs. iiud thai FcfM* wu
not conquered, till nothing but the thaduw of those libcriir* remmned. Were ihcr^
indeed, ■ nmuber of little ind< pM-.'Icii: &taic« whicb made junicr the coattant ruie
of their conduct tu each other, and which would be alwavti rrad^ tu unite apoo aav
ftlirin fruiu a formidable enemy, they migbt preserve tlietx libcrlica iavioiaic fur aver.

Vol. 2. No. 22. yt

346 Plutarch's lives.

And Alexander made a jest of the information he received, that Agis
had fought a battle with Antipater: he said, " It seems, my friends,
that, while we are conquering Darius here, there was a combat of
mice in Arcadia." How happy then was Sparta in the respect which
Agcsilaus paid her, and in his reverence for the laws ! No sooner was
the scytale brought him, though in the midst of his power and good
fortune, than he resigned and abandoned iiis flourishing prospects,
sailed home, and left his great work unfinislied. Such was the re-
gret his friends as well as allies had for the loss of him, that it was a
strong confutation of the saying of Demostraius the Phseacian,
** That the LacedaMnoniuns excelled in public, and the Athenians in
private characters:" for though he had great merit as a king and as a
general, yet still he was a more desirable friend, and an agreeable
companion.

As the Persian money had the impression of an archer, he said,
*^ He was driven out of Asia by ten thousand of the king's archers*:"
for the orators of Athens and Tliebcs, having been bribed with so
many pieces of money, had excited their countrymen to take up arms
against Sparta.

When he had crossed the Hellespont, he marched through Thrace
without asking leave of any of the barbarians. He only desired to
know of each people, " Whether they would let him pass as a friend
or as an enemy?" All the rest received him with tokens of friend-
ship, and showed him all the civilities in their power on his wayj
but the Trallians, of whom Xerxes is said to have bought a passage,
demanded of Agesilaus a hundred talents of silver, and as many wo-
men. He answered the messenger ironically, " Why did not they
then come to receive them?" At the same time he marched for-
ward, and finding them drawn up to oppose him, he gave them bat-
tle, and routed them with great slaughter.

He sent some of his people to put the same question to the king
of Macedon, who answered, " I will consider of it." " Let him
consider," said he, " in the mean time we march." The king, sur-
prised and awed by his spirit, desired him to pass as a friend.

The Thessalians were confederates with the enemies of Sparta,
and therefore he laid waste their territories. To the city of Larissa,
indeed, lie offered his friendsliip by his ambassadors, Xcnocles and
Scytha; but the people seized them and put them in prison. His
troops so resented this aflront, that they would have had him go and
lay siege to the place. Agesilaus, however, was of another mind.

• Titliraustes sent Tinjocratcs of Rhodes into Greece witli fifty talents, which he <lis-
tiiboted at Thebes, Argos, and Corinth; but, according to Xenophon. Alliens had u«
c'lare in that distribution-

AGESILAUS. 347

He said, " He would not lose out' of his ambassadors for gaining all
Thessaly;" and he afterwards found means to recover tliem by treaty.
Nor are we to wonder tliat Agi^ilaus took this step, since, upon news
being brought him that a great battle had been fought near Corinth,
in which many brave men were suddenly tal<en olY, but that the loss
of the Spariaiis was small in comparison to that of the enen»y, he was
not elevated in the least: on tiic itmtrary, he said, with a deep sigh,
*' I nliappy Greece! why hast thou destroyed so many brave men,
with thy own hands, who, jiad they lived, might have conquered all
the barbarians in the world!"

However, as the IMiarsalians attacked and harassed him in his
march, he engaged them with live hundred horse, and put thcin to
flight, lie was so much pleased with this success, tliat he erected a
trophy under Mount Narthacium; and he valued himself the n)(<re
upon it, because, with so small a number of his own training, he had
beaten people who reckoned theirs the best cavalry in Greece. Here
Piphridas, one of the ep/iori, met liim, and gave him orders to enter
J3ceotia immediately. And though his intention was to do it after-
wards, when he h^d sirengihtned his army with some reinforcements,
he thought it was not right to disobey the njagistrates. He there-
fore said to those abimt him, " Now comes the day for which
we were called out of Asia." At the same time he sent for two co-
horts from the army near Corinth. And the Laccdfemonians did him
tlie honctur to cause proclamation to be made at honjc, that such of
the youth as were inclined to go and assist the king might give in
their names. All the young men in Sparta presented themselves for
that service; but the ujagistriitcs selected only fifty of the ablest, and
s<int them.

Agcsilaiks, having passed tlic straits of Thcrmopylie, and traversed
Phocis, which was in friendship with the Spartans, enteied liutotia,
and encam|tcd upon the phiins of ChaMonca. He had scarce in-
trenched himself, when there happened an eclipse of the sun*. At
the same tinte he received an account that I'isaudei: was defeated at
sea and killed by Fharnabazus and Conon, He was much afflicted
with his own 1o;js, as well as that of the public: yet, lest his army,
which was going to give battle, should be discouraged at the news,
he ordered his messengers to give out thiit I'i^ander was victorious.
Nay, he appeared in public with a cli;ij)let of llowers, returned so-
lemn thanks tor the pretended success, and sent portions of the sacri-
fice to his friends.

• Tliis eclipse linppciicd on tlie twcntT-nljill) of Augnst, in the lliird jmr of th«
B4)et>-sislL Ol^vnipiad, three huudrcd aud umet^-tMu ^eaii befoif tb« CbdiUaa er«.

348 Plutarch's lives.

VVlieii he came up to Coronca*, and was in view of the enemy, he
drew up his army. The left wing he gave to the Orchomenians, and
took the right himself. The Thebans also, putting themselves in or-
der of bcittle, placed themselves on the right, and the Argives on the
left. X«.iiopl»<m says, that this was the most furious battle in his
time; and he certainly was able to judge, for Ik- fought in it for Ag^-
silaus, with whom he returned frou) Asia.

The first charge was neither violent nor lasting: the Thebans soon
routed the Onhomcnians, and Agcsilaus the Argives. But when
both parties were iuforuicd that their left wings were bioken and
ready for flight, both hastened to their relief. At this instant Age-
silaus might have secured to himself the victor) without any risk, if
he would have sufleied the Tiicl)ans to pass, and then have charged
them in the rear f; but, borne along by his fury, and an anxbition
to display his valour, he attacked them in front, in the confidence
of beating them upon equal terms. They received him, however,
with equal vivacity, and great eftorts were exerted in all quarters,
especially where Agesilaus and his fifty Spartans were engaged. It
was a happy circumstance that he had those volunteers, and they
could not have come more seasonably: for they fought with the
most determined valour, and exposed their persons to. the greatest
dangers in his defence ; yet they could not prevent his being wounded.
He was pierced through his armour in many places with spears and
swords; and though they formed a ring about iiim, it was with diffi-
culty they brought him off alive, after having killed numbers of the
enemy, and left not a few of their own body dead upon the spot At
last, finding it impracticable to break the Theban front, they were
obliged to have recourse to a manoouvre which at first they scorned:
they opened their ranks, and let the Thebans pass; after whicii, ob-
serving that they marched in a disorderly manner, they made up
again, and took them in flank and rear. They could not, however,
break them. The Thebans retreated to Helicon, valuing themselves
much upon the battle, because their part of the army was a fuU
match for the Lacedgemonians.

Agesila-us, though he was much weakened by his wounds, would
not retire to his lent till he had been carried through all his bat-
talions, and had seen the dead borne off upon their arms. Mean-
time he was informed that a party of the enemy had taken refuge in

In tl e printrd text it is Corouea, nor liave wc any various reading. But un-
doubtedly C/nfronfii, upon tlie Ccphisus, was the place where the battle was fought ;
and we must not confound it with the battle of Coronea in ThesSdly, I'ouglil fifiythree
years before.

t Xcnoplion gives another turn to the roatterj for with him Agesilaus was nevfr
wrong.

\i.K«Jii.Ar«. .'M9

the tem|)lc of the Itonian Minerva, and he gave orders that they
should be dismissed in satVty. Before this temple stixxl a tropliy,
which the Bo'otians had formerly tiectt-d, when, under ilic conduct
of Sparton, they had defeated the Athenians, a.id killed their i^eneral
Tolmides*.

Earlv ne.vt niorninLT, Ai,'('^ilaus, willini; to try wiietiier tiie The-
bans would renew the coinhaf, coniniandcd his men to wear j^arlands,
and the music to play, while Ik- reared and adorned a tronhy in
token of victory. At the same time the enemy aj)piied to him for
leave to carry otf their dead; which circumstance eonlirmed the vic-
tory to him. He therefore granted them a truce f«)r that purpose,
and then caused himself to he carried to Deljjhi, where they were
celehratinfr the Pythian ijames. There he ordered a solemn proces-
sion in honour of the ijod, and consecrated to hint thi' tei th of the
spoils he had taken in Asia. The offering amounted to a hundred
talents.

Upon his return to Sparta, he was greatly l>eloved by the citizens,
who admired the peculiar temperance of his life: for he did not, like
other generals, come changed from a foreign country, nor, in fond-
ness tor the fashions he had seen there, disdain tho^e of his own; on
the contrary, he showed as much attachment to the Spartan customs,
as those who had never passed the Eurotas. He cbanued not his
repasts, his baths, the equipage of his wife, the ornantcnts ot his
armour, or the furniture of his house. He ever let his doors remain,
which were so old that they seemed to be those set up by Aristode-
jnusf, Xenophon also assures us, that his daughter's carriage was
not in the least richer than those of other young ladies. These car-
riages, called ranf/irn, and n»ade use ot by the virgins in i.irir
solcnin proeessions, were a kind of wooden ebais^'s, made iii tiic
form of grilTms, or goat-stags J. Xeno|)hon has not given us the
name of this daughter of .Agesilaus: anil Dieu>arehus is tre.'iiV itis-
satisfieti that neither her name is preserved, nor that of the nioiner
of Kpaminondas. Hut we find, by souie LacedjeuKmlan iuM ripii.Mis,
that the wife of Agesilaus was called (leora, and his daugUiers . poha
and l*rolyta§. We see also at Lacediemon the spear he fougni with,
which difl'ers not from others.

* III tlio l)i«nlc ol" Coroiici.

t Arliludciiius, ilif ton ul llrrculri, ihhI fiiuiKiri of llic ro^'iil fmnily of Sparta,
flouriihrd eleven liuiiHred yeait briurc llie I'luitliaii era: hj that llic ^atet oi Ageai*
laui's palace, if .let up l>y Anitodcmus, lu«l then stood Kveii liuiidrci 4ii«J <^ielitj
jear*.

{ In the original tragtUtfihon. Crrvoruin e>l »prcici tr>ige!.i[)huj, barb* (AQtum, et
arniuruiu villw ditdins. — I'ltn.

$ Eupolia and Froauga. — C^. lutcob.

350 rM'TARCIl's LIVES.

As lie observed that many of the citizens valued themselves upon
breeding horses for the Olympic j^^ames, he persuaded his sister
Cynisca to make an attempt that way, and to try her fortune in the
chariot-race in person. This he did to show the Greeks that a vic-
tor)' of that kind did not depend upon any extraordinary spirit or
abilities, hut only upon riches and expense.

Xcnophon, so famed for wisdom, spent much of his time with
him, and he treated him with great respect. He also desired him to
send for his sons, that they might have the benefit of a Spartan edu-
cation, by which they would gain the best knowledge in the world,
the knowing how to command, and how to obey.

After the death of Lysander, he found out a conspiracy which that
general had formed against him immediately after his return from
Asia. And he was inclined to show the j)ublic what kind of n)au
Lysander really was, by exposing an oration found among his papers,
which had been composed for him by Cleon of Halicarnassus, and was
to have been delivered by him to the people, in order to facilitate the
inaovations he was meditating in the coastitution. But one of the
senators having the perusal of it, and fiiidingit a very plausible com-
positioa, advised lum " not to dig Lysander out of his grave, but
rather to bury the oration with hira." The advice appeared reason-
aJ)lc, and he suppressed the paper.

As for the persons who opposed his measures most, he made no
open rcpiisals upon them; but he found means to emi)l<'y them as
generals or governors. \V hen invested with power, they soon showed
▼/hat unworthy and avaricious men they were, and in consoqucucc
vrcie called to account for their proceedings. Then he used to assist
them in their distress, and laboured to get them acquitted; by which
he made them friends and partisans instead of adversaries; so that
at last he had no opposition to contend with : for his royal colleague
Agcsipolis*, being the: son of an exile, verj' young, and of a mild and
modest disposition, interfered not much in the affairs of government,
Agesilaus contrived to make him yet mure tractable. The two kings,
when they were in Sparta, ate at the same tabic. Agesilaus knew
that Agesipolis was open to the impressions of love as well as him-
self, and tlicrcfore constantly turned the conversation upon some
amiable young person. He even assisted him in his views that way,
and brought him at last to fis. upou the same favourite with himself:
for at Sparta there is nothing criminal in these attachments; on the
contrarv (as we have observed in the life of Lycurgus), such love is
productive of the greatest modesty and honour, and its characteristic
is an ambition to improve the object in virtue.

* Agcsipolu was tl.c sod of Tausaaia;.

Agcsilaus, thus powerful in Sparta, had the address to pet Tt-
IfUtias, his brother by the mother's siJc, appointed addiiral ; after
which he niarchcd aq'ainst COrinth* with his land-forces, and took
the lon^ walls, Teleutias assistitig his operations by sea. The Ar-
rives, who were then in possession of Clorinth, were celebrating tKe
Isthmian pamcs; -and Atresilaus, comini^ uj)on thcni as they were
cucat^cd in the saciifice, drove then) awav, and seized upon all that
they had prepared for the festival. The Corinthian exiles who at-
tended him desired liim to undertake the exhibition, as presidetJt ;
but not choosing that, he ordi-red them to proceed wiih the solemnity,
and staid to guard them. J^ut when he was gone, the .Argives cele-
brated the games over again; and some who had gained the prize
before had the same good fortune a hcc*»nd time; others, who were
victorious then, were now in the list of the vanquished. Lvsander
took the opportunity to remark how great the cowardice of the Ar-
gives must be, who, wliile they reckoned the presidency at those
games so honourable a privilege, did not dare to risk a battle for it.
He was, indeed, of opinion, that a moderate regard for this sort of
diversion was best, and applied himself to eml-elllsh the choirs and
public exercises of his own country. \\ hen he was at Sparta, he
honoured them with his presence, and supported them with great
zeal and spirit, never missing any of the exercises of the young n>en
or the virgins. As for other entcrtainmerjt.s, so much admired by
the world, he seemed not even to know them.

One day Calli{>cdcs, who had acquired great reputation among the
Greeks as a tragedian, and was universally caressed, approached
and paid his respects to him; after which he mixed with a jHMn|K)UN
air in his train, ex|K*cting he would take some honourable notice of
him; at last he said, *' Do not you know nn", Sir?" The king,
casting his eyes upon him, answered slightly, ".Are you not Culli-
pedes the .stage-player r" .Another time, being asked logo and
hear a man who mimicked the nightingale to great perfection, he
refused, and said, " I have heard the nightingale herself. "

Mcnccrates the physician, having sueceeiled in some desperate
cases, got the stuname of Jupiter; and he was so vain of the appelia-
tion, that he made use of it in a letter to the king: ** Mcnccrates
Jupiter to king Agrsilaufi, health." ills answer briMu thus: " Kii r
Agesilaus to Mcnccrates, his senses."

* There «rr« two ci))etlinon* of A|;rt<iatt» •(«iiut C<irinlb. riuiar' i
•oofoaiidt ihenii whricai .\«nopliun. iii lti« fuwrth booL, h«» di»lini;ui*lied Ihtni ««rj
cIcarlT. Tite cntrrpiiic in wliicb Trlrulmi aMuted did not <urcr'cd ; for l{>liicr»irt,
it>e Alhcniao general, krpt Coiintli and ilt lerriiorirt >rv3t irchnj^ ih« ctircti of A(t*
•ilaut'i rcMQtraent.

352 I'LUtarch's lives.

Willie he was in the territories of Corinth, he took the temple of
Juno; and as he stood looking upon the soldiers who were carrying
off the prisotiers and the spoils, ambassadors came from Thebes with
proposals of peace. He had ever hated the city, and now thinking
it necessary to express his contempt for it, he pretended not to see
the ambassadors, nor to hear their address, thougli they were before
him. Heaven, however, revenged the affront. Before they were
gone, news was brought him that a battalion of Spartans was cut in
pieces by Iphicrates. This was one of the greatest losses his coun-
try had sustained for a long time : and besides being deprived of a
number of brave men, there was this farther mortification, that their
lieavy-armed soldiers were beaten by the light-armed, and Lacedse-
monians by mercenaries.

Agesilaus immediately marched to their assistance, but finding it
too late, he returned to the temple of Juno, and acquainted the Boe-
otian ambassadors that he was ready to give them audience. Glad of
the opportunity to return the insult, they came, but made no mention
of the peace; they only desired a safe conduct to Corinth. Agesi-
laus, provoked at the demand, answered, " If you are desirous to see
your friends in the elevation of success, to-morrow you shall do it
with all the security you can desire." Accordingly the next day he
laid waste the territories of Corinth, and taking them with him, ad-
vanced to the'very walls. Thus having shown the ambassadors that
the Corinthians did not dare to oppose him, he dismissed them.
Then he collected such of his countrymen as had escaped in the late
action, and marched to Lacedaemon, taking care every day to move
before it was light, and to encamp after it was dark, to prevent the
insults of the Arcadians, to whose aversion and envy he was no
stranger.

After this, to gratify the Achaeans *, he led his forces, along with
theirs, into Acarnania, where he made an immense booty, and de-
feated the Acarnanlans in a pitched battle. The Achaeans desired
him to stay till winter, in order to prevent the enemy from sowing
their lands; but he said, " the step he should take would be the very
reverse; for they would be more afraid of war when they had their
fields covered with corn." The event justified his opinion : next year,
as soon as an army appeared on their borders, they made peace with
the Achaeans.

When Conon and Pharnabazus, with the Persian fleet, had made

• The Achaeans were in possession of Calydon, which befose had belonged to the
^tolians. The Acarnanians, now assisted by the Athenians and Boeotians, attempted
to make themselves matters of it; but the AchaBans applied to the Lacedaomonians for
succours, wlio employed Agesilaus in that business. — Xen. Crec. Hist, book iv.

AGESILAUS. 353

themselves masters of the sea, they ravaged the coasts of Laconia;
and the walls of Athens were rehuilt with the money whieh Pharna-
bazus supplied. The Jjaced.x'moni.ius then thought proper to con-
clude a peace with the Persians, and sent Antalcidas to make their
proposals to Tiribazus. Antalcidas on this occasion acted an infa-
mous part to the Greeks in Asia, and delivered up those cities to the
king of Persia for whose liberty Agesilaus had fought. No part of
the dishonour, indeed, fell upon Agesilaus. Antalcidas was his ene-
my, and he hastened tiie peace by all the means he could devise, be-
cause he knew the war contrilnited to the reputation and [)ower of
the man he hated. Nevertheless, when Agesilaus was told " the La-
cedaemonians were turning Medes," lie said, " No, the Medes are
turning Lacedaemonians." And as some of the Greeks were unwil-
ling to be comprehended in the treaty, he forced them to accept the
king's terms, by threatening them with war*.

His view in this was to weaken the Thebans; for it was one of the
conditions, that the cities of Boeotia should be free and independent.
The subsequent events made the matter very clear. When Plioebi-
das, in the most unjustifiable manner, had seized the citadel of Lad-
mea in time of full peace, the Greeks in general expressed their in-
dignation ; and many of the Spartans did the same, particularly those
who were at variance with Agesilaus. These asked him in an angry
tone, " By whose orders Phci'bidas had done so unjust a thing?"
hoping to bring the blame upon him. He scrupled not to say, in
behalf of Pluxil)idas, " You should examine the tendency of the ac-
tion; consider whether it is advantageous to Sparta. If its nature
is such, it was glorious to do it without any orders." Yet in his
discourse he was always magnifying justice, and giviiig her the first
rank among the virtues. " Unsupported by justice," said he, " va-
lour, is good for nothingf; and, if all men were just, there would
be no need of valour." If any oiif, in the course of conversation,
happened to say, " Such is the pleasure of the great king;" lie
would answer, " How is he greater than I, if he is not more just?"
Which implies a maxim indisputably right, that justice is the royal

• Tiic king of J'ersia's tcrois were, lliat the Grcik cilics in Asia, willi the islunds of
Clazoinenac and Cyprus, should remain to him; tiuil all the other states, small and great»
should be left free, excepting ou\y Lenjios, linbros, and Scyros, whiirli having been
from time immemorial subject to the Athenians, siiould remain so; and that such at re-
fused to embrace the peace should be compelled to admit it by lorce of arms. — Xcn.
^Etlati. lib. V. 'I'his peace of Antalcidas was made in the year betbre Christ 339.

t This is not the only instance in which we find it was a (naxuu among the Laceda-
monians, that a man ought to be strictly just in his private capacity, but that he may
take what latitude he pleases in a public iii,e, provided his country is a gainer by it.

Vol. 2. No, 22. zz

S54 riAJTARCH's LIVES.

instrument bj' which we are to take the different proportions of hu-
man excellence.

After the peace was concluded, the king of Persia sent him a let-
ter, the purport of which was to propose a private friendship, and the
rights of hospitality between them; but he declined it. He said,
*' The public friendship was sufficient; and, while that lasted, there
was no need of a private one/'

Yet he did not regulate his conduct by these honourable senti-
ments; on the contrary, he was often led away by his ambition and
resentment. Particularly, in this aflfair of the Thebans, he not only
screened Phcebidas from punishment, but persuaded the Spartan
commonvvcaltli to join in his crime, by holding the Cadmea for them-
selves, and putting the Theban administration in the hands of At-
chias and Leontidas, who had betrayed the citadel to Phcebidas.
Hence it was natural to suspect, that though Phcebidas was the in-
strument, the design was formed by Agesilaus, and the subsequent
proceedings confirmed it beyond contradiction: for when the Athe-
nians had expelled the garrison*, and restored the Thebans to their
liberty, he declared war against the latter for putting to death Archias
and Leontidas, whom he called polemarchs, but who, in fact, were
tyrants. Cleombrotus f, w^ho, upon the death of Agesipolis, suc-
ceeded to the tl^rone, was sent with an army into Boeotia; for Age-
silaus, who was now forty years above the age of puberty, and con-
sequently excused from service by law, was very willing to decline
this commission. Indeed, as he had lately made war upon the Phlia-
sians in favour of exiles, he was ashamed now to appear in arms a-
gainst the Thebans for tyrants.

There was then a Lacedaemonian named Sphodrias, of the party
that opposed Agesilaus, lately appointed governor of Thespiae. He
wanted neither courage nor ambition, but he was governed rather by
sanguine hopes than good sense and prudence. This man, fond of a
great name, and reflecting how Phcebidas had distinguished himself
in the lists of fame by his Theban enterprise, was persuaded it would
be a much greater and more glorious performance, if, without any
directions from his superiors, he could seize upon the Piraeus, and
deprive the Athenians of the empire of the sea by a sudden attack
at land.

It is said, that this was a train laid for him by Pelopidas and Gelon,
first magistrates in Bceotia|. They sent persons to him, who pre-

* See Xen. Grec. Hist. 1. v. whence it appears that the Cadmea was recovered by
the Athenian forces.

t Cleombrotas was llje youngest son of Pausnnias, and brother to Agesipolis.

i They feared the Lacedaemonians were too strong for them, and therefore put Spho«

AGESILAU8. 355

tended to be much in the Spartan interest, and who, by magnifying
him as the only man fit for such an exploit, worked up his ambition
till he undertook a thing equally unjust and detestable with tiie alVair
oftheCadmea, but conducted with less valour, and attended with
less success. He hoped to have reached the Piva;us in the night, but
day-light overtook him upon the plains of Thriasia. And wc are
told, that some light appearing to the soldiers to stream from the
temples of Eleusis, they were struck with a religious horror. Spho-
drias liimself lost his spirit of adventure, when he found his march
could no longer be concealed, and having collected some trifling
booty, he returned with disgrace to Thespiie.

Hereupon tiie Athenians sent deputies to Sparta to complain of
Sphodrias; but they found the magistrates had proceeded against him
without their complaints, and that he was already under a capital
prosecution. He had not dared to appear and take his (rial; for h.c
dreaded the rage of his countrymen, who were ashamed of his con-
duct to the Athenians, and who were willing to resent the injury :is
done to themselves, rather than have it thought that they had joined
in so flagrant an act of injustice.

Sphodrias had a son named Clconymus, young and handsome, and
a particular favourite of Archidamus, the son of Agcsilaus. Archl-
damus, as it is natural to suppose, shared in ail the uneasiness of the
young man for his father; but he knew not how to appear openly ia
his behalf, because Sphodrias had been a strong adversary to Agcsi-
laus. However, as Cleonymus applied to him, and entreated him
with many, tears to intercede with Agesilaus, as the person whom
they had most reason t.> divad, he undertook the commission. Three
or four days passed, during which he was restrained by a reverential
awe from speaking of the matter to his father; biit he followed hiia
up and down in silence. At last, wl;cn the day oi' trial was at hand,
he summoned up courage enough to s.ny, Clconymus was a suppliant to
him for his father. Agesilaus, knowing the attachment of his sou
to that youth, did not lay any injunctions upon him against it: for
Cleonymus, from his infancy, had given hopes that he would one day
rank with the worthiest men in Sparta. Vet lie did not give him
room to expect any great favour in this case: he only said, *' He
would consider what would be the consistent and honourable part f».r

him to act."

Archidamus, therefore, ashamed of the inetTicacy of his interposi-
tion, discontinued his visits to Cleonymus, though before he used to
call upon him many times in a day. Hence the friends uf Sphodrias

driaj upon thij act of hostility agaiust the Athenians, in order to draw them into the
qusrrel.

356 PLITARCH*S MVES.

gave up the point for lost; till an intimate acquaintance of Agesilaus^
named Etymocles, in a conversation which passed between them,
discovered the sentiments of that prince. He told him, " He highly-
disapproved that attempt of Sphodrias, yet he looked upon him as a
brave man, and was sensible that Sparta had occasion for such sol-
diers as he." This was the way, indeed, in whicii Agesilaus con-
stantly spoke of the cause, in order to oblige his son. By this Cle-
onymus immediately perceived with how much zeal Archidamus had
served him; and the friends of Sphodrias appeared with more cou-
rage in his behalf. Agesilaus was certainly a most aiiectionate fa-
ther. It is said, when his children were small, he would join in their
sports; and a friend happening to find hini one day riding among
them upon a stick, he desired him " not to mention it till he was a
father himself."

Sphodrias was acquitted ; upon which the Athenians prepared for
war. This drew the censures of the world upon Agesilaus, who, to
gratify an absurd and childish inclination of his son, obstructed the
course of justice, and brought his country under the reproach of such
flagrant offences against the Greeks. As he found his colleague
Cleombrotus disinclined to continue the war with the Thcbans, he
dropped the excuse the law furnished him with, though he had made
use of it before, and marched himself into Bceotia. The Thcbans
suffered much from his operations, and he felt the same from theirs
in his turn. So that Antalcidas one day, seeing him come off
wounded, thus addressed him: "The Thebans pay you well for
teaching them to fight, when they had neither inclination nor sufli-
cient skill for it." It is certain the Thcbans were at this time much
more formidable in the field than they had ever been, after having
heen trained and exercised in so many wars witii the Lacedaemoni-
ans. For the same reason, their ancient sage Lycurgus, in one of
his three ordinances called Mhefrcjc, forbade ihem to go to war with
the same enemy often; namely, to prevent the enemy from learning
their art.

The allies of Sparta likewise complained of Agesilaus, ** That it
was not in any public quarrel, but from an obstinate spirit of private,
resentment*, that he sought to destroy the Thebans. For their
part," they said, " they were wearing themselves out, without any
occasion, by going in such numbers upon this or that expedition every
year, at the will of a handful of Laeedasmonians." Hereupon Age-
silaus, desirous to show them that the number of their warriors was
not so great, ordered all the allies to sit down promiscuoifcly on one

• This private resentraent and enmity whicli Agpsilaus entertained against the Tlie
bans, went near to bring ruin both upoa tiimself and his coiuitry.

AG ESI LA us. 357

" ' « -

side, and all the Lacediemonians on the other. This done, the crier
summoned the trades to stand up one after another: the potters first,
and then the braziers, the carpenters, the masons, in short, aU the
mechanics. Almost all the allies rose up to answer in one branch of
business or other, but not one of the Lacedicmouians; for they were-
forbidden to learn 01 exercise any niauiial art. Then Ages>ilau^
smiled and said, " You see, my friends, we send more warriors into
the field than you.'*

When he was come as far as Megara, upon his return from Thebes,
as he was going up to the senate-house in the citadel *, he was
seized with spasms and an acute pain in his riglit leg. It swelled
immediately, the vessels were distended with blood, and there ap-
peared all the signs of a violent inflammation. A Syraeusan physi-
cian opened a vein below the ancle; upon which the pain al>ated;
but the Wood came so fast, tliat it was not stopped without great dif-
ficulty, nor till he falntjidaway, and his life was in danger. He was
carried to Lacediemon in a weak condition, and continued a long time
incapable of service.

In the mean time the Spartans met with several checks both by
sea and land. The most considerable loss was at Leuciraf, which
was the first pitched battle tiie Thebans gained against them. Be-
fore the last-mentioned action, all parties were disposed to peace,
aiid the states oi Greece sent their deputies to Lacedaemon to treat of
it. Among these was Epaminondas, who was celebrated for his eru-
dition and philosophy, but liad as yet given no proofs of his capacity
for commanding armies. He saw the other deputies were awed by
the presence of i\gesilaus, and he was the only one who preserved a
proper dignity and freedom both in iiis manner and in his proposi-
tions. He made a speech in favour not only of the Thebans, but of
Greece in general; in wiiich he showed that war tended to aggran-
dize Sparta at the expense of the otljer stales, and insisted that the
peace should be founded upon justice and equality; because
tiien only it would be lasting, when all were put upon an eciual
footing.

Agesilaus, perceiving that the Greeks listened to him uiih wonder
and great attention, asked him, " \Nhether he thought it just and

• Xcnophon (Hcllnn. 337, \2. Ed. St.) jays, it was a> hr was going from the tciupir
of Veauj to tlic senate-house.

t Sonic tnanuicripts liarc it Tegiira ; but there is no nccos>itv to alter the received
reading, tliough Palmer insists so much upon it; for that of Leuctr* waa certainlj llic
first pitched battle in t^liich the Thtbans defeated the Athenians; and thc^- ellccled it
at the first career. Besides, it appears from Xcnophon (Hcllan. 349. S5.) that A|;c»i-
bus was not tlicu recovered of the sickness racniioned in the text.

358 PLlTARCIl's LIVES.

equitable that the cities of Bceotia should he declared free and inde-
pendent?" Epamlnondas, with great readiness and spirit, answered
him with another question, " Do you think it reasonable that all the
cities of Laconia should be declared independent?" Agesilaus, in-
censed at this answer, started up, and insisted upon his declaring
peremptorily, " Whether he agreed to a perfect independence for
Boeotia?" and Epaminondas replied as before, " On condition you
put Laconia in the same state." Agesilaus, now exasperated to the
last degree, and glad of a pretence against the Thebans, struck their
name out of the treaty, and declared war against them upon the spot.
After the rest of the deputies had signed such points as they could
settle amicably, he dismissed them; leaving others of a more difficult
nature to be decided by the sword.

As Cleombrotus had then an army in Phocis, the ephori sent him
orders to march against the Thebans. At the same time they sent
their commissaries to assemble the allies, who were ill inclined to
the war, and considered it as a great burden upon them, though they
durst not contradict or oppose the Lacedaemonians. Many inauspi-
cious signs and prodigies appeared, as we have observed in the life of
Epaminondas; and Protheus*, the Spartan, opposed the war to the
utmost of his power. But Agesilaus could not be driven from his
purpose : he prevailed to have hostilities commenced, in hopes, that
while the rest of Greece was in a state of freedom, and in alliance
with Sparta, and the Thebans only excepted, he should have an ex-
cellent opportunity to chastise them. That the war was undertaken
to gratify his resentment, rather than upon rational motives, appears
from hence; the treaty was concluded at Laccdtemon on the four-
teenth o( June, and the Lacedaemonians were defeated atLeuctra on
the fifth oi July ; which was only twenty days after. A thousand
citizens of Lacedcemon were killed there, among whom were their
king Cleombrotus and the flower of their army, who fell by his side.
The beautiful Cleonymus, the son of Sphodrias, was of the number:
he was struck down three several times, as he was fighting in defence
of his prince, and rose up as often; and at last was killed with his
sword in his handf-

* Protbcus proposed that the Spartans sho'jid disband their army according to tlieir
engagement; that all llie states should carrv their contributions to the temple of Apollo,
to be employed only in making war upoa such as should opijose the liberty of the cities.
This, lie said, would give the cause the sanction of Heaven, and the states of Greeie
would at all times be ready to embark in it. But the Spartans only laughed at this ad-
vice; for, as Xenophon adds, " It looked as if the gods were already urging on the La-
cedaemonians to theiir ruin."

t Epaminondas placed his best troops in one wing, and those he least depended oa
iu the other. Th« former he commanded in person; to the latter he gave directions.

AGESILAUS. 359

After the Lacedaemoriiaris Imd received this unexpected blow, and
the Tliebans were crowned with more glorious success than Greeks
had ever boasted in a battle with Creeks, the spirit and dignity of the
vanquished was, notwithstanding, more to be admired and applauded
than that of the continerors. And indeed, if, as Xenophon says,
*' Men of merit, in their convivial conversations, let fall some ex-
pressions that deserve to be remarked and preserved, certainly the
noble behaviour and the expressionsof such persons, when struggling
with adversity, claim our notice much more." When the Spartans
received the news of the overtlirow at Leuctra, it happened that they
were celebrating a festival, and the city was full of strangers; for
the troops of young men and maidens were at their exercises in the
theatre. The ephori, though they immediately perceived that their
affairs were ruined, and that they had lost the empire of Greece,
would not suffer the sports to break off, nor any of the ceremonies or
decorations of the festival to be omitted; but having sent the names
of the killed to their respective families, they staid to sec the ex-
ercises, the dances, and all other parts of the exhibition con-
cluded*.

Next morning the names of the killed, and of those wiio survived
the battle, being perfectly ascertained, the fathers and other relations
of the dead appeared in public, and embraced each other with a
cheerful air and a generous pride; while the relations of the surviv-
ors shut themselves up, as in time of mourning. And if any one
was forced to go out upon business, he showed all the tokens of sor-
row and humiliation both in his speech and countenance. 'I'he dif-
ference was still more remarkal)le among the matrons. They who
expected to receive their sons alive from the battle were melancholy

tliat wlicn they had found tlie enemy's charge too lieavVi lliey sliuuld retire lei.iurclv, so
as to expose to tlicin a sloping front. Clcombrutus and .\rcliiduniiis advanced tu the
charge witli great vi^jour; but, as tlicy pressed on the Thebati wing which retired, they
gave F.paminondas an oj)portunity of churfjiui; tlietu boili in flank and Ironf ; which he
did with $0 much br.ivery, that the Spartans began to >;ive way, c>pecially alter Clcotn-
brotus was !>luiu, whose dead body, liowcver, tliey recovered. At length they were to-
tally defeated, chiefly by the skill and conduct of the Theban general. Four thuvsand
Bpartatij were killed on the field of Imllle ; w hereas the Thebans did not lose above three
hundred. Such was the fatal battle of Leuctra, wlicrein ihe Spartans lost their superio-
rity in Greece, which they had held neur five hundred years.

• Bot w!)ere was the merit of all this? What could such a conduct have for its sup-
port, but either insensibility or ulTectatiun? If they found any reason tu rejoice in Ihe
glorious deaths of their friends and fellow-citizens, certainly the ruin of the state was aa
object sufticiently serious to call them from the pursuits of feflivily ! Hut, Qum Jnpitcr
fcrdtre priui dcmcntunl: The infatuation of ambition and jealousy drew upon tliciu the
Theban war, aud it seemed to last opou them, even whin they had felt its f.tal coa*
sequences.

360 PLUtARCIl's LIVES.

and silent; whereas those who had an account that their sons were
slain repaired ininKHliately to the temples to return thanks, and visited
each other wiih all tiic marks of joy and elevation.

The people, who were now deserted hy their allies, an-d expected
thatEpaminondas, in the pride of victory, would enter Peloponnesus,
called to mind the oracle, which they applied again to the lameness
ofAgesilaus. The scruples they had on this occasion discouraged
them extremely, and they were afraid the divine displeasure had
brought upon them the late calamity, for expelling a sound man from
the throne, and preferring a lame one, in spite of the extraordinary
warnings Heaven had given them against it. Nevertheless, in re-
gard of his virtue, his authority, and renown, they looked upon him
as the only man who could retrieve their affairs ; for, besides marching
under his banners as their prince and general, they applied to him in
every internal disorder of the commonwealth. At present xhey were
at a loss what to do with those who had fled from the battle. The
Lacedaemonians call such persons fresaotas*^. In this case they did
not choose to set such marks of disgrace u|X)n them as the laws di-
rected, because they were so numerous and powerful, that there was
reason to apprehend it might occasion an insurrection: for such per-
sons are not only excluded all offices, but it is infamous to inter-
jnarry with them : any man that meets them is at liberty to strike
thcFTi : they are obliged to appear in a forlorn manner, and in a vile
habit, with patches of divers colours ; and lo wear their beards half
shaved and half unshaved. To put so rigid a law as this in exceutron,
at a time when the otFenders were so nunierous, and when the com-
monwealth had so much occasion for soldiers, was both impolitic
aud dangerous.

In this perplexity they had recourse to Agcsilaus, and invested hiiix
with new powers of legislation: but he, without making any addi-
tion, retrenclinicnt, or change, went into the assembly, and told the
Lacedaemonians, " The laws should sleep that day, and resume their
authority the day following, and retain it for ever." By this means
he preserved to the state its laws entire, as well as the obnoxious
persons from infamy. Then, in order to raise the youth out of the
dcpres.iion and melancholy under which they laboured, he entered
Arcadia at the head of them. He avoided a battle, indeed, with
great care, but he took a little town of the Mantineans, and ra-
vaged the flat country. This restored Sparta to her spirits in some,
degree, and gave her reason to hope that she was not absolutely lost.

Soon after this, Epaminondas and his allies entered Laconia. His

* Thai is, persons governed by their fears.

infantry amounted to forty thousand men, exclusive qf the li^ht-
armed, and those who, without arn)s, followed only for plunder: for,
if tlie whole were reckoned, there were not fewer than seventy thou-
sand that poured into that country. Full nix hundred years were
elapsed since the first estahlishtnent of the Dorians in Lsjcedeemon,
and this was the first time, in all that lont; period, they hud seen an
enemy in their territories; none ever dared to set foot in them heJore.
But novr a new scene of hostilities appeared; the confederates ad-
vanced without resistance, laying all waste with fire aixl sword as far
as the Eurotas, and the very suhurl)s of Sparta: for, «■? TheojK>n;iius
informs us, Agesilaus would not sufier the I^aeedjemonians to en: i^f
with such an impetuous torr".nt of war: he contented himself with
placing his In'st infantry in the middle of the city, and the other im-
portant posts, and bore the tnenaces and insults of the Thehans, who
called him out hy name, as the fire-brand wliich hid lighted up the
war, and bade him fight for his country, upon which he had brought
so many misfortunes.

Agesilaus was equally disturbed at the tumult and disorder within
the city, the outcries of the old imcii, who moved backwards and for-
wards, cxjuessing their grief and indignation, and the wild beha-
viour of the women, who were terrified even t'j madness at the slmuts
of the enemy, and the flumes which ascended around them. Hi- was
in pain, too, for his reputation. Sparta was a great and p()wciful
state at his accession, and he now saw her glory wither, and his own
boasts come to nothing. It seems he had often said, " No Spartan
woman ever saw the smoke of an enemy's camp." In like manner,
when an Athenian disputed with Ant.ilcidas on the subject of valour,
and said, " We have often driven you from the banks of the Cepbi-
sus," Antalcidas answered, " But we never dr.)ve vou from the
banks of the Eurotas." Near akin to tlils was the repartee of a Spar-
tan of less note to a nian of Argos, who said, " Many of you sleep
on the plains of Argos." The Spartan answered, '' But not one of
you sleeps on the plains of Lacediemon "

Some say Antalcidas was then one of tlie tphuri. ami ilnt in- con-
veyed bis children to Cyibera, in fear that Sparta uoidd be taken.
As the enemy prepared to pass the Euroias, in (.nler to attaek the
town itself, Agesilaui relinquishetl the other posts, and drew up all
his forces on an eminence in the nuddle of the city- It happened
that the river was much swoln with the snow, which had fallen in
great quantities, and the cold was more troublesome to the I hebans
than the rapidity of the current; yet Epaminondas forded it at the
head of his infantry. As he was passing it, souitbody pointed him

Vol. 2. No. 22. ak.\.

362 I'lutakch's lives.

out to Agesilaus, who, after having viewed liim for some time, only
let fall this expression, *• O adventurous man!" All the ambition
of Epaminondas was to come to an engagement in the city, and to
erect a trophy there; but, finding he could not draw down Agesilaus
from the heights, he decamped and laid waste the country.

There had long been a disaflectcd party in Lacedffimon, and now
about two hundred of that party leagued together, and seized upon a
strong post, called the Issorium, in which stood the temple of Diana.
The Lacedfemonians wanted to have the place stormed immediate-
ly: but Agesilaus, apprehensive of an insurrection in their favour,
took his cloke and one servant with him, and told them aloud, " That
they had mistaken their orders. I did not order you," said he, '^ to
take post here, nor all in any one place, hut some there (pointing
to another place), and some in other quarters." When they heard
this, they were happy in thinking their design v.'as not discovered ; and
they came out, and went to several posts, as he directed tiiem. At
the same time he lodged another corps in the Issorium, and took
about fifteen of the mutineers, and put them to death in the night.

Soon after this, he discovered another and much greater conspi-
racy of Spartans, who met privately in a house belonging to one of
them, to consider of means to change the form of government. It
was dangerous either to bring them to a trial in a time of so much
trouble, or to let their cabals pass without notice. Agesilaus, there-
fore, having consulted with tlie ephori, put them to death without
the formality of a trial, though no Spartan had ever suffered in that
manner before.

As many of the neighbouring burghers and of the helots, who were
inlisted, slunk away from the town, and deserted to the enemy, and
this gi'eatly discouraged his forces, he ordered his servants to go
early in the morning to their quarters, and where they found any
had deserted, to hide their arms, that their numbers might not be
known.

Historians do not agree as to th^ time when the Thebans quitted
Laconla. Some say the vdnter soon forced them to retire; the Ar-
cadians being impatient of a campaign at that season, and falling off"
in a very disor<lerly manner; others aftirm that the Thebans staid full
three months; in which time they laid waste almost all the country.
Theopompus writes, that at the very juncture the governors of BosOr
'tia had sent them orders to return, there came a Spartan, named
Phrixus on the part of Agesilaus, and gave them ten talents to leave
Laconia: so that, according to him, they not only executed all that
they intended, but had money from the enemy to defray the expenses

AGESILAUS. 363

of ttieir return. For my part, I cannot conceive how Theopompus
came to be acquainted with this particular, which other historians
knew nothini^ of.

It is universally agreed, however, that Agesilaus saved Sparta by
controlling his native passions of obstinacy and ambition, and pur-
suing no measures but what were safe. He could not, indeed, after
the late blow, restore her to her former glory and power. As healthy
bodies, long accustomed to a strict and regular diet, often find one
deviation from that regimen fatal, so one miscarriage brought that
flourishing state to decay. Nor is it to be wondered at: their con-
stitution was admirably formed for peace, for virtue, and harmony;
but when they wanted to add to their dominions by force of arms,
and to make acquisitions M'liich Lycurgus thought unnecessary
to their happiness, they split upon that rock he had warned them to
avoid.

Agesilaus now declined the service on account of his great age.
But his son Archidamus, having received some succours from Diony-
sius the Sicilian tyrant, fought the Arcadians, and gained that which
is called the tearless battle; for he killed great numbers of the ene-
my, without losing a man himself.

Nothing could afford a greater proof of the weakness of Sparta
than this victory. Before, it had been so common and so natural a
thing for Spartans to conq^ier, that on such occasions they offered no
greater sacrifice than a cock ; the combatants were not elated, nor
those who received the tidings of victory overjoyed. Even when
that great battle was fought at Mantinea, which Thucydides has so
well described, the rj)/iori presented the person who brought them,
the first news of their success with nothing but a mess of meat from
the public table : but now, when an account of this battle was brought,
and Archidamus api)roached the town, they were not able to contain
themselves. First his fatiier advanced to meet him with tears of joy,
and after him the magistrates. Multitudes of old men and of \vonieii
flocked to the river, stretching out their hands, and blessing the gods,
as if Sparta had washed ofl* Ik r late unworthy stains, and seen her
glory stream out afrosh. 'J'ill that hour the men were so much a-
shamed of the loss they had sustained, that, it is said, they could not
even carry it with an unembarrassed countenance to the women.

When Epaminondas re-established Messene, and the ancient in-
habitants returned to it from all quarters, the Spartans had not cou-^
rage to oppose him in the fielil. But it gave them great concern^
and they could not look upon Agesilaus without anger, when they
considered that in his rci^n they had lost a country lull as extcnsiv(i-

)64 Plutarch's lives.

as Laconia, and superior in Jertilily to all tVie provinces of Greece ;
a country whose revenues they had long called their own. For this
reason, Agesilaus rejected the peace which the Thebans otfered him;
not choosing formally to give up to them what they were in fact pos-
sessed of. But while he was contending for what he could not re-
cover, lie was near losing Sparta itself throu{;h the superior general-
ship of his adversary. The Mantineans had separated again from
their alliance with Thebes, and called in the Lacedaemonians to their
assistance. Epaminondas, being apprised that Agesilaus was upon
his march to Mantinea, decamped froniTegfea in the night, unknown
to the Mantineans, and took a difterent road to Lacedesmon from
that Agesilaus >vas upon; so that nothing was more likely than that
he would have come upon the city in this defenceless state, and have
taken it with ease. But Euthynus of Thespine, as Callisthenes re-
lates it, or some Cretan, according to Xenophon, informed Agesilaus
of the design, who sent a horseman to alarm the city, and not long
after entered it himself.

In a little time the Thebans passed the Eurotas, and attacked the
town, Agesilaus defended it witli a vigour above his years. He
saw that this was not the time (as it had been) for safe and cautious
measures, but rather for the boldest and most desperate efforts; in-
somuch that the means in which he had never before placed any con-
fidence, or made the least use of, staved off the present danger, and
snatched the town out of the hands of Epaminondas. He erected a
trophy upon the occasion, and showed the children and the women
how gloriously the Spartans rewarded their country for their educa-
tion. Archidamus greatly distinguished himself that day both by his
courage and agility, flying through the bye-lanes to meet the enemy
where they pressed the hardest, and every where repulsing them with
his little band.

But Isadus, the son of Phcebidas, was the most extraordinary and
striking spectacle, not only to his countrymen, but to the enemy.
He was tall and beautiful in his person, and just growing from a boy
into a man, which is the time the human flower has the greatest
charm. He was without either arms or clothes, naked and newly
anointed with oil; only he had a spear in one hand and a sword in
the other. In this condition he rushed out of his house; and having
made his way through the combatants, he dealt his deadly blows a-
mong the enemy's ranks, striking down every man he engaged with :
yet he received not one wound himself; whether it was that Heaven
preserved him in regard to his valour, or whether he aj)peared to his
adversaries as something more than human. It is said, the ephori

AGESILAUS. 365

Ijonoured liiin with a chaplet for the great things he had performed,
but at the same time lined liim a thousand drachmas for daring to
appear without his armour.

Some days after this, there was another battle before Mantinea.
Epaminondas, after having routed the first battalions, was very eager
in the pursuit, when a Spartan, named Anticratos, turned short, and
gave him a wound with a spear, according to Dioscorides, or, as
others say, witli a sword*. And, indeed, the descendants of Anti-
crates are to this day called mac/iurionen, swonisitiefi, in Laceda;-
mon. This action appeared so great, and was so acceptable to the
Spartans, on account of their fear of Epaminondas, that they decreed
great honours and rewards to Anticrates, and an exemption from
taxes to his posterity; one of wliich, named Cailicratesf, now en-
joys that privilege.

After this battle, and the death of Epaminotidas, the Greeks con-
cluded a peace: but Agesilaus, under jjretence that the Messenians
were not a state, insisted that they should not be comprehended in
the treaty. All the rest, however, admitted them to take the oaih as
one of the states; and the Lacedaemonians withdrew, intending to
continue the war, in hopes of recovering Mcsscnia. Agesilaus could
not, therefore, l)e considered but as violent and obstinate in his tem-
per, and insatiably fond of hostilities, since he took every method to
obstruct the general peace, and to protract the war; though at the
same time, through want of money, he was forced to borrow of his
friends, and to demand unreasonable subsidies of the people. This
was at a time, too, when he had the fairest opportunity to extricate
himself from all his distresses. Besides, after he had let slip tl>e
power, whicli never before was at such a height, lost so many cities,
and seen his country deprived of the superiority both at sea and
land, should he have wrangled about the property and the revenues
of Mcssene ?

He still lost more reputation by taking a command uiuior Tachos,
the Egyptian chief. It was not thought suitable to one of the great-
est characters in (jreece, a man who had lilled the whole world with
his renown, to hire out his person, to give his nanie and his interest
for a pecuniary consideration, and to act as captain of a band of
mercenaries, for a barbarian, a rebel against the king his masicr.
Had he, now he was u|)wards of eighty, and his body full of wounds
and scars, accepted again of the appointment of eaptain-geiieral, to
fight for the liberties of Greece, his ambition, at that time of day,

• Diodorui Siculus nitril'utc-s this iictu.ii to Grillus, ilic soii i.| Xci)a|ilion, wlio, he
stiys, w«s killed iramediaicly alter. But Plutarch's account sccins better grounded,
t Ntar five hundred vcr.rj alter.

SG6 Pi.UTARCn's LIVES.

would not luive been entirely unexceptionable; for even honourable
pursuits must have their times and seasons to give them a propriety y
or rather, propriety, and the avoiding of all extremes, is the charac-
teristic which distinguishes honourable pursuits from the dishonour-
able. But Agesilaus was not moved by this consideration, nor did
be think any public service unworthy of him, he thought it much
more unbecoming to lead an inactive life at home, and to sit down
and wait till death should strike his blow. He therefore raised a body
of mercenaries, and fitted out a fleet, with the money which Tachos.
had sent him, and then set sail, taking with him thirty Spartans for
his counsellors, as formerly.

Upon his arrival in Egypt, all the great officers of the kingdom
came immediately to pay their court to him. Indeed, the name and
character of Agesilaus had raised great expectations in the Egyptians
iii general, and they crowded to tlie shore to get a sight of him; but
when they beheld no potnp or grandeur of appearance, and saw only
a little old man, and in mean attire, seated on the grass by the sea
side, they could not help regarding the thing in a ridiculous light,
and observing that this was the very thing represented in the fable*,
*' The mountain had brought forth a mouse." They were still more
surprised at his want of politeness, when they brought him such pre-
sents as were commonly made to strangers of distinction, and he
took only the flour, the veal, and the geese, and refused the pasties,
the sweetmeats, and perfumes ; and when they pressed him to accept
thero, he said,, " They might carry them to the helots." Theo-
phrastus tells us, he was pleased with iUc papj/rns, on account of its
thin and pliant texture, which made it very proper for chaplets.j and,
when he left Egypt, he asked the king for some of it.

Tachos was preparing for the war, and Agesilaus, upon joining
him, was greatly disappointed to find he had not the command of all
the forces given him, but only that of the mercenaries. Chabrias,
the Athenian, was admiral: 'J'achos, however, reserved to himself the
chief directioij both at sea and land. This was the first disagreeable
circumstance that occurred to Agesilaus; and others soan followed*
The vanity and insolence of the Egyptian gave him great pain, but
he was forced to bear them. He consented to sail with him against
the Phoenicians, and, contrary to his dignity and nature, submitted
to the barbarian, till he could find an oj)portunity to shake off his
yoke. That opportunity soon presented itself. Nectanabis, cousin,
to Tachos, who commanded part of the forces, revolted, and was pro-
claimed king by the Egyptians.

* Atlienacus makes Tachus s^y this, and Agesilaus answer, " Vuu will fmd ni.e a lio:^
\>y and b)."

AUESILAUS. 367

In consequence of this, Nectanabis seni ambassadors to Agesilnus
to entreat liis assistance. \\e made the same application to Clm-
brias, and promised them both threat rewards. Tachos was apprised
of these proceedings, and begged of them nut to abandon him. <Jha-
brias listened t« his request, and endeavoured also to aj)pcase the re-
sentment of Agesilaus, and kec]) him to tin- cause he had embarked
in. Agesilaus answered, "As for you, Chabrias, you came hither
as a volunteer, and therefore may act as you think proper; but I wa?
sent by my country, upon the application of the Egyptians for a ge-
neral. It would not then he right to commence hostilities against
the people to whom I was sent as an assistant, except Sparta should
give me such orders." At tlvc same time, he sent some of his offi-
cers home with instructions to accuse 'i achos, and to defend the
cause of Nectanabis. The two rival kings also applied to the Lace-
dsemonians; the one as an ancient friend and ally, the other as one
who had a greater regard for Sparta, and would give her more valua-
ble proofs of his attachment.

Tiie Lacedtemonians gave the Egyptian deputies the hearing, and
this public answer, " That they should leave the business to the care
of Agesilaus." But their private instructions to him were, " to do
wliat should appear most advantageous to Sparta." Agesilau?> had
no sooner received this order, than he withdrew with his mercenaries,
and went over to Nectanabis, covering thi3 strange and scandalous
proceeding with the pretence of acting in the best manner for his
country'': when that slight veil is taken off, its right name is trea-
chery and base desertion. It is true, the Lacedjemonians, by placing
a regard to the advantage of their country in the first rank of honour
and virtue, left themselves no criterion of justice but the aggrandize-
ment of Sparta.

Tachos, thus abandoned by tiie mercenaries, took to flight. But,
at t!ie same time, there rose up in Mendes another competitor to
di-spute the crown with Nectanabis; and that competitor advanced
with a hundred thousand men, whom he had soon assembled. Nec-
tanabis, to encourage Agesilaus, rcj)rescnted to him, that though the
numbers of the enemy were great, they wei c oidy a mixed multitude,
and many of them mechanics, who were to be despised for their utter

* XcnopJion Las surccedcd well enough in defending Agesilaus wild respect to hit
undcrtakn)^ tlic cxp<.-<litu>ui into Egypt, lie reprcsruU iiiui pleased witli the hupes of
making Tuclius ^ol■lc rrturn tur hi^ niun^ scrvtcos to the Lacccixmonian}, u( rc»lonng,
through his means, the Greek cities in Asia tu their lihcrt^-, and of revenging the ill of*
ficcs done the Spnrtnns by the kini; ol Persia. But it was in vain for that hi«toriau to
attempt to exculpate him with re»p-ct to hii deserline Tnchc>», which Plutarch juitl/
treats as an act of treachfrv.

$SS Plutarch^s lives.

ignorance of war. " It is not their numbers," said Agesilaus, " that
I fear, but that ignorance and inexperience you mention, which ren-
ders them incapable of being practised upon by art or stratagem; for
those can only be exercised witli success upon such as, having skill
enough to sus])cct the designs of their enemy, form schemes to coun-
termine him, and in the mean time are caught by new contrivances.
But he wlio has neither expectation nor suspicion of that sort, gives
his adversary no more opportunity than he who stands still gives to a
wrestler."

Soon after, the adventurer of Mendes sent persons to sound Age-
silaus. This alarmed Nectanabis: and when Agesilaus advised him
to give battle immediately, and not to protract the war with men who
liad seen no service, but who, by the advantage of numbers, might
draw a line of circumvallation about his trenches, and prevent him in
most of his operations, then his fears and suspicions increased, and
put him upon the expedient of retiring into a large and well-fortified
town. Agesilaus could not well digest this instance of distrust; yet
he was ashamed to change sides again, and at last return without ef-
fecting any thing. He therefore followed his standard, and entered
the town with him.

However, when the enemy came up, and began to open their
trenches, in order to enclose him, the Egyptian, afraid of a siege,
was inclined to come immediately to an engagement; and the Greeks
were of his opinion, because there was no great quantity of provisions
in the place. But Agesilaus opposed it; and the Egyptians, on that
account, looked upon him in a worse light than before, not scrupling
to call him a traitor to their king. These censures he now bore with
patience, because he was waiting a favourable moment for putting in
execution a design he had formed.

The design was this : the enemy, as we have observed, were draw-
ing a deep trench round the walls, with an intent to shut up Nec-
tanabis. When they had proceeded so far in the work that the two
ends were almost ready to meet, as soon as night came on, Agesilaus
ordered the Greeks to arm, and then went to tlie Egyptian, and said,
'' Now is the time, young man, for you to save yourself, which I did
rot choose to speak of sooner, lest it should be divulged and lost.
The enemy, with their own hands, have worked out your security, by
labouring so long upon the trench, that the part which is finished
will prevent our suffering by their numbers, and the space which is
left puts it in our power to fight them upon equal terms. Come on
then; now show your courage; sally out along with us with the ut-
most vigour, and save both yourself and your army. The enemy will
not dare to stand us in front, and our flanks are secured by the

AGESILAUS. SGg

' » ' -''' ■ ■ ... .^^

trench." Nectanabis now atlmiiirig: his capacity, put hiniself in the
middle of the Greeks, and, advancing lo the charge, easily rouicil all
that opposed \nm.

Agesilaus having thus i-aincd the j)rince's confidence, availed
himself once more of the same stratagem, as a wrestler sometimes
uses the same sleight twice in one day. By sometimes pretending
to fly, and sometimes facing about, he drew the enemy's whole
army into a narrow place, enclosed with two ditches that were very
deep and full of water. When he saw them tlms entangled, he ad-
vanced to the charge with a front equal to theirs, and secured by the
nature of the ground against behig surrounded. The consequence
was, that they made but little resistance; numbers were killed, and
the rest fled, and wore entirely put to the rout.

The Egyptian, thus successful in his art"airs, and firmly established
in his kingdom, had a grateful sense of the services of Agesilaus,
and pressed him to spend the winter with him. But he hastened his
return to Sj)arta, on account of the war she had upon her hands at
home; for he knew that her finances were low, though at the same

time, she found it necessarv to eniplciy a l)()dv of mercenaries

Nectanabis dismissed him with great marks of honour, and besides
other presents, furnished hitn witli two hundred and thirty talents of
silver, for the expenses of the Grecian war. But, as it was winter,
he met with a storm, which drove him upon a desert shore in Afiiea,
called the Ilavcit of Mmclaus, and there he died, at the age of
eighty-four years, of which he had reigned forty-one in Lacedfenion.
About thirty years of that time he made the greatest figure, l)Oth
as to reputation and power, being looked upon as commaniler iti
chief, and, as it were, king of Greece, till the battle of Lenctra.

It was the custom of the Spartans to bury persons of ordinary
rank in the place where they expired, when they happened to die in
a foreign country, but to carry the corpses of their kings home; and
as the attendants of Agesilaus had not honey to preserve the body,
they embalmed it with melted wax, and so conveyed It to Laeednfmon.
His son Arehidamus succeeded to the crown, which descended in
his family to Agis, the filth from Agesilaus. This Agis, the third
of that name, was assassinated by Lconidas, for attempting to n-store
the ancient discipline of Sparta,

Vol. 2, No. 22, ubb

370 Plutarch's lives.

POMPEV.

THE people of Rome appear from the first to luive been affected
towards Pompey much in the same mainicr as Prometheus in JEs-
Chylus, was towards Hercules, when, after that hero had delivered
him from his chains, he says.

The sire 1 hatedj but the son I love*.

For never did the Romans entertain a stronger and more rancorous
hatred for any general than for Strabo, the father of Pompey. While
he lived;, indeed, they were afraid of his abilities as a soldier, for ho
had great talents for war; but upon his death, which happened by a
stroke of lightning, they dragged his corpse from the bier, on the
way to the funeral pile, and treated it with the greatest iinlignity.
On the other hand, no man ever experienced from the same Romans
an attachment more early begun, more disinterested in all the stages
of his prosperity, or more constant and faithful in the decline of his
fortune than Pompey.

The sole cause of their aversion to the father was his Insatiable
avarice; but there were many causes of their affection for the son;
his temperate way of living, his application to martial exercises, his
eloquent and persuasive address, his strict honour and fidelity, and
the easiness of access to him upon all occasions; for no man was
ever less importunate in asking favours, or more gracious in confer-
ring them. When he gave, it was without arrogance ; and when he
received, It was with dignity.

In his youth he had a very engaging countcnancir, wlilch spoke
for him before he opened his lips. Yet that grace of aspect was not
unattended with dignity, and amidst his youthful bloom there was a
venerable and princely air. His hair naturally curled a little before^
which, together with the shining moisture and quick turn of his
eye, produced a stronger likeness of Alexander the Great, than that
which appeared in the statues of that prince: so tliat some seriously
frave him the name of Alexander, and he did not refuse it; others
applied it to him by way of ridicule. And Lucius Phillppusf, a man
of consular dignity, as he was one day pleading for him, said, " It
was no wonder if Philip was a lover of Alexander."

* Of the tragedy of Prometheus Released, from which this line is taken, we have onlr
some fra<yments remaining. Jupiter had chained Promethi;us to the rocks of Caucususi.
and Hercules, the son of Jupiter, released him.

+ Lucius Marcus Pliilippus, one of tlie greatest orators of his time. lie was father-
in-law to Augustus, having married hi» mot'.jcr Attia. Horace speaks of him, lib. i,
ep. 7.

POMPEY. 3^]

We are told that Flora the courtesan took a pleasure, in her old
age, itj speaking of the cumniercc she had with Pompcy; and she
used to say, she could never quit his embraces without giving him a
bite. She added, that (ieminius, one of Pompey's acquaintance,
had a passion for her, and gave her much trouble with his solicita-
tions. At last she told him, she could not consent on account of
Pompey. Upon which he applied to Pompey for his permission,
and he gave it him, but never approached her afterwards, though he
seemed to retain a regard for her. She bgre the loss of him, not
with the slight uneasiness of a prostitute, but was long sick thn)ugli
sorrow and regret. It is said that Flora was so celebrated for her
beauty and fine bloom, that when Ctficilius Metellus adorned the
temple of Castor and Pollux with statues and paintings, he gave her
picture a place among them.

Demetrius, one of Pompev's freedmen, who had great interest
with liim, and who died worth four thousand talents, had a wife of
irresistii)le beauty. Pompey, on that account, behaved to her with
less politeness than was natural to him, that he might not appear to
be caught by her charms: But though he took his measures with so
much care and caution in tiiis respect, he could not escape the cen-
sure of his enemies, who accused him of a comiuerce with married
women, and said he often neglected or gave up points essential to the
public, to gratify his mistresses.

As to the sinqjlicity of his diet, there is a remarkable saying of his
upon rex:ord. In a gri-at illness, when his appetite was almost gone,
the physician ordered him a thrush. His servants, upon inquiry,
found there was not one to he had for money, for the season was
past, 'i'hey were informed, however, that Lucullus had them all the
year in his menageries. This being reported to Pompey, he said,
" Does I'ompey's life depend upon the luxury of Lucullus }" Then,
without any regard to the physician, he ate something that was easy
to be had. But this happened at a later period in life.

While he was very young, and served under his father, who was
carrying on the war against Cinna" , one Lucius Terentius was his
comrade, and they slept in the same tent. This Terentius, gained
by Cinna's money, undertook to assassinate I'ompey, while others
set fire to the general's tent. Pompey got information of this when
he was at supper, and it did not put him in the legist confusion. Me
drank more freely, and caressed Terentius more than usual ; but,
M'heii they were to have gone to rest, he stole out of the tent, and

* III the vt'ar of Uomc six luiiiilrcd aiul sixtj-six. And as Poinpfv was boru the
same year with Cicero, viz. in the year of Uoiue six hundred auJ forty-»cveD, lie inusr,^^
JB (bis wiir with Cinna, liave l>e«u niut-Ceeii yrurj uld.

PLUTARCH S LIVES.

went and [)l;inted a guard about his father. Tliis done, he waited
quietly lor the event. Torentius, as soon as hetiiought Pompey was
asleep, drevy his sword, and stahbed the coverlets of the bed in many
places, imagining that he was in it.

Immcdiattly after ti)is there was a great mutiny in the camp. The
soldiers, who hated their general, were deicrniined to go over to the
enemy, <ind began to strike their tents and take up their arms. The
general, dreadin^r the tumult, did not dare to make his appearance:
but Pompey was everywhere; he begged of them with tears to stay,
and at last threw himself upon his face in the gate-way: there he lay
weeping, and bidding them, if they would go out, tread upon him.
Upon this, they were ashamed to proceed, and all, except eight
hundred, returned, and reconciled themselves to their general.

After the death of Strabo, a charge was laid tl)at he had converted
the public money to his own use, and Pompey, as his heir, was
obliged to answer it. Upon inquiry, he found that Alexander, one
of the enfranchised slaves, had secreted most of the money; and he
tpok care to inform the magistrates of the particulars. He was
accused, however, himself, of having taken some hunting-nets and
books out of the spoils of Asculum; and, it is true, his father gave
them to him when he took the place; but he lost them at the return
of CInna to Home, when that general's creatures broke into and
pillaged his h.ouse. In this affair he maintained the combat well
with his adversary at the bar, and showed an acuteness and firmness
above his years; which gained him so much applause, that Antistius
the prtEtor, who had the hearing of the cause, conceived an affection
for him, and offered him his daughter in marriage. The proposal
accordingly was made to his friends. Pompey accepted it, and the
treaty was concluded privately. The people, however, had some
notion of the thing, from the pains which Antistius took for Pom-
pey; and at last, when he pronounced the sentence, in the name
of all the judges, by which Pompey was acquitted, the multitude,
as it were, upon a signal given, broke out in the old marriage accla-
iBfiition of TiiUisio.

The origin of the term is said to have been this: When the princi-
pal Romans seized the daughters of the Sabines, who were come to
see Uxe games ihey were celebrating to entrap them, some herdsmen
and shepherds laid hold of a virgin remarkably tall and handsome;
and, lest she should be taken from them, as they carried her off', they
cried aAl the w^y tl.ney went, Talasio. Talasins was a young man,
universally beloved and admired; therefore all who heard them,
delighted with the intention, joined in the cry, and accompanied
them with plaudits. They tell us the marriage of Talasius proved

POMPEY. 373

.. ■- -

fortunate, mid thence all bridegrooms, by way of mirth, were wel-
comed with tliat acchuiiation. Tliis is the most probable account I
can find of the ternr".

Pompey, in u little time married Antistia, and afterwards repaired
to Cinna's can»p But linding some unjust charges laid against them
there, he took the first private opportunity tcj withdraw. As he was
nowhere to be found, a rumour prevailed in the army, that Cinnahad
put the young man to death : upon which, numbers who hated Cinnu,
and could no longer bear with his cruelties, attacked his ([uarters.
He fled fur his life; and being overtaken by one of the inferior
cfiicers, wIk) pursued him with a diawn sword, he fell upon his
knees, and otfcred him his ring, which was of no small value. Tha
oflieer answered with great ferocity, " I am not come to sign a
contract, but to punish an impious and lawless tyrant;" and then
killed him upon the spot.

Such was the end of Cinna : after whom Carbo, a tyrant, still more
savage, took the reins of government. It was not long, however^
before Sylla returned to Italy, to the great satisfaction of most of the
lioiuans, who in their present unhappy circumstances, thought the
change of their master no small advantage. To such a desperate
state had their calamities brouglit them, that, no longer hoping for
liberty, they sought only the most tolerable servitude.

At that time l^ompey was in the IMcene, whither he had retired,
partly because he had lands there, but more on account of an old
attai-hmeht wliich the cities in that district had to his family. Ashe
observed that the best and most consideiabli.- of the citizens left their
houses, and took refuge in Sylla's camp as in a port, he resolved to
do the same. At the same lime, he thought it did not become
him to go like a fugitive who wanted protection, but rather in a
respectable manner, at the head of an army, lie therefore tried
what levies he could make in the Picene |', and the peojde readily
repaired to his standard, rejecting the ai)plieations of Carbo. On
this occasion, one Vindius happening to say, "■ Pompey is just come
Irom uni.er the hands of the pi'ilagogue, and ail on a sudden is lie-
come a demagogue among you," they were so provoked that they fell
upon Wnii and cut him in pieces.

Thus Pompey, at the age of twenty-three, without a ci»mniis>ion
from any superior authority, erected himself into a general: and
luiving placed his tribunal in the most public part of the gr^at city of
Auximum, by a formal decree lommanded the \'eniidii, two brothers,

* See more of tliis 11 the Life of Runiulus.
t Nuw tlic M^xcb of Ancoiia.

37"* Plutarch's li^'es.

who opposed him in behalf of Carbo, to depart the city: he inlisted

soldiers, he apj)ointcd tribnnes, centurions, and other officers, accor-
ding to tiie estabiislied custom. He did the same in all the neigh-
bourrng cities; for the partisans of Carbo retired Jtnd gave place to
Mm, and the rest were glad to range themselves under his banners j
so that in a little time he raised three complete legions, and furnished
hrmself \nth provisions, beasts of burden, carriages; in short, with
the whole apparatus of war.

In this form he moved towards Sylla, not by I'Kisty murches, nor
as rf he wanted to conceal himself; for he stopped by the way to
&arasy the enemy, and attempted to draw off from Carbo all the parts
6f Italy through whidi he passed. At last, three generals of the op-
posite party, Carinna, Coelius, and Brutus, came against him all at
once, not in front, or in one body, but they hemmed him in with
their three armies, in hopes to demolish him entirely.

Pompey, far from being terrified, assembled all his forces, and
charged the army of Brutus at the head of his cavalry. The Gaalish
horse on the enemy's side sustained the first shock; but Pompey at-
1:aci<ed the foremost of them, who was a man of pn")digious strength,
and brought him down •<\'ith a push of his spear. The rest immedi-
ately fled, and threw the infantry into such disorder, that the whole
was soon put to flight. This produced- so great a quarrel among the
three generals, that they parted, and took separate roijtes; in con-
sequence of which the cities, concluding that the fears of the enemy
bad made them part, adopted the interests of Pompey.

Not long after, Scipio the consul advanced to engage him: but,
before the infantry were near enough to discharge their lances, Sci-
pio 's soldiers saluted those of Pompey, and came owr to them.
Scipio, therefore, was forced to fly. At last Carbo sent a large body
of cavalry against Pompey, near the river Arsis. He gave them
so TNTfrm a reception, that they were soon broken, and in the pur-
suit drove them upon impracticable ground; so that, finding it im-
possible to escape, they surrendered themselves with tlveir arms and
horses.

Sylla had not yet been informed of these transactions; but upon
the first news of Pompey 's being engaged with so many adversaries,
and such respectable generals, he dreaded the consequence, and
inarched with all expecliiion to his assistance. Pompey, having in-
telligence of his approach, ordered his officers to see that the troops
were armed and drawn up in such a manner as to make the hand-
somest and most gallant appearance before the commander-in-chief;
for he expected great honours from him, and he obtained greater.
Sylla no sooner saw Pompey advancing to meet him with an army ia

POMPEY. 375

excellent condition, both as to age and size of the men, and tiie spi-
rits which success had given them, than he alighted; And being sa-
luted <ii course by Pouimov as ij/iperuior, he returned his j>alutatioa
with the same title; thougii no one imagined that he would have ho-
noured a young man, not yet admitted into the senate, with a title for
which he u-as contending with the Scipius and the Marii. Tli€ rest
of his behaviour was as respectable as that in the Hr>t interview: hi
used to rise up and uncov-cr his Jiead uhonever Pompey came to him;
which he was rarely observed to do for any otlier, tii«jugh he imd a
number of persons of distinction about iiiui.

Pompey was not elated with these honours: on tlie contrary, when
Sylla wanted to send him into Gaul, where Metellus had doi>€ no-
thing worthy of the forces under his direction, he said, " It was not
right to take the eomman<l from a man who was his superior both iu
Qge and character; but if Metellus should desire his assistance io the
conduct of the war, it was at his service." Metellus accepted ti>e
proposal, and wrote to him to come; whereupon he entered Gaul,
and not only signalized his own valour and capacity, but excited
once more tlic spirit of adventure in Metellus, which was almost ex-
tinguished with age; just as brass in a state of fusio4i is said to melt
a cold plat^, sooner than fire itself. But as it is not usual, wIk'u a
champion has distinguisiied himself in the lists, and gained the pri^e
in all the games, to record or to take any notice of the performances
of his younger years ; so the actions of Pompey in this period, though
extraordinary in themselves, yet, being eclipsed by the number aiid
importance of liis later expeditions, I shall forbear to liiention, lest,
by dwelling upon his first essays, I should not leave mysi-lf room for
tlvose greater and more critical events which mark his character and
turn of mind.

After Sylla had m;ide himself master of Italy, atul was declared
dictator, he rewarded his priiici{)al dtViceis with riches and honours,
making them liberal grants of wliatcver they applied for. But he
was most struck with the excellent qualities of Pomjx'y, and was
persuaded that he owed more to his services than thuse of any otlicr
man. He therefore resolved, if possible, to take him into his alli-
ance; and, as his wife Metella was perfectly of his opinion, they
persuaded Pompey to divorce Antistia, and to marry /Emilia, the
daughter-in-law of Sylla, whom iMctclhi had by Scaurus, and who
was at tliat time pregnant l)y another marriage.

Nothing could be niore tyrannical than this new contract. It was
suitable, indeed, to the times of Sylla, but it ill became the character
of pompey to take /Krailin, pregnant as she was, from another, and
bring her into his house, and at the same time to repudiate Antistia,

3/5 PLlTARCn's LIVES.

distressed as she must be for a father whom she had lately lost on
account of this cruel husband: for Antistius was killed in the senate-
house, because it was thouc^ht his regard for Pompey had attached
him to the cause of Sylla. And her mother, upon this divorce, laid
violent hands upon herself. This was an additional scene of misery
in that tragical marriage; as was also the fate of .'Emilia In Pompey 's
house, who died there in cliildbed.

Soon after this Sylla received an account that Perpcnna had made
himself master of Sicily, where he afforded an asylum to the party
which opposed the reigning powers. Carbo was hovering with a
fleet about that island; Domitius had entered Africa, and many other
persons of great distinction, who had escaped the fury of the pro-
scriptions by flight, had taken refuge there. Pompey was sent a-
gainst them with a considerable armament. He soon forced Per-
penna to quit the island; and having recovered the cities, which had
been much harassed by the armies that were there before his, he be-
haved to them all witii great humanity, except the Mamertines, wlio
were seated in Messina. That people had refused to appear before
his tribunal, and to acknowledge his jurisdiction, alleging that they
stood excused by an ancient privilege granted them by the Romans.
He answered, *' Will you never have done with citing laws and pri-
vileges to men who wear swords?" His behaviour, too, to Carbo in
his misfortunes aj)peared inhuman: for if it was necessary, as per-
haps it was, to put him to death, he should have done it immediately,
and then it would have been the work of him that gave orders for if;
but, instead of tliat, he caused a Roman, who had been honoured
with three consulsliips, to be l)rought in chains before his tribunal,
where he sat in judgment on him, fo the regret of all the spectators,
and ordered him to be led off to execution. When they were carry-
ing him off, and he beheld the sword drawn, he was so much disor-
dered at it, that he was forced to beg a moment's respite, and a pri-
vate place for the necessities of nature.

Caius Oppius*, the friend of Caesar, writes, that Pompey likewise
treated Quintus Valerius, with inhumanity: for, knowing him to b-e
a man of letters, and that few were to be compared to him in point of
knowledge, he took him (he says) aside, and after he had walked
with him till he had satisfied himself upon several points of learn-
ing, commanded his servants to take him to the block. But we
must be very cautious how we give credit to Oppius, when he speaks

* The same who wrote an account of the Spanish war. He wiis also ;i bio^^rnphcr;
but his works of that kind are lost. He was mean enough to write a treatise to shovt

that Cssario was not the son offlssar.

POIVfPEY. 377

of the fricculs and enemies of Ctfsar. Pompey, indeed, was under
the neeessity of punishini; the principal enemies of Sylla, particularly
when they were taken pul)rKly ; hut (Hhers he suftered to escape, and
even assisted some in getting oft'.

He had resolved to chastise the Himereans for attempting to sup-
port his enemies, when tiie orator Sthenis told him, " He would act
unjustly, if he passed by the person that was guilty, and punished the
innocent." Pompey asked iiim, "Who was the guilty person ?"
and he answered, *' I am tlie man : I persuaded my friends, and
compelled my enemies, to take ti»e measures t'ley did." Pompey,
delighted with his fraid< confession and noble spirit, forgave him
first, and afterwards all the people of Himera. Being informed that
his soldiers committed great disorders in their excursions, he sealed
up tiieir sword.^, and if any of them broke the seal, he took care to
liave them punisj)cd.

While he was making these and other regulations in Sicily, he re-
ceived a decree of the senate, and letters from Sylla, in which he
was commanded to cross over to Africa, and to carry on the war witli
the utmost vigour against Domitins, who had assembled a much
more pcwerfiil army than that which Marius carried not long before
from Africa to Italy, when he made himself master of Rome, and of
a fugitive became a tyrant. Pompey soon finished his preparations
for this expedition; and leaving the command in Sicily toMemmius,
his sister's husiiand, he set sail with a hundred and twenty armed
vessels, and eight hundred store ships, laden with provisions, arms,
money, and machines of war. Part of his fleet landed at Utica, and
part at Carthage ; immediately after which, scveti thousand of the
enemy came over to him; and he had brought with him six legions
com[)leie.

On his arrival, he met witL a whimsical adventure: Some of his
soldiers, it seems, found u treasure, and shared considerable sums,
The thing getting air, the rest of the troops concluded that the place
was full of money, which the Carthaginians had hid tiiere in some
time of public distress. I'on)pey, therefore, could make no use of
them for several days, as they were searching for treasines; and he
had nothing to do but walk about and anuise himself with the sight
of so many thousands digging and turning up the ground. At last
they gave up the |)oint, and batle him lead them wherever he pleased,
for they were sufliciently punished for their folly.

Domitius advanced to meet him, and put his troops in order of

battle. There happened to be a channel between them, craggy, and

diflicult to pass. In the morning, it began, moreover, to rain, and

the wind blew violently; insomuch that Domitius, not imajfiiung^

\oL. 2. No. JJ, ccc

3 "8 TLUTARCIl's LIVES.

there would he any action that day, ordered his army to retire: hut
Pouipey h)oked u|)oii this as his opportunity, and ho passed the defile
\viih the iitniDst expeditjon. The enemy stood upon their defence,
but it was in a disorderly and tumultuous manner, aiid the resistance
they made was neitlier general nor uniform'; besides the wind and
rain beat in their faces. The storm incommoded the Romans too,
fur they could not well distinguish each other. Nav, Pompey him-
self was in danger of being killed by a soldier, wlu) asked him the
word, and received not a speedy answer. At length, however, lie
routed the enemy with great slaughter; not above three thousand of
them escaping out of twenty thousand. The soldiers then saluted
Pompey imperator, but he said he would not accept that title, while
the enemy's camp remained untouched; therefore if they chose to
confer such an honour upon him, they must first make themselves
masters of the iiitrenchmciits.

At that instant they advanced with great fury against them. —
Pompey fou^Iit without his hehnet, for fear of such an accident as
he had just escaped. Tiie camp was taken, and Domitius slain; in
consequence of which, most of the cities immediately submitted,
and the rest were taken by assault. Me took Jarbas, one of the
confederates of Domitius, prisoner,^ and bestowed his crown on
Tliempsal. Advancing with the same tide of fortune, and while his
army had all the spirits inspirerl by success, he entered Xinnidia, in
whieli he cf)ntinued his march for several days, and subdued all that
came in liis way. 'J'hus he revived the terror of the Roman name,
wliich the barbarians had begun to disregard. Nay, he chose not to
leave the savage beasts in the deserts without giving them a specimen
of the Roman valour and success: accordingly he spent a few days
in hunting lions and elephants. The whole time he passed in Africa,
they tell us, was not above forty days; in which he defeated the
enemv, reduced the whole country, and brought the alTairs of its
kings under proper regulations, though he wua only in his twenty-
fourth year.

Upon his return to Utica, he received letters from Sylla, in whicli
he was ordered to send liome the rest of his army, and to wait there,
with only one legion, for a successor. This gave him a great deal of
uneasiness, which he kept to liiniself, but the army expressed their
indignation aloud, insomuch, that when he entreated them to return
to Italy, they launched out into abusive terms against Sylla, and
declared they would never abandon Pompey, nor sulfer him to trust a
tvrant. At first he endeavoured to pacify them with mild represen-
tations; and when he found those had no effect, he descended from
the tribunal, and retired to his tent in tears. However, they wen^

I'OMPEV. 3751

and took liiiu thence, and jilaccd him agjiin upon the triljunal, where
they spent threat part of the day; ihev iiisistin;^ that he should stay
and keep the coninuind, ;aid he in persnadin-j^ ihein to obey Sylla's
orders, and to form no new faction. At last, sceinj^ no end of thrir
clamours and importunity, he assured them, with an i»aih, '* That he
would kill himself if they attempt*-'' '" !" i. • '■im:" umI <\im( (hi-;
hardly brought them to desist.

The first news that Sylla heard was, that I'ompey had revolted ;
upon which he said to his friends, " I'hen it is my late to have to
contcn<l with boys in my old aire." 'i'his he said, because Marius,
who was very youn^, had broui^ht him into s(; much tr.mble and
danger. Jiut when he received true inlormatitm of the aliair, and
observed thai all the people Hocked out to receive him, and to conduct
him home with marks of great regartl, he res'dved to exceed ihcni
ill his regards, if possible. He therefore hastened to meet hin), and
embracing him in the most alVectionate matmcr, saluted him aloud
by the surname o{.Maij^m(s, u\- tlie Grcut, at the same time he ordered
all about him to give him the same appellation. Others say it was
given him by the whole army in Africa, but did not generally obtain
till it was authorized by Sylla. It is certain he was the last ti» take
it himself, and he did not make use of it till a long time after, wIk u
he was sent into Spain with the dignity ot proconsul, against Serto-
rius. Then he began to write himself in his letters, and in all hi^
edicts, Pomjici/ the Greal : for the world was accustomed to the
name, and it was no longer invidious. In this respect we may justly
admire the wisdom of the ancient lionians, who l>estoWed on their
great men such honourable names and titles, not only for military
achievements, but for the greal (pialitii s and wris which adorn civil
life. Thus the |)eople gave the surnanje oi Mu.tiuiits to Wderiuj.",
for rectmciling them to the senate after a violent djssi tisioii ; anti to
l-'abius Rullns, for expelling some pei^ons descended of enfranehised
slavest, who had been admitted into the senate on account of their
opulent fortunes.

VV heti Pompey arrived at Rome, he demanded a trium|)h, in wliieli
he was opposed by Sylla. 'I'he latter alleged, *' ihat the laws did
not allow that honour to any person wiio was not eiiiier con^al or

* This wn> Marcus Volcrius, (lie brutlicr of VaUriut PulilicoU, who wat Hietator.

t It was not Ills expclliug the docciidJtiits ul' (-iilruiichuvd sliivt'i ibc »ciiuti-, iiu' yet
his glorious victurics, which |irocuu'd i'ntMu* the iiinumc ol M. xniiiis; bui his rrducm^
the {iopulacc ui Kume into lour itihet, who bcfttrr were dispersed nruoiig all the irib«%
liiiit b^ that means liitil too much iiidueucc ui clocdous aud vlLcr pbbhc artairs. 'ihc*«
were called (ri6u( urban*. — Liv. ix.46.

380 Plutarch's lives.

praetor*. Hence it was that the first Scipio, when he returned
victorious from greater wars and conflicts witli tlie Carthaginians in
Spain, did not demand a triumpli; Tor he was neither consul nor
praetor." He added, " That if Pompey, wiio was yet little better
than a beardless youth, and who was not of age to he admitted into
the senate, should enter the city in triumph, it would bring an of/??/m
both upon the dictator's power, and those honours of his friend."
These arguments Sylla insisted on, to show him he would not allow
of his triumph, and that in case he persisted, he would chastise his
obstinacy.

Pompey, not in the least intimidated, bade him consider, " That
more worshl])ped the rising, than the setting sun;" intimating that
his power was increasing, and Sylla's upon the decline. Sylla did
not well hear what he said, but perceiving by the looks and gestures
of the company that they were struck with the expression, he asked
what it was. When he was told it, he admired the spirit of Pompey,
and cried, " Let him triumph! Let him tiiumph!"

As Pompey perceived a strong spirit of envy and jealousy on this
occasion, it "is said, that to mortify those who ga^e into it the more,
he resolved to have his chariot drawn by four elephants ; for he had
brought a number from Africa, which he had taken from the kings
of that country : but finding the gate too narrow, he gave up tliat
design, and contented himself with horses.

His soldiers, not having olitained all they expected, were inclined
to disturb the procession, but he took no pains to satisfy them : he
said, " He had rather give up his triumph, than submit to flatter
them." Whereupon Servilius, one of the most considerable men in
Rome, and one who had been most vigorous in opposing the triumph,
declared, ^' He now found Pompey really llie Greats and worthy of
a triumph."

There is no doubt that he might then have been easily admitted a
senator, if he had desired it; but his ambition was to pursue honour
in a more uncommon track. It would have been nothing strange, if
Pompey had been a senator before the age fixed for it; but it was a
very extraordinary instance of honour to lead up a triumph before he
was a senator : and it contributed not a little to gain him the affections
of the multitude; the people were delighted to see him, after his
triumph, class with tiie equestrian order.

Sylla was not without uneasiness at finding him advance so fast in
reputation and power; yet he could not think of preventing it, till

* Livy (lib. xxxi.) tells us, the senate refused L. CorneJius Lentuius a triumph for
the same reason, though they thought his achievements worthy of that honour.

POMPEY. 381

with a high haiicl^ and entirely against his will, Pompey raised Lepi«
<lus* to the consulship, by assisting him with all his interest, in the
election. Then Sylla, seeing him conducted home hy the people
through the forum, thus addressed him: '* 1 see, young man, you
are proud of your victory. And undoubtedly it was a great and
extraordinary thing, by your management of the pecjple, to obtain
for l-<epidns, the worst man in Rome, the return before Catulus, one
of the worthiest and the best. But awake, I charge you, and be
upon your guard ; for you have now made your adversary greater than
yourself."

The displeasure Sylla entertained in his heart against Pompey,
appeared most plainly by his will. He left considerable legacies to
his friends, and appointed them guardians to his son, but he never
once mentioned Pompey. ^J'he latter, notwithstanding, bore tiiis
with great temper and moderation ; and when Lepidus and others
opposed his being buried in the Campus Martins, and his having
the honours of a public funeral, he interposed, and by his presence
not only secured, but did honour to the procession.

Sylla's predictions were verified soon after his death. Lepidus
wanted to usurp the authority of a dictator: and his proceedings
were not indirect, or veiled with specious pretences: he immediately
took up arms, and assembled the disaffected remains of the factions
which Sylla could not entirely suppress. As for his colleague Catu-
lus, the uncorrupted part of the senate and people were attached to
him, and, in point of prudence and justice, there was not a man in
Rome who had a greater character; but he was more able to direct
the civil government than the operations of war. This crisis, there-
fore, called for Pompey, and he did not deliberate which side he
should take. He joined the honest party, and was declared genei'al
against Lepidus, who by this tinie had reduced great part of Italy, and
was master of Cisalpine Caul, where Brutus acted lor him with a
considerable force.

When Pompey took the field, he easily made iiis way in other
parts, but he lay a long time before Mutina, which was defended bv
Brutus. Meanwhile Ijcpidus advanced by hasty marches to Rome,
and sitting down before it, demanded a second consulship. The
hihabitants were greatly alarmed at his numbers; but their fears
were dissipated by a letter from Pompey, in which he assured them
he had terminated the war, without striking a blow: for Brutus,
whether he betrayed his army, or they betrayed him, surrendered

* Marcus .ILiuilius Lepidus, who, by Porapcy's interest, was declared consul with
Q. Lutatius Cutului, in tlic vcar >ji Rnine dTli.

382 PLrTARCIl's LIVES.

himself to Porapey; and having a party of horse given liiin as an
escort, retired to a litlk- town upon the Po, Ponipey, however, sent
Geniinius the next day to despatch liini ; which brought no small
stain iij)on his character. Immediately after Urutus came over to
him, he had informed the senate by letter, it was a measure that
general had voluntarily adopted; and yet on the morrow he put him
to death, and wrote other letters containing heavy charges against
him. This was the father of that Brutus, who, together with Cassius_;
slew CsBsar: but the son did not resemble, the father, either in war

or in his death, as appears from the life we have given of him

Lepidus, being soon driven out of Italy, fled into Sardinia, where he
died of grief, not in consequence of the ruin of his affairs, but of
meeting with a billet (as we arc told), by which he discovwred that
his wife had dishonoured his bed.

At that time, Sertorlus, an ofHcer very different from Lepidus, was
in possession of Spain, and not a little formidable to Home itself;
all the remains of the civil wars being collected in him, just as in a
dangerous disease all the vicious humours flow to a distempered part.
He had already defeated several generals of less distinction, and he
was then engaged with Metellus Pius, a man of great character in
general, and particularly in war; but age seemed to liavc abated that
vigour which is necessary for seizing and making the best advantage
of critical occasions. On the other hand, notliing could exceed the
ardour and expedition with which Scrtorius snatched those opportu-
nities from him. He came on in the most daring manner, and more
like a captain of banditti than a commander of regular forces; an-
noying with ambuscades, and other unforeseen alarms, a champion
who proceeded by the common rules, and whose skill lay in the ma-
nagement of heavy-armed forces.

At this juncture Pompey, having an army without employment,
endeavoured to prevail with the senate to send him to the assistance
of Metellus. Meantime Catulus ordered him to disband his forces j
but he found various pretences for remaining in arms in the neigh-
bourhood (jf ]{ome; till at last, upon the motion of Lucius IMiIlippus^
he obtained the command he wanted. On this occasion, we are
told, one of the senators, somewhat surprised at the motion, asked
him who made it, whether his meaning was to send out Pompey
[pro consulc] as the representative of a consul? " No," answered
he, " hnt [pro co?tsulibus~\ as the rej)resentative of both consuls;"
intimating by this the incapacity of the consuls, of that year.

When Pompey arrived in Spain, new hopes were excited, as is
\isual upon the appearance of a new general of reputation ; and such
of the Spanish nations as were not very firmly attached to Scrtorius

roMi'KV. 38.3

began to cliaiiijc tlair opinions, and to j^'O over to tlie Romans. Scr-
lorius then expressed liini'^elf in a very insolent and contemptuous
manner with ie.s|)rct lo I'onipi y: lie said, " He slujuld want no
other \vea[)ons tlian a rod and fVrnIa to chastise the boy with, were
it not that he feared the old woman," meaning Metcllus. Jiul in
fact it was l^)mpey he was afraid of, and on his account he carried
on his operations witli much greater caution: for Metellus gave into
a course of Uixury and j)leasurc, whicli no one could have expected,
and changed the sinii)li(.-i(y of a soldier's life for a life of pomp and
parade. IJcnce I'onipey gained additional honcnir and interest: for
lie cultivated plainness and frugality more than ever: tliough he had
not, in that respect, much to correct in himself, being naturally sober
and regular in his desires.

The war appeared in many forms: but nothing touclicd Pompcy
so nearly as the loss of Laiuon, which Sertorius took before ins eyes.
Pompcy thought he had blocked up the enemy, and spoke of it in
high terms, when suddeidy he found himself surrounded, and, being
afraid to move, had the mortification to see the city laid in ashes in
his presence. However, ii\ an engagement near Valentia, he defeated
Herennius and Perpcnna, oflicers of considerable rank, who had taken
part with Sertorius, and acted as his lieutenants, and killed above ten
thousand of their men.

Elated with this advantage, he hastened to attack Sertorius, that
Melellus might iiave no share in the victorv. He kiund him near
the liver Sucro, and they engaged near the close of dav. lioth wvre
afraid Metellus should come up, Pompcy wanting to fight alone,
and Sertorius to have but one general to fight with. The issue of the
battle was doubtful; one wing in each army being victorious. Rut
of the two generals Sertorius gained the greatest honour, for he
routed the battalions that opposed him. As for Pompcy, he was at-
tacked on horseback by one of the enemy's infantry, a man of un-
common si/.c. While they were close engaged with their s\voids,thc
strokes hap]>ened to light on each other's hand, but with ditiirent
success; l*umpey received only a slight wound, and he lojjped olf the
other's hand. Numbers then fell upon Pompcy, for his trtxips in
that quarter were already broken; but he escaped, beyond all expec-
tati<7n, by quitting his horse, with g(dtl tra])pin^s and other valuable
furniture, to the barbarians, who (juarrelled and came to blows about
dividing the s|)oil.

Next morning at break of day. both drew uj) again, to give the
finishing stroke to the victory, to which both laid claim: but, upon
Metellus coming up, Sertorius retired, and his army dispersed. No-
thing was more common than for his forces to disperse in that man-

384 I'LUTARCH S LIVES.

ner, and afterwards to knit again; so that Sertorius was often seen

wandt-rint^ alone, and as often advancing again at the head of a
hundred and fifty thousand men, lii<e a torrent swelled with sudden
jains.

After the battle, Pompcy went to wait on Metellus ; and, upon
approaching him, lie ordered his lictors to lower \\\g fasces^ by way
of compiinnent to Metellus, as his superior; but Metellus would not
suffer it; and, indeed, in all respects lie behaved to Pompey with
great politeness, taking nothing upon him on account of his consular
dignity, or his being the older man, except to give the word, when
they encamped together. And very often they had separate camps;
for the enemy, by his artful and various measures, by making his ap-
pearance at different places almost at the same instant, and, by draw-
ing them from one action to another, obliged them to divide. He
cut off their provisions, he laid waste the country, he made himself
master of the sea; the consequence of which was, that they were
both forced to quit their own provinceSj and to go upon those of
others for supplies.

Pompev, having exhausted most of his own fortune in support of
the war, applied to the senate for money to pay the troops, declaring
he would return with his army to Italy, if they did not send it him.
LtrcuUus, who was then consul, though he was upon ill terms with
Pompey, took care to furnish him with the money as soon as possi-
ble; because he wanted to be employed himself in the Mithridatic
war, and he was afraid to give Pompey a pretext to leave Sertorius,
and to solicit the command against Mithridates, which was a more
honourable, and yet appeared a less difficult commission.

Meantime Sertorius was assassinated by his own officers*; and
Perpenna, wlio was at the head of the conspirators, undertook to
supply his place. He had indeed the same troops, the same maga-
zines and supplies, but he had not the same understanding to make
a proper use of them. Pompey immediately took the field, and
liaving intelli;i;encc that Perpenna was greatly embarrassed as to the
measures he should take, he threw out ten cohorts as a bait for him,
with orders to spread themselves over the plain. When he found
it took, and that Perpenna was busied in the pursuit of that handful
of men, he suddenly made his appearance with the main body, at-
tacked the enemy, and routed him entirely. Most of the officers
fell in the battle; Perpenna himself was taken prisoner, and brought
to Pompev, who commanded him to be put to death. Nevertheless,
Pompey is not to be accused of ingratitude, nor are we to suppose

* It was three years after the consulate of LucuUus tliat Sertorius was assassinated.

Po^fPF.Y. 385

liim (as some will iiave it) fDrgtiful of tlie services he had received
from that oflicer in Sicily; on the contrary, he acted with a wisdom
Hnd dignity of mind that provetl very salutary to the public. Pcr-
penna having got tlie papers of Sertorius into his hands, showed
letters, by which the most p<jwerful men in Rome, who were desirous
to raise new commotions, and overturn the establishment, had
invited Sertorius into Italy: hut Pompey, fearing those letters might
excite greater wars than he was tiun finishing, put Perpenna to
death, and burnt the papers without reading them. He staid just
long enough in Spain to com[)osc the troubles, and to remove such
uneasinesses as might tend to break the peace; after which lie
marched back to Italy, where he arrived, as fortune would have it,
when the Servile war was at the height.

Crassus, who had the command in that war, upon tlie arrival of
Pompey, who, he feared, might snatch the laurels out of his hand,
resolved to come to battle, however hazardous It might prove. He
succeeded, and killed twelve thousand three hundred of the enemy.
Yet fortune, in some sort, intorweavcd this wiijj the honours of
Pompey; for he killed five thousand of the slaves, whom he fell in
with as they fied after the battle. Immediately upon this, to be
beforehand with Crassus, he wrote to the senate, " That Crassus
had beaten the gladiators In a pitched battle, but that it was Ac who
had cut up the war by the roots." The Romans took a pleasure in
speaking of this one among another, on account of their regard for
Pompey; which was such, tiiat no j)art of the success in Spain
against Sertorius was asciibed by a man of then), either in jest or
earnest, to any but Pompey.

Yet these honours, and this high veneration for the man were
mixed with some fears and jeal<ni.siis that he would, ii.it disband hi??
army; l)uf, treading in the steps of Sylla, raise himself bv the sworj
to sovereign power, and maintain himself in It as Sylla had done.
Hence the number of those that went out of fear to meet him, and
congratulate liim on l\Is return, was eipial lo that of those who went
out of love. But when he had removed this suspicion, by declarin""
that he would dismiss his troops immediately after the triumph,
there remained only one niore subject for envious tongues; which
was, that he paid more attention to the commons than to the senate;
jmd whereas Sylla had destroyed the authority of the tribunes, he
was determined to re-establish it, in order to gain the afVections of
tlie people. This was true: for there never was any thing they hail
so much set their hearts upon, or longed for so extravagantly, as to
see the tribunitial power put in their liands again: so that Pompey
looked upon it as a peculiar happiness that he had an opportunity

Vol. 2. No. 22. Vdu

3S6 Plutarch's lives.

to liiinir that atkir about j knowing that if any one should be
before- hand with liim in this design, he should never find any
means of making so agieeable a return for the kind regards of the
people.

A second triumph was decreed him*, together with the consulship :
but these were not considered as the most extraordinary instances of
his power: the strongest proof of his greatness was, that Crassus,
the richest, the most eloquent, and most powerful man in the admi-
nistration, who used to look down upon Pumpey, and all the world,
did not venture to solicit the consulship without first asking Pompey's
leave. Poinpey, who hud long wished for an opportunity to lay an
obligation upon him, received the application with pleasure, and
matle great interest with the people in his behalf, declaring he should
take their giving him Crassus for a colleague, as kindly as their
favour to himself.

Yet, when ihey were elected consuls, they disagreed in every thing,
and were embroiled in all their measures. Crassus had most interest
with the senate, and Pompey with the people; for he had restored
them the tribunitial power, and had suffered a law to be made, that

judges should again be aj)poinied out of the equestrian orderf.

However, the most agreeable spectacle of all to the people was
Pompey himself, when he went to claim his exemption from serving
in the wars. It was the custom for a Roman knight, when he had
served the time ordered by law, to lead his horse into the foruniy
before the two magistrates called censors ; and after having given
account of the generals and other officers under whom he had made
his campaigns, and of his own actions in them, to demand his dis-
charge. On these occasions they received proper marks of honour
or disgrace, according to their behaviour.

Gellius and Lentulus were then censors, and had taken their
seats in a manner that ])ecame their dignity, to review the whole
equestrian order, when Pompey w;as seen at a distance, with all the
badges of his office as consul, leading his horse by the bridle. As
soon as he was near enough to be observed by the censors, he ordered
liis lictors to make an opening, and advanced, with his horse in
hand, to the foot of the tribunal. The people were struck with
admiration, and a profound silence took place: at the same time a

* ir.- triumphed towards the end of the year of Rome 682, and at the same time was.
declared consul for the jear ensuing. This was a peculiar honour, to gain the consu-
late without first bearing the subordinate oiliccs; but his two triumphsj and his great
services, excused tiiat deviation from the common rules.

t L. Aurclius Cotta carried that point when he was prsetor; and Phitarcli says agair:,
because Caius Gracchus had conveyed that privilege to the knights fifty years before.

POMHEY. 387

joy, mingled with reverence, was visible in the countenances oi the
censors. The senior censor then addressed him as follows: " Poin-
pey the Great, I demand of you whether you liave served all tiie
campaigns required by law r" He answered with a loud voice, "I
liave served tliem all; and all under myself, as general." The
people were so charmed with this answer, that there was no end of
their acclamations. At last the censors rose up, and conducted
Pompey to his house, to indulge the multitude, who followed him
with the loudest plaudits.

When the end of the consulship approached, and l)is difference
with Crassus was increasing daily, Caius Aurelius*, a man who was of
the equestrian order, but had never intermeddled with state affairs,
one day, when tlie people were met in full assembly, ascended the
rostra, and said, " Jupiter liad appeared to him in a dream, and
commanded him to acquaint the consuls, that they must take care to
be reconciled, before they laid down their olfice." Pompey siood
still, and held his peace; but Crassus went and gave him his hand,
and saluted him in a friendly manner; at the same time he addressed
the people as follows: " 1 think, my fellow citizens; there is nothing
dishonourable or mean in making the first advances to Pompey, whom
you scrupled not to dignify with the name of i/ie Great, when he
was yet but a beardless youth, and for whom yuu voted two triunjphs
before he was a senator." Thus reconciled, they laid down the
consulship.

Crassus continued his former manner of life; but Pompey now
seldom chose to plead the causes of those that applied to him, and l)y

degrees he left the bar Indeed, he seldom appeared in public, and

when he did, it was always with a great train of friends and attend-
ants; so that it was not easy either to speak to him or see him but iu
the midst of a crowd. He took pleasure in having a number oi re-
tainers about him, because he thought it gave him an air of greatness
and majesty; and he was persuaded that dignity should be kept fioni
being soiled by the familiarity, and indeed by the very touch of the
many. For those who are raised to greatness by aims, and know not
how to descend again to the equality required in a republic, are very
liable to fall into contempt when they resume the robe of peace.
The soldier is dcsiious to preserve the rank in x\\c forum which he
had in the field; and he who cannot distinguish himself in the field,
thinks it intolerable to give place in the administration too. When,
therefore, the latter has got the man who shone in camps and triumphs
into the assemblies ut home, and tinds him attempting to uiaiutiiia

* Ovatius Aurelius.

388 pja'TARch's livej?.

the same pre-eminence there, o( course he endeavours to humble
him; whereas, if the warrior pretends not to take the lead in
domestic councils, he is readily allowed the palm of military glory.
This soon appeared froin the subsequent events.

The power of the pirates had its foundation in Cilicia. Their
progress was the more dans^erous, because at first it was little taken
notice of. In the Mithridatic war they assumed new confidence and

courage, ou account of some services they had rendered the king

After this, the Romans bcini^ ent^Mged in civil wars at the very gates
of their capital, the sea was left unguarded, and the pirates by
degrees attempted higher things; they not only attacked ships, but
Islands and maritime towns. Many persons, distinguished for their
wealth, their birth, and their capacity, embarked with them, and
assisted in their depredations, as if their employment had been worthy
the ambition of men of honour. They had in various places arsenals,
ports, and watcii-towcrs, all strongly fortified. Their fleets were
not only extremely well manned, supplied with skilful pilots, and
fitted for their business by their lightness and celerity, but there was
a parade of vanity about them, more mortifying than their strength,
in gilded sterns, purple canopies, and plated oars, as if they took a
pride, and triumphed in their villany. Music resounded, and
drunken revels were exhibited on every coast. Here generals were
made prisoners, there the cities the pirates had taken were paying
their ransom, all to the great disgrace of the Roman power. The
number of their galleys amounted to a thousand, and the cities they
were masters of, to four thousand.

Temples, which had stood inviolably sacred till that tiujc, they
plundered. They ruined the temple of Apollo at CIaros;'"that where
he was worshipped under the title of Didynueus* ; that of the Cabirl
in Samothrace; that of Ceresf at Ilcrmione; that of ^iisculapius
at Epidaurus; those of Neptune in the Isthmus, at Taenarus, and in
Calauria; tliose of Apollo at Actium, and In the isle of I^eucas;
those of Juno at Samcs, Argos, and the promontory of Laci-
nluni"^.

They likewise offered strange sacrifices; those of Olympus I

* So called from Didynie, jii ll:c territories of .Milctiu.

•f Paosaiiiiis ( i« Laconic. J tells us the Lacedjenioniuiisworbhipped Ceres under the
name ofChthonui; and (in Corinthiitc.J lie givc-s us the roajon of her having that namo :
" The Argives saj, that Clithonia, the daughter of Colontas, having been sarcd out of
a conflagration by Ceres, and conveyed to Hermionc, built a temple to that goddess, who
was worshipped there under the name of Clithonia."

♦ The printed text gives us the erroneous reading of Lexcanium , but two mauuscripts
give us Lacinium. Livy often raeations Juno Lacinia.

POMPEY. 3R9

mean*; and they celebrated certain secret mysteries, amon^ which
those of Ntithra continue to this dayt, beint^ orijjinally instituted by
them. Ti»ey not only insultid the Romans at sea, but infested the
great roads, and plundered the villas near the coast: they carried
off Sextilius and Belliinis, tuo praetors, in tlieir pur|)le robes, with
all their scrv'ants and lit tors; they seized the dauirhter of Antony, a
man who had been honoured with a triumph, as she was j^oin^
to her country-house, and lu' was fcjrced to pay a large ransoni for
her.

But the most contcnii)tuous circumstance of all was, that when
they had taken a prisoner, and he cried out that he was a Roman,
and told thetn his name, they pretended to be struck with terror,

smote their thighs, and fell upon their knees to ask him pardon

'J'lie poor man, seeing them thus humble themselves before him,
thought them in earnest, and said he would forgive them ; for some
were so officious ns to ])ut on h.is shoe^, and others to help him vn

with his gOT^n, that his quality njight no more be mistaken

\\'hcn they had carried on this farce, and enjoyed it for some
time, they let a ladder down into the sea, and i)ade him go in
peace; and if he refused to do it, they pushed him olVthe deck and
drowned him.

Their power extended over the whole Tuscan sea, so that the
Romans found their trade and navigation entirely cut of!'; the con-
sequence of which was, that their markets were not supplied, and
they had reason to apprehend a famine. This, at last, put them
Ujxjn sending I'ontpey to clear the ^eas of i)irates. (Jabinius, one of
Pompey's intimate friends, jiroposed the decrtvj, which created
him, iK>t admiral, but monarch, and invested him with absolute
power. The decree gave him the empire of the sea as far as the
Pillars of Hercules, aiid of the land four hundred furlongs from
the coasts. There were few parts (»f the Ri)man empire which this
commission diil not take in; and the most considerable of tho
barbarous nations, aiul most jiowerfnl kings, were, moreover, com-
prehended in it. Resides this, he was empowered to choose out of
the senators fifteen lieutenants to act under him in such (!i>trictsnnd

* Not on Mount Olyin|>ti«, hut in llic ciiy of Olympus, nvnr Pha«clis, in Parophyli.-i,
whicli wat one of the receptacle* of the piratei. What lort i>f incrificri they u»ed to
irJer there is not kniiwn.

t Accurcliiig til llrtudutui, the Prrsiiini wortliippcJ Vcnut under the naine of Milhrr*,
<it Mithra; but the «uii i; wurshippcil in tbut country.

t Thi$ law wa* lunde in the yrixr ui Uuiue C86. The crafty triSonr, when he
proposed it, did not nume Pomfx. v. Poiupey was now in the thirty ninth >ear of
hii age. Uii friend Gabiniu), as appears from Cicero, was a man of mfamuut civA*
racier.

3gO rM'TARCH S LIVES.

with such authority as he should appoint. He was to take from
the qucEstors, and other pubUc receivers, wiiat money he pleased,
and equip a fleet of two hundred sail. The nuniher of marine
forces, of mariners and rowers, was left entirely to his discretion.

When this decree was read in the assembly, the people received it
with inconceivable pleasure. The most respectaUe part of the senate
saw, indeed, tiiat such an absolute and unlimited power was above
envy, but they considered it as a real object of fear. They therefore
all, except Cjesar, opposed its passing into a law. He was for it, not
out of regard for Pompey, hut to insinuate himself into the good
graces of the people, which he had long been courting. The rest
were very severe in their expressions against Pompey; and one of the
consuls venturing to say*, " If he imitates Romulus, he will not
escape his f;ite," was in danger of being pulled in pieces by the
populace.

It is true, when Catulus rose up to speak against the law, out of
reverence for his person, they listened to him with great attention.
After he had freely given Pompey the honour that was liis due, and
said much in his praise, he advised them to spare him, and not to ex-
pose such a man to so many dangers; *' for where will you find ano-
ther," said he, '* if you lose him?" They answered with one voice,
*' Yourself." Finding his arguments had no effect, he retired.
Then Roscius mouritcd the rostrum, but not a man would give car
to him. However, he made signs to tliem with his fingers, that they
should not appoint I'ompcy alone, but give him a colleague. Incensed
at the proposal, they set up such a .ihout, that a crow, wliich was
flying over the foi'iim, was stunned with the force of it, and fell down
among the crowd. Hence we may conclude, that when birds fall
on such occasions, it is not because the air is so divided with the
shock as to leave avactufrn, but rather bcciiuse the sound stiikes them
like a Ijluw, when it ascends with such force, and produces so violent
an agitation.

The assembly broke up that day without con)ing to any resolution.
When the day came that they were to give their suffrages, Pompey
retired into the country; and, on receiving information that the de-
cree was passed, he returned to the city by night, to prevent the
envy which the multitudes of people coming to meet him would have
excited. Next morning at break of day he made his appearance,
and attended the sacrifice. After which he summoned an assembly,
and obtained a grant of almost as much more as tiie first decree had
given him. He was empowered to fit out fi\ e hundred galleys, and

• The consuls of ibis year were Calpurnius Piio and Aeilius Glabrio,

roMPEV. 391

to raise an army of a hundred and twenty thousand foot, and five
thousand horse, 'i'wenty-four senators were selected, who had all
been geneial-s or prai'tors, and were apjxjinted his lieutenants; and he
had two quiestors given him. As the price of provisions fell imme-
diately, the people were greatly pleased, and it gave them occajjion to
say, " 'I'he very name of IVmpcy had terminated the war."

However, in pursuance of his eharj^e, he divided the whole Medi-
terranean into thirteen parts, appointing a lieutenant for each, and
assigning him a squadn^n. By thus .stali<jning his fleets in all quar-
ters, he enclosed the pirates as it were in a net, took great nunjbers
of them, and brought them into harbour. Such of their vessels as
had dispersed and made off in tinie, or could escape the general
chace, retired to Cilicia, like so many bees into a hive. Against these
he proposed to go himself with si.\ty of his best gallics; but first he
resolved to clear the Tuscan sea, and the coasts of Africa, Sardinia,
Corsica, and Sicily, of all piratical adventurers; which he effected in
forty days, by his own indefatigable endeavours, and those of his lieu-
tenants. But as the consul Fiso was indulging his malignity at
liome, in wasting his stores and discharging his seamen, he sent his
fleet round to Brundusium, and went himself by land through Tus-
cany to Komc.

As soon as the people were informed of his approach, tliey went in
crowds to receive hini, in the same manner as thev had done a few
clays before to conduct him on his way. Their extraordinary joy was
owing to the speed with which he had executed his commission, so
far f)eyond all expectation, and to the superabundant plenty which
reigned in the markets. For this reason Piso was in danger of being
deposed from the consulship: and Cabinius had a decree readv <lra\vn
up for that purpose, but Ponipey would not sulfer hini to j)ropiisi- it:
on the contrary, his speech to thf people was lull of candour and mo-
deration; and when he had provided surli things as he wanted, he
went to Brundusium, and put to sea again. Tliough he was .strai-
tened for time, and in his haste sailed by many eities without calling,
yet he stopped at .Athens, lie entered the town, and saciificed to
the gods; after which he addressed the people, and then prepared
to re-embark immediately. As he went out of the gate, he observed
two inscriptions, each comprised in oiu* line.

That within the gate was

Uui know llivscll u (null, and be a god.

That without

>\ c wiili'd, we liiW; wc lo»M, ond wo adur'd.

Some of the pirates, who yet tniversed the sens, made their sub-
niibsion; and as he treated them ia a hiunauc manner, wlicn he had

393 I'Ll'TARCH S MVt-..

them and their ships in his power, others entertained hopes of mercy,

and, avoiding; the other officers, surrcnderi'd themselves to Pompey,
together with their wives and children. He spared them all; and it
■was principally by their means that he found out and took a number
who were guilty of unpardonable crimes, and therefore had concealed
themselves.

Still, however, there remained a great number, and indeed the
most powerful part of these corsairs, who sent their families, trea-
sures, and all useless hands, into castles and fortified towns upoa
Mount Taurus. 'I'hen they manned their ships, and waited for
Pompey at Coracesium, in Cilicia. A battle ensued, and the pirates
were defeated; after which they retired into the fort. But they had
not been long besieged before they capitulated, and surrendered
theinselves, together with the cities and islands which they had con-
quered and fortified, and which by their works, as well as situa-
tlot), were almost impregnable. Thus the war was finished, and
the whole force of tlie pirates destroyed, within three months at the
farthest.

Bcsichs the other vessel?, Pompey tof)k ninety ships wiih beaks of
brassy and the prisoners amounted to twenty thousand. He did not
choose to put them to death, and at the same time he thought it
wrong to sulfer them to disperse, because they were not only nume-
rous, but warlike and necessitous, and therefore would probably knit
again, and give future trouble. He reflected, that man by nature is
neither a savage nor an unsocial creature, and when he becomes so,
it is by vices contrary to nature; yet even then he niiiy be hunvauized
by changing his place of abode, and accustomiug him to a new man-
ner of life, as beasts that are naturally wild put oiY their fierceness,
when they are kept in a domestic way. For this reason he determin-
ed to remove the pirates to a great distance from the sea, and bring
them to taste the sweets of civil life, by living in cities, and by the
culture of the ground. He placed some of them in the little towns
of Cilicia, which were almost desolate, and which received them witU
pleasure, because at the same time he gave them an additional pro-
portion of lands. He repaired the city of Soli*, which had lately
been dismantled and deprived of its inhabitants by Tigranes, king of
Armenia, and peopled it with a nuniljer of these corsairs. The re-
mainder, which was a considerable body, he planted in Dyma, a city
of Achaia, which, though it had a largo and fruitful territory, was in
want of inhabitants.

Such as looked upon Pompey with envy found fault with these pro-

* lie called it after his own name Porapeiopolis,

Ki.MPEY. 393

eeeditigs; but his conduct with respect to Mctellus in Crete was not
agreeable to his best tViciuls. This was a relation of that Meiellus
who commanded in conjunction with l\»in|>ey in S|>ain, and he had
been sent into Crete some time belorc Pompey was employed in this
war; for Crete was the second nursery of pirates after (.ilicia. Mc-
tellus had destroyed many nests ot them there, and the remainder,
who were besieged bv him at thia time, aildressed themselves to |*«>n)-
pey as suppliants, and invited him into the island, as included in his
commission, and falling within the distance he hud a rieht to carry
his arms from the sea. He listened to their application, and by let-
ter enjoined Metellus to take no farther steps in the war. At the
same time, he ordered the cities of Crete not to obey Metellus, but
Lucius Octavius, one of his own lieutenants, whom he sent to take
the command.

Octavius went in among the besieged, and fought on their side; a
circumstance whicii rendered Pompey not only odious, but ridicu-
lous: for what could be more absurd than to suH'er hiiiisell to be so
blinded by his envy and jealousy of Metellus, as to lend his name
and authority to a crew of profligate wretches, to be used as a kind
of amulet to defend then)? Achilles was not thought to behave like a
man, but like a frantic youth carried away by an cxtravag>mt passion
for fame, when be made signs to his troops not to touch Hector,

Lett some lUuiig arm iiijuiJ ^uatcli llic i^lurious prize
Before Pelidc*.

But Pompey fought for the common enemies of matikind, in order
to deprive a prujtor, who was labouring to destroy them, of the ho-
nours of a triumph. Metellus, however, pursued his operations till
he took the pirates, and put them all to death. As for Octavius, he
exposed him in the camp as an object of contempt, and loaded him
with reproaches, after which he dismisi^cd him.

When news was brought to Rome that the war with the pirates was
finished, and that Pompey was bestowing his leiiure upon visiting
the cities, Manilius, one of tlie tribunes of the people, proposed a
decree, which gave him all the provinces and forces under the com-
mand of Lucullus, adding likewise Bithyilia, which was then govern-
ed by Glabrio. It directed him to carry on the war against Miibri-
dates and Tigranes; for which purpose he was uUo to retain his
naval command. This was subjecting at once the uhole Roman
empire to one man: for the provinces which the former decree did
not give him, Phrygia, lAcaonia, Ciulatin, C.ippa«locia, Cilicia, the
Lpper Colchis, and Armenia, were granted by this, together with
all the forces which under Lucullus had defeated Milliridutcs aud
Tigranes.

Vol. 2. No. 22. LkE

394 PLUTAKLirs LIVES.

By this law Luc-ulhis ^vas dejjrivcd of tlic honours he had dearly
earned, and had a person to succeed him in his triumph, rather than
in the war. But tliat was not the thinf; which aflected the patricians
luost: they were persuaded, indeed, that Lucullus was treated with
injustice and ingratitude; hut it was a much more painful circum-
stance to think of a power in tiic lumds of Pompey which they could
call nothing but a tyranny*. 'J'hcy therefore exhorted and encou-
raged each other to oppose tlie law, and maintain their liherty: yet
when the time came, their fear of tlie people prevailed, and no one
spoke on the occasion hut Catulus. He urged many arguments a-
gainst the hill; and when he found they had no effect upon the com-
mons, he addressed himself tO- the senators, and called upon them
many times from the rostrum^ " To seek some mountain, as tiicir
ancestors had done, some rock whither they might fly for the preser-
vation of liberty."

We are told, however, that the"1)ill was passed by all the tribes f,
and almost the same universal authority conferred upon Pompey in
his absence, which Sylla did not gain but by the sword, and by carry-
ing war into the bowels of his country. \\'hen Pompey received the
letters which notified his high promotion, and his friends, who hap-
pened to be by, congratulated him on the occasion, he is said to have
knit his brows, smote his thigh, and expressed himself as if he was
already overburdened and wearied with the weight of power J:
"Alas! is there no end of my contlicis? How much better would
It have been to be one of the undistinguished many, than to be per-
petually engaged in war? Shall 1 never be able to fly from envy to a
rural retreat, to domestic happiness, and conjugal endearments?"
Even his friends were unable to bear the dissimulation of this speech.
They knew that the flame of his native ambition and lust of power
was blown up to a greater height by tlie diltcrcnce he had with Lu-
cullus, and that he rcjt)iced tlio more In the present preference on
that account.

His actions soon unmarked the man. He caused public n(Hice to

* " We have tl.cn got at lasj," said tliev, " a sovereign; llic republic Jb clianged
into a monarchy? ; liie services of Lucullu!>, the hoiiotir ot'Glabrio and i\larcius, two
zealous and worthy senators, are to be sacrificed to the praniotioii of Pompey. ."^yHa
never carried his tyranny so far."

t Two great men spoke in favour of the law, name)}', Cicero and Csesar. Tiic fornicr
aimed at tlie consulate, which Pompey "s party could n»ore easily procure liini than tliat
of Catulus and the senate. As for Caisar, he was delighted to sec the people insensibly
lose that republican spirit and love of liberty, which might one day obstruct the vast
designs be had already formed.

X Is it possible to read this without recollecting the similar character of our Richard
th< Third,

roMPEY. 395

be given in all places within Ins commission, that the Roman troops
were to repair to him, as well as the kings aiul princes their allies—
Wherever he went he annulled the acts of I^ucullus, remitting the
fines he had imposed, and taking away the rewards he had given.
In short, he omitted no means to show the parti/ans of that general
that all his authority was gone.

Lueullus, of course, comj)lained of tiiis treatnR-nt, and their
common friends were of opinion that it would be best for them to
come to an interview; accordingly they met in (ialatia. As they
had b«)th given distinguished pro(jfs of millitary merit, the /ictorsUad
entwined the rods of each with laurel. Lueullus had marched
through a country M\ of fl»)urisliing groves, but Pomj)ey's route was
dry and barren, without the ornament or advantage of woods. His
laurels, therefore, were parched and witfiered; which the servants of
Lueullus no sooner observed, than they freely supplied thenj witli
Iresh ones, and crowned his /c/.vcf.v with them. This seemed to be
an omen that Fompey would bear away the honours and rewards of
Lucullus's victories. Lueullus had been consul befon- Pompcy, and
was the older man, but I'ompey's two tiiumphs gave him the advan-
tage in point of dignity.

Their interview had at first the face of great politeness and civility.
They began with mutual complimetUs and coiigratulalions ; but tiiey
soon lost sight even of candour and moderation ; they proceeded to
abusive language; Pompcy reproaching Lueullus with avarice, and
Lueullus accusing Pompey of an insuiiable lust of power; insomucli
that their friends found it diHicult to prevent violence. After this,
Lueullus gave his friends and followers lands in Liaiatia, as a con-
quered eountrv, and made other consideral)le grants. Hut Pompev,
who eneamped at a little disiunce from hnn, declared he would not
sutler his orders to be carried into execution, and seduceil all his
soldiers, except sixteen hundred, who he knew were so mutinous,
that they would be as unserviceable to him as they had been ill-
atfected to their old general. Nay, he scrupled not ;o disparage the
conduct of Lueullus, and to represent his actions in a despicable
light. " 'I'he battles of l^ucidlus," Le saiil, " .verc onJy mock
battles, and he had fought with nothing but the shatlows of kings;
but tl at it was left for /li/u to contenil with real strength and
well-disciplined aimics; since -Mithridates ii.id betaken him if
to swords and shields, anil knew how to make proper use of his
cavalry." ,

On the other hand, Lueullus defended himself by observing,
"That it was iHuh.ng new to Pimipey t») fight with jjhantoms and
shadows of war: for like a dastardly bird, he had been accustomed tc

396 rLlTARCIl's LIVES,

prey upon those whom he had not killed, and to tear the poor remains
of a dyings opposition. Thus lie had arrogated to himself the con-
quest of Sertorius, of Lepidus, and Spartacus, which originally
belonged to Mctellus, to Catulus, and Crassus. Consequently he
did not wonder that he was come to claim the honour of finishing the
wars of Armenia and I'ontus after he had thrust himself into the
triumph over the fugitive slaves."

\n a little time Lurullus departed for Rome; and Pompey Imving
secured the sea from PlurMiicia to the l^osphorus, mar'jhcd in quest
of Mithridatcs, who had an army of thirty thousand foot, and two
thousand horse, but durst not stand an engagement. That prince
was in possession of a strong and secure post upon a motmtain, wliich
he quitted upon Pompey's approach, because it was destitute of water.
Pompey encamped in the same place; and conjecturing, from the
nature of the jilants and the crevices in the mountain, that sj)rings
might be found, he ordered a number of wells to be dug, and the
cainp was in a short time plentifully supplied with water*. He was
not a little surprised that this did not occur to Mithridates during the
whole time of his encampment there.

After this Pompey followed him to his new camp, and drew a line
of circumvallation round him. Mithridates stood a siege of forty-
five days, after which he found means to steal oft' with liis best troops,
having first killed all the sick, and such as could be of no service.
Pompey overtook him near the Euphrates, and encamped over
against him; but fearing he might pass the river unperceived, he
drew out his troops at midnight. At that time Mithridates is said
to have liad a dream, prefigurative of what was to befal him. He
thought he was upon the Pontic sea, sailing with a favourable wind,
and in sight of the Bosphorus; so that he felicitated his friends in
the ship, like a man perfectly safe, and already in harl)Our. But
suddenly he beheld himseU" in the most destitute condition, swim-
ming upon a piece of wreck. While he was in all the agitation
which this dream produced, his friends awaked him, and told him
that Pompey was at hand. He was now under a necessity of fighting
for his camp, and his generals drew up the forces with all possible
expedition.

Pompey, seeing the.m prepared, was loth to risk a battle in the
dark. He thought it sufficient to surround them, so as to prevent
their flight; and what inclined him still more to wait for day-light,
was the consideration that his troops were much better than the
enemy's. However, the oldest of his officers entreated him to

* Paulas /Emilias liad done the same thing long before^ in the Macedonian war.

poNrPFY. 397

proceed immediately lo the attack, and :it \dst prevailed, li was
not indeed very dark ; for the moon, thtiUf^h near her setting', gave
light eiiou;;h to distini^uish objeets. Hut it was a great disadxantage
to the king's troops thiit the moon was so low, and on the backs of
the Romans ; because she projected their shadows so far beft)re them,
that the enemy could form no just estimate of the distances, but,
thinking them at hand, threw their javelins "nefore they could do the
least execution.

The Romans, perceiving their nii.>take, ndvaneed to the charge
with all tiie alarm of voices. The enemy were in such a consternation
that they made not the least stand, and in their flight vast numbers
were slain. They lost above ten thousand men, and their camp was
taken. As for Miihridates, he broke through the Roniuns with eight
hundred horse, in the beginning of the engagement. That corps,
however, did not follow him far before they dispersed, and left hira
with only three of his people; one of which was his concubine
Ilypsicralia, a woman of such a masculine and daring spirit, that
the king used to call her Hypsicrates. She then rode a Persian
horse, and was dressed iit a man's habit, of the fashion of that
nation. She complained not in the least of the length of the
marcli; and, besides that fatigue, she waited on the king, and
look care of his horse, till they reached the castle of Inora*, where
the king's treasure, andhij most valuable moveables were deposited.
Mithridates took out thence many rich robes, and bestowed them on

tliose who repaired to him after their flight He furnished each of

liis friends, too, witii a ijuantity of poison, ihat none of them against
their will, might conie alive into the enemy's hands.

From Inora his design was to go to Tigranes in Armenia: but
Tigranes had given up the cause, and set a price of no less than a
Imndred talents upon his head. He therefore changed his route,
and having passed th" head i»f the Euphrates, directed liis Hiirht
through Colchis.

In the mean time Pompey entered Armenia u|)<)n the invi; liuMi of
young 'I'igranes, who had revolted from his father, and was gone to
meet the Roman general at the river Aiaxes. 'I'his ii\er Jakes its
rise near the source of ihe Liiphrates, but bends its course eastward,
aiul empties itself into the Caspian sia. Pompey and ytunig Tigranes
in their march, received the homage of the cities through which ihcy
passed. As for Tigranes the failur, he had been lat«-ly defeated by
IaicuHus; and now, being informed that Ponjpey was of a mild and

• It icrms from a p usage in Sirabo (b lii ), ilinc. iiniciicl of /n>>ra, we »l...,ilH read
Sin»ria: for that was 00c of the many fwrtrcisr* Milliridme* lia«i built i»cnTccn lb«
Urratcr nwA the Lew Armenia.

SgS MA'TARCirs MVE5.

htimane disposition, he received a Roman garrison into his capita!,
and, taking his friends and relations with him, went to surrender him-
self. As he rode up to the intreitchmcnts, two of Pompcy's lirtorf
came and ordered him to dismoimt, and enter on foot; assuring him
that no man was ever seen on horseback in a Roman camp. Tigranes
obeyed, and even took off his sword, and gave it them. As soon as
le came before Pompey, he pulled off his dradem, and attempted to
lay it at his feet. What was still worse, he was going to prostrate
himself, and embrace his knees: but Pom]>ey preventing it, took
Iiim by the hand, and placed him ort one s-ide of him, and his son on
the other. Then addressing himself to the father, he said, " As to
wlrat vou had lost before, you lost it to I^uculhis. It was he who
took from you Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, Galatia, and Sophene:
but what you kept till my time I will restore you, on condition you
pay the Romans a fine of six thousand talents for the injnry you hare
done them. Your son I will make king of Sophene."

Tigranes thought himself so hap|w in these terms, amd in fituling
that the Romans saluted him king, that in the joy of his heart he
promised every private soldier half a mina, every centurion ten minas,
and every tribune a talent. But his son was little pleased at the
determination; and when he was invited to supper, he said, " He
had no need of such honours from Pompey, for he could find another
Roman." Upon this he was bound, and reserved in chains for the
triumph. Not long after Phraates, king of Parthia, sent to demand
the young prince as his^ son-in-law, and toproposethat the Euphrates

should be the boundary between liim and the Roman empire

Pompey answered, " That Tigranes was certainly nearer to his
father than his father-in-law; and as for the boundary, justice sliouJd
direct it "

When he had despatched this affair, he left Afranius to take care
of Armenia, and marched himself to the countries bordering on
Mount Caucasus, tlirough which he must necessarily paa^ in search
of .Mitinidatcs. The .'^^Ibanians and Iberians are the principal nations
in those parts. The Il>crian territories touch upon the Moschian
mountains and the kingdom of Pontus: the Albanians stretch more
to the east, and extend to the Caspian sea. The Albanians at first
granted Pompey a passage ; but as winter overtook him in their
dominions, they took the opportunity of the Saturnalia, which the
Romans observe religiously, to assemble their forces, to the number
of forty thousand men, with a resolution to attack them; and for that
purpose passed the Cyrnus*. The Cyrnus rises in the Iberiaa

* Strabo and Pliny call this river Cyrm, and so Plutaich probably wrote it,

FOMPEY. 3P9

mountains, and being joined in its course by the Araxcs from Armenia,
it discharges itself l)y twelve mouths Into the Caspian sea. Some
say the Araxcs does not run into ii', but luis a separate <liatiuel, and
empties itself near it into the same sea.

I'ompcy suffered them to jkiss the river, though it was in his powvr
to have hindered it; and when they were all got over, he attacked
and routed them, and killed great numbers on the sjxit. Their king
sent ambassadors to speak for nK'rcy; upon winch I'omjX'y forgave
him the violence he ha<l offered, and entered into alliance witli him.
This done, he marched against the Iberians, who were equally
numerous, and more warlike, and wIk) were very desirous to signalize
their zeal for Miihridates, by repulsing Pompcy. I'he Iberians were
never subject to the Mc'k's or Persians: they escajx-d even the
Macedonian yoke, because Alexander was obliged to leave Hyrcania
in haste. J'oinpey, however, defeated this pcojjle too in a great
battle, in which he killed no h'ss than nine tjiousand, and took abm'C
ten thousiuid prisoners.

After this he threw himself into Colchis; and Scrvilius came and
joined him, at the mouth of the Phasis, w ith the fleet appointed lo
guard tlie l'2uxine sea. The j)ursuit of Mithridates was attended with
great difficulties; for he had concealed himself among the nations
settled about the Hosphorus and the Pains Ma'otis. Besides, news
was brought Pompcy that the Albanians had revolted, and taken up
arms again. Tiie desire of revenge determined him to march Ixick
and chastise them: but it was witli infinite trouble and danger lliat
he passed the Cyrnus again, the barbarians having fenced it on tJieir
side with pallisades all along the banks; and when he was over In-
had a large country to traverse, which allurded n<> water, 'lli'i-
bst dirtienlty he provided against, by filling ten thousand bottles;
and pursuing his march, he found the enemy drawn np on the banks
of the river Abasf, to the nuniber of sixty thi)usantl ftH)t, ami twelve
thousand horse, but many of them ill-armed, and jirovidcd with
noihitig of the defensive kind iiut bkins of beasts.

They were commanded by the king's brother, named Cosis, who
at tile begiiuiing of the battle, singled out Ponipey, and rushing in

upon liiin, struck his javelin into the joints of his bre;ust-plale

Pon»|)ey, in return, run liiin tlnougli with his spear, and laid him
dead on the si>ot. It is said, that the Amazons came to the assistance
of the barbarians, from the mountains near the river Tliermodon, and

* Tliii is Strubo's opinion, in wliicli lie i* followed b^- the inudetti geogtapbcri.
t This river takes i(« ri«c in (he tuountaim of Albrutia, Hiui Idli ialo the Cafpt.m *r».
rtolrmjr calls it Albunitf,

400 riA'TAlJf jfs LtVES.

fought in this battle. The Romans, among the plunder of the field,
did, indeed, meet with bucklers in the form of a half moon, and such
buskins as the Ama/ons wore; but there was not the body of a
woman found among the dead. They inhaljit that part of Mount
Caucasus which stretches towards the Hyrcanian sea, and are not
next neighbours to the Albanians*; for Gciteand Leges lie between;
but they meet that people, and spend two months with them every
year on the banks of the Thermodon : after which they retire to their
own country, where they live without the company of men.

After this action, Pompey designed to make iiisvvayto the Caspian
sea, and march by its coasts into Hyrcania; but he found the numr)er
of venomous serpents so troublesome, that he was forced lo return,
when three days march more would have carried him as far as he
proposed. The next route he took was into Armenia the Less,
where he gave audience to ambassadors from the kings of the
Klymieansf and Medcs, and dismissed them with letters expressive
of his regard. Meantime the king of Parthia had entered Gordyene,
and was doing infinite damage to the subjects of Tigranes. Against
liim Pompey sent Afranius, who put him to the rout, and pursued
him as far as the province of Arbclis.

Among all the concubines of Mithrldatcs that were brought before
Pompey, he touched not one, but sent them to their parents or
husbands; for most of them were either daughters or wives of the
great officers and principal persons of the kingdom. But Stratonice,
who was the first favourite, and had the care of a fort where the best
part of the king's treasure was lodged, was the daughter of a poor
old musician. She sung one evening to Mithridates at an entertain-
ment, and he was so much pleased with lier, tliat he took her to his
bed that night, and sent the old man home in n(j very good humour,
because he had taken his daughter, without condescending to speak
one kind word to him. But, when he waked next morning, lie saw
tables covered with vessels of gold and sliver, a great retinue of
eunuchs and pages, who ofiered him choice of rich robes, and before
his gate a horse, with such magnificent furniture as is provided for
those who are called the king's friends. All this he thought nothing
but an insult and burlesque upon him, and therefore prepared for

* The Albanian furces, according to Strabo, were numerous, but ill-disciplini-il. Tbeir
ufFcnsive wfaj>ons were darts and arrows, and Uieir deffusivc armour was made of llie
skins of beaists.

t Strabo (lib. xvi.) places the F.lymwans in tliat part of Absytia whicli borders upon
Jledia, and mentions three provinces belonging lo them, Giibiane, IMissabaticc, and
Corbiane. lit adds that they were powerful enough to refuse subniiision to the kinj;
of Parthia.

POMPEY. 401

flight J but the servants stopped liiin, and as<>ured liiin tluit the kiug
had given him the house of a licii nobleman lately deLea>ed, and

that what he saw was only the first fruits a snmll earnest uf the

fortune he intended him. At i.ist he sufl'ered himself to be persuaded
that the scene was not visionaiy; he put on the purjile, and mounted
the horse, and, as he rode through the ciiy, cried out, " All this is
mine." The inhabitants, of course, laughed at him; and he told
them, " They should not be surprised at this behaviour of his, but
ratiier wonder that he did not throw stones at them."

Fruiii kucli n glorious source sprung Stratonicc.

She surrendered to Pompcy the castle, and made him many magni-
ficent presents; however, he took nothing but what might be an
ornament to tiie solemnities of religion, and add lustre to his triumph.
The rest he desired she would keej) for her own enjoyment, Jn like
manner when the king of Iberia sent him a bedstead, a table, aad
a throne, all of massy gold, and begged of him to accept thom as a
mark of his regard, he bade the quaistors apply them to the purposes
of tlie public revenue.

In the castle of Cienon he found the private papers of Mithridatc,
and he read them with some pleasure, I)ec:iuse they discovered that
prince's real character. From these memoirs it appeared that he
had taken oft' many persons by poison, among whom were his own
son Ariaratlies, and Alcajus of Sardis. I lis pique against the latter
took its rise merely from his having better horses for the race than
he. There were also interpretations both of his own dreams and
those of his wives, and the lascivious letters which had passed ijctween
him and iMonime. Thet)plianes pretends to say, that there was
foQnd among th»)se papers a memorial composed by Kutilius*,
exhorting ilklithridates to massacre all the Romans in Asia: but
most people believe this was a malicious invention of Theophanes,
to blacken Rutilius, whom prol)ably he hated, because he was a
perfect contrast to him; or it might be invented by Pompey, whose
father was represented in Rutilius's histories, as one of the worst
of men.

From Ceenon Pompey marclied to Amisus, where his infatuating
amijiiion put him upon very obnoxious measures. He had censured
Lucullus much for disposing of provinces at a tinje when the war
was alive, and for bestowing other considerable gifts and honours,
which conquerors use to grant aficr their wars are absolutely

* P. Rutiliui Rdfui was consul in the jear of Rome 649. Cicero ^ivrs liini n f;rr«t
character. He was ulicrwards b8nl^ht•tl into Asiii, ami when S)ll« rrrallrU him, !»«
refused to return. He wrute * Runiiiu hittorj in Gicck, wbich Ap{iiaa inad« Kreal
Use u f.

Vol. '2. No. '22. fff

402 Plutarch's lives.

terminated; and yet when Mithridatcs was master of the Bosphorus,
and liad assembled a very respectable army again, the same Pompey
did tlie very tiling he had censured. As if he had finished the whole,
he disposed of governments, and distributed other rewards among'
his friends. On that occasion many princes and generals, and
among them twelve barbarian kings, appeared before him; and to
gratify those princes, when he wrote to the king of Partliia, he refused
to give him the title of King of Kings, by which he was usually
addressed.

He was passionately desirous to recover Syria, and, passing from
thence through Arabia, to penetrate to the Red sea, that he might
go on conquering every way to the ocean which surrounds the world,
In Africa he was the first whose conquests extended to the Great
sea; in Spain he stretched the Roman dominions to the Atlantic;
and in his late pursuit of the Albanians, he wanted but httle of
reaching the Hyrcanian sea. In order, therefore, to take the Red
sea too into the circle of his wars-, he began his march; the rather,
because he saw it difficult to hunt out Mithridates with a regular
force, and that he was much harder to deal with in his flight than in
battle. For this reason, he said, " He would leave him a stronger
enemy than the Romans to cope with, which Avas famine." In
pursuance of this intention, he ordered a number of ships to cruize
about, and prevent any vessels from entering the Rosphorus with
provisions; and that death should be the punishment for such as
were taken in the attempt.

As he was upon his march with the best part of his army, he
found the bodies of those Romans who fell in the unfortunate
battle between Triarius* and Mithridates, still unintcrred. He
gave them an honourable borial ; and the omission of it seems
to have contributed, not a little, to the aversion the army had for
Lucullus.

Proceeding in the execution of his ]ilan, he subdued the Arabians
about Mount Amanus, by his lieutenant Afranius, and descended
himself into Syria, which he converted into a Roman prorincCy
because it had no lawful kingf. He reduced Judca, and took its

* Triarius wa» defeated by Mithridates llirce years before Pompej's march into-
Syria> 11^ ^'^^ Iwenty-tlirce tribuueb, and a hundred and ilfty ccuiuriuti^ killed in that
battle, and his caiup was taken.

t Pompey took the temple of Jerusalem, killing no less llian twelve thousand Jews in
the action. He entered the temple contrary to their law, but had the moderation not to
touch any of the holy utensils, or the treasure belonging to it. Arittobulus presented,
biiu with a golden vine, valued at five hundred talents, which he al'terwards consecrated,
in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.

roMPEV. 403

■' ' '

king Aristobulus, prisoner. He founded some eities, and set others
free, punishinp^ the tyrants wlio liad enslaved tlicni. But must of
liis time was spent in administering justice, and in deciding ilic
disputes between cities and princes. Where he could not go himself
lie sent his friends. The Armenians and Parthians, for instance,
having referred the did'crence they had aljout some territory, to his
decision, he sent three arbitrators to settle the affair. His reputation
as to power was great, and it was equally respL-etable as to virtue
and moderation. This was the thing which palliaicd most of his
faults, and those of his ministers. He knew not how to restrain or
punish the offences of those he employed, but he gave so gracious a
reception to those who came to complain of" them, that they went
away not ill-satisfied with all they had sufi'ered from their avarice
and oppression.

His first favourite was Demetrius, his enfranchised slave, a young
man, who in other respects did not want understanding, but who
made an infc;olent use of his good fortune. 'I'hcy tell ui this story
of hinj: Cato, the philosopher, then a young man, hut already
celebrated for liis virtue and greatness of mind, went to see Antioch,
when Pompey was not there. According to custom, he travelled on
foot, but his friends accompanied him on iiorsebaek. When he
approached the city, he saw a great number of people before the
gates, all in white, and on the v,ay a troop of young men ranged on
one side, and of boys on the other. This gave the philosopher pain;
for he thought it a compliment intended him, which he did not
want. However, he ordered his friends to alight, and walk with
liim. As soon as they were near enough to, be spoke with, the
master of the ceremonies, with a crowr^ oa his head, and a staff
of oflice in his hand, came up and asked them, " Where thev had
left Demetrius, and when he might be expected?" Cato's com-*
panions laughed, but Cato said cyily, "Alas, poor cityl" and so
passes! on.

Indeed, others might the better endure the insolence of Deme-
trius, because Pon^)ey bore with it himself. Very often, when.
I'ompey was wailing to receive company, Demetrius seated himself
in a disrespectful n^anner at table, with his cap of liberty pulled over
]\ ^ c.irs. Before his return to Italy, he had purchased the plcitsantcst
villas about Kome, with magnificent aj)artments for entertaining his
friends; and some of the most elegant and expensive gardens were
known by his name: yet Pompey himself was satisfied with an
indifferent liouse till his third triumph. Afterwards he built that
celebrated and beautiful theatre in Rome; and, as an appendage toi
ii, built himself a house much handsomer than the fgrnur, but not

404 ri-UTARCH S LIVES.

ostentatiously great; for he who came to be master of it after him,
at Ills first entrance was surprised, and asked, " Where was ihc
room in wl»ich Pompey the Great used to sup r" Sucli is the account
we liave of these matters.

The kinc: of Arabia Potrfea had hitherto considered the Romans
in no formidable ligiit, but he was really afraid of Pompey, and sent
letters to acquaint him that he was ready to obey all his commands.
Pompey, to try the sincerity of his professions, marched against
Petra. Many blamed this expedition, looking upon it as no better
than a pretext to be excused ])ursuing Mithridates, aL'^ainst whom
they would have had him turn, as against the ancient enemv of
Rome; and an enemy ^ho. according to all accounts, had so far
recovered his strength, as to propose marching through Scythia and
Paeonia into Italy. On the other hand, Pompey was ©(opinion that
it was much easier to ruin him when at the head of an army, than
to take him in his flight, and therefore would not amuse himself
with a fruitless pursuit, but rather chose to wait for a new
emergency, and, in the mean time, to turn his arms to another
quarter.

Fortune soon resolved the doubt. He had advanced near Petra,
and encamped for that day, and was taking some exercise on horse-
back, without the trenches, when messengers arrived from Pontus;
and it was plain they brought good news, because the points of
thefr spears were crowned with laurel. The soldiers seeing this,
gathered about Pompey, who was inclined to finish his exercise
"before he opened the packet; but they were so earnest in their
entreaties, that they prevailed upon him to alight and take it. He
entered the camp with it in his hand; and as there was no tribunal
ready, and the soldiers were too impatient to raise one of turf, which
was the common method, they piled a number of pack-saddles one
upon another, upon which Pompey mounted, and gave them this
information: " Mithridates is dead. He killed himself upon the
revolt of his son Pharnaces. And Pharnaces has seized all that
belonged to his father; which he declares he has done for himself
and the Romans."

At this news the army, as might be expected, gave a loose to
their joy, which they expressed in sacrifices to the gods, and 'n
reciprocal entertainments, as if ten thousand of their enemies had
been slain in Mithridatcs. Pompey having thus brought the cam-
paign, and the whole war, to a conclusion so happy, and so far beyond
his hopes, immediately quitted Arabia, traversed the provinces
between that and Galatia with great rapidity, and soon arrived at
Amisus. There he found many presents from Pharnaces, and

POMPEY. 405

several corpses of the royal family, among uliich was that of
Mithridatcs. The face ot that prince could not be easily known,
because the embalmers had not taken out the brain, and by the
corrui)tion of that the features were disfigured. Yet some that were
curious to examine it distinf^uished it by the scars. As for Pompey,
he would not see the body, but, to propitiate the avent^int^ deity*,
sent it to Sinope. However, he looked upon and admired the mag-
nificence of his habil, and the size and beauty of his arms. The
scabbard of the sword, which cost four hundred talents, was
stolen by one Publius, who sold it to Ariarathes; and Caius, the
foster-brother of Mithridates, took the diadem, which was of most
exquisite workmanship, and gave it privately to Faustus, the son of
Sylla, who had begged it of him. This escaped the knowledge
of Pompey, but Pluirnaces discovering it afterwards, ])unished the
persons guilty of the theft.

Pompey having thoroughly settled the affairs of Asia, proceeded
in his return to Kome with more pomp and solemnity. W'iien he
arrived at Mit\ lene, he declared it a free city, for the sake of Theo-
phanes, who was born there. He was present at the anniversary
exercises of the poets, whose sole subject that year w::s the actions
of Pompey. And he was so much pleased with their theatre, that
he took apian of it, wlih a design to huWd one like it at Rt.i;ic, but
greater and more noble. U'hen he came to Rhodes, he aiieiiued th.e
declamations of all the sophists, and presented each of them with a
talent. Posidonius committed the discourse to writing, which
he made before liim against the position of Hermagoras, another
professor of rhetoric, concerning imoitlon in g«. iieralf. He lichavcd
with e(jual munifieence to the philosophers of Athens, and gave the
people fifty talents for the repair of their titv.

He ho[ied to return to Italy the greatest and liapi)iest of men, and
tliat his family would meet his affection with equal ard<mr. But the
deity whose care it is always to mix some portion of evil with the
liighest and most splendid favours of fortune, had been long prej)ar-
ing him a sad welcome in his house. Mueia t, ii> his absence, had

* Nouic»is.
t Ilcrninpora* wot for nduciiig imcnt'ion under two pcncrnl h^ad^, tl.c Tca^on of tJ.c
procci>^, aiiii Uie aditi- ufUii- quoiion ; Mrhicii liiiiilniKin C'lcrru diin|)pri>vc(i at ni«cli a«
his inutlcr rotiiluniut. — Vide t'lcrr. at Inixnt. Hhetor. Jib. 1. This FaMduiiiut, who
it of.ApuiiK'n, ii nut to be coiilouiulcd with ruiiduinus of Akkniuiriu, the diMipic of
Zcno.

t Mucia wn.« sijl( r lo Jlcltllut CVIcr. and to Mcicllus Nrpot. She \»at dchatiched
by Cxtar; for wliicli reason, wlien Toinpcy ninrnrd Cesar's dauglitcr, all the » - d
blamed liiiu for turning off a wife b;- iifhom he bad three cbildnu, lo ctpousc the dau- V

406 1'MTAKCn's LIVES.

tlislionourcd his bed. W lule he was at a distance he disregarded
the report; l)ut, upon his approach to Italy, and a more mature exa-
n>ination into the aflair, he sent her a divorce, without assigning his
reasons either tiien or afterwards. The true reason is to be found in
Cicero's epistles.

People talked vurious'y at Rome concerning Pompey's intentions.
Many disturbed themselves at the thought that he would march with
hb army immediately to Rome, and make himself sole and absolute
ma^iter there. Crassus took his children and money, and withdrew;
whether it was that he iiad some real apprehensions, or rather that he
chose to countenance the calumny, and add force to the sting of
envy; the latter seems the more probable. But Pompcy had no
sooner set foot in Italy, than he called an assembly of his soldiers,
and, after a kind and suitable address, ordered them to disperse in
their respective cities, and attend to their own afTuirs till his triumph,
on which occasion they were to repair to him again.

As soon as it was known that his troops, were disbanded, an asto-
nishing change appeared in the face of ihinjs. The cities, seeing
Pompey the Great unarmed, and attended by a few friends, as if he
was returning only from a common tour, poured out their inhabitants
after him, who conducted him to Rome with the sinccrest pleasure,
and with a much greater force than that v.hich he had disniLssed; so
that there would have been no need of the army, if he had fornjcd
any designs against the state.

As the law did not permit him to enter the city before his triivmph,
he desired the senate to defer the clccliou of consuls on his account,
that he might by his presence sui)port the interest of Piso. But
Cato opposed it, and the motion miscarried. Pompey, admiring the
liberty and firmness with which Calo maintained the rights and cus-.
toms of his country, at a lime when no oilier man would ajipear so
openly for thein, determined to gain him if possible; and as Cato
had two nieces, he offered to marry the one, and asked the other for
his son. Cato, however, suspected the bait, and looked upon the
proposed alliance as a means intended to corrupt his integrity. He
therefore refused it, to the great regret of his wife and sister, whp
could not but be disj)lcased at his rejecting such advances from
Pompcy the Great. INleantime Pompey being desirous to get the
consulship for Afrariius, distributed money for that purpose anjong
the tribes, and the voters went to receive it in Pompey's own gar-
ter «f a man whom he liad often, with a s-igh, called Lis /Egiathus. IMucia's disloydty
must have becu very publicj since Cicero, in one of his letters to Atlicus, sajf, the <ii■^
voice of Mucia meets witli general approbation. — Lib. i, ep, xii.

rOMPF.V. 40^

dens. The thing was so public, that Pompcy was much censured
for making that orticc venal wliich he had obtaineil l>y his great ac-
tions, and 0{)ening a way to the highest honour in the stale to those
who had nionev, hut wanted merit. Cato then observed to the
hdies of his family, that they must all have shared in this dis-
grace, if they had accepted IVmpey's alliance; u]>(>n which they
acknowledged he was a better judge than they of htniour and pro-
priety.

'I'hc triumph was so great, that tiujugh it was divided into two
days, the ti^ne was far from being sullkient for displaying what was
prcjjarcd to be carried iti procession; there remained still enough to
adorn another triumph. At the head of the show appeared the titles
of the conquered nations; Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, I'ajihlago-
nia, Media, ('olchis, the Iberians, the All)anians, Syria, Cilicia, Me-
sopotamia, Phopnicia, Palestine, Juda:a, Arabia, the pirates subdued
both by scii and land. In these couiUries, it was mentioned that
there were not less than a thousand castles, and near nine hundred
cities, taken; eight hundred galleys taken from the pirates; and
thirty-nine desolate cities rc-|K'opled. On the face of the tablet;*
it appeared besides, lliat whereas the revenues of the Roman
empire before these conquests amounted to but fifty millions of
drachmaij, by the new acquisitions they were advanced to eighty-
five millions; and that I'ompey had brought into the public treasurr,
in money and in gold and silver vessels, to the value of twenty thou-
sand talents, liesides what he had distributed among the soldiers, of
whom he that received least had fifteen hutidred drachmas to his
share. 'I'he captives wlio walked in the procession (not to mention
the chiefs of the pirates) were the son of 'i'igraties. king of Armenia,
together with his wife and daughter; Zosima, the wife of Tigranes
himself; Aristobnlus, king of .hid;ea; the sistir of Mithridates, with
her live sons; and some Scythian women, 'I'he hostages of tlic
Albanians and Iberians, and of the king ofCommagcne, also appeared
in the train; and as many trophies were exhibited as Poinpey had
gained victories, either in person or by his lieutenants, the inimbcr
of which was not small.

IJut the most honourable circumstance, and vvh.Tt no other Roman
could l)oast, was, that his third triumph was over the third (piarter
of the world, after his former triunq)lis had been over the other two.
Others before him had beet> honoured with three iriumjvlis; but his
first triimiph was over .Afiiea. his second over ICurope, and his third
over .'Vsia; so that the thf •■ ^eni., M i.> A, rlare him conqueror of (lie
world.

Those uho desire to make the parallel between him and Alexander

408 Plutarch's lives.

agree in all respects, tell us, he was at this time not quite thirty-four,
wlicreas, in fact, he was entering upon his fortieth year*. Happy
had it been for him, if he had ended his days while he was blest with
Alexander's good fortune ! The rest of his life, every instance of
success brought its proportion of envy, and every miscarriage was
irretrievable: for the authority which he had gained by his merit he
employed for others in a way not very honourable ; and iiis reputation
consequently sinking, as they grew in strength, he was insensibly-
ruined by the weight of his own power. As it happens in a siege,
every strong work that is taken adds to the besieger's force; so Cas-
sar, wiicn raised by the influence of Pompey, turned that power, which
enal)led him to trample upon his country, upon Pompey himself. It
Lappcned in this manner:

Lucullus, who had been treated so unworthily by Pompey in Asin,
upon liis return to Rome, met with the most honourable reception
from the senate; and they gave him still greater marks of tiieir es-
teem after the arrival of Pompey; endeavouring fo awake his ambi-
tion, and prc\'ail with him to attempt the lead in the administration.
But his sjjirit and active jx)\vcrs were by this time on the decline; he
had given himself up to the pleasures of ease, and the enjoyments of
wealth. However, he bore up against Pompey with some vigour at
first, and got his acts confirmed, which his adversary had annulled;
having a majority in the senate through the assistance of Cato.

Pompey, thus worsted in the senate, had recourse to the tribune,*?
of the people, and to the young plebeians. Clodius, the most daring
and profligate of them all, received Inni with open arms, but at the
same time subjected him to all the humours of the populace. He
made him dangle after him in the forum in a manner far beneath his
dignity, and insisted upon his supporting every bill that he proposed,
and every speech that he made, to flatter and ingratiate himself with
the people : and, as if the connexion with him had been an honour,
instead of a disgrace, he demanded still higlier wages; that Pompey
should give up Cicero, who had ever been his fast friend, and of the
greatest use to him in the administration: and these wages he ob-
tained; for when Cicero came to be in danger, and requested Pom-
pey's assistance, he refused to see him, and, shutting his gates against
those tliat came to intcreede for him, went out at a back door. Ci-
cero, therefore, dreading the issue of the trial, departed privately
from Rome.

* It should be forty-sixth jfar. Pompey was born in the beginning of the month of
August, intlie jieur of Roiuc t]\7, and his triumph nas in the same monili, in the year
ot Rome 69i?.

POMPEY. 409

At this time Caesar, returning from Wis province*, undertook an
affair which rendered him very popuhtr at present, and in its conse-
quences trained him power, but proved a threat prejudice to Fornpey
and to the wliole commonweahh. He was then soliciting his first
consulship, and Crassus and Fonipey l)eing at variance, he perceived
that if he should join the one, the other would he his enerny of
course, he therefore set himself to reconcile them; a thing which
seemed honourable hi itself, and calculated for the pul)lic good ; ijut
the intention was insidious, though deep laid, and covered with the
most refined policy: for while the power of the state was divided, it
kept it in an equilibrium, as the burden of a ship, when projx'riy
distributed, keeps it from inclining to one side more thari another;
but when the power came to be all collected into one part, having
nothing to counterbalance it, it overset and destroyed the common-
wealth. Hence it was, that when some were observing that the con-
stitution was ruined by tlie difference which hapjiened alterwards
between Ciesar and Pompey, Cato said, " You are under a great
mistake: it was not their late disagreement, but their former unioa
and connexion, which gave the constitution the first and greatest
blow."

To this union Caesar owed his consulship: and he was no sooner
appointed than he began to make his court to the indigent part of the
people, by proposing laws for sending out colonies, and for the
distribution of lands; by which he descended from the dignity of a
consul, and in some sort took upon him the office of a tribune. His
colleague Bihulus opposed him, and Cato prepared to support Bihu-
lu3 in the most strenuous manner; when Ciesar placed Pompcy by
him upon the tribunal, and asked him, before the whole assembly,
*' Whether he approved his laws?" and upon his answering in the
affirmative, he put this farther question, " Then, if any one shall
with violence oppose these laws, will you come to the assistance of
the people?" Pompey answered, "I will certainly come; and a-
gainst those who threaten to lake the sword, I will bring both sword
and buckler."

Pompey, till that day, had never said any thing so obnoxious; and
his friends could only say, by way of apology, that it was an expres-
sion which had escaped him. But it appeared bv the subsequent
event that he was then entirely at Ca.'sar's devotion: for within a
few days, to the surprise of all the world, he maiiied Julia, Ciesar's

• It wiis not at the time of Ciceru's going into cvle that Cxsar rciiiriied troin bit
province ofSpnin, winch he hnd goffriicd, with the title ol |if.vt..r, but iwo \c«rj be-
fore. Ciesar rcluiuud in tbe year of Rome 693, and Cicero quutcd R^>nia in tht
year 695.

Vol. 2. No. 22. ccc

410 I'LUTARCH 3 LIVES.

daughter, who had been pioniised to C;epio, and was upon the point
of being married to him. 'i'o appease tlie resentment of Csfpio, h**
gave him his own daughter, who had been before contracted to
Faustus, the son of Sylhi; and Cifisar married Calpurnia, the daugli-
ter of Pi so.

Pompey then filled the city with soldiers, and carried every thing
with open force. Upon Bibulus the consul's making his appearance
in the for ff/u, together with Lucullus and Cato, the soldiers suddenly
fell upon him, and broke his JfLsrcs. Nay, one of them liad the im-
pudence to empty a basket of dung upon the head of Bibulus; and
two tribunes of the people, who accompanied him, were wounded.
The forum thus cleared of all opjjosition, the law passed for the di-
vision of lands. The people, caught by this bait, became tame and
tractable ia all respects, and, witliout questioning the expediency of
any of their measures, silently gave their sullrages to whatever was
proposed. The acts of Pompey, which Lucullus had contested, were
confirmed; and the two Gauls, on this and the other side the Alps,
and Illyria, were allotted to Ctesar for five years, with four complete
iegions. At the same time Piso, Cfp.sar's father-in law, and Gabinius,
one of the most abandoned flatterers of Pompey, were pitched upon
as consuls for the ensuing year.

Bibulus, finding matters thus carried, shut himself up In his house,
and for the eight following months remained Inattentive to the func-
tions of his oflfice*; contenting himself with publishing manifestoes
full of bitter invectives against Pompey and Cfesar. Cato, on this
occasion, as if inspired with a sjjirit of prophesy, announced in full
senate the calamities which would befal the commonwealth and Pom-
pey himself. Lucullus, for his part, gave up all thoughts of state
aftliirs, and betook himself to repose, as if age had disqualified him
for the concerns of government: upon which Pompey observed,
'' That it was more unseasonable for an old man to give himself up
to luxury than to bear a public employment." Yet, notwithstanding
this observation, he soon suffered himself to be effeminated by the
love of a young woman; he gave up his time to her; he spent the
day with her in his villas and gardens, to the entire neglect of public
affairs, insomuch that Clodius the tribune began to despise him, and
to engage in the boldest designs against him: for after he had ba-
uished Cicero, and sent Cato to Cyprus, under pretence of giving him-
the command in that island, when Caesar was gone upon his expedi-
tion into Gaulj and the tribune fourid the people entirely devoted to

* Hence tlie wits of Rome, instead of saying, such a thing happened in the consul*
ship of Caesar and IJibuIii?, said, it liappened in the cumulship of Julius and C«sar.

po^r^KY. 111

him, because he flattered th^-ir iiulinatioiis in all tlie measures he
took, he attetn|)te(l to annul some of Pomi)ey*s ordinances; he took
his prisoner 'IMi^ranes fnjm him, kept him rii his own custody, and
impeached some of his friends, in order to try in them the strcnirth of
Pompey's interest. At last, when l^ompey appeared against one
of these prosecutions, Clodius havini^ a crew of profli;ratc and inso-
lent wretches al)Out him, ascended an eminence, and put the follow-
ing questions, " Who is the licentious lord of Home? Who is the
man that seeks foe a man ? \\'lio scratches his heail with one fin-
ger*?" And his creatures, like a ciiorus instructed in their part, oq
his shaking his gown, answered aloud to every question, Pompct/f.

These things gave Pompcy uneasiness, because it was »i new thing
to liim to be spoken ill of, and he was entirely unexperienced in that
sort of war. That which afllicted him most was his perceiving that
tlie senate were pleaseil to sec him the; object of reproach, and pu-
nished for his desertion of L'icero. Rut when parties ran so high
that they came to blows in the /o/v^m, and several were wounded on
both sides, and (Jiie of the servants of Clodius was observed to creep
in among the crowd towards Pompey with a drawn sword in his hand,
he was furnished with an excuse lor not attending the piddic a>-sem-
blies. Besides, he was really atVaid to stand the impudence of Clo-
dius, and all tlie torrent ol abuse that might be expected Irom him,
and therefore made his aj)[<earance no more during his tribunesliii),
but consulted in piivate with Ins friends how to disarm the anger ol
the senate, and il»e valual)le [)art of the citizens. CuUeo advised him
to repudiate Julia, and to exchange the friendjhip of Cicsar for that
of the senate; but he would not hearken to the proj)osal. Others
proposed that he should recal Cicero, who was not only an avowed
enemy to Clodius, but the favourite of the senate; and be agreed tq
tluU overture. . Accordingly, with a strojig body of liis retainers, he
conducted Cicero's brother into the /c///^;;*, who was to ttpj)Iv to the
l)Coj)le in his behalf, and afiir a scutjle, Ln which several were
wounded, and some slai;>, he overpowered Clodius, and obtained a
decree f«)r the reslora,tiou of Cicero. Immediately upon his return,
the oratox reconciled the seiuite to l*ompey, and by etlectualiy re-
commending the law which was to intru:il hiiu wUh the care of sup-
plying Rome with corn:^, he made Pompey once more master of the

* Uno sciilpcrc di'Uo was likewise a pruverbtal expression fur a Roman petit mailre.

t riuturcli dois no! Iicrc Lrcp exactly- to the urdcr of time. '1 liin happened in UiC
year of Rome 697, n% Hppcars from Dio (book xxtix.); Itiat is, two vc»r« aHer what he
43 goin<; to mention cunccrniiig dial tnbonc'i slufc bcin^; lukcu wiUi a 'stvord.

} Tlic law also gave Pompey pro-consular autborii) fwr Ijvv n«.j£», Iwlli in aaJ v^ul t(
Jlsly.— />io, lib. xxxix.

412 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

Roman empire, \)0\\\ by if a and land; tor by this law the ports,
the markets, the disposal of provisions, in a word, the whole busi-
ness of the merchant and the husbandman-, wore brought under his
jurisdiction.

Clodius, on the other hand, alleged, " That the law was not made
on account of the real scarcity of provisioni--, but that an artificial
scarcity was caused for the sake of procuring the law, and that Pom-
pey, by a new commission, mii^ht bring his power to life again, which
was sunk, as it were, in a ddiquiion." Others say, it was the con-
trivance of the consul Spintlier, to procure Pompey a superior em-
ployment, that he might himself be sept tc re-establish Ptolemy in
his kingdom*.

However, the tribune Canidius brought in a bill, the purport of
which was, that Pompey should be sent without an army, and with
only two lictors, to reconcile the Alexandrians to their king. Pom-
pev did not appear displeased at the bill; but the senate threw it out,
\inder the honourable pretence of not hazarding his person. Never-
theless, papers were found scattered in the forum and before the
senate-house, importing that Ptolemy himself desired that Pom-
pey might be employed to act for him instead of Spinther. Tima-
genes pretends that Ptolemy left Egypt, without any necessity, at
the persuasion of Theophanes, who was desirous to give Pompey new
occasions to enrich himself, and the honour of new commands: but
the baseness of Theophanes does not so much support this story, as
the disposition of Pompey discredits it; for there was nothings© meai^
and illi!)eral in his ambition.

The whole care of providing and importing corn being committed
to Pompey, he sent his deputies and agents into various parts, and.
went in person into Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, where he collected
great quantities. When he was upon the point of re-embarking, a
violent wind sprung up, and the mariners made a difficulty of putting
to sea; but he was the first to go on board, and he ordered them to
wei"-h anchor with these decisive words, " It is necessary to go; is
it not necessary to live?" His success was answerable to his spirit
and intrepidity: he filled the markets witii corn, and covered the sea
with his ships, insomuch that the overplus afforded a supply to fo-
reigners; and from Rome, as from a fountain, plenty flowed over
the world.

In the mean time, the wars in Gaul lifted Caesar to the first sphere
of greatness. The scene of action was at a great distance from

• Ptoleray AuleUs, the son of Ptolemy Lathyrus, hated by his subjects, and forced
to fly, applied to the consul Spintber, who was to have the province of Cilicia, tg re-
eitablish him in his kingdom.— Dio, ubi supra.

POMPEY. -113

Rome, and he seemed to be wholly engaged with the Belj^ffi, the
Suevi, and the Hritons; but his i^cnlus all the while was privately
at work aniont^ the people of Kouie, and he was undermining
Pompey in his most essential interests. Ilis war \\ith tlie bar-
barians was not his prineij)al object: he exercised his armv,
indeed, in those expeditions, as he would have done his own bodv,
in hunting' and other diversions of the field, by which he jjrepared
them for liigher conflicts, and rendered them not only formidable, but
invincible.

The gold and silver, and other rich spoils which he took from the
enemy in great abundance, he sent to Home; and by distributing
them freely among the jcdilcs, j)ra:lors, consuls, and their wives, he
gained a great parly. Consequently, when he passed the Alps, and
wintered at Lucca, among the crowd of men and women who hastened
to pay their respects to him, there were two hundred senators,
Pompey and Crassus of the nuiiii>er; and there were no fewer than
a hundred and twenty proconsuls and prastors, whose Jnscrs were to
be seen at the gates of Ciesar. He made it his business in general
to give them iiopes of great things, and his money was at their
devotion; but he entered into a treaty with Crassus and Pompey, by
which it was agreed that they should aj^ply for the consulship, and
that Caesar should assist them, by sending a great number of his
soldiers to vote at the election. As soon as they were chosen, they
were to share the provinces, and take the command of arn)ies according
to their pleasure, only coniirming Cijesar in the possession of what he
liad for five years more.

As scon as this treaty got air, the principal persons in Rome were
highly otiended at it. Marcelliims, then consul, planted himself
amidst the ])Pople, and asked Pompey and Crassus, '' \\ hether they
intended to stand for the consulship?" Pom|)'.y spoke lirst, and said,
" Perjiaps he might, and perhaps he might nui*." C rassus answered
with more moderation, " He should do what might a|;pear most
expedient for the commonwealth." As Marcellinus continued the
discourse against INnnpey, and seemed to bear hard uj)on bin), Pom-
pey said, *' Where is the honour of that nian who has neither gratitude
nor respect for him who made him an orator, who rescued him iunu
want, and raised him to allluencef"

Others declined soliciting tlie consulship, but Lucius J)omItIus

* Dio makes liiin rt-tum an nn«wfr more suitable to liis character — " It is not on

account of tlic virtuous and tlic (.Mod that I dcjirc any share in the nia;^i»tracv, but tba|
I may be able (o tvitrnin tlic ill-Uisfu»cd and the leditious,"

414 riA'TARCn'*; lives.

was pt'r.suuded and encouraged by Cato not to give it up: " For the
dispute, " he told liini, *' was not for the consulship, but in defence
of liberty against tyrants." Pompey and his adherents saw the
vigour witji which Cato acted, and that all the senate was on his side;
consequently they were afraid that, so supported, lie might hrin^g
over the uiicorrupted part of the people. They resolved, therefore,
not to sulfer Domitius to enter the fo7'U)», and sent a party of
men, well armed,, who killed Melitus, the torch-hearer, and put the
rest to flight. Cato retired the last, and not till after he had received
a wound in his right elbow in defending Domitins.

Thus they obtained the consulship by violence, and the rest of
their measures were not conducted with more moderation: for, in
tiie first place, when the people were going to choose Cato prsetor,
at the instant their sutiVages were to be taken, Pompey dismissed
the as.scinDly, pretending that he had seen an inauspicious flight of
birds'^. Afterwards the tribes, corrupted with money, declared
Antius and Vatinius praetors. Then, in pursuance of their agree-
ment with C.-esar, th.ey put Trebonius, one of the tribunes, on
proposing a decree, by which the government of the Gauls wat;
continued for five years more to Cajsar; Syria, and the com-
mand against the Parthians, were given to Crassus; and Pompey
was to have all Africa and both the Spains, with four legions,
two of which he lent to Ceesar, at his request, for the war iit
GauL

Crassus, upon the expiration of his consulship, repaired to his
province. Pompey, remaining at Rome, ojiened his theatre; and,
to make the dedication more magnificent, exhibited a variety of
gymnastic pimes, entertainments of music, und battles with wild
beasts, in which were killed five Imndred lions; but the battle of
elephants afforded the most astonishing spectacle f. These things
gained him the love and admiration of the public; but he incurred
their di^^pleasure again, by leaving his provinces and armies entirely
to his friends and lieutenants, and roving about Italy with his wife,

• This was making religion mercl}* an engine of state, and if o/'ten proved a very
convenient one for the purposes ol' aiubiliou. C'lodius, though ollierwise one of tlie
vilcbt tribunes ihat ever existed, was very right in attempting to put a itop to tliat mcun;^
of disinisbing an assembly. He preferred a bill, that no magistrate sliould raaLc any
observations on ilie hea%en» while the people v^ere assembled.

t Dio says, tlie elephants fought with armed men. There were no less than eighteen,
ofthena: and he adds, that some of them seemed to appeal with piteous cries, to.th»
people, who, in compassion, saved tlicir lives. If wc ma^' believe him, an oath b*dr
bccD taken^ before ibcy left Africa, that no injury should be done them.

roMPEV. 415

from one villa to anotlicr. Wlicther it was his passion for her, or
her's for him, (hat kept him so much with her, is uiiceitaiii; for the
hitter has been supposed to he the case, ami nullum^ was more talked
of than the fondness of that yount; woman i'm- iicr husband, though

at that age his person could hardly he any jrreat object of desiro

But the ehariu of his fidelity whs the cause, together with his con-
versation, which, iiotwithstandini,' his natural gravity, was particubrly
agreeable to tlio women, if we may allow the cuurtesua Flora to be a
suflicient evidence. This strong attachment of Julia appeared on
oe,casioii of an election of itrdiles: the people came to 1)1ow»j, and
some were killed so near Fompey, that he was covered with blood,
and forced to change his clothes. There was a great crowd and
tumult about his door, when liis servants wetJt home with the bloody
robe J and Julia, who was with child, happening to see it, fainted
away, and was with difficulty recovered. However, such was her
terror, and the agitation of her spirits, that she niiscarried. After
tliis, those who complained n)0st of I'ljuii^cy's conuexioiv wiijj Cjesar
could n(Jt find fault with his luve of Julia. She was pregnant
afterwards, and i»rought iiim a daughter, but unfortunately died in
childbed ; nor did the chilil long survive her. Pompey was preparing
to bury her near a seat of his at Allja, but the people seized the
corpse, and interivd it in the Camjtus Martins. This they did more
out of regard to tJie young woman than either to Pompey or Cnisar;
yet, in the honours they did licr remains, iheir attachment to Caesar,
though at a distance, had a greater share than any resiK^-ct for I'ompey,
v\ ho was on the spot.

Innnediatcly after Julia's death, the people of Ilonie were in great
agitation, and there was nothing in their speeches and actions which
did not tend to a rupture. The alliance, which rather covered than
restrained the amiiition of the two great competitors for power, wfis
now no more. To add tii the misfortune, news was brought kooii
after that Crassus was slain by tiie Parthians ; and in him another
great obstacle to a civil war was removed. Out of ftar of him, tluy
had both kept some measures with each other: but vn hen fortune
had carried off the champion who could take up the con«iucror, wc
may say with the comic poet,

ll'K''' "I'lf't "I > !'>! ">c

RIaiM rnch chirf ; ttnv oil ilicir brnwnv limtM,
AuH dipthi-ir hands in (iusl.-

3o little able is fortune to fill the capacities of il.c human niii:d,
when such a weight of power and extent of command could not sa-
tisfy the ambition of two men. They had heard and read that tho

41^ Plutarch's lh es.

gods had divided the universe into tlirce shares*, and each was
content with that which fell to his lot, and yet these men could not
think the Roman empire suflicient lor two of them.

Yet Pompey, in an address to the people at that time, told them,
*' He had received every commission they had honoured liim with,
sooner than ii« expected himself, and laid it down sooner than was
expected hy the world.'* And indeed, the dismission of his troops
always bore witness to the truth of that assertion. But now, being
persuaded that Caesar would not disband his army, he endeavoured to
fortify himself against him by great employments at home, and tliis
without attempting any other innovation: for he would not appear
to distrust him ; on the contrary, he rather affected to despise him.
However, when he saw the great oflices of state not disposed of
agreeably to his desire, but that tlie people were influenced, and his
adversaries preferred for money, he thought it would best serve his
cause to suflcr anarchy to prevail. In consequence of the reigning
disorder??, a dictator was much talked of. Lucilius, one of the
tribunes, was the first who ventured to propose it in form to the
people, and he exhorted them to choose Pompey dictator. Cato
opposed it so effectually, that the tribune was in danger of being
deposed. Many of Pompey*s friends then stood up in defence of
the purity of his intentions, and declared, he neither asked nor
wisiied for thct dictatorship. Cato, upon this, paid the highest
compliments to Pompey, and entreated him to assist in the sup-
port of order and of the constitution. Pompey could not but
accede to such a proposal, and Domitius and Messala were elected
consulsf.

The same anarchy and confusion afterwards took place again, and

* Plutarch alludes licre to a passage in the fifteenth book of the Iliad, where Nep-
tuue says to Iris,

" Assign'd bv lot our triple rule we knowj

Infernal Pluto sways the shades below;

O'er tl)e wide clouds, and o'er the starry plain.

Ethereal Jore extends liis higii domain;

My court beneath the hoary waves I keep.

And husii the roarings of the «acred deep." — Pope.

t In the year of Rome 700. Such corruption now prevailed among the Romans,
that candidates for the curule office" brought their money openly to the place of election,
where they distributed it, without blushing, among the heads of (actions; and those who
received it enipioyed force and violence in favour of those persons wiio paid them; so
that scarce any oiTice was disposed of but what had been disputed with the sword, and
co»i the lives of many citizensi

PUMPEY. 417

..., ■ .■ i J t

numbers began to talk more boldly of setting up a dictator. Cato,
now fearing he should be oveiboriie, was of opinion it were better to
give Ponipey some olVice whose authority was limited by law, than
to invest him with absolute power. Bibulus, though Ponipey's
declared enemy, moved in full senate that he should be appointed
sole consul: " For by that means," said he, *' the commonwealth
will either recover from her disorder, or, if she must serve, will serve
a man of the greatest merit." The whole house was surprised at the
motion; and when Cato rose up, it was expected he would oppose it.
A profound silence ensued, and he said, " He should never have
been the first to propose such an expedient, but as it was proposed by
another, he thought it advisable to embrace it ; for he thought any
kind of government belter than anarchy, and knew no man fitter to
rule than Pompey, in a time of so much trouble." The senate came
into his opinion, and a decree was issued, that Pompey should be
appointed sole consul, and that if he should have need of a colleau:ue,
he might choose one himself, provided it were not before the expi-
ration of two months.

Pompey being declared sole consul by the ////<rr£'a-Sul|)itius, made
his compliments to Cato, acknowledged himself much indebted to
his support, and desired his assistance and advice in the cabinet,
as to the measures to be pursued in his administration. Cato made
answer, " That Pompey was not under the least obligation to him;
for what he had said was not out of regard to him, but to his country.
If you apply to me," continued he, " I shall give you my advice in

private; if not, I shall inform you of my sentiments in public."

Such was Cato, and the same on all occasions.

Pompey then went into the city, and married Cornelia, the daugh-
ter of Metellus Scipio*. She was not a virgin, but a widow, having
been mariied, when very young, to Publius, the son of Crassus, who
was lately killed in the Parthian expedition. This woman had many
charms besides her beauty. She was well versed in polite literature;
she played upon the lyre, and understood geometry ; and she had made
considerable iniprovemcnts by the precepts of philosophy. \\ hat is
more, she had nothing of that petulance and aft'cctation which such
studies are apt to produce in women of her age. And her father's
family and reputation were unexceptionable.

Many, however, were displeased with this match, on account of
the disproportion of years; they thought Cornelia would have been
more suitable to his son than to him. Those that were capable of
deeper reflection thought the concerns of the commonwealth ueg-

• The sou ufScipio N*sica, but «Uoi;lcd into the f»inllv of tho MctcllL

Vol. 2. No. 22. huh

418 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

lected, which in a distressful case had chosen him for its physician,
and confided in him alone. It grieved them to see him crowned
with garlands, and offering sacrifice amidst the festivities of mar-
riage, when he ought to have considered his consulship as a public
calamity, since it would never have been given him in a manner
so contrary to the laws, had his country been in a prosperous
situation.

His first step was to bring those to account who gained office?
and employments by bribery and corruption, and he niade laws b)
which the proceedings in their trials were to be regulated. In other
respects he behaved with great dignity and hononr, arid restored
security, order, and tranquillity to the courts of judicature, by presi-
ding there in person, with a band of soldiers. ]5ut when Scipio,
his father-in-law, came to be impeached, he sent for the three imndred
and sixty judges to his house, and desired their assistance. The
accuser, seeing Scipio conducted out of x.\\e. forum to his house, by
the judges themselves, dropped the prosecution. This again exposed
Pompey to censure; but he was censured still more, wlicn, after
having made a law against encomiums on persons accused, lie broke
it himself, by appearing for Plancus, and attempting to embellish
his character. Cato, who happened to be one of the judges, stopped
his ear, declaring, " It was not right for him to hear such embel-
lishment, contrary to law." Cato, therefore, was objected to,
and set aside before sentence w-is passed. Plancus, however,
was condemned by the other judges, to the great confusion of
Pompey*.

A few days after, Hypsieus, a man of consular dignity, being under
a criminal prosecution, watched Pompey's going from the bath to
supper, and embraced his knees in the most suppliant manner; but
Pompey passed with disdain, and all the answer he gave him was,
*' That his importunities served only to spoil his supper." Tliis
partial and unequal beliaviour was justly the objeet cA reproach: but
all the rest of his conduct merited praise; and he had the happiness
to re-establish good order in the commonwealth. He took his
father-in-law for his colleague the remaining five months. His
governments were continued to him for four years more, and he was
allowed a thousand talents a-year for the subsistence and pay of his
troops.

Caesar's friends laid liold on this occasion to represent that some
consideration should be had of him, too, and his many great and

* Cicero, who managed tlic impeachment, wns much delighted with the succesi of
kis eloquence, as appears from his episUe to Marius, hb. Tii. cp. 2.

POMPtV. 41^

laborious services for his country. Tliey said, lie certainly deserved
either anotticr consulship, or to have tiie term of his coniniission
prolonged; that he niij^lii keep the command in the provinces he had
conquered, and enjoy undisturhed the iionours he liad won; and that
no successor mi/<ht rob him of the fruit of hi.s labours, or the irlory
of his actions. A di>putc arisini; upon the affair, I'ompey, as if
inclined to fence against the odium to which Cicsar migiit be exposed
by this demand, said he had letters from Ctesar, in which he declared
himself willing to accipt a successor, and to give uj» the coiiunand
in Ciaul; only he thought it reasonable that he should be permitted,
though absent, to stand for the consulship*. Cato opposed this witU
all his force, and insisted, '* That Caesar should lay down his arms,
and return as a private man, if he had any favour to ask of his
country." And as I'ompey did not lalynir the point, but easily
acquiesced, it was suspected that he had no real friend:>hip for
CjEsar. 'I'liis appeared more clearlv, when he sent for the two
legions whiih he h.id lent him, under |)retenee of wanting thein
for the Panhian war. C;esar, thcnigh he well knew lor what pur-
pose the legions were demanded, scat them home, laden with rich
presents.

After this, Pompey had a dangerous illness at Naples, of which,
however, he recovered. Praxagoras then advised the Neapolitans
to ofler sacrifices to the gods, in gratitude for his recovery. The
neighbouring cities followed their exan)ple; and the humour spreading
itself over Italy, there was not a town or village which did not solem-
nize the occasion with festivals. No j)lace could atl'ord room for the
crowds tliat came in trom all (piarters to tncet him; the high roads,
the villages, the [)oits, were filled with sacrifices and enteriaiiiments,
Marjy received iiim witii garlands on their heads, and torches in their
hands, and as they conducted him on his way, strewed it with flowers.
His returning with such ponq) afforded a glorious spectacle; but it
is said to have been one of the principal causes of the civil war: for
the joy he conceived on this occasion, added to the high i»pinioii he
had of his achievements, intoxicated him so tar, that bidding
adieu to the caution and prudence uliieh had put his good fortune,
and the glory of his actions upon a sure looting, he gave into the
most e.\travagatu presumption, and even conteuipt of C'u?sar; inso-
much that he declared, '' lie had uo need of arms, nor any extra-
ordinary preparations against him, since he could pull him down
with much more ease than he had set hiui up."

* There w.is a Uw iignin>t a\\\ aliiioiil I't-rjon's being admittcil a cnixtid.iie, but I'om-
pry h.td added a clause which cwpowcted (he people to e>cc|>l ui^ uuu bv dmuc (ttuM.
pcrsoual attcudaucc.

420 Plutarch's lives.

Besides, when Appiiis returned from Gaul with the legions which
had been lent to Caesar, lie endeavoured to disparage the actions of
that general, and to represent him in a mean light. " Pompey,"
he said, " knew not his own strength and the influence of his
name, if he sougiit any other defence against Caesar, upon whom
liis own forces would turn a» soon as they saw the former ;
such was their hatred of the one, and their affection for the
other."

Pompey was so much elated at this account, and his confidence
made him so extremely negligent, that he laughed at those who
seemed to fear the war. And when they said, that if Csesar should
advance in a hostile manner to Rome, they did not see what forces
they had to oppose him, he bade them, with an open and smi-
ling countenance, g\vc themselves no pain : ^' For if in Italy," said
he, " I do but stamp upon the ground, an army will appear."

Meantime C?esar was exerting himself greatly. He was now at
no great distance from Italy, and not only sent his soldiers to vote
in the elections, but, by private pecuniary applications, corrupted
many of the magistrates. Paulus, the consul, was of the number,
and he had fifteen hundred talents* for changing sides: so were
also Curio, one of the tribunes of the people, for whom he paid off
an immense debt, and Mark Antony, wdio, out of friendship for Curio,
had stood engaged with him for tlie debt.

It is said, that when one of Cassar's officers, who stood before
the senate-house, waiting the issue of the debates, was informed
that they would not give Ctesar a longer term in his command,
he laid his hand upon his sword, and said, " But this shall
give it."

Indeed, all the actions and preparations of his general tended that
way; though Curio's demands in behalf of Caesar seemed more
plausible. He proposed, that either Poijipey should likewise be
obliged to dismiss his forces, or Caesar suffered to keep his. " If
they are both reduced to a private station," said he, " they will
agree upon reasonable terms j or, if each retains his respective power,
they will be satisfied : But he who weakens the one, without doing
the same by the otlicr, must double that force which he fears will
subvert the governmentf."

• .£310,685 sterling. With this n)oncj he built the stately Basilica, that afterwards
bore l)is name.

t Cornelius Scipio, one of Pompcy's friends, remonstrated that, in the present case,
a great difference was to be made between the proconsul of Spain, and the procon-
sul of Gaul, since the term of the lorruer was not expired, whereas that of the lattei
was,

POMPF.V. 421

Hereupon Marcellus the consul called Caesar a public robber, and
Insisted that he should be declared an enemy to the state, if he did
not lay down his arms. However, Curio, together with Antony and
Piso, prevailed that a further inquiry should be made into the sense
of the senate. He first proposed that such as were of opinion, " That
Csesar should disband his army, and Pompey keep his," should dray/
to one side of the house, and there appeared a majority for that
motion. Then he proposed, that the number of those should be
taken, whose sense it was, " That both should lay down their arms,
and neither remain in command;" upon which question Pompey had
only twenty-two, and Curio all the rest*. Cinio, proud of his vic-
tory, ran in transports of joy to the assembly of the people, who
received him with the loudest plaudits, and crowned him with
flowers. Pompey was not present at the debate in the house; for
the commander of an army is not allowed to enter the city ;
but Marcellus rose up and said, " I will no longer sit to hear
the matter canvassed; but as I see ten legions have already pas-
sed the Alps, I will send a man to oppose them in behalf of my
country."

Upon this the city went into mourning, as in a time of public
calamity. Marcellus walked through the forum, followed by the
senate, and when he was in sight of Pompey without the gate, he
said, '^Pompey, I charge you to assist your country; for which
purpose you shall make use of the troops you have, and levy what
new ones you please." Lentulus, one of the consuls elect for the
next year, said the same. But when Pompey came to make the new
levies, some absolutely refused to enlist; others gave in their Jiames
in small numbers, and with no spirit; and the greatest part cried
out, "A peace! A peace!" For Antony, notwiihstanding the
injunctions of the senate to the contrary, had read a letter ot Cesar's
to the people, well calculated to gain them. He projjosed that
both Pompey and he should resign their governments and dismiss
their forces, and then come and give account ol their conduct to the
people.

Lentulus, who by this time had entered upon his olTice, would
not assemble the senate; for Cicero, who was now returned from his
government in Cilicia, endeavi)ured to bring about a reconeiliatiun.
He proposed that Ciesar should give up Ciaul, and (iishahd the
greatest part of his army, and keeping only two legions and the
province of Illyricum, wait for another consulship. As I'ompey

* Dio, on the contrary atTirius that, vi[)()u this cjucstion, llic senate were almost unaoi*
mous for Pompey^ only t^YO vutiug i*n Cxsar, vu. >iarcu: Caiciliu^ aud C'unu.

422 I'LUTarch's lives.

received this proposal very ill, Caesar's friends were persuaded to
axp-ee that he should keep only one of those two legions: but
Lentulus was against it, and Cato cried out, " That Ponipcy was
committing a second error, in suft'ering himself to 1)€ so imposed
upoi)." The reconciliation, therefore, did not take effect.

At the s;\ine time news was hrougiit that Ctesar had seized Ari-
rolnuni, a considerable city in Italy, and that he was marclung-
directly towards Rome with all his forces. The last tircumstance
indeed, was not true. He advanced with only three hundred horse,
and five thousand foot ; tlie rest of his forces were on the other side
the Alps, and he would not wait for them, choosing rather to put
his adversaries in confusion by a sudden and unexpected attack,,,
than to fight them when better prepared. When he came to the
river Rubicon, which was the boundary of his province, he stood
silent a long time, weighing with himself the grcatnos of his
enterprise. At last, like one who plunges down from the top of
a precipice into a gulf of immense depth, he silenced his reason,
and shut his eyes against the danger; and crying out, in tj^e Greek
language, " The die is cast," he marched over with i\is army..

Upon the first report of this at Rome, the city was in greater dis-
order and astonishment than had ever been known. The senate and
the magistrates ran immediately to Pompey. Tullus asked him*,
wliat forces he had ready for the war; and as he hesitated in his an-
swer, and only said at last, ia a tone of no great assurance, " That
he had the two legions lately sent him back by C<esar, and that out
of the new levies he believed he should shortly he able to make up a
body of thirty thousand men;" Tullus exclaimed, " O Pompey, you
liave deceived us 1" and gave it as his opinion, that ambassadors should
immediately be despatched to Caesiir. Then one Favonius, a maa
otherwise of no ill character, but who, by an insolent brutality,, af-
fected to imitate the noble freedom of Cato, hade Pompey, " stamp
upon the ground, and call forth the armies he had promised."

Pompey bore this ill-timed reproach with great mildness; and
■when Cato put him in mind of the warnings he had given him as to
CiBsar from the first, he said, " Cato, indeed, had spoken more like
a prophet, and he had acted more like a friend." Cato then advised
that Pompey should not only be appointed general, but invested with.
a discretionary power; adding tliat, " those who were the authors
of great evils knew best how to cure them." So saying, he set
out for his provinces of Sicily, and the other great officers departed
for their's.

Almost all Italy was now in motion, and nothing could be more

* Lucius Volcatius Tullus.

PO.NfPEY. 4 23

perplexed tlmn the whole fdce of things. Those who lived out of
Rome fled to it from all {|uarters, and those who lived in it abandoned

it as fast These saw, that in such u tenJi)estuous and (hsordcrly

state of affairs, the well-disposed part of the city wanted strenirth,
and that the ill-disposed were so refractory that tlicy could not be ma-
naged by the magistrates. The terrors of the people could not be
removed, and no one would sufler Poinpey to lay a plan of action for
liimself. According to the passion wherewith each was actuated,
whether fear, sorrow, or doubt, they endeavoured to inspire hitn witlj
the same; insomuch that he adopted dift'crent measures the same
day. He could gain no certain intelligence of the enemy's motions,
because every man brought him the report he happened to take up,
and was angry if it did not meet with credit.

Pompey at last caused it to be declared by an edict in form, that
the commonwealth was in danger, and no peace to be expected.
After which, he signified that he should look upon those who re-
mained in the city as the partisans of Caesar; and then quitted it in
the dusk of the evening. The consuls also fled, without offering the
sacriHces which their customs required before a war. However, In
this great extremity, Pompey could not but be considered as happy
in the affections of his countrymen. Though many blamed the war,
there was not a man who hated the general : nay, the number of those
who followed him out of attachment to his jjcrson was greater than
that of the adventurers in the cause of libertv.

A few days after, Cjesar arrived at Rome \\ hen he was in pos-
session of the city, he behaved with great moderation in n)anv re-
spects, and composed, in a good measure, the minds of its remain-
ing inhabitants. Only when Metcllus, one of the tribunes of the
people, forbade him to touch the money in the public treasury, lie
threatened him with death, adding an exj)ression more terrible than
the threat itself, " That it was easier for him to doit than to sav it."
Metellus being thus frightened off, Caesar took what sums he wanted,
and then went in pursuit of Pompey, hastenitig to drive him out of
Italy, before his forces could arrive from Spain.

Pompey, who was master of Brundusium, and had a sufficient num-
ber of transports, desired the consuls to enilmrk without loss of time,
and sent them before him with thiry cohorts to Dyrrachium. At
the same time he sent his father-in-law Scipio, and his son Cn(pus,
into Syria, to provide ships of war. He had well secured the gates
of the city, and planted the lightest of his slingers and areheis upon
the walls; and having now ordered the Hrundiisians to keep within
doors, he caused a number of trenches to be cut, and sharp stakes to
be driven into them, and then covered with eartii. in all the streets.

424 Plutarch's lives.

except two which led down to the sea. In three days all his other
troops were embarked without interruption; and then he suddenly
gave the signal to those who guarded the walls ; in consequence of
which, they ran swiftly down to the harbour, and got on board.
Thus having his whole complement, he set sail, and crossed the sea
to Dyrrachium.

When Caesar came and saw the walls left destitute of defence *,
he concluded that Pompcy had taken to flight, and, in his eagerness
to pursue, would certainly have fallen upon the sharp stakes in the
trenches, had not the Brundusians informed him of them. He then
avoided the streets, and took a circuit round the town, by which he
discovered that all the vessels were set out, except two that had not
many soldiers on board.

This manoeuvre of Pompey was commonly reckoned among the
greatest acts of generalship. Caesar, however, could not help won-
dering that his adversary, who was in possession of a fortified town,
and expected his forces from Spain, and at the same time was master
of the sea, should give up Italy in such a manner. Cicero f, too,
blamed iiim for imitating the conduct of Thcmistocles, rather than
that of Pericles, when the posture of his aftairs more resembled the
circumstances of the latter. On the other hand, the steps which
Ca:sar took showed he was afraid of having the war drawn out to any
length: for, having taken Numerius|, a friend of Pompey 's, he had
sent him to Brundusium with ofters of coming to an accommodation
upon reasonable terms : but Numerius, instead of returning with an
answer, sailed away with Pompey.

Cajsar thus made himself master of all Italy in sixty days without "
the least bloodshed, and he would have been glad to have gone im-
mediately in pursuit of Pompey : but as he was in want of shipping,
he gave up that design for the present, and marched to Spain, with an
intent to gain the forces there.

In the mean time Pompey assembled a great army; and at sea he
was altogetiicr invincible: for he had five hundred ships of war, and
the number of his lighter vessels was still greater. As for his land-
forces, he had seven thousand horse, the flower of Rome and Italy §,

* CfMar bfisieged tlif- place nine days, <)uring which he not only inrested it on the
land-side, but undertook to sliut up the port by ajlaccado of Jiis own invention. How-
ever, before tlie work could be completed, Pompey made his escape.

+ Ep. to Atticus, vii, ii.

J Cffisar calls him Cii. Magius. He was master of Pompey's board of works.

$ Csesar, on the contrary, says, that this body of horse was almost entirely composed
of strangers. " There were six hundred Galatians, fire hundred Cappadocians, as many
Thraciaus, two hundred Macedonians, five hundred Gauls or Germans^ eight hundred

POMPKV. 425

all men of family, fortune, and courage. His infantr)', though nu-
merous, was a nuxture of raw un(li^>ciplincd soldiers: he tliereforc
exercised them during ids stay at Beruea, wjjcre lie was hy no means
idle, but went through all ilie excreises of a soldier, as if he had been
in the flower of his ago. It inspired his troops wiiii new courage,
when they saw I\)n)pey the (iriaf, at the age of fifty-eight, going
through the whole rnihiary discipline, in heavy armour, on foot; and
then mounting his horse, drawing his sword with ease when at full
Npeed, and as dextcj"oiisly sheathing it again. As to the javelin, he
threw it not only with great exactness, but with such force, that few
of the young men could dart it to a greater distance.

Many kings and princes lepaired to his camp, and the number of
Roman oOicers who had conunanded armies was so great, that it was
sufficient to niake up a complete senate. Labienus*, who had beeu
honoured with Ctesar's friendship, and served under him in Gaul,
now joined Pompey. Even IJrutus, the son of that Brutus who was
killed by him not very fairly in the Cisalpine Gault>a man of spirit,
who had never spoken to I'ompey bef*)re, because he considered hiiu
as the murderer of his father, now ranged himself under his l)anners
as the defender of the liberties of his country. Cicero, too, though
he had written and mlvised otherwise, was ashamed not to appear ia
the number of those who ha/arded their lives for Rome. Tidius
Sextius, though extremely old, and maimed of one leg. repaired,
among the rest, to his standard in Macedonia; and though others
only laughed at the poor appearance he made, Pompey no sooner
oast his eyes ujion him than he rose up, and ran to nu-et him ; con-
sidering it <is a great proof of the justice of liis cause, that, in spite
of age and weakness, personii should come and seek danger with him,
lather than stay at honu.- in safety,

Jiut after Pompey had assemhled his seiwte, and, at the motion of

railed out of liii own cstatesj or out of his oun rctiuiici" and 90 uf ihe rcvl, vthom l\0
}>:«rticularl^- iiiciitiuns, iiiid tells its lu mIiuI luuiilric.i tlicy bcluiigcd.

* It ivciiicd very siruiii^c, tay* D\<>, lliat Lnbicnu!) should uliniiduii Cn.><ar, who |i:id
loaded liiiii with htnioiirf, and ;:iv(ii hmi ilie cuinniniid ol'idl the forcrt on tliir other tide
of tlif Al}i5, MrKilr he wa? nt Ruino. Hut he gives this rfnson for it: " I.nhicrius, elated
with his iiiimrnsc wchIiIi, and |iruu<l of his prc(ermciitii forg«t luHisrlt'to such a degree
as to assume a churacirr very unbecoming a person in his circuniataivces. He was even
for putting himsrif upon aji etpiulity with dssAt, who thi-rciipuii grew cuul lawardi
liiin, and trvatcd hiiu with suiue rcs'-Tve, which Labienus relented, und went over to
I'ompey."

t The fiirmer Kiiglisli translator rcndenthu Oalatia He ongi t to have rememtterrd
that this Brutun was killeil by Ciiiiiiiiiua, in a village near the I'o, hy I'ompej's order,
after he had accepted his suhiuiiisiun, if Dot promised him bis life. The autliors ofil^
ViiiviTsal Hiitory. have copied the error.

Vol.*'. No. L'i. lu

426 rruTARCn's lives.

Cato, a decree was made, " That no Roman should be killed, except
in battle, nor any city that was subject to the Romans be plundered,"
Pompcy's party gained ground daily. Tliose who lived at too
great a distance, or were too weak to take a share in the war, inte-
rested themselves in tlie cause as much as they were able, and
with words at least, contended for it; looking ujion those as ene-
'mies both to the gods and men, who did not wish that Pompey might
conquer.

Not but that Ctesar made a merciful use of his victories. He had
lately made himself master of Pompey 's forces in Spain, and though
it was not witliout a battle, he dismissed the officers, aixl incorpo-
rated the troops with his own. After tliis, he passed the Alps
again, and marched through Italy to Brundusium, where he arrived
at the time of the winter solstice. There he crossed the sea, and
landed at Oricum ; from whence he despatched Vibullius*, one
of Pompcy's friends, whom he had brought prisoner thither, with
proposals of a conference between him and Pomj)ey, " in which
they should agree to disband their armies within three days, renew
their friendship, confirm it with solemn oaths, and then both return
to Italy."

Pompey took this overture for another snare, and therefore drew
down in haste to the sea, and secured all the forts and places of
strength for land-forces, as well as all the ports and other commo-
dious stations for shipping; so that there was not a wind that blew,

which did not bring him cither provisions, or troops, or money

On the other hand, Cajsar was reduced to such straits, both by sea

and land, that he was under the necessity of seeking a battle

Accordingly, he attacked Pompcy's intrenchments, and bade him
defiance daily. In most of these attacks and skirmishes he had the
advantage, but one day he was in danger of losing his v.'hole army :
Pompey fought with so much valour that he put Cffisar's whole
detachment to flight, after having killed two thousand of them upon
the spot; but was either unable, or afraid to pursue his blow, and
enter their camp with them. CtEsar said to his friends on the
occasion, " This day the victory had been the enemy's, had their
general known how to conquert.'*

• In the printed text it is Juhius, but one of the manuscripts gives us Vibullius, which
is the name lie has in Ccesar's Com. lib. iii. Viliullius Rul'us travelled night and day,
witliout allowing himself any rest, till he reached rompey's camp, who had not yet
received advice of Caesar's arrival, but was no sooner informed of the taking of Oricum
and ApoUonia, than he immediately decamped, and by long marches, reached Oricum
before Caesar.

+ Yet it may be observed in defence of Pompey^ that zs his troops were raw and

POMPtv. 427

Poinpey's troops, elated with this success, were in great haste to
come to a decisive Ijattlc. Nay, Pompey himself seemed to give into
their opinions, i)y writing to the kintrs, the generals, and cities, in his
interest, in the style of a conquemr. Yet all this while he dreaded
the issue ot a general action, helieving it much better, by length of
time, by famine and fatigue, to tire out men who had been ever in-
vincible in arms, and long accustomed to conquer, when tiiey fought
together. Besides, he knew the infirmities of age had made them
unfit for the other operations of war, for long marches and eounter-
marches, for digging trenches and building forts, and that, therefore,
they wished for nothing so much as a battle. Pompey, with all these
arguments, found it no easy mutter to keep his army quiet.

After this last engagement, C<esar was in such want of provisions
that he was forced to decamp, and he took his way through Aihamania
into Thcssaly. This added so much to the high opinion Pompey 's
soldiers had of themselves, that it was impossible to keep it withia
bounds. They cried out with one voice, " Cuisar is fled!" Some
called upon the general to pursue; some to pass uver into Italv;
others sent their friends and servants to Rome, to engage houses
near lUe Jorum, for the convenience of soliciting the great otlices of
state, and not a few went of their own accord to Cornelia, who had
been privately lodged in Lesbos, to congratulate her upon the con-
clusion of the war.

On this great emergency, a council of war was called ; in which
Afranius gave it as his opinion, '' That they ought immediately to
regain Italy, for that was the great prize aimed at in the war. Sicily,
Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and buth the Gauls, would soon submit to
those who were masters there. What should affect Pompey still
more Wiis, that his native country, just by, stretched out her hands to
him as a suppliant; and it could not Ijc consistent with his honour
to let her remain under such indignities, and in so disgraceful a
vassalage to the slaves and Hatterers of tyrants." Jiut Pomj^ey
thought it neitiier would be for his reputation to fly a second time
from Cicsar, and again to be pursued, when forturic put it in his
power to pursue; nor agreeable to the laws of piety to leave his

uaexpirieiiccd, it was not amiss to try tticin in many skiriniahcsand liglit atlacks, b<-ri.rt
ho liazHrdt'd a general rngn^eracnt wiili nn uriny ut veterans, iluny inMnacca of il.at
kind iiii^lit be pruduccd tiuni the conduct of the nblot generals. And wr are per^u-ided,
that if Pompey had ultempied to force C'leiar's cauip, he would luve been repiil»cd
with loss and disgrace. Pompry's t;rcntr»t error seeras^to have been his lutfernig himself
to be brought to un action, at last, by ihc importunity of his oilljcii aud Swidicrt, a^aiujt
Lit better judgment.

428 Plutarch's lives."

father-in-law^ Scipio, and many other persons of consular dignity,
in Greece and Thossaly, a prey to Caesar, witii all their treasures and
forces. As for Rome he sliouUl take llie best care of her, by fixing
the scene of war at the greatest distance from her; that, without
feeling its calamities, or perhaps hearing the report of them, she
niight quietly wait for the conqueror.

The opinion prevailing, he set out in pursuit of Cajsar, with a
resolution not to hazard a battle, but to keep near enough to hold
liim, as it were, besieged, and to wear him out with famine. This
he thought tiie best metliod he could take; and a report was, more-
over, brought him, of its being whispered among the equestrian
order, ^' That as soon as they had taken off Csesar, they could do
nothing better than take off him too." Some say, this was the reason
why he did not employ Cato in any service of importance, but, upon
his march against Cfesar, sent him to the sea-coast, to take care of
the baggage, lc3t, after he had destroyed Cjesar, Cato should soon
oblige him to lay down his commission.

While he thus softly followed the enemy's steps, a complaint was
raised against him, and urged with much clamour, that he was not
exercising his generalship upon Caesar, but upon the senate, and the
whole commonwealth, in order that he miglrt for ever keep the com-
, mand in his hands, and have those for his guards artd servants, who
had a right to govern tlie world. Domitius ^Enobarbus, to increase
the odium, always called him Agamemnon, or king of kings. Favo-
nius piqued him no less with a jest, than others by their unseasonable
severity; he went about crying, *' My friends, wc shall cat no figs in
Tusculum this year." And Lucius Afranius, who lost the forces
in Spain, and was accused of having betrayed them into the enemy's
hand, now when he saw Pompey avoid a battle, said, " He was
surprised that his accusers should make any difficulty o^ fighting
that merchant (as tiiey called liim), who tralTicked for provinces."

These and many otherlikc sallies of ridicule had such an effect upon
Pompey, who was ambitious of being spoken well off by the world,
and had too much deference for the o[)inions of his friends, that he
gave up his own better judgment to follow them in the career of their
false hopes and prospects; a thing which would have been unpar-
donable, in the pilot or master of a ship, mueli more in the com-
mander in chief of so many nations, and such numerous armies —
He had often commended the physician who gives no indulgence to
the whimsical longings of his patients, and yet he huuKJured the
sickly cravings of his army, and was afraid to give them pain, though
necessary for the preservation of their life and being: for who caa

I'O.MPF.V. -4 29

say that army was in a sound and licalthy state, when some* of the
officers went about tlie camp canvassing; for the offices of consul and
prietor; and others, nanitly, Spiiither, Doniitius, and Sci|jio, were
engaged in quarrels and cabals about Ctcsar's high-priesthood, as if
their adversary had been only a Tigrancs, a king of Armenia, or a
prince of the Nabath?eans, and not that Cinsar, and that army who
had stormed a thousand cities, snlxlucd above three hnndrt.'d nations,
gained numberless battles of the Germans and Gauls, taken a million
of prisoners, and killed as many fairly in tlic fiehl ! XotAviihstanding
all this, they continued loud and tumultuous in their demands of a
battle, and when they came to the plains of Pharsalia, forced Pom-
pey to call a council of war. Labienus, who had the command of
the cavalry, rose up first, and took an oath, " That he would not
return from tlie battle till he had put the enemy to flight." All thu
Other officers swore the same.

T\\c night following, Pomj^cy had this dream*^': he thought " lie
entered his own theatre, and was received with loud plaudits; after
which he adorned the temple of Venus the Victorious with mariy
spoils." This vision, on one side, encouraged him, and on the
other alarmed him. He was afraid that Caesar, who was a descendant
of Venus, would be aggrandi/cd at his exjiense. Besides a panicf
fear ran through the camp, the noise of wiiich awaked him. And
about the morning watch, over Caesar's camp, where every thing
was perfectly quiet, there suddenly appeared a great light, from
which a stream of fire issued, in the form of a torch, and fell upon
that of Pompey. Caesar himself says he saw it as he was going his
rounds.

C.-esar was preparing, at break of day, to march to Scotusat; his
soldiers were striking their tents, and the servants and beasts of
burden were already in motion, wiien his seouts brought intelligence
that they had seen arms handed about in the enemy's camp, and per-

* At iiox fillcis IMagiio pnrs ultima vitas
Solicitus vuiiii ilci't |>lit iiua^'iric soiiiiini.
Naiu Punipciaiii msu? iibi u dc tlii-itlri
IiiBumeraiu ctrigicm Uuinnna' ccriterc IMcLis,
Attullique suuni la-tii ad siiicrit iiuiucn
Vucibus, It {)lau*u cmiem ccitaic aonautcs. — I uc. I. \i».

f Panic fcarj were so called from the terror whicli the g..d Pan is jnid to Ijarr tiruwk
the eacmie* of Greece with at the battle uf MnruUion.

X Scotuitt was a city of Thcualy. Cnvinr was persuaded that Pompey would not come
to action, and therefore chose to march in search of provision*, o» well at to Imnist the
enciuy with f:c(iuenl moveraent-i, and to watch an opportunity, in •utoe of those mo»e.
nents, to fall upon thein.

430 Plutarch's li\E3.

ceivcd a noise and bustle, wliieli iiulicalcd an approaching l>attle.
After these, others came and assured him that the first ranks were
drawn up.

Upon this Cffisar said, " The h)ng-\vislied day is come, on which
we shall fij^ht with men, and not with want and famine." Then he
immediately ordered the red mantle to be put up before his pavilion,
which, among the Romans, is the signal of a battle. The soldiers
no sooner beheld it than they left their tents as they were, and ran to
arms with loud shouts, and every expression of joy; and when the
officers began to put them in order of battle, each man fell into his
proper rank, as quietly, and with as much skill and ease, as a chorus
in a tragedy.

Pompey* placed himself in his right wing, over against Antony;
and his fiither-in-law, Scipio, in the centre, opposite Domitius Cal-
vlnus. His left v.ing was commanded by Lucius Domitius, and sup-
ported by the cavalry; for they were almost all ranged on that side,
in order to break in upon Caesar, and cut off the tenth legion, which
was accounted the bravest in his army, and in which he used to fight
in person. Caesar, seeing the enemy's left wing so well guarded with
horse, and fearing the excellence of their armour, sent for a detach-
ment of six cohorts from the body of reserve, and placed them be-
hind the tenth legion, with orders not to stir before the attack, lest
they should be discovered by tlie enemy; but, when the enemy's ca-
valry had charged, to make up through the foremost ranks, and then
not to discliarge their javelins at a distance, as brave men generally

• It is somewhat surprising, that the account which Cajsar himself hns left us of this
niemoriible battle should meet with contradiction. Yet so it is; Plutarch ditfers widely
from him, and Ap{)iaa from both. According toCocsar (Bell. Cicil. 1. iii.), Pompey was
on the left, with the two legions whith Ceesar had returned iiim at the beginning of the
var. Scipio, Porapey's father-in-law, was iu the centre, with the legions he had brought
from Syria, and the xeinforcements sent by several kings and states of Asia. The Cili-
cian legion, and some cohorts which had served in Spain, were on the right, under the
command of Atranius. As Pompey's right wing was covered by the Enipeus, he streng-
thened the left with the seven thousand horse, as well as with the slingers and archers.
The whole army, consisting of forly-five thousand men, was drawn up in three lines,
with very little spaces between them. In conformity to this disposition, Caisar's array
•was drawn up in the fullowiiig order; the tenth legion, which had on all occasions sig-
nalized itself above the rest, was placed in the right wing, and the ninth in the left; but
as the latter had been considerably weakened in the action at Dyrrachiura, the eighth
legion was posted so near it as to be able to support and reinforce it upon occasion. The
rest of Cssars forces filled up the spaces between the two wings. I\lark Antony com-
manded the left wing, S3 lla the rigiit, and Cneius Domitius Calvus the main body. As
for Cipsar, he posted himself on the right, over aguiust Pompey, that he might have him
always in sight.

POMTEY. 4.31

■»•

do ill tlieir eagerness to come to sword in hand, but to reserve them

till lliey came to close figlitini^, and pnsh them forward into the eyes

and faces of the enemy; '•' For those fair young dancers," said he,

" will never stand tl\e steel aimed at their eyes, but will fly to save

their handsome faces."

While Cajsar was thus cmjilnyct!, iViiuiH} Uhjk a \ u n^. «^ii i)>M-e-
back of the order of both armies; and finding that the enemy kept
their ranks with the utmost exactness, and quietly waited fur the sig-
nal of battle, while his own men, for want of experirncc, were fluc-
tuating and unsteady, he was afraid they would be broken upon the
first onset. He therLforc commanded the vanguard to stand firm iu
their ranks*, and in that close order to receive the enemy's charge.
Caesar condemned this measure, as not only tending to lessen the vi-
gour of the blows, which is always greatest in the assailants, but also
to damp the spirit and fire of tlie men; whereas those who advance
with impetuosity, and animate each other with slluul^, are filled with
an enthusiastic valour and superior ardour.

C'esar's army consisted of twenty-two thousand men, and Pom-
pey'^ was something more than twice that number. \\ hen the sig-
nal was given on both sides, and the trumpets sounded a charge, each
common man attended only to his own coneein, but some of the
principal Romans and Greeks, who only stood and looked on, when
the dreadful moment of action approached, could not hei[j consider-
ing to what the avarice and ambition of two men had br(»..ghi liic
Roman empire. The same arms on both sides, the troops niaishailed
in the same manner, the same standards, in short, the sircngth and
flower of one and the same city turned upon itself! ^^'ha^ could be
a stronger proof of the blinduess and infatuation of luniian nature,
when carried away by its passions? Had they been willing to enjoy
the fruits of their labours in peace and traiKiuiUIty, the greatest and
best part of the world was their own: or, if they must have indulged
their thirst of victories and trlun»phs, the Farthians and Ciermans
were yet to be subdued; Seythia and India yet remained; together
with a very i)lausilde colour for their lust of new acquisitions, ihe
pretence of civiii/ing barbarians. And what Scythian horse, wbat
Parthian arrows, what Indian treasures, could have resisteil seventy
thousand Ronians, led on by Ponqxy ai»d C';esar, with whose names
those nations had King been acquumteil? Into such a variety of wdd
and savage countries had these two generals carried their viitorioui
arms: whereas now they siooil threatening each other with destruc-

• Vide Ctts. ubi supiti. 1 his, liOAivcr, luiisl be »;iid in excuse for Poinpc^', thai
gcucrals of great fame aud cxpcncucc have iviuetiiors done w iiv did.

432 PLUTARCH*S LIVES.

tion; not spailns; even their own glory, though to it they sacrificed
tlieir country, but prepared, one of them, to lose the reputation of
being invincible, which hitherto they had both maintained. So that
the alliance which they had contracted, by Pompey's marriage to
Julia, was from the first only an artful expedient; and her charms
were to form a self-interested compact^ instead of being the pledge
of a sincere friendship.

The plain of Pharsalla was now covered with men, and horses, and
arms; and the signal of battle being given on both sides, the first on
Caesar's side, w1k> advanced to the charge, was Caius Crastinus*, who
commanded a corps of a hundred and twenty men, and was deter-
mined to make good his promise to his general. He was the first
man Caesar saw when he went out of the trenches in the morning;
and upon Caesar's asking him what he thought of the battle, he
stretched out his hand, and answered in a cheerful tone, " You will
gain a glorious victory, and I shall have your praise this day, either
alive or dead." In pursuance of this promise, he advanced tl»e fore-
most, and many following to support him, he charged into the nvidst
of the enemy. Tliey soon took to their swords, and numbers were
slain; but as Crastinus was making his way forward, and cutting
down all before him, one of Pompey's men stood to receive him, and
pushed his sword in at his mouth with such force that it went through
the nape of his neck, Crastinus thus killed, the fight was niaintiiined
with equal advantage on both sides.

Ponipey did not immediately lead on liis right wing, but often di-
rected his eves to the left, and lost time in waiting to see what exe-
cution his cavalry would dd there. IMeanwliile they had extended
their squadrons to surround Cjesar, and prepared to drive the few
liorse he had placed in front back upon the foot. At that instant
Caesar gave the signal, upon which his cavalry retreated a little; and
the six cohorts, which consisted of three thousand men, and had been
placed beliind the tenth legion, advanced to surround Pompey's ca-
valry; and coming close up to them, raised the points of their jave-
lins, as they had been taught, and aimed them at the facef. Their
adversaries, who were not experienced in any kind of fighting, and
had not the least previous idea of this, could not parry or endure the
blows upon their faces, but turned their backs, or covered their eyes
with their hands, and now fled with great dishonour. Cffisar's men
took no care to pursue them, but turned their force upon the enemy's

• So Cssar calls him. His name in Plutarch is CrassianaSt in Appian Crastinus,
t }ililfs feri faciem.

POMPEY. 433

infantry, particularly upon iliat wiii;^ wliicli, now stripped of its
horse, lay open to the attack on all .sides. The six cohorts, therefore,
took them in Hank, while tlje tenth legion charged them in front;
and they who had hoped to surround the enemy, and now, instead
of that, saw themselves surrounded, made hut a short resistance, and
then took to a precipitate flight.

By the great dust that was raised, Pompey conjectured the fate
of his cavalry; and it is hard to say what passed in hii mind at that
moment. He appeared \\kc a man moon-struck and distracted; and
without considering that he was Pompey the Creat, or sj>eaking to
any one, he (juiited ilio ranks, and retired step by step towards his
camp. A scene \viii«_Ii cannot he better painted than in tliese
verses of llouier*;

I5ut partial Jove, csp-usinr: 11 ctor'.-" part,

Sliot hcav'n-brt'd horror rlujiujii 'ht Grecian's licart ;

CorUus'd, uimcrv'd in Iliitor j^rc-cncc grown,

AiiiazM Ik- stoud, witli tirroi 'ot his own.

OVr hi> broud back his iiiouiiy fliifid lie threw,

And fliiiing round by tardy steps withdrew. — Pi'pc.

In this condition he entered his tent, where he sat down and uttered
not a word, till at last, upon finding that some of the enemy entered
ihe camp with the fugitives, he said, " What, into my camp tuol"
After this short exclamation, he rose up, and dressing himself in a
manner suitable to his fortune, privately withdrewf. All the other
legions fled; and a great slaughter was made, in l!ic camp, of the
servants and others who had the care of tlie tents. But Asinius
PoUio, who then fought on Cfesar's side, assures us, that of the regular
troops there were not above six thousand men killed^.

* In tlic clL'vciitii buok of tl.c Iliad, whirr Uc is >pculiiig oi the tlighl uf Aj.nx befuro
Hector.

t Cxsar tells us, that tlic coliotis appointed tu deiVnd tbc ramp, lu.ide a vigoroui
rctintance, biif, being at leiigtli uverpukvired, fleii to a nri^hbuuring niDuntain, wiiere
he resolved to invest iliein: but before he liud fniislied his lines, want ufMatcr obliged
them to abandon that post, and retire tuwardii Lnri<sa. Ca*sar pursued the fut^iiives at
tlie head ul tour legions, (^iiot ut liic louiih Icgica, h^ ihc authors o( tiic Univir>al History
crrotieously say), and j(ti-r >ix miles march, cuiiie tip uiUi them: but they, not daring tu
engage troops thisiu-d witii victory, fled lor relui^c to a high iiili, the loot of wliich wai
watered by a little river, 'niotigh Cicsur's men were quite spent, and ready tv taint
with the excessive heat and the futigue of the whole day, yet by his obliging manner,
he prevailed upon tliriii tu cut ot1° ihu cnnveniency of the water from the enemy by a
trench, Hereupon, the urt'ortunate fugltlve^ came to a capitulation, threw dowo
ilicir arms, and implored the cli inency of the conqueror. '] his thry all did, except
some senators, who, as it was now night, escaped id the dark. — lidc C<ci. Bdt. liv,
iii.c 80.

X C.'csar says, that in all there were fifteen thousand killed, and twcntj-fjur lboBna4
taken prisoners.

Vol. 2. No. 23. kkr

434 PIA'TARCH S LIVKS.

Upon the taking (>f tlu- camp, there was a spectacle which showed
in slroni^ ct»loui>i, the vanity and folly of Pompcy's troops. All the
tents were crowned with myrtle; the heds were strewed with flowers;
tlie tables covered with cups, and bowls of w ine set out. In short,
every thing had tlie appearance of preparations for feasts and sacrifices,
rather than for men ^^oing out to battle: to such a degree had their
vain hopes corrupted them, and with such a senseless confidence they
took the field!

When Pompey had got at a little distance fnnn the camp, he
quitted his horse. He had very few people about him; and, as he
saw he was not pursued, he went softly on, wrapt up in such thoughts
as we may suppose a man to have, Avho had been used for thirty-four
years to conquer and carry all before him, and now in his old age
first came to know what it was to be defeated and to fly. We may
easily conjecture what his thoughts must bo, when in one short hour
he had lost the glory and the power which had been growing up
amidst so many wars and conflicts; and he who was lately guarded
with such armies of horse and foot, and such great and powerful
fleets, was reduced to so mean and contemptible an equipage, that
his enemiesj who were in search of him, could not know him.

He passed .hy Larissa, and came to Tempe, where, burning with
thirst, he threw himself upon bis face, and drank out of the river;
after which he passed through the valley, and went down to the sea
coast. There he spent the remainder of the night in a poor fisher-
man's cabin. Next morning, about break of day, he went on board
a small river-^hoat, taking with him such of his company as were
freemen. The slaves he dismissed, bidding them go to Caesar, and
fear nothing.

As he was coasting along, he saw a ship of burden just ready to
sail ; the master of which w^as Peticius a Roman citizen, who, though
not acquainted with Pompey, knew him by sight. It happened that
this man, the night before, dreamed he saw Pompey come and talk to
him, not in the figure he had formerly known Wim, but in mean and
melancholy circumstances. He was giving the passengers an account
of his dream, as persons, who have a great deal of time upon their
hands, love to discourse about such matters, when on a sudden, one
of the mariners told him he saw a little boat rowing up to him from
the land, and the crew making signs, by shaking their garments, and
stretching out their hands. Upon this Peticius stood up, and could
distinguish Pompey among them, in the same form as he had seen
him in his dream. Then beating his head for sorrow, he ordered the
$eamen to let down the ship's boat, and held out his hand to Pompey,
to invite him aboard} for by his dress he perceived his change of

POMPEV. 435

fortune. Therefore, without waitiui^ for any further application, he
took him up, and such of his coinpaiiioiis as he tlioutrht proper, and
then lioisted sail. 'I'hc persons Pompcy took wiih him were the two
l^entuli and Favonius; and a little after, they saw king Deiotariis
beckoning to them with great earnestness from the shore, and took
him up likewise. The master of the ship provided them the best
supper he could, and when it was almost ready, I*on»pey, for want
of a servant, was going to wash himself, hut Favonius seeing it,
stepped up, and both washed and anointed him. All the time he
was on board, he continued to wait upon him in all the offices of a
servant, even to the washing of his feet, aiul providing his supper;
insomuch that one who saw the unaft'ccted simplicity, and sincere
attachment with which Favonius performed tlicse offices, cried out,

.... 'i'lic ^ciicrcius iiiiud adils di^jnity
To every act ; and iiulliiiig luisliccomc^ it.

Pompcy, in the course of his voyage, sailed by Amphij)olis, and
from thence steered for Mitylcne, to take up Cornelia and his son.
As soon as he reached the island, he sent a messenger to the towfi,
^^ith news far different from what Cornelia expected: for, by the
flattering accounts which many oflicious persons had given her, she
understood tiiat tlie dispute was ilecided at Dyrrachium, and that
nothing but the pursuit of Ca-sar remained to be attended to. The
messenger finding her possessed with such hopes, had not jiower to
make the usual salutations ; but expressing the greatness of Fompey's
misfortunes by his tears rather than words, only told her, ** She must
make haste, if she had a mind to see Pompcy with one ship onIv,aiid
that not his own."

At (his news Corrudia threw herself upon the ground, where she
lay a Ujng time insensible and speechless. At last, comini^tcj herself,
she perceived there was no time to be lost in tears and lamentations,
and therefore hastened through the town to the sea. Pompey ran to
meet her, and received her to his arms as she was just going to fall.
While she hung upon his neck, she thus addressed him: " I see, my
dear husband, your picsent uid^ippy condition is the elVect of my ill
fortune, and not your's. Alas! how are you leducetl to one poor
vessel, who, before your marriage with Cornelia, traversed this sea
with live hundred galleys? Why did you come to see me, and not
rather leave me to my evil destiny, who have loaded you, too, with
such a weight of calamities? How happy had it been for me to have
died before I heard that Publius, my first husband, was killtjd by the
Paitiuans? How wise, had 1 followed him to the grave, as I once

436 PLUTARfn's LIVES.

inteiulcd I What have I lived for since, but to bring misfortunes upon
Pompey the Great*!"

Such, we are assured, was ilie speech of Cornelia; and Pompey
answered, " Till tiiis moment, Cornelia, you have experienced nothing
but the smiles of fortune; and it was she who deceived you, Ijecause
tihe staid with nie longer than she commonly does with her favourites.
But, fated as we are, we must bear this reverse, and make another
trial of her: for it is no more improl)able that we may emerge from
this poor condition, and rise to great things again, than it was that wc
should fall from great things into this poor condition."

Cornelia then sent to the city for her most valuable moveables,
and her servants. 'J^he people of ^litylene eauic to pay their respects
to Pompey, and to invite hini to their city: but he refused to go, and
bade them surrender themselves to the conrpieror without fearj " For
C;esar," he told them, " had great clemency." After this, he turned
to Cratippus, the philosopher, wIjo was come from the town to see
him, and began to complain a little of Providence, and express some
doubts concerning it. Cratippus made some concessions, and turning
the discourse, encouraged him to hope better things, that he might
not give him pain, by an unseasonable opposition to his arguments;
else he might have answered his objections against Providence, by
showing, that the state, and indeed the constitution, was in such
disorder, that it was necessary it should be changed into a monarchy.
Or this one question would have silenced him, " How do we know,
Pompey, that if you had conrpiered, you would have made a better
use of vour good fortune than Cjcsar?" But we must leave the de-
terminations of Heaven to its superior wisdom.

As soon as his wife and his friends were embarked, he set sail, and
continued his course, without touching at any port, except for water
and provisions, till he came to Attalia, a city of Pamphylia. There
he was joined by some Cilician galleys; and beside picking up a
number of soldiers, he found in a little time sixty senators about him.
When he was informed that his fleet was still entire, and that Cato
was gone to Africa, wit}\ a considerable body of men which he had
collected after their flight, he lamented to his friends his great error,

"* Cornelia is represented by J.vican, too, as imputing tlie mi.sfortuiics of Pcimpey lo
lier alliance with him; and it seems, trom one part of" her speccii on lliis occasion, tliat
she should have been given to Coesar.

O utinain thalainos invisi Cacsaris itsera !
If there were ar.v thing in this, it might liave been a material cause of the quarrel between
Cscaar and Pompey, as the latter, by moans of this alliance, must have strengthened
himself with the Crassian iuterest ; for Cornelia was the relict of Publius CrassuSj the son
of Marcus Crassus,

POMl'KV. '137

in sufterint? hiinselt to be forced into an engagement at land, and
making no use of those force^i, in which lie was confessedly stronger;
nor even taking care to fight near his iieet, that, in case of his meeting
with a check at hind, he might have been supplied from sea with
another army capable of making head against the enemy. Indeed,
we find no greater mistake in I'ompey's whole conduct, nor a more
remarkable instance of Cjesar's generalship, than in removing the
scene of action to such a distance from the naval forces.

Ht)wevcr, as it was necessary to undertake something with the
small means he had left, he sent to some cities, and sailed to others

himself, to raise money, and to get a supply of men for his ships

IJut knowing the extraordinary celerity of the enemy's motions, he
was afraid he might be beforehand with him, and seize all that he
was preparing. He therefore began to think of retiring to some
asylum, and proposed the matter in council. They could not think
of any province in the Roman empire that would atlbrd a safe retreat;
and when they cast their eyes on the foreign kingdoms, Pompey
mentioned Parthia as the most likely to receive and protect them in
their present weak condition, and afterwards to send them back with
a force sufficient to retrieve their atVairs. Others were of opinion,
it was proper to apply to Africa, ai»d to Juha in particular, lint
Theophanes of Lesbos observed, it was madness to leave Egvpt,
which was distant hut three days sail. Besides, Ptolemv*', who was
growing towards maidiood, hail |)articnlar obligations to Pom|)ey on
his father's account: and should he go then, and put himself in the
hands of the Parthians, the most perfidious j)eople in the world ? He
represented what a wrong measure it would be, If, rather than trust
to the clemency of a noble Roman, who was his father-in-law, and
be contented with the second place of eminence, he would venture
his person with Arsacesf, hy whom even C'rassus wouhl not be taken
alive. He added that it would be extremely ab.surd to earrv a voun''
woman of the family of Scipio among barbarians who thought power
consisted in the display of Insolence and outrage; and where, if she,
escaped unviolated, it would be believed she did not, after she had
been with those who were capable of treating her with indignity. It
IS said, this last consideration only prevented his marching to the

* riiis was Ptolemy DionyMU*, tlic son of Ptolemy AuIetM, who died ;n the vf ar o<
Koine 704, which wa> I he year be tore «bc battle of Phttrtaha. He w.uriow in \n*
fourteenth yo.ir.

t From this passage it up|»car», thnt Arsacr^ wm the common name of the kings nf
Pnrthia: for it *v;n n"t (he proper name of th- king thru upon the thronr, nor wf bi«
• bo was at war with Cras5u«.

4.3S PLUTARCH S LIVES.

Euphrates; but it is some doubt with us, whether it was not rather
liis fate, than his opinion, whieh directed his stej)s another way.

When it was determined that tliey shoukl seek for refuse in
Et^ypt, he set sail from Cyprus with Cornelia, in a Seleucian galley.
The rest accompanied him, some in ships of war, and some in mer-
chantmen, and they made a safe voyage. Being informed that Pto-
lemy was with his army at Pelusium, where he was engaged in war
with his sister, he proceeded thither, and sent a messenger before
liim to notify his arrival, and to entreat the king's ])rotection. Pto-
lemy was very young, and Photinus, his prime minister, called a
council of his ablest oflicers; though their advice had no more weight
than he was pleased to allow it. He ordered each, however, to give
his opinion. J5ut who can, without indignation, consider that the
fate of Pompey the Great was to be determined by Photinus, an
eunuch; by Theodotus, a man of Chios, who was hired to teach
the prince rhetoric; and by Achillas, an Egyptian? For, among the
king's chamberlains and tutors, these had the greatest influence over
him, and were the persons he most consulted. Pompey lay at an-
chor at some distance from the place, waiting the determination of
the respectable board, w'hile bethought it beneath him to be indebted
toCcEsar for his safety. The council were divided in their opinions;
some advising the prince to give him an honourable reception, and
others to send him an order to depart: but Theodotus, to display his
eloquence, insisted that both were wrong. " If you receive him,"
said he, *' you will have Ctesar for your enc'my, and Pompey for your
master. If you order him off, Pompey may one day revenge the af-
front, and Cjfisar resent your not having put him in his hands; the
best method, therefore, is to send for him, and put him to death.
By this means you will do Caesar a favour, and have nothing to
fear from Pompey." He added, with a smile, " Dead men do not
bite."

This advice being approved of, the execution of it was committed
to Achillas: in consequence of which, he took with him Septimius,
who ha<l formerly been one of Pompey's officers, and Salvius, who
had also acted under him as a centurion, with three or four assistants,
and made up to Pompey's ship, where his principal friends and offi-
cers had assembled to see how the affair went on. When they per-
ceived there was nothing magnificent in their reception, nor suitable
to the hopes which Theoplianes had conceived, but that a few men
only, in a fishing-boat, came to wait upon them, such want of re-
spect appeared a suspicious circumstance, and they advised Pom-
pey, while he was out of the reach of missive weapons, to get out to
the main sea.

POMPEY. 439

Meantime, the boat approaching, Septimius spoke first, addressing
Pompey in Latin by the title of Imptrator. Tiicn Achillas saluted
him in Greek, and desired him to tome into the boat, because the
water was very shallow towards the shore, and a galley must strike
upon the sands. At the sime time they saw several of the king's
ships getting ready, atid the shore covered witii troops, so that if they
would have changed their minds, it was then too late; besides, their
distrust would have furnished the assassins with a pretence for their
injustice. He therefore embraced Cornelia, who lamented his sad
exit before it hapj)ened, and ordered two ceriturimis, one of his en-
franchised slaves, named Philip, and a servant called Scenes, to get
into the boat before him. When Achillas had hold of his hand, and
he w;js going to step in himself, he turned to his wife and son,
and repeated that verse of Sophoeh's,

Seek'st thou a tyrant's door? fhen farrvrell frcoilKin!

Thougli free as air hcforc

These were the last words he spoke to them.

As there was a considerable distance between the galley and the
shore, and he observed that not a man in the boat showed him the
least civility, or even spoke to him, he kH)ked at Septimius, and said,
*' Methinks I remember you to have been my fellow-soldier;" but
he answered only with a nod, without testifying any regard or iriend-
ship. A profound silence again took place. Pompey took out a
paper, in which he had written a speech in Greek th.a he designed
to make to Ptolemy, and amused himself with reading it.

When they aj)j)roached the shore, Cornelia, with her friends in the
galley, watched the event with great anxiety. She was a little en-
couraged when she saw a number of the king's great otlicers coming
down to the strand, in ;iil appearance to receive her husband and do
him honour: but the moment Pompey was taking hold of Philip's
hand, to raise him with more ease, Septimius came l)ehin(l, ami ran
him through the body; after which Salvius and Acltillas also drew
their swords. Pomi)ey took his robe In both hands, and covered his
face, and, without saying or doing the least thing unworthy of him,
submitted to his fate, only uttering a groan, while they despatched
him with many blows. I le was then just fifty-nine years old, for he
was killed the day after his birth-day".

• Some divines, in sajing that Ponipoy m-vcr ]>rojprrcil after lie presumed to enter
the sanctuary in the temple of Jerusalem, intiiuntc thai hit auatuitunes were o«Ting to
that profanation i hut \\t forbear, with I'luiHrch, to comincnt upon llie provideatial de>
terminations oftlic Supreme Being. Indeed, iic fell a sacrifice to as vile a se: of peo>
pic as he liad bcfire insulted ; for, the Jiw^ excepted, there wij not upon earth a more
despicable race »i lueu ihao ibc cowardly cruel £(^-ptiaj]s.

440 I'M TARCII S LINES.

Cornelia, and lier friends in the galleys, upon seeing him murdered,
gave a shriek that was heard to the shore, and weighed anchor in^-
mediately. Their flight was assisted ijy a l)risk gale as they got out
more to sea; so that the Egyptians gave up their design of pursuing
them.

The murderers, having cut offPompey's head, threw the body out
of the boat naked, and left it exposed to all who were desirous of
such a sight. Philip staid till their curiosity was satisfied, and then
washed the body with sea-water, and wrapped it in one of his own
garments, because he had nothing else at hand. The next thing was
to look out for wood for the funeral pile ; and casting his eyes over
the shore, he spied the old remains of a fiihiiig-boat, which, though
not large, would make a sufficient pile for a poor naked body that was
not quite entire.

While he was collecting the pieces of plank and putting them to-
gether, an old Reman, who had made some of his first campaigns
under Pompey, came up, and said to Philip, " Who are jou that are
preparing the funeral of Pompey the Great?" Philip answered, " I
am his freedman." " But you shall not," said the old Roman,
'^ have this honour entirely to yourself. As a work of piety offers
itself, let me have a share in it, that I may not absolutely repent my
having passed so many years in a foreign country, but, to compensate
many misfortunes, may have the consolation of doing some of the last
honours* to the greatest general Rome ever produced." In this
manner was the funeral of Pompey conducted.

Next day, Lucius Lentulus, who knew nothing of what had passed,
because he was upon his voyage from Cyprus, arrived upon the
Egyptian shore, and, as he was coasting along, saw the funeral pile,
and Philip, wiiom he did not yet know, standing by it. Upon which
he said to himself, " Who has finished his days, and is going to
leave his remains upon this shore?" adding, after a short pause,
with a sigh, "Ah! Pompey the Great! perhaps thou mayest be
the man." Lentulus soon after went on shore, and was taken and
blain.

Such was the end of Pompey the Great. As for Caisar, he arrived
not long after in Egypt, which he found in great disorder. When
they came to present the head, he turned from it, and the person
that brought it, as a sight of horror. He received the seal, but it
was with tears. The device was a lion holding a sword. The two
assassin^, Achillas and Photinus, he put to death; and the king, be-
ing defeated in battle, perished in the river. Theodotus, the rhcto-

Of touching aad wrapping up the bod v.

AGESILAUS AND POMPEY COMPARED. 441

rician, escaped the vengeance of Caisar, by leaving Egypt; but
he wandered about, a miserable fugitive, and was hated wherever he
went. At last, Marcus Brutus, who killed Chl'vju, found the wretch
la his province of Asia, and put hiui to death, after having niade hitn
suffer the most exquisite tortures. The allies of Pompey were car-
ried to Cornelia, who buried them in his lands near Alba*.

AGESILAUS AND POMPEY COMPARED.

SUCH is the account we have to give of the lives of these two
great men; and, in drawing up the parallel, we shall previously take
a short survey of the ditlerence in their characters.

In the first place, Pompey ros^ to power, and established his re-
putation, by just and lau(!al)le means; partly by the strength of his
own genius, and partly by his services to Sylla, in freeing Italy from
various attempts of despotism. \\ hcreas Agcsilaus came to the
throne by methods equally immoral and irreligious; for it was bv ac-
cusing Leotychidas of bastardy, whom his brotlier had acknow-
ledged as his legitimate son, and by eluding the oracle relative to a
lame kingf.

In the next place, Pompey paid all due respect to Sylla dmii)<j his
life, and took care to see his remains hunijural)ly interred, notwith-
standing the opposition it nut with from Lc[)idus; and afterwards he
gave his daughter to Faustus, the son of Sylla. On the other hand,
Agesilaus shook ortLysander upon a slight pretence, and treated him
with great indignity. Yet the services Pompey received from Sylla

* Pompey h:u, in all appearancr, and in all considerations of lii% charailer, had Ic»
justice done him by h.storians than any other man oi bis time. His popular liiiiuaniry,
his miiitury and political skill, liis prudence (wliicli lie suiuriiiues unlurtunately gavt
Mp), lii« natural bravery and geuero«i(y. Ins conjugal virtues, uliah (diough souirtimcs
impeached) were both naturally mid morally great; hi* caiue, wlucli v*as CTiaiiiiv, in
its (>rie;inal lutrrots, the cause of Kuiuc; iill these circumstances rutiiled I. mi to a loore
distinguished and more resp< ciable characirr than any of his historians have tllou^bt
proper to afford bim. One circumMancc, indeed, renders the accountj that the wnierf
yiUo rose alter the rstublishcd nitjnarcliy havo given uf Ins oppositio^i prriectiv recon-
Cilcubic lo the prejudice which appears agninsi Imu, or railier to the rcluct.nicc which
they have showii to II .it praise %»liitli they <>ermcd to have fell that he dcsrrri-d. When
tlie comiuunwenllh was n> more, ai.d the supporters of its interests had fallen with it,
iheti history itscU. not tj mention poetry, drpnrtrd from it^ proper pri»ilcgc of irapat*
tality, aad even Plutarch made a sacrifice to imperial power,
t See the Lifa of Agesilau:.

Vol. 2. No. 23. llu

142 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

were not greater tlian those he had rendered hini; wliereas Agesihiu^
was appointed king of Sparta hy Lysander's means, and afterwards
captain -general of Greece.

In the third phicc, Pompcy's oftences against tlie laws and the
constitution were principally owing to his alliances, to his support-
ing either Cresar or Sclpio (whose daughter he had married) in their
unjust demands. Agesilaus not only gratified the passion of his son,
by sparing the lifcof Sphodrias, whose death ought to have atoned for
the injuries he had done the Athenians, hut he likewise screened
Phocbidas, wIto was guilty of an egregious infraction of the league
with the Thebans, and it was visibly for the sake of his crime that he
took him into his protection. In short, whatever troubles Pompey
brought upon the Romans, either through ignorance or a timorous
complaisance for his friends, Agesilaus brought as great distress upon
the Spartans through a spirit of obstinacy and resentment; for such
was the spirit that kindled the Btrotian war.

If, when we are mentioning their faults, we may take notice of
their fortune, the Romans could have no previous idea of tliat
of Pompey; but the Lacedaemonians were sufficiently forewarned of
the danger of a lame reign, and yet Agesilaus would not sutler them
to avail themselves of that warning*. Nay, supposing Leotyehidas
a mere stranger, and as much a bastard as he was, yet the family of
Eurytion could easily have supplied Spana with a king who was nei-
ther spurious nor maimed, had notLysander been industrious enough
to render the oracle obscure for the sake of Agesilaus.

As to their political talents, there never was a finer measure than
that of Agesilaus, when, in the distress of the Spartans how to pro-
ceed a^-ainst the fugitives after the battle of Leuctra, he decreed tliat
the laws should be silent for that day. W'c have nothing of Pom-
pry's tliat can possibly be compared to it; on the contrary, he thought
himself exempted from observing the laws he had made, and that his
transgressing them showed his friends his superior power: whercajs
Agesilaus, when under a necessity of contravening the laws, to save
a number of citizens, foinid out an expedient which saved both the
laws and the criminals. I must also reckon among his political
vinucs, his inimitable behaviour upon the receipt of the scytale^
which ordered him to leave Asia in the height of his success : for ht;

♦ It is true, the luUcr part of Agesilaiis'ii rci;.'n wns unfortunate, but tlic niisfortunei
were owHit^ to his malice against the Thebans, ai.d to his fighting (contrary to the laws rf
Lycurgus) the same enenay so fre(jucntly, tliat he taught thcni to beat hira at last. Ne-
•vcflicless, the oracle, as we have observed in a former note, probably meant the lame-
ness of I he kingdom, in having but one ling instead of two, and not tlie lameness of
the k ng.

Ar.ESII.AI^ AND PONfTEY CONrPARFn. 443

I, JL

<ltd not, like Pompcy, serve the conimonwealtli only in atlkirs which
contributed to hi.s own ^natuess; the good of his country was liis
great ohject, and, with a view to that, he renounced sucli |>owtr and
5iO much glory as no man had cither before or after him, except Alex-
ander the (ireat.

If wc view thcnj in another li.^ht, and consider their military per-
ft>rmances; the trophies which Pompey erected were so numerou*;,
the armies lie led so powerful, and the pitched battles he won so ex-
traordinary, that I su|<pose Xenophon himself would not compare the
victories of Agesilaus with them; thou^'h that historian, on accoutit of
his other excellencies, has been indulged the peculiar privilege
of saying what he plea>cd of his hero.

There was a dillennce too, I think, in their behaviour to their
enemies, in point of ccjnity and moderation. Agesilaus was bent
upon enslaving Thebes, and destroyed Messenc; the former the city
from which his family sprung, the latter Sparta's sister colony*; and
in the attempt he was near ruining Sparta itself. On the other hand,
l*ompcy, after he had eoncpiered the pirates, bestowed cities on such
as were willing to chang<' their way ui life: and when he might have
led 'I'igianes, king of Armenia, captive at the wheels of his chariot,
lie rather chose to make him an ally; on which occasion he made use
of that memorable expression, '• 1 prefer the glory that will last for
ever t«) that of a day,"

But if the pre-cmincnec in military virtue is to be decided by such
actions and counsels as are most characteristieal of the great and wise
commander, we slull find that the l/iccdannonian leaves the Roman
far behind. In tiie tiisi place, he never aban loned his city, though
it was besieged by seventy thousand men, while he had but a handful
of men to oppose them with, and tlio>e lately defeated in the battle of
l^euctra. But rompeyf, upon Ca-sar's advancing with live thou-
sand three hundred men ^nly, and taking one little town in Italy-
left Rome in a |Minic; i:iiher meanly yielding to sQ trifl.ng u force, or
failing in his intelligence (if their real numbers. lu this (light he
carried oil" his own wife and children, but he lelt those of the other
citizens in a defenceless stale, when he ought either to have staid and

• For lit •«.«.•• " -..• *; i...;,. ,. -...i M«-»»et)C ...... » .._, wi mf iicra i.ij»,

as well lu SparU. Ttis I^Uii and ficncli (ritiulaluri iuvc uiut^eu (lie ttun- uf (tm

t Here \s .tnwtlirr fgrrgioiii iiiitancc of riiitarcli'* prrjudice ag«in»l liic character of
Pkiiupcj'. Il i* cvTiaiii, Dial he tfft nut R<ituc (ill hr wa« writ convinced of (hr linttoMH
bility of inain(Ainiiig it a^iiin»l the arm* ol Csi.ir: lor hr was ii«t ouly camiiiK Attuiitt
it with a furce roucli mure |iowcrlul than u here meotiMiirJ, but he had riinicrrd even a
licgc uiutccruarj, tiv a prc»i>^us Uiittibuduu of his gold aiu«;f)g«t lit ci(ucb).

444 Plutarch's lives.

conquered for his country, or to have accepted such conditions as the
conqueror niiirht impose, who was hoth his fellow-citizen and his re-
lation. A little while before, he thought it insupportable to prolong
the term of his commission, and to grant him another consulship;
and !"iow he suflered him to take possession of the city, and to tell
Metellus, *' That he considered him and all the other inhabitants as
his prisoners.'*

If it is the principal business of a general to know how to bring
the enemy to a battle when he is stronger, and how to avoid being
compelled to one when he is weaker, Agesilaus understood that rule
perfectly well, and, by observing it, continued always invincible: but
Pompey could never take Caesar at a disadvantage; on the contrary,
he suffcrred Caesar to take the advantage of him, by being brought to
hazard all in an action at land ; the consequence of which was, that
Caesar became master of his treasures, his provisions, and the sea it-
self, when he might have preserved them all, had he known how to
avoid a battle.

As for the apology that is made for Pompey in this case, it reflects
the greatest dishonour upon a general of his experience. If a young
officer had been so much dispirited and disturbed by the tumults and
clamours among his troops, as to depart from his better judgment, It
would have been pardonable : but for Pompey the Great, whose camp
the Romans called their country, and whose tent their senate, while
they gave the name of rebels and traitors to those who staid and acted
as praetors and consuls in Rome; for Pompey, who had never been
known to serve as a private soldier, but had made all his campaigns
with the greatest reputation as general; for such a one to be forced,
by the scoffs of Favonius and Domitius, and the fear of being called
Agamemnon, to risk the fate of the whole empire, and of liberty,

upon the cast of a single die who can bear it. If he dreaded only

present infamy, he ought to have made a stand at first, and to have
fought for the city of Rome; and not, after calling his flight a ma-
noeuvre of Themistocles, to look upon the delaying a battle in Thes-
saly as a dishonour; for the gods had not appointed the fields
of Pharsalia as the lists in which he was to contend for the empire of
Rome, nor was he summoned by a herald to make his appearance
there, or otherwise forfeit the palm to another. There were innu-
merable plains and cities; nay, his command of the sea left the whole
earth to his choice, had he been determined to imitate Maximus,
Marius, or Lucullus, or Agesilaus himself.

Agesilaus certainly had no less tumults to encounter in Sparta,
when the Thebans challenged him to come out and fight for his do-
minions} nor were the calumnies and slanders he met with in Egypt^

ALEXANDER. 445

from the madness of the kiug, less grating, when he aclvis< d that
prince to he still ior a time. Yet by pursuing the sat^c measures lie
had first fixed upon, he not only saved the K^'yptians in s[ ite oF
themselves, but kept Sparta from sinking in the earthquake tiiat
threatened her: nay, he erected there the best trophy iniaginable
against the Theban.^; for, by keening the Spartans from their ruin,
whicli they were so obstinately bent upon, he put it iu their power
to conquer aftenvards. Hence it was that Agesilaus was praised by
the persons whom he had saved by violence; and Poinpey, who
committed an error in eum[ilaisance to others, was condemned by
those who drew him into it. Siwiie say, indeed, that he was de-
ceived by his father-in-law, Scipio, who, waiuing to coiuert to his
own use tlv treasures lie had brought from Asia, had concealed
them for that puipose, and hastened the action, under pretence that
the supplies would soon fail: but, supposing that true, a general
should not have suffered himself to be so easily deceived, nor, iu
consequence of being so deceived, imve hazarrled tlie loss of all.
Such are the principal strokes that mark their military charactere.

As to their voyages to Egypt, the one fled thither out of necessity;
the other, without any necessity or sufficient cause, listed himself in
the service of a barbarous prince, to raise a fund for carrying on the
war with the Greeks : so that, if we accuse the J^gyptians for their
behaviour to Pomjiey, the Egyptians blan^e Agesilaus as much for
his behaviour to them. The one was betrayed by those in whom he
put his trust; the other was guilty of a breach of trust, in deserting
those whom he went to support, and going over to their enemies.

ALEXANDER.

IN tliis volume we shall give the lives of Alexander the Great,
and of Caesar who overthrew Pompey; and, as the quantity of ma-
terials is so great, we shall only premise, that we hope f-r indul-
gence, though we do not give the actions in full detail, and with a
scrupulous exactness, but rather in a short summary; since we arc
not writing Histories, but Lives. Nor is it always in the most dis-
tinguished aehievemenls that men's virtues vr vices may be best dis-
cerned; but very often an action of small note, a short saying, or
a jest, shall distinguish a person's realcharactcr nioie than thegreat-
cst sieges or the most important battles. Therefore, as painters in
their portraits labour the likcuess iu the face, and particularly about

4i6 Plutarch's lives.

the eyes, in which the peeuliar turn of mind most appears, and run
over the rest with u more careless hand, so we must be permitted to
strike oft' the features of the soul, in order to give a real likeness of
these great men, and leave to others the circumstantial detail
of their labours and achievements.

It is allowed as certain, tliat Alexander was a descendant of Her-
cules by Caranus*^, and of /Eacus l)y Neoptolemus. His father
Philip is said to have been initiated, when very young, along with
Olympias, in the mysteries at Samothrace; and having conceived an
affection tor her, he obtained lier in marriage of her brother Arym-
bas, to whom he applied, because she was left an orphan. The
night before the consmnmation of. the marriage, she dreamed that a
thunder-bolt fell upon her belly, which kindled a great fjre, and that,

the flame extended itself far and wide before it disappeared And

some time after the marriage, Philip dreamed that he sealed up the
queen's womb with a seal, tiie impression of whicir he thought was
a lion. Most of the interpreters believed the dream announced
some reason to doubt the honour of Olympias, and that Philip ought
to look more closely to her conduct: but Aristander of Telmesus
said, it only denoted that the queen was pregnant; for a seal is nevei
put upon any thing that is empty; and that the child would prove a
boy, of a bold and lion-like courage. A serpent was also seen lying
by Olympias as she slept; which is said to have cooled Philip's
affection for her more tlian any thing, insomuch tiiat he seldom, re-,
paired to her bed afiuwaros; whether it was that iie feared some en-
chantment from her, or abstained from her embiaces, because he
thought them taken up by some superior being.

Some, indeed, relate the affair in another manner. They tell us,
that the women of this country were of old extremely fond of the
cerernonief-' of Orpheus, and the orgies of Bacchus; and that they
were called Clodones and MimaUones, because in many things they
imitated the Edonian and Thracian women about Mount lla^mus;
from whom the Greek word threscucin seems to be derived, wluch
signifies the exercise of extravagant and superstitious observances.
Olympias being remarkably ambitious of these inspirations, and de-
sirous of giving the enthusiastic solemnities a more strange and hor-
rid appearance, introduced a number of large lame serpents, which,

• Caranus tlie sixteenth in descent from Hercules, made himself master of Macedo-
nia in the year before Christ 794; and Alexander the Great was tlie twenty-second in
descent from Caranus: so that from Hercules to Alexander there were thirty-eight ge-
nerations. The descent by his mother's side is not so clear, tliere beitig many degreej
wanting in it. It is sufficient tu knyw, that Olympias was the daughter of Is'eoptclo
inus, and sister to Arymbas.

ALEXANDER. 44/

often creeping out of the ivy and the mystic fans, and entwining
about the t/nysiises and garlands of the women, struck tlie spec-
tators with terror.

Philip, however, upon this appearance, sent Chiron of Megalo-
polis to consult the oracle at Delphi; and, we are told, Apollo
commanded him to sacrifice to Jupiter Amnion, and to pay his
homage principally to that god. It is also said he lost one of his
eyes, which was that he applied to the chink of tin; door, when he
saw the god in his wife's emhraces in the form of a serpent. Ac-
cording to Eratosthenes, Olympias, when she conducted Alexander
on his way in his first expedition, privately discovered to him the
secret of his birth, and exhorted him to behave with a dignity suit-
aV>le to his divine extraction. Others affirm, that she absolutely re-
jected it as an impious fiction, and used to say, " Will AkxiUidcr
never leave embroiling me with .Juno?"

Alexander* was born on the sixth of Hecatomboponf [JulyJ,
which the Macedonians call Lous, the same day that the temple of
Diana at Ephcsus was burnt; upon which Hegesias the Magnesian
has uttered a conceit frigid enough to have extinguished the flames.
*' It is no wonder," said he, " that the temple of Diana was burnt,
when she was at a distance, employed in bringing Alexander into
the world." All the magi who were then at Ej')hesus, looked upon
the fire as a sign which betokened a much greater misfortune ; they
ran about the town, beating their faces, and crying, " That the day
had brought forth the great scourge and destroyer of Asia."

Philip had just taken the city of Potid{ea|, and three messengers
arrived the same day with extraordinary tidings. The first inft)rmed
him that Parmenio had gained a great battle against the Illvrians;
the second, that his race-horse had won the prize at the Olvmpicj
games; and the third, thatOlympias was broughttobed of Alexander.
His joy on that occasion was great, as nught naturally be cxj)ected.
and the soothsayers increased it, by assuring him that his son, who

* III tlie first year of llic liuiidrcd and sixth Olympiad, before (Jlirist oj)!.

-f- JVAiuu (K<ir. Ilist. I. ii. c. '2b.) iuys expressly, tliut Alciundur was bora niid dirj
iu liic sixth (lay uf the month I'liurgiliuu : but supposing I'luturch riglit in placing Un
Lirtli in the month Ilccalouibceon, yet nut tliat niuiitli, Imt Iku'droiniun then iiiiiwcrcd
to the Macedonian month I>ou^; as appears clearly frnm a letter oi I'liiltpV, still pre*
served in the Orntions of Dcmoslbencs (in Oral, tic Cnrorui). In alter tioici, indeed
the mouth Lous answered to Ilecatoinbccon, which, nithuul doubt, *in the cause of
riiitarcli'i luistaLc.

f Thi.< is aiioilu-r mi<>tAkc. riilid.i'.i was taken t'wo years befuftf, vit. in the tli!r4
year of the one Imiidnd uiid third ()i\mpiiid; for which we have a^«in the autLori'y of
Doraosthcnes, who was Philip's cotiiniutdry, fi'i Orof. co\t. Irpti^e'^^. a« wi- ! »«
of Diodorus Siculus, 1. xvi.

448 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

was born in the midst of three victories, must of course prove in-
vincible.

The statues of Alexander, that most resembled him, were those
of Lysippus, who alone had his permission to represent him in marble.
The turn of his head, which leaned a little to one side, and the
quickness of his eye, in which many of his friends and successors
most affected to imitate him, were best hit oft" by that artist. Apulles
painted him in the character of Jupiter armed with thunder, but did
not succeed as to his complexion. lie overcharged the colouring,
and made his skin too brown ; whereas he was fair, with a tinge
of red in his face and upon his breast, VVe read in the memoirs of
Aristoxenus, that a most agreeable scent proceeded from his skin,
and that his breath and whole body were so fragrant, that they per-
fumed his under garments. The cause of this might possibly be his
hot temperament: for, as Theophrastus conjectures, it is the concoc-
tion of moisture by heat which produces sweet odures ; and hence
it is that those countries which are driest, and most parched with
heat, produce spices of the best kind, and in the greatest quantity;
the sun exhaling from thesurfaccof bodies that moisture which isthc
instrument of corruption. It seems to have been the same heat of
constitution which made Alexander so much inclined to drink, and
so subject to passion.

His continence showed itself at an early period; for, thougli he
was vigorous, or rather violent in his other pursuits, he was not
easily moved by the pleasures of the body; and if he tasted them,
it was with great moderation. But there was something superla-
tively great and sublime in his ambition, far above his years. It
was not all sorts of honour that he courted, nor did he seek it in
every track, like his father Philip, who was as proud of his elo-
quence as any sophist could be, and who had the vanity to record his
victories in the Olympic chariot-race in the impression of his coins.
Alexander, on the other hand, wlien he was asked by some of the
people about him, " Whether he would not run in the Olympic
race?" (for he was swift of foot), answered, " Yes, if 1 had kings
for my antagonists." It appears that he had a perfect aversion to
the whole exercise of wrestling*; for though he exhibited many
other sorts of games and public diversions, in which he proposed
prizes for tragic poets, for musicians who practised upon the flute
and lyre, and for rhapsodlsts too; tiiough he entertained the people
with the hunting of all manner of wild beasts, and with fencing or

* PhilopoEtnen, like him, liiid an aversion for wrestling; because all tlic exerciset
which fit a man to excel in it^ make him unfit for war.

ALKXANDKR. 4^9

iigliting with the staff, yet he gave no eiicuuragciiieiit to boxing oi- to
tlie Puncrutium*.

Ambassadors from Persia happening io arrive in the absenee of
his father Philip, and AUwander receiving them in his stead, g-ained
upon them greatly by his politeness and solid sense. He ai»ked them
no childish or trilling <|Ui'stion, but inquired the distances of places,
and the roads titrough the upper |)ro\inces of Asia: lit- desired to be
infornu'd of the character of their king, in what nianncr he be •
havcd to his enemies, and in what the strcngtii and power of I^ersia
consisted. The ambassadors were struck with admiration, and
looked upon the celebrated shrewdness of Philip as nothing in com-
))arison of the lofty and enterprising genius of his son. Accordingly,
whenever news was brought that Philip had taken some strong town,
or won some great battle, the young man, instead of appearing de-
lighted with it, used to say to liis companions, " My father will go
on eon(juering till ihi-re be nothing extraordinary left for you and me
to do." As neither pleasure nor riches, but valour and glory, were
his great objects, he thought, that in proportion as the dominions he
was to receive from his father grew greater, there would be less
room for him to distinguish himself. Every new acquisition of
territory he considered as a diminution of his scene of action; for
lie did not desire to iidierit a kingdom that would bring him opi.lence,
luxury, and pleasure, but one that would allord him wars, conflicts,
and all the exercise of great ambition.

He had a number of tutors and preceptors. Leoniilas, a relation
of the queen's, and a man of great severity of manners, was at
the head of lliem. IK- ilid not like the name of preceptor, though the
employment was important and honourable; and indeed his dignity
and alliance to the r(»yal family gave him the title of the jjrince's
governor. He who had both the name and business of precej)tor
was Lysimachus the .Aiarnanian; a man who had neither merit nor
politeness, nor any thing to reeoinnieud him but his calling himself
I'hu'nix; .Alexander, ArhilUs; and Philip, Peleus. 'I'his procured him
some attention, and the sfcond place about the prince's person.

When Philonicus the 'i'he>i.salian offered the horse named IJucC'
jjhalus in sale to Philip, at the price of thiileen talentbt, the king,

* If it be uked. How lliis shews lliat Alrxantlvr did nut luvc wieslliug' the aonvcc^
is, Tlie i anctaltum was n inidurc oi kuxing and «rr»tliiig.

t That is, J[ih\%: \St. Slcrlim;. 1 his will n|i|)<-iir a n odrralp price, compared with
what wc find it» Varro (rft Rt Huitk, I. in. c. *.) »ie. I hnt Q. Axiu*. a irnator. gava
four hundred tliousand sesterces for an ass: and still more inoii'ralr, whrn compared
with the account of Tavcrnicr, that some i orse* \u Arabia were v.ilucd at a hundred

Vol. 2. No. .3. mmh

4.S0 I'Ll'TAUni S LIVES.

with the prince and many others, went into the field to see some
trial made of lijm. The htrse appeared extrtmcly vicious and un-
manageable, and was so Jar from suffering hiiiisclf to be mounted,
that he would not hear to be spoken to, but turned fiercely upon all
the grooms. Pliilip was displeased at their bringing him so wild
and ungovernable a horse, and bade them take him away: hut Alex-
ander, who had observed him well, said, *' What a horse are they
losing for want of skill and spirit to manage him!" Philip at first
took no notice of this; but, upon the prince's often repeating the
same expression, and showing great uneasines, he said, " Young
man, you find fault with your ciders, as if you knew more than they,
or could manage the iiorse f»etter." '* And I certainly could,"
answi red the prince. '' If you should not be able to ride him, what
forfeiture wil! you submit to for your rashness?" " 1 will pay the
price of the horse."

Upon this all the company laughed; but the king and prince
agreeing as to the forteiture, Alexander ran to tlie horse, and laying
hold of the bridle, turned him to the sun; for he had obser\'ed, it
seems, that the shadow w])icli fell before the horse, and continually
moved as he moved, greatly disturbed him. While his fierceness
and fury lasted, he kept speaking to him softly, and stroking him;
after whicli he gently let fall his mantle, leaped lightly upon his
back, and got his seat very safe. Then, without pulling the reins
too hard, or using either whip or spur, he set him a-going. As soon
as he perceived his uneasiness abated, and that he wanted only to
run, he put him in a full gallop, and pushed him on both with the
voice and spur.

Philip and all his court were in great distress for him at first, and
a profound silence took place: but when the prince had turned him,
and brought him straight back, they all received him with loud ac-
clamations, except his father, who wept for joy, and, kissing him,
said, " Seek another kingdom, my son, that may be worthy of thy
abilities; for Macedonia is too small for thee." Perceiving that he
did not easily submit to authority, because he would not be forced to
any thing, but that he might be led to duty by the gentler hand of
reason, he took the method of persuasion rather than of command.
He saw that his education was a matter of too great importance to
be trusted to the ordinary masters in music, and tiie common circles

tliousand crowns. Pliiiy,in bis natural History, says, the price of Buctphalus was siitcen
talents — Scxdecem talcntis fcunt ex i'hitonici Pharsali grege emptum. Nat, Hiit.
I, viii. cap. 42.

ALEX.\NDER. 451

of sciences; and that liis genius (to use the expression of Sopho-
cles) required

The rvidder'i jji:i"l.iricc, arnl tlic. turb'J rejtrsitil,

He therefore sent for Aristotle, the most celebrated aiul learned of
all the pliiiosopliers; and the reward he gave him for forming his
son was not only honourable, but remarkable for its propriety. He
had formerly dismantled the city of Stagira, where that philosopher
was born, and now he rebuilt it, and re-established the inhabitants,
who had eitlier fled or been reduced to slavery*. He also prepared a
lawn, called Mie/a, for tlair studies and literary conversations:
where they slill show us Aristotle's stone, and seats, and shady
walks.

Alexander gained from him not only moral and political know-
ledge, but w;ls also instructed in those more secret and profound
branches of science, which they call airoatnntic and rpf>plic, and
which they did not communicate to every common schoLuf: for
when Alexander was in Asia, and received information that Aristotle
had published some books in which those points were discussed he
wrote him a letter in behalf of philosophy, in which he blamed the
course he had taken. The following is a copy of it:

" Alexander to Aristotle, prosperity. You did wrong in publish-
ing the acroamatic parts of sciencet- In what shall we diifer from
others, if the sublimer knowledge we gained from vou be niade
rommon to all the world' For my part, I had rather excel the bulk
of mankind in the superior parts of learning, than in the extent of
power and dominion. Farewell."

Aristotle, in compliment to this ambition of his, and by way of
excuse for himself, made answer, that those points were publisiied
and not published. In fact, his book of metaphysics is written ia
such a manner, that no one can learn that branch of science from
it, much less teach it t)thers: it serves only to refresh the memo-
ries of those who have been taught by a master.

It appears also to me, that it was by Aristotle, rather than any
other person, that Alexamler was assisted in the study of phvsic, fur
he not only loved the theory, ))ut the practice tot>, us is elear from
his epistles, where we lind tliat he prescribed to his friends medi-
cines, and a proper ra^hncn.

He loved polite learning too, and his natural thirst of knowledge

• Plioj the elder, and Viilcrius Mariiiuu, till U3, lli.it Sih^ii.a «», ret uilt Lj Alex-
aadrr, and this wlioii Anttulle wat very old.

t The scholars in ncii<Tiil were iiisiruacd only in the cxoreric doctrines. — Vide
Ant. Gttt. lib. XX. cjp. .*).

t DoctriofS Uiight by privateiomu maicatioa, and delivered tiko v«cc.

452 rLUTARCH a LIVES.

made him a man of extensive reading. The Iliad, he thouglu, as
well as called, a portal)le treasure of military knowledge, and he had

a copy corrected by Aristotle, which is called tlie casket copi/* .

Onesicritus informs us, that he used to lay it under his pillow with
his sword. As he could not find many otiier Ixjoks in the upper
provinces of Asia, he wrote to llarpalus for a supply, who sent hiiu
the works of Philistus, most of the tragedies of Euripides, So-
phocles, and .Eschylus, and the J)ithyrambics of Telestusf and
Philoxenus.

Aristotle was the man he admired in his younger years, and as he
said himself, he had no less aflection for him than for his own father:
*' From the one he derived the blessing of life, from the other the
blessing of a good life." But afterwards he looked upon l)im with
an eye of suspicion. He never, indeed, did the philosopher any
harm; but the testimonies of his regard being neither so extraordinary,
nor so endearing as before, he discovered something of a coldness.
However, his love of philosopliy, which he was either born with, or
at least conceived at an early period, never quitted his soul; as ap-
pears from the honours he paid Anaxarchus, the fifty talents he sent
XcnocratesJ, and his attentions to Dandamis and Calanus.

When Philip went upon his expedition against Byzantium, Alex-
ander was only sixteen years of age, yet he was left regent of Mace-
donia, and keeper of the seal. The iMedari§ rebelling during his
regency, he attacked and overthrew them, took their city, expelled
the barbarians, planted there a colony of people collected from various
parts, and gave it the name of Alexandropolis. He fought in the
battle of ChcEronea against the Greeks, and is said to have been the
first man that broke the sacred hand of Theban.9* In our times an
old oak was shown near the Cephisus, called Alexander' s oaky
because his tent had been pitched under it; and a piece of ground

• He kept it in a rich casket, found among tlie sjioils of Darius. A correct copy
of this edition, revised bj Aristotle, Callislhenei, and Auaxarclius, was publislied after
the death of Alexander. " Darius," said Alexander, " used to keep bis ointments in
this casket; but I, who have no time to anoint nvy^elf, will convert it to a nobler use."

"I" Ttlestiss was a poet of some reputation, and a monument was erected to his memory
by Aristratns the Sicvonian t3'rant. Protogcnes was sent for to paint this monument,
and not arriving within tlie limited time, was in danger of the tyrants displeasure ; but
the cejeritj and excellence of his execution saved him. Philoxenus was his scholar.
Philistus was a historian often cited b;y Plutarch.

4: The philosoplier took but a small pjirt of this roonc}-, and sent the rest back ;
telling the giver he had more occasion for it himself, because he had more people tw
mail tain.

$ We know of no such people as the Medari; but there was in Thrace a people cal-
led Masdi, who, as Livy telb us, (lib, xxtI) used to make inroads into Macedonia.

Al.KXANDER. 453

at no great distanccj in wlikli tlic Macedonians had buried their
dead.

This early display of threat talents made I'hiiip very fond of hii
son, so that it was with pleasure he lieard the Macedonians call
Alexander king^ and hi;n ou\s general. Hut the troubles which his
new marriage and his amours t-aused in his family, and the bickerimrs
amotu^ the women dividiiii:; the whole l<iii;rd()m into ]);irties, involved
him in many quarrels with his son ; all whicji were heiirhtened by
Olympias, who, being a woman of a jealous and vindictive temper,
inspired Alexander with unfavourable sentiments of his father. The
misunderstanding broke out into a flame on the folhjwing occasion:
Philip fell in love with a young lady named Cleopatra, at an unsea-
sonable time of life, and married her. When they were celebrating
the nuptials, her uncle Attains, intoxicated with lifpior, desired the
Macedonians to entreat the gods that this marriage of I'liilip and
Cleopatra might produce a lawful heir to the crown. Alexander,
provoked at this, said, " U'hat, then, dost thou take me for a bastard ?"
and at the same time he threw his cup at his head. Hereupon Philip
rose up and drew liis sword; but, fortunately for them both, his
passion, and the wine he had drank made him stumble, and he fell.
Alexander, taking an insolent advantage of this circumstance, said,
*' Men of Macedon, see there the man who was jireparing to pass
from Euroj)e into Asia! he is not able to pass from one table to
another without falling." After this insult, lie carried ofVOlvmplas,
and placed her in Epirus. Illyricum was the country he pitched
upon for his own retreat. .

In the mean time, Uemaratus, wlio had engagements of hospitality
with the royal family of Maeedon, and who, on that account could
speak his mind freely, came to pay Philip a visit. After the fust
civilities, Philip asked him, '' What sort of agreement subsisted
among the Creeks ?" Demaratns answered, " There is douljtiess
much propriety ii; your incpiiring after the harmony of (ireece, who

liave filled your own house with so much discord and disonler."

This reproof brought Philip to hin)self, and through the mciliation of
Demaralus, he prevailed witli Alexander to return.

But another event soon disturbed their repose. Pexodorus, the
Persian governor in Caria, being desirous to draw Philip into a league
oftensive and defensive, by means of an alliance In-tween tin ii lamilies,
oftered his eldest daughter in niai riage to Aridjeus, the son of Philip,
and sent Aristocritus into Macedonia, to treat abc>nt it. Alexander's
friends and his mother now infused notions into hiin again, lht)ugli
perfectly groundless, that by so noble a match, and the support coa-
scqueut upon it, I'hilip designed the crown for .\ridirus.

4b i PLUTARCH S LIVES.

Alexander, in the uneasiness these suspicions gave him, sent one
Thessalus, a phiyer, into Caria, to desire tlie grandee to pass by
Aridaius, who was of spurious birth, and deficient in \K)int of under-
standing, and to take tlie lawful heir to the crown into his alliance.
Pexodorus was infinitely more pleased with this proposal : hut Philip
no sooner had intelligence of it, than he went to Alexander's apart-
ment, taking along with him Philotas, the son of Parmenio, one of
his most intimate friends and companions, and in iiis presence,
reproached him with his degeneracy and meanness of spirit, in
thinking of being son-in-law to a man of Caria, one of the slaves of
a barbarian king. At the same time he wrote to the Corinthians*,
hisistin"- that they should send Thessalus to him in chains. Ilarpa-
lus and Niarchus, Phrygius and Ptolemy, some of the other compa-
nions of the prince, he banished. But Alexander afterwards recalled
them, and treated them with great distinction.

Some time after the Carian ncgociation, Pausanias, being abused
by order of Attalus and Cleopatra, and not having justice done him
for the outrage, killed Philip, who refused that justice. Olympias
was thought to have been principally concerned in inciting the young
man to that act of revenge ; but Alexander did not escape uncensurcd.
It is said that when Pausanias applied to him, after having been so
dishonoured, and lamented his misfortune, Alexander, by way of
answer, repeated that line in the tragedy of Mcdcaf,

The bridal father, bridegroom, and the bride.

It must be acknowledged, however, that he caused diligent search to
be made after the persons concerned in the assassination, and took
care to have them punished; and he expressed his indignation at
Olvmpia's cruel treatment of Cleopatra in his absence.

He was only twenty years old when he succeeded to the crown,
and he found the kingdom torn in pieces by dangerous parties and
implacable animosities. The barbarous nations, even those that
bordered upon Macedonia, could not brook subjection, and they
lono-cd for their natural kings. Philip had subdued Greece by his
victorious arms ; but not having had time to accustom her to the
voke, he had thrown matters into confusion, rather than produced

any firm settlement, and he left the whole in a tumultuous state

The voung king's Macedonian counsellors, alarmed at the troubles
which threatened him, advised him to give up Greece entirely, or at

• Ttiessalus, upon his rclurii Iron* Asia, must have retired to Corinth; for the CorinthiaiLS
had nothing to do in Caria.

t This is the SO^lh verse of the Medea of Kiiri(>ldcs. Tlie persons meant in the tra-
cedv >«ere Jason, Creusa, and Creun; and in Alexander's applicaticu of it, Philip is
the btidfgroom, Cleopatra the bride, and Attalus thejalhcr. Cleopatra, the niece of
AUdlus, is by Arian called Eur\dice, 1. ii. c. 14.

ALEXANDER. 455

least to maliC no attempts upon it wirh ilic sword; and to recal the
waverini,' haiharians In a mild nianiR-r to tlicir duty, by applving
healing mr-asures to the i)(.'^-innin^r of tiic revolt. Alexander, on the
contrary, was of opinion, that the only way to security, and a tlioroui,rh
establishment of his adalrs, was to proceed with spirit and magnanimi-
ty: tor he was persuaded, that if he apj)earcd to abate of his dignity
in the least article, lie would ])c imiversally insulted. He therefore
quieted the eoinmotions, and put a stop to the rising wars amone
the barbarians, by marching with the utmost expedition as far as the
Danube, where he fought a great battle with Syrinus, king of the
the Triballi, and defeated iiim.

Some time after this, having intelligence that the Thebans bad
revolted, and that the Athenians had adopted the same sentiments
he resolved to show theni lie was no longer a bov, and advanced
immediately through tlic pass of ThermopyUe. " Demosthenes "
said he, " called me a boy while I was In Illyrieum, and amontj the
Triballl; and a stripling when InThcssaly; but 1 wilLshow him, before
the walls of Athens, that I am a man."

When he made his appearance before Thebes, he was willing to
give the inhabitants time to change their sentiments. He onlv
demanded Phfrnlx and Prothytcs, the first promoters of the revolt
and proclaimed an amnesty to all the rest: but the Thebans in their
turn, demanded that he should deliver up to them PJiilotas and
Antipater, and invited, by sound of trumpet, all men to join thein
wlio chose to assist in recovering the liberty of Greece. Alexander
then gave the reins to the Macedonians, and the war began with
great fury. The Thebans, who had the combat to maintain ai^'ainst
forces vastly superior in number, behaved with a courage ;uid ardour
far above their strength: but wlien the Macecionlan garrison fell
down from Cadmea, and charged ihem in the rear, thev were sur-
rounded on all sides, and most of them cut in pieces. The city was
taken, plundered, and levelled with the ground.

Alexander ex[)ected that the rest of (I recce, astonished and inti-
midated by so dreadful a puni.slunent of the Thebans, would submit
in silence. Yet he found a more plausible pretence for his severity
giving out that his late proceedings were intended to gratify his allies
being adopted in pursuance of comi)laiiits made against Thebes by
the people of Phocis and Platjra. He exempted the priests, all that
the Macedonians were bound to by the ties of luispitality, the poste-
rity of Pindar, and such as had op|vised the revolt ; the rest he sold
for slaves, to the number of thirty thousand. There were above six
thousand killed in the battle.

The calamities which that wretched city suflercd were various and

456 I'LUTARC fl's LIVES.

horrible. A party of Tluacians demolished the house of Timocka,
a woman of quality and honour; the soldiers carried off the booty;
and the captain, after liaving violated the lady, asked her whether
she had not some gold and silver concealed ? She said she had ; and
taking him alone into the garden, showed him a well, into which,
she told him, she had thrown every thing of value, when the city was
taken. The oflFicer stooped down to examine the well, upon which
she pushed him in, and then despatclied him with stones. The
Thracians coming up, seized and bound her hands, and carried her
before Alexander, who immediately perceived, by her look and gait,
and the fearless manner in which she follov/ed that savage crew,
that she was a woman of quality and superior sentiments. The
liing demanded who she was? She answered, " I am the sister of
Theagenes, who, in cajiacity of general, fought Philip for the liberty
of Grt ecc, and fell in the battle of Chccronea " Alexander, admirinir
her answer, and t)ie bold action siic had performed, commanded her
to be set at liberty, and her children with her.

As for the Athenians, he forgave them, though they expressed
rreat concern at the misfortune of Thebes: for, though they were
upon the point qf celebrating the feast of the great mysteries, they
omitted it on account of the mournang that took place, and received
such of the Thebans as escaped thegeneral wreck with all imaginable
kindness into their city. But whetlier his fury, like that of a lion,
was satiated with blood, or whether he had a mind to efface a most (

cruel and barbarous action by an act of clemency, he not only over- i

looked the complaints he had against them, but desired them to look
well to their atfairs, because, if any thing happened to bim, Athens,
would give law to Greece.

It is said, the calamities he brought upon the Thebans gave him
uneasiness long after, and on that account he treated many others
Avith less rigour. It is certain he imputed the murder of Clitus,
which he committed in his wine, and the Macedonians' dastardly
refusal to proceed in the Indian expedition, through wiiich his wars
and his glory were left imperfect, to the anger of Bacchus, the
avenger of Thebes. And there was not a*I'heban who survived the
fatal overthrow, that was denied any favour he requested of him —
Thus much concerning the Theban war.

A general assembly of the Greeks being held at the Isthmus of
Corinth, they came to a resolution to send their quotas with Alexander
against the Persians, and he was unanimously elected captain-general.
Many statesmen and philosophers came to congratulate him on the
occasion, and he hoped that Diogenes of Sinope, who then lived at
Corinth, would be of the number. Finding, however^ that he made

ai.ex\mjer, 457

but little account of Alexander, and liiat he preferred the enjoyment
of his leisure in a part of the suburbs called Cranium, he went to
see him. Diogenes happened to he lying in the sun, and, at the
approach of so many people, he raised himself up a little, and fixed
his eyes upon Alexander. The kint; addressed him in an obliging
manner, and asked him, " If there was any thing he could serve him
in?" " Only stand a little out of my sun>hitte," said Diogenes,
Alexander, we are to\d, was struck with such surprise at finding
himself so little regarded, and saw something so great in tiiat care-
lessness, that, while his courtiers were ridiculing the philosopher as
a monster, he said, " If I were not Alexander, I should wish to be
Diogenes."

He chose to consult the oracle about tlie event of the war, and for
that purpose went to Delp])i. He happened to arrive there on one
of the days called inauspicious, upon which the law permitted no
man to put his question. At first he sent to the prophetess, to entreal
her to do her office ; but findiiig she refused to comply, and alleged
the law in her excuse, he went himself, and drew her by force into
the temple. Then, as if coiujuered by his violence, she said, " My
son, thou art invincible." Alexander hearing this, said, " He wanted
no oth( r answer, for he had tiic very oracle he desired."

\\'hen he was on th-. j^oint of setting out upon his expedition, he
had n'any signs from the divine powers. Among the rest, the statue
of Orpheus in Libethra*, which was of cypress wood, was in a profuse
sweat for several days. The generality ap[)rehended this to be an
ill presage; but Aristander Ijade them dismiss their fears. *' It
signified," he said, " that Alexander would perform actions so worthy
to be celebrated, timt they would cost the [)oets and musicians much
labour and sweat."

As to tl'.e numl)er of his ta)ups, those that put it at the least say ho
carried over thirty tlmusMnd fot)t and five thousand horse: and they
who put it at the most tell us his army consisted of tiiirty-four
tliousand foot, and four thousand horse. The money provided for
their subsistence and pay, according to Aristobulus, was only seventy
talents. Duris says, he had no more than would maintain them one
month; but Onesicritus alVirms that he borrowed two hundred talents
for that purpose.

However, though his provision was so small, he chose, at his
embarkation, to intiulre into the circumstances of his friends; and

* This Lilii'lhra wiu in thr country of tlic Udrysa* in Thr.tcc. But bc^idcilliij city 01
inotiutiiin in I'hracr, tlicrc was tke Ccic nj' the .Vymp/u ol Libethru on ilount Ilrligon,
probably so dciiouiiiiiitcd by Orphc'j*.

Vol. 2. No. i'3. nnn

45 8 n.UTARCn's LIVES.

to one lie gave a farm, to anotlier a village; to this the revenue of y
borough, u\v:] to that of a post. When in this manner he had dis-
posed of almost all the estates of the crown, Perdiccas asked him,
" What he had reserved for himself r" The king answered, "Hope."
'' Well," rej-lied Llerdiccas, " we who share in your labours will
also take part in vour hopes." In con-<'quence of which he refused
the estate allott' .1 him, and some others of the king's friends did the
same. As for those who accepted his offers, or applied to him for
favours, he served them with e(]ual pkasure; and by t!-"sc means

most of his Macedonian revenues were distributed and gone

Such was the spirit and disposition '^vith which he passed the
Hellespont.

As soon as he landed, he went up to Ilium, where he sacrificed to
Minerva, and offered libations to the heroes. He also anointed the
pillar upon AchilUs's tomb with oil, and ran round it with his friends
naked, according to the custom that obtain jj after which he put a
crown upon It, declaring, "He thought that hero extremely happy
in having found a faithful friend while he lived, and after his death,
an excellent herald to set forth his praise." As he went about the
city to look upon the curiosities, he was asked, whether he chose to
see Paris's lyre? " I set but little value," said he, " upon the lyre
of Paris; but it would give me pleasure to see that of Achilles, to
which he sang the glorious actions of the brave*."

In the mean time, Darius's generals had assembled a great army,
and taken post upon the banks of the Granicus; so that Alexander
was under the necessity of lighting there, to open the gates of Asia.
Many of his officers were apprehensive of the depth of the river,
and the rougii and uneven banks on the other side; and some thought
a proper regard should be paid to a traditionary usage with respect
to the time; for the kings of Macedon used never to march out to
war in the month Daisius. Alexander cured them of this piece of
superstition, by ordering that month to be called Me second Artemi-
sius. And when Parmenio objected to his attempting a passage so
late in the dav, he said, " The Hellespont would blush, if, after
having passed it, he should be afraid of the Granicus." At the same
time he threw himself into the stream with thirteen troops of horsey
and as he advanced in the face of the enemy's arrows, in spite of tho

f This alludes to that passage in the ninth book of tiic Iliad:
Amiis'd, at ease the godlike man they found,
Pleas'd with the solemn harp's harmonious sound;
With these he sooths his angry soul, and sings
Tb' immortal deeds of heroes asd of kings. —

ALEXANDER. 459

Steep banks, which were lined with cavalry well armed, and of ihc ra-
pidity of the river, wliich often bore him down, or covered him with
its waves, hiinjo;ions seemed rather the clVcct of madness ihan sound
sense. He held on, however, lill, by great and surprising efforts, he
gained the opposite banks, which t'le mud made extremely slippery
and dangerous. When he w-is there, iie was forced to stand an
engagement Aith the er.emy, hand to hand, and with great con-
fusion on his part; I . luse :iiey attac- -(' his men as fast as they
came over, befo*'':; he n.ia time to form tliem : for the Persian trooos,
charging with loud shouts, and with horse against horse, made
good use of their spears, and, when those were broken, oi liieir
swords.

Numbers pressed hard on Alexander, because he was easy to be
distinguished, both by l»is buckler, and by his crest, on each side of
which was a large and beautiful plume of whiie feathers. Flis cuirass
was pierced by a javelin at the point; but he escaped uiihuit. After
this, Rhoesaces and Spithrldates, two cf^ieers of great distinction,
attacked him at once. He avoided Spithridates with great address,
and received Rhoesaces with such a stroke of his spear upon the
breastplate, that it broke in pieces. Then he drew his sword to
despatch him, but his adversary still maintained the combat. Mean-
time, Spithridates came up on one side of him, and raising himself
up on his horse, gave him a blow with his battle-axe, whicii cut off
his crest, with one side of the plume. Nay, the force of it was such,
that the helmet could hardly resist it; it even penetratctl to his hair.
Spithridates was going to repeat his stroke, when the celebrated
Clitus prevented him, by running him through the body with iiis
spear. At the same time Alexander brought Rhoesaces to the ground
with his sword.

While the cavalry were fighting with so much fury, the Macedo-
nian phalanx passed the river, and then the infantry likewise engaged.
The enemy made no great or long resistance, but soon turned
their backs, and fled, all hut the Grecian mercenaries, who, making
a stand upon an emiiicnce, desired .Alexander to give his word of
honour tiiat they should be spared: but that pri;ioe, infloc :cd
rather by hispassio.i than his reason, instead of giving tliem quarter,
advanced to attack them, aui was so warmly received, that he had
his horse killed under hin». It was not, however, the lainous Buce-
phalus. In this dispute lie iutd uiore of his men killed and wounded
than in ah the rest of the battle, !■ • fiere they had to do will, cxpcri-
ccd soldiers, who fought with a courage heightened by despair.

The barbarians, we are told, lost in this battle twenty thousand

^^O tlutarch's lives.

foot, and two thousand five hundred horse*; whereas Alexander had
no more than thirty-four men killedf, nine of whom were the in-
fantry. To do lionour to their memory, he erected a statue to each
of them in brass, the workmanship of Lysippus. And that the
Greeks might have tlie sliare it> the glory of the day, he sent them
presents out of the spoil: to the Athenians, in particular, he sent
three hundred bucklers, l^pon the rest of the spoils he put this
pompous inscription, WON by Alexander the son of fhilip, ani>

THE GREEKS (EXCEPTING THE LACED.KMONIANs), OK THE BARBA-
RIANS IN ASIA. The greatest part of the plate, the purple furniture^
and other things of that kind, which he took from the Persians, he
sent to his mother.

This battle made a great and immediate change in the face of
Alexander's affairs > insomuch that Sardis, the principal ornament
of the Persian empire on the maritime side, made its submission.
All the other cities followed its example, except Halicarnassus and
Miletus; these he took by storm, and subdued all the adjacent
country. After this, he remained some time in suspense as to the
course he should take. One while he was for going, with great
expedition, to risk all upon the fate of one battle with Darius; ano-
ther while he was for first reducing all the marifrmc provinces, that
when he had excFcised and strengthened himself by those interme-
diate actions and acquisitions, he might then march against that
prince.

There is a sprrng in Lycia^ neaj the city of the Xanthians, which,
they tell us, at that time turned its course of its own accord, and,
overflowing its banks, threw up a plate of brass, upon which were
engraved certain ancient characters, signifying, "^ That the Persian
empire would one day come to a period, and lie destroyed by the
Greeks." Encouraged by this prophecy, he hastened to reduce all
the coast, as far as PhceiMce| uiul Cilicia. His march through Pam-
phylia has aftbrded matter to many historians for pompous descrip-
tion, as if it was by the interposition of Heaven that the sea retired

* SDme manuscripts mention only ten tliou-and foot kill«;d, wliicli is the number
wc have in Dindorus (505). Arrian (p. 45), makes tlie number of horse killed only a
thousand.

t Arrian (47)i *»J'Sj there were about twenty-five of the king's friends killed; and
of persons of less note, sixty horse and thirty foot. Q. Curtius informs us, it was
only ihe twenty-tive/rit»ds who had statues. They were erected at Dia, a city of
Alacedonia, from whence Q. jMetcllus removed them long after, and carried them t<*

Rome.

♦ This Phoenice, as Palermius has observed, was a district of Lycia or Paraphylia.

ALEXANDER. 46 1

before Alexander, wliicli at other times ran there with so strong a
current, that the breaker- rocks at the toot of the mountain very sel-
dom were left bare. Menauder, in his i)leasaiit way, refers to thi*
pretended miracle in one of his comedies :

Haw like Alexanoeii! do { seek
A Irlcnd' Spontaneous lie prcsfiits Lim«e!f.
Have I to nurcb where seas iii>liguaiit ruU ^
The sea retires, and there I march.

But Alexander himself, in his Epistles, makes no miracle of It*;
he only says, ** He marched froni Phaselis by the way called
Climax."

He had staid some time at Phaselis, and having found in the
market-place a statue of Theodectcs, who was of that place, but then
dead, he went out one evening when he had drank freely at supper,
in masquerade, and covered tiie statue with garlands. Thus, in an
hour of festivity, he paid an agreeable compliment to the memory
of a man with whom he had formerly had a connexion, iiy means of
Aristotle and philosophy.

After this he subdued such of tlie Pisidians as had revolted and
conquered IMirygia. Upon taking Gordium, which is said to liavc
been the seat of the ancient Midas, he found the famed chariot, fas-
tened with cords, made of the bark of the cornel-tree, and was In-
formed of a tradition, firmly believed among the barliarians, ** That
the Fates liad decreed the empire of tin* world to the man who should
untie the knot." Most historians say, that it was twisted so many
private ways, and the ends so artfully concealed within, that Alexan-
der, finding he could not untie it, cut it asunder with hi.s sword, and
so made many ends instead of two. But Arlstobulus afiirms, thai he
easily untied it, by taking out the pin which fastened the y^ke to the
beam, and then drawing out the yoke itself.

His next acquisitions were Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; and
there news was brought him of the death of Memnonf, who was the

* There is likewise a passage in Strabo, which fully proves there was no miracle in
it—" Near the cny o( Fhasclis," says he, " between Lycw and I'aniphylia, there is a
passage b_y tl»c sea-side, through wliich Alexander marched Ins army. This p.usngc i*
Tcry narrow, and lies between the shore and the mountain Climax, which overlooks the
Pampliylian sea. It is dry at low wafer, so that travellers puss tlirouL'h it with s.itelv;
but, when the sea is hij^h, it is ovirllowi-d. It was then the winter season, mid Ale lan-
der, wlu) depended much upon bis pood lurtune, was resolved to set out without slaving
(ill the Hoods were abatvd; so ihiit his men were forced to march up to the middle ia
water." — Strab. lib. xiv. .Toscplius refers to tlii> passage of .Alexander, to guio the more
credit among tiic Greeks and lloiiuns lo the passage ol the Isiatlitcs through the Kci
sea,

t Ujion the death of .M<'mnon, who had begun with j^-reat sutce?? to r'-ducc the Creek

aGz Plutarch's lives.

most respectable officer Darius had in the maritime parts of his king-
dom, and likely to have given the invader most trouble. This con-
firmed him in his resolution of marching into the upper provinces of
Asia.

By this time Darius had taken his departure from Susa, full of
confidence in his numbers, for his army consisted of no less than six
hundred thousand combatants; and greatly encouraged besides by a
dream, which the magi had interpreted rather in the manner they
thought would please him, than with a regard to probability. He
dreamed, " That he saw the Macedonian phalanx all on fire, and
that Alexander, in the dress whicli he, Darius, had formerly worn
when one of the king's couriers, acted as his servant; after which
Alexander went into the temple of Belus, and there suddenly disap-
peared." By this Heaven seems to have signified that prosperity
and honour would attend the Macedonians, and that Alexander would
become master of Asia, like Darius before him, who of a simple cou-
rier became a king; but that he would nevertheless soon die, and
leave his glory behind liim.

Darius was still more encouraged by Alexander's long stay In
Cilicia, which 'he looked upon as the effect of his fear. But the real
cause of his stay was sickness, which some attribute to his great fa-
tigues, and others to his bathing in the river Cydnus, whose water Is
extremely cold. His physicians durst not give him any medicines,
because they thought themselves not so certain of the cure as of the
danger they must incur In the application; for they feared the Ma-
cedonians, if they did not succeed, would suspect them of some bad
practice. Philip, the Acarnanian, saw how desperate the king's case
was, as well as the rest; but, besides the confidence he had In his
friendship, he thought it the highest Ingratitude, when his master
was In so much danger, riot to risk something with him, in exhaust-
ing all his art for his relief. He therefore attempted the cure, and

islaiuls, and *«■< on the point of invading Eubcca, Darius vras at a loss wliom to employ.
While he was in this suspense, Charuicmiis an Athenian, who had served with great rp-
putation under Piiilip of M.icod'in, bat \> as now very zealous for the Persian interest,
attempted to set tlie king and his ministers right. " Whde you, Sir," said he to Darius,
" arc safe, the empire c;./i novir be in great danger. Let me, therefore, exhort you
never to exposu your pcrvon, but to nuke choice of some able general to march against
your enemy. One hundred thousand men will be more than sutficicnt, provided a third
of them be mercenaries, to cuuipcl hiiu to abandon this enterprise; and il you will ho-
nour rae with the command, I will be accountable for the success of what I advise."
Darius was ready to accede to the proposal; but the Persian grandees, ihrougii envy,
accused Charidenuis of a treasonable design, and elTected his ruin. Darius repented in
a few days, but it was then too late. That able counsellor and general was condcTined
and executed. — Dlod. Sic. 1. xvii. Q. Curt. I, iii.

ALEXANDER. 4C)3

found no diflficulty in persuiiding the king to wait with patience till
his medicine wa^ prepared, or to take it wlien ready; so desirous was
lie of a speedy recovery, in order to prosecute the war.

In the mean time, Parmenio sent him a letter from the camp, ad-
visitig him " to beware of Philip, whom," lie said, " Darius had
prevailed upon, hy presents of infinite value, and the promise of his
dauj^hter in marriage, to take liim off l)y poison." As soon as Alex-
ander had read the letter, he put it umler his pillow, without showing
it to any of his friends. The time a[)p<)inte(l being come, Philip,
with the king's friends, entered the chamber, liaving the cuj) which
contained the medicit\e in his hand. The king received it fjccly,
without the least marks of sus|)icion, and at tiie same time put the
letter in his hands. It v,.is a striking situation, and more inteiesting
than any scene in a tragedy; the one reading while the other was
drinking They looked upon each other, but with a very different
air. The king, with an open and unembarrassed countenance, ex-
pressed his regard for Philip, and the conndcnee he had in his ho-
nour; Philip's look showed his indignation at the calumny. One
while he lifted uj) his eyes and hands to heaven, protesting his fide-
lity; another while he threw himself down by the bed-side, entreating
his master to he of good courage, and trust to his care.

The medicine, indeed, was so strong, and overpowered his spirits
in such a manner, that at first he was speechless, and discovered
scarce any sign of sense or life. But afterwards he was soon relieved
by this faithful physician*, and recovered so well that he was able to
show himself to the Macedonians, whose distress did not abate till he
came personally i)efore them.

There was in the army of Darius a Macedonian fugitive, named
Amyntas, who knew perfectly well the disj)osition of Alexander.
This man, perceiving that Darius prepared to march through the
straits in (piest of Alexander, begged of Inm to remain where he was,
and take the advantage of receiving an enemy, so much inferior to
him in immbers, upon large and spacious plains. Duins answered,
*' lie was afraiil in that case the enemy would fly witiiout coming to
an action, and Alexander escape him." " If that is all vmr leaf,"
replied the Macedonian, " let it give you no further uneasiness; for
he will come to seek you, and is already on his njarch." However,
his representations liad no effect: Darius set out for Cilicia, and
Alexander was making for Syria in quest of him: but happening to
miss each other in the night, they both turned back; Alexander re-

• In three dnvs tiaie.

AGA rLUTARCH's LIVES.

joicine^ in his good fortune, and liastcning to meet Darius in tlie
Straits ; while Darius endeavoured to disengage himself, and reco-
ver his former camp; for by this time he was sensible of his error, in
throwing himself into ground hemmed in by the sea on one side,, and
the mountains on the other, and intersected by the river Pinarus; so
that it was impracticable for cavalry, and his infantry could only act
in small and broken j)arties; while, at the same time, this situation
was extremely convenient for the enemy's inferior numbers.

Thus fortune befriended Alexander as to the scene of action; but
the skilful disposition of his forces contributed still more to his gain-
ing the victory. As his army was very small in comparison to that
of Darius, he took care to draw it up so as to prevent its being sur-
rounded, by stretching out his right wing farther than the enemy's
left. In that wing he acted in person, and, fighting in the foremost
ranks, put the barbarians to flight. He was wounded, however, in
the thigh, and, according to Chares, by Darius, who engaged him
hand to hand. But Alexander, in the account he gave Antipater of
the battle, docs not mention who it was that wounded him : he only
says, he received a wound in his thigh by a sword, and that no dan-
gerous consequences followed it.

The victory was a very signal one; for he killed above a hundred
and ten thousand of the enemy*. Nothing was wanting to complete
it but the taking of Darius, and that prince escaped narrowly, having
got the start of his pursuer only by four or five furlongs. Alexander
took his chariot and his bow, and returned with them to his Mace-
donians. He found them loading themselves with the plunder of
the enemy's camp, which was rich and various; though Darius, to
make his troops filter for action, had left most of the baggage in Da-
mascus. The Macedonians had reserved for their master the tent
of Darius, in which he found officers of the household magnifi-
cently clothed, ricli furniture, and great quantities of gold and
silver.

As soon as he had put oft" his armour, he went to the bath, saying
to those about him, " Let us go and refresh ourselves, after the fa-
tigues of the field, in the bath of Darius." " Nay, rather," said one
of his friends, *' in the bath of Alexander; for the goods of the con-
quered are, and should be called, the conqueror's." When he had
taken a view of the basons, vials, boxes, and other vases, curi-
ously wrought in gold; smelled the fragrant odours of essences;
and seen the splendid furniture of spacious apartments j he turned

* Diodorus says, a liundred and thiity thousand.

ALEXANDER. 4G5

to his friends, and said, " Tliis then, it seems, it was to be :i
king*."

As lie was silting down to table, an aceount was brought hiui,
that among tlie prisoners were the nioilur and wile of Darius, and
two unmarried daughters; and that, upon seeing his ehariot and bow,
they broke out into great hunentations, concluding that he was dead.
Alexander, after some pause, during wliich he was ratlier commise-
rating their misfortunes than rejc/icing in his own success, sent Leo-
natus to assure tiiem, "That Darius was not dead; that they had
nothing to fear from Alexander, for his dispute with Darius was only
for empire; and that they should find themselves provided for in the
same manner as when Darius was in his greatest pros|)crity." If
this message to the captive princesses was gracious and humane, his
actions were still more so. He allowed them to do the funeral ho-
nours to what Persians they ])leased, and for that purpose furnished
them out of the spoils with robes, and all (he other decorations that
were customary. They had as many domestics, and were served in
all respects in as honoural)le a manner as before; indeed, their ap-
pointments were greater. But there was another part of his beha-
viour to them still more noble and princely: though they were now
captives, he considered that they were ladies, not only of high rank,
but of great modesty and virtue, and took care that they should not
hear an indecent word, nor have the least cause to suspect any dan-
ger to their honour: nay, as if they had been in a holy trnipie or asy-
lum of virgins, rather than in an enemy's camp, tluy lived unseen
and unapproached, in tlie most secret privacy.

It is said, the wife of Darius was one of the most beautiful wo-
men, as Darius was one of the tallest and handsomest men in the
world, and that tlieir daughters much resenjbled them. But Alex-
ander, no doubt, thought it more glorious and worthy of a king to
conquer himself, than to subdue his enemies, and therefore never
approached one of them. Indeed, his continer.ce was such, that he
knew not any woman before his marriage, except Barsine, who be-
came a widow by the death of her husband Memnon, and was taken
prisoner near Damascus. She was well versed in the Greek litera-
ture, a woman of the most agreeable temper, and of royal extraction;
for Ijer father Artabazus was ijrandson to a king of I'ersiai . Accord-
ing to Aristobulus, it was Parmenio that jjut Ahxander ui>on thi?
connexion with so accompliviied a woman, whose beauty w:ib her
least perfection. As for the other female captives, thougii they were

* Aj if he had said, " Coulil a king plucc hts huppin^ss in »«ch rnjoymcntj ai theie'"
For Alexander was not, tili lorg afd r this, corrupted b> the Persian luxury,
t Son to a king of Persia's daughter.

\oL. 2. No. 23. ooo

466 I'Li tarch's lives.

tall and beautiful, Alexander took no further notice of them than to
say, hy way of jest, " What eye-sores these Persian women are'/'
He found a counter-charm in the beauty of self-government and
sobriety; and, in the strength of that, passed them by as so many
statues.

Philoxcnus,who commanded his forces upon the coast, acquainted
him by letter, that there was one Theodorus, aTarentinc, with hiiu,
who had two beautiful boys to sell, and desired to know whether he
chose to buy them. Alexander was so much incensed at this ap-
plication, that he asked his friends several times, " What base in-
clinations Philoxcnus had ever seen in him, that he durst make him
so infamous a proposal?" In his answer to the letter, which was ex-
tremely severe upon Philoxcnus, he ordered him to dismiss Theo-
dorus and his vile merchandise together. He likewise reprimanded
young Agnon for offering to purchase Crobylus for him, whose beauty
was famous in Corinth. Being informed that two Macedonians,
named Damon and Timotheus, had corrupted the wives of some of
his mercenaries who served under Parmenio, he ordered that officer to
inquire into the affair, and, if they were found guilty, to put them
to death, as no better than savages bent on the destruction of human
kind. In the same letter, si)eaking of his own conduct, he ex-
presses himself in these terms: *' For my part, I have neither seen,
nor desired to see the wife of Darius; so far from that, I have not
sufl'ered any man to speak of her beauty before me." He used to say,
** That sleep, and the commerce with the sex, were the things that
made him most sensible of his mortality:" for he considered both
weariness and pleasure as the natural effects of our weakness.

He was also very temperate in eating. Of this there are many
proofs; and we have a remnrkahle one in what he said to Ada, wiiom
he called his mother, and bad made quci-nof C'aria*. Ada.toex[)ress
her affectionate regards, sent him every day a number of excellent
dishes and a handsome dessert; and at last she sent him some of her
best cooks and bakers: but he said, " He had no need of them;
for he lad been supplied with better cooks by his tutor Ix-onidas ;
a march before day to dress his dinner, and a light dinner to prepare
his supper." He added, that " the same Leonidas used to ^ex-
amine the chests and wardrobes in which his bedding and clothes
were put, lest soniething of luxiny and superfluity should be intro-
duced there by his mother.

* This princes', afl'T tlie doaih of her eldL-sl liroilicr Maiisolus, and his consort
ArtemUia, who died without children, succr-edcd to the tlirone witli her brother Hi-
dreus, to whom ^!le had been married, liidrtiis d^ing bcf«rc her, Pexodoruss htr
third brother, dethroned her, and after his dcatli his son-iu law Orontes seized th4
erowu: but Alexander restored ber to the possession of her docDintous.

AI.KXANDER. 4^/

Nor was he so inucli adJittfd to wine as lie was thought to be.
It wa.s su|)|)<»si-(J .so, because lie jKu»sed a great deal of time at table;
but that time was spent rather in talking than drinking; every cup
introducing some long disct>urse: besides, he never made these long
meals, but when he had abundance of leisure upon his hands. When
business called, he was not to be detained by witjc, or sleep, or plea-
sure, or honourable love, or the most entertaining spectacle, though
the motions of otlier generals iiave been retarded by some of these
things. His life suniciently confirms this assertion: for, though
very short, he j)i rformed in it innumerable great actions.

On his (lays of leisure, as soon as he was ri^en, he sacrificed to
the g<»ds; after which he took his dinner silting. The rest of the
day he sj)cnt in hunting, or deciding the ditlercnces among his
troops, or in reading and writing. If he was on a march which did
not recpiire haste, he would exercise himself in shooting and darting
the javelin, or in mounting and alighting from a chariot at full speed.
Sometimes also he diverted himsijf with fowling and fox-hunting,
as we find by his journals.

On ills return to his (juartcis, uiu-n lie went to be retVeshetl with
the bath and with oil, he in(iiiircil of the stewards of his kitchen,
whether they had prepared every thing in a handsome manner fur
supper. It was not till late in the evening, and when night came
on, that he took this meal, and then he ate in a recuinlient posture.
He was very attentive to his guests at table, that they might be
served equally, and none neglected. His entertainments, as wc
have already observed, histed many hours; but they were lengthened
out rather by conversation than drinking. His conversation, iu
many respects, wjis more agreeable than that of n»ost princes, for
he was not deficient in the graces of society. His only fault was
his retaining so much of the soldier", as to indulge a troubleson»c
vuniiv. He would not only boast of his own actions, but suOcred
himself to be cajoled by flatterers to an ama/ing degree. These
wretches were an intolerable burden to the rest of the company, who
did liot choose to contend with them in adulation, nor yet to appear
behind them in their opinion «)f their king's achievements.

.•\s to delicacies, he had st) little regard for them, that when the
choicest fruit and fish were bi ought him from distant countries and
seas, he would send some to each of his friends, and he very often
left none for himself. Yet there was always a magnificence at \\U
table, and the expense rose with his fortune, till it came to ten

* riir anctcuti, i:t Itirir coiu.c pirir«, u«r«i aloivi to put llic r.;oduii>ur.!«Jr* in lh«
Uitfiicter ol « suldtcr. At prcscttl Utc »na> but m little vaoitj u attj *«l of p««pl«
whatcvrr.

•468 ptatakch's lives.

thousand r/rffc^wcr^ for one entertainment. 'Inhere it stood; and he
did not suffer those that invited him to exceed tliat sum.

After the battle of Issus, he ^.ent to Daniascus, and seized the
money and equipages of the Persians, top^ether with their wives and
cliildren. On that occnsion the Thessalian cavalry enriched them-
selves most. They had, indeed, greatly distinguished themselves
in the action, and thev were favoured with this commission, that
they might have the host share in the spoil. Not but the rest of
the army found sufllcicnt booty; and the Macedonians, having once
tasted the treasures and the luxury of the barbarians, hunted for the
Persian weahh with all the ardour of hounds upon scent.

It appeared Xo Alexander a matter of great imi)ortance, before he
went farther, to gain the maritime powers. Upon application, the
kings of Cyprus and Phoenicia made their submission ; only Tyre
held out. IJe besieged that city seven months, during which time he
erected vast mounds of earth, plied it with his engines, and invested
it on the side next the sea with two hundred galleys. He had a
dream in which he saw Hercules offering him his hand from the wall,
and inviting him to enter. And many of the Tyrians dreamed*,
" That Apollo declared he would go over to Alexander, because he
was displeased with their behaviour in the town." Hereupon the
Tyrians, as if the god had been a deserter taken in the fact, loaded
his statue with chains, and nailed the feet to the pedestal; not scru-
pling to call him an Alexandrist, In another dream Alexander
thought he saw a satyr playing before him at some distance; and

when he advanced to take him, the savage eluded his grasp

However, at last, after much coaxing, and taking many circuits round
him, he prevailed with him to surrender himself. The interpreters
plausibly enough divided tlie Greek term for saf//r, into two, Sa
Ti/roSj which signifies, Ti/re is thine. They still show us a foun-
tain, near which Alexander is said to have seen that vision.

About the middle of the siege, he made an excursion against the
Arabians who dwelt about Antilibanus. There he ran a great risk of
his life, on account of his preceptor Lysimachus, who insisted on
attending him; being, as he alleged, neither older nor less valiant
than Phcnnix: but when they came to the hills, and quitted their
horses to march up on foot, the rest of the party got far before

* One of the Tyrians dreamed he saw -Apollo flying from the city. Upon his re-
porting this to x\w people, they would have stoned him, supposing tliat he did it to
jniimidate thera. He was obliged, therefore, to take refuge in the temple of Hercules.
But the magistrates, upon mature deliberation, resolved to fix one end of a gold
chain to the Jlatuc of Apollo, and the other to the altar of Hercules.— i)iod. Sic.
lib. xvii.

ALEXANDER. 4^9

Alexander and Lysimachus. Night came on, and as the enemy was
at no prcat distance, the king wouKl not leave his preceptor, l)<»rnc
down with fatigue, and the weight ol years: therefore, while he was
encouraging and helping him forward, he was insensibly separated
from l)is troops, and had a dark and very cold night to pass in an
exposed and dismal situation. In tiiis perplexity, he observed at a
distance a number of scattered tires whieh the enemy had lighted;
and depending upon his swiftness an<l activity, as well as accustomed
to extricate the Macedonians out of every diflicully, by taking a sliare
in the labour and danger, he ran to the next Hrc. After having
killed two of the barbarians that sat watching it, he seized a lighted
brand, and hastened w ith it to liis party, who soon kindled a great
fire. The sight of this so intimidated tlie enemy, that many of them
fled, and those who ventured to attack lum, were repulsed w ith eon-
sidcrable loss. By these means he passed the night in safety, accord-
ing to the account we have from Chares.

As for tiie siege, it was brouLrht to a termination in this manner:
Alexander had permitted his main body to repose themselves after
the long and severe fatigues they had undergone, and ordered oidy
^ome small parties to keep the Tyrians in play. In the mean time
Aristander, his principal soothsayer, oifered sacrifices, and one day,
upon inspecting the entrails of the victim, he boldly asserted among
those about him, that the city would certainly be taken that month.
As it happened then to be the last day of the month, his assertion
was received with ridicule and scorn. The king perceiving he was
disconcerted, and making it a point to bring the pro})hecies of his
ministers to comj>letion, gave order.-, that the day should not be called
the thirtieth, but the twenty-eighth ut the nionili. At the same time
he called out his forces by sound of trum|)et, and maile a much
more vigorous assault than he at first iiiti-iuied. The attaik was
violent, and those who were left behind in the camp, ipiitted it to
have a share in it, and to support their fellow soldiers; insomuch
that the Tyrians were forced to give out, and the city was taken that
very day.

From thence he nwirched into Syria, and laid siege to Cia/.a, the
capital of that country. While he was employed tlure, a hiid, as it
riew by, let fall a clod of earth upon Ins shoidder, and then going to
perch on the cross cords with whieh they tuineil the engines, was
entangled and taken. The event answered Aiistander's interpreta-
tion of this sign: Alexander was wounded in the shoulder, but ttwjk
the city. He sent most of his spoils to Olympias and Cleopatra, and
others of his friends. His tutor l^onidas was not forgotten; and
the present be made him iiad something particular in it. It cou-

470 Plutarch's lives.

sisted of five hundrerl talents wciglitof frankinccnce*, and a hundred
of myrrh, and was sent upon the recollection of the liopes he had
conceived when a boy. It seems Leonidas one day had observed
Alexander at a sacrifice throwing incense into the fire by handfuls ;
uy>on which he said, '" Alexander, when you have conquered the
country where spices grow, you may be thus liberal of your incense;
but in the mean time, use what you have more sparingly." He there-
fore wrote thus: " I have sent you frankincence and myrrh in abun-
dance, that you may be no longer a cliurl to the gods."

A casket being one day brought him, which appeared one of the
most curious aiid valuable things among the treasures, and whole
equijjage of Darius, he asked his. friends what they thougiit most
worthy to be put in it? Different things were to be proposed, but he
said, " The Iliad most deserved such a case." This particular is
mentioned by several writers of credit. And if what the Alexandrians
say, upon the faith of neraclides, be true, Homer was no bad auxili-
ary, or useless counsellor, in the course of the war. They tell us,
that when Alexander had conquered Egypt, and determined to build
there a gre.^t city, which was to be peopled with Greeks, and called
after his own name, by the advice of his architects he had marked
out a piece of ground, and was preparing to lay the foundation ; but a
wonderful dream made him fix upon another situdion : bethought
a person with grey hair, and a very venerable aspect, approached hinij
and repeated the following lines:

High o'er a gulfy sea the Pharian is?e

Front* the deep roar of diseniboguiiig Nile; — I'trpe.

Alexander, upon this, iinmediately left his bed, and went to Pharos,
which at that time M-as an island lying a little above the Canobic
mouth of the Nile, but now is joined to the continent by a causeway.
He no sooner cast his eyes upon the place, than he perceived the
commodiousncss of the situation. It is a tongue of land, not unlike
an isthmus, whose breadth is proportionable to its length. On one
side it has a great lake, and on the other the sea, which there forms a
capacious harbour. This led him to declare, that " Homer, among
his other admirable qualifications, was an excellent architect;" and
he ordered a city to be planned suitable to the ground, and its appen-
dant conveniences. For want of chalk, they made use of flour,
which answered well enough upon a black soilj and they drew a line

* The common Attic talent in Troy weight was 56lb. lloz. ITgrs. and i-7lh. This
talent cunbibtcd of 60 min(c; but tliere was another Attic talent, by some said to consist
of 80, by others, of 100 mintz. The min<e was lloz. 7dv!t. legrs. an(i2-7lhs. The taleU
of Alexandria was 10-lIb. 19dwt. 14grs.

ALEXANDER. 471

with it about tiie semicircular bay. The arms of this semicircle were
terminated by straight lines, so tliat the whole was in the form of a
Macedonian cloke.

While the king was enjoying the design, on a sudden an infinite
number of large birds, of various kinds, rose like a black cloud out of
the river and the lake, and, lighting upon tfie place, eat up all tlie
flour that was used in marking out ihc lines. Alexander was disturbed
at the omen; but the diviners encouraged him to proceed, by assuring
him it was a sign that the city he was going to build would be blest
with such plenty as to furnish a supply to all that should repair to it
from other nations.

The execution of the plan he left to his architects, and went to visit
the temple of Jupiter Amnion. It was a long and laborious journey* ;
and, besides the fatigue, there were two great dangers attending it:
the one was, that their water might fail, in a desert of many days jour-
ney, which afforded no supply; and the <ilhcr, that they might he
surprised by a violent south wind amidst the wastes of sand, as it
liappened long before to the army of Cambyses, The wind raised
the sand, and rolled it in si\ch waves, that it devoured full fifty thou-
sand men. These difhculties were considered and represented to
Alexander; but it was not easy to divert him from any of his pur-
poses. Fortune had supported him in such a manner, that his reso-
lutions were become invincibly strong; and his courage inspired him
with such a spirit of adventure, that he thought it not enough to be
victorious in the field, but he must concjucr both time and place.

The divine assistances which Alexander ex[)ericnced in this march
met with more credit tiian the oracles delivered at the end of it;
though those extraordinary assistances in some measure confirmed tiie
oracles. In the first place, .lupiter sent such a copious and constant
rain, as not only delivered them from all fear of suffering by thirst,
but by moistening the sand, and making it firm to the foot, made
the air clear, and fit for respiration. In the next place, when they
found the marks, which were to serve for guides to travellers, re-
moved or defaced, and in ct)nse(iuenee wandered up and down with-
out any certain route, a flock of crows made their appearance, and

* As to his motives in this journey, liistorians disngrcc. Arrinn (I. iii. c. 3.") tells ii«,
hr look it in imitation of rcrscus and lKrcule», llic Ifiriuer of which hnd cnniiillcd th«t
oracle, wlicn he was dcspulchid against the Gordons; nnd tli«r latter twice, vie. when
he went into Lybia against Antscus, and when he lu.trchetl iniu Kg^pt agonist 13u».ri«.
Now, as I'erseus and MitluIcs (;arc themselves out to be the suns ul the Grcct.iu Jupi*
tcr, so Alexander hnd a mind l« lake Juptler Ammuii fur hit father. Maxuiius T,\rmi
(Serm. xxv.) informs us, that he went lo discover the fountains of the Nile; and J«stir>
(1. ki. c. II.) savs, the intention of tliii visit was to clear up his mother's character, and
to get himself the reputation of a divine oripin.

472 l»IAITAIiriI S LIVE.^.

directed them in the way. When they marched briskly on, the crows
ilew with equal alacrity; when they lagged behind, or halted, the
ci^ws also stopped. What is still stranger, Callisthenes avers, that
at night, when they happened to be gone wrong, these birds called
them by their croaking, and put them right again.

When he had passed the desert, and was arrived at the place, the
minister of Ammon received hiin with salutations from the god, as
from a father. And when he inquired, " Whether any of the assas-
sins of his father had escaped him?" the priest desired he would not
express himself in that manner, " for his father was not a mortal."
Then he asked, " Whether all the murderers of Philip were punish-
ed; and whether it was given the proponent to be the conqueror of
the world?" Jupiter answered, "That he granted him that high
distinction; and that the death of Philip was sufficiently avenged."
Upon this Alexander made his acknowledgments to the god by rich
oftcrings, and loaded the priests with presents of great value. This
is the account most historians give us of the ati'air of the oracle;
but Alexander himself, in the letter he wrote to his mother on that
occasion, only says, " He received certain private answers from
the oracle, which he would communicate to her, and her only, at his
return."

Some say, Amnion's prophet, being desirous to address him in an
obliging manner in Greek, intended to say, O Paidioti, which sig-
nifies. My Son; but, in his barbarous pronunciation, made the word
end with an .<?, instead of an «, and so said O Pai Dios, which sig-
nifies, O Son of Jupiter. Alexander (they add) was delighted with
the mistake in the pronunciation, and from that mistake was propa-
gated a report that Jupiter himself had called him his son.

He went to hear Psammo an Egyptian philosopher, and the saying
of his that pleased him most was, " That all men are governed by
God, for in every thing that which rules and governs is divine."
But Alexander's own maxim was more agreeable to sound philosophy:
He said, " God is the common father of men, but more particularly
of the good and virtuous."

When among tiie barbarians, Indeed, he affected a lofty port, such
as might suit a man perfectly convinced of his divine original; but it
was in a small degree, and with great cauiion, that he assumed any
thing of divinity among the Greeks. We must except, however, that
he WTOte to the Athenians concerning Samos, " It was not I who
gave you that free and famous city, but your then lord, who was called
my father," meaning Philip*.

• He knew tht Athenians were sunk into sucli meanness, tliat thej would readiljr ad-
mit bis pretensions to divinity. So afterwards they deified Demetrius.

ALEXANDKR. -173

Yet, long after this, wlu'ii he was wounded with an arrow, and
experienced great torture iVoin it, he said, *' My friends, this is
blood, and not the ichor

" Which bltst iiniuurtuN bhcd."

One day it happened to thunder in such a dreadful manner, tliat it
astonished all that heard it ; uj)on which, Anaxarchus the sophist,
beini^ in company with him, said, '* Son of .lupiter, c<mld you do
so?" Alexander answered, with a smile, " I do not choose to be so
terrible to my friends as you would have me, who despise my enter-
tainments because you see fish served up, and not the iieads of Per-
sian grandees." It seems the king had made Ilephjestion a present
of some small fish, and Anaxarchus observing it, said, " \N hy did he
not rathcF send you the heads of princes*?" intimating, how truly
despicable those glittering things are which conquerors pursue with
so much danger and fatigue; since, after all, their enjoyments are
little or nothing superior to those of other men. It appears, then,
from what has been said, that Alexander neither believed nor was
elated with the notion of his divinity, but that he only made use of it
as a means to bring others into subjection.

At his return from Kgypt to Pha^nicia, he honoured the gods with
sacrifices and solemn processions; on which occasion the people
were entertained with music and dancing, and tragedies were pre-
sented in the greatest perfection, not only in respect of the magnifi-
cence of the scenery, InU the spirit of emulation in those who exhi-
bited them. In Athens persons are chosen by lot out of the tribes to
conduct those exiiil)iii()ns; but in this case the princes of Cyprus
vied with each other with incredible ardour; particularly Nicocreoa
king of Salamis, and Pasicratcs king of Soli. They cliose the most
celebrated actors that could be found; Pasicrates risked the victory
upon Athenodorus, and Xieocreon upon Thessalus. Alexander in-
terested himself pariieularly in behalf of the laiter; but did not dis-
cover his attachment, till Athenodorus was declared victor by all the
suflVages, 'J'lu'ti, as he left the theatre, he said, " I connnend the
judges for what they have done; but i would have givcu half my
kingdom rather than have seen Thessulus conquered."

• Diojrncs im]iufc« tlii< saving of AnaxnrrhiK lo flic avorjion ho hnd for Nicocreon,
tyrant ol Suhnins. Accnrtlnii; to hiiii, Alcxiimicr having one diiy iiniti-d .Vnaxarcljus lo
dinnrr, Hiked hini huw he liked his rntcrtuiiiiiiriil .^ " It ii cxcellcDt," replied the >;ur«t,
" it wants but uiic diih, and that a delicioiii one, the head of a tyrant." Nut ihc beads
of the Satrapit, or governors uf pro* liters, ui it ii in Plutarch. It llir philusupher rvally
iDeaiiC the head ut Nicucreun, he paid dear for his s.iyiiig aftcrwardt; fur, alter the
death uf Alexander, lie was futccd, by contrary winds, upuu the cuasl uf Cyprus, wbci*
the tyrant seized him, and put Kiiu tu death.

Vol. J. No. :'3. ppp

474 Plutarch's lives.

However, when Athenodorus was fined by the Athenians for not
making his appearance on their stage at tlie feasts of Bacchus, and
entreated AlexuiiLler to write to them in his favour; though he re-
fused to comply with that request, he paid his fine for him. Another
actor, named Lycon, a native of Scarpliia, performing with great ap-
plause before Alexander, dexterously inserted in one of the speeches
of the comedy a verse, in which he asked him for ten talents. Alex-
ander laughed, and gave him them.

It was about this time that he received a letter from Darius, in
which that prince proposed, on condition of a pacification and future
friendship, to pay him ten thousand talents in ransom of the priso-
ners, to cede to him all the countries on this side the P^uphrates,
and to give him his daughter in marriage. Upon his communicating
these proposals to his friends, Parmenio said, " If I were Alexander,
I would accept them." " So would I," said Alexander*, " If I were
Parmenio." The answer he gave Darius was, *' That if he would
come to him, he should find the best of treatment^ if not, he must go
and seek him."

In consequence of this declaration he began his march; but he
repented that he had set out so soon, when he received information
that the wife of Darius was dead. That princess died in childbed;
and the concern of Alexander was great, because he lost an oppor-
tunity of exercising his clemency. All he could do was to return and
bury her with the utmost magnificence. One of the eunuchs of the
bed-chamber, named Tireus, who was taken prisoner along with
the princesses, at this time made his escape out of the camp, and rode
oft" to Darius, with news of the queen's death.

Darius smote upon his head, and shed a torrent of tears. After
which he cried out, '^ Ah, cruel destiny of the Persians ! Was the
wife and sister of their king not only to be taken captive, but, after
her death, to be deprived of the obsequies due to her high rank?"
The eutiuch answered, " As to her obsequies, O king, and all the
honours the queen had a right to claim, there is no reason to blame
tlie evil genius of the Persians; for neither my mistress Statira, du-
ring her life, nor your royal mother, nor children, missed any of tho
advantages of their former fortune, except the beholding the light
of your countenance, which the great Oromasdesf \vill again cause

* Longinus takes notice of this as an instance, that it is natural for men of genius,
even in their common discourse, to let fall something great and sublime.

+ Oromasdes -was worshipped by the Persians, as the Author of all Good; and Ari-
manius deemed the Author of Evil; agreeably to the principles from which they were
believed to spring, Light and Darkness. The Persian writers call them Yerdan anc^
Abritrum.

Alexander, 4"5

* ■ ■■ ■

to shine with as much lustre us before. So far from being deprived
of any of the solemnities of a funeral, tlie queen was horiuured with
the tears of her very enoinii.s : for Alexander is as mild in the use of
his victories, as he is terrible in battle."

On hearing this, Darius was greatly moved, and strange suspicions
took possession of his soul, lie took the eunuch into the most pri-
vate apartment of his pavilion, and said, " If thou dost not revolt to
the Macedonians, as the fortune of Persia has done, hut still acknow-
ledgest in me thy lord; tell me, as thou honourest the light of Mir-
tha and the right hand of the king, is not the death of Statira the least
of her misfortunes 1 have to lament? Did not she suffer more dread-
ful things while she lived? And, amidst all our calamities, would not
our disgrace have been less, Ijad we met witli a more rigorous and
savage enemy? For what engagement in tiie conipass of virtue
could bring a young man to do such honour to tiie wife of his
enemy?"

While the king was yet speaking, Tireus humbled his face to the
earth, and entreated him not to make use of expressions so unworthy
of himself, so injurious to Alexander, and so dishonoural-le to the
memory of his deceased wife and sister; nor to deprive hiuiself of
the greatest of consolations in his misfortune, the rcHecting that he
was not defeated but bv a person superior to lunn.m nature. He as-
sured him Alexander was more to be admired for the decency of his
behaviour to the Persian women, than for the valour he exerted a-
gainst the men. At the same time, he confirmed all he had said with
the most awful oaths, and expatiated still more on the regularitv of
Alexander's conduct, and on his dignity of mind.

Then Darius returned to his friei.ds; and lil i; g up his hands to
heaven, he said, " Ve ,gods, who are the guardians of our birth, and
the protectors of kingdoms, grant that I mu} re-establish tiie tortunes
of Persia, and leave them in the gloiy I found ihem; th;it victory
may put it in my power to return Alexander the favours which my
dearest pledges experienced from hlui in my fall! l^ut Ij ilic inne
determined by fate and the divine wrath, or brought about by the
vicissitude of things, is now come, and tne glory of (he Persians must
fiiU, may none but Alexander sit on tiie throne oi t'vrus!" In this
manner were things conducted, and such were the speeches uttered
on this occasion, according to the tenor of history.

Alexander having subdued all on this side the Euphrates, began
his march against Darius, who had taken the Held with a m .l»on of
men. Durnig this march, one of his iViends mentioned to him, as a
matter th.it might divert him, mat the servants o\ the army ijad di-
vided themselves into two bands, and that each had chosen a chief.

476

PLUTARCH S LIVES.

one of which they called Alexander, and the other Darius. They
began to skirmish with clods, and afterwards fought witii their fists;
and, at last, heated with a desire of victory, many of them came to
stones and sticks, insomuch that they could hardly be parted. The
Jting, upon this report, ordered the two chiefs to fight in single com-
bat, and armed Alexander with his own hands, while Philotas (iid the
same for Darius. The whole army stood and looked on, considering
the event of this combat as a presage of the issue of the war. The
two champions fought with great fury; but he who bore the name
of Alexander proved victorious. He was rewarded with a present of
twelve villages, and allowed to wear a Persian robe, as Eratosthenes,
tells the story.

The great battle with Darius was not fought at Arbela*, as most
liistorians will have it; but at Gaugamela, which, in the Persian lan-
guage, is said to signify fhc house of the camelf; so called because
one of the ancient kings liaving escaped his enemies by the swiftness
of his camel, placed her there, and appointed the revenue of certain
villages for her maintenance.

In the month of September there happened an eclipse of the
moon|, about the beginning of the festival of the great mysteries at
Athens. The eleventh night after that eclipse, the two armies being
in view of each other, Darius kept his men under arms, and took a
general review of his troops by torch-light. Meantime Alexander
suftered his Macedonians to repose themselves, and with his sooth-
sayer Arlstander performed some private ceremonies before his tent,
and offered sacrifices to Fear. The oldest of his friends, and Par-
menio in particular, wlien they belield the plain l^ctween Nipliates
and the Gordfean mountains, all illumined with the torches of the
barbarians, and heard the tumultuary and appalling noise from their
camp, like the bellowings of an immense sea, were astonished at their
numbers, and observed among themselves how arduous an enterprise
it would be to meet such a torrent of war in open day. They waited
upon the king, therefore, when he had finished the sacrifice, and ad-
vised him to attack the enemy in the night, when darkness would hide
what was most dreadful in the combat. Upon which he gave them
that celebrated answer, I will not steal a victory.

It is true, this answer has been thought by some to savour of the

* But as Gaugamela was only a villape, and Arbela, a considerable town, stood near
it the Macedonianf chose to distinguisli the battle by the name of the latter.

t Darius, the son of Hystaspes, crossed the deserts of Scythia upon that camel.

% Astronomers assure us, Itiis eclipse of the moon happened the 20th of September,
according to ihc Juliau kaleadar^ and therefore the battle of Arbela was fought the Ist
•f October.

ALEXANDER. 4^7

vanity of a young man who derided the most obvious danger: vet
others have thought it not only well calculated to encourage his
troops at that time, but politic enough in respect to the future; be-
cause, if Darius happened to be beaten, it left bin) no handle to pro-
ceed to another trial, under pretence that night and darkness had
been liis adversaries, as he had before laid the blame upon the moun-
tains, the narrow passes, and the sea: for, in such a vast empire, it
could never be the want of arms or men that would bring Darius to
^ive up the dispute; but the ruin of his hopes and spirits, in conse-
quence of the loss of a battle, where he had the advantage of num-
bers, and of day-light.

When his friends were gone, Alexander retired to rest in his tent,
and he is said to have slept that night much sounder than usual; in-
somuch, that when his officers came to attend him the next day, they
could not but express their surprise at it, while they were obliged
themselves to give out orders to the troops to take their morning re-
freshment. After this, as the occasion was urgent, Parmenio en-
tered his apartment, and standing by the bed, called him two or three
times by name. When he awaked, tliat officer asked iiim, '' Wiiy
he slept like a man that had already conquered, and not rather like
one who liad the greatest battle the world ever heard of to fight?"
Alexander smiled at the question, and said, " In what light can you
look upon us but as conquerors, when we have not now to traverse
desolate countries in pursuit of Darius, and he no longer declines the
combat?" It was not, however, only before the battle, but in the face
of danger, that Alexander showed his intrepidity and excellent judg-
ment: for the battle was some time douI)iful. The left wing, com-
manded by Parmenio, was almost broken by the impetuosity with
wluch tlie Bactrian cavalry charged; and Ma/a^us had, moreover,
detached a party of horse, with orders to wheel round and attack the
corps that was left to gu:ird the Macedonian baggage. Parmenio,
greatly disturbed at these circumstances, sent messengers to acquaint
Alexander that his camp and baggage would be taken, if he did not
immediately despatch a strong reinforcement from the front to the
rear: the moment that account was brought liiin, he was giving his
right wing, whieh he comnianued in person, t'.ie ^.igiial to charge.
He stopped, however, to tell the messenger, *' Parmenio must have
lost liis senses, and in his di'^order must have forgot that the conquer-
ors arc always masters of all that belonged to the enemy; and the
conquered need not give themselves any concern about their treasures
or prisoners, nor have any thing to think of but how to sell their lives
dear, and die in the bod of honour."

As soon n«; he had returned Parmtnio this answer, he put ou h^^

^73 plitarch's lives.

helmet; for iu otlier puints he came ready armed out of his tent.
He had a sliort coat, of the Sicilian fashion, girt close al)Out him, and
over that a hreastplate of linen strongly quilted, which was found
among the spoils at the battle of Issus. His helmet, tlie workman-
ship of Thcophilus, was of iron, but so well polished, that it shone
like the brightest silver. To this was fitted a gorget of the same
metal, set with precious stones. His sword, the weapon he gene-
rally used in battle, was a present from the king of the Citieans, and
could not he excelled for lightness or for temper. But the belt
which he wore in all engagements was more suberb than tiie rest of
his armour. It was given him by the Rhodians as a mark of their re-
spect, and old Helicon had exerted all his art in it. In drawing up
his army and giving orders, as w-ell as exercising and reviewing it, he
spared Bucephalus on account of his age, and rode another horse;
but he constantly charged upon him; and he had no sooner mounted
liim than the signal was always given.

The speech he made to the Thcssalians and the other Greeks was
of some length on this occasion. When he found that they in their
turn strove to add to his confidence, and called out to him to lead
them against the barbarians, he shifted his javelin to his left liand,
and, stretching his right hand towards heaven, according to Callis-
thenes, he entreated the gods to " d<'fend and invigorate the Greeks,
if he was really the son of Jupiter."

Aristander the soothsayer, who rode by his side in a white robe,
and with a crown of gold upon his head, then pointed out an eagle
flying over him, and directing his course against the enemy. The
sight of this so animated the troops, that, after mutual exhortations
to bravery, the cavalry charged at full speed, and the phalatix rushed
on like a torrent*. Before the first ranks were well engaged, the

* Plutarcli, as a writer of lives, not of liistories, docs not pretend to give an exact
description of battles: but as many of our readers, we believe, will be glad to see sorae
of the more remarkable in detail, we sliall give Arrian's account of this.

Alexander's right wing charged first upon the Scjthiao horse, who, as they were well
armed, and very robust, behaved at the beginning very well, and made a vigorous resis-
tance. That this might answer more elTectualiy, the chariots placed in the left wing
bore down at the same time upon the Macedonians. Their appearance was very terri-
ble, and threatened entire destruction; but Alexander's light-armed troops, by their
darts, arrows, and stones, killed many of the drivers, and more of the horses, so that few
reached the Macedonian line ; which opening, as Alexander had directed, they only
passed through, and v\ete then either taken or disabled by his bodies of reserve. The
horse continued still engaged; and, before any thing decisive happened there, the Per-
sian foot, near their left wing, began to move, in hopes of fulling upon the flank of the
Macedonian right wing, or of penetrating so far as to divide it from its centre. Alexan-
der, perceiving this, sent Aratas with a corps to charge them, and prevent their intended
aanaeurie. In the mean time, prosecuting his first design, he broke their cavalry iu th«

ALEXANDF.R. 4'J'[}

barbarians gave way, and Alexander pressed hard upon the fugitives,
in order to ])eiietrate into the midst of the host, where Darius acted
in person; for he hehehl him at a distance, over the foremost ranhs,
amidst his royal squadron. Besides thnt he was mounted upon a
lofty chariot, Darius was easily distinuaiished by his size and beauty.
A numerous body of select cavalry stood in close order about the
chariot, and seemed well prepared to receive the enemy; but Alex-
ander's approach appeared so terrible, as he drove the fugitives upon
those who still maintained their ground, that they were seized with
consternation, and the greatest part of them dispersed. A few of
the best and bravest of them, indeed, met their death before the
king's ciiariot, and falling in heaps t)ne upon another, strove to stop
the pursuit; for, in the very pangs of death, they clung to the Mace-
donians, and caught hold of their horses' legs as they lay upon the
ground.

Darius had now the most dreadful dangers before his eyes. His
own forces, that were placed in the front to defend him, were driven
back upon him; the wheels of his chariot were, moreover, entangled
among the dead bodies, so that it was almost impossible to turn it;
and the horses plunging among heaps of the shiin, bounded up and
down, and no longer obeyed the hands of the charioteer. In this
extremity, he quitted the chariot and his arms, and fled, as they tell
us, upon a mare which had newly foaled. But, in all probability,
he had not escaped so, if Parmenio had not again sent some horse-
men to desire Alexander to come to his assistance, because great
part of the enemy's forces still stood their ground, and kept a good
countenance, l.'pon the. whdle, I*armenio is accused of want of
spirit and activity in that battle; whether it was that age had damped
his courage, or whether, as Callisthcnes tells us, he looked upon

left wing, and entirely routed it. Ho then cliars^ed tlie Peninn foot in tlaiik, and tliey
made hut a feeble resistance. Diitiiii, |)crcciving tins, gave uy uli fur lust, and fled. —
Vide Arriun, I. iii. c. 13. ct scq. ubi filura.

Diodunis ascribes the success which lor a lime titteiidcd the Persian troopj entirely
to the conduct and valour ul Darius. It uiifortun^ittl v happened that Alexandrr, at-
tacking liis guard«, threw a dart nt Danu*, mIucIi ilmuuh it missed him, struck the
charioteer, who sat al hin feet, dend ; and as he leil li<rward$, some ot the f;iiards raised
a loud cry, whence those behind them cunjei lured that the kini; was slum, and there-
)i[)on fled. Tiiis obliged Dariijg to lollow their example, »h>, knowing the route he
took could not be discovered on account of the du^t mul conlusion, whriled about,
and got behind tlie Persian army, and continued his flight that way, while .Alexander
pursued right forwards. — Diod. Sic. I. xvii.

Justin tells, thai when those about Uarius ndvised him to hrcuk down the bridge of
tlie Cvflnus, to retard I he enemy's pursuit, he answered, " I will never purchase safety
to myself at the expense of jo toany thouraudi of my sud'ccts as must hv tUis nieanj
be lost. " — Juit,l. XI. c. 14.

480 i'j.utarch's lives.

Alexander's power, and the pompous behaviour he assumed, with an
invidious eye, and considered it as an insupportable burden*. Alex-
ander, though vexedatbeingsostoppcd in his career, did not acquaint
the troops about him with the purport of the message; but, under
pretence of being weary of such a carnage, and of its growing dark,
sounded a retreat. However, as be was riding up to that part of his
army which had been represented in danger, he was informed that
the enemy were totally defeated, and put to flight.

The battle having such an issue, the Persian empire appeared to
be entirely destroyed, and Alexander was acknowledged king of all
Asia. The first thing he did was to make his acknowledgments to
the gods, by magnificent sacrifices; and then to his friends, by rich
gifts of houses, estates, and governments. As he was particularly
ambitious of recommending himself to the Greeks, he signified by
letter, that all tyrannies should be abolished, and that they should
be governed by their own laws, under the auspices of freedom. To
the PlattEans in particular he wrote, that their city should be re-
built, because their ancestors had made a present of their territory
to the Greeks, in order that they might fight the cause of liberty
upon their own lands. He also sent a part of the spoils to the Cro-
tonians in Italy, in honour of the spirit and courage of their country-
man Phaylusf, a champion of the wrestling-ring, who, in the war
with the Medes, when the rest of the Greeks in Italy sent no assist-
ance to the Greeks tlicir brethren, fitted out a ship at his own ex-
pense, and repaired to Salamis, to take a share in the common dan-
ger. Such a pleasure did Alexander take in every instance of
virtue, and so faithful a guardian was he of the honour of all great
actions.

He traversed all the province of BabylonJ, which immediately
made its submission ; and in tlie district of J'^cbatana he was par-
ticularly struck with a gulf of fire, which streamed continually, as

• Tlie trutli seems to be, tbat Parmetiio had too much concern for Alexander. Plylip
of Macedon confessed P.irmeiiio to be the only general he knew, and on this occasion
he probably considered, that if tlie wing under his command had been beaten, that
corps of Persians would have been able to keep the field, and the fugitives rallying,
and joining it, there would have been a rcsptcable force, which might have regained
the day.

t III Herodotus, Plioyllus. See 1. viii. J7.

% In the original it is, As he traversed the territory of Babylon, he found in the dis-
triet of Ecbatuua, &c. Every body knows that Ecbatana was in Media, not in the
province of Babylon. The gulf here mentioned was near Arbela, in the district of Ar-
taeene. [See Stmb. cd. Par. p. 737". D. et seq.] But Scaliger proposes tliat we should
read Arectane (UoTn Arec. mentioned Gen, x. 10.) both here, instead of Ecbatana^ and
ia the passage of Strabo above cited.

ALEXANDtr:. 481

from ail iiicxliaustiljlc source. He adiiiircd also a flood of udjitltUy
not far from the j:ulf, wliicli flowed in sucli abundance tliat it formed
a lake. 'I'iie nafttlia in many respects resembles the bifumen, but
is much more infiammable*. Before any fire touches it, it catches
light from a flame at some distance, and often kindles all the inter-
mediate air. 'I'he barbarians, to show the king its force and tiic
subtlety of its nature, scattered some drops of it in the street which
led to his lodgings, and standing at one end, they applied their
torches to some of tlie first drops, for it was night. 'I'he flame com-
municated itself swifter than thought, and the street was instantane-
ously on fire.

There was one Athcnophancs, an Athenian, who, among others,
waited on Alexander wiicn he bathed, and anointed him with oil.
This man had the greatest success in his attempts to divert him;
and one day a boy named StOj)hcn happening to attend at the bath,
who was homely in his person, but an excellent singer, Athcno-
phancs said to tiie king, <' Sjiall we make an experiment of the
nnptlui upon Stephen; if it takes Are upon him, and does not pre-
sently die out, we must allow its force to be extraordinary indeed."
The boy readily consentcfl to undergo the trial; but as soon as he
was anointed with it, his whole body hroke out into a flame, and
Alexander was extremely concerned at his danger^ Nothing could
have prevented his being entirely consumed by it, if there iiad not
been people at hand witli many vessels of water for the service of the
bath. As it was, they found it diflicnlt to extinguish the fire, and
the poor hoy felt the bad ell'ects of it as long as he lived.

Those, therefore, whi> desire to reconcile the fable with trutli, are
not uiisui)ported by probability, when they say it was this drug witli
which Medea anointed the crown and veil so well known upou the
stagef; for the flame did not come from the crown or veil, noi did
they take fire of themselves ; l)ut upon tlie approach of flro they soou
attracted it, and kindled inipcrceptibly. The emanations of lire at
some distance have no otlur cil'ect ujx^i most bodies, tiian merely
to give them light ami heal; Imi in those bodies which are dry and
porous, or saturated with oily particles, they collect themselves into a
point, and immediately prey upon the matter so well fitted to re-
ciive then). Still there remains a diiVieulty as to the generation of
this iidptlia ; whether it deiivcs its inflammable quality Iroui

* Sunt qui ct i)a|)thani bituiiiiiti^ gcncri a«cribi(iit. Vrruiu ardrns ejus vis igu:uia
Dftturx cognata |irociil om ui ab usu tst. — Plin, Hist. Kat.
t Hoc liclibtito ulta (luiiis pclliccru
Scrpciitc fiij^il alilc, llor.

Vol. 'J. No. '23, qqq

482 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

......*, or rather from the unctuous and sulphureous nature of the

soil; for, in the province of Babylon, the ground is of so fiery a
quality, that the grains of barley often leap up and are thrown out,
as if the violent heat gave a pulsation to the earth : and in the hot
months the people are obliged to sleep upon skins filled with water.
Harpalus, whom Alexander had left governor of the country, was
ambitious to adorn the royal palaces and walks with Grecian trees
and plants, and he succeeded in every thing except ivy. After all
his attempts to propagate that plant, it died; for it loves a cold soil,
and therefore could not bear the temper of that mould. Such di-
gressions as these the nicest readers may endure, provided they are
not too long.

Alexander having made himself master of Susa, found in the
king's palace forty thousand talents in coined moneyf, and the royal
furniture and other riches were of inexpressible value. Among
other things, there was purple of Hermione worth five thousand
talentst, which, though it had been laid up a hundred and ninety
years, retained its original freshness and beauty. The reason they
assign for this is, that the purple wool was combed with honey,
and tlie white with white oil; and we are assured, that specimens of
the same kind and age are still to be seen in all their pristine lustre.
Dinon informs us, that the kings of Persia used to have water fetch-
ed from the Nile and the Danube, and put among their treasures, as
a proof of the extent of their dominions, and their being masters of
the world.

The entrance into Persia was difficult, on account of the roughness
of the country in that part, and because the passes were guarded by
the bravest of the Persians; for Darius had taken refuge there. But
a man, who spoke both Greek and Persian, having a Lycian to his fa-
ther and a Persian woman to his mother, offered himself as a guide
to Alexander, and showed him how he might enter, by taking a cir-
cuit. This was the person the priestess of Apollo had in view, when,
upon Alexander's consulting her at a very early period of life, she
foretold, " That a Lycian would conduct him into Persia." Those
who first fell into his hands there were slaughtered in vast numbers.
He tells us, he ordered that no quarter should be given, because he
thought such an example would be of service to his afl'airs. It is said,
he found as much gold and silver coin there as he did at Susa, and

* Soniclliing bere is wanting in the original.

t Q. Curtius, who magnifies every thing, says fifty thousand.

^ Or five thousand talents weight. Dacier calls it so many hundred weight; and the
eastern talent was nearly that weight. Pliny tells us, that a pound of the double dipped
Tjrian purple, in the time of Augustus, was sold for a hundred crowns.

ALEXANDER. 483

that there was such a quantity of other treasures and rich move-
ables, timt it loaded ten thousand pair of mules, and five thousand
camels'".

At Pevsepolis he cast his eyes upon a great statue of Xerxes, which
had been tiuown from it? jx'destal by the crowd that suddenly rushed
in, and lay neglected on tlie ground. Upon ihis he stopped, and ad-
dressed it as if it had Ijeen alive: " Shall we leave you," said he,

*' in tliis condition, on account of the war you made upon Greece,
or rear you again, for the sake of your magnanimity and other vir-
tues?" After he had stood a long time considering in silence
which he should do, he passed by and left it as it was. To give hi»
troops lime to refresh themselves, he staid there four montlis, for it
was winter.

The first time he sat down on the tlirone of the kings of Persia,
under a golden canojiy, Ucmaratus the Corinthian, who had the same
friendship and affection for Alexander as he !iad entertained for his
father Philip, is said to have wept like an old man, while he uttered
this exclamation, " What a pleasure have those Greeks missed, who
died without seeing Alexander seated on the throne of Darius!"

When he was upon the point of marching against Darius, he made
a great entertainment for his friends, at which they drank to a degree
of intoxication; and the women had their share in it, for they came
in masquerade to seek their lovers. The most celebrated among
these women was Thais, a native of Africa, and mistress of Ptolemy,
afterwards king of Egypt. When she had gained Alexander's atten-
tion by her flattery and humorous vein, she addressed him over her
cups in a manner agreeable to the spirit of her country, but far above
a person of her stamp: " I have undergone great fatigues," said she,
*^ in wandering about Asia; but this day has brought me a compen-
sation, by putting it in my power to insult the \nond courts of the
Persian kings. Ah! how much greater pU-asure \\\)ul(l it be to finish
the carousal with burning the palace of Xeixes, who laid Athens in
ashes, and to set fire to it myself in the sight of Alexanderf ! Then
shall it be said in times to come, that the women of his train have
more signally avenged the cause of (ircece upon the Persians, than
all that the generals before him could do by sea or land."

• DinHonis jay* three thousand,
t These domes were not reared solely lor regal nugiiiticencc and security, but to md
tlie appetiici of power aud luxury, und to secrete the roy"! pleasures Irom those that
toiled to gratify thrni. Thus, ns Uiis noble structure »a» possibly raised not only for
vanity, but for not, s" probably, by \anity infl-iraed by not, it fell; a striking instance
gf the iia»ignificincy of Uuraaji labours, and tbe depravity ot hutuan nature.

484 I'lutarch's lives.

This speech was received with the loudest phmdits and most tu-
multuary acclamations. All the company strove to persuade the kini^
to comply with the proposal. At last, yieldini; to their instances, he
leaped from his seat, and with his garland on his head, and a flam-
beau in his hand, led the way. The rest followed with shouts of jo^,
and, dancing as they went, spread themselves round the palace. The
Macedonians who got intelligence of this frolic ran up with lighted
torches, and joined them with great pleasure: for they concluded,
from his destroying the royal palace, that the king's thoughts were
turned towards home, and that he did not design to fix his seat among
the barbarians. Such is the account most writers give us of the mo-
tives of this transaction. There, are not, however, wanting those
who assert, that it was in consequence of cool reflection : but all
agree that the king soon repented, and ordered the fire to he extin-
guished.

As he was naturally munificent, tliat inclination increased with his
extraordinary acquisitions; and he had also a gracious manner, which
is the only thing that gives bounty an irresistible charm. To give a
few instances: Ariston, who commanded the Paeonians, having killed
one of the enemy, and cut otr his head, laid it at Alexander's feet,
and said, " Among us. Sir, such a present is rewarded with a golden
cup.'* The king answered, with a smile, " An empty one, I sup-
pose; but I will give you one full of good wine; and here, my boy,
J drink to you." One day, as a Macedonian of mean circumstances
was driving a mule, laden with the king's money, the mule tired j
the man then took the burden upon his own shoulders, and carried
it till he tottered under it, and was ready to give out. Alexander
happening to see him, and being informed what it was, said, " Hold
on, friend, the rest of the way, and cany it to your own tent; for it is
your's." Indeed, he was generally more ofl'ended at those wlio re-
fused his presents, than at those who asked favours of him. Hence
he wrote to Phocion, '' That he could no longer number him among
his friends, if he rejected the marks of his regard." He had given
nothing to Serapion, one of the youths that played with him at ball,
because he asked nothing. One day, when they were at their diver-
sion, Serapion took care always to throw the ball to others of the
party; upon which Alexander said, " Why do not you give it me?'*
" Because you did not ask for it," said the youth. The repartee
pleased the king much; he laughed, and immediately made him very
valuable presents. One Proteas, a man of humour, and a jester by
profession, had happened to offend him. His friends interceded for
him, and he sued for pardon with tear^; which at last the king

ALEXANDER. 485

■ -J '. — ' ■ ■ ■ - '

panted. " If you do really pardon me," resumed the wag, " I hope
you will give me at least sume substantial proof of it." And he con-
descended to do it in a present of five talents.

With what a free hand he showered his gifts upon hi.? friends, and
diose wh<» attended on his person*, appears from one of the letters of
Olympias. " You do well," said she, " in serving your friends, and
it is right to act nobly; but by making them all equal to kings, in
proportion as you put it in their power to make friends, you deprive
yourself of that privilege." Olympias often wrote to him in that
manner; but he kept all her letters secret, except one, which He-
phfEStion happened to cast his eye upon, when he went, according to
custom, to read over the king's shoulder: he did not hinder him from
reading on; only, when he had done, he took his signet from his
finger, and put it to his mouthf.

The son of Mazaeus, who was the principal favourite of Darius,
was already governor of a province, and the conqueror added to it
another government still more considerable. But the young man
declined it in a handsome manner, and said, " Sir, we had but one
Darius, and now you make many Alexanders." He bestowed on
Parmenio the house of Bagaos, in which were found such goods as
were taken at Susa, to the value of a thousand talents. He wrote to
Antipater to acquaint him, that there was a design formed against his
life, and ordered him to keep guards about him. As for his mother,
he made her many magnificent presents; but he would not sufier her
busy genius to exert itself in state affairs, or in the least to control
the proceedings of government. She complained of this as a hard-
ship, and he bore her ill-humour with great mildness. Antipatec
once wrote him a long letter full of heavy complaints against her;
and when he had road it, he said, "• Antipater knows not that ono
tear of a mother can blot out a thousand such complaints."

He found that his great othcers set no bounds to their luxury, that
they were most extravagantly delicate in their diet, and profuse in
other respects; insomuch that Agnon of Teos wore silver nails in his
ihoes; Loonatus had many camel-loads of earth brought from Egypt
to rub himself with when he went lo the wrestling-ring; IMiilotas
had hunting-nets that would enclose the sjiace of a hundred fur-
longs; moi-c made use of rich essences than oil after JKithiug, and
had their grooms of the bath, as well a^ ihaniberlains who excelled

* He prul)ably nii.'aus in parlicuUr thi- Cfly young men Lroutjlit liim hy Aniyntai,
who wtTc of the principal families in .Macedonia. Their oUicc was to wail on him at
tAbIc, to attend with liorscs when he went to fight or to hunt, and to ivtcp jru ird Jhy and
aight at his chaaibcr-door.

+• To cnioin liim silrncr.

48^ Plutarch's lives.

in bed-making. This degeneracy he reproved with all the temper of
a philosopher. He told them, " It was very strange to him, that
alter liaving undergone so many glorious conllicts, they did not re-
member that those who come from labour and exercise always sleep
more sweetly than the inactive and efteminate; and that, in compar-
ing the Persian manners with the Macedonian, they did not perceive
that nothing was more servile than the love of pleasure, or more
princely than a life of toil. How will that man," continued he,
*' take care of his own horse, or furbish his lance and helmet, wliose
hands arc too delicate to wait on his own dear person? Know you not
that the end of conquest is, not to do what the conquered have done,
but something greatly sui)crior?" After this he constantly took the
exercise of war or hunting, and exposed himself to danger and fa
tigue with less precaution than ever; so that a Lacedaemonian am-
bassador, who attended him one day when he killed a fierce lion, said,
" Alexander, you have disputed the prize of royalty gloriously with
the lion." Cratcrus got this hunting-piece rejiresented in bronze,
and consecrated it in the temple at Delphi. There were the lion,
the dogs, the king fighting with the lion, and Craterus making up
to the king's assistance. Some of these statues were the workman-
ship of Lyslppus, and others of Leochares.

Thus Alexander hazarded his person, by way of eKcrcise for him-
self and example to others: but his friends, in the pride of wealth,
were so devoted to luxury and ease, that they considered long marches
and campaigns as a burden, and by degrees came to murmur and
speak ill of the king. At first he bore their censures with great mo-
deration, and used to say, " There was something noble in hearing
himself ill spoken of while he was doing well*." Indeed, in the
least of the good ofTices lie did his friends, there were great marks of
aft'oction and respect. We will give an instance or two of it. He
wrote to Peucestas, who had been bit by a bear in hunting, to com-
plain that he had given an account of the accident, by letters, to
others of his friends, and not to him : " But now," says he, " let
me know, however, how you do, and whether any of your company
deserted you, that I may punish them, if such there were." When
Hephiestion hapju'ncd to be absent upon business, he acquainted him
in one of his letters, that as they were diverting themselves with
hunting the ichneumonf, Craterus had the misfortune to be run

* Voltaire sny? someivhere, that it is a noble tiling to make ingrales. He seems to be
indebted for the sentiment to Alexander.

t The Egyptian rat, called ichneumon, is of the size of a cat, with very roiigli liair,
spotted with wliitc, yellow, and ash colour; its nose is like that of a hog, with which it digs
up tlic earth. It has thort black legs, and a tail like a fox. It lives en lizards, serpents.

ALEXANDER. 48/

through the thij/jhs with Perdiccas's lance. \Mien Peucei.tas reco-
vered of a dani^oroiis illness, he wrott- a letter with his own hand to
Alexippus the physician, to thank him for liis care. Durini; the sick-
ness of Craterus, the king had a dream, in consetjucnce of which he
offered sacrifices for liis recovery, and ordered him to do the same.
Upon Pausaniiis the physician's design to give Craterus a dose of
hellebore, he wrote to him, expressing his great anxiety about it, and
desiring him to be particularly cautious in the use of that medicine.
He imprisoned Ej)hialtes and Cissus, who brought him the first news
of the flight and treasonable practices of I larpalus, supposing their
information false. Upon his sending home the invalids and the su-
pcraimuated, Eurylochus, the /I'2g;ean, got himsidf enrolled among
the former. Soon after it was discovered that lie had no infirmity of
body; and he confessed it was the love of Telesippa, who was going
to return home, that put him upon that expedient to follow her.
Alexander incjuired wiio the woman was, and being informed that,
though a courtesan, she was not a slave, he said, " Eurvloehus, I
am willing to assist you in this alVair; hut as the woman is free-
born, you must sec if we can prevail upon her by presents and
courtship."

It is surprising that he had time or inclination to write letters
about such iniiniportant allairs of his friends, as to give orders for
diligent search to be made in Cilieia for Seleucus's run-away slave;
to commend Peucestas for having seized Nicon, a slave that belonged
to Craterus; and to direct Megabyzus, if possible, to draw another
slave from his asylum, and take him, but not to touch liim while he
remained in the temple.

It is said, that in the first years of his reign, when capital caases
were brought before iiim, he used to stop one of his ears with his
hand, while the plaintitVwas opening the indictment, that he might
reserve it perfectly unprejudiced for hearing the defendant. Jiut the
many false informations which were afterwards lodged, and whieh,
by means of some true circumstances, were so represented as to
give an air of truth to the whole, broke his temper. Partieularlv, in
case of aspersions upon his own < haracter, his reason foisook him, and

snails, camcloons, &c. and is of great sprvicc ia F.jjjrjil, l)y a^ nii.irul .ii-.iiiut oi liuntiti-
oat and breaking the eggs of the crocodile, and ihcri-ti}* preventing too grciil an incr«MV
of that destructive creature. Hit nituraliMs iilso My, that it ii »« grcciij alter il.c rro-
cudilc'a liver, that, rolling itself up in luiid, it sliits down his throat, uhile he sleep* with
his muulb open, and gnaws its way out again. — l)u»d. Hie. p. 32, 76. Plim. i. viii.
C. 21, 25. The Egyptians worshipped the iclineumoii for destroying the crocodiK s.
They worshipped the crocodile, too, probably aa the lodiaus do the dcvij, that it nu^la
do them bo hurt.

4BS PLUTARCH S LIVES.

he became extremely and inflexibly severe; as preferring his reputa-
tion to life and empire.

When he marclicd against Darius again, he expected another bat-
tle. But, upon intelligence that Bessus had seized the person of
that prince, he dismissed the Thcssalians, and sent them home,
after he had given them a gratuity of two thousand talents, over and
above their pay. The pursuit was long and laborious, for he rode
three thousand three hundred furlongs in eleven days*. As they
often suffered more from want of water than by fatigue, many of the
cavalry were unable to hold out. While they were upon their
inarch, some Macedonians had filled their bottles at a river and were
bringing the water upon mules. These ]->eo]ile, seeing Alexander
greatly distressed with thirst (for it was in the heat of the day), im-
mediately filled a helmet with water, and presented it to him. He
asked them, to whom they were carrying it? and they said " Their
sons; but if our prince docs but live, wc shall get other children, if
we lose them." Upon this, he took the helmet in his hands ; but
looking round, and seeing all the horsemen bending their heads,
and fixing their eyes upon the water, he returned it without drinking.
However, he praised the people that offered it, and said, " If I alone
drink, these good men will be dispiritedf." The cavairy, who were
witnesses to this act of temperance and magnanimity, cried out,
" Let us march ! We are neither weary nor thirsty, nor shall we
even think ourselves mortal, while under the conduct of such a
king." At the same time they put spurs to their horses.

They had all the same affection to the cause, but only sixty were
able to keep up with him till he reached the enemy's camp. There
they rode over the gold and silver that lay scattered about, and pass-
ing by a numl)cr of carriages full of women and children, wl\ich were
in motion, but without charioteers, they hastened to the leading
squadrons, not doubting that they should find Darius among them.
At last, after nmeh search, they found him extended on his chariot,
and pierced with many darts. Though he was near his last moments,
he had strength to ask for something to quench his thirst. A Mace-
donian, named Polystratus, brought him some cold water, and when
he had drank, he said, " Friends, this fills up the measure of my
misfortunes, to think I am not able to reward thee for this act of

* As this was no more than forty miles a-day, our Newmarket heroes would have beat
Alexander hollow. It is nothing when compared to Charles the Twclt'lh's march from
Bender through Germany, nothing to the expedition of Hannibal along the African
coast.

t Lucan has embellished this story for Cato> and has possibly introduced it merely
Tipoa imitation^

ALEXANDER. 489

kindness. lUit Alexander will not let thee go without a ieconij)ence;
and the gods will reward Alexander for his iiumanity to my mother,
to my wife, and children. Tell him I gave him my liand, for I give
it thee in his stead." So saying, lie took the hand of Folystratus,
and immediately expired. When Alexander came up, he showed his
concern for that event hy the strongest expressions, and covered the
body with his own rohe.

liessus afterwards fell into his hands, and he punished his parricide
in this manner: he caused two straight trees to l)e bent, and one of
his legs to he made fast to each; then suftering the trees to return
to their former posture, his body was torn asunder by the violence of
the recoil*.

As for the body of Darius, he ordered It should have all the
honours of a royal fiim-ral, and sent it embalmed to his mother.
Oxathres, that prince's l)roiher, he admitted into the number of his
friends.

His next movement was into Elyrcania, which he entered with the
flower of his army. There he took a view of the Caspian sen, which
appeared to him not less than the ICuxine, but its water was of a
sweeter taste. He could get no certain information in what manner
it was formed, but he conjectured that it can)e i'lum an outlet of the
Palus M;potis. Yet the ancient naturalists were not ignorant of its
origin; f(tr, many years l)efore Alexander's expedition, they wrote,
tliat there are four seas which stretch from the mahi ocean into the
continent, the farthest north of which is the Hyrcanian or the (,'as-
pian f. The barbarians here fell suddenly upon a party who were
leading his horse Bucephalus, and took him. This provoked him so
much, that he sent a herald to threaten them, their wives, and chil-
dren, with utter exieruiiiiaiion, if they did not restore him the horse:
but, upon their liringliig him l)ack, und surrendering to him their
cities, he treated them with gre:it eleinency, and paid a considerable
sum, by wav of ran.som, to those that took the horse.

From thence he m:n"ehed into I'arthia, where, finding no cmplov-
nient for his arms, he fir.it put on the robe of the barbarian kings;
whether it was that he conformed a little to their customs, because
he Knew how much a similarity of manners tends to reconcile and
g;iin men\ hearts; or whether it was by way of experiment, io see if
tlic -Macedonians might be brought to [)ay him the greater deference,

* Q. ( urtius tells 111, AlfXiiiidcr dilivind up tlic iissassiii lo Dxalliros, thi* brotlicr uf
J.)iiriii!i', ill C(iit!ici{iicncc ot' wliicli he liiiil liiit iiujc anil ciirs cut olV, and was t.ut( iir J to a
cross, whcro lie was despatclicd witli darts and arrows.

t This is an ernir wliicli Pliny, looj lias t'ullowrd. The t'a'pian ^c a liai no cominutiii.
CAtiun with tho ocean.

Vot>. 2. No. *'3. UUR

490 I'LUTARCIl's LIVES.

by accustoming them insensibly to the new barbaric attire and port
which he assumed. However, he thoui;ht the Median habit made
too stiif and exotic an appearance, and therefore took not the long
breeches, nor ilie sweeping train, nor the tiara; but, adopting some-
thing between the Median and Persian mode, contrived vestments
less pomp(v>js than the former, and more majestic than the latter.
At first he used this dress only before the barbarians, or his particu-
lar friends within doors; but in time he came to wear it when he ap-
peared in public, and sat for the despatch of business. This was a
mortifying sight to the Macedonians; yet, as they admired his other
virtues, they thought he might be suffered to please himself a little,
and enjoy his vanity. Some indulgence seemed due to a prince, who,
besides his other hardships, had lately been wounded in the leg with
an arrow, which shattered the bone in such a manner that splinters
were taken out : who, anotlier time, had sucli a violent blow from a
stone upon the nape of his neck, that an alarming darkness covered
liis eyes, wliich lasted for some time; and yet continued to expose
his person without the least precaution. On the contrary, when
he liad passed the Orexartes, which he supposed to be the Tanais, he
not only attacked the Scythians, and routed them, but pursued them
a hundred furlongs, in spite of what he suffered at that time from a
flux.

There the queen of the Amazons came to visit him, as Clitarchv»s,
Policritus, Onesitritus, Antigenes, Ister, and many other historians,
report: but Aristobulus, Chares of Theangela, Ptolemy, Anticlides,
Philo the Tbeban, Philip, who was also of Theangela, as well as He-
patsRus of Erctria, Philip of Chalcis, and Duris of Samos, treat tho
story as a fiction. And indeed Alexander seems to support their
ppinion: for in one of his letters to Antipater, to whom he gave an
exact detail of all that passed, he says, the king of Scythia ofiered
him his daughter in marriage, but he makes not the least mention of
the Amazon : nay, when Onesicritus, many years after, read to Lysi-
machus, then king, the fourth book of his history, in which this story
was introduced, he smiled, and said, " \^■herc was I at that time?'*
But whether we give credit to this particular or not, is a matter that
will neither add to nor lessen our opinion of Alexander.

As he was afraid that many of the Macedonians might dislike the
remaining fatigues of the expedition, he left the greatest part of the
army in quarters, and entered Ilyrcania with a select body of twenty
thousand foot and three thousand horse. The purport of his speech
upon the occasion was this : ^' Hitherto the barbarians have seen us
only as in a dream. If you should think of returning, after having
given Asia the alarm only^ they will fall upon you with contempt, as

ALEXANDER. 4g\

unenterprising and effenrmatc. Nevertheless, such as desire to de-
part have n)y consent for It : but, at the same time, I call the gods to
witness, that they desert their king when he is conquering the world
for the Macedonians, and leave liini to 'he kinder and more faithful
attaeiimentof those few friends thiit will loUuw his fortune." This h
almost word for word the same with what he wrote to Antipater; and
lie adds, " That he had no sooner done speaking, than they cried,
he might lead them to what part of the world he pleased." Thus
he tried the disposition of these brave men; and there was no difli-
culty in bringing the whole body into their sentiments; they followed
of course.

After this, he accommodated Jiimself more than ever to the man-
ners of the Asiatics, and at the same time persuaded them to adopt
some of the Macedonian fashions; lor, by a mixture of both, he
thought a union might be promoted, much better than by force,
and his authority maintained when he was at a distance. For the
same reason, he selected thirty thousand boys, and gave them masters
to instruct them in the (ireeian literature, as well as to train them to
arms in the Macedonian manner.

As for his marriage with Roxana, it was entirely the clfect of love.
He saw her at an entertainment, and found her charms irresistible.
Nor was the match unsuitable to the situation of his affairs. The
barbarians placed greater coniidenee in him on account of that alli-
ance, and his chastity gained their aHection; it delighted them to
think he would not approach the only wt)man he ever passionately
loved, without the sanction of marriage.

Hepluestiun and C'rutcrus were his two favcnnites. 'I'he former
praised the l^ersian fashions, and dressed as he did; tiie latter ad-
hered to the customs of his own country. He therefore emj)loyed
Hephaestion in his transactions with the barbarians, and Craterus to

signify his pleasure to the Cireeks and Macedonians 'i'he one had

more of his love, and the other mure of his esteem. lie was
persuaded, indeed, and he often said, " Hepiiiestion loved Alex
andcr, and Craterus the king." Hence arose private animosities,
which did not fail to break out upon occasion. One dav, in India,
they drew their swords, and came to blows. Tiie friend- of each
were joining in the (juarrel, when Alexander interposed, lie told
Hephuibtion publicly, " He was a fool and a madman, not to be
sensible that without his master's favour he would be notliing." He
gave Craterus also a severe reprimand in private; and after having
brought tliem together again, a^d reconciled them, he swore bv Ju-
piter Amnion, and all the other gods, *' That he loved thtrn more

492 Plutarch's lives.

than all the men in the world; bnt, if he perceived them at variance
again, he would put them both to death, or him, at least, who be-
gan the quarrel." 'J'his is said to have had such an effect upon them,
that they never expressed any dislike to each other, even in jest, af-
terwards.

Among the Macedonians, Philotas, the son of Parmenio, had great
authority: for he was not only valiant and indefatigable in the field,
but, after Alexander, no man loved his friend more, or had a greater
spirit of generosity. W c are told, that a friend of his one day re-
quested a sum of money, and he ordered it to be given him. The
steward said, he liad it not to give. " What," said Philotas, " hast
thou not plate, or some other moveable?" However, he affected an
ostentation of Wealth, and a magnificence in his dress and table, that
were above the condition of a suijject. Besides, the loftiness of his
port was altogether extravagant: not tempered with miy natural
graces, but formal and uncouth, it exposed him both to hatred acid
suspicion; insomuch that Parmenio one day said to him, " My son,
be less." He had long been rej)resented in an invidious light to
Alexander. When Damascus, with all its riches, was taken, upon
the defeat of Darius in Cilieia, among the number of captives that
were brought to the camp, there was a l)eautiful young woman, called
Antigone, a native of Pydna, who fell to the share of Philotas. Like
a voung soldier with a favourite mistress, in his cups he indulged his
vanity, and let many indiscreet things escape him; attributing all
the great actions of the war to himself and to his father. As for
Alexander, he called him a boy, who by their means enjoyed the title of
a conqueror. The woman told these things in confidence to one
of her acquaintance, and he (as is common) mentioned them to ano-
ther. At last they came to the ear of (. raterus, who took the woman
privately before Alexander. \A hen the king had heard the whole
from her ovvU mouth, he ordered her to go as usual to Philotas, but
to make her report to him of all that he had said. Philotas, igno-
rant of the snares that were laid for him, conversed with the woman
without the least reserve, and, either in his resentment or pride, ut-
tered many unbecoming things against Alexander. Thai prince,
though he had sufficient proof against Philotas, kept the matter pri-
vate, and discovered no tokens of aversion; whether it was that he
confided in Parmenio's attachment to him, or whether he was afraid
of the power and interest of the family.

About tliis time, a Macedonian named Limuus, a native of Cha-
lifistra, conspired against Alexander's life, and communicated his de-
sign to one Nicomachus, a youth that he was fond of, desiring hiia

ALEXANDER. 493

to take a part in the enterprise. Niconiachus, instead of embracing
the proposal, informed his brother Buliiius* of the plot, who went
immediately to Philotas, and desired him to introduce them to Alex-
ander; assuring him it was upon business of great importance.
Whatever might be Ids reason (for it is not known), Philotas refused
tbem admittance, on pretence that Alexander had other great engage-
ments then upon his hands. They applied again, and met with a
denial. By this time they entertained some suspicion of Philotas,
and addressed themselves to Metron, who introduced them to the
king immediately. They informed him first of the conspiracy of
Limnus, and then hinted to him their suspicions of Pjjilotas, on ac-
count of his rejecting two several applications.

Alexander was incensed at this negligence; and when he found
that the person who was sent to arrest Limnus l>ad killed himf, be-
cause he stood upon his defence, and refused to be taken, it disturbed
him still more to think he had lost tlie means of discovering his
accomplices. His resentment against Philotas gave opportunity
to tliose who had long hated that officer to avow their dislike, and to
declare how much the king was to l>lame in suH'ering himself to be
so easily imposed upon, as to think that Limnus, an insignificant
Chalspstrean, durst engage, of his own accord, in such a bold design :
" No doubt," said they, " he was the agent, or rather the instru-
ment, of some superior hand: and the king should trace out the
source of tlic conspiracy among tliose who have the most interest in
having it concealed."

As he began to listen to these discourses, and to give way to his
suspicions, it brought innumerable accusations against Philotas, some
of them very groundless. He was apprehended and put to the tor-
ture, in presence of the great officers of the court. Alexander liad
placed himself behind the tapestry to hear the examination; and
when he found that Philotas bemoaned himself in such a lamentable
manner, and had recourse to such mean supplications to Hopha's-
tion, he is reported to have said, " O Philotas, durst thou, with
all this unmanly weakness, embark in so great and hazardous an en-
terprise?"

After the execution of Philotas, he immediately sent orders into
Media that Parmenio should be put to death; a man who had a share
in most of Philip's conquests, and who was the principal, if not the
only one, of the old counsellors who put Alexander upon his expedi-
tion into Asia. Of three sons whom he took (ner with him, he had
seen two slain in battle, and with the third he fell a sacrifice him-

• Q. Curtlus calls Iiira Cebalinus. t Oibcr auti.ors sbv he killed himself.

494 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

self. These proceedings made Alexander terrible to his friends, par-
ticularly to Antipater. That regent, therefore, sent privately to the
iEtolians, and entered into league with them. They had something'
to fear from Alexander, as well as he, for they had sacked the city of
the CRniades; and when the king was informed of it, he said, " The
children of the CEniades need not revenge their cause; I will punish
the yEtolians myself."

Soon after this happened the affair of Clltus; which, however
simply related, is much more shocking than the execution of Philo-
tas. Yet, if we reflect on the occasion and circumstances of the
thing, we shall conclude it was a misfortune rather than a deliberate
act, and that Alexander's unhappy passion and intoxication only fur-
nished the evil genius of Clitus with the means of accomplishing his
destruction. It happened in the following manner: the king had
some Grecian fruit brought him from on board a vessel, and as he
greatly admired its freshness and beauty, he desired Clitus to see it, and
partake of it. It happened that Clitus was offering sacrifice that day;
but he left it to wait upon the king. Three of the sheep, on which
the libation was already poured, followed him. The king, informed
of that accident, consulted his soothsayers, Aristander, and Cleoman-
tis tlic Spartan, upon it; and they assured him it was a very bad
omen. He therefore ordered the victims to be immediately offered
for the health of Clitus ; the rather, because three days before he had
a strange and alarming dream, in which Clitus appeared in mourning,
sitting by the dead sons of Parmenio. However, before the sacrifice
was finished, Clitus went to sup with the king, who that day had been
paying his homage to Castor and Pollux.

After they were warmed with drinking, somebody began to sing
the verses of one Pranicus, or, as others will have it, of Pierio, writ-
ten in ridicule of the Macedonian oflicers vvlio had lately been beaten
by the barbarians. The older part of the company were greatly of-
fended at it, and condi-mncd both the poet and the singer; but Alex-
ander, and those about iiim, listened with pleasure, and bade him go
on. Clitus, who by this time had drank too much, and was naturally
rough and forward, could nut bear their behaviour. He said, " It
was not well done to make a jest, and that among barbarians and
enemies, of Macedonians who were much l)etter men than the laugh-
ers, though they had met with a misfortune." Alexander made an-
iswer, " That Clltus was ])lcading his own cause, when he gave cow-
ardice the soft name of misfortune." Then Clitus started up, and
said, " Yet it was this cowardice that saved you, son of Jupiter as
you are, when you were turning your back to the sword of Spithri-
datcs. It is by the blood of the Macedonians and these wounds that

ALEXANDER. ^95

you are grown so preat, tliat you disdain to acknowledge IMiilip
for your father, and will needs pass yourself for the son of Jupiter
Ammon."

Irritated at tliis insolence, Alexander replied, *' It is in this villau-
ous manner thou talkest of tne in all companies, and stirrest up the
Macedonians to niuiiny; hut dost thou think to enjoy it long?" "And
what do we enjoy iimvv?" said Clitus; " what reward have we for all
our toils? Do we not envy those who did not live to see Macedonians
})leed under Nfedian rods, or sue to IVrsians for access to their king?"
While Clitus went on in this rash manner, and the king retorted up-
on him with ecpial hitterness, the old men interposed, and endea-
voured to allay the flame. Meantime Alexander turned to Xenodo-
chus the Cardian, and Artemius the Colophonian, and said, *' Do not
the Greeks appear to you among the Macedonians like demigods a-
inong so many wild hcasts?" Clitus, far from giving up the dispute,
called upon Alexander " to speak out what he had to say, or nut to
invite freemen to his tahle, who would declare their sentiments with-
out reser\'e. But perhaps," continued he, '^ it were hettcr to pass
your life with harbarians and slaves, who will worshij) your Persian
girdle and white rohe without scruple."

Alexander, no longer able to restrain his anger, threw an apple at
his face, and then looked about for his sword. I^ut Aristophanes*,
one of his guards, had taken it away in time, and the company ga-
thered about him. and entreated him to be quiet. Their remon-
strances, however, were vain. He broke from them, and called out,
in the Macedonian language, for his guards, which was the signal of
a great tumult. At the same time he ordered the trumpeter to sound,
and struck him with his fist, upon his discovering an unwillingness to
obey. This man was afterwards held in great esteem, because he
prevented the whole army from being alarmed.

As Clitus would not make the least submission, his friends, with
much ado, forced him out of the room, hut he soon returned l)y ano-
ther door, repeating, in a bold and disrespectful tone, those versos
from the Andromache of Euripides:

Arc these your custom.''? Is it tluis th:tt (irocro
Rewards hrr cuiiiliutiiiits? Sli.ill one nt.tii claim
The fropliics won Uy thousaiidtt .'

Then Alexander snatched a spear frouj one of his guards, and
meeting Clitus as he was putting by the curtain, rau Lim through

* Q. Curtius nnd Arri.m cull liim Aristoties,
t Tills is the speech of I'clcus to .Menclaui.

496 rLUTARCll's LIVK.S.

the body: he fell immediately to the ground, and with a dismal groan
expired.

Alexander's rage subsided in a moment; he came to himself; and
seeing his friends standing in silent astonishment by him, he hastily
drew the spear out of the dead body, and was applying it to his own
throat, when his guards seized his liands, and carried him by force
into his chaml>er. He passed that night and the next day in anguish
inexpressible; and when he had wasted himself with tears and la-
mentations, he lay in speechless grief, uttering only now and then a
groan. His friends, alarmed at this melancholy silence, forced
themselves into the room, and attempted to console him: but he
would listen to none of ihcm, except Aristander, who put him in
mind of his dream and the ill omen of the sheep, and assured him
that tl\e whole was by the decree of fate. As he seemed a little
comforted, Callisthenes the philosopher, Aristotle's near relation,
and Anaxarchus the Ahderite, were called in*. Callisthenes began
in a soft and tender manner, endeavouring to relieve him without
searching the wound. But Anaxarchus, who had a particular walk
in philosophy, and looked upon his fellow-labourers in science with
contempt, cried out, on entering the room, " Is this Alexander, up-
on w:hom the whole world have their eyes ? Can it be he who lies ex-
tended on the ground, crying like a slave, in fear of the law and the
ton<rues of men, to whom he should himself be a law and the mca-
sure of right and wrong? What did he conquer for but to rule and
to command, not servilely to submit to the vain opinions of men?
Know you not," continued he, " that Jupiter is represented with
Themis and Justice by his side, to show that whatever is done by su-
preme power is right?" By this and other discourses of the same
kind, he alleviated the king's grief indeed, but made him, withal,
more haughty and unjust. At the same time, he insinuated himself
into his favour in so extraordinary a manner, that he could no longer
bear the conversation of Callisthenes^ who before was not very agree-
able on account of his austerity.

One day a dispute had arisen at table about the seasons and the
temperature of the climate. Callisthenes held with those who as-
serted that the country tlicy were then in was much colder, and the
winters more severe than in Greece. Anaxarchus maintained
the contrary with great obstinacy: upori whicii Callisthenes saidj

t Callisthenes was of llie city of Olynthus, and had been recommended to Alexander
by Aristotle, whose relation he was. He had too much of tlie spirit of liberty to be fit
for a court. He did not show it, however, in this insliince. Aristotle forewarned him,
that if he went on to treat the king with the freedom which his jpiiit proraptedj it wou\d
•ut dav be fatal to him.

ALEXANDER. 497

** You must needs acknowledge', my t'riend, that this is much the
colder; for there you went in winter in one cloak, and litre you
cannot sit at table without three housing coverlets, one over another."
Tins stroke went to the hca: t of Anaxarchus.

Callisthencs was disagreeable to all the other sophists and flatterers
at court; the more so, because lie was followed by the young men
on account of his eloquence, and no less acceptable to the old for
his regular, grave, sclf-satisHed course of life. All which coi-.fiims
what was said to be the cause of his going to Alexav Jer, niirnely, an
ambition to bring his fellow citizens back, and to re-people the place
of his nativity*. His great reputation naturally exj)0scd him to envy j
and he gave some room for calumny himself, by often refusing the
king's invitations, and when he did go to his entertainments, by
sitting solemn and sdent; which showed that he could neither com-
mend, nor was satisfied with what passed: insomuch tliat Alexander
said to him one day,

I liate tlie sa^re

Who reaps no fruits ol wisdom to liiiusoir.

Once when he was at the king's tabic with a large company, and
tlie cup came to him, he was desired to pronounce an eulogium on the
JMacedonians extempore, which he did with so nmch eloquence, that
the guests, besides their plaudits, rose up and covered him with their
garlands. Upon this Alexander said, in the words of i.Luripides,

When groat tlic tlicnic, 'tis easy lo excel.

*' But show us now," continued he, " the power of your rhetoric in
speaking against the Macedonians, that they may see their faults,
;md amend."

Then the orator took the other side, and spok? with equal fluency
against the encroachments and other laults of the .Macedonians, as
well as against the divisions among the docks, which he showed to
be the only cause of the great increase of Philip's power; concluding
with these words,

Atniilst sedition's waves

Tiie worst of niortuls may emerge to lionour.

By tliis he drew upon liimself the implacablj hatred of the Mace-
donians; and Alexander said, " He gave not in ihiscase a specimen
of his eloquence, but of his malevolence."

Hermippus assures us, that Stroibus, a person cmploved by Cal-
listhencs to read to him, gave this account of the matter to Aristotle.

• Olyntliiis wm oue of (lie cities destroyed l)v Pliilip; whcllier Alexander permitted
tlie philosopher to ic-cstabliih it, is uncerluin; but Cicero iiifonuj us, t?iat, iu his time,
it was a flourishing place, — Vide Or iii. in Vernin.

Vol. 2. No. 23. sss

4J)8 rLrTARCii's lives.

He adds, tlmt C'alllsthenes, perceiving tlie king's aversion to kiin,
repeated this verse two or tlirec times at parting;

Patrocliis, tliy superiur is no more.

It was not, therefore, without reason that Aristotle said of Callis-
thenes, '' His eloquence, indeed, is great, hut he wants common
sense." He not only refused, with all the firmness of a pliilosopher,
to pay his respects to Alexander hy prostration, hut stood forth singly
and uttered in puhlic many grievances which the hcst and oldest of
the Macedonians durst not reflect upon hut in secret, though they
were as much displeased at them as he. By preventing the prostra-
tion he saved the Greeks, indeed, from a great dishonour, and Alex-
ander from a greater; hut he ruined iijjiiself, hccause his manner was
such, that he seemed rather desirous to compel than to persuade.

Chares of Mitylene tells us, that Alexander, at one of his enter-
tainments, after he had drank, reached the cup to one of his friends.
Tiiat friend had no sooner received it than he rose up, and turuins^
towards the hearth*, where stood the domestic gods, to drink, he
worshipped, and then kissed Alexander. This done, he took his
j)lace again at the tahle. All the guests did the same in their order,
except Callisthenes. When it came to his turn, he drank, and tlien
approached to give the king a kiss, who, being engaged in some dis-
course with Hephfestion, li^ppencd not to mind him : but Demetrius,
surnamed Phidon, cried out, " Receive not his kis:^j for he ftlon/'
has not adored you." Upon which Alexander refused it, and Callis-
tlienes said aloud, " Then I return one kiss the poorer."

A coldness of course ensued: hut many olhcr things contributed
to his fall. In the first place, Heph;e>tion's report was believed,
that Callisthenes had promised him to adore the king, and broke his
word. In the next place Lysimaehus and Agnon attacked him, and
said, " The sophist went about with as much pride as if he had
demolished a tyranny, and the young men followed him as the only
freemen among so many thousands. These things, upon the disco-
very ot Hermolaus's plot against Alexander, gave an air of probability
to what was alleged against Callisthenes. His enemies said, Hermo-
laus inquired of him, " By what means he might become the most
famous man in the world?" and that he answered, " By killing the
most famous." Thoy further asserted, that by way of encouraging

• Dacier is of opinion, that, by this action, tlie flallercr wanted to insinuate, tliat
Alexander ought lo be reckoned among the domestic gods. But, as the king sat in that
Dart of the room where the Penates were, we ralhcr tliiiik it was a vile excuse to the
man's own conscience for this act of religious worship, because their position made it da«-
bious whether it was iatcndcd for Alexander or for them.

AI.KXANDER. 499

him to tlic attempt, lie hade him '* nut he afraid ol' the gulden l)ed,
but remember he had to do with a man wlio had .suftered both by
sickness and by wounds."

Neither Hcrmohius, however, nor any of liis accomplices, made

any mention of Callisthenes amidst the extreniities of torture. Nay,

Alexander himself, in the account he innnediately gave of the plot to

Oaterus, Attalus, and Alcetas, writes, " 'J'hat the young mi'n, when

put to the torture, declared it was entirely their own enterprise, and

tliat no man besides wa> privy to it." Yet after^var(ls, in a letter to

Antipater, he allirms, that Callisthenes was as guilty as the rest:

'' 'J'he Macedonians," says he, "• have stoned the youn^ men to

death. As for the sophist, I will punish iiim myself, and those that

sent him too: nor shall the towiis that harboured the conspirators,

escape." In which lie plaiiily discovers his aversion to Aristotle, by

whom Callisthenes was brought up as a relation; for he was the son

of HcKt, Arist"Je . niece. JJis death is variously related. Some

say Alexander ordered him to behangi'd; others, that he iVll sick and

died in chains; and Chares writes, that he was kept seven months

in prison, in order to he tried in full council, in the presence of

Aristotle; but that he died of excessive corpulency, and 'lie lousy

disease, at the time that Alexander was woundtrd by the Malh Oxy*

dracae in India. 'I'his haj)pened, however, at a later period than that

we are upon.

In the mean time Demaratus the Corinthian, though far advanced
in years, was ambitious of going to see Alexander. Accordingly he
took the voyage, and when he beheld hini, he said, *' The Ciieeks fell
short of a great pleasure, who did not live to see Alexander upon the
throne of Darius." Hut he did not live to enjoy the king's friendship.
lie sickened and died s(;on after. Tiie king, however, pcrfornied his
obsequies in the most magnificent manner; and the army threw up
for him a monument ol eaith, of great extiiit, and four-score cubits
high. His ashes were carried lo the sea-shore in a chariot and four,
with the richest ornaments.

When Alexander was upon (he ]i(iint <tf setting out for India, he
saw his troops were so laden with spoils that they were unfit to march,
'I'liciefoie early in the morning that he was to take his departure,
after the carriages were assembled, he fnstset lire tohis own baggage
and that of his friends, and then gave orders that the rest should bo
served in the same manner. The resolution appeared more diflicult
to take than it was to execute. Few were di<;please(l at if, and
numbers received it with acclamations of joy. They freely gave part
of their equipage to such as were in need, and burnt aiul destroyed
wliatcver was superfluous. This greatly rncouragrd and fortified

500 I'J.UTARCIl's LIVES.

Alexander in his desit::n. Besides, by this time he was become' in-
flexibly severe in ininishinp^ ofl'ences. Mcnander, though one of his
friends, he j)ut to death lor reriisin-r to stay in a fortress he had given
him the chari^e of; and one of the barbarians, named Osodates, he
shot dead with an arrow, for the crime of rel)eHion.

About t'.iis time a shet p yeaned a Iamb with the jjcrfect form and
colour oi a tiara upon its head, on each side of which were testicles.
Looking upon the prodigy with horror, he employed the Chaldaeans,
who atteu'^'ed him for such purposes, to purify him by their expia-
tions. He told his friends on this occasion, " That he was more
troubled on their account than his own : for lie was afraid that, af-
ter his death, fortune would throw the empire into the hands of
some nijscure and weak man." A better omen, however, soon dis-
sipated his fears. A Macedonian, named Proxenus, who had the
charge of the king's cf|uipage, on opening* the ground by the river
Oxus, in order to pitch his master's tent, discovered a spring of u
gross oily liquor, which after the surface was taken oftj came per-
fectly clear, and neither in taste nor smell differed from real oil, nor
was inferior to it in smoothness and brightness, though there were
no olives in that country. It is said, indeed, that the water of the
Oxus is of so unctuous a quality, that it makes tlie skins of those
who bathe in it smooth and shiningt.

It appears from a letter of Alexander's to Antipater, that he was
greatly delighted with this incident, and reckoned it one of the
happiest presages the gods had attbrded him. The soothsayers said
it betok(.iK'd that the expedition would prove a glorious one, but at
the same time laborious and diflicidt, because Heaven has given men
oil to refresh them after their labours. Accordingly he met with
great dangers in the battles that he fought, and received very consi-
derable wounds. But his army suffered most by want of necessaries
and by the climate; For his part he was ambitious to show that
courage can triumph over fortune, and magnanimity over force: he
thought nothing invincible to the brave, or impregnable to the bold.
Pursuant to this opinion, when he besieged Sisimeihres| upon a rock

• Slrabo (lib. ii.) ascribes the same properties to the ground near the river Ochu<,
Indeed, tlie Othus and tiic Oxus unite tbeir streams, and flow together into the Ca^-
piaii sea.

t Pliny tells us, tliat the surface of these rivers was a consistence of salt, and that tlie
waters flowed under it as under a crust of ice. The salt consistence he imputes to the
deflaxions from the neighbouring mountains, but he says nothing of the unctuous quality
of these waters mentioned by Plutarch. — A'«t. Hht. lib. xxxi.

X This strong-hold was situated in Bactriana. Strabo says it was fifteen furlongs
high, as many in compas;, and that the top n-as a fertile plain, capable of maintainii;^

ALtXAMJEK. 601

extremely steep, and upp.irLiilly inacces.sible, ami si«v lii:> men
greatly discouraged at the eiiicrprlse, lu- asked (Jx^i^rtei, *' W hellier
Sisimelhres were a inan ot spirit?" And l>i'ing answered, *' That he
was timorous and dastardly," he said, " You inform ine tl>e rock
may be taken, siiice there is no strength in its defender." In f.jct
he found nuans to intimidate Sisimethres, and made iiimself master
of the tort.

In the .siege of another fort, situated in a place equally steep,
among the young Macedonians that were to give the assault, there
was one called Alexander; and the king took occasion to say to him,
** You must behave gallantly, my friend, to do justice to your name."
He was infornad afterwards that the young man fell as he was dis-
tinguishing himself in a glorious manner, and he laid it much to
lieart.

W hen he sat dcnvn before Xysa' , the iMaeedonians made some
diftieulty of advancing to the attack, on account of the depth i»f the
river that washed its walls, till Alexander said, " W hat a wretch ara
I, that 1 did n<u learn to swim," and was going to ford it with his
shield in his hand. After the first assault, while the troo]js were
refreshing themselves, ambassadors came with an olfcr to capitulate;
and along with them were deputies from some other places. They
xvere surprised to see him in armour, without any pomp or ceremony;
and their astonishment increased, when he Ijacle the I'ldest of the
ambassadors, named Acuphis, take the sofa that was brought for him-
self. Aeuj)his, struck with a benignity of reception s^) far licyond
his hopes, a^ked what they must do to be admitted into his friendship?
Alexander answered, " It must be on ci)ndition that they appoint
you their governor, and send me a luuulred of their best men for
hostages." Acuphis smiled at this, aiid said, " I should goverw
better if you take the worst instead of the best."

It is said, the tlominions of 'i\i\iKs in India Iwere as large as
Egypt: they atlordcd excellent pasturage too, and were the most
fertile in all respects. As he was a man of great prudence, he waited
on Alexander, and, after the lirst compliments, thus addressed him:
*' What occasion is there lor wars between you and me, if you arc
not come to take from us our water and other necessaries of lift; the
only things that reasonable men will take up arms for? As to gold

five liuiidrcii. It ua^ in ii.i<.tri.tii.i tKut Alexander luarncil Uux;in.i, (lie djuflitcr of
Oxyartei.

• Arnun calls it Nj-ia: so indeed docs llio Vulcob. IMS. That hisionnn iti.icca it
Dear Moiiitt Mens, and ndd^, that it was built t>y Diuu^'iins ur liaccluis. I{ri:<-r n had
the name of Dionjtiopolit. It is now called Ncfg.

t Hctwccn iLc ludu^ and the Uvdj'pcs.

602 Plutarch's lives.

and silver, and oilier possessions, if I am riclier than you, I aiv. willing
to oblige you with part; if 1 am poorer, 1 have no oljjcction to sharing
your bounty." Charmed with his frankness, Alexander took his
hand, and answered, " Think you then with all this civility, to escape
without a conflict? You are much deceived if you do : I will dispute
it with you to the last; but it shall be in favours and beneHts; for I
will not have you exceed me in generosity." Therefore, after having
received great presents from him, and made greater, he said to him
one evening, " I drink to you, Taxiles, and as sure as you pledge
me, you shall have a thousand talents." His friends were offended
at his giving away such immense sums, but it made many of the
barbarians look upon him with a kinder eye.

The most warlike of the Indians used to fight for pay. Upon thin
invasion they defended the cities that hired them with great vigour,
and Alexander suffered by them not a little. To one of the cities he
granted an honourable capitulation, and yet seized the mercenaries
as they were upon their march homewards, and put them all to tlie
sword. This is the only blot in his military conduct ; all his other
proceedings were agreeable to the laws of war, and worthy of u
king*

The philosophers gave him no less trouble than the mercenaries,
by endeavouring to fix a mark of infamy upon those pimces that
declared for him, and by exciting the free naiions to take up arms^
for which reason he hanged maiiy of them.

As to his war with Porus, we have an account of it in his own
letters. According to them the river Hydas^ies was between the two
armies, and Porus drew up his ele[)hants on the banks opposite the
enemy, with their heads towards the stream to guard it. Alexander
caused a great noise and bustle to be made every day in his camp,
that the barbarians, being accustomed to it, might not he so ready to
take the alarm. This done, he took the advantage of a dark and
stormy night, with part of his infantry, and a select body of cavalry,
to gain a little island in the river, at some distance from the Indians.
When he was there he and his troops were attacked with a most
violent wind and rain, accompanied with dreadful thunder and
lightning : but notwithstanding this hurricane, in which he saw
several of his men perish by the lightning, he advanced from the
island to the opposite bank. The Hydaspes, swelled with the rain,

• It was just arid lawful, it seems, to go about harassing and destroying those nations
that had never offended him, and upon whicli he had no claim, except that avowed hy
the northern barbarians, when they entered Italy, namely, that the weak must submit
to the strong ! Indeed, those barbarians were rauch lionester men, for they had auQtliCi
and a better pica; they went to seek bread.

ALEXANDER, 503

by its violence and rapidity made a breach on that side, whicii received
water enough to form a bay, so that, when he came to hmd, he found
the bank extremely slipj)ery, and the i^round broken and undermined
by the current. On this occasion he is said to have uttered that cele-
brated siiying, " Will you believe, my Athenian friends, what daIJ^.'■er•^
I undergo, to have you the heralds of my fame''" Tlu- last particular
we have from Onesicritus: but Alexander himself only says, they
quitted their boats, and, armed as they were, waded up the breach
breast higli; and that when they were landed, he advanced with the
horse twenty furlongs before the foot, concluding, that if the enemy
attacked him with their cavalry, he should be greatly their superior,
and that if they made a movement with their infantry, his would come
up time enough to receive them. Nor did he juilgeann'ss : the enemy
detached against him a thousand horse and sixty armed chariots, and
he defeated them with ease. The chariots he took, and killed four
hundred of the cavalry upon the spot. By this Porus understoo<I
that Alexander himself had passed the river, and therefore brought up
his whole army, except what appeared necessary to keep the rest of
the Macedonians from making good their passage. Alexander, con-
sidering the force of the elephants, and the enemy's superior numbers,
did not choose to engage them in front, but attacked the left wing

himself, while CoPtius, according to iiis orders, fell upon the right

Koth wings, being broken, retired to the ele])iiants in the centre, and
rallied there. The combat then was of a more mixed kind, but
maintained with such obstinacy, that it was not decided till the eighth
hour of the day. This description of the battle we have from the
con([ueror himself in one of his epistles.

Most historians agree that Porus was four cubits ami a palm hitjh,
and that though the elej)hant he rode was one of the largest, his
stature and bulk were such, that he appeared but proportionably
mounted. This elephant, during the whole battle, gave extraordinary
proofs of his sagacity and care of the king's person. As Ions: as
that prince was able to fight, he defended him with great courai^e,
and repulsed all assailants; and when he perceived him ready to
sink under the multitude of darts, and the wounds with wliiih he was
ecn-ered, to prevent his falling oH", he kneeled down in the softest
manner, and with his proboscis gently drew every dart out of his
body.

When Porus was taken prisoner, Alexander asked him, " llow
he desired to be treated.'" lie answered, " Like a king." And have
you nothing else to request?" replied Alexander. '* No," said he,
" every thing is comprehended in the word f^ifig" Alexander not
only restored him his own dominions immediatelv, winch he was to

504 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

govern as his lieutenant, but added very extensive territories to them;
for, having subdued a free country, which contained fifteen nations,
five thousand considerable cities, and villages In proportion, he
bestowed it on Porus*. Another country, three times as large, he
gave to Philip, one of his friends, who was also to act there as his
lieutenant.

In the battle with Porus, Bucephalus received several wounds, of
which he died some time after. This is the account most writers give
us : but Onesicrltus says, he died of age and fatigue, for he was
thirty years old. Alexander showed as much regret as If he had lost
a faithful friend and companion: he esteemed him, indeed, as such,
and built a city near the Hydaspes, In the place where he was burled,
Avliich he called after him, Bucephalia. He is also reported to have
built a city, and called it Perltas, in memory of a dog of that name,
which he had brought up, and was very fond of. This particular
Solio says he had from Potamo of Lesbos.

The combat with Porus abated the spirit of the Macedonians, and
made them resolve to proceed no farther Into India. It was with diiB-
culty they had defeated an enemy who brought only twenty thousand
foot and two thousand horse into the field ; and therefore they opposed
Alexander with great firmness, when he insisted that they should pass
the Gangesf, which, they were informed, was thirty-two furlongs In
breadth, and in depth a hundred fathoms. The opposite shore, too,
was covered with numbers of squadrons, battalions, and elephants:
for the kings of the Gandurites and Prjesians were said to be waiting
for them there with eighty thousand horse, two hundred thousand
foot, eight thousand chariots, and six thousand elephants trained to
war. Nor Is this number at all magnified: for Androcottus, who
reigned not long after, made Seleucus a present of five hundred ele-
phants at one tlme|, and with an army of six hundred thousand men
traversed India, and conquered the whole.

Alexander's grief and indignation at this refusal were such, that at
first he shut himself up in his tent, and lay prostrate on the ground,
declaring, " He did not thank the Macedonians in the least for what
they had done, if they did not pass the Ganges; for he considered a .

• Some transcriber seems to have given us the number of inhabitants in one city for
the number of cities. Arrian's account of this : " He took thirty-seven cities, tlie least
of which contained five thousand inhabitants, and several of thera above ten thousand,
lie tooli also a great uumher of villages not less populous than the cities, and gave the
government ot the country to Porus."

t The Ganges is the largest of all the rivers in the three continents, tlie Indus the se-
cond, tlie Nile the third, and the Danube the fourth.

t Dacier says five thousand, but does not mention his authority. Perhaps it was only
a slip in the writing, or in the printing.

alexandkr. 505

retreat as no otiier than an ackni>wlcd/;nu'nt that he was overcome."
His friends omitted nothing that nn'ght comfort him; and at last
their remonstrances, together with tlie cries and tears of the soldiers,
who were suppliants at his door, melted him, and prevailed on him
to return. However, he first contrived manv vain and sophi.stical
things to serve the j)urj)oses of fame; among which were arms much
bigger than his anen could use, and higher mangers, and heavier hits
than his horses required, left scattered up and down. He built also
great altars, for whicii the Pra^sians still retain much veneration, and
their kings cross the (iangcs every year to offer sacritices in the Gre-
cian manner upon them. Androcottus, who was thetj very yomig,
had a sight of Alexander, and lie is reported to have often said after-
wards, '* That Alexander was within a little of making himself mas-
ter of all the country; with such hatred and contemj)t was the reign-
ing prince lookid upon, on account of his profligacy of manners, and
meanness of birth."

Alexander, in his march from thence, formed a design to see the
ocean; for which purpose he caused a number of row-boats and rafts
to be constructed, and, upon them, fell down the rivers at his leisure.
Xor was this navigation unattended with hostilities. He made se-
veral descents by the wav, and attacked the adjacent cities, which
were all forced to submit to his victorious arms. However, lu- was
very near being cut in pieces by tlie .Malli, who are called the most
warlike people in India. He had driven some of them from the wall
with his missive weapons, and was the first man that ascended it.
Hut, presently after he was up, the sealing ladder broke. Finding
himself and his small company muih galled by the darts of the bar-
barians from l)clow, he poised liin)self and leaped down into the midst
of the enemy.

liy good fortune he alighted iij)ou his feet; and the barljarians
were so nmch astonished at the Hashing of his arms as he came
tiown, that they thought they l)chcld lightning or some supernatural
sj)lendour issuing from his body. At first, therefore, they drew back
anil dispiTsed: but when they had recollected themselves, and saw
hiiu attended oidy by two of his guards, they attacked him hand to
hand, and wouniled him through his armour with their swords and
spears, notwithstanding tlu" valour with whiih he fought. One of
them, standing farther oil", drew an arrow with such strength, that it
made its way through his cuirass, and entered the ribs under the
breast. Its force was so great, that he gave back and was lirought
upon his knees, and the barbarian ran up with his drawn scimitar to

Vol. 2. No. JS. I'vv

506 tlutarch's lives.

desp.tch him. Peuccstas and LimnffiUi* placed tlicmselvcs before
him, but the one was wounded and the other killed. Peucestas, who
survived, was still making some resistance, when Alexander recovered
liimsi'lf. and laid the barbarian at his feet. The king, however, re-
ceived new wounds, and at last had such a blow from a bludgeon uj)-
on his neck, that be was forced to support himself by the wall, and
there stood with his face to the enemy. The Macedonians, who
by this time had got in, gatliered about him, and carried him oft" to
his tent.

His senses were gone, and it was the current report in the ar-
my 'hat he was dead. When they had, with great difficulty sawed
ofl" the shaft, which was of wood, and with equal trouble had taken oft
the cuirass, they proceeded to extract the head, which was three fin-
gers broad, and four long, and stuck fast in the bone. He fainted
under the operation, and was very near expiring; but, when the head
was got out, he came to himself. Yet, after the danger was over, he
continued weak, and a long time confined himself to a regular diet,
attending solely to tlic cure of his wound. The Macedonians could
not bear to be so long deprived of a sight of their king; they as-
sembled in a tumultuous manner about his tent. When he per-
ceived this, he put on his robe, and made his appearance; but, as
soon as he had sacrificed to the gods, he retired again. As he was
on his way to the place of his destination, though carried in a litter
by the waicr-side, be subdued a large track of land, and many re-
spectable cities.

In the course of this expedition, he took ten of the Gj^mnosophistsf,
who had been principally concerned in instigating Sabbas to revolt,
and had brought numberless other troubles upon the Macedonians.
As these ten were reckoned the most acute and concise in their
answers, he put the most difficult questions to them that could be
thought of, and at the same time declared, he would i)ut the first per-
son that answered wrong to death, and after him all the rest. The
oldest man among them was to be judge.

He demanded of the first, " Which were most numerous, the liv-

* Q. Curtius calls him Timccus.
\ These philosophers, so called from their going naked, were divided into two sects,
the Craclimani and the German!. The Brachmani were most esteemed, because llit-re
■was a consistency in their principles. Apulcius tells us, that not only the scholars, but
tlie younger pupils, were assembled about dinner-time, and examined what good they
had done that day; and such as conld not point out some act of humanity, or useful
pursuit that they had been engaged in, were not allowed any dinner.

ALEXANDER. 507

ing or till! dead?" He answered, " 'I'lie liviiij^; for the dead no
longer exist*."

The second was asked, " \\ luther the earth or tlie sea jiroduccd
the largest animals r" lie answered, " That earth ; for the sea is
part of it."

The third, " W'hiih was the craftiest of all animals?" " That,"
said he, " with which man is not yet acqiiaintedt. '

The fourth, *' What was his reason for persuading Salibas to re-
volt?" " Because " said he " I wished him either to live with ho-
nour, or to die as a coward deserves."

The fifth had this question put to him, " \^ inch do you think
oldest, the day or the night?" He answered, '• 'I'he day, by one
day." As the king appeared surprised at this solution, the phi-
losopher told him, " Abstruse (luestions must have abstruse an-
swers."

Then addressing himself to the sixth, he demanded, " What are
tlie best means for a man to make himself loved ?" He answered,
" If possessed of great power, do not make yourself feared."

The seventh was asked, " How a man might become a god?" He
answered, " By doing what is impossible for man to do."

The eighth, " Which is sirongt'st, life or death?" " Life," said
he, " because it bears so nniuy evils."

The last question that he put was, " How long is it good for a
tnan to live?" " As long," said the philosopher, " as he does not
prefer death to life."

'i'hen turning to the judge, he ordercil him to give sentence. The
old man said, " In my opinion they have all answered one worse
than another." " If this is thy judgment," said Alexander, " thou
shalt (lie first." ''No," replied the philosoj)her; '' not exctpt vou
choose to break your word: for you declared the man that answered
worst sh(Hild first sutler."

The king loaded them with presents, and dismissed them. After
which he sent Onesicritus, a disciple of Diogenes, to the other Indian
sages who were of most reputation, and lived a retired life, to desire
them to come to him. Onesicritus tells us, C'alanus treatid him with
great insolence and harshness, bidding him .o stiip hinjsclf naked, it"
lie desired to hear any of his doctrine; " Y«)u shoulil not hear me on
any other condition," said lie, " though you came from Jupiter him-
self." Dandamis behaved with more civility, and when Onesi-

* Thej did nut liuld tlic inorlalily, but the Iransinigralion, of thr »ou\.

^ Ibi* we suppose lu mean man hitnselt, ai> uut being ocquaiuted wiiL liiroi«.i.

hOR PLL'TAIUH'S I.IVES.

critus had e^ivcn liim an account of Pythagoras, Socrates, and Dio-
genes, he said, " They appeared to him to have heen men of genius,
hut to have lived with too passive a regard to the laws."

Others say, Dandamis entered into no discourse with the messen-
ger, but only asked, " U'hy Alexander had taken so long a journey r"
As to Calanus, it is certain Taxiles prevailed with him to go to Alex-
ander. His true name was Sphines; hut because he addressed them
with the word Calr, which is the Indian form of salutation, the
Crreeks called him Calanus. Tliis jihiiosopher, we are told, pre-
sented Alexander with a good image of his empire. He laid a dry
and slirivelled hide before him, and first trod upon the edges of it:
this he did all round ; and as he trod on one side, it started up on the
other. At last he fixed his feet on the middle, and then it lay still.
By this emblem he showed him, that he should fix his residence, and
plant his principal force in the heart of his em])Ire, and not wander to
the extremities.

Alexander spent seven months in falling down the rivers to the
ocean. When he arrived there, he embarked, and sailed to an island
which he called Scillustis*, but others call it Psiltoucis, Therc^ he
landed, and sacrificed to tlie gods. IIi^ likewise considered the na-
ture of tlic sea and of tiie coast, as far as it was accessible. And af-
ter having besought Heaven, " 'J^hat no man might ever reach be-
yond the bounds of his expedition," he prepared to set out on his way
back. He appointed Nearchus admiral, and Onesicritus chief pilot,
and ordered his fleet to sail round, keeping India on the right. Witli
the rest of his forces he returned l)y l.iiid through tlie country of the
Orites; in which he was reduced to such extremities, and lost such
lumibers of men, that lie did not bring back from India above a
-fourth part of the army he entered it with, which wa>i no less than
a hundred and twenty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand horse.
Violent distempers, ill diet, and excessive heats, destroyed multi-
tudes; but famine made still greater ravages: for It was a barren and
unculti\atcd country; the natives lived miserably, having nothing to
subsist on but a few bad sheep, which used to feed on the fish thrown
up by the sea; consequently they were poor, and their flesh of a bad
flavour.

With much difficulty he traversed this country in sixty days, and
then arrived at Gedrosia. There he found provisions in abundance;
for, besides that the land is fertile in itself, the neighbouring princes

* Arrian calls it Cilutta. Here they first ob«crrcd tin- rl)bing and flowing of the ica,
which surprised them not a little.

ALEXANDER. .500

and grandees supplied liim. Alter lie luid given his army some time
to refresh themselves, he marclied in C'armeiiia tor seven days in a
kind of Jiaeehanalian procession. His chariot, which was very miip;-
uiticeiit, was drawn hy eight horses. Ipon it was placed a lofty
platform, where he and his jiriiuipal friends revelled day and nigiif.
This carriage was followed hy many others, some covered u ith rich
tapestry and purple hangings, and others shaded with branches of
trees, fresh gathered and flourishing. In these were the rest «)f the
king's friends and generals, crowncil with flowers, and exhilarated
with wine.

In this whole company there was not to be seen a buckler, a hel-
met, or spear; but, instead of them, cups, Hagons, and g<jblets

These the soldiers clipped in huge vessels of wine, and drank to each
other, st)me as they inarched along, and olliers seated at tables, which
Were placed at proper distancis on the way. The whole country
resounded with flutes, clarionets, and songs, and with the dances and
riotous frolics of the women. This disorderly and dissolute march
was closed with a very immodest figure, and with all the licentious
ribaldry of the Bacchanals, as if Bacchus himself had been present to
carry on the debauch.

When Alexander arrived at tlic royal palace of (ledrosia, he gave
his army time to refresh themselves again, and entertained them
with feasts and ()ublic spectacles. At out; of these, in wiiich the
choruses disputed the prize of dancing, he appeared inflamed with
wine. His favourite Bagoas, happening to win it, crossed tlic
theatre in his habit of ceremony, and seated liimself by the king.
The Macedonians expressed their satisfaction with huid plaudits,
and called out to the king to kiss hiin, with which at last he com-
plied.

Ncarchus joined l\im again here, and he was so much delighted
with the account of his voyage, that he formed a design to sail in per-
son from tile Euphrates with a great fleet, circle the coast of Arabia
and Africa, and enter the Mediterrnnean by the pillars of Hercules-.
For this purpose, he constructed, at Thapsacus, a number of vessels
of all sorts, and collected mariners and pilots. But the report «if the
difl'iculties he had mi't with in his Indian cxpctlition, particularly in
his attack of the Malli, his great loss of men in the country of
the Drites, and the supposition he wouUl never return alive from the
voyage he now meditated, excited his new subjects to revolt, and put
his generals and governors of provinces upon displaying their injus-
tice, insolence, and avarice. In short, the whole em|)ire was in com-
motion, and rijic for rebellion. Olympias and Cleopatra, leaguing

510 Plutarch's lives.

against Aiitipatcr, had sei/x'd liIs hereditary doiniiiiuiis, and divid-
ed them between them. Olympias tooi< Epirus, and Cleopatra Ma-
cedonia: the tidings of wliich being brouglit to Alexander, he said,
" His mother had considered right ; for the Macedonians would never
bear to be governed by a woman."

In consequence of this unsettled state of things, lie sent Nearchus
again to sea, having determined to carry the war into the maritime
provinces. Meantime he marched in person to chastise his lieute-
nants for their misdemeanors. Oxyartes, one of the sons of Abulites,
lie killed with his own hand, by a stroke of his javelin. Abulites
had laid in no provisions for him ; he liad only collected three thousand
talents in money. Upon his presenting this, Alexander bade him
offer it to his horses; and as they did not touch it, he said, "Of
what use will this provision now be to me?" and immediately ordered
Abulites to be taken into custody.

The first thing he did after he entered Persia was to give this money
to the matrons, according to the ancient custom of the kings, who,
upon their return from any excursion to their Persian dominions,
used to give every woman a piece of gold. For this reason several
of them, we are told, made it a rule to return but seldom ; and Ochus
never tlid : he banished himself to save his money. Having found
the tomb of Cyrus broke open, he put the author of that sacrilege to
death, though a native of Pella, and a person of some distinction.
His name was Polymachus. After he liad read the epitaph, which
was in the Persian language, he ordered it to be inscribed also in
Greek. It was as follows: Oman? whosoever thou art, and

WIlENCESOliVER THOU COMEST, (fOR COME I KNOW THOU WILt), I
AM CYRUS, THE FOUNDER OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. EMVY ME
NOT THE LITFLE EARTH THAI' COVERS MY BODY. Alexander WaS

much affected at these words, which placed before him, in so strong
a light, the uncertainty and vicissitufle of things.

It was here that Calanus, after having been disordered a little
while with the cholic, desired to have his funeral pile erected. He
approached it on horseback, offered up his prayers to Heaven, poui^ed
the libations upon himself, cut off part of his hair*, and threw it on
the fire J and before he ascended the pile, took leave of the Macedo-
nians, desiring them to spend the day in jollity and drinking with
the king: " For I shall see him," said he, " in a little time at
Babylon." So saying he stretched himself upon the pile, and
covered himself up. Nor did he move at the approach of the

* As some of the hair u=cd to hi cut from the foreliead of vicliras.

ALEXWriKR. 511

flames, but remained in the same posture till lie lii»l finished his

sacrifice, according to the custom of the sages of his country

Many years after, another Indian did the same before Augustus
Cies.ir at Athens, whose tomb is shown to this dav, and called tlie
Indian's t<nnh.

Alexander, as soon as he retired from the funeral pile, invited his
friends and officers to supper, and to give life to the carousal, pro-
mised that the man whotirank most should be crowned for his victor\',
Promachus drank four measures of wiiu^, and carried off the crown,
vrhich was worth a talent, but survived it only three days. The rest
of the truchts, as (hares tells us, drank to such a degree, that fortv-
onc of them lost their lives, the weather coming upon tlu'm extremely
cold during their intoxication.

When he arrived at Susa, he mairied his friends to Persian ladies.
He set them the cxunple, by taking Statira, the daughter of Darius,
to wifi , and then listribuffd among his prindjial officers the virt^ins
of highest quality. As for those Macedonians \\h<» h.id already mar-
ried in Persia, he made i gi ncral entertainment in conunemoration
of their nuptials. It is siid that no less tliaii nine thousand guests
sat down, and yet he presented each with a golden cup for performing
the libation. Everv thing else was conducted with the utmost mag-
nificence; he even paid off all their debts ; insomuch that the whole
expense amounted to nine thousand eight hundred and seventy
talents.

An officer, who liad but one eye, named Antigencs, put himself
upon this list ofdel)ti)rs, and produced a j)crson who dcchircd he was
so much in his books. Alexander paid the money; but aftenvards
discovering the fraud, in his anger forbade him the court, and took
away his commissi(»n. There was no fault to be foimd with him as a
soldier, lie had distinguished himself in his youth under Philip, at
the siege of Perinthus, where he was wounded in the eye with a dart
shot fron) one of the cnirincs; and yet he would neither suffer it to
be taken out, nor (piit the field, till he hr>d repulsed the enemy, and
forced tliem to retire into tlu' town. 'The poor wretch could not bear
the disgrace he had now brought upon himself; his grief and desj)air
were so groat, that it was apprehended he would put an end to his
own life. To prevent such a catastrophe, the king foi-gave him, and
ordered him to keep the money.

The thirty thousand boys whom he left under j)roper tnastcrs, were
now grown so much, and made so handsome an appearance, and

• .^bout fourteen qaarts, Tbe i/iuj W3« i\x j>iijt« uinctrntbs.

51:? rHJlARCirs LIVES.

what was of more importance, had gained such an activity and address
in their exercises, that he was greatly deliglited with them. But it
was matter of uneasiness to the Macedonians ; they were apprehensive
tliat the king would have less regard for them. Therefore, when he
gave the invalids their route to the sea, in order to their return, the
whole army considered it as an injurious and oppressive measure:
*M-Ie has availed himself," said they, " beyond all reason, of their
scrviccs, and now he sends them back with disgrace, and turns them
upon the hands of their country and their parents, in a very different
condition from that in which he received them. Why does lie not
dismiss us nil ? ^Vhy does he not reckon all the Macedonians incapable
of service, now he has got this body of young dancers? Let him go
with them and conquer the world."

Alexander, incensed at this mutinous behaviour, loaded them with
reproaches; and ordering them off, tuok Persians for his guards, and
filled up other offices with them. When they saw their king with
these new attendants, and themselves rejected and spurned with dis-
honour, they were greatly humbled. They lamented their fate to
each other, and were almost frantic with jealousy and anger. At
last coming to themselves, they repaired to the king's tent, without
arms, in one thin garment only; and with tears and lamentations
delivered themselves up to his vengeance, desiring he would treat
t}\cm as ungrateful men deserved.

He Avas softened with their complaints, but would not appear to
hearken to them. They stood two days and nights, bemoaning
themselves in this manner, and calling for their dear master. The
third day he came out to them; and when he saw their forlorn con-
dition, he wept a long time. After a gentle rebuke for their mis-
behaviour, he condescended to converse with them in a freer manner,
and such as were unfit for service he sent over with magnificent
presents. At the same time he signified his pleasure to Antipater,
that at all public diversions tiiey should have the most honourable
seats in the theatres, and wear chaplets of flowers there; and that the
children of those who had lost their lives in his service should have
their fathers' pay continued to them.

When he came to Ecbatana in jNIedia, and had despatched the
most urgent affairs, he employed himself again in the celebration
of games and other public solemnities; for which purpose three
thousand artificers, lately arrived from Greece, were very serviceable
to him. But unfortunately Hephaestion fell sick of a fever in the
midst of this festivity. As a young man and as a soldier, he could
not bear to be kept to strict diet 3 and taking the opportunity to dine^

ALEXANDER. 513

when his physician Glaucus was gone to the ihcatie, he uic a roasted
fowl, and drank a flagon of wine made as cold as possihlej in con-
sequence of which he grew worse, and died a few days after.

Alexander's grief on this occasion exceeded all bounds. lie im-
mediately ordered the horses and mules to he shorn, thai they might
have their share in the mourning, and wiih ilu- same view pulled
down the battlements of liie neighbouring cities. The ,'nur jjhysician
he crucified. He forbade the flute and all other music in his camp
for a longtime. Tiiis continued till he received an oracle from Ju-
piter Amnion, which enjoined him to revere Heplwestion, and sacrifice
to him as a demigod. After this he sought to relieve his sorrow by
hunting, or rather by war; for his game was men. In this expedi-
tion he conquered the Cussieans, and put all that were come ;o )ears
of puberty to the sword. This he called a sacrifice to the uuincs of
HephcEstion !

He designed to lay out ten thousand talents upon his tomb and
tlic monumental ornaments, and that the workniJinship, as well as
design, should exceed the expense, great as it was. He ther^-forc
desired to have Stasicratcs for his architect, whose genius promised a
happy boldness and grandeur in every thing that he planned. This
was the man who had told him, some time ixiore, that Mount Aihos
in Thrace was most capable of being cut into a hum n fig'.iri": and
lliat, if he had but his orders, he would convi-rt it into a siatue for
him, the UKJSt lasting and conspicuous in the world. A statue w hich
would have a city with ten thousand inhabitants in its left h-md, and
a river that flowed to the sea with a strong current in its right. Me
did not, however, embrace that proposal, though at that time he busied
himself with "his architects in contriving and laying out even nure
abMud and cx[)ensivc designs.

As he w;w» advancing towards Babylon, Ncarchus, wlio was
returned from his expedition on the ocean, and come up the lai-
phrales, declared he had been apj)licd to by some (Mialcleans, who
were strongly of opinion that Alexander should not enter Babylon :
but he slighted the warning, ami continued his march. I'pon his
march to the walls, he saw a great number of crows fighting, some
of which fell down dead at his feet. Soon alter this, being informed
that Apollodorus, governor of liai)ylon, had sairificed, in order to
consult the gods concerning him, he sent for Pythagoras the liivincr,
and, as he did ncjt deny the fact, asked him how the entrails of the
victim appeared, i'ythagoras answered, the liver was without a head.
*' A terrible prr age, indeed!" said Alexander. He let IVthngoras
,0,0 with imi)unity: hut by \\\\< lime he was sorry he had not listened
\'oL. L\ \o. '2S. VUU

614 PLUTARCH S LIVES.

to Ncaiclius. He lived mostly in his pavilion without the walls,
and diverted himself with sailing up and down the Euphrates: for
there liad happened several other ill omens that much disturbed him.
One of the largest and handsomest lions that were kept in Babylon
was attaeked and kicked to death by an ass. One day he stripped for
the refreshment of oil, and to play at ball: after the diversion was
over, the young men who played with him, going to fetch his clothes^
beheld a man sitting in profound silence on his throne, dressed in the
royal robes, with the diadem upon his head. They demanded who
he was, and it was a long time before he would answer : at last,
coming to himself, he said, " My name is Dionysius, and I am a
native o( Messene. Upon a criminal process against me, I left the
place, and embarked for Babylon : there I have been kept a longtime
in chains: but this day the god Serapis appeared to me, and broke
my chains ; after which he conducted me hither, and ordered me to
put on this robe and diadem, and sit here in silence.'^

After the man had thus explained himself, Alexander, by the advice
of his sooths:iyers, put him to death. But the anguish of liis mind
in<?reased; on one hand he almost despaired of the succours of
Heaven, and on the other, distrusted his friends. He was most afraid
of Antipater and his sons; one of which, named lolaus*, was his
cupbearer; the other, named Cassander, was lately arrived from
Macedonia; and happening to see some barbarians prostrate them-
selves before the king, like a man accustomed only to the Grecian
manners, and a stranger to such a sight, he burst into a loud laugh.
Alexander, enraged at the affront, seized him by the hair, and with
both hands dashed his head against the wall. Cassander afterwards
attempted to vindicate his father against his accusers; which greatly
irritated the king. " What is this talk of thine?" said he. '^ Dost
thou think that men, who had suffered no injury, would come so far to
bring a false charge ? " " Their coming so far," replied Cassander, " is
an argument that the charge is false, because they are at a distance
from those who are able to contradict them." At this Alexander
smiled, and said, " These are some of Aristotle's sophisms, which
make equally for either side of the question. But be assured I will
make you repent it, if these men have had the least injustice done
them."

This and other menaces left such a terror upon Cassander, and made
so lasting an impression upon his mind, that many years after, wheu
king of INIaeedon, and master of all Greece, as he was walking about

* Arrian and Curtius call him Jolla^, Plutarch calls him lolai beloW,

ALEXANDER. 515

at Delphi, and taking a view of the statues, the sudden sight of that
of Alexander is said to have struek him with such honor, that he
tremhled all over, and it was w ith dilliculty he recovered of the gid-
diness it ea'jsed in his hiain.

When Alexander had once given himself up to superstition, his
mind was so preyed upon hy vain fears and anxieties, that he turned
the least incident, which was any thing strange and out of the way,
into a sign or a prodigy. The court swarmed with sacrifices, puri-
fiers, and prognosticators; they were all to he seen exereisin-]^ their
talents there. So true it is, that though the dishelief of religion, and
contempt of things divine, is a great evil, yet iu[)erstitIon is a greater:
for as water gains upon low grounds, so superstition prevails over a
dejected mind, and fills it with fear and folly. This was entirely
Alexander's case. However, upon tiie receipt of some oracles con-
cerning Hephaestion from the god he commonly consulted, he gave
a truce to his sorrows, and employed himself in festive saeriliecs and
entertainments.

One day, after he had given Nearchus a sumptuous treat, he went,
according to custom, to refresh himself in the hath, in order to retire
to rest: but in the mean tiine Medius came and invited him to take
part in a carousal, and he could not deny him. There he drank all
that night and the next day, till at last he found a fever coming upon
him. It did not, however, seize him as he was drinking the cup of
Hercules, nor did he find a sudden pain in his back, as if it had been
j)ierced with a spear. These arc circumstances invented hv writers,
who thought the catastrophe of so noble a tragedy slunild be sometliing
aftecting and extraordinary. Aristobulus telU us, that in the rage of
his fever, and the violence of liis thirst, he took a draught of wine,
which threw him into a fren/y, and thai he died the thirtieth of the
month Daesius, June.

But in his journals the account of his sickness is as follows: "On
the eighteenth of the month Daesius, finding the fever uj)on him, he
lay in his bath room. The next day, after he had bathed, !je removed
into his own chamber, and played many hours with Medius at dice.
In the evniiig he bathed again, and, after having sacrified to the gods,
he ate his supper. In the night the fever returned. The twentieth
he also bathed, and after the customary sacrifice, sat in the I)atb room
and diverted himself with hearing Nearchus tell the storv oi his
voyage, and all that wu ; most observable with respect to the ocean.
The twenty -first was spent in the same manner. The fever increased
and he had a very bad night. The twenty-second, tl»e fever was
violent. He ordered his bed to be reuioved, and placed by the great

5l6 I'LLTAKCIl's LIVES.

l)ath. Tlurc he t tlked to liis jronerals about the vacancies in his
aimy, and desired they might be filled up with experienced officers.

The twenty-fourth he was much worse. He chose, however, to be

carried to assist at the sacrifice. He likewise gave orders, that the prin-
cipal oOiCTs of tlie army should be in waiting within the court, and
the ofiicer< to keep watch all night without. The twenty-fifth lie was
removed to his palace, on the other side of the river, where he slept
a liitlc li'it the fever did not abate; and, when his generals entered
the room, lie was speechless. He continued so the day following.
The Macedonians, by this time, diinking he was dead, came to the
gates W'th great clamour, and threatened the great officers in such a
manner, that they were forced to admit them, and suffer them all to
pass unarmed by the bed-side. The twenty-seventh Python and
Seleucus were sent to the temple of Serapis, to inquire whether
they should carry Alexander thither, and the deity ordered that they
should not remove him. The twenty-eighth, in the evening, he
died." These particulars are taken almost word for word from his
diary.

There was no suspicion of poison at the time of his death; but six
years after (we are told) Olympias, upon some information, put a
number of people to death, and ordered the remains of lolas, who was
supposed to have given him tlie draught, to be dug out of the grave.
Those who say Aristotle advised Antipatcr to such a horrid deed, and
furnished him with the poison he sent to Babylon, allege one Agno-
themis as their author, who is pretended to have had the information
from king Antigonus. They add, that the poison was a water of a
cold and deadly quality*, which distils from a rock in the territory of
Nonacris; and that they receive it as they would do so many dew-
dropS; andkc^p it in an ass's hoof; its extreme coldness and acrimo-
ny being such, that it makes its way through all other vessels. The
generality, however, look upon the story of the poison as a mere fable;
and ihev have this strong argument in their favour, that though, on
account of the disputes which the great officers were engaged in for
many days, the body lay unembalmed in a sultry place, it had no sign
of any such taint, but continued fresh and clear.

Roxana v;as now pregnant, and therefore had great attention paid
lier by the Macedonians: but being extremely jealous of Statira, she
laid a snare for her by a forged letter, as from Alexander; and having-
by this means got licr into her power, she sacrificed both her and her
sister, and threw their bodies into a well, which she filled up with

* Hence it was called the Stygian water. Nonacris was a city of Arcadia,

ALEXANDER. 517

earth. Perdiccas was her accuinplict in this munltT. litdccd lie
had now the j)rincipal power, which he exercised in the name of
Aridteus, whom he treated rather as a screen than as a king.

Aridffius was the son of Philip by a courtesan named Philinna, a
woman of low birth. His dcli(.iency in understanding was the n-
scquenee of a distemper, in which neither nature nor accident had
any share: for it is said there was something amiable and great in
him when ahoy; which Olyinpias perceiving, gave him potions that
disturbed his brain*.

• Portraits of ikc same person, taki-ti itt ililTtTCnt pf riodi of life, llioogh tht v difcr
greatly from each other, retain a rc-rtiiblanca upon the wholr. And %o it it in general
with the characicrs df men. liut Alexander secios to be au exception; for nothing cao
admit of greater dissimilarity than that which entered into his ditpotition at ditfcrent
tiroes, end in different circitinsiances. He was brave and pasillanimous, merciful and
cruel, modest and vain, abstemious and luxurious, rational and sup<-rsti(ious, [>«liie ando*
verbcarjng, politic and imprudent. Nor wcri these ciiangcs casual or tem|>orary: 1^
style of his character underwent a total revolution, and he passed from virtue to vice in
a regular and progressive manner. Munificence and pride were the only characteristic*
that never forsook him. If there were any vice of which he waiiocapabia, it was avaiitc:
if auy virtue, it was humility.

£ND OK VOLUMK SKCOKD.

IF. hI'D<>vaU, Frintrr, l\mb(rlon R,n»,

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